YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of Charles Francis Adams THE WORKS JOHN ADAMS ^_ //..A/^^ u-^//z.i'-la./i: 2^ c-' ''/ ^f r- a/^'c i-d^^' c-/' //z^ ^'.V^i-/^ "",/,, ,y-A^ ^/f,'. '/:<;V/,/X:-,/ f/^z/?. '/,7/r., ,-'/ . /"-.f/,^ / /-?<- /y\i:. THE WORKS JOHN ADAMS, SECOND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. HIS GRANDSON CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. VOL. VIII. BOSTON: LITTLE, BEOWN AND COMPANY. 1853. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by CiLiELES C. Little asd J.^MEs Bkows, in the Clerli's office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. EIVEESIDE, CAMBEIDGE : STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BT H. o, houghtos and company. CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII. 1782. PAGE November 8. To Secretary Livingston . . • .3 11. To Secretary Livingston . . . • ^ 12. Henry Laurens to John Adams . . .10 18. To Secretary Livingston . . . .11 19. To Messrs. Willink and Others . . .13 21. To Secretary Livingston . . . .14 December 3. To Benjamin Franklin . . . "15 4. To Secretary Livingston . . . .16 6. To Francis Dana . . . . .17 12, The Commissioners to Francis Dana . .17 14. The Commissioners to Secretary Livingston . 18 23. J. G, HOLTZHEY to JoHN AdAMS , . .20 26, M. Dumas to John Adams . . .21 1783. January 1. To M. Dumas . . . . • -22 2. To J. G. HOLTZHEY . . . . .23 14, M. Dumas to John Adams . . . .24 19. To M. Dumas . . . . . .25 22, To Secretary Livingston . . . .25 23. To Secretary Livingston . . . .26 24. M, Dumas to John Adams . . . .29 29, To M. Dumas . , . . . .30 30. M. Dumas to John Adams . . • .31 February 4. M, Dumas to John Adams . ¦ 32 VI CONTENTS. PAGE 33 1783. February 5, To Secretary Livingston . • : 5, To M, Dumas ¦ • • • • ^^ 14. To Eichard Oswald . . • • • ^1 15. M, Dumas to John Adams . • • -41 18, M. Dumas to John Adams . • ¦ .42 23. To M, Dumas .... -43 25. To the Trustees of Dartmouth College . 44 25. B, Vaughan to John Adams . . . -44 March 5. P. J. Van Berckel to John Adams . . .45 6. M. Dumas to John Adams . . • -45 11. To P. J. Van Berckel . . . 46 11. B. Vaughan to John Adams . . . .47 12, To Benjamin Vaughan . . • .48 12. To Henry Laurens . . ¦ • .49 16. Francis Dana to John Adams . . -51 26. Henry Laurens to John Adams . . .52 April 14. To Secretary Livingston ... 54 16. To M. Dumas . . . . • .55 29. The Society of Leeuwarden to John Adams . 55 May 1, To Francis Dana , . , .56 1. To M. Dumas . . . . 57 10. To the Members of the Society of Leeuwarden 58 21. To Robert Morris , . 59 24. To Secretary Livingston . . 60 26. William Ellery and Others to John Adams 61 30. To Secretary Livingston . , . .64 June 1, Francis Dana to John Adams , .65 6. Francis Dana to John Adams . .67 10. To Edward A. Holyoke . 68 M. ViCQ D'azyr to John Adams {Inclosed), 3 February 68 To M. Vicq D'azyr, 28 February " . 69 M. Lassone to John Adams, 3 June " . 69 CONTENTS, Vll July 1783. June 16,23, 27, 3, 5, 7,9, 10,10, 11, 11, 13.14.16.17.18. 23, 25. 28, 28.29.31. 1.2.3, 10, 13. 13. 15. September 5. August To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Robert Morris To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Robert Morris To Robert Morris To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Robert Morris Francis Dana to John Adams To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To Secretary Livingston To THE President op Congress To THE President of Congress To THE President of Congress PA OK . 70 7475 . 77 . 81 . 83 . 86 . 89 . 91 . 92 . 93 . 95 . 97 . 99 . 103 . 107 . 110 . 115 . 116 . 119 . 120 . 122 . 126 . 128 . 130 . 132 . 135 . 138 . 141 . 143 . 146 . 148 viii CONTENTS. 1783. PAGE September 10. To the President of Congress . • • 150 20, Robert Morris to John Adams . ¦ • 151 E, Morris to the Governor of Massachusetts, (Inclosed) 152 October 16, Messrs. "Willink and Others to John Adams 152 November 1. The President of Congress to John Adams . 153 5. Robert Morris to John Adams . . 154 6, E, A, Holyoke to John Adams , , . 155 9. To the President op Congress . . . 156 12. To "William Ellery and Others . . . 157 13. To the President op Congress , . . 158 December 2, Messrs. "Willink and Others to John Adams . 161 5. To Benjamin Franklin .... 164 7. To John Jay . . ... 165 14. To Messrs, "Willink and Others . . 16G 23, Messrs, "Willink and Others to John Adams 166 26, Messrs. Van Staphorst to John Adams . 168 17.S4. January 24, To Benjamin Franklin . 170 29. To Messrs. "Willink and Others . 172 31, Messrs, "Willink and Others to John Adams , 173 February 1, To Messrs. AVillink and Others . 174 4. Messrs. "Willink and Others to John Adams . 175 5. To jMessrs. "Willink and Others 5, Benjamin Fr-inklin to John Adams 10, To THE President of Congress 11, To Benjamin' Franklin 13, To John Jay Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams (idtiiout date) 181 14. To Messrs, "Willln-k and Others . 133 28. B. Franklin' and John Jay to John Adams 183 ILisoN "Weems to John Adams, (without date) 184 176 . 176 . 177 . 179 . 180 CONTENTS. 1784, March pA(;e 185 April 3, To Mason Weejis 8, The Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams 9. To the President of Congress 27. To the President of Congress 28. To THE Marquis de Lafayette 2. To Benjamin Franklin and John Jay 9. Baron de Thulemeier to John Adams 9. To Baron de Thulemeier 10. To Benjamin Franklin and John Jay 10. To the President of Congress 16. Benjamin Franklin to John Adams 20. To Benjamin Franklin and John Jay 22. To the President of Congress 21. M. DE St. Saphorin to John Adams, (Inclosed) . 198 Count Rosencrone to M. de St. Saphorin, (Extract inclosed.) To Baron de St. Saphorin B. Franklin and John Jay to John Adams To Baron de Thulemeier To the President op Congress To THE President op Congress Observations .... Answer of the King of Prussia 16. Robert Morris to John Adams 22. To the President of Congress 25. The Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams 29. To Benjamin Franklin 4. Benjamin Franklin to John Adams 27. To Benjamin Franklin . 6. Benjamin Franklin to John Adams . 25. To Thomas Cushing November 3. To the President of Congress Questions submitted to Mr. Adam.s 29. May 5. 13. June 7. July August October . 187 . 189 191 . 192 . 193194 . 195 . 195 . 195 . 196 , 196 , 197 199 , 199 200 . 200201 . 202 . 203 . 203 . 204 205 . 206 . 206 . 207 . 208 209 . 211 . 213 CONTENTS. 1784. December 9. 15, 1785; January 10. 10, February March April May June 24, 2. 13, 16. 9. 15. 20, 31. 8, 13. 24, 3.4. 5.8. 11. 13.27.30. 1. S, 10,10, Answers To M. Dumas To the Marechal de Castries To Secretary Jay To Messrs, Willink and Others To the President op Congress Baron de Thulemeier to John Adams To ^Messrs, Willink and Others to John Adams To Baron de Thulemeier To Messrs. Willink and Others To Secretary- Jay Secretary Jay to John Adams To Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson Secretary Jay to John Adams To Dr, Price .... To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay Baron de Thulemeier to John Adams To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay To M. Dumas .... To Secretary Jay To Thomas Jefferson . To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay To Secretary Jay M, Dumas to John Adams The S.\me to the Same To Secretary Jay To M, Fagel PAGE . 214 . 214 . 215 . 217 . 219 . 221 . 222223 . 224 . 225 . 226 . 229 . 229 . 231 . 232 . 233 . 236 . 238 . 239 . 240 . 242 . 246 , 248 , 251 , 252 , 254 , 255 , 259 , 261 , 263 , 265 . 266 CONTENTS, July August 1785, June 14, M, Fagel to John Adams 17. To Secretary Jay 26. To Secretary Jay 14. To THE Marquis of Carmarthen 18. To Thomas Jefferson , 19. To Secretary Jay 24. To Thomas Jefferson . 27. To the Marquis of Carmarthen Declaration, {Inclosed) . 29. To the Marquis of Carmarthen 29. To Secretary Jay 6. To Secretary Jay 7. To Thomas Jefferson . 8. To Secretary Jay 10. To Secretary Jay 18. To Thomas Jefferson . 23. To Thomas Jefferson . 25. To Secretary Jay 26. Secretary Jay to John Adams 30. To Secretary Jay September 16. To Thomas Jefferson . 18. To Thomas Jefferson . October 2. The Commissioners to John Jay 2-5, To Thomas Jefferson . 11, Thomas Jefferson to John Adams 15. To Secretary Jay ' 17. To Secretary Jay 21. To Secretary Jay 24, Richard Henry Lee to John Adams November 1. John Jay to John Adams 4. To Secretary Jay 5. To Secretary Jay I'AGE . 2C72G8 273 . 276 . 278 . 279 . 283284 . 285 . 286 . 288 . 289 . 291 . 293 . 298 . 300 . 301 302 . 310 . 310 . 314 . 315 . 316 . 316 . 318 . 320 . 322 . 325 . 333 . 334 . 335 . 337 V xii CONTENTS. 1785. PAGE November 11, To Secretary Jay . 343 24. To Secretary Jay 345 24, To Secretary Jay . 347 26, William White to John Adams . 349 December 3. To Secretary Jay . 350 6. To Secretary .Jay . 356 A Memorial, (30 November) . 357 9. To Secretary Jay . 358 1786, January 4, To Secretary Jay . 360 4, To John Jay . 361 12. James Bowdoin to John Adams . 363 19. To Thomas Jefferson . . 365 21. To Secretary Jay . 368 21. To Count Sarsfield . 369 February 6. To THE Marquis op Carmarthen . 371 17. To Secretary Jay . 372 20. To Secretary Jay . 374 22, The Marquis de Lafayette to Joh> r Adams . 376 22, To Secretary Jay . 377 26, To Secretary Jay . 380 27. To Secretary Jay . 381 28. To Williaji White . 382 March 2, To Matthew Robinson . 383 7, The Treasury Board to John Adaj s . .386 8. To Granville Sh-vrp . 387 April 6. The Treasury Board to John Adam s . .388 May 9. To James Bowdoin . 389 16. To Secretary Jay . 391 18. To the Marquis op Carmarthen . 392 23. To Thomas Jefferson , 893 25. To Secretary Jay . 394 CONTENTS. XI u 1786. Ma)- 30. June 2, 3. 6. 16. 26. 28. 28. 29. July 3. 9. 30. 31. August 27. September 11. October 27. 31. November 14. 1787. January 24. 25. 25. 27. 27. 27. February 3. 6. 20. 23. March 1, April 11. Thomas Jefperson to John Adams , To James Bowdoin To Count d'Adhemar To Thomas Jefferson , To Secretary Jay David Griffith to John Adams Resolve, 24 June, {Inclosed) William White to John Adams D. Griffith and Others to John Adams To John Lamb .... To T. Jefferson . T. Jefferson to John Adams To Secretary Jay To T. Jefferson . T. Jefferson to John Adams To T. Jefferson . To Secretary Jay The Treasury Board to John Adams Samuel Osgood to John Adams I'AGE . 39V397 , 399 . 399 . 401 . 403 . 404 . 404 . 404 . 405 . 406 . 407 . 409 . 410 . 412 . 414 . 415 . 417 . 418 To Secretary Jay . . . .421 To John Jay, {Private) . . , .424 To THE Delegates op Massachusetts in Congress {Private) 425 The Commissioners to Secretary Jay . . 425 To the Marquis op Carmarthen . . . 426 To SiDi Hadji Ben Abdelleck Fennish . . 427 To Secretary Jay ..... 428 T. Jefferson to John Adams . . . 430 T. Jefferson to John Adams . . .431 T. Jefferson to John Adams • . . 432 To T. Jefferson . . . • -433 To William S. Smith . . . . .435 XIV CONTENTS. 1787.AprilMayJuneJulv August 19. To Secretary Jay . • • • 8, To Secretary Jay 18. Messrs, AVillink and Others to John Adams 16. To Secretary' Jay 10. Thomas Pinckney to John Adams 17. T. Jefferson to John Adams . 25. The Treasury Board to John Adams 25. John Jay to John Adams . . ' 25. To T. Jefferson . . . • ' PAGE . 438 . 438 . 440 . 441 . 442 . 443 . 444 . 445 . 446 September 7, The Chevalier de Pinto to John Adams, {Translation) 448 10. To the Chevalier de Pinto . . • -449 18. The Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams . 449 22, To Secretary Jay . . . • • 450 22. To John Jay, {Private) . . ¦ • -451 22. To THE Marquis of Carmarthen . . • 453 23. To Secretary Jay .... 453 October 3. To the Marquis of Carmarthen . . • 455 12, The Marquis de Lafayette to John Adams . 456 28. To T. Jefferson . . . . . -457 November 15. To Secretary Jay ..... 459 30. To Secretary Jay ..... 462 December 6. To T. Jefferson ..... 464 10. To T. Jefferson . . . • . 465 16. To Secretary Jay' ..... 466 18. To T. Jefperson . . . . • .468 25. Messrs. Willink and Others to John Adams . 469 1788. January 25. To M. Fagel , . . . 470 Memorial to the Prince op Orange . 471 Memorial to the States General 471 February 12, H. Fagel to John Adams, {Translation) . 472 12, To T, Jefperson ..... 473 CONTENTS. XV 1788. PAGE February 14, To Secretary Jay . . , . . .475 14, Secretary Jay to John Adams . . 477 Resolution op Recall by Congress . .477 16. To Secretary Jay ..... 478 20. T. Jefperson to John Adams .... 479 21. To Secretary Jay ..... 480 28, To THE Earl op Ailesbury . . . 481 March 6. A Memorial to the States General . .481 Extract prom the Resolutions of the States General, (Translation) . . . .482 June 6. J. Avery, Jr., to John Adams . . . 483 November 2. To Theophilus Parsons .... 483 1789. March 4. Elbridge Gerry to John Adams . . . 484 ¦ April 21. The Vice-President's Speech . . . 485 May 10. T. Jefferson to John Adams . . . 488 17. President Washington to John Adams . . 489 17. The Vice-President's Answer . . . 491 September 1. To James Lovell ..... 493 25. To George Walton ..... 495 1790. AprU 20. Thomas Jefferson to John Adams . . . 496 August 27. President Washington to John Adams, {Secret) . 496 29. To President Washington .... 497 1791. April 25. To A. Hamilton, Secretary op the Treasury . 500 June 10. Henry Knox to John Adams . . . 503 July 17. T. Jefferson to John Adams . . 504 29. To T. Jefferson . . . . .506 August 30. T. Jefferson to John Adams .... 509 1792. January 19. To "A Recluse Man" . . . . .511 .Tune 25. A. Hamilton to John Adams . . . 514 XVI CONTENTS. 1794, September 9, A, Hamilton to John Adams . .January 8, President Washington to John Adams 1795. February 6. T. Jefferson to John Adams 1796. February 28. T. Jefperson to John Adams July 30. James Sullivan to John Adams August 2. To James Sullivan 1797. February 3. Elbridge Gerry to John Adams 13. To Elbridge Gerry 15. The Vice-President's Speech . 22, The Senate's Answer . 23. The Vice-President's Reply 20, President Washington to John Adams March 3. Thomas Mifflin to .John Adams 3. To Thomas Mifflin 13. P. A. Adet to John Adams 19. Henry Knox to John Adams, {Private) 30. To Henry KLnox 31. To J. Q, Adams , , . . April 6. To Elbridge Gerry 14. To THE Heads of Department May 12. Thomas Mifflin to John Adams 22, To Thomas Mifflin June 2, To J. Q. Adams 20. To Elbridge Gerry 20. To Uriah Forrest July 8, To Elbridge Gerry 17. To Elbridge Gerry August 25. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State 26, To T, Pickering, Secretary op State PAGB . 514 . 515 516 517 , 518 , 519 520 522525 527 529 529530531 532532535 537 538 540542544545546546547549550 551 CONTENTS, xvii 1797. October October PAGE 552 12, To T, Pickering, Secretary of State 14, To T, Pickering, Secretary op State . 553 20, To 0, Wolcott, Jr,, Secretary of the Treasury 554 26. To O, Wolcott, Jr,, Secretary op the Treasury 555 26, To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . . 556 27. To O, Wolcott, Jr,, Secretary of the Treasury 558 31, To T. Pickering, Secretary of State 559 1798, January 24. February 4, 6 6. 16 March 2, 6 13 24 April 26 June 22, July 6. 7. AuOTst Tennessee . 14, 5. 14, 17, 18,20. 29. To THE Heads op Department To Jajies Wilkinson To J, M, Forbes John Sevier to John Adams To William S, Smith . To William S, Smith To John Sevier, Governor op To THE Heads op Department F. de Miranda to John Adams To Thomas Johnson To George Washington To J, McHenry, Secretary of War To George Washington . . . . To T, Pickering, Secretary op State The Secretary op War to General Washington General Washington's Answer Henry Knox to the Secretary of AVar To J. McHenry, Secretary of AVar F. de Miranda to John Adams To J. McHenry, Secretary of War To Increase Sumner . . . . . To T. Pickering, Secretary op State No, 1. Pedro Josef Cabo to the Secretary op State, {Inclosed) 2, Rufus King to the Secretary of State {Inclosed) 561 563565 565566 567 568568569572572573 575576 576 577 578580581 582683583 584 xviii CONTENTS. 1798. PAGE No, 3, Rupus King to the Secretary of State {Inclosed) 586 August 29. To J, McHenry, Secretary of War . 587 30. To John Jay ..... 590 September 3. To J. McHenry, Secretary of AVar . 591 4. To Alexander Hamilton . . . -591 4. To T, Pickering, Secretary of State . 592 10. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . - 592 13. To J, McHenry, Secretary of War . . 593 13. To J. McHenry, Secretary op AVar . 594 13, To O. Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury 595 14, To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . .595 16. To T, Pickering, Secretary of State , . 696 26. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State , ,597 28. To T. Pickering, Secretary of Statb . 598 30. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . 598 October 1. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy , . 599 3. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State 600 9, To George AVashington . 600 10. To C. Lee, Attorney-General . . . 602 14. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . .604 15. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 605 15, To T. Pickering, {Private) .... COS 16, To Rupus King ...... 606 16. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 606 17. To .John Jay ...... 607 17. To Alexander Hamilton . . . 608 20, Alexander Hamilton to John Adams . . 608 20. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 609 20. Elbridge Gerry to John Adams . . . 610 22, To James McHenry, Secretary of War . 612 26. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . .614 29. To Alexander Hamilton . . . .614 CONTENTiS. xix 1798. PAGE October 29, To T, Pickering, Secretary of State , , (!14 November 2. To T, Pickering, Secretary of State . 615 5, T. Pickering, Secretary of State, to John Adams {Private) 616 December 15. To Elbridge Gerry .... 617 19. To AViLHAM S. Smith . . , ,617 1799. January 3. John Jay to John Adams , . . ,619 15. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 621 18. T. Pickering, Secretary op State, to John Adams (Private) 621 26. Rufus King to John Adams , . , 623 February 19. To George Washington , , . 624 March 5. Henry Knox to John Adams, {Secret} . . 626 11. Points, which received the President's Assent, AS ultimata , . .627 14. C. Lee, Attorney-General, to John Adams . 628 29. To C. Lee, Attorney-General, {Private) . . 629 29. To J. McHenry, Secretary of AVar . . 629 April 7. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . 630 13. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State 631 13. To J. McHenry, Secretary of War . 631 16. To J. McHenry, Secretary of War , 632 17. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . . 634 22, To Benjamin Adams , . . . 636 22. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . . 636 27. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . 637 28. U. Forrest to John Adams , .637 May 1. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State , 639 7. To j. McHenry, Secretary of War , 640 8. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . . 641 Patrick Henry to the Secretary op State, {Inclosed) 641 8. To B. Stoddert, Secretary op the Navy . 642 XX CONTENTS. 1799. PAGB May 10. T. Pickering, Secretary op State, to John Adams 643 11. O. AVoLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury, to John Adams .... . 644 . 646 . 646 . 647 . 648 . 648 . 649 13. To Uriah Forrest 13, To T, Pickering, Secretary of State 16. To J, McHenry, Secretary of AA''ar 16, To j, McHenry, Secretary of War 17. To C. Lee, Attorney-General 17, To T, Pickering, Secretary' of State 17, To A, St, Clair, Governor of the N. AA^ Territory 649 17, To O. Wolcott, Secretary op the Treasury . 650 19, To B, Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . . 650 21. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . . 651 22. To W. S. Smith . . . . . .652 25. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . . 652 28, C. Lee, Attorney-General, to John Adams . 653 28, To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 654 June 6. To J. McHenry, Secretary of War . . 654 7. To B, Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . . 655 7. To T. Pickering, Secretary op State . 655 IS. To J, McHenry, Secretary op AVar . 666 15, To O, AVolcott, Secretary of the Treasury , 657 15, To T, Pickering, Secretary of State . .657 19, To T. Pickering, Secretary of State . . 658 19. To John Davis, District- Attorney op Massachu setts . . , . . 658 19. To J, McHenry, Secretary of AVar . . 659 21, To O, Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury . 660 24. To J. McHenry, Secretary of War . . 660 July 2. To T, Pickering, Secretary of State . . 661 3. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy . . 661 7. To J. McHenry, Secretary op War . . 662 8, To Silas Talbot . _ ggg CONTENTS. xxi 1799 July 8. To B. Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy 13. To J. McHenry, Secretary op AVar 19. To J. McHenry, Secretary op AVar 19. To T. M;ipflin .... 19. To J. McHenry, Secretary of AVar 19. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State 20. To T. Pickering, Secretary of State 23. To B, Stoddert, Secretary of the Navy Appendix W. Vans Murray to John Adams. No. 1, 1 July, 1798 ...... 2. 17 July, " . C. M, Talleyrand to M, Pichon, 9 July, 1798, PAGE . 664 . 665 666 667 667668668 669 677680 {Inclosed) 684 . 685 . 686 3. 22 July, 1798 4. 3 August, " .... 5. 20 " " . . . . ¦ 688 Communication Confidentielle, (Inclosed) . 688 6, 7 October, 1798 . , . . ,688 M, Talleyrand to M. Pichon, 28 September {Inclosed) 690 OFFICIAL LETTERS, MESSAGES, PUBLIC PAPERS. continued. VOL. VIII. PUBLIC PAPEHS. CONTINUED. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 8 November, 1782. Sir, — In one of your letters you suppose, that I have an open, avowed contempt of aU rank. Give me leave to say, you are much mistaken in my sentiments. There are times, and I have often seen such, when a man's duty to his country demands of him the sacrifice of his rank, as well as his fortune and life ; but this must be an epoch, and for an object worthy of the sacri fice. In ordinary times, the same duty to his country obliges him to contend for his rank, as the only means indeed, some times, by which he can do service ; and the sacrifice would injure his country more than himself "When the world see a man reduced to the necessity of giving up his rank, merely to serve the public, they will respect him, and his opinions will have the more weight for it ; but when the same world see a man yield his rank for the sake of holding a place, he becomes ridiculous. Tliis, you may depend upon it, will not be my case. Ranks, titles, and etiquettes, and every species of punctilios, even down to the visits of cards, are of infinitely more import ance in Europe than in America, and therefore congress cannot be too tender of disgracing then- ministers abroad in any of these things, nor too determined not to disgrace themselves. Con- gi-ess will, sooner or later, find it necessary to adjust the rank of all then- servants, with relation to one another, as well as to the magistrates and officers of the separate governments. 4 OFFICIAL. For example, if, when congress abolished my commission to the King of Great Britain, and my commission for peace, and issued a new commission for peace, in which they associated four other gentlemen T\ith me, they had placed any other at the head of the commission, they would have thro^Ti a disgrace and ridicule upon me in Em-ope, that I could not have withstood. It would have injured me in the minds of friends and enemies, the French and Dutch, as well as the EngKsh. It is the same thing -n-ith States, If 3L-, Jay and I had yield ed the ptmctiho of rant, and taken the advice of the Count de A^ergennes and Dr. Franklin, by treating with the English or Spaniards, before -^'e were put upon the equal footing that our rank demanded, we should have sunk in the minds of the Eng lish, French, Spaniards, Dutch, and all the neutral powers. The Count de Yergennes certainly knows this ; if he does not, he is not even a European statesman ; if he does know it, what inference can we draw, but that he means to keep us down if he can ; to keep his hand under our chin to prevent us from droT\-ning. but not to lift our heads out of -u'ater ? The injunctions upon us to communicate, and to foUo'W' the advice that is given us, seem to be too .strong and too tuiiversal. L'nderstood -R-ith reasonable limitations and restrictions, they may do very weU. For example, I ^^-rote a speculation, and caused it to be printed in the Courier du. Bas FJtin, sho\"\'ing the interest, policy, and humanity of the neutral confederation's acknowledging American independence, and admitting the Uni ted States to subscribe to the principles of their marine treaty-. Tills was reprinted in the Gazette of Leyden, the Politique Hol- landais, the Courier de V Europe, and all the Dutch gazettes. At the same time I caused to be transmitted to England some pieces on the same subject, and further sho-^-ing the probability that the neutral powers might adopt this measure, and the impolicy of Great Britain, in permitting all the powers of Em-ope to get the start of her, and having more merit vtHIt. America than she, by acknowledging her independence first. These pieces were printed in the English papers, in the form of letters to the Earl of Shelburne, and can never be conti-overted, because they are in \T.Titing and in print ¦«'ith their dates. These fears thus excited, added to our refusal to treat on an unequal footing, probably produced his lordship's resolution, to advise OFFICIAL. r> the King to issue the commission, under the groat seal, to Mr. Oswald, by which Great Britain has got the start, and gone to the -windward of the other Em-opean powers. No man Hving, but myself, knew that all these speculations, in various parts of Europe, came from me. Would it do for me to communicate all this to the French ministers ? Is it possible for me to com municate all these things to congress ? Believe me, it is not ; and give me leave to say, it will not do to communicate them to my friend the Chevalier de la Luzerne, nor my friend M. Marbois. If they should be, long letters wiU lay all open to the Count de Vergennes, who, I assure you, I do not believe will assist me or anybody else in such measm-es of serving our coun try. When the French ministers in America or Em-ope com municate every thing to us, we may ventm-e to be equally com municative with them. But when every thing is concealed from us more cautiously than it is from England, we shall do ourselves injustice if we are not upon our guard. K we conduct ourselves with caution, prudence, moderation, and firmness, we shall succeed in every gi-eat point ; but if con gress or their ministers abroad suffer themselves to be intimi dated by threats, slanders, or insinuations, we shall be duped out of the fishery, the Mississippi, much of the western lands, compensation to the tories, and Penobscot at least, if not Ken nebec. This is my solemn opinion, and I will never be answer able to my country, posterity, or my own mind, for the conse quences that might happen from concealing it. It is for the determinate purpose of carrying these points, that one man, who is submission itself, is puffed up to the top of Jacob's ladder in the clouds, and every other man depressed to the bottom of it in the dust. This is my opinion. If it is a crime to hold this opinion, let me be punished for it, for as- sm-edly I am guilty. With great respect, &.c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 11 November, 1782, Sir, — On my first arrival at Paris, I found my colleagues engaged in conferences with ' Mr. Oswald. They had been 1 6 OFFICIAL. before chiefly conducted by jNb. Jay, Dr. Franklin ha-^-ing been mostly confined for three months by a long and painful iffness. At this time, however, he was so much better, although stiU weak and lame, as to join us in most of the subsequent confer ences, and we were so constantly engaged, forenoon, afternoon, and evening, that I had not been out to Versailles nor anywhere else. On Satm-day last, the INIarquis de Lafayette called upon me, and told me he had been to \^ersaiLles, and the Count de Ver gennes had said to him, that he had been informed by the returns of the police that I was in Paris, but not officially, and he should take it well if I would come to see him. I went out to dine with Dr. Franklin the same day, who had just returned from delivering Ms memorial, and repeated to me the same message. I said to both, I would go the next morning ; and accordingly on Sunday, the 9th, I went to make my court to his Excellency. He received me politely, and asked me questions about our progi-ess. I answered him, that the English minister appeared to me to divide with us upon ostensible points ; that I stiU doubted his intentions to make a universal peace ; that the cry of the nation was for something to be done or said ^^dth the American ministers, and to satisfy this, the King of Great Britain had been advised to be the third power in Europe to acknowledge om- independence. As this was a royal act under the great seal of his kingdom, it could never be denied or re voked ; but still it did not render the nation unanimous, and to avoid finally disgusting any great part\', the minister would still pursue his usual studied obscurity of poliey. Points must be conceded to the Americans, before a complete agreement could be made ^vith them, even on terms to be inserted in the univer sal peace, which would open the fuH cry of a powerful party upon him, among which were the refugees. It could not be supposed, that the refugees and Penobscot were such points ^^dth the nation or minister, that they would continue the war for them only, if they were ready to strike ^vith France, Spain, and Holland. The Count then asked me some questions respecting Sagada hoc, which I answered by showing him the records which I had in my pocket, particularly that of Governor Pownall's solemn OFFICIAL, 7 act of possession in 1759, the grants and settlements of Mount Desert, Machias, and all the other townships east of Penobscot River, the original grant of James I. to Sir WiUiam Alexander of Nova Scotia, in which it is bounded on St. Croix River (this grant I had in Latin, French, and English), the disserta tions of Governor Shirley and Governor Hutchinson, and the authority of Governor Bernard, all showing the right of Massa chusetts to this tract to be incontestable. I added, that I did not thinlv any British minister would ever put his hand to a v,T.-itten claira of that tract of land, their own national acts were so numerous and so clear against them. The Count said, Mr. Fitzherbert had told him that it was for the masts that a point was made of that tract; but the Count said, Canada was an immense resource for masts. I said, there were so few masts there that this could not be the motive ; that the refugees were still at the bottom of this ; several of them had pretensions to lands in Sagadahoc, and the rest hoped for grants there. The Count said, it was not at aU surprising that the British ministry should insist upon compensation to the tories, for that aU the precedents were in their favor ; in the case of the Uni ted Provinces -with Spain, all -were restored to their possessions ; and that there never had been an example of such an affair ter minated by treaty, but aU. were restored. He said it was a point weU settled by precedents. I begged his ExceUency's par don for this, and thought there was no precedent in point. A restitution of an estate not aUenated, although confiscated to a crown or state, could not be a precedent in point, because, in our case, these estates had not only been confiscated, but aUen ated by the state, so that it was no longer in the power of the state to restore them. And when you come to the question of compensation, there is every argument of national honor, dignity of the state, pubUc and private justice and humanity, for us to insist upon a compensation for aU the plate, negroes, rice, and tobacco stolen, and houses and substance consumed, as there is for them to demand compensation to the tories ; and this was so much the stronger in our favor, as our sufferers were innocent people, and theirs guUty ones. M. Rayneval, who was present, said something about the King and nation being bound to support their adherents. I answered, that I could not comprehend this doctrine. Here was j^ OFFICIAL, a set of people whose bad faith and misrepresentations had deceived the King and deluded the nation to foUow thek aU- devouring ambition, untU they had totaUy failed of their object, had brought an indeUble reproach on the British name, and almost irretrievable ruin on the nation, and yet that nation is bound to support theii- deceivers and ruiners! If the national honor was bound at aU, it was bound still to follow then: ambi tion, to conquer America, and plant the refugees there in pomp and power, and in such case, we aU know whose estates would be confiscated, and what compensation would be obtained. All this M. Rayneval said was very true. The Count asked me to dine, which I accepted, and was treated wth more attention and complaisance than ever, both by hira and the Countess. As it is our duty to penetrate, if we can, the motives and views of om- alUes, as weU as om- eneraies, it is worth while for congress to consider what may be the true motives of these intimations in favor of the tories. History shows that nations i have generaUy had as much difficulty to arrange their affairs with then- aUies as with their enemies. France has had as much, this war, with Spain as with England. HoUand and England, whenever they have been allies, have always found many difficulties, and from the natm-e of things it must ever be an intricate task to reconcUe the notions, prejudices, principles, &c., of two nations in one concert of counsels and operations. P We may well think, that the French would be very glad to ,' have the Americans join mth them in a future war. Suppose, 1 for example, they should think the tories men of monarchical principles, or men of raore ambition than principle, or men cor rupted and of no principle, and should, therefore, think them more easily seduced to their purposes than vu-tuous repubUcana, is it not easy to see the policy of a French minister in wishing Ihem amnesty and compensation ? Suppose that a French minister foresees that the presence of the tories in America will keep up perpetuaUy two parties, a French and an English party, and that this will compel the patriotic and independent men to join the French side, is it not natural for him to wish them restored ? Is it not easy too to see that a French minister can not ^vish to have the EngUsh and Americans perfectly agreed upon all points, before they themselves, the Spanish, and the OFFICIAL, 9 Dutch, are agreed too ? Can they be son-y then to see us spUt upon such a point as the tories ? What can be their motives to becorae the advocates of the tories ? It seems the French minister at PhUadelphia has made some representations to con- gi-ess in favor of a compensation to the royalists, and that the Count de Vergennes's conversation with me was much in favor of it. The Count probably knows, that we are instructed against it, and that congress are instructed against it, or rather have not a constitutional authority to make it ; that we can only wi-ite about it to congi-ess, and they to the States, who may, and probably will, deliberate upon it a year or eighteen months before they aU decide, and then every one of them vnR determine against it. In this way there is an insuperable obsta cle to any agreement between the English and Americans, even upon terms to be inserted in the general peace, before aU are ready, and indeed after. It has been upon former occasions the constant practice of the French to have some of then- sub jects in London, and the EngUsh some of theh-s in Paris, during conferences for peace, in order to propagate such sentiments as they wished to prevaU. I doubt not such are there now. M. Rayneval has certainly been there. It is reported, I know not how truly, that M. Gerard has been there, and probably others are there, who can easUy prompt the tories to clamor, and to cry that the King's dignity and the nation's honor are compro mised to support their demands. America has been long enough involved in the wars of Europe. ~ She has been a football between contending nations from the beginning, and it is easy to foresee, that France and England both -wiU endeavor to involve us in their future wars. It is our interest and duty to avoid them as much as possible, and to be completely independent, and to have nothing to do with either of them, but in coramerce. My poor thoughts and feeble efforts have been from the beginning constantly employed to an-ange aU our European connections to this end, and wiU continue to be so employed, whether they succeed or not. My hopes of success are stronger now than they ever have been, because I find Mr. Jay precisely in the same sentiments, after all the obser vations and reflections he has made in Em-ope, and Dr. FraiJiUn, at last, at least appears to coincide -with us. We are aU three perfectly united in the affair of the tories and of Sagadahoc, 10 OFFICIAL. the only points in which the British minister pretends to differ from us. The inclosed papers wUl show congress the substance of the negotiation. The treaty, as first projected between Mr. Oswald on one side, and Dr. FrankUn and Mr. Jay on the other, before my arrival; the treaty as projected after my arrival, between Mr. Oswald and the three American ministers, my Lord Shel- bm-ne having disagreed to the first ; Mr. Oswald's letter and our answer ; Mi-. Strachey's letter and our answer. Mr. Strachey has gone to London with the whole, and we are waiting his retm-n, or the arrival of some other, with further instructions. If congress should wish to Imow my conjecture, it is, that the ministry wUl still insist upon compensation to the tories, and thus involve the nation every month of the war in an expense sufficient to make a full compensation to all the tories in ques tion. They would not do this, however, if they were ready with France and Spain.^ I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS. London, 12 November, 1782, Dear Sir, — An untoward circumstance had hurried me from Bath, where I had been about a month in the progress of health ; I was waiting the determination of this Court, whether I might, upon terms consistent with my honor, retm-n and continue in the same pursuit during the winter months, or be obUged at aU hazards to withdraw immediately fi-om the kingdom. In this dilemma, I had this afternoon the honor of receiving your letter of the 6th instant, accompanied by an act of congress of the 17th September. My country enjoins, and condescends to desire; I must, there fore, also, at aU hazards to myself, obey and comply. Diffident as I am of my own abUities, I shaU as speedUy as possible pro ceed and join my coUeagues. For the rest, the wound is deep, but I apply to myself the consolation which I administered to the father of the brave 1 Compare with this, the Diary, vol. iii, pp. 300 - 306. OFFICIAL, 11 Colonel Parker : — " Thank God, I had a son who dared to die in defence of his country." My dear friend, adieu, H[enry Laurens. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 18 November, 1782, The instruction from congTcss, which directs us to pay so strict an attention to the French ministTy, and to follow their advice, is conceived in terras so universal and unUraited, as to give a great deal of anxiety to my mind. There is no man more impressed with the obUgation of obe dience to insti-uctions ; but, in ordinary cases, the principal is so -/ near the deputy as to be able to attend to the whole progress of the business, and to be informed of every new fact and every sudden thought. Ambassadors in Europe can send expresses to then- Courts, and give and receive inteUigence in a few days with the utraost certainty. In such cases there is no room for mistake, misunderstanding, or surprise. But, in our case, it is very different. We are at an immense distance. Despatches are Uable to foul play, and vessels are subject to accidents. New scenes open, the time presses, various nations are in sus pense, and necessity forces us to act. What can we do ? If a French minister advises us to cede to the Spaniards the whole river of the Mississippi and five hun dred mUes of territory to the eastward of it, are we bound by our instruction to put our signature to the cession, when the EngUsh themselves are wUUng we should extend to the river, and enjoy our natural right to its navigation ? If we should be counseUed to'reUnquish our right to the fishery on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, when the British ministry are ready by treaty to acknowledge our right to it, are we obUged to relin quish it? If we are advised to restore and compensate the tories, are we to comply ? If we know, or have reason to beUeve, that things which will have weight upon the minds of the British ministry against us upon some points, will be com municated to them in some way or other, secret or open, if we comraunicate them to this Court, are we bound to do it ? I cannot think that a construction so Uteral and severe was "" ever intended to be put upon it ; and, therefore, I see no way of 12 OFFICIAL, doing my duty to congress, but to interpret the instruction, as we do all general precepts and maxims, by such resti-ictions and Uraitations, as reason, necessity, and the nature of things ., demand. It may sometiraes be known to a deputy, that an instruction frora his principal was given upon information of mistaken facts. What is he to do ? When he knows, that if the truth had been known, his principal would have given a directly contrary order, is he to foUow that which issued upon mistake ? When he know,s, or has only good reason to believe, that, if his principal were on the spot, and fully informed of the present state of facts, he would give contrary du-ections, is he bound by such as were given before ? It cannot be denied that instructions are binding, that it is a duty to obey them, and that a departure from them cannot be justified ; but I think it cannot be denied, on the other hand, that, in our peculiar situation, cases may happen, in which it might become our duty to depend upon being excused (or, if you wUl, pardoned) for presuming, that if congress were upon the spot, they would judge as we do. I presume not to dictate, nor to advise, but I may venture to give my opinion, as I do freely, and with much real concern for the pubUc, that it would be better, if every instruction in being- were totaUy repealed, which enjoins upon any American noinis- ter to follow, or ask the advice, or even to communicate with any French or other minister or ambassador in the world. It is an inexti-icable embarrassment everywhere. Advice would not be more seldom asked, nor communication less frequent. It would be more freely given. A communication of information, or a request of counsel, would then be received as a compliment and a mark of respect ; it is now considered as a duty and a right. Your ministers would have more weight, and be the more respected through the world. Congress cannot do too , much to give weight to their own ministers, for, they may j depend upon it, great and unjustifiable pains are taken to pre- ^ vent them from acquning reputation, and even to prevent an \_ idea taldng root in any part of Europe, that any thing has been or can be done by them. And there is nothing that humbles and depresses, nothing that shackles and confines, in short, nothing that renders totaUy useless aU your ministers in Europe, so much as these positive insti-uctions to consult and communi- OFFICIAL, l;j cate with French ministers upon all occasions, and to follow thehr advice. And I really think it would be better to constitute the Count de Vergennes our sole minister, and give him fuU powers to make peace and treat with aU Em-ope, than to continue any of us in the service under the instructions in being, if they are to be understood in that unUmited sense which some persons con tend for. I hope that nothing indecent has escaped rae upon this occa sion. If any expressions appear too strong, the great import ance of the subject, and the deep impression it has made on my mind and heart, must be my apology. With great respect and esteem, &c. John Adams. TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS. Paris, 19 November, 1782. Gentlemen, — Your favor of 15th instant is this moment come to hand. M. le Couteulx and Mr. Grand called upon me last evening upon the same subject. I told them both what I now repeat to you : — " That I have no right, power, or author ity, whatsoever, to give any orders, directions, or advice in this matter, Mr. Morris alone having the authority of congress to dispose of the money. But if my opinion as a man and a pri vate citizen -would give thera any satisfaction, it was that M. le Couteulx should draw upon you at present only for one raUUon of florins, and leave the rest, after Mr. Grand shall have drawn out the four hundred thousand livres for the interest of the money borrowed by the King of France in HoUand, to pay the drafts of Mr. Morris as they may arrive, or to be paid hereafter to M. le Couteulx or Mr. Grand, according as necessities may appear. There was no copy of Mr. Morris's letter inclosed in yours to me. I should be glad if Mr. Dumas would hasten in all the accounts of repairs to the house, and let them be paid off. I know not when the obstructions to trade wfll aU be removed by a peace. But if the nations of the armed neutraUty should all foUow the example of the King of Great Britain, in acknow ledging our independence, and protect their own ships in going VOL. VIII. 2 14 OFFICIAL. and coming to and from om- ports, I think the impediments to trade between Holland and America would be lessened. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams, I to secretary LIVINGSTON, Paris, 21 November, 1782. SiK, — We Uve in critical moments. ParUament is to meet, and the King's speech \^'iU be deUvered, on the 26th. If the speech announces iMr. Oswald's commission, and the two houses in their answers thank him for issuing it, and there should be no change in the iiunisti-y, the prospect of peace "U-iU be flattering. Or if there should be a change in the ministi-y, and the Duke of Portland, with Mr. Fox and ^h: Burke, should come in, it tatU be stUl more so. But if Richmond, Camden, Keppel, and Towns hend, should reth-e, and my Lord North and company come in, with or "without the Earl of Shelburne, the appearances of peace wUl be very unpromising. My Lord North, indeed, cannot revoke the acknoAvledgment of our independence, and would not proba bly renounce the negotiations for peace, but iU-wiU to us is so habitual to him and his master, that he wordd faU in earnestly ¦u-ith the wmg-cUpping system ; join in attempts to deprive us of the fisheries and the Mississippi, and to fasten upon us the tories; and in every other measure to cramp, stint, impoverish, and enfeeble us. Shelburne is not so orthodox as he should be, but North is a much greater heretic in American poUtics. It deserA'es much consideration what course we should take, in case the old ministry should come in, whoUy, or in part. It is certain, at present, that to be obnoxious to the Americans and their ministers is a very formidable popular cry against any minister or candidate for the ministry in England, for the nation is more generally for recovering the good-wUl of the Americans than they ever have been. Nothing would strike such a blow to any miiusti-y as to break off the negotiations for peace ; if the old ministry come in, they vnll demand terms of us at first, probably, that we can never agree to. It is now eleven or ti\'elve days since the last result of our conferences was laid before the ministry in London. Mr. A'aughan went off on Sunday noon, the 17th. So that he is, OFFICIAL, 15 no doubt, before this time, with my Lord Shelburne. He is possessed of an ample budget of arguments to convince his Lordship that he ought to give up all the remaining points between us.^ Mr. Oswald's letters wiU suggest the same argu ments in a diff'erent light, and Mr. Strachey, if he is disposed to do it, is able to enlarge upon thera all in conversation. The fundamental point of the sovereignty of the United States being settled in England, the only question now is, whe ther they shall pursue a contracted or a Uberal, a good-natured or an ill-natured plan towards us. If they are generous, and allow us all we ask, it will be the better for them ; if stingy, the worse. That France does not wish them to be very noble to us may be true. But we should be dupes indeed, if we did not make use of every argument with them, to show them that it is then- interest to be so. And they wUl be the greatest bubbles of all, if they should suffer themselves to be deceived by their passions or by any arts to adopt an opposite tenor of conduct. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams, TO benjamin franklin. Paris, 3 December, 1782, Sir, — The moments we live in are critical, and may be improved perhaps to advantage ; for Avhich purpose I beg leave to propose to your consideration, whether it is not proper for us to ¦\vrite to Mr. Dana, at Petersburg, acquaint him with the sig natures of the preliminaries, inclose to him an authentic copy of them, and advise him to communicate it to the ministers of the Empress and to all the ministers of the neuti-al powers at her Court, together with a copy of his commission to subscribe to the principles of the armed neutrality. The present seeras to me the most proper time for this step. The United States are as much interested in the marine treaty as any power ; and, if we take this step, we may with propriety 1 At a late period of his life, Mr, Vaughan deposited with the late John Quincy Adams, copies of his confidential letters addressed to Lord Shelburne during the period of this private mission. It was originally the intention to have added them in the form of an appendix to this volume, but the mass of valuable materi als for the present work, has proved to be so large as to require serious reduction from tho first plan. Ifi OFFICIAL, propose, if not insist, upon an article in the definitive treaty, respecting this matter, which wUl be as agreeable to France and Spain as to the United Provinces. I have heretofore mentioned to Mr. Jay a simUar proposal ; who approved, and I will propose it again to-day to him and Mj-. Lam-ens. K you approve the measure, you wiU be so good as to order an authentic copy to be made of the prehminary treaty, that we may prepare a letter the first time we meet. I have the honor to be, &c. &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 4 December, 1782, Sir, — It is with much pleasm-e that I transmit you the pre liminary treaty between the King of Great Britain and the Uni ted States of America. The Mississippi, the Western lands, Sagadahoc, and the fisheries are secured as well as we could, and I hope what is done for the refugees will be pardoned.'- As the objects for which I ever consented to leave my famUy and country are thus far accomplished, I now beg leave to resign all my employments in Europe. They are soon enume rated, — the first is the commission to borrow money in HoUand; and the second is luy credence to their High Mightinesses. These two should be filled up immediately ; and as Mr. Lau rens was originally designed to that country, and my mission there was merely owing to his misfortune, I hope that congress ¦^vUl send him a full power for that Court. The commission for peace I hope wUl be fully executed before this reaches you. But, if it should not, as the terms are fixed, I should not choose to stay in Europe merely for the honor of affixing my signature to the definitive tt-eaty, and I see no necessity of fiUing up my place ; but if congress should think otherwise, I hope they wUl think Mr. Dana the best entitled to it. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. iMany details respecting Mr, Adams's part in this negotiation are found in the Diary, vol, iii, pp, 30fi - 336, OFFICIAL, 17 TO FRANCIS DANA. Paris, 6 December, 1783. ¦ ' Di.:ar Sir, — You may easily guess from your own feelings what mine may be in communicating to you tiio intelhgence that the preUminary treaty, to be inserted in the definitive ti-eaty, was signed the SOth November by the plenipotentiaries on each side. We have tolerable satisfaction in the Mississip])i, the boundaries, and the fisheries, and I hope not much to regret with regard to the tories or any thing else. Mr. F., Ml-. J., and Mr. Laurens, as well as myself, are of opi nion that this is the proper time for you to comraunicate to the ministry, where you are, your mission. But I believe we shall write you a joint letter upon this subject. Meantime, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. THE commissioners TO FRANCIS DANA. Paris, 12 December, 1782. Sir, — We have the honor to congratulate you on the signa ture of the prelirain-ary treaty of peace between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, to be inserted in the definitive treaty when France and Britain shall have agreed upon their terms. The articles, of which we do ourselves the honor to inclose you a copy, were completed on the SOth of last month. To us, at this distance, the present opportunity appears to be the most favorable for you to comraunicate your raission to the ministers of the Empress of Russia, and to the ministers of aU the other neutral powers residing at her Court ; and, if you have no objections, we presume you will wish to be furniehed with the inclosed paper to communicate at the same tirae. We heartUy -wish you success, and, if you should inform us of a fair prospect of it, we shall propose an article in the defini tive treaty, to secure the freedom of navigation according to the principles of the late marine treaty of the neutral powers. We have the honor to be, &c. &c. John Adams. B. Franklin. John Jay. IS OFFICIAL, THE COMMISSIONERS TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 14 December, 1732, Sir, — We have the honor to congratulate congress on the signatm-e of the preUminaries of a peace bet^^een the Crown of Great Britain and the United States of America, to be inserted in a definitive treaty so soon as the terms betu'een the Crowns of France and Great Britain shaU be agreed on. A copy of the articles is here inclosed, and we cannot but flatter om-selves that they wUl appear to congTess, as they do to aU of us, to be con sistent with the honor and interest of the United States, and we are persuaded congi'eis would be more fuUy of that opinion, if they v^'ere apprised of aU the circumstances and reasons which have mfluenced the negotiation. Although it is impossible for us to go into that detaU, A've think it necessary, nevertheless, to make a few remarks on such of the articles as appear most to require elucidation. Piemarks on Article '2d, relative to Boundaries, The Court of Great Britain insisted on retaining aU the terri tories comprehended vrithin the Province of Ciuebec, by the act of parUameut respecting it. They contended that Z'^'ova Scotia sliould extend to the River Kennebec ; and they claimed not oiUy aU the lands in the Avestern country and on the ^Mississippi, which were not expressly included in our charters and govern ments, but also such lands within them as remained ungranted by the King of Great Britam. It would be endless to enume rate aU the discussions and arguments on the subject. AVe knew this Court and Spain to be against our claims to the western country, and having no reason to think that Unes more favorable could ever have been obtained, Ave finaUy agreed to those described in this article ; indeed, they appear to leave us Uttle to complain of, and not much to desire. Congress wUl ob.serve, that although our northern Une is in a certain part below the latitude of forty-nve, yet m others it extends above it, divides the Lake Superior, and gives us access to its western 1 This joint letter of the commissioners is inserted in this work ou the strength of the evidence furnished by the original draft, in the handwriting of ^ir. Adams. The paragraph respecting the secret article is not, however, found there, and the next one touching their action towards the French Court is in the handwritLnf ofMr. Jav. ° offk:lvl, [9 and southern Avaters, from Avliich a Une in that latitude would have excluded us. Remarks on Article Allt, respecting' Creditors. W^c had been informed that some of the States had confis cated British debts ; but although each State has a right to bind its OAAm citizens, yet, in our opinion, it appertains solely 1o con gress, in whom exclusively are vested the rights of maldng war and peace, to pass acts against the subjects of a power with which the confederacy may be at war. It therefore only reraained for us to consider, Avhether this article is founded in justice and good poUcy. In our opinion, no acts of governraent could dissolve the obli gations of good faith resulting from laAvful contracts between individuals of the two countries, prior to the war. We kneAv that some of the British creditors Avere making coraraon cause As'ith the refugees and other adversaries of our independence ; besides, sacrificing private justice to reasons of state and politi- qal convenience, is always an odious measure ; and the purity of our reputation in this respect, in all foreign comraercial coun- tiies, is of infinitely more importance to us than all the sums in question. It may also be remarked, that American and British creditors are placed on an equal footing. Remarks on Articles 5th and 6th, respecting Refugees, These articles were araong the first discussed and the last asrreed to. And had not the conclusion of this business at the time of its date been particularly important to the British adrai nistration, the respect, which both in London and Versailles, is supposed to be due to the honor, dignity, and interest of royalty, would probably have forever prevented our bringing this article so near to the views of congress and the sovereign rights of the States as it now stands. When it is considered that it was utterly impossible to render this article perfectly consistent, both Avith American and British ideas of honor, Ave presume that the middle Une adopted by this article, is as Uttle unfavorable to the former as any that could in reason be expected. As to the separate article, we beg leave to observe, that it Avas om- policy to render the navigation of the River Mississippi so important to Britain as that their views might correspond with 20 OFFICIAL. om-s on that subject. Their possessing the country on the river north of the Une from the Lake of the Woods affords a founda tion for their claiming such navigation. And as the importance of West Florida to Britain was for the same reason rather to be strengthened than otherwise, we thought it advisable to aUow them the extent contained in the separate article, especiaUy as before the Avar it had been annexed by Britain to West Florida, and would operate as an additional inducement to their joining Avith us in agreeing that the navigation of the river should for ever remain open to both. The map used in the com-se of our negotiations Avas Mitchell's. As Ave had reason to imagine that the articles respecting the boundaries, the refugees, and fisheries, did not correspond Avith the poUcy of this Com-t, Ave did not communicate the preUmina ries to the minister until after they were signed ; (and not even then the separate article). We hope that these considerations AvUl excuse our having so far deviated from the spu-it of our instructions. The Count de Vergennes, on perusing the articles appeared sm-prised, (but not displeased) ,i at their being so favor- ¦^ able to us. We beg leave to add om- advice, that copies be sent us of the accounts du-ected to be taken by the different States, of the unnecessary devastations and sufferings sustained by them from the enemy in the com-se of the war. Should they arrive before the signatme of the definitive ti-eaty, they might possibly answer very good purposes. With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, yom- most obedient and most humble servants, John Adams. B. Franklin. John Jay. Henry Laurens. J. G. HOLTZHEY TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 23 Decembre, 1782. Monsieur, — Je me trouve honore de la votre du 2e du passe ; sensible aux louanges que vous me faites de mon travaU, Us o-ra h'''^ ^°'^'^^ inclosed in parentheses are not in Mr. Jay's draft of this para- OFFICIAL, 21 m'ont engage d'en fairc; une autre racdaUle, cjue je prends la Uberte de vous envoyer ci-jointe, dans la ferme attente qu'eUe ne vous fera pas moins de satisfaction que la precudente. Au reste, monsieur, comme ne dans cette vUle, dans laqueUe demeu- rent tant de braves gens qui out vivement desUe I'union de vos Etats avec les notres, j'ai ete inspUe a la faire connoitre par la posterite.^ Au reste, monsieur, je recommande les medaiUes a votre bonte pour I'Amerique quand I'occasion se presentera, et je suis, &c. &c. Jean George Holtzhby. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 26 Decembre, 1782, Monsieur, — Nos amis vous prient d'appuyer de tons vos bons offices possibles la negociation de raessieurs les plenipoten- tiahes de cette repubUque, surtout quant aux dedommagemens qu'Us demandent, ainsi que pour la liberte parfaite et iUiraitee de leur navigation; afin que ces raessieurs aient Ueu de fau-e mention dans leurs depeches ici de ces bons offices, et que nos amis puissent s'en prevaloir non seulement pour confonch-e les Anglomanes, mais pour exalter a leurs peuples respectifs les effets de I'amitie fraternelle des Americains pour cette nation. Un petit mot de reponse la-dessus que je puisse leur repeter de la part de votre exceUence, leur fera grand plaisu-. En attend ant je suis charge de vous presenter leurs respects. M. Holtzhey m'a envoye une seconde medaUle pour vous, charmante. Je vous I'enverrai, monsieur, par premiere occasion. En attendant, voici sa letti-e et description. L'emblerae du coq m'a rappele un tiait, si je ne me trompe, des memoires de Var gas. L'ambassadeur de France au concUe de Trente parlant d'une maniere qui deplaisait au ministre du pape, celui-ci I'in- terrompit en criant, Gallus cantat. L'ambassadeur, sans se decon- certer, repUqua, Utinam Petrus fleret. Je suis, &c. Dumas. 1 This relates to the medal commemorative of the signature of the treaty between the United States and Holland, an engraving of which accompanies this volume. 22 OFFICIAL. TO M. DUAIAS. Paris, 1 January, 1783. Dear Sir, — Returnuig this evening frora VersaUles, where 1 had been to make the corapUments of the season, I found your favors of the 26th and 27th of December. The letters inclosed shaU be foi-Avarded, as you desire. The Dutch mimsters here have no occasion for my assistance. Non tali au.xiUo, SfC. I have the honor to be more particularly acquainted AAith INI, Brantzen, who is certaiiUy a very able man, and universaUy acknoAAiedged to be so by aU Avho know him. The arguments, A'»'hich I know he has used Avith the British minister, are such as can never be answered, both upon the Uberty of naAigation, and the compensation for damages. He is an entire master of his subject, and has urged it Avith a degree of perspicuity and eloquence, that I kiioAV has much stiuck his antagonists. Unnecessary, however, as any exertions of mme have been, I have not omitted any opportimity of throwing in any friendly suggestions in my poAA'er, AA'here there was a possibUity of doing any good to our good friends, the Dutch, I have made such suo-ofestions to IMr. Fitzherbert. But AAith JNIr. Oswald I have had several very serious conversations upon the subject. So I have also with RL-. Vaughan and i\Ir. Whitefoord. To Ish. OsAA^ald I urged the necessity of Great Britain's agreeing with the Dutch upon the unlimited freedom of navigation, fi-om a variety of topics, some of AAiiich I may explain to you more particularly hereafter. Thus much I may say at present, that I told hira it was impossible for Great Britain to avoid it; it Avould probably be insisted upon by all the other poA\-ers. France and Spain, as aa'cU as Russia, SAA^eden, Denmark, Prus sia, the Emperor, and Portugal, as aa^cU as HoUand, had akeady signed the armed neutiality. The United States of America had declared theraselves ready to sign, and Avere ready. The combination being thus powerful. Great Britain could not resist it. But if she should refuse to agree to it with HoUand, and the other poAvers should acquiesce, and HoUand should make peace AAithout it (Avhich would never, however, be the case), yet all Avould be ineffectual, for HoUand Avould forever be able to OFFICIAL, 23 make use of other neutral bottoms, and Avould thus enjoy the benefit of this Uberty in reality, though denied it by tTcaty, and in appearance. It Avould, therefore, be more for the honor and interest of Great Britain to agree to it Avith a good grace, in the tieaty Avith HoUand. Nay, the Avisest part she could act Avould be to set on foot a negotiation immediately for signing herself the ti-eaty of armed neuti-ality, and then admitting it into the ti-eaty with HoUand Avould be a thing of course. At one of these conversations Dr. Franldin Avas present, A\dio supported me Avith aU his Aveight ; at another, Mr. Jay seconded me AAith all his abUities and ingenuity. ]\L-. Oswald has several times assm-ed me that he had Avritten these arguments and his OAvn opinion in conformity Avith them, to the King's ministers in London, and I doubt not they avUI be adopted. With respect to the compensation for damages, it is im possible to add any thing to the arguments M. Brantzen has urged to shoAV the justice of it ; and if Britain is reaUy wise, she ¦wUl thuik it her poUcy to do every thing in her power to soften the resentment of the Dutch, and regain their good wUl and good humor. The rage of Great Britain, however, has carried her to such extiavagant lengths, in a cause unjust from beginning to end, that she is scarcely able to repair the injmies she has done. America has a just claim to compensation for aU her burnt towns and plundered property, and, indeed, for aU her slaughtered sons, if that Avere possible. I shaU continue to embrace every opportunity that presents, of doing aU the Uttle service in my poAver to our good fi-iends the Dutch, Avhose friendship for us I shaU not soon forget. Tins must be communicated Avith great cUscretion, if at all. My best respects to aU, &c. John Adams. TO J. G. HOLTZHEY. Paris, 2 January, 1783, Sir, — I have received the letter Avhich you did me the honor to Avrite me on the 23d December, together Avith the expUca- tion of your new medal, in commemoration of the signature of the ti-eaty of commerce, which is equaUy mgenious AAith that which celebrates the acknowledgment of American independ- 24 OFFICIAL. ence. These events are worthy of your ingenuity, sir, and deserve to be remembered by posterity, not only for the "blessings Avhich wUl be derived to the tAvo nations, but by the influence they have had in accelerating the disposition of Great Britain for a general peace. For Avhether such a peace shaU take place this year or not, there is great reason to beUeve it wUl happen some years the sooner for those events which you are laboring to immortaUze. Please to accept of ray thanks for this fi-esh instance of your obUging attention to me, and beUeve me to be, With great respect, &c. John Adams. M. DUMAS to JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 14 Janvier, 1783. Monsieur, — L'incluse pour PhUadelphie vous mettea au fait du courant ici. L'honoree votie du ler Janvier est pour moi une vraie et precieuse etrenne de nouvel ^n. J'ai fait confi dence verbale du contenu a Messieurs de Gyselaer, Van Berckel, et Visscher sous le sceau du secret, et a personne autre. lis en ont ete charmes. Du reste, Us etoient bien surs d'avance de vos bonnes dispositions, et de celles de messieurs vos coUegues, pour cette repubUque. Ce qui leur tient a cceur, c'est que, comme M. Brantzen ecrit constamment dans ses depeches ici, de la part de M. le Comte de Vergennes, le soin qu'U a des interets de la repubUque, vous I'autorisassiez de meme ministerieUement a apprendre a L. H. P. que vous les avez egalement a cceur. Ces messieurs ici s'appUquent a cet egard le vers de I'ecole. " Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter.'' En un mot. Us souhaiteroient que les dites depeches rendis- sent ici la justice qui est due a chacun. M. de Gyselaer a ecrit &, M. Brantzen pour qu'U pressS-t de sa part M. le Baron de Linden (ci-devant envoye de la repubUque en Suede) de revenk au plutot de Paris ou U est depuis quel- ques mois. Mais U n'a pas fait ouverture a M. Brantzen de son plan, parcequ'U ne voudroit pas que celui-ci en communiquat quelque chose prematurement a quelque relation en ce pays. M. G. vous prie done, monsieur, d'avofi- un entretien avec M. de OFFICIAL. 25 Linden, et de lui confier de sa part, sous le secret, que son plan est de faire en sorte que M. de Linden soit nomme ministre de cette repubUque aupres des Etats Unis ; et que, pom- cet effet,il faut qu'U revienne incessamracnt ici, pour battre cnserable le fcr pendant qu'il est chaud. M. Van Berckel de son cote n'a rien conti-e ce plan. La poste, qui va partu-, ne me laisse que le moraent de finir, avec mon respectueux attachement, &c. Dumas. to m. dumas. Paris, 19 January, 1783. Sir, — I have yet to acknoAvledge the receipt of your favors of the 26th, 27th, 30th, and 31st of December, and 2d of January. Your despatches are sent along as you desire. I hope you are quite recovered from your indisposition. I can give you no information concerning peace. It is given out that the point wiU be decided here to-day or to-morrow. Others say that the Duke de la Vauguyon is to make the peace at the Hague. Inclosed is a copy of our preUminaries, but I must entreat you not to permit them to be pubUshed or copied Avithout fm-ther information from me. You may comraunicate them in con fidence to our friends, but it is thought best to let the British ministiy lay them first before parhament and take their own time for it. The great points of independence, the fisheries, the Missis sippi, and the boundaries, are settled to our satisfaction. But in point of compensation for damages, Ave must put our hands in our own pockets. With great regard, &c. John Adams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 22 January, 1783. Sir, — Upon a sudden notification from the Count de Ver gennes, Dr. Franklin and myself, in the absence of Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, went to VersaiUes, and amved at the Count's office at ten o'clock on Monday, the 20th of this month. At VOL. VIII. 3 26 OFFICIAL. eleven, arrived the Count d'Aranda and Mr. Fitzherbert. The ministers of the three croAvns signed and sealed the preUminaries of peace and an armistice, in presence of Doctor FrankUn and myself, who also signed and sealed a declaration of an armis tice between the Cro-wn of Great Britain and the United States of America, and received a counter declaration from Mr. Fitz herbert. Copies of these declarations are inclosed. The King of Great Britain has made a declaration concermng the terms that he AviU aUoAV to the Dutch ; but they are not such as AvUl give satisfaction to that unfortunate nation, for whom, on account of their friendsMp for us, and the iraportant benefits AA'^e have received frora it, I feel very sensibly and sincerely. Yesterday w'e Avent to VersaUles again to make our com-t to the King and royal famUy upon the occasion, and received the compUments of the foreign ministers. The Count d'Aranda invited me to dine AAith him on Sunday next, and said he hoped that the affairs of Spain and the United States would be soon adjusted d Vamiahle. I ansAvered, that I Avished it Avith aU my heart. The tAA^o Floridas and Minorca are more than a quantum meruit for Avhat this poAver has done, and the Dutch unfortunately are to suffer for it. It is not in my poAver to say Avhen the definitive tieaty AAill be signed. I hope not before the Dutch are ready ; in six AA'eeks or tAvo months at farthest I suppose. It is no longer necessary for congress to appoint another per son in my place in the commission for peace, because it avUI be executed before this reaches America. But I beg leave to rencAV the resignation of the credence to the states-general and the commission for borrowing money in HoUand, and to request that no tirae may be lost in transmitting the acceptance of this resignation and another person to take that station, that I may be able to go home in the Spring ships. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 23 January, 1783. Sir, — The letters you did me the honor to write on the 6th and 18th of November came safe to hand. OFFICIAL. 27 You do me honor, six; in applauding the judgment I have formed from time to time of the Court of Britain, and future ages^AvUl ^iyejme_credit for the judgment I have formed of some. other com-t^_ The tiue designs of a minister of state are not difficult to be peneti-ated by an honest raan of common sense, AA'ho is m a situation to knoAV any thmg of the secret of affairs, and to observe constantly the chain of public events ; for Avhat ever ostensible appearances may be put on, whatever obUquities may be imagined, however the Aveb may be Avoven, or the thread doubled and tAAisted, enough wUl be seen to unravel the whole. My opinions, as you observe, sometimes run counter to those generaUy received ; but the reason of this has generaUy been, that I have had earUer evidence than the generaUty, and I liaA-e had the satisfaction to find that others have formed the same judgraent when they have had the same inteUigence. I do not affect smgularity, nor love to be in a minority, though truth and justice have soraetimes obliged me to be so. You say, that nothing can be more conformable to your Avishes than the insti-uctions I ti-ansmittcd. I am not surprised at this ; it is very natm-al. Had I never been on this side of the Atlantic, I beUeve I should have been of your mind in this particular. At present I cannot be, and I believe, by this time, the Dutch regret having given them. You wUl hear enough of the reason of it. I have UA'ed long enough, and had experience enough of the conduct of governments and people, nations and courts, to be convinced that gratitude, fi-iendship, unsuspectiug confidence, and aU the most arniable passions in human natm-e, are the most danger ous guides in poUtics. I assm-e you, sh-, if AA^e had not been - more cautious than the Dutch, Ave should have been Avorse off than they, and om- country Avould have suffered much more. Mr. Laurens has been here, and has behaved AAith great cau tion, firmness, and Avisdora. He arrived so late as only to attend the two last days of the conferences, the 29th and 30th of November. But the short time he Avas Avith us, he Avas of great service to the cause. He has done great service to Ame rica in England, Avhere his conversation has been such as the purest and firmest American could AAish it, and has made many converts. He is gone again to Bath, and his journey AviU do as much good to his counti-y as to his health. He aa'UI return to the signature of the definitive tieaty. 28 OFFICIAL. The ratifications of my contiacts have been received. The release of Captain AsgUl was so exquisite a reUef to my feeUngs, that I have not much cared what interposition it was OAving to. It Avould have been a horrid damp to the joys of peace, if Ave had received a disagreeable account of him. The difference betAveen Denmark and HoUand is of no serious nature. The clue to the Avhole is, the Queen dowager is sister to the Duke of BrunsAvick ; but there is nothing to fear from Denmark. As to the northern powers, we have nothing to fear from any of them. All of them and aU the neutral powers Avould have acknowledged our independence before now, by receiving Mr. Dana to sign the principles of the armed neutial ity, if he had not been restiained from acting. The unlimited confidence of congress has been grossly abused, and we should have been irreparably injured, if Ave had not been upon our guard. As our Uberties and most important interests are now secured as far as they can be against Great Britain, it would be my wish to say as little as possible of the policy of any minister of our first ally, which has not been as we could desire, and to retain forever a grateful remembrance of the friendly assistance we have received. But AA^e have evidence enough to warn us against unlimited confidence in any European minister of state. I have never draAvn upon Dr. Franldin for any money since the end of my tAVO and a half years' salary ; and he teUs me he has made no use of the bUls. I had received money for my subsistence of Messieurs WUUnk, and as it Avill be but a few months more, at farthest, that I shall have to subsist in Europe, I beg leave to proceed to the end in the same way. I shaU receive only the amount of my salary, and settle the account Avith congress on my return. I hope to be safely landed on my native shore in the month of June ; and to this end, I beg that an appointment may be made to the Dutch mission, and the acceptance of my resigna tion be ti-ansmitted to me by the first ships. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL, 29 M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. La Ilaie, 2-1 Janvier, 1783. Monsieur, — La maniere subite et iraprevue dont on a re^u ici la nouveUe de la signature des preUminaires par toutes les autres puissances beUigerantes, sans que celui qui tient le plus 5, ccem- ici ait ete fixe, a d'abord consterne nos amis; mais apres etie revcnu de leur premiere sm-prise, M. Van Berckel, El la requi sition et sur les instances de M. le grand pensionnaire, dans une conference secrete, a propose un moyen, sans doute le plus noble et le plus soUde, pour parvenir au but desUe et desirable a tous. M. le grand pensionnau-e I'a saisi avec empresseraent ; et I'on est convenu, que M. Van Berckel me prieroit de leur part, de consulter votie exceUence en toute diligence sm- ce moyen, que voici. " Pour accelerer la negociation de la paix generale, et pour prevenir les discussions ulterieures enti-e L. H. P. et la Grande Bretagne sur le point de la navigation fibre et UUmitee, on demande a M. Adams, sHl se trouve assez autorise de la part du congres, pour acceder au traite de la neutralite armee dejd conclu entre quelques puissances beUigerantes de I' Europe, ou pour entrer dans une pareille negociation avec I'Espagne, la France, et les Pays-Bas Unis. Dans I'un et I'autie cas, L. H. Puissances pourroient fane la meme proposition a la France et a I'Espagne, afin de prevenir les discussions sur le point de la Uberte des mers, qui pourroient arreter la paix generale ; et pour metti-e la repubUque en etat de faire sa paix avec la Grande Bretagne, qui pourroit eti-e retardee par des difficultes que pourroient renconteer des stipulations par- ticuUeres, ou des arrangemens a faire avec I'Angleterre sur ce point. Le tiaite definitif entie I'Angleterre et la repubUque pourroit alors se faire sous la reserve du droit primitif de toutes les nations, qui se tiouvent dans I'exercice de ce droit, a moins qu'Us ne s'en soient departis par des traites particuUers au sujet de contre- bandes reconnues pour telles par les contiactans respectifs. M. Adams est prie instamment de communiquer ses idees sur ce point le plutot possible, et d'y ajouter ses reflexions sur les moyens d'avancer une teUe negociation et d'acheminer la paix 3" 30 OFFICIAL, to generale. Car U paroit qu'en attendant la repubUque poui-roit acceder a I'armistice qui devra resulter de la signature des pre- liminau-es de paix enti-e les auti-es puissances beUigerantes, et tiaiter avec I'Angleterre sm- tous les autres points en question." Vous etes le maiti-e, monsiem-, si vous le jugez a propos, de conferer aussi la-dessus ministerieUement avec M. Brantzen. II ne me reste plus, que de vous presenter les compUmens et tout ce qui se peut penser de plus cordial de la part de M, Van Berckel, qui vient de me quitter, pom- me laisser ecru-e tout ce que dessus. Je suis, &c. Dumas. , TO M. DUMAS. Paris, 29 January, 1783. Sir, — Upon receiving the letter, which you did me the honor to AArrite me on the 24th, late last evening, I went imraediately to consult Avith my coUeague, Mr. Jay, and. AA^e agreed to go this morning to Dr. Franklin. Accordingly to-day AA^e Avent together to Passy, and communicated your letter to liim, and after recoUecting the poAvers aa'c have received, aa^c aU agreed that I should make you the foUoAving ansAA^er. You AA'UI readily recoUect the resolutions of congress, Avhich I did myself the honor two years ago to communicate to the Pre sident of then- High Mightinesses, and to the ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague. The letter to the Presi dent Avas sent '^au greffe," and there may, perhaps, be noAV found. These resolutions contained the approbation of con- g!-ess, of the principles of the declaration of the Empress of Russia, and authorized any of the American ministers in Eu rope, if invited thereto, to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance of them. Sorae tirae after this, congress sent Mi-. Dana a commission Avith full poAver to accede to the principles of the marine ti-eaty betAveen the neuti-al poAvers, and he is now at Petersburg, vested Avith these poAvers, and, according to late inteUigence received from him, has Avell-founded expectations of being soon admitted. It is the opinion of my coUeagues, as Avell as my OAvn, that no commission of mine to then- High Mightinesses contains author- OFFICIAL, 31 ity to negotiate tliis business ; and Ave are aU of opinion, that it is most proper that Mr. Dana should negotiate it. But as there has been no express revocation of the poAvcr given to aU or any of us, by the first resolutions, and if the case should happen, that Mr. Dana could not attend in season, on account of the distance, for the sake of accelerating the signatm-e ofthe definitiA'c tieaty of peace, Ave should not hesitate to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance of the principles of the armed neuti-ality. I Avish it Avere in my poAver to give you a more satisfactory answer, but candor avUI Avarrant no other. With great respect to the gentlemen, as weU as to you, I have the honor to be, sir, &c. John Adams. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, SO Janvier, 1783, Monsieur, — Les letti-es que j'ai eu I'honneur de vous ecrire Vendredi 24e et Mardi 28c ne sont que I'expression fidele des sentimens de nos repubUcains. Je n'y ai rien mis du mien ; au contiaire, j'ai adouci tant cjue j'ai pu. Si Ton ne ti-ouve a raccommoder la chose de la maniere que je I'ai proposee, c'en est fait pour toujours du credit ici de la France. Voici la copie pro mise de la lettie ; et d'une autre de la meme main regu.e ce matin. La France et nos repubUcains, depuis tous ces jours, sont I'objet des sarcasmes et des raiUeries ameres des maUnten- tionnes ; et nos repubUcains, sans avoir perdu corn-age Ais-a-vis de lem-s antagonistes internes, sont outies, et n'ont plus aucune confiance en ce qui leur est dit ministerieUement de la part de la France, pour colorer ce qui vient de se passer, ou pour leur fau-e fau-e quelque demarche ulteriem-e. Ils plaignent personneUe- ment M. le Due de la Vauguyon, et disent que M. le Comte de Vero-ennes le sacrifie, et lui fait perdre d'un coup de plume tout le fruit de ses sages, infatigables et brUlans tiavaux ici. Du reste Us declarent qu'Us ne veulent etre domines ou influes, ou menes a la lisiere, ni par I'Angleterre ni par la France; et que quoi- qu'on leur propose de la part de la France, Us ne le porteront plus devant leurs viUes que moyennant des suretes suffisantes en poche. 32 OFFICIAL. Si vous pouvez faire reussu-, monsieur, ce que j'ai propose, je crois que ce sera une operation poUtique importante, un coup de pai-tie pom- I'honneur et I'avantage des Etats Unis, parce- qu'eUe etablira leur crecUt, lem- dignite et leur gloire ici pour toujours. Votie jugement profond et profonde peneteation, monsieur, n'a pas besoin que j'entie dans de plus longs raison- nemens l&,-dessus. II suffft que cette affaire sera egalement avantageuse a tous, puisque tous y participeront et se I'assure- ront. M. le Comte de Llano m'a fait prier ce matin, de lui commu niquer les preUminaires dont M. l'ambassadeur lui a dit que j'avois copie. Mais U s'est contente de mes raisons pour ne pouvoir lui donner qu'une idee verbale des dits preUminau-es. J'ai cru pouvoir et devoir faire le meme plaisir a M. d'Asp. Vous connoissez toute la verite, &c. Dumas. m. dumas to john adams. La Haie, 4 Fevrier, 1783. Monsieur, — L'honoree v6ti-e du 29e a pleinement satisfait ces Messieurs ; et M. Van Berckel, au nom de tous, m'a charge de vous en reraercier, et de vous assurer que c'est precisement ce qu'U leur faUoit, ce qu'Us esperoient pouvoir se faire de votie part et de ceUe de messieurs vos coUegues, et que vous pouvez compter sur eux, comme Us comptent sur vous, en aUant agir consequemraent. J'ai ete la communiquer aussi a M. le grand pensionnau-e, qui m'a paru penser comme eux, et que I'on m'a dit confiderament, de plus d'une bonne part, avoir a desirer, autant que la France, que le parti Anglais ne predomine plus ici. J'ai a vous presenter les respects de tous. Je suis charme, monsieur, qu'U y ait eu moyen de les contenter a si bon marche ; car U me paroit que ce qu'Us demandent n'est autie chose que ce qui est stipule dans les ti-aites de I'Amerique, tant avec cette repubUque qu'avec la France. Du reste Us sont determines a ne signer que lorsque cet article de la navigation sera en regie de la maniere proposee, et a ne point perdre non plus Negapat- nam ; et Ton craint que si M. le Comfe de Vergennes ne teouve pas quelque remede a cela, la confiance et I'incUnation de cette OFFICIAL, 33 nation pom- la France ne soit etouffce dans sa renaissance ; eUe importoit cependant plus a la France que Tabago. M. de Vergennes, pour s'excuser de la precipitation avec laqueUe on a signe, a dit aux ministies de la repubUque a Paris, entie auti-es, que d'un cote I'Amerique, qui se disoit epuisee, craignoit un soulevement, si I'on devoit imposer de nouveUes taxes, demandoit par M. Franldin vingt mUUons pour la cam- pagne prochaine si eUe avoit Ueu, enfin, qui vouloit jouir de la paix et de son ti-aite plutot que de hazarder une prolongation de guerre qui pouvoit alterer I'accompUssement; et de I'auti-e, I'Espagne, qui, Egalement epuisee, reclamoit absolument cette , conclusion, — avoient mis la France dans la necessite de signer si precipitamment ; mais que cela n'empechoit pas I'intention ferme de sa Majeste de ne point terminer sans que L. H. P. soient comprises dans J.a pais generale, et contentes. Dieu le veuiUe! II paroit que M. l'ambassadeur et M. le grand pensionnah-e ont re^u, chacun par son courier, les memes assurances. Ce dernier cependant n'a pas encore dit le meme de sa depeche a nos auties amis. Je suis persuade que dans les letties confidentieUes que je vous ai ecrites, monsiem-, depuis I'officieUe du 24e, vous avez garde par devers vous seul ce qui (contie mon intention, qui est pm-e) pourroit fau-e de la peine a d'auties, et me nuire, quoiqu'a tort, dans leur esprit. J'ai voulu et du eti-e avec vous un histo- rien fidele. Daignez faire agreer mes respects a Messrs. FrankUn et Jay, et etie assure du bon aloi de celui, &c. Dumas. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 5 Februai-y, 1783. Sir, — The resolution of congress of the 12th of July, 1781, " That the commission and instiuctions,_for negotiating a ti-eaty of commerce between these United States and Great Britain, given to the Honorable John Adams, on the 29th day of Sep tember, 1779, be, and they are hereby revoked," was duly received by me in HoUand ; but no explanation of the motives to it, or the reasons on which it was founded, was ever tiansmitted to 34 OFFICIAL, me by congress, or the committee of foreign affaUs, or any mdividual member; nor has anybody in Em-ope or America ever once attempted, that I knoAV of, to guess at the reason. Whether it was intended as a punishment to me, or Avith a charitable design not to lead me mto temptation; whether it Avas intended as a pimishment to the Engfish for then- insolence and barbarity ; Avhether it was intended to prevent or remove suspicions of aUies, or the envy and green-eyed jealousy of copati-iots, I knoAv not. Of one tlung, hoAvever, I am fuUy satisfied, that congress liad reasons, and meant AveU ; but Avhe ther those reasons Avere founded on tiue or mistaken inform ation, I know not. When I recoUect the instiuctions, wliich were given and revoked Avith that commission, I can guess, and only guess, at some considerations, which might, or might not, operate with congress. In these instiuctions, congress determined, 1st. That the common right of fishing shordd in no case be given up. 2dly. That it is essential to the Avelfare of aU these United States, that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration of the war, should continue to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of theu- common right to fish on the Banks of NeAArfoundland, and the other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving, inviolate the ti-eaties betAveen France and the said States, &c. 3dly. " That our faith be pledged to the several States, that Avithout their unanimous consent no tieaty of commerce shaU be entered into, nor any trade or commerce whatever carried on Avith Great Britain, without the expUcit stipulation hereinafter mentioned. You are, therefore, not to consent to any treaty of commerce Avith Great Britain, Avithout an expUcit stipulation on her part, not to molest or distiirb the inhabitants of the United States of America, in taking fish on the Banks of NcAvfound- land, and other fisheries in the American seas, anywhere except ing Avithin the distance of three leagues of the shores of the territories remaUring to Great Britain at the close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by negotiation. And m the negotiation you are to exert your most stienuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova Scotia ; as to Avhich latter we are desirous, that even the shores may be occasionaUy used OFFICIAL. 35 for the purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of these States." These instiuctions are very decisive in favor of our indubitable right to the fisheries ; and it is possible, that congress might be of opimon, that commerce would be the strongest inducement to the English to make peace, and at the same time, that there AA'as something so naval in the fisheries, that the dread of acknoAV- ledging our right to them Avould be the sti-ongest obstacle in the AA'ay of peace. They might think, too, that peace Avas of more importance to the United States, than a British acknowledgment of our right to the fisheries, Avhich, to be sure, AA'ould have been enjoyed by our people in a good degree Avithout it. Reasonings Ulte these might influence congress to revoke the commission and instructions in question. But Avhatever proba bility there might appear in thera at that time, experience has since shoAvn, that they were not avcU founded. On the contiary, argnments have been found to convince the British ministers a themselves, that it was the interest of their King and counti-y, not only to acknowledge the American right to the fisheries, but to encourage the unresti-ained exercise of it. These consider ations, therefore, can be no longer of any weight against a ti-eaty of commerce AAith Great Britain, or against accrediting a minis ter to the Com-t of St. James. Nor can I conceive of any motive noAV existing against these measures. On the contrary, so raany advantages present themselves to vicAV, that I think it my duty to recommend them to congress as proper to be adopted Avithout loss of time. K there are in congress any of those gentlemen, with'Avhom Ihad the honor to serve in the years 1775 and 1776, they raay possibly remember, that in arguing in favor of sending ministers to VersaiUes, to propose a connection with that Court, n laid it doAvn as a fu-st principle, that Ave should calculate aU ' our measm-es and foreign negotiations in such a manner, as to avoid a too great dependence upon any one power of Europe — to avoid aU obUgations and temptations to take any part in future European Avars ; that the business of America Avith Europe was commerce, not poUtics or AvarjJ and, above all, that it never could be our interest to ruin Great Britain, or injure or weaken her any further than should be necessary to support our independence, and our alliances, and that, as soon as Great Britain should be brought to a temper to acknowledge 36 OFFICIAL. om- sovereignty and our aUiances, and consent that we should maintain the one, and ftUfU the others, it would be our interest and duty to be her friends, as weU as the friends of aU the other poAvers of Em-ope, and eneraies to none. We are noAV happUy arrived, through many tiemendous tem pests, at that period. Great Britain respects us as sovereign States, and respects all om- political engagements with foreign nations ; and as long as she continues in this temper of Avisdom, it is om- duty to respect her. We have accordingly made a treaty with her and mutually sworn to be fiiends. Through the Avhole period of our Avarfare and negotiations, I confess I have never lost sight of the principles and the system, with which I set out, AvMch appeared to me to be the sentiments of congress AAith great unaiumity ; and I have no reason to believe that any change of opinion has taken place ; if there has not, CA'ery one AvUl agree Avith me, that no measm-e we can pursue wUl have such a tendency to preserve the governraent and people of England in the right systera for then- own and our interest, and the interest of our aUics too, well understood, as sending a minister to reside at the Court of London. In the next place, the Court of London is the best station to collect intelUgence from every part, and by means of the free dom of the press to comraunicate information for the benefit of our countiy, to every part of the Avorld. In time of peace, there is so frequent tiavelUng betAveen Paris, London, and the Hague, that the correspondence of our mimsters at those Courts raay be carried on by private hands, AA'ithout hazarduig any thing fi-om the infidelity of the posts, and congress may reason ably expect advantages from this cu-cumstance. In the thu-d place, a ti-eaty of commerce with Great Britain is an affair of great importance to both countiies. Upon this occa sion I hope I shall be excused if I venture to adAise, that con- gi-ess should instruct theu- minister not to conclude such a tieaty, AAdthout sending the project to them for theU observations and fresh instiuctions; and I think it would not be improper, on this occasion, to imitate the Dutch method, take the project ad referendum, and ti-ansmit it to the legislatm-es of all the States for then- remarks, before congress finaUy resolve. Then- minister may be authorized and instructed, in the mean tirae, to enter into a temporary convention for regulating the present tiade for UFFICIAL, 37 a Umited number of months or years, or until the treaty of com- luerco shall be completed. In the fom-th place, it is om- part to be the first to send a minister to Great Britain, which is the older, and as yet the superior state. It becomes us to send a minister fu-st, and I doubt not the King of Great Britain AviU very soon return the compUment. Whereas if Ave do not begin, I beUeve there wUl be many deUcacies at St. James's about being the first to send. I confess I AAish a British minister at PhUadelphia, a.nd think we should derive many benefits from his residence there. WhUe we have any foreign ministers araong us, I wish to 'have them fi-om aU the great poAvers Avith whom we are much connected. The Corps Diplomatique at every Court is, or ought to be, a sys tem representing at least that part of the systera of Europe, Avith which that Court is most conversant. In the same manner, or at least for simUar reasons, as long as we have any one minister abroad at any European Court, I thinlc Ave ought to have one at every one to which we are most essentially related, Avhether in coraraerce or poUcy; and, therefore, whUe we have any minister at VersaUles, the Hague, or London, I tliink it clear Ave ought to have one at each, though I confess I have sometiraes thought that, after a very fcAv years, it wUl be the best thing we can do to recaU every minister from Europe, and send embassies only on special occasions. If, however, any members of congress should have any deUca cies, lest an American minister should not be received Avith a dignity becoming his rank and character at London, they may send a coraraission to raake a ti-eaty of commerce Avith Great Britain, to their minister at Madiid, or VersaiUes, or the Hague, or St Petersburg, and instinct him to carry on the negotiation from the Court where he may be, untU he shall be invited to London, or a letter of credence may be sent to one of these, with instiuctions to go to London, as soon as the King shall appoint a minister to go to PhUadelphia. After aU, hoAvever, my opinion is, that none of these manceu- vi-es are necessary, but that the best Avay wUl be to send a minis ter du-ectly to St. James's, Avith a letter of credence to the King, as a minister plenipotentiary, and a coraraission to treat of a ti-eaty of coraraerce, but Avith instiuctions not to come to any irrevocable conclusion, untU congi-ess and all the States have an VOL. VIII. 4 38 OFFICIAL. opportunity to consider ofthe project, and suggest their amend ments. There is one more argument in favor of sending a minister forthwith ; it is this. AVhUe this mission lies open, it wiU be a som-ce of jealousy among present ministers, and such as are or may be candidates to be foreign ministers, a source of intrigue and faction araong their partisans and adherents, and a source of animosity and cUvision among the people of the States. For this reason, it is a pity, that the first choice had not been such as congress could have continued to approA^e, and the first mea sm-e such as congress could haA'e constantly persevered in. If this had been the case, the door of faction would have been kept shut. As this, hoAvever, was once my department, by the voice of eleven States in twelve present, and as I AviU be answer able, at any hazard, it will never be the department of any one by a greater majority, there seems to be a propriety in my giving my adAice concerning it, on takUig leave of it, if such is the Avill of congress, as I have before done in this letter, according to the best of my judgment. And if it should not be thought too pre sumptuous, I Avould beg leaA'e to add, what is my idea of the qualifications necessary for an American foreign minister in general, and particularly and above aU to the Com-t of St James. In the first place, he shotdd have had an education m classical learning, and in the knowdedge of general history, ancient and modern, and particularly the history of France, England, Hol land, and America. He should be AveU versed in the principles of ethics, of the law of nature and nations, of legislation and governraent, of the ciAil Roman laAV, of the laAA's of England and the United States, of the pubUc laAV of Europe, and in the let ters, memoirs, and histories of those great men, who haA'e here tofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the affairs of nations, and the AA'orld. He should be of an age to possess a maturity of judgraent, arising fi-ora experience in busmess. He should be active, attentive, and industi-ious; and above aU, he should possess an upright heart and an independent spirit, and should be one Avho decidedly makes the interest of his countiy, not the poUcy of any other nation, nor his OAAm private ambition or interest, or those of his family, friends, and connections, the rule of his conduct. OFFICIAL, 39 We hear so much said about a genteel address and a faciUty in speaking the French language, that one Avould think a danc ing master and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman. Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither iu America nor Europe, has been accorapUshed by ele gant boAvs, nor by fluency in French, nor AviU any great thing ever be effected by such accompUshments alone. A man must have something in his head to say, before he can speak to effect, hoAV ready soever he may be at utterance. And if the knoAA'- ledge is in his head, and the virtues are in his heart, he avUI never faU to find a AA'ay of communicating his sentiments to good purpose. He avUI always have exceUent translators ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he desires. As to what is caUed a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a first or second conversation ; and even in these, it is regarded no more by men of sense of any country than another thing which I once heard disputed AAith great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate, the Sensible. The question was, what Avere the several departments of an ambassador and a secretary of legation. After a long and shrcAvd discussion, it Avas decided by a majority of votes, "that the secretary's part Avas to do the business, and that of the ambassador to keep a mistiess." This decision produced a laugh among the com pany, and no ideas of the land Avill ever produce any thing else among men of understanding. It is very true, that it is possible, that a case may happen, that a man may serve his countiy by a bribe avcU placed, or an intiigue of pleasure Avith a woman. But it is equally tiue, that a man's country will be sold and betrayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where it wiU be once served. It is very certain that we shaU never be a match for Em-opean statesmen in such accorapUshments for negotiation, any more than, I must and -wiU add, they Avill equal us in any soUd abUities, virtues, and appUcation to business, if Ave choose wisely among the exceUent characters with which our countiy abounds. Among the ministers Avho have already crossed the Atlantic to Europe, there have been none exceeding Mr. Jay and Mr. Dana in all the qualifications I have presumed to enumerate ; and, I must say, that if I had the honor to give my vote in con gress for a minister at the Court of Great Britain, provided that 40 OFFICIAL, injustice must be finally done to him, Avho Avas the first object of his country's choice, such have been the activity, inteUigence, : address, and fortitude of Mi-. Jay, as weU as his sufferings in his ivoyage, journeys, and past services, that I should flunk of no other object of my choice than that gentleman. If congi-ess should neglect all then- old ministers, and send a fi-esh one from America, they cannot be at a loss, for there are in that counti-y great numbers of men weU quaUfied for the service. These are most certainly better known by name to congress than to me ; and, therefore, I shaU ventm-e no further, but conclude, by wish ing this arduous business AveU settled, and by assm-ances to congress and to you, sir, of my warmest attachment and respect. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO M. DUMAS. Paris, 5 February, 1783. Sir, — I received last night your favor of 30th of Januarjr, with the copies of letters inclosed. I ara not at aU surprised at the sentiments expressed in those copies, nor am I able to give any satisfactory ansAA'er to the pungent questions which I read there. I feel very sincerely afflicted for om- friends, without being noAV able, and Avithout having ever been able, to do them any service. I could tell you a very tiue story, which Avould convince you that the United States run a great risk of as bad a peace as that of Holland, and that there is no thanks to the iTunister that your correspondent thinks hard of, that we had not a worse. Unsuspecting confidence is ever dangerous in negotiations. The states-general should have had a minister in London as soon as M. Rayneval went there, and instead of being instiucted to ti-ust so much to another, they should have been instiucted to conduct their affaUs whoUy themselves. You know the situation I am in, and therefore I rely upon your honor to communicate nothing of this to the Duke'de la Vauguyon. You know I never Ulced the French minister of foreign affairs. I had great reasons to distiust him Avhich you know not, but the world may one day see. As to the proposed negotiation for the freedom of navigation, Ml-. Dana has full poAver to ti-eat. And if France and Spain OFFICIAL. 41 wUl come into a treaty with Holland upon the subject, Mr. FrankUn, Mr. Jay, Mi-. Laurens, and myself AviU treat Avhilst Avaiting for Mr. Dana. But, betAveen you and me, I doubt Avhether the French minister wUl be for such a ti-eaty. This is merely from conjecture, not knoAvledge, so that no dependence can be placed upon it. If the EngUsh are cunning, they AviU make a merit Avith' HoUand of agreeing to the liberty of naviga tion ; and I suspect this is then- intention, if they get Negapat- nam. With gi-eat esteem, John Adams. TO RICHARD OSAVALD. Paris, 14 February, 1783. Sir, — We have expected you here every day for a long time, and begin to be apprehensive you do not design to return, which wiU be a disappointment to me, because I wish to have the pleasure of finishing the Avork of peace with a gentleman who has conducted it hitherto with so much advantage. If this satisfaction is not to be obtained, I Avish the service in the hands of some one equaUy possessed of the only system Avhich can ever conduct it to a right conclusion for the prosperity of yom- countiy or mine. Of one tlung I am weU persuaded, — that no man wUl ever be found Avith better quaUfications or disposi tions. If you should not retm-n here, it is not very probable we shaU meet again. But whether together or asunder, I shaU carry AAdth me at aU times the most entUe esteem and respect for Mr. Oswald. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. M. DUMAS to JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 15 Ftivrier, 1783. Monsieur, — Ce que vous me dites, dans la v6ti-e du 5, ou plutot ce que vous ne nt'y dites pas, me fait desUer avec impa tience votie retour ici, c'est a. dire, la conclusion finale du traite d(^finitif de paix generale ; car je ne vols pas d'apparence a avoir cette satisfaction plutot. n me tarde extiemement d'apprendre ce qu'U peut y avoir de 4' 42 OFFICIAL, pire que le torn- jou^ a nos amis. II regne un froid a glacer, pas entie eux et moi (au contiaire), mais entie eux et certain carac- tere dont Us plaignent pom-fant la personne ; et s'U en faut croire ce qu'on se dit ici a I'oreUIe, U est a plaindre, apres toutes les peines qu'U s'est donnees pom- bien serA'h-, et tout le succes qu'ont eu ses peines. Nous sommes fort cmieux ici de savoir Ic role et les aUures a Paris et a VersaiUes de iM. de H., le chambeUan du Prince. Je suis, &c. DUAIAS, M. DU.AIAS TO JOHN ADAJIS, La Haie, 18 Fevrier, 1783. Monsieur, — Nos amis sont ti-es contents de la declaration reiteree que je leur ai faite de A'otie part, &c., et A'ont agir en con sequence aupres de la cour de France, compris ceUe d'Espagne, et aupres de vos exceUences, Ils me paroissent persuades que la mesure peut et doit reussu-. Cependant, a tout evenement. Us me chargent de proposer encore la question suivante, pour obtenir la-dessus une reponse, favorable s'U se peut, qui aclieve- roit de les mettie a I'aise, et de les ti-anquilliser. " Q. Lorsque L. H. P. auront fait la proposition a la France, de signer conjointement avec I'Espagne, I'Amerique et les Pays- Bas L^nis une convention foiidee sur les principes de la neutiaUte armee pom- le maintien de la Uberte de la navigation ; au cas que la France et I'Espagne parussent vouloir reculer et differer une teUe convention, ou s'y refuser avant la conclusion ou signa ture du tiaite defuritif; M. Dana, et pendant son absence M. Adams, soit seul et comme ministie des Etats Urns aupres de cette repubUque, ou avec messieurs ses coUegues, seroient Us prets a signer une teUe convention provisioneUe, lorsqu'eUe leur seroit proposee de la part de L. H. P., entie les Etats Unis et les Pays-Bas Unis? '¦ On est persuade ici, que sans un ti-aite pareU, soit entre la France, I'Espagne, les Etats Unis et les Pays-Bas Unis, ou, a defaut des deux premieres, au moms entie les deux dernieres puissances, rien ne sauroit preverdr ni excuser la honte du tiaite definitif pour cette repubUque, qui n'est entree en guerre que OFFICIAL. 43 pour la liberte des mers, et qui eu a fait une conditio sine qtid non dans ses pr(^Uminaii-es de paix." II est fort &, souhaiter que I'un de ct's deux arrangemens soit faisable a defaut de I'autre, parcequc cela applaniroit lout d'un coup le chemiii au traite definitif. II ne resteroit du moiijs d'auti-e difficulte que celle de Negapatnara et de la navigation par les Moluques, sur lesqueUes je viens de lire le rapport des 17 directeurs de la compagnie, qui opposent les raisons les plus fortes -d la cession de I'un et de I'autre. Mon opinion est, sauf toujours votre meUleur avis, que votre 'acquiescement a la demande de ces messieurs peut se fonder sur ces ti-ois choses. lo. Sur la resolution des Etats Unis du 5 Octo- bre, 1780, communiquee par vous-meme a L. H. P. par lettre du 8 Mars, 1781 ; et sm- ce que vous m'avez marque, que vos pou- voirs a cet egard n'ont point ete revoques. 2o. Sur ce que L. H. P. sont une des parties de la neuti-aUte armee, a laqueUe Mr. Dana attend qu'U plaise a une autre des parties d'adraetti-e les Etats Unis. 3o. Sur ce qu'U ne s'agit, ce me serable, que de se garantu- r^ciproquement ce que vous avez deja signe dans lo traite d'amitie et de commerce conclu avec L. H. P. Je suis, &c. Dumas. TO m. dumas. Paris, 23 February, 1783. Sir, — In answer to the questions in yours of the 18th, I beg leave to inform you, that, in my opinion, Mr. Dana is the only proper person in Europe to treat with anybody in Em-ope, about the armed neutrality and the liberty of navigation. It is true our former power is not expressly revoked, but I consider Mr. Dana's commissions in forra to be an impUcit and tacit revoca tion of ours ; so that I dare not take upon rae, and, frora friend ship and delicacy to Mr. Dana, I ought not, to enter into any conferences upon this subject alone. In corapany Avith ray col leagues in the commission for peace, I Avould not refuse to enter into conferences, waiting Mr. Dana. But whether my coUeagues would enter into this negotiation Avithout France and Spain, at least France, I doubt ; and have not time noAv to consult thera, who are at a distance from me. 44 OFFICIAL. I think the proper method for om- fiiends to take, is to open a negotiation with Mr. Dana and with aU the neuti-al powei-s, and with France and Spain at the same time. We, who are now in and about Paris, might negotiate Avith the ministers of France, Spain, and HoUand, or at least confer, if they wUl admit us, Avaiting Mr. Dana. Mj-. D. can enter into negotiation with HoUand and aU the other powers who have signed the armed neuti-aUty. BeUeve me, your friend, John Adams. TO THE TRUSTEES OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE. Paris, 25 February, 1783. Gentlemen, — Yom- favor of 24th September recommending your Avorthy president, Dr. Wheelock, and his designs, gave me much pleasm-e and does me great honor. It is to American seminaries of learning that America is indebted for her glory and prosperity, and, therefore, no man can be more usefully employed than in affording thera every counte nance and assistance in his power. Dr. Wheelock, after reraaining a few days in Paris, set off Avith his brother for the Hague and Arasterdara. I gave him letters to several persons of consideration in those cities, such as AviU be most likely to forward his designs, but what success he wUl have, I am not able to say. With the greatest respect, John Adams. B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS. {Extract.) London, 25 February, 1783. Dear Sir, — Mr. Lau.rens, Avhom you inquire after, I presume is just arrived in London ; and Mr. Oswald was about to return to Paris ; but Avhat tins distracted state of parties wUl produce, I cannot yet inform you. The event of the peace, and the reception it meets in parhament, wiU teU you Avho were Ame rica's best friends. They Avere those Avho made least profession and had most understanding. It is unnecessary to hint more to you. All ranks are satisfied Avith peace, but the great are not OFFICIAL, 45 satisfied Avith a minister Avho had so few of them in his ti-ain. They therefore say Ave might have had a better peace. You are one of those that know, and I ask your opinion about the fact of a better peace being easy, A\ithout more Avar, or even Avitli it. I mean to put you up sorae paraphlets of the Avorst sort; for our better are only preparing. Flereafter, the peace AviU proba bly be Avell understood, and then you shall have other pamphlets in another style. I have the honor to be, &c. Bknjamin Vaughan. p. J. VAN berckel to JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 5 Mars, 17,s,';. Monsieur, — Puisque j'ai la satisfaction d'etre elu par leurs hautes puissances pour aller resider aupres du congres des Etats Unis de I'Amerique en qualite de ministre plcnipotentiau'e de noti-e repubUque, je n'ai pu rae dispenser de vous en inforraer. Mais encore je me fais cette occasion de vous ecrfie a profit, et je la saisis pour vous temoigner que I'honnem- de cette commis sion me flatte exti-emement, parceque j'ai toujom-s senti le desu- le plus vif d'en etre charge, afin de ti-ouver les raoyens de mettre au jour les sentimens d'estime et d'amour que mon coem- nourrit pour cette nouveUe repubUque ; ce que je ferai d'autant plus facUement parce que le service de ma patrie exige que je porte tous mes soins a serrer le plus cti-oitement ces noeuds, qui doi- vent Uer ces deux soeurs de facon qu'elles ne se separent jamais, Permettez moi en merae temps de solUciter votre amitie et voti-e bienveillance. EUes me sont cheres, et rae peuvent etre de ties graiide utUite. J'en congois tout le prix, et je ne maiique- rai pas de faire tout le possible pour vous engager a les accorder a celui qui se nomme avec la plus parfaite estime, monsieur, &c. P. J. Van Berckel. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. {Extract.) La Haie, 6 Mars, 1783. Monsieur, — Vous devez avoir regu actuellement, messieurs, ainsi que les rainistres de France et d'Espagne, par ceux de la repubUque a Paris, I'ouverture d'entaraer la negociation pour un 4(3 OFFICIAL, ti-aite de garantie reciproque de la Uberte des mers. Ces mes sieurs comptent a cet egard, et principalement, sur les promesses reiterees que vous m'avez autorise de leur faire, siirs que vous ne vous laisserez point influer ni diriger par Shelburne Sf Co, ; qui s'entendent, disent ils, comme larrons en foire. Vous n' aurez pas de peine a coraprendi-e I'allusion. Si cette convention pou voit se fau-e avant la signatra-e du ti-aite definitif, ce seroit le tii- oraphe ici de nos r6pubUcains. Quelqu'un m'ayant objecte que r Angleten-e pourroit en prendre orabrage si ce traite se faisoit avant I'auti-e ; et depuis quand, ai-je repUque, la France a-t-elle recomtneticee a avoir peur de donner ombrage a VAngleterre? Je suis, &c. DujiAS. TO p. J. VAN berckel. Paris, 11 March, 1783. Sir, — I have received the letter Avliich you did me the honor to AATrite me on the Sth of this month, and am happy to receive this confirmation of the ncAA's of yom- appointment as minister plenipotentiary to the United States of America. Your name, connections, and character are sufficient pledges of your attach ment to yom- OAvn counti-y as weU as om-s, and cannot faU to be as pleasing in America as they seem to be in Europe. A friend ship between our countiies is so natural, that I think you AAill have Uttle difficulty in succeeding to your wishes. iXI. Dumas desu-es me to inform you Avhat furniture it wiU be proper to carry Avith you. In my opinion, you avUI be able to purchase at PhUadelphia Avhatever you may have occasion for, as cheap and as good as you can have them in Europe. Linens and other Ught articles you may carry Avith you, but it is unnecessary to incumber yom-self Avith heavy ones. It wiU by no means be necessary to make a pubUc entiy. There has as yet been no example of it, and as such splendid ceremonies are much out of fashion in Europe, it wUl never be necessary to inti-oduce them into America. You wUl have no occasion therefore for any can-iage but one of a coraraon kind, which may be made in PhUadelphia or Boston with as much elegance and convenience as in Paris, Amsterdam, or London. My advice Avould be to land at Boston, and take the jom-ney OFFICIAL, 47 to PhUadelphia, AvhUc you send your frigate round by sea to that city. This will give you an opportunity of seeing a great part of the United States, and of becoming acquainted Avith many principal characters. I avUI be ansAverable for your cor dial reception everywhere. His ExceUency, the Governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Hancock, and his tlonor, the President of the Senate, Mi-. Samuel Adams, AviU receive you at Boston. Governor TrumbuU, at Connect icut ; General Washington and Governor Clinton, at Ncav York ; Governor Livingston, at Ncaa' Jersey. I Avould, by all means, advise you to pass through Ncav York and NeAV Jersey, where you avUI find multitudes charmed at the sight of a Dutch minister more than any other in the Avorld. I wish you a pleasant voyage and jom-ney. If you take your departm-e at any time before the middle of June, your voyage can scarcely faU to be agreeable. After that, it may be long and tedious. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. B. VAUGHAN TO JOHN ADAMS. London, 11 March, 1783. Dear Sir, — I do not learn that Ave have yet fixed om- minis tiy, which does not at all concern me, proAided Ave could fix om- principles. I am happy, however, to find, notAvithstanding the factions in parUament, that the people of England are not at all averse to a proper footing Avith America, provided they could be assured of America's disposition to be reciprocal in the mat ter of advance. So far they are right, that no public overtures frora thence have yet arrived at then- knowledge ; in which 1 think you gentlemen at Paris might nevertheless assist us. Per haps I may tiuly affirm that the boldness of my friend has done more towards advancing manly opinions than any thing I have yet experienced in this country. Happy I am to find, notAvith standing this clamor, that he retains all his old American senti ments, and repents of nothing. Some of his friends only lament that he did not corrupt the votes of sorae who never vote but by corruption ; and in truth it would have secm-ed the business. I have the honor to be, &c. Benjamin Vaughan. 48 OFFICIAL. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN. Paris, 12 March, 1783. Dear Sir,— I thank you for the pamphlets, which are an amusement in this place, how little soever there is in them of sense or candor. The refugees, however, seem to judge right in then- OAvn affair, — sensible that they have no claim at aU upon America for compensation, they demand it of Great Britain, upon whom the pretensions of some of them may be very just. But Avhy has no man dared to mention tens of thousands of sufferers in America, as innocent, as meritorious at least, as any of the refugees ? Who is to make restitution and compensation to these ? Those who say you might have had a better peace, speak from conjectiire, not from knoAvledge. They reason fi-om a false comparison of the forces of the beffigerent powers. Their ima ginations magnify the finances and miUtary power of Great Britain, and diminish those of France, Spain, HoUand, and America, and then they reason frora this delusive comparison, that the peace is inadequate to the relative situations. I am afraid that the vote to this pm-pose wiU be an unhappy one for Great Britain. WUl it not nourish a continual discontent in yom- nation, and a continual jealousy in aU the powers that have been at war with you ? I wiU ansAver you with great sincerity. I do not beUeve you cotUd possibly have obtained a better ti-eaty Avith America. On the contiary, the least delay would have lost you some advan tages which you now have. What conditions might have been obtained from France and Spain, I know not. France appears in the ti-eaty with great moderation in the eyes of Europe, and her aversion to continue the war could arise fi-om no other motive. Spain appears to have conquered her predUection for Gibraltar. If, therefore, instead of Avasting the force of forty or fifty ships to guard that rock, she had acted with France in the West Indies, or against New York, or both, with twenty-five, tAventy, or even only fifteen Dutch ships in the North Seas or the channel, Avhere would have been your hopes ? Sm-ely only in the defensive. Admitting what is very extravagantly improba ble, that you could have defended all another year at an expense OFFICIAL. 49 of tAA'cnty mUUons, Avould you liaAO been then able to demand better terms, or your adversaries disposed to grant them ? I trow not. On the contiary, their courage and pretensions would have advanced. America did you a very kind turn, you may depend upon it, AAdien she rapidly hastened on the signature of the provisional treaty. Think of it as you VAiU, you would have had no peace at this hour, but for this able seizure of the moraent of the tide in the affah-s of men, for Avhich you are mdebted to Mr. Oswald and his principals. Without this, the negotiations would have dreamed on until D'Estaing had sailed from Cadiz, and then, Voild une autre campagne ! I should be very glad to see the better sort of pamphlets you nuention, and particularly some to shoAV the poUcy and the necessity of an imraediate evacuation of New York and Penob scot. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO HENRY LAURENS. Paris, 12 March, 1783. Dear Sir, — Appearances on the side where you are do not please me more than you ; but I hope the Aveather wiU clear up, and that we shaU soon have the pleasure of seeing you and Mr. Oswald here to put the last hand to the peace. It is not AVorth whUe for any noble lord to " boast of his art" in obtaining the provisional treaty, Avithout the knowledge of our great and good aUy. It Avas not OAving to " his art." But hoAV does he knoAV Avhat knoAAiedge Avas communicated to om- aUy 1 As to getting " John Adams & Co. hanged," this Avould be no more than a Hillsborough, Germaine, or SandAvich would have done, if they could. This would be no feat for a Avhig minister to boast of.^ 1 This alludes to the following passage in a letter of Mr. Laurens : — " Mr. S. will communicate as much of the state of public affairs in this coun try as probably I know. My knowledge extends not much beyond appearances. These do not please me ; but I am told that I shall be better pleased in^ a few days. Meantime, a certain noble lord, now a little beclouded, has not failed to take the necessary advantage of his success in obtaining the ' provisional treaty ' without ' the knowledge or the participation of the great and good ally of Ame rica.' For argument's sake, I admit the fact. What then '! John Adams & VOL. VIII. 5 " 50 OFFICIAL, This same " hanging " is, hoAvever, a gi-ave business, and per haps the aforesaid company may have reflected upon the natm-e of it more seriously than his Lordship, unless it has stiuck him lately. But I cannot think om- counti-y avUI hang her ministers merely for their simpUcity in being cheated mto independence, the fisheries, and half the gi-eat lakes. Om- counti-ymen love buckskins, beaver-skins, tom-cod, and pine ti-ees too AveU, to hang theu- ministers for accepting thera, or even for purchasing them by a Uttle too much " reciprocity " to the tories. Be it as it may, if a French minister and an English minister should form a coaUtion as curious as that of the fox and the geese, to get J. A. hanged, he is pretty weU prepared for this, or to be recaUed, or censured, or flattered, or slandered, just as they please. I wish I could see more serious preparations for evacuating Ncav York and Penobscot. Our people AviU not feel Uke fi-ee- men in friendship Avitli Great Britain, tUl this is done. If any one thinks that keeping possession of Ncav York AA'iU help the refugees, he deceives himself Great Britain's misfortiines have arisen from the ignorance in her rulers of the American charac ter. If ministers are incapable of learning it, they never wUl succeed in addressing themselves to it. If they think that fear Avill Avork for the refugees, they AviU find it operate against them. But why is the defimtive ti-eaty delayed ? Congi-ess wiU not take the preUminaries into consideration, tUl they have the defi nitive ti-eaty. There can be no ratffication, untU congress have that ; and, in my opinion, the States, after the ratification and recommendations, wUl take none of them into consideration, until the United States are evacuated by the ti-oops. In this I may be mistaken. My respects to your good family, and beUeve me, &c. John Adams. Co. may be hanged, but no damage will arise to the United States. I shall endeavor honestly to defeat his Lordship's pious designs. I suspected his Lord ship's goodness, when he offered to make me a present of myself" OFFICI.'VL. rA FRAxXCIS DANA TO JOHN ADA.-MS. St, Petersburg, 16 March, 1783, Sir, — Yom-s of the 22d of February has come to hand this moment, and has given me much satisfaction. I always admired the noble and independent spirit of my friend, but I noAv see cause to admire it stUl more. You have conferred additional obUgations upon, or to express myself otherwise, you have ren dered additional services to your country, by breaking to pieces chains forged to hold it in a state of subserviency to the interests of others. God and your counti-y avUI approve the meajsure. But there is nothing gives me more real pleasm-e than your determination to return to America. I haA'e only one request to make to you, — that you wiU not dechnc a moraent taking a seat in congress after yom- arrival there. They want only pro per inforraation to lead them into proper measures. The turn of thinking there must be changed, and I know no man better calculated on every account to bring this about than yourself I beseech you, therefore, never to decline such an occasion. By my last letter, you wUl find my intention is, if not to accompany you, at least to foUow you soon to America. As to your advice to me, to communicate my mission to the minister of the Emperor and the ministers of aU the other Courts which have acceded to the armed neutiaUty, I think at present it is not advisable to make this communication on that occasion ; for, first, I have no authority to make any commercial tieaty with the Emperor ; and as to that part of my commis.sion Avhich respects the armed neutraUty or neutial confederation, I have long since, upon consideration, given it to congress as ray opi nion, that America could not becorae a party in it or accede formaUy to the marine convention so long as she continued a beUigerent power ; and also, that that convention, from its terms and nature, was limited to the duration of the Avar. But, if I should be rrustakcn in this last point, I think it is not AVorth whUe for America at this time to pay near five thousand pounds sterling to the ministers of this Court for the liberty of acceding to the marine convention ; and, if it AA'ere, I have not the money at ray disposal. The communication, you are sensible, must be general to aU the parties to that confederation, and of course to 52 OFFICIAL. this Court. To make the communication, Avhich Avould amount to a proposition on my part to accede to the convention, and not to be able to do it for want of Avhat I know is essential to the end, Avould be only to expose the honor of the United States Avithout the prospect of any advantage. It is quite enough to pay five thousand pounds steriing for a treaty of coramerce with this empu-e. I think it my duty, therefore, to keep the marine convention out of sight as long as possible, and to confine myself to the treaty of coramerce, into Avhich I have adopted the lead- ino- principles of the marine convention, and shaU endeavor to conclude both points in one ti-eaty. If I faU in this, I must faU in both, and shall immediately quit this Com-t. I must exercise my discretion in some things, and, as you have done, submit my conduct to the judgment of those whose right it is to decide upon it. If they fm-nish me not with the means, they must not expect the accompUshment of my mission. I pray you to give me your advice upon these matters AAith the utmost freedom, and as soon as possible. Though I have ventured not to foUow it in this particular case, yet I give you my reasons for not doing it, that you might judge upon them, and I am not the less obUged to you for your advice. I have not received an ansAver in forra to my letter communi cating my mission to the vice-chanceUor, but only a verbal mes sage in excuse of the delay for a time entu-ely past. I do not lUce this delay. The immediate assurances mentioned in my letter in Avhich I informed you of this communication, came from a member of her Majesty's private cabinet, Avho sought an intervieAV with me for that occasion. But I refer you to a pas sage in my last letter, — "I am sick, &c." — God send me speedUy a happy deliverance from them. Adieu, my dear sir, yora-s, Francis Dana. HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS. London, 26 March, 1783. Dear Sir, — I was yesterday honored by the receipt of your letter of the 12th inst. That the " noble lord " did boast is beyond all doubt ; but I OFFICIAL, 53 had the good fortune to give a check to his success, by pro pounding a question almost in terms AAith that Avhich you have put. HoAV does his Lordship kiioAV AAiiether Ave conferred Avith, or AAiiat AA'e communicated to, om- ally ? but, admitting the fact, AA'hich I do not admit, Avhat then ? Be assured that a disap pointed and mortified Shelbm-ne, maugi-e all pretensions to whig gism, has as good a stomach for such a " feat " as even a HUls- borough, a Germaine, or the other secretary. Sandwich had. I comcide exactly in your opinion on the delay of the defini tive treaty, the evacuation of Ncav York, the tories, recoraraend ations, &c. ; and it is probable I have given a damp to the thUd edition " for the provisional estabUshment and regulation of trade, &c." by fi-aming a counter-bill supposed to be pending in each of the United States, for regulating the British tiade, Avhich I held up as a mUror to a noble lord and a fcAv of the most eminent coramoners. The picture alarmed them, and, if I judge right, a lead Avill be laid upon theu- bill. " You cannot think our country will hang then- ministers for bemg cheated into independence, fisheries, &c., &c." I fancy not ; but, be as grave as you please upon the subject, beUeve me, his Lordship boasted of having " cheated " us into those great benefits, and flattered himself with hopes that, upon the same ground, he Avould be able to " cheat " us out of thera again. I hope his wings Avill be dipt. Kthe proper ministi-y should suc ceed, I have every reason to expect an honest and Uberal pro ceeding Avith respect to us wUl immediately ensue. My opinion is founded upon the most expUcit assurances frora the very best hands. The tories, mcknamed loyalists, are execrated by the circle in which I sometimes move, and yet they say they must " make some provision for sorae of the poor devUs for national honor's sake." I reply, make what provision you wUl, it Avould be impertinent in me to interfere in that business ; but you must not attempt to cram them down om- throats. It is time you sliould know that America wUl not be taxed without her oavu consent. I have uniformly discouraged aU attempts to trade Avith the United States, untU the definitive ti-eaty shaU be concluded, and the British forces by land and sea effectuaUy Avithdi-awn. The reasonings Avhich I have urged, particularly personating the State of New York, have been acknowledged invincible ; but some of the merchants are nevertheless mad, 5* 54 OFFICIAL. and AAiU send then- ships. Let them be mad. I ti-ust the Uni ted States AvUl be Avise. I am, dear sir, &c. Henry Laurens. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 14 April, 1783. Sir, — You may easUy imagine our anxiety to hear from America, Avhen you know that Ave have no news to this hour, either of your reception of the news of peace, or of that of the treaty Avith Holland, four copies of which I put on board differ ent vessels at Amsterdam, in October. We have been in equal uncertainty about the tm-n AA'hich affah-s might take in England. But by letters frora Mr. Lau rens Ave expect him every day, and Mr. David Hartley AA'ith him, in order to complete the definitive treaty. It Avould have been more agreeable to have finished AA'ith Mr. OsAvald. But the present ministry are so dissatisfied AA'ith Avhat is past, as they say, though nobody beUeves them, that they choose to change hands. It AA'UI be proposed, I beUeve, to make a temporary arrange ment of commercial matters, as our powers are not competent to a durable one, if to any. Congress wUl, no doubt, soon send a minister Avith full powers, as the teeaty of commerce Avith Great Britain is of great importance, and our affairs in that country requu-e an overseer. It is confidently asserted, in letters frora Holland, that M. MarkoAV, the minister plenipotentiary from the Empress of Russia, has received from his misti-ess a full power to come to Paris, to the assistance of the Prince Bariatinsid, at a congi-ess for a general pacification. There is, as yet, no answer received fi-ora the Emperor. If the tAVO Imperial Com-ts accept of the mediation, there wUl be a congress ; but I suppose it wUl relate chiefly to the affairs of Holland, Avhich are not yet arranged, and to the Uberty of neutral navigation, Avhich is their principal point. I wish success to that repubUc in this negotiation, Avhich wUl help to compose their interior disorders, which are alarming. I knoAV not whether it avUI be insisted or expected that Ave should join in the congress, nor do I know what Ave have to do in it, unless it be to settie that point as far as it relates to OFFICIAL, 55 us. There is notlung in diflerencc betAvecn us and Great Britain Avhich we cannot adjust ourselves Avithout any mediation. A spring passage to America is so great an object, that I should be very sorry to have the negotiations spun out to such a length as to obUge me to lose it ; and I take it for granted, I shaU noAV receive the acceptance of my resignation by the first ships. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO M, DUMAS. Paris, 16 April, 1783, Sir, — In ansAver to the inquiry of M. Fagel, you Avill please to inform him that the letters of credence of M, Van Berckel should be addressed, — " To the United States of America in Congress assembled." " Friends and AlUes." The King of France, indeed, has added the word " great." " Great friends and alUes." But I think it Avould be much bet ter to leave out the word great and aU other epithets. Congress have never assumed any other style ; and I hope they never Avill assume or receive any other. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. THE SOCIETA'- OF LEEUWARDEN TO JOHN ADAMS. Leeuwarde, 29 A-vril, 1783. Monsieur, — Nous avons enfin la satisfaction de voir ache- vee la medaille que nous avions projete et dedie aux nobles et puissants seigneurs, les Etats de Frise. Votie ExceUence est instruite du but et du contenu de cette medaiUe par notee requete du 8 Mai de I'annee derniere, dont votie ExceUence a eu la bonte d'inserer la tiaduction dans le recueU de pieces con- cernant I'Amerique Septentrionale, que votie ExceUence a pubhe.^ Nous prions respectueusement votie ExceUence de nous j^er- mettie de lui presenter deux de ces medaUles, I'une pour servu- au cas que votre Excellence put trouver bon de la presenter au congres des treize Etats Unis de I'Amerique. 1 Xo trace of this medal remains among the effects of ilr, Adams. 56 OFFICIAL. Nous somraes en attendant charmes de voir, que les Etats des auti-es provinces, et consequerament la repubUque entiere, ont, a I'exemple des Etats de Frise, reconnu la Uberte et I'inde- pendance de TAmerique ; reconnoissance, qui, jointe aux bons offices que votre ExceUence a employe, a deja eu cette heureuse suite, qu'U a ete conclu enti-e les deux etats un tiaite d'amitie et de commerce, et qu'on a dtabU par la meme, une base de bien-etre et de prosperite reciproques. Nous avons I'honneur de felicitcr votie ExceUence de cet evenement, et de souhaiter du fond de nos coeurs, que les ti-avaux importants de voti-e Excellence dans les conferences actueUes pom- la paix, puissent avou- une issue non moins heureuse ; afin que la grande et cou- rageuse nation qui honore voti-e Excellence de sa confiance, puisse obteiur dans peu pom- prix de sa valeur et de sa con- stance une paix glorieuse et durable, et qu'eUe croisse ensuite teUement en gloUe et en puissance, qu'eUe puisse etie I'effi-oi des usm-pateurs et des tyi-ans, et un refuge toujours assure aux opprimes. VeuUle le Dieu tout prussant repandre sa benedic tion sur ces souhaits et sur ces prieres ! Nous prenons la liberie de nous recommander a la bienveU- laiice de votre Excellence, et d'eti-e avec le plus profond respect, monsiem-, &c. Les Membres de la Societe Bourgeoise etablie d Leemvarde sous la devise, " Par liberte etpar zele." Et pour tous, W. WoPKENS. V. Cats. TO FRANCIS DANA. Paris, 1 May, 1783. Sir, — I have received your favor of the 16th of March, and in ansAver to it, I do assure you that I do not intend to decline taking a seat in congress, if any State in the confederation should think it Avorth Avhile to offer me one. I am grown very ambitious of being a limb of that sovereign. I had rather be master than servant, on the same principle that men swear at Highgate, — never to kiss the maid when they can Idss the mis- OFFICIAL. 57 tiess. I should be very happy to sit alongside of you upon one of those seats, and rise up hoaa' and then, and tell stories of our peregrinations, and of the robbers aa'c have met AA'ith in the high- AA'ay. But you must not quit, till you have made your treaty. I beg you Avould consider Avhat I AAQ-ite to you as hints, not as advice. The reasons that you give, for not taking some I gave you, are very conclusive, and had not occurred to rae. The first A'cssel wUl, I hope, bring you elucidations upon those points. Mr. Hartley is to finish with us, and we are maldng prepa rations ; but cannot say hoAV much time wUl be necessary. They talk of a congress and mediation, and Mr. MarkoAV is coming ; but there is no need of either on our affairs. Yet Ave may be invited to join it ; and who would not be ambitious of sitting in such a council of the celestials ? Or rather, avIio would not be curious " to knoAV by AA'liat sort of men this Avorld is governed." With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO M. DUMAS. Paris, 1 May, 1783, Sir, — In answer to yours of the 25th ultimo, I can only say that I have no information of the United States having acceded to the armed neutiaUty. On the contrary, I have reasons to doubt it. Is it not astonishing that we have no ncAVS from America ? I cannot say when I shaU be able to see you, because I knoAV not when the definitive tieaty wUl be signed. K we should have a congress to attend, it is impossible to foresee hoAV long Ave shaU be detained ; for the deUcacies, etiquette, and ceremo nies of so raany diploraatic sages, AvUl not gUde aAvay with such rapidity as the provisional tieaty with Mr. Oswald did. When men meet upon business, forenoon, afternoon, and eve ning, every day, they do a great deal, and do it well. But Avhen they meet only two hours in a morning, once a week, they for get what Ayas done at one meeting before another occurs. I find that making treaties is very easy work when one has full powers, not too much shackled with instructions, and when there is but one minister on each side. If I Avere a king, which 58 OFFICIAL, I Avould not be for a AA'orld, or a congress, a member of which I hope to be, I AA'ould not send more than one minister upon any one piece of service, nor confine him by any instiuctions Avhich should not be absolutely necessary. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO THE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY ESTABLISHED AT LEEUAVARDEN, UNDER THE DEVICE, " BY LIBERTY AND ZEAL." Paris, 10 May, 1783. Gentlemen, — I have received the letter which you did me the honor to Avrite me on the 29tli day of last month, and the friendly sentiments it contains towards the United States of America deserve my warmest acknowledgments. The resolutions of the States of Friesland, taken in the assem- bUes of February and AprU, 1782, do honor to that Province. The acknoAA'ledgment of the sovereignty of the United States of America, and the refusal of a separate peace by their High jMightinesses, the states-general, was one of those critical deci sions which sometimes turn the tide of the affairs of men, and produce the unraveUing of great scenes among nations. It seemed to open the eyes of the British nation, and to determine the fluctuating opinions of the -whole Avorld, and, consequently, contiibuted very much to accelerate the peace. The medals you did me the honor to present me Avith this letter, are sti-uck in great perfection, and express Avith a beauti ful simpUcity the tAvo great events they Avere intended to com memorate. You AviU please to accept of my thanks for them. The first favorable opportunity shaU be taken to present one of thera to congi-ess, as you desire. Yora- repubUc, I am persuaded, AviU have no cause to repent of the part she has taken in favor of America ; and may the friendship, con-espondence, and alUance between the two nations be perpetual. Permit me to add my best Avishes for the prosperity of your society, and the feUeity of your persons and families. With great esteem and respect, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL, TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, 21 May, 1783. Sir, — I am just now honored Avith yours of the 19th of Janu ary, by the Avay of London. We have not yet had the happi ness to receive, as Ave should be disposed to do with open arms, our excellent old friend Jefferson, and begin to fear that the ncAVs of peace has determined hira not to come. I thank you, sir, for your polite congratulations ; when the tide turned, it floAved Avith rapidity, and carried the vessel, as I hope, into a safe harbor. As to the loan in Holland, I have never troubled you nor any one else in America with details of the vexations of various Idnds which I met Avith in the negotiation of it ; indeed, I never thought it prudent or safe to do it. If I had told the whole tiuth, it cordd have done no good, and it might have done infi nite mischief. In general, it is now sufficient to say, that pri vate interest, party spirit, factions, cabals, and slanders have obsti-ucted, perplexed, and tortured our loan in Holland, as well as aU our other affairs, foreign and domestic. But as there has been a greater variety of clashing interests, — English, French, Stadtholderian, Republican, and American, — mixing in the affair of our loan in HoUand, it has been more puzzled than any thing else. If, in the bitterness of my soul, I had described the fermentation, and mentioned names, and drawn characters, I might have ti-ansmitted a curious tale ; but it would have only served to inflame old animosities and excite hcaa' ones. A great many things are said to me, on purpose that they may be represented to you or to congi-ess. Some of these I beUeve to be false, more of them I suspect, and some that are tiue would do no good. I think it necessary, therefore, to em ploy a little discretion in such cases. Messrs. WUUnk & Co. avUI write you from tirae to tirae, as they teU me they have done, the state of the loan. Mi. Grand wants all the money, but they wait your orders. The loan has been and wUl be damped by transmitting- the money to France ; but your necessities were so urgent, that you could not avoid it. In my opinion, if you had a minister at St. James's, and he were authorized to borrow money generaUy, in England or else- 60 OFFICIAL. AA'here, it AA'ould serve you greatly, by causing an emulation even in Holland, besides the money you Avould procm-e in London, /AA'hich Avould not be a tiiffing sum. I Avish I AA'ere in congi-ess, that I might assist you in persuad ing our counti-ymen to pay taxes and build ships. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 24 May, 1783. Sir, — I have the honor to inclose copies, to be laid before congress, of several papers. 1st. Mj.-. Hartley's full poAvers of May 14th. 2dly. The order of the King of Great Britain in councU, for regulating the American trade, of May 14th. Sdly. Articles proposed by the American ministers to IVEr. Hartley, AprU 29th. 4thly. Mr. Hartley's observations left with us May 21st. And 5thly. Mr. Hartley's proposition of the same day. This proposition, however, upon inquiry, we find Mr. Hartley does not incUne to subscribe to, before he sends it to his Court for their orders ; so that we have not yet given him our opinion of it. He has sent a courier to London, before whose return we hope to have further inteUigence from PhUadelphia. The present British ministiy discover an indecision and timid ity which indicate instabUity. Some persons from England imagine that my Lord Shelburne avUI come in again. The change Avould produce a longer delay, but I think would be no disadvantage to America. If he had continued in power, I think Ave should have finished, or been ready to finish, before now, with MJ.-. OsAvald. Mr. Hartley's dispositions, however, are very good, and, if left to his OAvn judgment, would be liberal and fan-. The idea of reviving the ti-ade, upon the plan of the laws of Great Britain before the war, although those laAVS were calcu lated so much for the advantage of that counti-y, and so Uttle for the advantage of ours, might be admissible for a fcAV months, untU ministers could be appointed on both sides to frame a tieaty of commerce ; provided no advantage should be ceded by it, in the negotiation of such treaty, and provided that such a OFFICIAL. (Ji temporary convention for trade should neither delay nor influ ence the definitive ti-eaty. It is much to be Avished that the definitive treaty of peace and a permanent treaty of commerce could be signed at the sarae tirae. This, hoAvever, seeras now to be irapossible ; and, therefore, some temporary regulation of commerce seems unavoidable. But we are as yet too uncertain of the sentiraents of the Court of St. James to be able to foresee Avhether avc shaU agi-ec Avitli them. Mr. Hartley has been here four AA'eeks, and nothing has been done, although he Avas very sanguine, before he left London, that he should send home a convention in less than half of four days. Congress aa'UI see by Mi-. Hartley's commission, that they are become the " good friends " of the King of Great Britain. MJ.-. Hartley, on his first arrival here, communicated to us in form an invitation fi-om the ministers, Avith the knoAvledge and con sent of the King, to all the American ministers to go to London, with the assm-ance that Ave should be there presented at Court, and ti-eated in all respects Uke the ministers of any other sove reign state. He also communicated the desu-e of his Court, that the two poAvers should interchange ministers as soon as possible. I hope that the first ship AviU bring a minister for that Court, or a coraraission to some one to go there, because I think it would have been useful to us to have had one there three months ago, and that it Avould not be less useful uoav. The permanent ti-eaty of commerce, nevertheless, should not be hastily concluded, nor before congress shaU have had an opportunity to judge of the project, suggest their araendraents, and transmit then- orders. No preUminaries are yet signed AA'ith the Dutch, and I am very anxious for their lot. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. WILLIAM ELLERY AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Newport, Ehode Island, 26 May, 1783, Sir, — Permit us, the Committee of the Second Congrega tional Church in Newport, to caU yom- attention for a fcAV moments from the weighty affans of politics, in Avhich you are SO honorably and so usefuUy engaged, to a matter which respects VOL. viii. 6 62 OFFICIAL, a reUgious society, to Avhose constitution Ave consider you as a fiiend. The early and active part Avhich om- congregation took in the opposition to the arbiti-ary and oppressive measm-es of Great Britain you may be acquainted AA'ith ; but you may not be acquainted AA'ith our consequential sufferings. Om- spUited conduct made us the object of ministerial and parliamentary vengeance. Sensible of the danger to AA'hich aa'c AA'ere exposed, and finding that the British intended to take possession of Rhode Island, to avoid their implacable fury, and that avc might be able to continue om- exertions, both the minister and a great part of this society quitted the island. The British took possession of it in Deceraber, 1776, and held it untU October, 1779, during AA'hich time our meeting-house and mUustiy-house AA'ere con verted into barracks and hospitals ; and afterwards, AA'hen the French army made a garrison of the toAvn of Newport, those buildings Avere occupied in the same manner, and of course AA'ere left in a state of ruin ; besides this, many of om- houses were demolished or gi-eatly damaged by the British army. At our return, finding the toAA'ii impoA'erished, nearly a third of its buildings destioyed, its coraraerce annihUated, and our selves unable to sustain the expense of repaUing our reUgious houses and resettling the congregation, aa'c cast our eyes on our sister States ; but many of then- toAA'iis and places of public Avor ship having suffered lUve injm-ies, no reUef could be draAvn from them. In this deplorable situation, aac haA'e been compeUed to look to our foreign protestant bretlu-en for assistance, and among them have thought it AA'otdd not be improper to address the reformed churches in France. Conscious of your attachment to religious Uberty, in Avhich our society is founded, and of your disposition and capacity to support that glorious cause, as aa'cU as the civU liberties of man kind, Ave have ventured to inclose that address to your patron age and care ; and aa'c request that you aa'UI be pleased to place it in the hands of such of the principal pastors of the reformed, as you shaU think aa'UI be best disposed to circulate subscriptions and othei-Avise raake collections for the purpose of repairing om- ministi-y and meeting-house, and toAvards a ministerial fund. We Avould also request, that you appoint a proper person to receive the donations AA'hich may be made, and to ti-ansmit them OFFICLVL (j;j to William Channing and Robert Stevens, I'iSquires, in Ncav- port, and assign to him thereout such commission as you shall judge reasonable. We should have made oiu- address to the good people in France at large ; but aa'c AA'ere not sure that such an address Avould be Avell received by them or by government. But as our houses, devoted to reUgion, Avere used in the manner that hath been mentioned, by the French as avcU as British troops, and considering the kind reception the former met Avith in NcAvport, perhaps Generals Rocharabeau, Chattelux, Count NoaUles, and other French officers raiglit countenance our address. The Marquis de Lafayette, aa'Iio aa'cU deserved, and hath obtained aU the honors the United States could confer upon him, Avho hath done service in Rhode Island, and AA'hose generous spirit and prmciples forever prompt him to benevolent actions, Ave do not doubt AA'ould contiibiite to our relief. We have ventured this hint, as Ave have our address, and leave it entkely AA'ith you to do as you judge proper. We Avould only add here, that the general assembly of this State, at a late session, repealed an old laAV Avhich excluded Roman Catholics from the privUeges of citizenship. Hoping to derive some assistance from our brethren in Hol land, we have drawn an appUcation to the ministers and churches of the reformed in PloUand, Avhich, as we are not acquainted with the proper mode of addi-ess, avc have taken the liberty to send open to you, and would be much obUged to you, if you would cover it, address, and transmit it. We would attempt an apology for thus inti-uding and inter rupting a ti-ain of thinking eraployed upon more extensive sub jects ; but we are sure avc shaU find a poAverful apologist in your generous breast. We most sincerely congratrdate you on your successful nego tiations in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and on the share you have had in procuring preUminaries of peace so agree able and so advantageous to the United States of America ; and, heartUy wishing you may enjoy a long, uninterrupted series of health and prosperity, we are, with the highest sentiments of respect, &c. &c. William Ellery. Henry Marchant. Robert Stevens. Williaai ChaNNIX(j. 64 OFFICIAL, TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 30 May, 1783. Sir, — On the 28th of this month, I received the letter Avhich you cUd me the honor to Aviite me on the 13th of February, Avhich an-ived at the Hague, inclosed Avith the ratification of the ti-eaty AAith theu- High Mightinesses, which Avill be exchanged by M. Dumas, as the conferences here for the definitive ti-eaty wUl not admit of my taldng so long a journey at this time. This arrival, in season to exchange the ratifications before the departure of M. Van Berckel, which avUI be in three Aveeks, is fortunate. I hope that the first ships from America wiU bring my letter of recall from that repubUc, and another minister, or credence to some one noAV in Em-ope to take my place. I am happy to find that any letters of mine in September last contained inforraation that you think of consequence, although, not liaAing my letter-book here, I am not able to recoUect the subject. The final completion of the negotiation AA'ith HoUand gives me a pleasure Avliich avUI not be equaUed but by that of the definitive ti-eaty of peace, Avhich languishes at present for want of decisive instructions frora Mr. Hartley, in such a man ner as gives cause to suspect that the present ministiy are not firm in then- seats. The presence of a minister in Holland Avould encourage your loan of money there, but it would be quickened still more by your sending a minister to London AA'ith power to borroAV money there. Emulation is the best spring ; or caU it rivahy or jealousy, if you wiU, it Avill get you money, if you put it in motion. I have received tAvo ciphers fi-om you, sir, — one beginning with No. 1, and ending Avith No. 1011 ; the other beginning Avith Amsterdam, and ending Avith Provinces. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. (j5 FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS. St, Petersburg, 1 Juno, 1783, Dear Sir, — By the last post I scut an open letter for Mr. Livingston, under cover to you, to give you Avhat fm-ther inform ation I had received relative to the memorial. The week is past, and nothing more has yet taken place. This, considering how affairs are conducted here, is not rcaUy unexpected. Pa tience, much patience, indeed is necessary. If I was sure con gress AA'ould support me in it, I Avould take another step, of the propriety of AA'hich I haA'e personaUy no doubt. But, to support it, congress must resolve not to send another minister here, Avlien I quit the ground. If half a score of such geniuses as you were there, I Avould infallibly take it at every hazard, if I have not a satisfactory ansAver to my memorial. Touching the gentleman's ^ doubt, Avhether the credit Avas necessary, he raay be assured I shoiUd not have Avritten for it, if I had not been certain of the custom. It is a luattcr of too much consequence to be taken upon sUght information. The sum to be paid is sis thousand roubles for each signature, and there are generaUy four appointed on then- part, Avhich sum faUs short of the credit I asked for, more or less, as the exchange varies. It wiU not go beyond it. I thought it advisable to have enough, as whatever remained might be carried by me to the credit of the United States. This is so settled a custom, that every power which has acceded to the neuti-al confederation has paid it. Thus much to clear up scruples. We should not have heard so much about the armed neutraUty in this quarter, if the case had been otherwise. I have a curious tale to tell of this matter. It would be a very proper place to tell that and some other things in, Avhere you Avish noAV and then to " throw out sorae stories about om- peregiinations, robbers, &c." Neither you nor they knoAV the real state of matters here, nor wUl they tUl my return, if then, Avhich wiU depend upon contingencies. I fear only the effects of delusion. It is a great satisfaction to me to find the reasons I have assigned for not maldng the communication you spoke of, are thought by you to be conclusive. Yet, for the iveightij reason ' Dr. FrankKn. 66 OFFICIAL, above mentioned, there is a design to keep the bubble up. It appears to be absolutely necessary for us to concern ourselves about it. This is my clear opinion ; and if I Avas in that same place, I Avould give my reasons at large for it. Fear not, I aa'UI never engage you in any affair on account of your advice given as a friend to me. Where I ask it officiaUy, and expresshj so, the case is different. Your hints are always serviceable ; if I do not foUow them, they put me upon refiectUig on the subject of them AAith more deUberation. Mr. Hartley, you say, is to finish Avith you. Do you mean by this, as I suppose, to conclude the definitive tieaty ? The world teUs us, and '^h. Fox seems to support it, that his busi ness is a commercial tieaty. I am ignorant, if you have such powers. I doubt it fi-om what you last WTote me upon that sub ject The West India tiade, as tendered by ISh. Pitts bUl, at least, must be secured. Lr this quarter of the world I see the AA'hole importance of it. I AAi-ote to ^Ir, Livingston upon that subject early last AA'inter, and proposed the same plan to huu, AA'ith this difference, that aa'c should haA'e full Uberty' to export the ATest India commodities to cdl parts of the world ; by which means Ave should gain a most miportant commerce AAith Em-ope. The same duties oiUy must be paid as their own subjects pay upon exportation to Great Britain. This is absolutely neces sary to secure the adA'antage of a direct commerce AA'ith Europe. Without it, they might enhance the price of the commodities -upon us, ad libitum. As to the congress and mediation AA'hich you say are talked of, I agi-ee fuUy AA'ith you, that there is no need of either on our affairs. But hoAV are you to be iuA'ited to join it, if there was, AA'hen objections are raised here by one of the mediators against the reception of a minister from the United States ? It Avould be a curiosity, indeed, if it should happen, and yet it would not .-¦urprise me, if it should. When Ave once depart fi-om fixed principles there are no inconsistencies and absm-cUties Ave may not faU into. Besides, I should not be sm-prised if the other part of the business than Avhat you mention, should be thrown into the hands of 121. For I knoAv there is an extieme jealousy entertained by the 134. 57.i about the tieaty I have ui contem- 1 The key to ^li: Dana's cipher is missing. Most probably, the figures stand for Dr. Franklin and the French ministry'. OL'FICLVL. (37 plation. I have been iold,more limit oncc,\vc can have nothing in particular here that AA'uuld render a ircaty AA'orih flic expense of it. Indeed, there might be some advantage in a political connection. But this aa'UI be general to aU nations. The only difference, by having a treaty, would be the paying of duties in the raoney of Russia instead of rix-doUars, and the expense Avould far exceed this advantage. I have constantly favored these ideas, and ansAA'ered, congress are desirous of having a commercial treaty Avith this empire. They must be gratified, and it is my business to raake it. If it cost thera more than it is Avorth, it is none of my fault. Judge you, my friend, from this, and the confidential inteUigence Avhich I communicated to you in my letter by your son, upon some cu-cumstances AA'hich may haA'e fallen under your knoAvledge. Yours, &c. Francis Dana. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS. St. Petersburg, 6 June, 1783. Dear Sir, — I yesterday received a letter from your son, dated Hague, May 12th, containing some account of his route from hence to Stockholm. The raatter contained in ray confiden tial letter Avhich you wUl receive frora him, I pray you most earnestly to keep a secret, even after your arrival in America or in congress. I have most substantial reasons for making this request. I have additional reasons for thinldng that jealousy, of Avhich I have spoken toAvards the close of my last letter but one, exists in full force. Yesterday I Avas there upon a previous appoint ment, relative to my main matter ; yet the same kind of conver sation which you AvUl find in that letter Avas rencAved alraost Avord for AVord. It Avas entered into indeed more minutely than ever. Nor is this all. 165. 37. who Ave had agreed should be invited to the consultation upon the main matter, evidently sup ported the same sentiraents with aU his ingenuity. HoAvever, they have not yet had my real sentiments upon the subject, nor shall they have them. I know, I flatter myself, the interests of our countiy, as well as they do, at least. I declare to you, at the sarae tirae, that very possibly the hare would not be AA'orth hunting in the common com-se. I have long had in contempla- 68 OFFICIAL. tion some special views in this business grounded in local know ledge. Whether I should be able to succeed in them is not cer tain. If I should not to a certain degree, it is always in my power to wave the whole business. It is kind in our friends to take so serious a concern in our interests, however. I have not yet received any answer to my memorial ; but ] Avas yesterday informed, by my private friend, that I should have it on Monday or Tuesday next. By this delay, I am incUned to think they wait only for the accounts of the conclu sion of the definitive tieaty, when the idea of mediation will be done away. This is daily expected. The other objections may be then waved, and thus the matter be compounded. It would, perhaps be thought to be too humUiating to give them all up. A safe voyage to you, &c. Francis Dana. TO EDWARD A. HOLYOKE. Paris, 10 June, 1783. Sir, — Upon an intimation from my friend, Dr. Tufts, of Weymouth, that the Medical Society, of which you are presi dent, desired to extend its connections in Europe, I ventured to apply to the chiefs of the Royal Society of Medicine, at Paris, and met with a more complaisant reception than I expected. Inclosed, are copies of letters Avhich have passed upon the occasion, and of the diploma, which is the result of them. The originals I shaU bring with me, or send by a careful hand. I hope the Medical Society will pardon my presumption, in going so far without their authority. But the proposition once hinted at, Avas received Avith so much earnestness, that I could not recede. With great respect, &c. John Adams. {Three Letters inclosed in the Preceding.) M. vicq d'azyr to JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 3 Fevrier, 1783. Monsieur, — La Societe Royale de Medecine apres s'etre empressee de conti-acter une association de correspondance avec OFFICIAL, 69 le coUege de Boston (association qui ]a flatte infiniment) m'a charge de vous adresser le diplome qui constate I'union de ces deux compagnies. EUe vous prie de voulou- bien le faire parve nir aux membres Ulusti-es qui coraposent le coUege de Boston. Parmi le petit nombre d'exemplaUes du Jom-nal de Medecine miUtau-e dont eUe peut disposer, eUe en a reserve un pom- la BibUotheque du CoUege de Boston. EUe a desire que je vous I'adresse pom- cette compagnie, et elle la prie de I'agreer comme une marque de sa deference et de son attachement. Je le joins ici. Cet exemplaire est le premier cahier pour I'annee 1783. Les quati-e premiers cahiers pour 1782 n'ont ete donnees a la societe qu'en nombre a peine suffisant pour ses membres resi- dens a Paris. J'ai I'honnem- d'etie, &c. ViCQ D'AzYR. TO M. VICQ d'azyr. Paxls, 28 February, 1783, Sir, — I have received the diploma of the royal society of Medicine, and the first part of the second volume of the Journal of MiUtary Medicine, Avhich you have addressed to me. I have the honor to thank you for them. I shaU tiansmit both to the Medical College of Boston, the members of which avUI feel highly flattered by an association with this celebrated society, making them participate in its renown as weU as in the benefits of its labors. They wUl find in its works the aid of which they stand in need, and the means of cooperating Avith its salutary pm-poses. They wUl be very earnest the moment they knoAV aU that has been done for them, to signify their gratitude and then- re spectful regard. In the interval, before they have the power of communicating theU sentiments, I pray you, sU, to beg per mission for me to assure the society of the respect with which I am, &c., &c. John Adams, M. LASSONE TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 3 Juin, 1783, Monsieur, — Je me suis trouve a la seance de la Societe Roy- ale de Medecine lorsque M. Vicq d'Azyr nous a fait part du desir que vous lui avez temoigne devoir etablir une correspond- 70 OFFICIAL. ance entie le CoUege de Medecine de Boston et cette compagnie. Cette proposition etoit ti-op ffatteuse pour la societe pour qu'eUe ne s'empressa point de vous eii temoigner sa reconnoissance, par I'intermede de son secretaire, comme j'apprends avec plaisir par votie letti-e du 20 Decembre dernier, qu'U a eu soin de s'en acquitter. Soyez persuade, monsieur, que la Societe Royale, qui saisit toutes les occasions derendre ses recherches plus gene- ralement utUes par les Uaisons qu'eUe aime a contiacter et a entietenir avec les differentes compagnies savantes, nationales et etrangeres, ne laissera echapper aucune circonstance dans laqueUe elle croira pouvoir donner au CoUege de Medecine de Boston des preuves de son amitie et de son devouement. J'ai I'honneur d'etie, &c. Lassone. to secretary livingston. Paris, 16 June, 1783. Sir, — Yesterday afternoon the dupUcate of your letter of the 14th of AprU, No. 16, was brought m to me with the postmark " Brest " upon it. As soon as I had read it, I went out to Passy, in hopes that other despatches had arrived there, but I found none. While I was there, a packet of newspapers addressed to us aU Avas brought in, Avith the postmark of Brest on it. I stUl hope and beUeve that other despatches by the same conveyance AviU appear in a few days ; but whether they are stiff in the post-office, or AA'hether the Due de Lauzun intends to bring them in person, is uncertain. I think, sir, there is no room to doubt the justice of your opi nion, that the latitude of the Canaries is meant, and, conse quently, that hostUities ceased on the whole coast of the United States on the 3d of March. I am AveU aAvare that a variety of questions may be started upon the provisional articles. The great pouits of sovereignty, limits, and fisheries, are sufficiently clear. But there are too many other things in much obscm-ity. No one of us alone Avould ever have put his hand to such a Avriting. Yet there is no one to blame. It must be confessed that it AA'as done m haste, but that haste Avas inevitable. The peace depended absolutely upon the critical moment, Avhen that tieaty was OFFICl.AL. 71 signed. The meeting ol' parliament Avas so near, and Ihc' slate ofthe ministry so crilit'al, tliat if that opportimity had bocji lost there AA'ould have been at least another campaign. There Avere never less than three of us, and there Avere finally no less than three to be consulted on the other side. These inaccuracies are much to be lamented, but they Avere quite unavoida.ble. We shall endeavor to explain them in the definitive ircaty, but I fear A\itiiout success. I hope, SU-, you AviU excuse me, if I think your exprcs.sions fall short of the real merit of the Dutch. If they had accepted the Russian mediation for a separate peace, Ave should have seen a very formidable difference. The vast Aveight of the Dutch in the East Indies, being added to that of France, has influenced the minds of the natives in such a manner, as to turn the scale against England. The Cape of Good Hope Avas indis pensable to France, and Ave arc not yet informed Avhat propor tion of the expense of French operations in the East Indies is to be borne by the Dutch East India Company, at Avhose soU- citations, by then- agents, sent early to VersaUles, they Averc undertaken. From twelve to fifteen British ships of the Une, in the best condition, with the best officers and men, have been kept almost constantly in the North Seas to Avatch the Dutch, a momentous diversion Avhich raade the balance more clear in favor of the alUes in the East and West Inches, as aa'cU as in the channel ; and, it may be added, and that Avith stiict truth, the battle of Doggerbank imprinted raore terror on the imagina tions of the British navy and nation than all the other sea engage ments of the war. Your observations of their unfortunate situation are, hoAA'cver, very just ; and their exertions have not been such as they might and ought to have been. But this Avas the fault of the enemies of France m HoUand, not of her friends ; and, unhappUy, those enemies are to be gratified by the terms of peace prescribed to that power, and those friends mortified. And this misfortune probably arises from the insti-uctions in question, by Avhich they made theraselves of no iraportance, instead of acting the part of a sovereign, independent, and respectable poAver. If they had held their oavh negotiation in their own hands, they Avould pro bably have obtained better terms. I could mention many facts and anecdotes of much importance ; but these have been com- 72 OFFICIAL. raunicated to rae in confidence, and as this is a discussion that concerns us only indirectly, and as our instructions were parallel to theu-s, although the execution of them Avas different, and the event chfferent, I shall wave any further observations upon the subject. We are happy to learn that congress have ratified the treaty, imperfect as it is, and that each side has released its prisoners. Mr, Hartley comraunicated to us officiaUy, two days ago, that orders Avere gone to Ncav Y'ork to evacuate the United States. Dr. FrankUn has never made any use of the bUls for my salary, and I have never received any part of them. I shaU easUy settle that matter Avhen I get home, which your letter encourages me to, hope AAill be very soon. The connections I have formed in Holland may be of use to the pubUc AA'herever I may be, in America or elsewhere, as AveU as even in that country itself Those connections wUl readUy become those of any minister congress may send there. It cost me all my happiness, and had very nearly cost me my Ufe to form them ; it cost me more ; it has left rae in an UI state of health which I never shall fuUy repair. I shall carry HoUand in my veins to my grave. It wiU cost no raan any thing to go there uoav. His mind aa'IU be at ease, and he will have spirits necessary to take care to preserve his health. To rae it has become physically necessary, as well as a moral and reUgious duty, to join my fantUy. This can be done only by going to them, or bringing them to me ; and to bring them to Holland is Avhat I cannot think of, both because that on account of my oavu health, as Avell as theu-s, and on other considerations, I should not choose to live among those puti-id lakes, and because I think I can do my counti-y more and better service at home than there. I Avill not disguise another motive, Avhich would be altogether insurmountable, if it were alone. I do not think it consistent with the honor of the United States, any more than with my OAVU, for me to stay in Holland, after the appointment of any other minister Avhatsocver to the mission upon Avhich I came to Europe, and which has been taken from me without assigning any reasons. Congress are the sovereign judges for themselves and the public of the persons proper for aU services, excepting that every citizen is a sovereign judge for himself. I have never adopted the principle, that it is a citizen's duty to accept of any OFFICIAL, 73 ti-ust that is pointed out to him, unless he approves of it On the contrary, I think it a right and a duty, that no laAV of society can take aAvay, for every man to judge for himself, Avhether he can serve consistently with his oavu honor, and the honor and interest of the public. When the existence of om- country and her essential interests AA'cre at stake, it was a duty to run aU' risks, to stifle every feel ing, to sacrifice every interest; and this duty I have discharged Avith patience and perseverance, and with a success that can be attributed only to Providence. But, in tirae of peace, the pubfic in less danger abroad than at horae, knowing I can do more good at home, I should do a very AArrong thing to remove my family to stay in HoUand, merely for the sake of holding an honorable commission, making and receiving bows and compli ments, and eating splendid suppers at Court. There is one piece of advice I beg leave to offer to the minis ter Avho may go to HoUand, respecting a future loan of raoney. It is, to inquu-e whether the house of Hope AA'ould undertake a loan for us, either in conjunction Avith the houses AA'ho have the present one, or Avith any of them, or alone. In my private opi nion, which ought to be kept as secret as possible, Ave might obtain a large loan in that way, and that Ave cannot in any other. The people in that interest have the money. I am not personaUy known to that house, nor any one of them to me ; but I know they are all poAverful in money matters, and I beUeve they would engage. The happy turn given to the discontents of the army by the General, is consistent with his character, Avhich, as you observe, is above all praise, as every character is Avhose rule and object are duty, not interest, nor glory ; which I think has been sti-ictly true with the General from the beginning, and I tiust wUl con tinue to the end. May he long Uve, and enjoy his own reflections and the confidence and affections of a free, grateful, and virtu ous people. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. VOL. VIII. 74 OFFICIAL, TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 23 June, 1783. Sir, — The British nation and ministiy are in a very unset- tied state ; they find themselves in a new situation, and have not digested any plan. Ireland is Ui a new situation ; she is independent of parUament, and the EngUsh know not how to manage her. To AA'hat an extent she wUl claim a right of tiad- ing Avith the United States, is unknoAvn. Canada, too, and Nova Scotia are in a ucav situation ; the former, they say, must have a ncAV governraent. But Avhat form to give them, and, indeed, Avhat Idnd of government they are capable of, or would be agreeable to them, is uncertain. Nothing is digested. There is a party, composed probably of refugees, friends of the old hostUe system, and fomented by emissaries of several foreign nations, Avho do not wish a cordial reconcUiation and sincere friendship between Great Britain and the United States, Avho clamor for the conservation of the navigation act and the carrying trade. If these should succeed so far as to excite par Uament or the ministry to adopt a contiacted principle, to exclude us from the West India trade, and from tiading with Canada and Nova Scotia, and from carrying freely in vessels belonging to any one of the thirteen States, the production of any other to Great Britain, the consequences may be to perplex us for a time, may bind us closer to France, Spain, HoUand, Germany, Italy, and the northern nations, and thus be fatal to Great Bri tain, Avithout being finaUy very hurtful to us. The nations of Europe, Avho have islands in the West Indies, have at this moment a deUcate part to take. Upon their pre sent decisions, great things AviU depend. The commerce of the West India Islands is a part of the American system of com merce. They can neither do Avithout us, nor we without them. The Creator has placed us upon the globe in such a situation, that Ave have occasion for each other. We have the means of assisting each other, and poUticians and artful contiivances can not separate us. Wise statesmen, Ulte able artists of every kind, study nature, and their Avorks are perfect in proportion as they conform to her laAvs. Obstinate attempts to prevent the islands and the continent, by force or poUcy, from deriving from each OFFICIAL, 75 other those blessings Avhich nature has enabled them to afford, wiU only put both to thinking of means of coming together. And an injudicious regulation at this time may lay a founda tion for intimate combinations betAveen the islands and the con tinent, which othei-Avise Avould not be Avished for or thought of by either. If the French, Dutch, and Danes have common sense, they AviU profit of any blunder Great Britain may commit upon this occasion. The ideas of the British cabinet and merchants at present are so confused upon all these subjects, that Ave can get thera to agree to nothing. I stUl think that the best poUcy of the United States is, to send -a minister to London to negotiate a ti-eaty of commerce, instructed to conclude nothing, not the smaUest article, untU he has sent it to congress, and received their approbation. In the mean time, congress raay admit any British or Irish ships that have arrived, or may arrive, to ti-ade as they please. For my own part, I confess I would not advise congress to bind themselves to any thing that is not reasonable and just. If Ave should agree to revive the ti-ade upon the old footing, it is the utmost that can, with a color of justice or modesty, be requested of us. This is not equal, but might be borne. Rather than go fm-ther, and deny ourselves the freight from the West Indies to Em-ope, at least to Great Britain, especiaUy rather than give aAvay our own carrying trade, by agi-eeing that the ships of one State should not carry to Great Britain the pro duce of another, I Avould be for entering into stUl closer connec tions Avith France, Spain, and HoUand, and pmchase of thera, at the expense of Great Britain, AA'hat she has not Avisdora enough to aUow us for her oavu good. I have the honor to be, &c. John Ahams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 27 June, 1783. Sib, — Yesterday, Dr. FrankUn, Mr. Jay, and myself, met to prepare the definitive treaty, and made so much progress in it, that to-raon-OAV Ave shall be ready to coramunicate to Mr. Hart- 76 OFFICIAL, ley the result. But I have smaU hopes of obtaining any thing more by the definitive ti-eaty. The Duke of Manchester and Count d'Aranda have arranged every thing between England and Spain, and are ready to finish for then- tAvo courts. France, I presume, Avaits only for HoUand, or perhaps for some other negotiation Avith the Imperial Courts. If all the other parties Avere uoav to declare themselves ready, Ave should be puzzled. In such a case, hoAvever, I am deter mined (and I beUeve, but do not know, that my coUeagues Avordd jom me) to declare myself ready to sign the provisional ti-eaty, totidem verbis, for a definitive tieaty. From all I can learn, I am persuaded we shaU gain nothing by any fm-ther negotiation. If Ave obtain any thing by Avay of addition or explanation, Ave shaU be obliged to give more for it than it is worth. K the British minister refuses to agree to such changes as we may think reasonable, and refuses to sign the provisional articles as definitive ones, I take it for granted, France wUl not sign tUl we do. If they should, Ave are stiU safe ; for the provisional articles are to constitute the treaty as soon as France has made peace, and I should rather leave it on that footing than make any material alteration. I have put these several cases, because I should be sm-prised at nothing fi-om the present British ministry. If they have any plan at aU, it is a much less generous one towards America than that of then- immediate predecessors. If Shelbiu-ne, ToAvns- hend, Pitt, &c., had continued, we should have had every thing settled long ago, to our entUe satisfaction and to the infinite advantage of Great Britain and America, in sucli a manner as Avordd have restored good humor and affection, as far as in the nature of things they can noAV be restored. After the great point of acknoAvledging our independence Avas got over, by issuing Mr. OsAvald's last commission, the Shelburne admimstration conducted themselves toAvards us like men of sense and honor. The present administiation has discovered neither understanding nor sincerity. The present British administra tion is unpopular, and it is m itself so heterogeneous a compo sition, that it seems irapossible it should last long. Their pre sent design seeras to be not to commit themselves by agreeing to any thing. As soon as any thing is done, somebody Avill clamor, WhUe nothing is done, it is not knoAvn Avhat to clamor OFFICIAL. 77 about. If there should be a change in favor of the ministry that made the peace, and a dissolution of this proffigate league, Avhich they caU the coalition, it Avould be much for the good of aU Avho speak the EngUsh language. If fame says tiue, the coalition Avas formed at gambling tables, and is conducted as it Avas formed, upon no other than gambling principles. Such is the fate of a nation Avhich stands tottering on the brink of a precipice, Avith a debt of two hundred and fifty-six miUions sterUng on its shoulders ; the interest of which, added to the peace establishment only, exceeds by above a mUlion annuaUy ali their revenues, enormously and intolerably as they are aUeady taxed. The only chance they have for salvation is in a reform, and in recovering the affection of America. The last ministiy AA'ere sensible of this, and acted accordingly. The present ministry are so far from being sensible of it, or caring about it, that they seem to me to be throwing the last dice for the destiuction of their country. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 3 July, 1783. Sir, — On the last ambassador's day, which Avas last Tues day, Dr. FrankUn, Mr. Jay, and myself waited on M. de Ver gennes, Avho told us he thought he had agi-eed with the Duke of Manchester, but that his Grace had not yet received the posi tive approbation of his Court The Count advised us to make a visit all together to the ambassadors of the two Imperial Courts. Accordingly, yesterday morning, we went first to the Count de Mercy Argenteau, the ambassador of the Emperor of Gerraany and King of Hungary and Bohemia. His Excellency Avas not at horae, so Ave left a card. We went next to the Prince Bariatinski, Minister Plenipoten tiary from the Empress of Russia ; our servant asked if the Prince Avas at home, and received for ansAver, that he Avas. We were shoAvn into the Prince's apartment, who received us very poUtely. WhUe we were here, Mr. Markow came in. He is also a minis ter plenipotentiary adjoined to the Prince in the affair of the mediation. I told him we proposed to do ourselves the honor 7a OFFICIAL. of caUing on him. He ansAvered, "As you are an old acquaint ance, I siiaU be very happy to see you." Whether this Avas a tm-n of poUteness, or Avhether it Avas a poUtical distinction, I knoAV not. We shaU soon knoAV, by his retm-ning or not return ing the visit. The Prince asked rae where I lodged, and I told Mm. This indicates an intention to retm-n the visit. We Avent next to the Dutch ambassador's, M. Lestevenon de Berkem-ode. He was not at horae, or not visible. Next, to the Baron de Blome, Envoy Extiaordinary of the King of Denmark ; not at home. Next, to M. MarkoAV. The porter ansAvered, that he Avas at home. We aUghted, and were going to his apartment, Avhen we were told that he Avas not come in. We left a card, and Avent to the other Dutch ambassador's, M. Brantzen, who AA'as not at home ; en passant, Ave left a card at the SAvedish minister's, and returned home, the heat being too excessive to pm-sue our visits any further. Thus, we have made Aisits to aU the mimsters who are to be present at the signature of the definitive tieaty. Whether the ministers of the Imperial Com-ts wUl be present, I knoAV not. There are many appearances of a coldness between France and Russia, and the Emperor seems to Avaver between two opinions, whether to join in the Avar that threatens, or to avoid it. Perhaps the ministers of the Imperial Com-ts Avill Avrite for insti-uctions, Avhether to return om- visit or not. Although in your latest letters you say nothing of my resigna tion or the acceptance of it, I expect to receive it soon, and then I shall have an opportunity to settle the affair of my salary at Philadelphia. After reading your letters to me, I Avent out to Passy to see those addressed to us aU. Dr. Franldin, Mr. Jay, and myself (j\Ii-. Lam-ens being stiU in England) read them aU over toge ther. We shall do aU in om- poAver to procm-e the advantages in the definitive tieaty to Avhich we are insti-ucted to attend. The state of parties is such in England, that it is impossible to foresee Avhen there avUI be a ministi-y Avho wiU dare to take any step at aU. The coalition betAveen Lord North and his con nections, and Mr. Fox and his, is a rope of sand. Mr. Fox, by pushing the vote in the house of commons, disapproving the peace, and by joining so many of the old ministers in the ncAV administiation, has justly excited so many jealousies of his OFFICIAL. 79 sincerity, that no confidence can be placed in him by us. I am extremely sorry that the most amiable men in the nation, — Portland and the Cavendishes, — should have involved them selves in the same reproach. In short, at present, Shelbra-ne, Pitt, ToAvnshend, and the administiation of Avhicli they were members, seem to haA'c been the only ones AA'ho for a moment had just notions of their coun tiy and om-s. Whether these men, if uoav caUed to poAver, AA'ould pm-sue their former ideas, I knoAV not. The Bible teaches us not to put our trust in princes, and a fortiori in ministers of state. The West India commerce noAV gives us most anxiety. K the former British ministi-y had stood, aa'c might have secm-ed it from England ; and, in that case, France Avould have been obUged to admit us to then- islands, se defendendo. Tlhc first maxim of a statesman, as weU as that of a statuary or a painter, should be to study nature ; to cast his eyes round about lus countiy, and see Avhat advantages nature has given it, Tlus was weU attended to in the boundary between the United States and Canada, and in the fisheries. The coramerce of the West India Islands falls necessarUy into the natural systera of the coramerce of the United States. We are necessary to thern, and they to us ; and there avUI be a coramerce betAveen us. If the governments forbid it, itAviU be carried on clandestinely. France can more easUy connive at a contiaband ti-ade than England. But we ought to wish to avoid the temptation to this. I beUeve that neither France nor England wUl aUoAV us to ti-ansport the productions of their islands to other parts of Em-ope. J The utmost Ave may hope to obtain, Avould be permission to import the productions of the French islands into France, giv ing bond to land thera in sorae port of that kingdom, and the productions of the EngUsh islands into some port of Great Bri tain, giving bonds to land them there. It must, hoAvever, be the care of the minister who may have to negotiate a ti-eaty of com merce with Great Britain, to obtain as ample freedom in this tiade as possible. WhUe I was Avriting the above, my servant announced the imperial ambassador, whom I rose to receive. He said, he Avas happy that the cUcumstances of the times afforded hira an opportunity of forming an acquaintance with rae, which he hoped Avould be improved into a more intimate one. I said. 80 OFFICIAL. his ExceUency did me great honor, and begged him to sit, which he did, and feU into a conversation of an hom-. We ran over a variety of subjects, particularly the commerce which might take place between the United States and Germany, by the Avay of Trieste and Fiume and the Austrian Netheriands, and the great disposition in Germany to migration to America. He says he knows the countiy round about Trieste very AveU, having an estate there ; that it is a very extensive and a very rich counti-y Avhich coraraunicates AA'ith that maritime city, and that the navigation of the Adriatic Sea, though long, is not dangerous. I asked him what we should do Avith the Barbary poAvers. He said, he thought all the powers of the Avorld ought to unite in the suppression of such a detestable race of pUates, and that the Emperor had lately made an insinuation to the Porte upon the subject. I asked him, if he thought France and England Avould agree to such a project, observing that I had heard that some EngUshmen had said, " if there Avere no Algiers, England ought to build one." He said, he could not ansAver for England. It is unnecessary to repeat any more of the conversation, Avliich tm-ned upon the sober, frugal and industiious character of the Germans, the best cultivators in Europe, and the dishonorable traffic of some of the German princes in men, a subject he intro duced and enlarged on himself. I said nothing about it. Ris ing wp to take leave, he repeated several compUments he had made when he first came in, and added, " the Count de Ver gennes wiU do me the honor to cUne with me one of these days, and I hope to have that of your company. We AviU then talk of an affau- upon which the Count de Vergennes wiU speak to you beforehand." This shoAvs there is something in agitation, but Avhat it is I cannot conjectm-e ; Avhether it is to induce us to make the com pUment to the tAVO Imperial Com-ts to sign the definitive ti-eaty as mediators, whether there is any project of an association for the Uberty of navigation, or whether it is any other thing, I can not guess at present, but I aa'UI Avrite you as soon as I knoAV. Whatever it is, avc must treat it with respect, but Ave shaU be very careful how we engage our country in measmes of conse quence, Avithout being clear of our powers, and Avithout the insti-uctions of congi-ess. (.)FFICIAl.. SI I went out to Passy, and found from Mr. Jay, that he had made his visit there in the course of the day, but had said nothing to Dr. FrankUn or him about the dinner with the Count de Vergennes. In the course of the day, I had visits from the Prince Bariatinski and M. de MarkoAV, the tAvo ministers of tho Empress of Russia. The porter told these gentlemen's servants that I Avas at home ; but they did not come up. They only sent up theu- cards. While I Avas gone to Passy, Monsieur de Blome, Envoy Extiaordinary from the King of Denmark, called and left his card. Thus the point of etiquette seems to be settled, and we are to be ti-eated in character by aU the poAA'crs of Europe. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO eobert morris. Paris, 5 July, 1783. Sir, — Yom- favors of the 12th and 29th of May were deli vered to me on the 3d of this month by Captain Barney. Every assistance in my power shall be given to Mi-. Barclay. J\'Ir. Grand AvUl Avrite you the amount of aU the bills AA'hich havi ¦ been paid in HoUand, Avhich Avere accepted by me. You may banish your fears of a double payment of any one bill. I never accepted a bill Avithout taking down in Avriting a very particular description of it, nor Avithout examining the book to see Avhether it had been accepted before. I sent regularly, in the time of it, copies of these acceptances to Dr. Franldin, and I have iioaa' asked him to lend them to me, that I raay copy thera and send them to you. The doctor has promised to look up my letters, and let me have them. The originals are at the Hague, with multitudes of other papers, which I want every day. Among the many disagreeable circumstances attending my duty in Europe, it is not the least, that instead of being fixed to any one station, I have been perpetuaUy danced about from " post to pUlar," unable to have my books and papers Avith me, unable to have about me the conveniences of a housekeeper, for health, pleasure, or business, but yet subjected in many articles to double expenses. 82 OFFICIAL, Mr. Livingston has not informed me of any determination of congress upon my letter to you of the 17th of November, which distiesses me much on ISh: Thaxter's account, Avho certainly merits more than he has received, or can receive, without the favor of congress. I thank you, sir, most affectionately, for your kind congratu lation on the peace. Om- late enemies ahvays clamor against a peace, but this one is better for thera than they had reason to expect after so mad a Avar. Our countiymen, too, I suppose, are not quite satisfied. This thing and that thing should have been otherwise, no doubt. If any man blames us, I AA'ish him no other punishment than to have, if that were possible, just such another peace to negotiate, exactly in our situation. I cannot look back upon this event Avithout the most affecting sentiments. When I consider the number of nations concerned, the compUcation of interests extending aU over the globe, the characters of actors, the difficulties which attended every step of the progress, lioAV every thing labored in England, France, Spain, and HoUand, that the armament at Cadiz Avas upon the point of saUing, Avhich would have rendered another campaign inevitable, that another campaign would have probably involved France in a continental war, as the Emperor would in that case have joined Prussia against the Porte, that the British ministiy AA'as then in so critical a situation, that its duration for a Aveek or a day depended upon its making peace, that if that ministiy had been changed, it could have been succeeded only either by North and company or by the coaUtion, that it is certain that neither North and company, nor the coalition, Avould have made peace upon any terms that either we or the other powers would have agreed to, and that aU these difficulties were dissipated by one decided step of the British and American ministers, I feel too stiongly a gi-atitude to heaven for having been con ducted safely through the storm, to be very soUcitous whether we have the approbation of mortals or not. A delay of one day might, and probably would, have changed the ministi-y in England, iu Avhich case all Avould have been lost If, after we had agreed Avith Mr. Oswald, we had gone to Ver saiUes to shoAV the result to the Count de Vergennes, you would have been this moment at war, and God knoAvs hoAV or when you Avould have got out. What Avould have been the course ? OFFICIAL, gy The Count de Vergennes Avould have sprinJdcd us with compU ments, the holy Avater of a court. He Avould have told us, " you have done, gentlemen, very AveU for your country. You have gained a great deal. I congratulate you upon it, but you must not sign till we are ready ; we must sign altogether here in this roora." What would have been om- situation ? We must have signed against this advice, as Mr. Laurens says he would have done, and as I beUeve Mr. Jay and I should have done, which would have been the most marked affront that could have been offered, or Ave must have AA'aited for France and Spain, which AA'ould have changed the ministry in England, and lost the AA'hole peace as certainly as there is a world in being. When a fcAV fraU vessels are navigating araong innumerable mountains of ice, driven by various winds and draAvn by various currents, and a narrow crevice appears to one, by Avhich all raay escape, if that one improves the moment and sets the example, it Avill not do to stand upon ceremonies, and ask which shall go first, or that aU may go together. I hope you wUl excuse this Uttle excm-sion, and believe me to be, with great respect and esteem, &c. John Adams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 7 July, 1783. Sir, — We cannot as yet obtain from Mr. Hartley or Ms principals an explicit consent to any one proposition whatever. Yet England and France, and England and Spain are probably agreed, and HoUand, I suppose, must comply. Our last resource must be to say, we are ready to sign the provisional ti-eaty, totidem verbis, as the definitive ti-eaty. I think it is plain that the British ministiy do not intend to sign any tieaty tUl parUament rises. There are such dissensions in the cabinet, that they apprehend a tieaty laid before parlia ment, if it did not obtain advantages, of which they have no hopes, would furnish materials to overthroAV them. A ucav ad ministration is talked of, under Lord Temple. The West India commerce. Is now the object that interests us the most nearly. At dinner, with the Due de la Vauguyon, y4 OFFICIAL. on Saturday last, he told me that he beUeved the commerce between the French West India Islands and the United States would be confined to sMps buUt in France, and navigated by French seamen. " So then, M. le Due," said I, laughing, " you have adopted the ideas of the British navigation act. But Avhat if the United States should adopt them, too, and make a law, that no coramerce should be carried on Avith any West India Islands, — French, EngUsh, Spanish, Dutch, or Danish, — but in ships built in America, and navigated with American seamen? We can import sugar from Europe. But give me leave to teU you, that this tiade can never be carried on by the French ; their vessels are aU large and naAigated by a great number of seamen, and your navigators are too slow. The tiade itself was only profitable to us as a system ; and little vessels, with a few hands, run away at any season of the year, from any creek or river, with a multitude of little articles collected in haste. Your merchants and mariners have neither the patience to content themselves with much and long labor, and dangerous voyages for small profits, nor haA'e they the economy, nor can they navi gate vessels Avitli so feAV hands." " Ay, but aa'c think," said the Duke, " if AA'C do not ti-y, we shaU never learn to do these things as Avell and as cheap as you." The Duke told me he had had, some days before, a great deal of conversation with the Count de Vergennes, and he found he had a gTcat many good ideas of commerce. The Count himself told me, a few weeks ago, " in our regulations of the commerce betAveen our islands and you, Ave must have regard to om- shipping and our nurseries of seamen for our marine ; for," said he, smiUng poUtely enough, " Avithout a marine, Ave cannot go to your succor." In short, France begins to groAV, for a moment, avaricious of navigation and seamen. But it is certain, that neither the form of government nor the national character can possibly admit of great success in it. Navigation is so dangerous a business, and requires so much patience, and produces so little profit among nations who understand it best, and have the best advantages for it, where property is most secm-e, lawsuits soonest and cheap est ended, and by fixed, certain laAvs, that the French can never interfere much Avith the Dutch or Americans in ship buUding or carrying tiade. If any French merchants ever begin to carry on this commerce betAveen America and the islands, they AAiU break OFFICIAL, ,S5 to pieces very soon, and then some ucav plan must bi; adopted. The English, for aught I knoAv, avUI make a slmUar law, that the communication between us and then- islands shaU be car ried on in British buUt ships, or ships buUt in Canada or Nova Scotia, and navigated by British seamen. In this case, we must try what we can do Avith the Dutch and Danes. But the French and English wUl endeavor to persuade thera to the sarae poUcy ; for the Due de la Vauguyon told me that he thought it a common tie {^lien commun). In this they wiU not succeed, and AVC must make the most we can of the Dutch friendship, for lucliUy the merchants and regency of Amsterdam had too much wit to exclude us from their islands by the treaty. Hap pUy, congi-ess wiU have a Dutch mimster Avith Avhom they may consult upon tMs matter, as weU as many others ; but I should think it AA'ould not be convement to invite an EngUsh or French mimster to be present at the consultation. I am at a loss, sir, to guess what propositions made to us congress have been informed of, which they had not learned from us. None have been made to us. The Dutch ambassadors did once propose a meeting to us, and had it at my house. Dr. Franldin came, but Mr. Jay did not, and Mr. Laurens Avas absent. The ambassadors desired to knoAV, Avhether aa'c had power to enter into any engagements, provided France, Spain, and HoUand should agree to any, in support of the armed neu tiaUty. We showed them the resolution of congress, of the 5th of October, 1780, and told them that Mr. Dana had been since vested with a particixlar commission to the same effect We never heard any tMng fmther about it. Not seeing at the tirae any probabUity that any thing Avould come of this, nor intend ing to do any thing of any consequence m it, if we should hear fm-ther of it, without the further orders of congress, we did not think it necessary to Avrite any thing about it, at least tiU it should put on a more serious appearance. If the Count de Mercv's dinner, to which we are to be invited, with the Count de Vergennes, should produce any insinuations on tlus subject, (which I do not, however, expect) Ave shall inform you, and request the orders of congress. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. VOL. VIII, 8 86 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 9 July, 1783. Sir, — Since the dangerous fever I had in Amsterdam, two years ago, I have never enjoyed my health. TMough the whole of the past Avinter and spring, I have suffered under weaknesses and pains Avhich have scarcely permitted me to do business. The excessive heats of the last week or two have brought on me a fever again, wMch exhausts one in such a manner as to be very discouraging, and incapacitates one for every thing. In short, nothing but a return to America "will ever restore my health, if even that should do it. In these circumstances, however, we have negotiations to go through, and your despatches to an- sAver. r ^ The Uberal sentiments in England, respectmg the tiade, are X,^ aU lost for the present, and we can get no answer to any thing. It is the same thing Avith the Dutch. One of the Dutch ambas sadors told me yesterday, at VersaUles, that uoav, for five weeks, the English had never said one Avord to them, nor given them any ansAA'er. These tMngs indicate that the ministiy do not tMnk theraselves perraanent. The Count de Vergennes asked Dr. FrankUn and me, yester day, if Ave had made our visits. We answered, that aa'c had, and that they had been promptly returned. " The thing in agi tation," said the Count, " is for you to determine whether your definitive ti-eaty shall be signed under the mediation of the twp Imperial Com-ts, or not. Ours and the Spanish tieaty Avith England are to be so fimshed, and if you determine in favor of it, you have only to Avrite a letter to the ministers of the Impe rial Courts who are here." I told him, in the present case, I did not knoAV Avhat a mediation meant. He smUed, but did not seem to know any better than I ; at least, he did not explain it We told Mm we Avould determine upon it soon. How we shaU determine, I cannot say. For my own part, I see no harm in accepting the mediation, nor any other good, than a compUment to the two empires. In Europe it may be thought an honor to us, and, therefore, I shaU give my voice, as at present informed, in favor of it, as it seems rather to be the incUnation of the Count de Vergennes that Ave should. OFFICIAL. 87 Your late despatches, sU, are not aa'cU adapted to give spirits to a melancholy man, or to cm-c one sick AA'ith a fever. It is not possible for me, at present, to enter into a long detail in ansAver to them. You Avill be ansAA'crcd, I suppose, by aU the gentlo iiien jointly. In the mean time, I beg leave to say to you a fcAV AVords upon tAvo points. 1st. The separate article never appeared to me of any conse quence to conceal from this Court. It Avas an agreement Ave had a right to make ; it contained no injury to France or Spain. Indeed, 1 knoAV not Avliat France has, or ever had, to do with it. If it had been coraraunicated to this Court, it would probably have been by them communicated to Spain, and she might have thought more about it than it was AVorth. But hoAV you could conceive it possible for us to treat at aU with the English upon supposition that Ave had communicated every, the minutest thing, to this Court, when this Court Avere neither obUged, nor thought proper to coramunicate any thing Avhatever to us, I knoAV not. We were bound by treaty no raore than they to comraunicate. The insti-uctions Avere found to be absolutely impracticable. That they were too suddenly pubUshed is very true. 2dly. A communication of the tieaty to this Court, after it Avas agreed upon, and before it was signed, would have infaM- bly prevented the Avhole peace. In the first place, it was very doubtful, or rather, on the contiary, it is certain, the EngUsh minister never would have consented that we should com- mumcate it. We might, it is tiue, have done it without Ms consent or knoAvledge ; but what would have been the conse quence ? The French minister would have said, the terms Avere very good for us, but we must not sign tiU they signed ; and this would have been a continuance of the war for another year, at least. It was not so much fi-om an apprehension that the French Avould have exerted themselves to get away from us terms that Avere agreed on, that they were withheld. It Avas then too late ; and we have reason to apprehend that aU of this kind had been done wMch cordd be done. We knew they Avere often insinuating to the British mimsters things against us, respecting the fisheries, tories, &c., dra-ing the negotiation, and Mr. Fitzherbert told me that the Count de Vergennes had " fifty times reproached him for ceding the fisheries, and said it Avas ruining the English and French commerce both." It was not 88 OFFICIAL. suspicion, it Avas certain knoAAdedge, that they Avere against us on the points of the tories, fisheries, Mississippi, and the west ern countiy. AU this knowledge, hoAvever, did not influence us to conceal the treaty. We did not in fact conceal it. Dr. FrankUn comraunicated the substance of it to the Count and M. de Rayneval. So did I. Li a long conversation Avith the Count and M. de Rayneval together, I told them the substance of Avhat Avas agreed upon, and Avhat Ave fmther insisted on, and the EngUsh then disputed. But the signing before them is the point. This we could not have done, if Ave had shown the treaty, and told them we Avere ready. The Count Avould certainly have said to us, you must not sign tUl we sign. To have signed after this would have been more disagreeable to Mm and to us too. Yet we must have signed or lost the peace. The peace depended on a day. ParUament had been waiting long, and once prorogued. The minister Avas so pressed, he could not have met parliament and held his place, Avithout an agreement upon terms at least with America. If Ave had not signed, the ministi-y would have been changed, and the coaUtion come in, and the whole world knoAvs the coaUtion would not have made peace upon the pre sent terms, and, consequently, not at all this year. The iron was sti-uck in the few critical moments Avhen it was of a proper heat, and has been moulded into a handsome vesseL If it had been suffered to cool, it Avould have floAvn in pieces Uke glass. Our countrymen have great reason to rejoice that they have obtained so good a peace, when, and as they did. With the present threatening appearances of a northern Avar, Avhich wUl draw in France, if om- peace Avas stiU to be made, we might find cause to tremble for many great advantages that are uoav secm-ed. I beUeve the Count himself, if he were uoav to speak his real sentiments, Avould say he is very glad we signed when Ave did, and that without asking his consent. The Due de la Vauguyon told me and M. Brantzen together, last Satm-day, " if you had not signed when you did, we should not have signed Avhen we did." If they had not signed when they did, D'Estaing would have saUed from Cadiz, and, in that case, nobody would have signed to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more disagreeable circumstances than we Avere. We are none of us men of principles or dispositions to take OFFICIAL, 89 pleasure in going against your sentiments, sir, much less those of congress. But, in this case, if avc had not done it, our coun try Avould have lost advantages beyond computation. On Monday, sir, Ave pursued our visits, and to-day Ave finish. Yesterday, at Court, aU the foreign ministers behaved to us Avithout reserve, as members of the corps diplomatique, so that Ave shall no longer see those loAvering countenances, solemn looks, distant boAvs, and other peculiarities, which have been sometimes diverting and soraetimes provoking for so many years. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 10 July, 1783. Sir, — In the present violent heat of the Aveather and feverish state of my health, I cannot pretend to sit long at my pen, and must pray you to accept of a feAV short hints only. To talk in a general style of confidence in the French Court, &c,, is to use a general language which may mean almost any thing or almost nothing. To a certain degree, and as far as the ti-eaties and engagements extend, I have as much confidence in the French Court as congress has, or even as you, su-, appear to have. But if by confidence in the French Court is meant an opinion, that the French office of foreign affairs Avould be advo cates with the English for our rights to the fisheries, or to the Mississippi River, or our western territory, or advocates to per suade the British ministers to give up the cause of the refugees, and make parliamentary provision for them, I own I have no such confidence, and never had. Seeing and hearing what I have seen and heard, I must have been an idiot to have enter tained such confidence ; I should be raore of a Machiavelian, or a Jesuit, than I ever Avas or aa'UI be, to counterfeit it to you or to congress. M. Marbois' letter is to me fuU proof of the principles of the Count de Vergennes. Why ? Because I knoAV (for it was per sonaUy communicated to me upon my passage home, by M. Marbois hiraself) the intimacy and confidence there is betAveen these two. And I knoAV further, that letter contains sentiraents 90 OFFICIAL. concerning the fisheries diametiically opposite to those Avhich M. Marbois repeatedly expressed to me upon the passage, namely: " That the NeAvfoundland fishery was our right, and Ave ought to maintain it." Frora Avhence I conclude, M. Marbois' senti ments have been changed by the insti-uctions of the minister. To Avhat purpose is it where this letter came from ? Is it less genuine, Avhether it came from PhUadelphia, VersaUles, or Lon don ? What if it came through EngUsh hands ? Is there less Aveight, less CAidence in it for that ? Are the sentUnents more just or more friendly to us for that ? M, de Rayneval's correspondence, too, AA'ith Mi-. Jay. ISI. de Rayneval is a chef de bureau. But Ave must be very ignorant of aU courts not to know that an under secretary of state dares not carry on such a correspondence AAithout the knowledge, consent, and orders of the principal. There is another point noAV in agitation, in which the French will never give us one good Avord. On the contrary, they avUI say every thing they can think of, to persuade the EngUsh to deprive us of the trade of their West Ltdia Islands, They have already, Avith their emissaries, been the cMef cause of the change of sentiments in London, on this head, against us. In general, they see AA'ith pain every appearance of returning real and cor dial friendship, such as may be permanent, betAveen us and Great Britain. On the conti-ary, they see with pleasure every seed of contention between us. The tories are an excellent engine of mischief between us, and are therefore very pre cious. Exclusion frora the West India Islands aa'UI be another. I hold it to be the indispensable duty of my station not to con ceal from congress these tiuths. Do not let us be dupes under the idea of being grateful. Innumerable anecdotes happen daUy to shoAV that these sentiments are general. In conversation, a few Aveeks ago, Avith the Due de la Vauguyon, upon the subject of the AVest India ti-ade, I endeavored to convince him that France and England both ought to admit us fi-eely to then- islands. He entered into a long argument to prove that both ought to exclude us. At last, I said the English Avere a parcel of sots to exclude us ; for the consequence would be, that in fifteen or tAventy years Ave should have another war with them. Tant micuxl tant mieux ! je vous en felicite," cried the Duke, Avith gi-eat pleasure. " Tant mieux pour nous," said I ; because OFFICIAL, 91 wc shaU conquer from the EngUsh, in that case, aU their islands, the inhabitants of Avhich Avould uoav df.-clare for us, if they dared. But it wUl not be the better for the English. They avUI be the dupes, if they lay a foundation for it " Yes," said the Duke, " I think you wUl have another war Avith the EngUsh." And in this wish he expressed the voavs of every Frenchman upon the face of the earth. If, therefore, we have it in contempla tion to avoid a future Avar with the English, do not let us have too much confidence in the French that they will favor us in this vicAV. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, 10 July, 1783, Sir, — Upon the receipt of the despatches by Barney, I sent off your letters for Messrs. WiMnk & Co., and I received last night an answer to the letter I Avrote them upon the occasion. They have engaged to remit Mr. Grand a million and a half of livres in a month, which has relieved Mi-. Grand from his anxi ety. This Com-t has refused to Dr. Franklin any more money. They are apprehensive of being obUged to take a part in the northern Avar, and their oavu financiers have not enough of the confidence of the public to obtain money for their OAvn purposes. Your design of sending cargoes of tobacco and other things to Amsterdam, to Messrs. WUUnk & Co., is the best possible to support our credit there. The more you send, the more money wiU be obtained. Send a minister, too ; residing there, he may promote it much. It is a misfortune that I have not been able to be there ; but this post cannot be deserted. Insti-uct your minister to inquire, Avhether the house of Hope could be persuaded to engage with WUUnk in a new loan. This should be done with secrecy and discretion. If that house Avould under take it, you would find money enough for your purpose ; for, I rely upon it, the States avUI adopt a plan immediately for the effectual payment of interest. This is indispensable. The foundation of a happy government can only be laid in justice ; and as soon as the public shaU see that provision is made for this, you will no longer Avant money. 92 OFFICIAL, It is a maxim among merchants and moneyed men, that " every man has credit AA'ho does not Avant it." It is equally tiue of states. We shall Avant it but Uttle longer, if the States raake provision for the payraent of interest, and, therefore, Ave shall have enough of it. There is not a counti-y in the world whose credit ought to be so good, because there is none equally able to pay. Inclosed is a pamphlet of Dr. Price for your comfort You A\ill see by it, that the only nation Ave have reason to fear, Avants credit so much, that she is noit likely to have it ahvays, and this is our security. By some hints from Mr. Hartley, he avUI pro bably return to London, and not be here again. The present ministry is so undecided and feeble, that it is at least doubtful Avhether they wUl make the definitive treaty of peace. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, 11 July, 1783. Sir, — In my letter to you of yesterday, I hinted in confi dence at an application to the house of Hope. TMs is a very delicate measm-e. I Avas induced to think of it, merely by a conversation Avliich M. Van Berckel (AA'ho aa'UI soon be Avith you, as he sailed the 26tli of June from the Texel,) had Avith M. Dumas. It Avould be better to be steady to the three houses already employed, if that is possible. You wUl uoav be able to converse freely with that minister upon the subject. I should not advise you to take any decisive resolution at PhUadelphia, but leave it to your minister to act as shall appear to hira best upon the spot. The houses noAV eraployed are AveU esteemed, and, I hope, avUI do very well. But no house in the republic has the force of that of Hope. , ' All depends, however, upon the measures to be taken by con gress and the States for ascertaining their debts, and a regular discharge of the interest. The abUity of the people to make such an estabUshment cannot be doubted ; and the incUnation of no man who has a proper sense of pubUc honor can be caUed in question. The thirteen States, in relation to the discharge of the debts of congress, must consider themselves as one body, OFFICIAL, ;j;; animated by one soul. The stabUity of our confederation at home, our reputation abroad, our poAver of defence, the confi dence and affection of the people of one State toAvards those of another, all depend upon it. Without a sacred regard to public justice, no society can exist ; it is the only tie Avhich can unite men's minds and hearts in pursuit of the common interest. _ The commerce of the world is uoav open to us, and our exports and imports are of so large amount, and our connec tions AA'iU be so large and extensive, that the least stain upon our character in this respect aa'UI lose us in a very short time advantages of greater pecuniary value than all our debt amounts to. The moral character of our people is of infinitely greater AA'orth than all the sums in question. Every hesitation, every uncertainty about paying or receiving a just debt, diminishes that sense of the moral obligation of public justice Avhicli ought to be kept pure, and carefully cultivated in every American mind. Creditors at home and abroad, the army, the navy, every raan who has a AA'cU-founded claira upon the pubUc, have an unaUen- able right to be satisfied, and this by the fundaraental princi ples of society. Can there ever be content and satisfaction, can there ever be peace and order, can there ever be industi-y or decency without it ? To talk of a sponge to Avipe out this debt,~) or of reducing or diminishing it beloAv its real value, in a coun- ' tiy so abundantly able to pay the last farthing, Avould betray a total ignorance of the first principles of national duty and inte rest. Let us leave these odious speculations to countries that can plead a necessity for them, and Avhere corruption has arrived at its last stages ; where infamy is scarcely felt, and Avrong may as well assume one shape as another, since it must prevail in some. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adasis. TO SECRETARA' LIVINGSTON. Paris, 11 July, 1783, Sir, — ^As there are certain particulars in which it has appeared to me that the friendship of a French minister has been problem atical at least, or rather, has not existed at all, I have fi-eely men- 94 OFFICIAL. tioned them to congress ; because I hold it to be the first dijty of a pubfic minister, in ray situation, to conceal no iraportant truth of this kind from his masters. But ingratitude is an odious vice, aud ought to be held in detestation by every American citizen. We ought to distin guish, therefore, between those points for which we are not obUged to om- alUes and those in which we are. I think, then, we are under no particular obUgations of grati tude to them for the fisheries, the boundaries, exemption from the tories, or for the progress of om- negotiations in Europe. We are under obligations of gratitude for making the treaty Avith us at the time Avhen they did, for those suras of money Avhich they have generously given us, and for those even which they have lent us, which I hope we shaU punctuaUy pay, and be thankful stUl for the loan, for the fleet and army they sent to America, and for aU the important services they did. By other mutual exertions, a dangerous rival to them, and I may be almost warranted in saying, an imperious master both to thera and us, has been brought to reason, and put out of the poAver to do harm to either. In this respect, however, our aUies are more secure than Ave. The house of Bourbon has acquired a great accession of stiength, AvhUe their hereditary enemy has been Aveakened one half, and incurably crippled. The French are, besides, a good-natured and humane nation, very respectable in arts, letters, arms, and commerce, and, there fore, motives of interest, honor, and convenience join themselves to those of friendship and gratitude, to induce us to Avish for the continuance of their friendship and affiance. The Provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia, in the hands of the EngUsh, are a constant Avarning to us to have a care of om-selves, and, there fore, a continuance of the friendship and aUiance of France is of importance to om- ti-anquUUty, and even to our safety. There is nothing which AviU have a greater effect to overawe the Eng lish, and induce them to respect us and om- rights, than the reputation of a good understanding with the French. My voice and advice wUl, therefore, ahvays be for discharging, with the utmost fideUty, gratitude, and exactness, every obUgation Ave are under to France, and for cultivating her friendship and alUance by aU sorts of good offices. But I am sure that, to do this effect uaUy, AVC must reason Avith thera at times, enter into particulars. OFFICIAL. 95 and be sm-e that Ave understand one another. We must act a manly, honest, independent, as Avell as a sensible part. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 13 July, 1783. Sir, — Yesterday, Colonel Ogden arrived with the originals of Avhat Ave had before received in dupUcates by Captain Bar ney. The ratification of the Dutch treaty had been before received and exchanged. The ratification of then- Pligh Might inesses is in the safe custody of M. Dumas, at present at the Hague. I beUeve Ave shaU accept of the mediation of the tAA'o Impe rial Courts at the definitive treaty, as it is a mere formality, a mere compUment, consisting AvhoUy in the imperial ministers putting then- names and seals to the parchment, and can have no iU effect. The incUnation of the Count de Vergennes seems to be, that we should accept it ; and, as he calls upon us to decide in the affu-mative or negative, I beUeve aa'c shall give an ansAver in the affirmative. The Empress has pronaised to receive Mr. Dana as soon as the defimtive ti-eaty shaU be signed, and he has prepared a ti-eaty of commerce Avhich AviU be A'aluable, if he can obtain it. The Emperor of Germany has caused to be intimated several Avays his incUnation to have a ti-eaty of commerce Avith us ; but his rank is so high, that his house never makes the first formal advance. I should tlunlc it advisable that we should have a tieaty with that power for several reasons. 1st. Because, as Emperor of Germany, and liing of Bohemia and Hungary, he is at the head of one of the greatest interests and most powerful connections in Em-ope. It is ti-ue it is the greatest Aveight in the scale, AA'hich is, and has been, from age to age, opposite to the house of Bourbon. But, for this very reason, if there were no other, the United States ought to have a ti-eaty of commerce with it, in order to be in practice AA'ith their theory, and to shoAV to aU the world that then- system of commerce embraces, equaUy and impartiaUy, all the commercial states and countries of Europe. b 96 OFFICIAL, 2dly. Because the present Emperor is one of the greatest men of this age. The AAisdom and virtue of the raan, as weU as of the monarch, his personal activity, inteffigence, and accompUsh ments, his large and Uberal principles in matters of reUgion, government, and commerce, are so much of kin to those of our States (perhaps, indeed, so much borroAved from them, and adopted m imitation of them), that it seems pecuUarly proper Ave should show this respect to thera. odly. Because, that if England should ever forget herself again so much as to attack us, she may not be likely to ob tain the affiance or assistance of this power against us. A fiiendship once estabhshed in a tieaty of commerce, this poAver would never be likely to violate, because she has no doraimons near us, and could have no interest to quarrel with us. 4thly. Because the countiies belonging to this poAver upon the Adriatic Sea and in the Austrian Flanders are no incon siderable sources of commerce for America. And if the present negotiations between the tvvo Imperial Courts and the Porte should terminate in a free naAigation of the Danube, the Black Sea, and the ArcMpelago, the Emperor's hereditary dominions wUl become very respectable commercial countiies. 5thly. Because, although Ave have at present a pleasant and joyful prospect of friendship and uninterrupted affiance Avith the house of Bourbon, AA'hich IavIsIi may never be obscured, yet this friendship and affiance AviU be the more likely to continue umm- paired, for our having the friendship and commerce of the house of Austria. And (as in the vicissitudes of human affairs aU things are possible) if, in future times, hoAA'ever unlikely at pre sent, the house of Bourbon should deal unjustly by us, demand of us things Ave are not bound to perform, or any way injure us, Ave may find in the affiance of Austria, England, and HoUand, a resom-ce against the storm. Supernumerary strings to om- boAv, and provisions against possible inconveniences, hoAvever improbable, can do us no harm. K Ave Avere not stiaitened for money, I should advise congress to send a mimster to Vienna. But, as every mission abroad is a costly article, and we find it difficult at present to procure money for the most necessary pmposes, I should think it proper for congress to send a commission to their minister at Versaffies, London, Madrid, Petersburg, or the Hague, Avho might commu- OFFICIAL, 97 nicate it to the Com-t of Vienna by means of the imperial ambassador. The Emperor, in such -a case, aa'ouIcI authorize his ambassador at that Coiu-t to prepare and conclude a treaty, and in this way the business may be aa'cU done AA'ithout any additional expense. M, Favi, Charge des affaires of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Emperor's brother, has caUed upon me so often to converse AA'ith me upon this subject, that I doubt not he has been em ployed, or at least knows that it would be agreeable to his Com-t and then- connections, although he has never made any official insinuations about it. This gentleman has been era ployed by the Republic of Ragusa to consult American minis ters upon the subject of commerce, too. I have told Mm that the American ports Avere open to the Ragusan vessels, as AveU as to aU others, and have giA'en him the address by AA'hich they propose to Avrite to congress. I haA'e the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 14 July, 1783. Sir, — A jealousy of American ships, seamen, carrying trade, and naval poAver, appears every day raore and more conspicu ous. TMs jealousy, Avhich has been aU along discovered by the French minister, is at length commumcated to the EngUsh. The foUowing proclamation,^ which wiU not increase British ' Proclamation at the Court of St. James, the idjfJuly, 1 783. Present, the King's Most ExceUent Majesty in Council. " Whereas, by an act of parliament, passed this session, entitled an ' act for preventing certain instruments from being required from ships belonging to the United States of America, and to give his Majesty, for a limited time, certain powers for the better carrying on trade and commerce between the subjects of his Majesty's dominions and the inhabitants of the said United States ; ' it is amongst other things enacted, that, during the continuance of the said act, ' it shall and may be lawful^for his Majesty in.councilj by order or orders to be issued and published from time to tiihe, to give such directions, and to make such regulations, with respect to duties, drawbacks, or otherwise, for carrying on the trade and commerce between the people and territories belonging to the Crown of Great Britain and the people and territories of the said United States, as to his Majesty in council shall appear most expedient and salutary, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding ; ' his Majesty doth, therefore, hy and with the advice of his privy council, hereby order and direct, that pitch, VOL. vilT, 9 '¦ 98 OFFICIAL, ships and seamen in any proportion as it wUl diminish those of the Umted States, avUI contribute effectuaUy to make America afraid of England and attach herself more closely to France. The EngUsh are the dupes, and must take the consequences. This proclamation is issued in fuU confidence that the United States have no confidence in one another; that they cannot agree to act in a body as one nation ; that they cannot agree upon any navigation act which may be common to the thirteen States. Om- proper remedy Avould be, to confine our exports to American ships, to make a law that no article should be ex ported frora any of the States in British ships, nor in the ships of any nation Avhicli wffi not allow us reciprocally to import their productions in our ships. I am much afraid there is too good an understanding upon this subject between VersaiUes and St. James's. Perhaps it may be proper for congress to be sUeiit upon this head, untU New York, Penobscot, &c., are evacuated. But 1 should think that congi-ess would never bind themselves by any ti-eaty buUt upon such principles. They should negotiate, how ever, Avithout loss of time, by a minister in London. A few weeks' delay may have unalterable effects. One of the most remarkable things in this proclamation is, the oraission of salt fish, an article which the islands want as much as any that is enumerated. This is, no doubt, to encou rage then- own fishery and that of Nova Scotia, as weU as a bloAA' aimed at om-s. There was, in a former proclamation con- tar, turpentine, hemp, and flax ; masts, yards, and bowsprits, staves, heading, boards, timber, shingles, and all other species of lumber ; horses, neat cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry, and all other species of live stock and live provisions ; peas, beans, potatoes, wheat, flour, bread, biscuit, rice, oats, barley, and all other species of grain, being the growth or production of any one of the United States of America, may, until further order, be imported by British subjects, in British built ships, owned by his Majesty's subjects, and navigated according to law from any port ofthe United States of America to any of his Majesty's West India Islands ; aud that rum, sugar, molasses, cofi^ee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and punento may, until further order, be exported by British subjects in British built ships, owned by his Majest}''s subjects, and navigated according to law from any of his Majesty's West India Islands to any port or place within the said United States, upon payment of the same duties on exportation, and subject to the like rules, regulations, securities, and restrictions, as the same articles by law are, or may be, subject and liable to, if exported to any British colony or plantation in America, And the right honorable the lords commis sioners of his Majesty's treasury, and the lords commissioners of the admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively apper- t«"n- Stephen Cottrell," OFFICIAL. 99 cerning the tiade between the United States and Great Britain, an omission ofthe articles oi potash a.nd pearlash. These omis sions discover a choice love for Ncav England. France, I am afraid, avUI exclude fish too, and imitate this proclamation but too closely ; if, indeed, this proclamation is not an imitation of theu- system, adopted, as I beUeve it is, upon their advice and desfi-e. These, hoAvever, are important efforts. Without saying, writ ing, or resolving any thing suddenly, let us see what remedies or equivalents Ave can obtain from Holland, Portugal, and Den mark. Let us bind ourselves to nothing, but reserve a right of maldng navigation acts when we please, if we find them neces sary or useful. If avc had been defeated of our fisheries, Ave should have been wormed out of all our carrying trade, too, and should have been a mere society of cultivators, without any but a passive ti-ade. The poUcy of France has succeeded, and laid, in these proclaraations, if persisted in, the sure source of another war between us and Great Britain. The EngUsh nation is not, however, unanimous in this new system, as congress aa'UI see by the inclosed speculations,^ Avhich I laiow to have been Avritten by a confidential friend of ray Lord Shelburne; I mean Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. TMs minister is very strong in the house of lords, and Mr. Pitt, in the house of commons, has attached to him many members in the course of this session. If that set should come in again, we shaU have a chance of maMng an equitable tieaty of commerce. To this end a imnister must be ready ; and I hope, in mercy to our countiy, that such an opportunity will not be lost by delays, in compliance to our allies. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 16 July, 1783, Sir, — Yesterday we waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, and showed him the project of a letter to the mufis- ters of the two Imperial Courts, wMch he read and approved. 1 This paper is missing. 100 OFFICIAL. We told Mm that Ave Avere at a loss what might be the effect of the mediation ; possibly Ave might be involved in difficulties by it ; possibly the British ministers might persuade the mediators to offer us their advice upon some points, respecting the royal ists, for example, which Ave could not comply AAith. The Count said, that he had told them that as soon as he had fuUy agi-eed with England upon aU points, their mediation should be accepted, and they should sign the ti-eaty as such ; and Ave nUght agi-ee to it in the same manner. He said we Avere not obUged to this, but as they Avere to be present and sign one treaty, it Avould look better to sign both. It Avould be a very notorious, pubUc, and respectable acknoAA'ledgment of us, as a poAver, by those Courts. Upon this footing Ave left the letter with him to be shoAvn to the imperial ministers. We asked the Count if he had seen the British proclamation of the 2d of July. He ansAvered, that he had. I asked him, if the King had determined any thing on the subject of salt provi sions and salt fish, Avhether Ave might import thera Uito his islands. He said, we might depend upon it, they could not supply their islands Avith fish ; that aa'c had tAVO free ports in their islands, — St. Lucia and a port in Martinique, By the thirty-second arti cle of the ti-eaty of coraraerce, these free ports are secured to us ; nothing, he said, was determined concerning salt beef and pork, but the greatest difficulty Avould be about flour. I told the Count, that I did not think it Avould be possible either for France or England to carry on this commerce between the islands and continent ; it Avas profitable to us only as it Avas a part of a system ; that it could not be carried on Avithout loss in large vessels, navigated by many seamen, AA'hich could saU only at certam seasons of the year, &c. Upon the Avhole, I was much pleased Avith this conversation, and conclude fi-om it, that we shaU do very weU in the French West India Islands ; perhaps the better in them, the Avorse we are tieated by the EngUsh. The Dutch and Danes AviU, I doubt not, avaU themselves of every error that may be comraitted by France or England. It is good to have a variety of stiings to ora bow ; and, therefore, I Avish we had a tieaty of coramerce Avith Denmark, by which a free admission of our ships into their ports in the West Indies might be established. By means of the Dutch, Danes, and Per- OFFICIAL, iOl tuguese, I think Ave shaU be able to obtain finaUy proper terms of France and England. The British proclamation of the 2d of this month is the result) of refugee poUtics ; it is intended to encourage Canada and Nova Scotia and then- fisheries, to support stUl the ruins of their navigation act, and to take from us the carriage even of om- OAA'n productions. A system which has in it so Uttle respect for us, and is so obviously calculated to give a bloAV to ou.r nm-s- eries of ships and seamen, could never have been adopted but from the opinion that Ave had no common legislatm-e for the government of commerce. AU America, from the Chesapeake Bay to St. Croix, Ilmow love sMps and saUors ; and those ports to the southward of that bay have advantages for obtaining them when they wffi ; and, therefore, I hope the thUteen States Avffi unite in some measures to counteract this poficy of Britain, so evidently seffish, unso cial, and, I had almost said, hostUe. The question is, what is to be done ? I ansAA'er, perhaps it wUl be most prudent to say Uttle about it at present, and untU the definitive ti-eaty is signed, and the States evacuated. But, after that, I tMnk, in the nego tiation of a tieaty of commerce with Great Britain, congress should tell them that they have the means of doing justice to themselves. What are these means ? I answer, let every State in the Umon lay on a duty of five per cent, on aU West India articles imported in British ships, and upon all theu- oavu pro ductions exported in British ships. Let this impost be Umited in duration, untU Great Britain shaU aUow our vessels to tiade to their West Indies. TMs Avould effectually defeat then- plan, and encourage our own carrying ti-ade more than they can dis courage it. Another way of influencing England to a reasonable conduct is, to take some measm-es for encom-aging the growth in the Umted States of West Inffia articles ; another is to encourage manufactures, especiaUy of wool and iron, among ourselves. As tUt-hammers are now not unlawful, and wool may be Avater- borne, much more may be done now than could have been done before the AA'ar. But the most certain method is, to lay duties on exports and imports by British ships. The sense of a com mon interest and a common danger, it is to be hoped, wffi induce a perfect unanimity among the States in this respect. There 102 OFFICIAL. are other Avays of serving ourselves and making impressions upon the EngUsh to bring them to reason. One is, to send ships immediately to China. This ti-ade is as open to us as to any nation, and if our natmal advantages at home are euAied >us, Ave shorffd compensate ourselves in any honest Avay avc can. Our natural share in the West India ti-ade, is all that is noAV wanting to complete the plan of happiness and prosperity of om- countiy. Deprived of it, Ave shaU be stiaitened and shackled in some degree. We cannot enjoy a free use of aU om- limits Avithout tMs ; Avith it, I see nothing to desne, nothing to vex or chagrin om- people, notMng to interrupt our repose or keep up a dread of war. I know not wltat permission may be expected from Spain to trade to the Havana, but should think that this resource ought not to be neglected. I confess I do not Uke the complexion of British politics. They are mysterious and uninteffigible. Mr. Hartley appears not to be in the secret of his Court. The things wMch happen appear as unexpected to him as to us. PoUtical jealousies and speculations are endless. It is possible the British mimsters may be secretly employed in fomenting the quarrel betAveen the two Imperial Courts and the Porte, and in secretly stirring up the French to join the Tm-ks in the war. The prospect of see ing France engaged in a war, may embolden them to adopt a system less favorable to us. The possibffity of these things should stimulate us, I think, to form, as soon as possible, ti-ea ties of commerce Avith the principal powers, especiaUy the Impe rial Courts, that all our questions may be decided. This Avffi be a great advantage to us, even if we should aftenvards be involved in a war. I put this supposition Avith great reluctance. But, if England should, in the com-se of a few years or months, have the art to stir up a general war in Europe, and get France and Spain seriously involved in it, which is at least a possible case, she may assume a tone and conduct towards us which wffi make it very difficuU for us to avoid taMng a part in it. If such a deplorable circumstance should take place, it wffi be still a great advantage to us, to have our sovereignty expUcitly ac knowledged by those powers against whom we may be unfor tunately obUged to act. At present, they are all disposed to it, and seem desirous of forming connections with us, that we may be out of the question. OFFICIAL. 103 The poUtics of Eraope are such a labyrinth of profound mys teries, that the more one sees of thera, the more causes of uncer tainty and anxiety he ffiscovers. The United States wUl have occasion to brace up their con^f federation, and act as one body with one spirit. K they do not, it is now very obvious that Great Britain wffi take advantage of it in such a manner as wUl endanger our peace, om- safety, and even our very existence. A change of ministiy may, but it is not certain that it wffi, give us better prospects. i I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 17 July, 1783. , Sir, — Last evening Mr. Hartley spent two hours with me, and appeared much chagrined at the proclamation, wMch had never been communicated to huri by his principals. He has too much contempt of the commercial abffities of the French, and consequently said that the French could derive but Uttle benefit from this step of his Court ; but he thought the Dutch would make a great advantage by it. I endeavored to discover from him, whether he suspected that his Com-t had any hand in stir ring up the two Imperial Courts to make war upon the Turks. I asked Mm, what was the state of their Mediterranean tiade and Levant tiade. He said, it Avas dead, and that their Turkey company was dead, and, therefore, he did not think his Court cared much about either, or would ever do any thing to prevent the Empires. He thought it possible that they iMght rather encourage them. I am quite of Mr. Hartley's mind, that the Dutch avUI profit by aU the EngUsh blunders in regulating the West India trade, and am happy that M. Van Berckel wffi be soon with congress, when its members and mimsters may commumcate through hira any thing they wish to then- High Mightinesses. They may inquire of him. What are the rights of the East and West Inffia Companies ? To what an extent om- vessels raay be admitted to Surinam, Cura§oa, Demerara, Essequibo, Berbice, St. Eusta- tia ? What we may be aUowed to carry there ? and what bring 104 OFFICIAL. fi-om thence to the United States or to Em-ope ? Whether Ave may carry sugars, &c., to Amsterdam, Rotterdam, &c. ? There are at Rotterdam and Amsterdam one hundred and twenty-seven or eight refineries of sugar. How far these may be affected, &c. ? / I lay it down for a rule, that the nation wMch shaU aUow us / the most perfect Uberty to ti-ade with her Colonies, whether it be France, England, Spain, or HoUand, wffi see her Colonies ffou- lish above aU others, and Avill draAV proportionaUy om- ti-ade to themselves ; and, I rely upon it, the Dutch wffi have sagacity to see it ; and as they are more attentive to mercantUe profit than to a mffitary raarine, I haA'e great hopes from their fi-iendship. As there aa'UI be an interval before the signature of the definitive ti-eaty, I propose a journey of three AA'eeks to Amsterdam and the Plague, in hopes of learning in more detaU the intentions of the Dutch in this respect. I am in hopes, too, of encouraging the loan, to assist our superintendent of finance. The Dutch raay be a great resource to us in finance and commerce. I wish that cargoes of produce may be hastened to Amsterdam, to Messrs. Wiffink & Co.. for this Avffi give vigor to the loan, and aU the raoney Ave can prevent England and the two empires frora obtaining in HoUand, wUl not only be nerves for us, but, perhaps, be usefffi too to France in her negotiations. I have spent the Avhole forenoon in conversation with the Due de la Vauguyon. He thinks that England Avishes to revive her ti-ade to the Levant, to Smyrna, Aleppo, &c., and her carrying ti-ade in Italy ; and although she might be pleased to see France involved in a war with the Emperor and Empress, yet he thinks her funds are not in a condition to afford subsiffies to either, and, therefore, that she AA'ffi be perfectly neutial. Quaere, hoAvever, Avhether, if by a subsidy or a loan of a mffiion or two a year, she could raake France spend eight or ten mUUons, she would not stiive hard to do it ? The Duke thinks that France AAiU proceed softly, and endeavor, if possible, to avert the furious storm that threatens, and to compose the ffisputes of the three empu-es, if possible ; but she avUI never suffer such a usurp ation as the conquest of the Tm-kish Provinces in Emope. France Avffi certainly defend Constantinople. He thinks, that the Empress of Russia has not revenues, and cannot get cash to march and subsist vast armies, and to transport great fleets, and that the Emperor has not revenues to support a long Avar. OFFICIAL. 105 This is, hoAvever, a serious business, and France lays it so much to heart, and looks upon the chance of her being obliged to arm, as so probable, that I presume this to be the principal motive of her refusal to lend us two or three mUUons of livres more. As to om- West India questions, the Duke assures me that the French ministry, particularly the Count de Vergennes, are determined to do every thing they can consistent with their own essential interests, to favor and promote the friendship and cora merce betAveen their comitry and ours. That they, especiaUy the Count, are declared enemies of the French fiscal system, which is certainly the most ruinous to their commerce, and intend to do every thing they can to make alterations to favor commerce ; but no change can be made in this, Avithout affect ing their revenues, and maldng voids, failures, and deficiencies which they cannot fill up. They must, therefore, proceed softly. That France Avould favor the coraraerce between Portugal and America, because it would tend to draw off that kingdom frora her dependence on England. That England, by her commer cial ti-eaty with the Portuguese, in 1703, has turned them into an EngUsh Colony, made them entu-ely dependent, and secured a commerce with them of three miffions value. France Avould be glad to see this, or as much of it as possible, tm-ned to Ame rica. The Duke agrees fully with me in the maxim, that] those colonies AviU grow the most in wealth, improvement, population, and every sort of prosperity, Avhich arc aUowed the freest com munication with us/and that Ave shall be aUoAved to carry lum ber, fish, and Uve stock to their islands ; but that the export of their sugars to us, he thinks, must be in their OAvn ships, because they are afraid of our becoming the carriers of all their com merce, because they know and say that we can do it cheaper '' than they can. These sentiraents are ffifferent from those which ' he mentioned to me a few days ago, when he said the West i India trade with us must be carried on in French bottoms. The Duke said, the EngUsh had been tiying to deceive us, but were now developing their tiue sentiments. They pre tended for a whUe to aboUsh the navigation act and all distinc tions, to make one people with us again, to be friends, brothers, &c., in hopes of drawing us off from France, but not finding 106 OFFICIAL, ' success, they were now showing theu- ti-ue plan. As to the pre tended system of Shelburne, of a universal, free commerce, although he thought it woffid be for the good of mankind in general, yet, for an EngUsh minister, it was the plan of a mad man, for it would be the ruin of that nation. He did not think Shelburne Avas sincere in it ; he only meant an Ulusion to us. Here I differ frora the Duke, and beUeve that the late ministiy were very sincere towards us, and would have made a tieaty Avith us, at least to revive the universal ti-ade between us upon a Uberal plan. This doctrine of rmn, from that plan, to the English, has been so much preached of late in England by the French and the American refugees, who aim at estabUshments in Canada and Nova Scotia, and by the old Butean adminis tiation and then- partisans, that I do not knoAV whether any ministiy could uoav support a generous plan. But if Temple, Thurlow, Shelbm-ne, Pitt, &c., shoffid come in, I should not despau- of it. It is ti-ue, the Shelburne adraimsti-ation did encora-age the ideas of cordial, perfect friendsMp, of entire reconcUiation of affections, of making no ffistinction between their people and ours, especiaUy between the inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia and us, and this, with the professed purpose of destioying all seeds of war betAveen us. These sen timents were freely uttered by Fitzherbert, Oswald, Whitefoord, Vaughan, and all who had the confidence of that ministi-y; and in these sentiments they were, I beUeve, very sincere. And they are, indeed, the only means of preventing a future war between us and them ; and so sure as they depart from that plan, so sure, in less than fifteen years, perhaps less than seA'en, there avUI break out another war. Quarrels wiU arise among fishermen, between inhabitants of Canada and Nova Scotia and us, and between their people and om-s in the West Indies, in our ports, and in the ports of the three Idngdoms, which AvUl breed a war in spite of aU we can do to prevent it France sees this and rejoices in it, and I know not whether we ought to be j sorry ; yet I think Ave ought to make it a maxim to avoid aU : wars, if possible, and to take care that it is not om- fault, if we ¦' cannot. We ought to do every thing which the EngUsh AvUl concur in, to remove aU causes of jealousies, and kiU aU the seeds of hostiUty, as effectually as Ave can ; and to be upon om- guard to prevent the French, Spaniards, and Dutch, from sow- OFFICIAL, 107 ing the seeds of Avar between us ; for, Ave may rely upon it, they wffi do it, if they can. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 18 July, 1783. Sir, — There is cause to be soUcitous about the state of things in England. The present mimsti-y swerve more and more fi-om the tiue system, for the prosperity of their countiy and ours. Mr. Hartley, whose sentiments are at bottom just, is probably kept here, if he was not sent at first, merely to amuse us, and to keep him out of the way of embarrassing the coaU tion. We need not fear that France and England wffi make a common cause against us, even in relation to the carrying trade to and from the West Indies. Although they may mutuaUy inspire into each other false notions of their interests, at times, yet there can never be a concert of operations betAveen them. Mutual enraity is bred in the blood and bones of both, and rivals and enemies at heart they eternaUy wffi be. In order to induce both to allow us our natural right to the carrying tiade, aa'C must negotiate with the Dutch, Danes, Por tuguese, and even with the empires ; for the more friends and resources we have, the more Ave shaU be respected by the French and EngUsh ; and the more freedom of trade we enjoy with the Dutch possessions in America, the more Avill France and England find themselves necessitated to aUoAV us. The present mimsters in England have very bad advisers ; the refugees, and emissaries of various other sorts; and Ave have nobody to Avatch, to counteract, to correct or prevent any thing. The United States wffi soon see the necessity of uniting ini measures to counteract their enemies, and even their friends. What powers congress should have for governing the tiade of the Avhole, for maMng or recommenffing prohibitions or iraposts, deserves the serious consideration of every man in America. If a constitutional, legislative authority cannot be given them, a sense of common danger and necessity should give to their recommendations all the force upon the minds of the people which they had six years ago. 108 OFFICIAL. If the union of the States is not preserved, and even their unity, in raany great points, instead of being the happiest people under the sun, I do not know but we may be the most miserable. We shaU find our foreign affaUs the most difficuU to manage of any of our interests ; Ave shaU see and feel them ffistmbed by invisible agents and causes, by secret intiigues, by dark and mysterious insinuations, by concealed corruptions of a thousand sorts. Hypocrisy and siraulation wUl assume a mUUon of shapes ; we shaU feel the evU, without being able to prove the cause. Those whose penetiation reaches the true som-ce of the evil AviU be called suspicious, envious, ffisap- pointed, ambitious. In short, if there is not an authority suffi ciently decisive to ffi-aw together the minds, affections, and forces of the States, in their common, foreign concerns, it appears to me, we shall be the sport of tiansatlantic poUti cians of aU denorainations, who hate Uberty in every shape, and every man who loves it, and every country that enjoys it. If there is no common authority, nor any common sense to secure a revenue for the ffischarge of our engagements abroad for money, what is to become of our honor, our justice, our faith, our universal moral, political, and commercial character? If there is no common power to fulfil engagements with our citizens, to pay om- soldiers and other creffitors, can we have any moral character at home ? Our counti-y wffi become the region of everlasting ffiscontents, reproaches, and animosities, and instead of fluffing our independence a blessing, we shall soon becorae Cappadocians enough to wish it done away. I may be thought gloomy, but this ought not to discourage me frora laying before congress my apprehensions. The depend ence of those who have designs upon us, upon our want of affection to each other, and of authority over one another, is so great, that, in ray opinion, if the United States do not soon show to the Avorld a proof that they can comraand a common revenue, to satisfy their creditors at home and abroad that they can act as one people, as one nation, as one man, in their tians- actions Avith foreign nations, we shaU be soon so far despised, that it Avffi be but a fcAV years, perhaps but a few months only, before we are involved in another war. What can I say in HoUand, if a doubt is started, whether we can repay the money we Avish to boiTOAv ? I must assure them. OFFICIAL, 109 in a tone that wUl exclude aU doubt, that the money will be repaid. Am I to be hereafter reproached with deceiving the money-lenders ? I cannot beUeve there is a man in America Avho would not disdain the supposition, and, therefore, I shaU not scruple to give the strongest assurances in my power. But, if there is a doubt in congress, they ought to recall their borrowers of money. I shall set off to-morrow for HoUand, in hopes of improving my health, at the same time that I shall endeavor to assist the loan, and to turn the speculations of the Dutch merchants, capi- taUsts, and statesmen towards America. It is of vast import ance that the Dutch shoffid form just ideas of their interests, respecting the communication between us and their islands and other colonies in America. I beg that no time may be lost in commencing conferences with M. Van Berckel upon this sub ject, as well as that of money ; but this should not be commu mcated to the French nor the English, because, we may depend upon it, both wUl endeavor to persuade the Dutch to adopt the same plan Avith themselves. There are jealousies on both sides the pas de Calais, of our connections and negotiations with the Dutch. But whUe we avoid as much as we can to inffame tlus jealousy, we must have sense, and firmness and independence enough not to be intimidated by it from availing ourselves of advantages that Providence has placed in our power. There ever have been, and ever wiU be, suspicions of every honest, active, and inteffigent American, and there Avill be, as there have been, insiffious attempts to destioy or lessen your confi dence in every such character. But, if our countiy does not support her own interests and her own servants, she wffi assur edly fall. Persons who study to preserve or obtain the confi dence of America by the favor of European statesmen or courts, must betray their countiy to preserve their places. For my OAvn part, I wish Mr. Jay and myself alraost any where else but here. There is scarce any other place where we raight not do some good. Here, we are in a state of annihila tion. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. VOL. VIII. 10 110 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. The Hague, 23 July, 1783. Sir, _ On Saturday last I left Paris, and arrived here last mght TMs mormng I sent M. Dumas to M. Van Berckel and M. Gyselaer, to inform them of my arrival, and to desire a con versation Avith them upon the subject of the commerce between the United States and the Dutch estabUshments in the West Inffies. M. Van Berckel told M. Dumas, "that St. Eustatia and Curasao were open to the vessels of aU nations and to the commerce of aU the world ; but that it was not the interest of the West Inffia Corapany alone, but that of the whole State, that obUged them to confine the commerce of their sugars to themselves, because of the great number of then- refineries of sugar. That aU theu- OAvn sugars were not half enough to employ their sugar-houses, and that at least one half of the sugars refined in HoUand were the production of the French West Inffia Islands." I suppose that some of these sugars may have been carried first to St. Eustatia, and brought from thence to HoUand, and some others may have been purchased in the ports of France, and imported raw from thence. I do not know that Dutch ves sels are permitted to purchase sugars in the French islands, and export thera from thence. This matter deserves to be exa mined to the bottom. If France has not sugar-houses for the refinement of her own sugars, but is obUged to carry them, or to permit their being carried, to Amsterdam and Rotterdam for manufacture, why should she not be AvUlmg that the same sugars shoffid be carried by Americans to Boston, New York, and PhUadelphia ? Surely France has no predUection for Hol land rather than America. But, what is of more weight, aU the sugars wMch America takes, wffi be paid for in articles more advantageous to the islands and to France than the pay that is made by the Dutch. If any sugars refined in HoUand are after Avards sold in France, surely it would be more for the interest of France, or rather less against her interests, to have the same sugars refined in America, and afterwards sold in France, because the price of them would be laid out by us in France. OFFICIAL. Ill There is this difference betAveen us and the Dutch and all other nations, — we spend in Em-ope all the profits avc make, and more ; the others do not. But if the French sugars, refined in HoUand, are afterAvards sold in other parts of Europe, it would be just as AveU that we shoffid seU them. We have sugar-houses as well as the Dutch, and ours ought not to be more obnoxious to French policy or commerce than theirs. Sugars are a great article. There is a great consumption in America. It is not the mterest of any nation that has sugars to seU, to lessen the consumption there. AU such nations should favor that consumption, in order to mffitiply purchasers and quicken the competition, by which the price is raised. None of these nations, then, AviU wish to prevent our having sugar, pro vided Ave offer as high, or a higher price. How they Avill be able to arrange their plans, so that we may have enough for om- oavu consumption, Avithout having more, without having some for exportation, I do not know. We have now St. Eustatia and Curasao, St. Lucia and Mar tinique, St. Thomas and St. Martm's, no less than six free ports in the West Inffies ; and perhaps England may be induced, necessitated indeed, to add two more to the nuraber, and make eight. At these free ports it Avffi be hard if we cannot find sugars, when we carry thither all our OAvn productions in our own ships. And, if the worst should happen, and all the nations i who have sugar islands should forbid sugars to be carried to America in any other than then- own bottoms, we might depend upon having enough of this article at the free ports, to be brought away in our own ships, if we should lay a prohibition or a duty / upon it in foreign ships. To do either, the States must be unij , ted, which the English think cannot be. Perhaps the French ; think so, too, and, in tirae, they may persuade the Dutch to be ^i of the sarae opinion. It is to be hoped we shaU disappoint ; thera all. In a point so just and reasonable, AA'hen Ave are con tending only for an equal chance for the carriage of our oavu productions and the articles of our OAvn consumption, Avhen aa'c are AviUing to alloAv to all other nations even a free competition Avith us in this carriage, if we cannot unite, it Avill discover an imperfection and weakness in our constitution Avhich Avill deserve a serious consideration. M. Visscher, Pensionary of Amsterdam, Avho came in to visit 112 OFFICIAL. me, when I had Avritten thus far, shoAved me a Ust of the dkect- ors of the West IncUa Company, and referred me to M. Bicker, of Arasterdara, as one of the most inteffigent of them. He says, that the colomsts of Sm-inam, Berbice, Esseqmbo, and Deme rara have been in decay, and obUged to borrow money of the merchants at home, and have entered into contiacts with those merchants to send them annuaUy aU the productions of then: plantations, to pay the interest and prmcipal of their debts; that this wffi make it difficffit to open the tiade. Soon after M. Visscher Avent out, M. Van Berckel came in. I entered into a like conversation Avith him, and told him, that I thought the decay of their plantations in the West Inffies had been owing to the rivalry of other nations, especiaUy the Eng Ush, Avliose islands had greater advantages, from a freer commu- mcation with North America ; and I thought it might be laid doAvn as a rffie, that those islands Avoffid flourish most in popu lation, cffiture, commerce, and wealth, which had the freest intercourse with us, and that this intercourse would be a natu ral means of attiacting the American commerce to the meti-opo- lis. He thought so too. 1 then mentioned to him the loan ; and asked hira, if he thought that the states-general, the States of HoUand, or the regency of Amsterdam would be likely in any way to aid us ? He said, no ; that the countiy was stffi so much divided, that he could not depend upon any assistance in that way ; that the councU of Amsterdam was weU enough ffisposed, but that the bm-gomasters were not so ; that M. Temminck, M. Huygens, and M. Rendorp were not to be depended on in such an affair ; that, therefore, our offiy resource was, to endeavor to gain upon the pubUc opmion and the spirit of the nation, and that, in this respect, he woffid do me all the service in his power. He thought that the present uncertainty about the definitive tieaty and the fate of the Republic AvotUd be an obstacle ; but, the definitive treaty once signed, he thought om- loan woffid succeed very Avell. I asked him, whether he thought that the junction of three houses in ray loan Avas any obstiuction to it ? and Avhether any one of them, or whether any other house Avould do better ? I told him Avhat his brother (uoav I hope in PhUadelphia) had said to M. Dumas, namely, — that the house of WUhem and Jan WiUink alone would succeed sooner than the three. I OFFICIAL. 113 asked him, Avhether he thought the house of Hope, either alone, or in conjunction Aviih that of the Williiiks or any oilier, Avould undertake it. He said, this might Avell be, and that if they saAV their interest in it they AA'ould, for those mercantile houses had no other object in vicAV. He promised me to make inquU-y into this matter, and let me knoAV the result. Upon tMs occasion, I must inform congress that it is abso lutely necessary they shoffid send another minister to this repub lic, AA'ithout loss of time ; because our three present houses, before they Avould undertake the loan, extorted a promise frora me not to open another with any other house until the five mil lions shoffid be fuU. This engagement I took for myself alone, hoAvever, and expressly premised that congress should not be bound by it, that congress should be perfectly free, and that any other minister they might send here should be perfectly free to open another loan, Avhen and Avith whom they pleased. A new mimster, therefore, may open a loan Avhen he avUI, Avith Hope, Wiffink, or whom he avUI, and I am persuaded it Avould succeed to a good amount. I made visits to-day, the 25th of July, to the grand pension ary, the Secretary Fagel, the president of the week, and M. Gyselaer ; and returned visits to M. Van Berckel and M. Vis scher. M. Gyselaer says, that at present there is no ready money {argent comptant) in the RepubUc, but in two months there wffi be, and the loan Avill go very weU. At noon I went to the house in the Grove, to raake ray court to the Prince and Princess of Orange. The Prmce either happened to be in a social humor, or has had some political speculations lately, for he thought fit to be uncommonly gracious and agi-eeable. He made me sit, and sat down by me, and entered into famffiar conversation about the negotiations of peace. He asked many questions about it, and the probabffity of a speedy conclusion of the definitive tieaty. At length he asked me, if Dr. Franklin was left alone. I answered, that Mr. Jay was with him. He asked, if I returned before the signature. I answered, that such was my intention. He asked, whether Dr. FrankUn was an ambassador. I an swered, that he was a minister plenipotentiary only. He asked, if none of us were ambassadors. I answered, that we all had the same rank of mimsters plenipotentiary, and that congress 10' II 114 OFFICIAL. had never yet made an ambassador. He said, he was asto nished at that ; that he had a long time expected to hear that we had ffisplayed the character of ambassadors. I asked his Highness what reason he had for this, and what advantage there Avas in it. " Why," said he, " I expected that your Republic Avould early assert her right to appoint ambassadors. Republics have been generally fond of appomtmg ambassadors, in order to be upon a footing with crowned heads. Our RepubUc began very early. We had eight ambassadors at the peace of Munster, one for each province, and one supernumerary. And we ahvays choose to appoint ambassadors, for the sake of bemg upon an equaUty AAith crowned heads. There are only crowned heads, repubUcs, and the electors of the empUe, who have a right to send ambassadors ; all others can only send envoys and min isters plenipotentiary. Princes cannot send ambassadors. 1 cannot, as stadtholder, nor as prince, nor m any other quaUty, send a minister of any higher order than an envoy or minister plenipotentiary." He asked me, Avhat was the reason the con gi-ess had not made use of their right. I answered Ms High ness, that reaUy I ffid not knoAV. It Avas a subject I had never much reflected on. Perhaps congress had not ; or they might think it a matter of ceremony and of show, rather than sub stance ; or might think the expense greater than the advantage. He said, it was very tiue the ffignity of the rank must be sup ported ; but he thought the advantage worth more than the expense. I am utterly at a loss for his Highness's motives for entering so minutely into this subject. Whether M. Van Berckel, before his departm-e, had mentioned it ; whether he thought he shoffid please me by it ; whether he thought to please congress by it ; whether he affected to interest himself in the honor of the Uni ted States ; or whether any of the poUticians of this or any other countiy have put him upon it, or whether it is mere accident, I know not They are the words of a prince, and I have reported them very exactly. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 1J5 TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. The Hague, 25 July, 1 783. Sir, — It is the general opinion here, both among the mem bers of the States and at the Hotel de France, that the delays of the definitive pacffication are contrived by the Court of Lon don, in order to set aU then- insti-uments at work in this Repub Uc, to induce it to renew its ancient connections with Great Britain, particularly then- aUiance offensive and defensive, by Avhich each poAver was bound to furmsh the other, if attacked, a certain number of ships and troops. Against this the patri otic party is decided, and they are now very AveU satisfied Avith the grand pensionary, BleisAvyck, because he openly and rounffiy takes then- side ; and the Court is said to be discontented Avith him for the same reason. There is, no doubt, an inteffigence and correspondence between the two Courts of London and the Hague to bring about this point. The grand pensionary told me yesterday that the Court of London desu-ed it, and there were persons here aa'Iio desu-ed it, and he knew very Avell Avho they were ; but that most certainly they AA'ould not carry their point. Van Berckel, Visscher, and Gyselaer all assured me of the sarae, and added, that the fear of this had determined them not to send a minister to London, but to go through Avith the negotiation at Paris, although they were aU highly ffissatisfied with the conduct of France, and particularly Avith that of the Count de Vergennes. They all say he has betrayed and deserted them, played them a very bad trick (tour), and violated his repeated promises to them. They do not in the least spare M. Berenger and M. Merchant, who conduct the French affaUs here in the absence of the Due de la Vauguyon, but hold this language openly and freely to them. These gentlemen have sometimes found it hard to bear, and have winced, and sometimes even threatened ; but their answer has been more mortifying stUl : " Do as you please. Drive the Republic back into the arms of England, if you wiU. Suppress all the friends of France, if you choose it." And some of them have said, " we will go to America." They all say that France had the power to have saved them ; that the acquisition of Tobago was no equivalent to France for the loss 116 OFFICIAL. of the RepubUc, &c., &c., &c. They are aU highly pleased with the conduct of then- OAvn ambassador, Brantzen, Avith his acti vity, inteffigence, and fideUty. They all say that they woffid send a mimster to London to negotiate there, if they were sure of being able to carry an election for a man they could depend upon. But the Court here Avould have so much mffuence in the choice, that they would run a risk of senffing a man who woffid msensibly lead them into a revival of the old ties Avith England, Avhich, they say, is enslaving the RepubUc to that kingdom. I learn here, from all quarters, a confirmation of what I had learned before at Paris from M. Brantzen and the Due de la Vauguyon, namely, — that the Duke of Manchester had given them no answer, nor said a AA'ord to them for six weeks, in answer to the propositions they had made ; araong which was an offer of an eqmvalent for Negapatnam. They offered some estabUshments in Sumati-a and Surat. Lately, the Duke of Manchester has received a courier, and has given an answer, that a real eqmvalent might be accepted. No answer is given to any other pomt, and tMs is vague ; so that another courier must go to London and return. ParUament is now up, and perhaps the mimsters may now be more attentive and less timorous. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Amsterdam, 28 July, 1783. Sir, — I find, upon mquiry, that there are in this RepubUc, at Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Dort, near one hundred and thirty sugar-houses. The whole of the raAV sugars produced in Suri nam, Berbice, Essequibo, and Deraerara, are Avrought in these houses ; and, besides, raw sugars were purchased in Bordeaux and Nantes, after being iraported from the French islands in French bottoms. Raw sugars were also purchased m London, which went under the general name of Barbadoes sugars, al though they were the gi-oAvth of aU the EngUsh islands, and im ported to London m British bottoms. I have learnt fmther, that great quantities of raw BrazU sugars were purchased in Lisbon, and that these were cheaper than any of the others. AU these raw sugars Avere imported into Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Dort, OFFICIAL. 117 and there manufactured for exportation. We must endeavor to obtain a share in this trade, especially Avith Lisbon or the West ern Islands. Since it is certain that neither Portugal, France, nor England, has been able to manufacture aU its raAv sugars, but each of them sold considerable quantities to the Dutch, I suppose that we may undoubtedly purchase such sugars in future in Lisbon, Bordeaux, Nantes, London, and perhaps L-eland, and carry them where Ave please, either home to America, or to Amsterdam, or to any part of Europe, and there sell them, and in this way pro mote our own carrying tiade, as well as enable om-selves to make remittances. I cannot see why the EngUsh or French should be averse to their sugars going to America directly ; and if they insist upon carrying them in their oaa'ii ships, we may still have enough of them. The Dutch have the most pressing commercial motives to bring home their West India produce ; yet they Avoffid really gain the most by operdng a free commu- mcation with us, because they Avould the most suddenly make their colomes flourish by it. Molasses and rura Ave shall have, probably, from aU the islands, — EngUsh, French, and Dutch, — in our oavu bottoms, unless the three nations shoffid agree together to keep the whole tiade of their islands in their own sMps, which is not Ukely. I have made aU the inquuies I coffid, and have sown aU the seeds I coffid, in order to give a spur to our loan. Three thou sand obUgations have been sold, and the other two thousand are signed ; but at tMs time there is a greater scarcity of raoney than ever was known. The scarcity is so great, that the agio of the bank, which is coraraonly at four or five per cent, feU to one and a haff. The dfi-ectors at length shut up the bank, and it continues shut The EngUsh cranium, which at fbst was sold for eight or ten per cent profit, feU to one and a half The scarcity of money AviU continue untU the arrival of the Spanish flotffia at Caffiz. Seven eighths of the tieasures of that flotffia AvUl come here, and make money plenty. Then we may expect that my obligations wffi seU. In the mean tirae, I have great pleasure in assuring you, that there is not one foreign loan open in this RepubUc Avhich is in so good creffit, or goes so qmck as mine. The Empress of Rus sia opened a loan of five milUons about the same time that I 118 OFFICIAL, opened mine. She is far from having obtained three milUons of it. Spain opened a loan with the house of Hope at the same time for tAvo mUUons offiy, and, you may depend upon it, it is very far from being fffil. Not one quarter part of the loan of France upon life-rents, advantageous as it is to the lender, is fuU. In short, there is not one poAver in Europe whose credit is so good here as oms. Russia and Spain, too, aUow of faciUties to undertakers and others, in disposing of their obUgations, much iTiore considerable than ours ; yet all does not succeed. You AA'iU see persons and letters in America that AviU afffi-m that the Spanish loan is full, and that France and Spam can have what money they please here. BeUeve me, this is aU stockjob- bmg gasconade. I have made very particular inquiries, and find the foregoing account to be the tiuth. Of all the sons of men, I believe the stockjobbers are the greatest Uars. I know it has been given out that the Spanish loan which was opened at Hope's was fffil the first day. This I know has been affirmed in the hearing of Americans; Avith a confidence peculiar, and Avith a design, I suppose, that it should be written or reported to congress. But I am uoav assured that it is so far from being true, that it is not near full to this hour. Let me beg of you, SU-, to give Mr. Mon-is an extiact of this, because I am so pressed for tirae that I cannot write to hira. Upon further inquiry concerffing sugars, I find that the Dutch Avere used to purchase annuaUy considerable quantities of the raAV sugars of Spain, as well as of France, England, and Portu gal. Some of these they obtained by a clandestme trade betAveen Curagao and Havana and St. Domingo ; but the greater part Avere purchased at Caffiz. I suppose om- mer chants and masters of vessels wffi be as adroit at inventing and executing projects of ifficit ti-ade as others. But this is a resource that congress and the States cannot depend on, nor take into their calculations. IlUcit tiade wffi ever bear but a smaU proportion to that which is permitted. And our governments shoffid take their measures for obtaining, by legal and honorable means, from Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, and Denmark, all the productions which our people may Avant for consumption, for manufacture, and for exportation. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 119 TO ROBERT MORRIS. Amsterdam, 28 July, 1783. Sir, — Upon inquiry of those who best know, I see no pro bability of success from any appUcation to authority in this country, for reasons which I have explained to our minister of foreign affairs. Our only resource is in the pubUc opinion and the favor of the nation. I knoAV of nothing Avliich woffid operate so favorably upon the public as the arrival of a few vessels with cargoes of Ame rican produce, addressed to your bankers, and appropriated to the payment of interest. The report of such an event Avould greatly augment our credit, by spreaffing the opiffion of our ability and ffisposition to pay. It Avould be presumption in me, at this distance, to undertake to advise you, Avho are upon the spot, and much better informed. But I beg leave to suggest the question, whether an appUcation of congress to the States would not succeed. Suppose con gress should represent to the States the necessity of an exertion, in order to obtain a loan at present, to enable you to satisfy the most urgent demands of the army and other pubUc creffitors, until the States can agree upon some permanent estabUshment, and should recommend to each State to furnish a cargo of its produce, in proportion to its rate upon the Ust. For example, South Carolina and Georgia a quantity of rice or indigo ; Vir ginia and Maryland, of tobacco ; Pennsylvania, of wheat or flour ; and the northern States, of fish or any other thing. Sup pose these cargoes, which need not be expensive for the thirteen States, shoffid be sent to Arasterdara or anywhere else m Europe, the proceeds of sale to be remitted to Amsterdam to your bank ers. The reputation of this, if weU planned, adopted, and exe cuted, woffid give a stiong irapffision to your loan here. I am but just arrived, and have not yet seen our bankers. Saturday and Sunday are usuaUy spent at countiy seats. But before I leave this place, I shall be able to inform you more pre cisely, Avhether you may depend on any thing from hence. No pains of mine shall be spared. The British stocks are so low, that Ave may hope for something. If a minister is sent to Lon don, you should give him a commission to borroAV money. If 120 OFFICIAL. he conducts the matter with secrecy and caution, he may pro bably obtain a considerable sum there. There are moneyed men in that counti-y who Avish us weU. There are others Avho may easily be inspired AA'ith raore faith in our funds than they can rationaUy have in their own. If, upon advising with proper per sons, he should not judge it prudent to open a loan there, he might easily put things in a tiain for some inffividuals to pur chase obUgations in your loan in Amsterdam. So ffismal are the prospects in England, that many men are on the wing to fly, and some would be wffiing to tiansfer their property across the Atlantic. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. FRANCIS DANA TO JOHN ADAMS. St. Petersburg, 29 July, 1783. My Dear Sir, — 'Tis done. The bolt of your Vffican has hit its aim. The idea you mentioned to me some time since, relative to the use of the credit I had asked for, and which in reply I told you was not new to me, that the same had been repeatedly thrown out here by persons, whom to suspect of simster or interested vieAVS would be deemed by some a most damnable, political heresy, has crossed the Atlantic, and gotten possession of congress. I am told, they wffi not buy a tieaty at this day. But pray remark what I have said in my letter to you of the 21st of last May, relative to tMs subject, particularly in the last paragraph of it, beginning thus, — •• Besides, I shoffid not be surprised." ^ You may turn also to my letter of the 26th of the same month. But, contemptible beyond all contempt (pardon the expression) is the constiuction upon my instruc tions. Woffid it not put a pettifogger out of countenance to be detected in such a miserable thing ? Pray, my friend, are you sufficiently versed in the ffiplomatic science to develop the whole meaning of the term " communicate," and of the double 8fc, ? These, Lord Coke observes; are very pregnant often times. And that gentleman has read Lord Coke, and must, therefore, be an exceUent commentator. But, lest he should ' See page 65. OFFICIAL. 121 not have read the text through, when he made his comment, I have laid it out at its full length before hira. He raay noAV comment upon it at leisure. I have thought it too plain to need any of mine. Do not imagine, my friend, that I am angry, shall I say, at this Dutch commentator. No. I have other feeUngs respect ing him and our much abused countiy. I recoUect the cause of the instiuction we received, relative to the fishery, at our departure. I recollect the fatal revocation of your power to conclude a commercial tieaty Avith Great Britain. I call it fatal, because, if I am not deceived, Ave have lost forever the most important advantages of a free commerce with the British West Inffies by that measure. We might have obtained every tMng at the conclusion of our preUminary tieaty, if our com missioners had had that power. TMs is evident from the biU of j\Ir. Pitt, the chanceUor of the exchequer. This last stroke, I tMnk, tops the systera. A more favorable moraent for nego- tiatmg a commercial tieaty here, AviU, in all probabffity, never happen. The present vieAVs of Great Britain give us many advantages to draAV forth convenient concessions. Can Russia see, with inffifference. Great Britain holding out special favors for the encouragement of our naval stores ? But I need not enter into particffiars with you on these subjects, who have sur veyed them on aU sides. I send you inclosed my letter to Mr. LiAingston. I have several times acquainted congress of my AA'ish and intention to return to America as soon as I had concluded a commercial tieaty with her Imperial Majesty. In consequence of this, they have, by resolution, approved of my returning, " provided I shoffid not be engaged in a negotiation with tMs Court at the time of receiving the resolution, in which case it is the desire of congress, that I should finish such negotiation before I return." I am not engaged in any, as I have not yet had my auffience; and to communicate, but not to sign, is beyond my comprehension, and, I beUeve, Avould surpass theirs also.^ K I should break tMough tMs cobweb, I shoffid find myself stopped short by the other matter, which is essential. 1 To understand the allusions in this letter, it will be necessary to recur to Secretary Livingston's despatch to Mr. Dana, dated 1 May, 1 783, in the Diplo matic Correspondence ofthe Revolution, vol. viii. p. 437. VOL. viir. II 122 OFFICIAL. What is to be done in such circumstances ? I answer, the wisest part it appears to me is to get out of them as soon as pos sible. But for this last ffifficulty, I woffid demand my auffi ence as soon as the definitive tieaty is concluded, enter imme diately upon the negotiation of a tieaty of commerce, and, maugre aU comments, sign, ah, and seal, too, " the form and terms of a ti-eaty" I shoffid agree upon Avith her Majesty's ministers. As it is, I say to myself, begone. I wUl be gone. And God grant, I may soon have the pleasure of meeting you in our countiy, and aU friends weU. Yours, &c. Francis Dana. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. The Hague, 31 July, 1783. Sir, — The last evening, at Court in the house in the Grove, where aU the foreign mmisters supped, the Count Montagnini de Mu-abel, the miffister plenipotentiary from the King of Sar- ffinia, took an opportunity to enter largely into conversation with me. As he and I were at a party of poUtics, whUe the greatest part of the company were at cards, for two or three hom-s, we ran over aU the world ; but nothing occurred worth repeating, except what foUows. The Count said, that his advice to congress woffid be, to AATrite a circffiar letter to every power m Europe, as soon as the definitive tieaty shoffid be signed, and tiansmit with it a prmted copy of the ti-eaty. In the letter, congress shoffid announce, that on the 4th of July, 1776, the United States had declared them selves a sovereign State, under the style and title of the United States of America ; that France, on the 6th of February, 1778, had acknowledged them ; that the states-general had done the same on the 10th of AprU, 1782 ; that Great Britain, on the 30th of November, 1782, had signed with them a ti-eaty of peace, in which she had fully acknowledged their sovereignty ; that Sweden had entered into a ti-eaty Avith them on the 5th of February, 1783 ; and that Great Britain had concluded the definitive tieaty under the mediation of the two empu-es, if that should be the fact, &c. Such a notffication to all the other powers woffid be a regular procedure, a piece of poUteness which would be very weU received, and the letter would be OFFICIAL. 123 respectfuUy answered by every power in the world, and these Avritten answers Avould be explicit and undeniable acknowledg ments of our sovereignty. It might have been proper to make this communication in form, immediately after the de claration of independence ; it might have been more proper to do it after the signature of the provisional tieaty ; but that it was expected it Avould be done after the definitive tieaty ; that these circular letters might be transmitted to your ministers for peace, or such of them as may remain, or to any of your ministers in Em-ope, to be by them deU vered to the ministers at the Court where they are, or tians mitted any other way ; that congress must be very exact in the etiquette of titles, as tMs was indispensable, and the letters could not be answered nor received Avithout it ; that we might have these titles at the Count de Vergennes's office Avith preci sion, &c. The Count then proceeded to commerce, and said, that aU the cabinets of Europe had lately turned their views to com merce, so that Ave should be attended to and respected by aU of them. He thought we shotdd find our account in a large trade m Italy, every part of which had a constant demand for our tobacco and salt fish at least. The dominions of the King, his master, could furnish us in exchange, oranges, citrons, olives, oU, raisins, figs, anchovies, coral, lead, sffiphur, alum, salt, mar ble of the finest quality and gayest colors, manufactm-es of silk, especiaUy silk stockings twenty per cent, cheaper than France, hemp, and cordage. He said, we might have great advantages in Italy in another respect. We had it in our power to becorae the principal carriers for the people of Italy, who have little skill or incUnation for navigation or coramerce. The (cabotage) car rying tiade of Italy had been carried on by the EngUsh, French, and Dutch; the EngUsh had now lost it, the French had some of it, but the Dutch the most, Avho made an immense profit of it ; for, to his knowledge, they sold in the Baltic, and even in HoUand, many ItaUan productions at a profit of five or six for one ; that we shoffid have the advantage of them aU. By bring ing our tobacco and fish to Italy, we might uffioad at some of their ports, take in cargoes upon freight for other ports of Italy, and thus make coasting voyages, until we had made up our cargoes for return, or Ave might take in cargoes on freight for 124 OFFICIAL. Germany or the Baltic. The Dutch, he said, Avould be the greatest losers by this rivalry, but as long as the Italians and Americans would be honestly gainers, neither need be anxious for that ; that there was a very good port in his master's domi nions, Avhich AA'as perfectly fi-ee, where we might go in and out at pleasure, Avithout being subject to duties, searches, or visits. We then made a tiansition to Turkey. The Count coffid not, for his part, blame the Emperor for wishing to open the naviga tion of the Danube ; his Mngdom of Hungary was one of the finest countiies in the world ; it Avas one of the most fertile, producing in great abundance Avines of various sorts, all excel lent, though Tokay was the best ; grains of every sort, in great quantities, metals of all sorts, — gold, sUver, copper, iron, quick silver ; yet aU these blessings of nature were rendered in a man ner useless by the slavery of the Danube. The Emperor was very unfortunate, in having the Danube enslaved on one side, and the Scheldt on the other ; and, in this age, when the Uberty of navigation and commerce was the universal cry, he did not wonder at his impatience under it. He ffid not think that Eng land would medffie in the ffispute, as her tiade to the Levant had decUned. The Dutch had some stffi, but France had now the greatest part of it to Smyrna, Alexandria, Aleppo, in short, to aU the traffing toAvns of Turkey in Asia, for this is Avhat is understood by the Levant trade. France, he thought, could not venture to engage in the war in earnest, in the present state of her finances. I have learned, since I came here, that France is desirous that this Republic shoffid declare herself concerning this Turkish war. But she Avill avoid it UnhappUy, France has lost much of her influence here. Her friends fear that the odium of losing Negapatnara avUI fall upon them, among the people. The Eng lish and the stadtholderians are endeavoring to detach the RepubUc entirely from France, and to revive the ancient con nections, particularly the ancient alliance offensive and defen sive, in the tieaty of 1674. A Mr. Shirley, at Paris, has lately proposed to M. Boers and M. Van der Pere, two agents of the Dutch East India Corapany, Avho have been a year or two at Paris, and are reputed to be in the stadtholder's interest, that England had the best dispositions towards the RepubUc, and would give them ample satisfaction, if they would treat ffis- OFFICIAL. 125 tinctly from France, and reneAV the ancient, corffial friendship, and proposed an intervicAV AA'ith the Dutch ambassadors upon this subject. The agents proposed it, but Brantzen refused, to the gi-eat satisfaction of the principal repubUcans. Yet 1\1. Berenger teUs me, that some of the republican raembcrs begin to be afi-aid, and to think they shaU be obUged to faU in Avith the English. Upon conversing AAith many people in government and out of it, in Amsterdam as AveU as the Hague, they all complain to me of the conduct of France. They aU confess that the Republic has not done so much in the Avar as she ought ; but this is the faffit of the friends of England, they say, not those of France, and the Avorst evUs of aU, that befall the latter, are the reproaches of the former, avIio uoav say insffitingly, "this comes of confiffing in France ; avc ahvays told you that you w'ordd be cheated," &c. France ought, they say, to have con sidered this, and not have imputed to the RepubUc the faults of her enemies, because the punishment faUs whoUy on her friends. I mention these' thmgs to you, because, although we are not immediately interested in them, they may have consequences which may affect us ; and, therefore, you ought to knoAV thera. I think, hoAvever, upon the whole, the Republic wffi stand firm, and refuse to rcAive the affiance, though they sacrifice Nega patnam. France wishes to Avin the RepubUc into an affiance, but feels an awkwardness about proposing it, and, mdeed, I doubt whether she would now succeed ; she might have suc ceeded heretofore. But, in plain EngUsh, sir, the Count de Vergennes has no conception of the right way of negotiating Avith any free people or with any assembly, aristocratical or democratical. He cannot enter into the motives which govern them ; he never penetrates their real system, and never appears to comprehend their constitution. With empu-es and monarchs and their mimsters of state he negotiates aptly enough. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adaais. 11' 126 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. The Hague, 1 August, 1783. Sir, — I had last evening some conversation Avith D. Joas Theolonico de Almeida, the envoy extiaordinary of Portugal, who desired to meet me to-day at any hour at Ms house or mine. I promised to visit hira at twelve, AvMch I ffid. He said, he had heard that the French minister had proposed to the Duke of Manchester, at Versaffies, to reduce the duties upon French AA'ines in England to the level of those upon Por tugal Avines, and begged of rae to inform him if it Avere true, because, if it were, Portugal must endeavor to indemnify her self by opening a trade with America, or some other way, for such a project would be ruinous to the sale of their wines in England, which AA'as their only market. I answered, that I had heard of such a project araong raultitudes of others in private conversation, but kncAV no authenticity for it. We haA'e a ti-eaty, said he, raade in 1703, by AA'hich aa'c have stipffiated with the EngUsh, to perrait the importation of then- cloths, upon conffi- tion that they alloAv the importation of Portugal Avines upon paying one third of the duty upon French Avines ; if they vio late the tieaty, we shaU be rid of it. I asked him, if his Com-t permitted the EngUsh or any other nation to go to the Brazils. In the last century, said he, between 1660 and 1670, we ffid agree with Charles IL, who maiTied a daughter of Portugal, that the EngUsh should go to the BrazUs, and, after that, the Dutch sued for permission to go there too, and we granted it. But we found it inconvenient, and, in 1714 or 1715, at the tieaty of Utiecht, Ave agreed upon an article with Spain, to exclude aU nations from the BrazUs, and as the English ambassadors were there, we have since held that nation bound, and have confiscated their vessels, as weU as the Dutch, which ventmed there. The EngUsh have sometimes made stiong remonstrances, but we have always told them, if we admit you, we must admit the Dutch, too, and such has been their jealousy of the Dutch, and ffi-ead of then- rivalry, that this has ahvays quieted them, choosing rather to be excluded themselves, than that the Dutch should be admitted. So that this commerce has been a long time carried on in Portuguese ships only, and dUectiy between the BrazUs and Lisbon. OFFICIAL, 127 I asked him, Avhether avc might not have free communication with all then- Western Islands, and Avhether one or all of tlicm might not be raade a depot for the produce of the Brazils, so that Portuguese ships might stop and deposit cargoes there, and American vessels take them. He said he Avoffid write about it to his Court by the next post. At present, Brazil com municated only Avitli Lisbon, and, perhaps, it might be difficffit for government to secure the duties at the Western Islands. I asked, if there Avere any refineries of sugar at Lisbon. He said, none. Their sugars had all been brought here by the Dutch for refining ; that all their carrying ti-ade with other parts of Europe had been carried on by the English and Dutch ; that their mer cantUe navigation (marine marchande), before this Avar, had been upon a very poor footing, but it was uoav much changed, and they began to carry on their ti-ade in their own vessels. 1 observed, if their trade should continue to be carried on by others, it must be inffifferent to them, whether it Avere done in English, Dutch, or Araerican vessels, provided it Avas done to their equal advantage. But, if they should persist in the desire to conduct it in their own vessels, they might purchase ships ready biffit in America cheaper than they could build them or buy them elsewhere. AU this, he said, Avas tiue. That they could supply us Avith sugars, coffee, cocoa, BrazU AVOod, and even Avith tea, for they had an island called Macao, near China, which AA'as a flourishing estabUshment, and sent them annuaUy a good deal of tea, which the Dutch usuaUy bought very cheap at Lisbon to seU again. He asked, whether Portugal AAines had been much used in America. I answered, that port Avines, coraraon Lisbon, and Carcavallos had been, before the Avar, frequently used, and that Madeira was esteemed above all other Avine ; that it was found equally wholesome and agreeable, in the heats of suramer and the colds of Avinter, so that it Avould probably continue to be preferred, though there was no doubt that a variety of French Avines woffid now be more commonly used than heretofore. He said, they shoffid have occasion for a great deal of our fish, grain, and perhaps ships or ship-timber, and naval stores and other things, and he thought there was a prospect of a very beneficial trade with us, and he woffid Avrite largely to his Court upon it. I replied, that I wondered his Court had not 12>S OFFICIAL. sent a minister to PhUadelphia, where the members and minis ters of congress, and even the merchants of the city, might tMow much Ught upon the subject, and assist in fi-aming a tieaty to the greatest possible advantage for both countiies. He said, he AA'offid AATite for a commission and instiuctions to negotiate a tieaty Avith me. I told Mm, that I beUeved his Court had aUeady instiucted their ambassador at VersaiUes to tieat Avith Dr. Franldin ; but that I thought that PhUadelphia or Lisbon Avas the most proper place to tieat, and that I feared mutual advantages might be lost by tMs method of stiUdng up a bargain in haste in a ffistant countiy, between miffisters Avho coffid not be supposed to have made of c6mmerce a study. In a letter fiom Paris yesterday, I am informed that a project of a tieaty with Portugal, and another Avith Denmark, are to go horae by Captam Barney. These projects have never been communicated to rae nor to Mr. Jay. I hope that congress will not be in haste to conclude them, but take time to inform themselves of every thing wMch may be added, to the mutual advantage of the nations and countiies concerned. I am much mistaken, if Ave have not lost advantages by a simUar piece of cunmng m the case of SAveden. With great respect and esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. The Hague, 2 August, 1 783. Sir, — M. Berenger, the secretary of the French legation, has this moment left me. He came in to inform me of the news. The Empress of Russia has comraufficated to the King of Prus sia a tieaty of affiance between the Emperor of Germany and her, defensive against the Christian powers, and offensive against the Turk. The Edng of Prussia has answered her, " that he is very sensible upon this communication, as one is upon the com munication of things of great importance." Thus Avrapped up in an impeneti-able reserve is this great warrior and statesman. We may discern by this ansAver, what aU the world AVoffid knoAV Avithout it, namely, — that his Majesty has no joy in this neAV alUance. StUl he expresses no sorrow, and maintains a OFFICIAL. 129 perfect Uberty to take Avhich side he Avill, or neither, at his plea sure, and the same reserve he Avill probably hold to the end of the AA'ar. Rl. Berenger says, if Prussia is neutral, France must be so, too, for she cannot cope by land Avitli the two Empires ; that this RepubUc is desired to declare, but does not choose it ; that they are ffissatisfied, and the republicans ram-mur a good deal, and are Avavering, and that the other party AA'ffi do nothing ; that England, hitherto, has favored an accommodation betAveen Rus sia and the Turk ; that the British ambassador at Constanti nople has cooperated Avith the French to bring about an accom modation ; that the Tm-ks have offered Russia the free naviga tion of the Black Sea and passage of the Dardanelles, and the same, AA'ith a free navigation of the Danube, to the Emperor, but they wiU not accept it, but are determined to ffiive the Turks frora Em-ope ; that France has deterrained to put her army upon a war footing, because it has been much neglected during the late war ; that he beUeves France and Spain will shut the Mediterranean against a TurMsh fleet, as Russia, Savc- den, and Denmark excluded Avarlike vessels from the Baltic in the last Avar ; that this state of things gives him great pain, and must embarrass the Count de Vergennes. It is a great and ffifficffit question, whether France should take a side. If she does not, and the Empires should prevaU, it avUI be an imraense aggranffizeraent of the house of Austiia, which, Avith Russia, wiU become tAvo great maritime poAvers ; that England V wffi act an insidious part, pretend to favor joeace, secretly foment -war, and join in, at the end, if she sees a favorable opportunity to crush France. These are sensible observations of M. Berenger, who added, that a ncAV difficulty in the Avay of the defimtive tieaty had arisen between England and Spain, respecting the Musquito shore, so that more couriers must go and return. I confess myself as much in pain at this state of things as M. Berenger, and, therefore, I Avish most ardently, that Ave may omit no proper means of settUng our question AA'ith every Court in Europe, and especially om- plan of commerce Avith Great Britain. If this is too long left in uncertainty, the face of things may soon change, so as to involve us in the complicated, exten sive, and long war Avhich seems to be uoav opening. I 130 OFFICIAL. My advices from England are, that Lord Sheffield, with his friends, — Deane, Arnold, Skene, and P. Wentworth, — are making a party unfriendly to us ; that the ministiy adopt then- sentiments and measures ; that Fox has lost his popularity, and devoted himself to North, who has the King's ear, and ffisposes of places ; that Bm-ke is mad Avith rage and passion ; that the honest men are much ffisgusted that there is no parUamentary reform, the merchants that commerce does not revive, the moneyed men at theu- wit's end on account of the conduct of the bank, and the array and navy disbanffing in a spirit of revolt ; that it is much to be feared that in a year there Avffi be a convulsion in the State, and pubUc credit rffined ; that the present mimstiy cannot stand to the meetmg of parUament, for that nothing has been or can be done by them. The prospect of returning to Paris, and Uving there without my famUy, in absolute iffieness, at a time when so many and so great things AA'ant to be done for om- countiy elsewhere, is very disagreeable. If Ave must Uve there, waiting for the moving of many Avaters, and tieaties are to be there negotiated with the powers of Europe, or offiy Avith Denmark and Portugal, I pray that we may all be joined in the business, as we are in the com mission for peace, that, at least, we may have the satisfaction of knowing what is done, and of giving a hint for the pubhc good, if any one occurs to us, and that we may not be made the sport and ridicule of aU Europe, as well as of those who contiive such humffiations for us. I declare, I had rather be door-keeper to congress, than Uve at Paris as I have done for the last six months. With the greatest respect, &c. John Adams. to secretary livingston. The Hague, 3 August, 1783, Sir, — The fiscal systems of the powers of Europe have such an iU influence on coramerce, that they deserve the serious attention of congress and their ministers, Avhenever they have under consideration a treaty with any foreign power. In conver sation yesterday Avith M. d'Asp, the charge des affaires of Swe den, I inquired of him Avhat imposts were payable in their ports upon the importation and exportation of merchandises, and OFFICIAL, 131 observed to him, that I had lately S(.'('u in the gazettes that the King had taken off' certain duties upon the importation of mcr- chanffises from America, in SAvedisli ships. He agi-ced that such a thing had been done. This ought to alarm us. All the powers of Europe Avho are caUed neutral, have felt a sudden increase of their navigation in the course of the late war, and the profits they have made have excited a desUe to augment it stUl further. If they should generaUy exact duties of our sliips, and none of then- oaa'ii, upon the importation of our pro duce, tMs Avffi be as great a discouragement to our navigation as it AvUl be an encouragement to theu-s. Whether this has been attended to in the treaty Avith SAveden, I knoAV not, for I^ *^ liaye not seen it. But it ought to be carefully considered by those who negotiate the treaties with Denmark and Portugal, the Emperor and Erapress, and aU other powers. We have a good right to insist that no distinction shall be made in theu- ports betAveen their ships and ours ; that we should pay in their ports no Mgher duties than they pay in ours. I should think it, therefore, advisable for congress to instruct their negotiators, to endeavor to obtain equity in this respect. TMs is the time for it, if ever. If we cannot obtain it by nego tiation, Ave must think and talk of doing ourselves justice by making simUar ffistinctions, in our own ports, between our ves sels and theu-s. But here again comes in the difficffity of unit ing our States in such measures ; a ffifficulty which must be / surmounted, or our commerce, navigation, and marine avUI stUl be ruined, notwithstanffing the conservation of the fisheries. It deserves to be considered by Avhom this ucav method of huddling up treaties at Paris is contrived, and for what purposes. It may weU be conjectured, that it is done Avith the secret intention of preventing these things frora being attended to ; for there are persons who had rather that any other people should have navi gation than the Araericans. I have good reasons to believe that it was known at VersaUles, that Mr. Dana had Avell digested his thoughts upon this subject, Avhich was reason enough for sorae people to endeavor to take SAveden out of his hands, in whose department it Avas. Then- success is much to be lamented. I had, yesterday and the day before, long conversations Avith the Baron Van der CapeUen de Pol and M. Gyselaer. They both complain to rae, in the raost pathetic terras, of the cruel situation 132 OFFICIAL. of the friends of America and France in this RepubUc. They both say, that they are looking round every way lUte droAvning men for support The Province of Friesland, theu great depend ence, Avavers, and many of their feUow -laborers are discouraged. They both inquired of me, very earnestly, if closer connections could not be forraed Avith us ; if Ave coffid not agree to warrant to each other the liberty of naAigation, or enter into an affiance offensive and defensive. They see they shaU be obUged to make a shameful peace, and that the blame of it will faU upon them, which Avffi give a ti-iumph to the Com-t, and put their per sons even in danger. They say, the King of France, by his ambassador, in Jffiy, 1782, gave them a positive assm-ance that he woffid never separate his cause from theirs. In consequence of this, they had instiucted their ambassadors never to separate their cause from his. On then- part, the agreement had been sacreffiy observed, but not on the other. With Great Britain enraged against them, with a formidable party in the RepubUc furious against them, Avith the King of Prussia threatening them, and abandoned by France, their prospects are, they say, as disagreeable as can be conceived. There are many appearances of designs to excite the people to seditions, and I think it probable that the Court of London studies delays of the definitive treaty in this hope. I still believe, however, that the people wiU be wise, and the Republic firm, and submit to the imraense losses of the Avar, and that of Nega patnam, rather than renew then- old submission to the Court and to England. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 10 August, 1783. Sir, — On the 6th I left the Hague, and last night arrived here. I had several intervicAvs on some of the last days at the Hague, Avhich I had not time to give you an account of, as a great part of my tirae was taken up with visits to take leave of the Court, the president, the grand pensionary, greffier, &c., cereraonies wMch must be repeated at every coming and going, and upon many other occasions, to the no small interruption of business of more importance. OFFICIAL. l;33 I asked the Count de Sanafce, the Spanish minister, with whom I have always lived upon very good terms, Avhether it might not be possible to persuade his Court, that it would be good policy for them to aUow to the citizens of the United States of America a free port, in some of their islands at least, if not upon the continent of South America. He said, he did not know ; that he thought, however, his Court woffid be afraid of the measure, as fiee ports were nests of smugglers, and afforded many facUities of illicit trade (le commerce interlope). I asked him further, Avhether measures might not be taken at Madrid, to the end that the sugars, coffee, cocoa, &c., of their Colonies might be carried to the free ports of France, HoUand, and Denmark, in the West Inffies, or one of them, in Spanish vessels, that they might be there purchased by Americans. He said, he Avas not able to foresee any objection against this. I asked him agam, what objections there could be to admitting Araerican vessels to the Spanish islands of Cuba and Hispa- niola, to carry their produce and purchase molasses, as they did in the French and Dutch Colomes. Such a commerce woffid be useful and profitable both to them and to us. He said, that he could not pretend to give any opinion upon any of these points ; but that we must negotiate thera at Madrid. I hope congress wffi instinct their mimster at the Com-t of Maffiid to propose aU these things, and endeavor to obtain them. The Portuguese envoy, Don Almeida, returned my visit, and brought with him a copy of the treaty betAveen Spain and Por tugal, raade at Utiecht, in 1715. This tieaty Avas signed under the warranty of Great Britain, and one article of it is, that each nation shaU confine the coramerce with its possessions in Ame rica to its OAvn subjects. I had much satisfaction in the conver sation of this minister, who, though a young man, appears pos sessed of more than common inteffigence, and a desire to inform himself of every thing which can affect his nation. He is, as he told me, a nephew of the present prime mmister at the Court of Lisbon. He says, that the King, his master (a style which they continue to use, although the Queen is the sovereign, and her husband is but her subject) aUows but sixty thousand Dutch guUders a year to his ambassador at Versaffies, which not being sufficient for Ms expenses at that Court, he is continued there because he is very rich ; but that he is not a raan of business. VOL. VIII. 12 134 OFFICIAL, He again enlarged upon the subject of Portuguese navigation, Avhich has been prettily increased (tres joliment augmentee) dur ing the late war, and would have been stiU doubled, if the war had continued another year ; that their merchants and mariners had pushed their navigation with more spirit than skUl ; had sent their Avines and other things in prize vessels purchased in France and Spain, aU over Europe ; but that their seamen not being experienced, many vessels had been lost, so that the price of insm-ance was ten per cent. AA'ith them, Avhen it was not mote than three or four Avith other neutral nations ; that the profits had nevertheless been so considerable, as to excite a strong incfination stffi to increase their shipping and carrying ti-ade. These observations are worth repeating to congress, because aU the other neuti-al poAvers have felt a like advantage. The com merce of the northern powers Avas so increased, and had turned the course of business that Avay to such a degree, as occasioned to the Danish minister, at Versaffies, for example, a loss of forty per cent, upon his salary. So much AA'as exchange affected. The late beffigerent powers having observed tMs sudden increase of the commerce of the neutials, and that it Avas OAAing to the sudden groAvth of their navigation, are alarmed. So that the attention of aU the comraercial nations is noAV turned to navigation, carrying trade, coastmg tiade, &c., more than ever. We should be apprised of this, and upon our guard. Our navigation and carrying trade is not to be neglected. We have great advantages for many branches of it, and have a right to claim om- natural share in it. This morning I went out to Passy, and found, from Dr. FrankUn and Mr. Jay, that nothing farther had been done since ray departure, but to deUver to Mr. Hartley a fair copy of the project of a definitive treaty which I had left with my col leagues ; that Mr. Laurens had been here in my absence, and returned to England ; that he was of opmion, the present Bri tish mmistiy Avould not remain a fortnight ; that Mr. Hartiey had been seven Aveeks Avithout a letter from his principals, and then received only an apology for not having Avritten, a promise to Avrite soon, and authority to assme the American mimsters that aU would go AveU. These last are words of course. There are but three ways in which I can account for this conduct of the British ministry. 1. The fact is, that they foresee a change OFFICIAL. 135 and do not choose to commit themselves, but wish to reserve every thmg for the foundation of a future opposition, that they may attack the defimtive tieaty which may be made by a future miffistry, as they attacked the provisional and preliminary one, made by the last. 2. That they are exciting secretly and insiffiously the troubles in the north, in hopes of involving France, and then assummg a higher tone. 3. That they are in expectation that seditions may be excited in Holland, and the Dutch induced to renounce France, and renew the ancient alliance with England. I see no more appearance of the definitive tieaty than I have done these six months. Mr. Hartley, I am told by Mr. Jay, thinks that the French Court wish to delay the signature ; that they do not wish to see the peace fimshed between England and America, whUe matters are uncertain in the north. There are so many considerations on both sides of the question, whe ther the French minister wishes to finish soon or not, that it is hard to decide it. Neither Court possibly is very zealous to fiffish, wMle so great a scene as the northern war Ues under so much obscurity. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO secretary LIVINGSTON. Paris, 13 August, 1783, Sir, — Yesterday I Avent to Court with Dr. FrankUn, and presented to the Count de Vergennes our project of a definitive treaty, who told us he would examine it, and give us Ms senti ments upon it. It was ambassadors' day, and I had conversations Avith a number of rmmsters, of wMch it is proper I shoffid give you an account. The Dutch ambassador, Berkenrode, told me, that last Satur day the Count de Vergennes went to Paris, and ffined with the imperial ambassador, the Count de Mercy, in company Avith the Duke of Manchester, the Count d'Aranda, the Prince Baria tinski, and M. Markow, with their secretaries ; that, after ffinner, the secretaries, in presence of aU the ministers, read over, cora pared, and corrected the definitive tieaties between France and Great Britain, and between Spain and Great Britain, and finally 136 OFFICIAL, agi-eed upon both. So that they are now ready for signature by the ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain, as princi pals, and by those of the tAVO Imperial Comts as mediators. The Duke of jManchester told me, that Mr. Hartley's courier, who can-ied our project of a treaty, arrived in London last Saturday, and might be expected here next Saturday on his return. In the evening, on my return from VersaiUes, Mr. Hartley caUed upon me at my house, and informed me, that he had just received a courier frora Westrainster, who had brought him the ratification of our provisional treaty, under the King's own hand, and under the great seal of the Mngdom, inclosed in a sUver box, ornamented Avith golden tassels as usual, Avhich he Avas ready to exchange to-morrow morning. He informed me, farther, that he had received very satisfactory letters from the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fox, and the sti-ongest assurances that the ffispositions of his Court were very good to finish imraediately, and to arrange aU things upon the best footing ; that he had farther received plenary authority to sign the defi nitive ti-eaty to-raorroAv or to-night, if we pleased ; that he had received a ffiaft ready forraed, which he Avould show us. We agreed to go together in the morning to my colleagues ; and this morning we Avent out in Mr. Hartley's carriage, ex changed the ratifications, and he produced to us his project of a definitive tieaty. It is the provisional tieaty in so many Avords, without adffition or diminution. It is only preceded Avith a preamble, Avhich makes it a definitive treaty. And he proposed to us, that aU matters of ffiscussion, respecting com merce or other things, shoffid be left to be discussed by minis ters, to be mutuaUy appointed to reside in London and PhUa delphia. We told him, that it had been proposed to us, that the minis ters of the two Imperial Courts shoffid sign the treaty as raeffi- ators, and that we had answered that we had no objection to it. He said, he had unansAverable ones. First, he had no authority, and could not obtain any, certainly under ten days, nor probably ever. For, secondly, it woffid, he thought, give great offence to his Court, and they never would agree that any nation should interfere between them and America. Thu:ffiy, for his part, he was fuUy against it, and should write his opi- OFFICIAL. 137 nion to his Court. K he Avas about lo marry his daughter, or set up a son in the Avorld, after he was of age, he Avoffid never admit any of his neighbors to intervene, and sign any contract he might make, as mediators. There Avas no need of it. We told him there was no need of Avarmth upon the occa sion, or any pretence for his Court to take offlsnce ; that it had been proposed to us that the iraperial ministers shoffid sign as mediators. Our answer had been, that we had no objections ; that Ave AA'ere AviUing and ready to consent to it, or even to request it. His Court had a right to consent or ffissent, as it thought proper. To be sure, the mediation coffid not take place Avithout their consent. That he might Avrite to Ms Court the proposition, and if he received orders to consent or ffissent, it woffid be equaUy Avell. In the mean time, we Avere ready to sign the definitive tieaty, either with or without the meffiation, whenever the other parties were ready to sign, accorffing to his project just received from his Court, that is, simply a repetition of the provisional tieaty. We have agreed to tMs, because it is plain that all proposi tions for alterations in the provisional articles Avffi be an endless discussion, and that Ave must give more than we can hope to receive. The critical state of things in England and at the Court of VersaUles, and in aU the rest of Emope, affords press ing motives to get this business finished. Mr. Hartley told us fi-ora his Comt, that they had expected an American minister at St. James's these three months, and that all further matters might be there discussed. He also announced to us the burth of another princess, the fifteenth child of the Queen, upon which event he received om- con gratulations, which I hope congress wffi approve, and repeat by their mimster in London ; for these personal and famUy compUments are more attended to in courts, and have greater effects, than may be imagined. I lament very much that we cannot obtain an explanation of the article respecting the refugees, and that respecting debts ; but it is plain we must give more than they are worth for such explanations ; and what is of more decisive importance, we must make a long delay, and put irffimtely greater thmgs at hazard by this means. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. 12 * 138 OFFICIAL, TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 13 August, 1783, Sir, — Yesterday, at Versaffies, the Baron de Walterstorff came to me, and told me he had deUvered to Dr. FrankUn a project of a tieaty betAveen the Court of Denmark and the Uni ted States, and asked me, if Dr. FrankUn had shown it to me. I answered him, that I kncAV nothmg of it. He said, he won dered at that ; he presumed it was because of my absence at the Hague, for that it had been shown to Mr. Jay. There, by the way, he was misinformed ; for, upon my return from Ver saffies, I caUed upon Mr. Jay, on purpose to ask him, and he assured me he had not seen it. I asked Walterstorff, if his orders were to propose his project to us aU. He said, no ; this Court had been informed, that Dr. FrankUn was the minister authorized and erapoAvered by congress to tieat Avith all the powers of Europe, and they had for this reason sent Mm orders to deUver the project to Dr. Franldin, but he supposed Dr. FrankUn Avould consult his coUeagues. The same information, I doubt not, has been given to the Court of Portugal and every other Court in Europe, namely, — that Dr. FrankUn is alone empoAvered to tieat with them ; and, in consequence of it, very probably, propositions have been, or will be made, to Mm fiom aU of them, and he wUl keep the whole as secret as he can from Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, and me. Now I beg to be informed by congress, Avhether he has such authority or not. Having never been informed of such powers, I do not beUeve he has them. I remember there was, seven years ago, a resolution of congress, that their comimssioners at Versaffies shordd have power to tieat with the other powers of Europe ; but, upon the ffissolution of that commission, this authority was ffissolved with it ; or, if not, it stffi resides m Mr. Deane, Mr. Lee, and myself, who were once in that commis sion, as weU as Dr. FrankUn. And if it is by virtue of this power he acts, he ought at least to commufficate with me, who alone am present. I think, however, that neither he nor I have any legal authority, and, therefore, that he ought to communi cate every tMng of tMs Idnd to aU the ministers here or here about ; Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and myself, at least. OFFICIAL, 139 It is not from the vain wish of seeing my poor name upon a tieaty, that I Avrite this. If the business is AveU done, it is not of much importance in itself who does it. But ray duty to my countiy obUges rae to say, that I seriously believe this clandestine manner of smuggling treaties is contrived by Eu ropean politicians on purpose that Mr. Jay and I may not have an opportunity of suggesting ideas for the preservation of Araerican navigation, transport trade, and nurseries of sea men. But, in another point of vicAV, it is of equal import ance. This method reflects contempt and ridicffie upon your other ministers. When all Europe sees that a number of your ministers are kept here as a Mnd of satellites to Dr. Frank lin in the affau- of peace, but that they are not to be consulted or asked a question, or even permitted to knoAv the important negotiations Avhich are here going on Avith aU Europe, they fall into contempt. It cannot be supposed that congress mean to cast this contempt upon us, because it cannot be supposed they mean to destioy the reputation, character, inffuence, and use fulness of those to whom in other respects they intrust powers of so much consequence ; and, therefore, I am persuaded that congress is as much imposed on by it as the Com-ts of Europe are. I asked the Baron, what was the substance of the treaty. He said, his Court had taken for a model my treaty with Holland. I said notMng to him in answer to this, but I beg leave to say to congress, that the negotiation Avith HoUand was in very dif ferent circumstances. We were then in the fiercest rage of the war. A ti-eaty with that RepubUc was at that time of as much weight in the war as the captivity of Burgoyne or Cornwaffis. A treaty with any power was worth a battle or a siege, and no moments of time were to be lost, especially in a countiy so ffivided, that, unanimity being necessary, every proposition Avas dangerous. At present, the case is altered, and we may take time to weigh and inquu-e. The Baron teUs me that St. Tho mas and St. John, two of then- islands, are free ports, but that St. Croix, Avhich is of more importance than both, is not ; that foreign vessels, our vessels, are permitted to bring our produce and carry away half the value in sugar, &c. The island pro duces, communibus annis, twenty thousand hogsheads of sugar, and their molasses is better than that of the French, because 140 OFFICIAL. they make only " sucres brutes." He says, tney have some sugar-houses at Copenhagen. But, notwithstanffing this, I think it is worth whUe for congress to try if they cannot, by the tieaty, obtain a right to take aAvay cargoes to the fuU value of those they bring. It is AVorth AvhUe to tiy, too, if Ave cannot obtain a tariff, to ascertain the duties to be paid on exportation and iraportation. It is worth AvhUe, too, to endea vor to get the duties ascertained in the Daffish ports m Europe, at least that we may not pay in then- ports more than they pay in ours ; or that our vessels may not be obliged to pay more than theu-s, especially Avhen we import our own produce. I pretend not to be a master of these commercial subjects, but I think that Dr. Franklin has not studied the subject more than myself; that both of us need the advice of Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay, and that aU of us 'want that of American merchants, and especially of congress. I am, therefore, against tMs secret and hasty method of concluffing treaties, at this time, when they may be more maturely reflected on. I knoAV very weU to what ffi-natured remarks these reflec tions are liable, but they shall not hmder me from doing my duty. I do seriously beUeve, there are clandestme insmuations going about to every comraercial nation in the world, to excite them to increase then- OAvn navigation and seamen at the expense of ours, and that this smuggling of tieaties is one means of accompUshing the design, although Dr. FrankUn may not be let into the secret of it. For, frora long experience and observation, I am persuaded that one minister at least and his dependents woffid prefer that the navigation of any nation in the Avorld, even that of the EngUsh, shoffid gi-OAV, rather than ours. In the last Courier de VFkirope, it is said that aU the comraercial poAA'ers are concerting measures to cUp the Avings of the eagle, and to prevent us from having a navy. I beUeve it. That is to say, I beUeve measures are taken with them aU to bring them into tMs systera, although they are not let into the secret design, and do not knoAV frora whom the measures come, nor with what views promoted. With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL, 141 TO SECRETARY LIVINGSTON. Paris, 15 August, 1783, Sir, — France, England, Spain, and America are all agreed; but Mr. Hartley is sangffine that the tieaty aa'UI not be signed, because, he says, the Count de Vergennes does not mean to sign it. His reasons for this opimon I know not, and I think he is mistaken. It is A'ery certain, hoAvever, that the French mimster is embarrassed, and Avoffid not, perhaps, be sorry to find good reasons for postponing the signatm-e for some time. Congress may judge in some degree of the situation of things, by the foUoAA'ing conversation Avhich I had this morning Avith M. Brantzen, the ambassador extiaorffinary from the States- General, to Avhora I returned the visit he made me yesterday, Avlien I was abroad. He told me, " that he was as far, and indeed farther than ever, from an agreement Avith the Duke of Manchester. He had given up, he said, aU pretensions to a compensation for the unjust damages of the war, and he had in a manner Avaved Ms claim of the restitution of Negapatnam. But the Duke of Manchester noAV insisted peremptorily upon, not only aU the ancient salutations from the Dutch flag to the EngUsh, but an unlimited Uberty of navigation in aU the seas of the East Indies. He had despatched an express to the Hague the day before yesterday, who Avoffid arrive to-day ; but the grand pensionary was sick, and the states of Holland not sitting ; so that there must be some time before he coffid have an answer. Concern ing the salutes to the flag, there AVoffid be ffifferent opimons, but they woffid be aU of a mind against the liberty of naviga tion in the Indies. He coffid not, therefore, expect from their High Mjghtmesses permission to sign, and the Count de Ver gennes would be embarrassed. All the other powers were ready, and to make them Avait Avould raise a cry. " To sign without HoUand would raise a ten-ible storm in HoUand against the Count, and no smaU one in France. And even if the States should authorize him to sign a shameful peace, this would raise no less clamor in- HoUand and France against the Count. He wiU, therefore, not know Avhat to do, and will seek to postpone ; for the parties of the Marqffis de 142 OFFICIAL. Castries and of M. de Breteiffi wffi take advantage of every clamor against the Count, as these parties wish M. de BreteuU in his place. I am persuaded, therefore, that the Count Mm- self looks upon his oavu situation as very hazardous. It has been so a long tirae. It was his instabffity in his place that made him sign the preUnunaries, for money to carry on the war coffid not be obtained without M. Necker, and M. Necker woffid not come in with the Count, as they were and are sworn enemies to each other. He was, therefore, reduced to the dUerama to make peace or go out I have good reasons to beUeve that the Marechal de Castiies ffisapproves of the Count's conduct towards our RepubUc. He certainly deceived me. The states-general ffid very Avrong to bmd me to leave so much to the French minister ; but I thought him an honest man, and that I coffid tiust him; so I left tMngs to him, according to my instiuctions, depenffing on his word, and at last I found myself the dupe. No, not a dupe, for I am always upon my guard not to be a dupe. But he deceived me ; and Avhen one Avhom I have reason to beUeve an honest man deceives me, I cannot caU myself a dupe, for I can do no other than believe an honest man, when he gives me his Avord." In several of your letters, su-, you have insisted on my recit ing to you my conversations Avith foreign ministers. You must not esteem them infaffible oracles. They are often mistaken in their facts, and sometimes AArrong in their reasonings. But these sentiments of M. Brantzen are of so much importance, that I thought proper to recite them. It wUl, indeed, be neces sary for your foreign ministers to be more inqffisitive than we have been, and to transmit to congress more information con cerning the intrigues of courts than we have done. If the Marechal de Castiies and M. de BreteuU, who is now in the councU, and M. Necker, are not friends to the Count de Ver gennes, and all the Avorld here agree they are not, congress ought to knoAV it. Although I Avould have so much respect to the Queen, as not to name her Majesty upon unnecessary occa sions, yet, upon this, when she is sister to the Emperor, and the question at Comt is, whether there shaU be a war with her bro ther, it is obviously a matter of so much importance, as to make it a duty to communicate to congress her sentiments, Avhich aU men here agree are favorable to de Castiies and BreteuU, but OFFICIAL, 143 not partial to the present minister of foreign affairs. I said, in a former letter, if this minister continues, there Avill be Avar ; but I am told by some, if there is Avar, he cannot continue ; for nei ther he nor his friends can raise the money. M. de Rayneval, hoAvever, affirmed positively to Mr. Hartley, that nothing but death coffid remove the Count.^ AU these things shoAV the critical and micertain constitution of this Com-t, and the uncertainty when the definitive treaty wUl be signed, notwithstanffing that four powers are agreed, and, therefore, I can give congress no clear information upon that head. This is a great chagrin to me, both on account of the pubUc and myself, because I am as uncertain about my own destiny as that of the pubUc. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO the president of CONGRESS. Paris, 5 September, 1783. Sir, — On Wednesday, the 3d day of tMs month, the Ame- • rican ministers met the British miffister at his lodgings at the y Hotel de York, and signed, sealed, and delivered the defimtive' treaty of peace between the United States of America and the King of Great Britain. Although it is but a confirmation or repetition of the provisional articles, I have the honor to con- gratffiate congress upon it, as it is a completion of the work of peace, and the best that we could obtain. Nothmg remains now to be done, but a tieaty of commerce ; but this, in my opi nion, cannot be negotiated without a new commission from congress to some one or more persons. Time, it is easy to fore see, wffi not be lUiely to render the British nation more dis posed to a regulation of commerce favorable to us, and, there fore, my advice is, to issue a commission as soon as may be. There is another subject on which I beg leave to represent to congress my sentiraents, because they seem to me of iraport- 1 This prediction proved to be correct. But much light is shed upon the facts stated in this letter, and the action ofthe Marechal de Castries, by the fifth volume of the Memoires Historiques et Politiques du Regne de Louis XVI., by J. L. Soulavie. The memoir, reviewing the policy of Count de Vergennes, read in the cabinet by De Castries, is there given in full, vol. v. pp. 9-96. 144 OFFICIAL, ance, and because they ffiffer from many sanguine opinions, AvMch Avffi be commumcated to the members of that assembly fi-om partisans both of England and France. In the late deUberations concernmg an acceptance of the meffiation of the Imperial Comts, the British minister refused it, and in the conferences we had with the Count de Vergennes upon tMs subject, it Avas maffifest enough to me that he was not fond of our acceptmg it; for, although he mamtained a perfect impartiaUty of language, neither advising us for nor against the measure, yet, at last, when it was observed that jN'Ir. Hartley AA'as averse to it, he tm-ned to Dr. FrankUn, and said that we must agree Avith Mr. Hartley about it, Avith such a countenance, air, and tone of A'oice (for from these you must often coUect the sentiments of miffisters) as convmced me he ffid not Avish the meffiation shoffid take place. It Avas not a subject which Avoffid bear insistmg on, either Avay. I therefore made no ffifficffity. But I am, upon recol lection, fully of opurion that aa'c shoffid have done wisely to have sent our letter to the imperial mmisters, accepting the meffiation on our part. The signature of these mimsters woffid have given us reputation in Europe and among our own citi zens. I mention these, because I humbly conceive that congress ought, in aU their proceeffings, to consider the opiffion that the Umted States or the people of America Avffi entertain of them selves. We may caU this national A'anity or national pride, but it is the main principle of the national sense of its own ffigmty, and a passion in human nature, Avithout AA'Mch nations cannot preserve the character of man. Let the people lose tMs senti ment, as m Poland, and a partition of their countiy Avffi soon take place. Our counti-y has but lately been a dependent one, and our people, although enUghtened and virtuous, have had then: minds and hearts habituaUy fiUed Avith aU the passions of a dependent and subordUiate people ; that is to say, with fear, Avith diffidence, and ffistiust of themselves, Avith admiration of foreigners, &c. Now, I say, that it is one of the most neces sary and one of the most difficffit branches of the poUcy of con gress to erafficate from the American mind every remaining fibre of this fear and self-ffiffidence on one hand, and of tMs excessive admiration of foreigners on the other. It cannot be doubted one moment that a solemn acknoAV- OFFICIAL, 145 ledgment of us by the signature of the tAvo Imperial Com-ts AA'ordd have had such a tendency in the minds of om- country men. But Ave shoffid also consider upon every occasion how om- reputation Avffil be affected in Europe. We shaU not find it easy to keep up the respect for us that has been excited by the continual pubUcation of the exploits of the Avar. In the calm of peace, Uttle wUl be said about us in Europe unless avc pre pare for it, but by those Avho have designs upon us. We may depend upon it, every thing wffi be said in Europe and in the gazettes wMch anybody in Europe wants to have repeated in America, to make such impressions upon the minds of om- citi zens as he desires. It wffi become us, therefore, to do every thing in our power to make reasonable and just impressions upon the public opimon in Europe. The signature of the two Imperial Courts woffid have made a deep and iraportant impres sion in our favor upon fuU one half of Europe, as friends to those Courts, and upon aU the otli^r half, as enemies. I need not explain myself further. I may, however, add, that Americans can scarcely conceive the decisive influence of the governments of Europe upon their people. Every nation is a piece of clockwork, every wheel is under the absolute cffi-ection of the sovereign as its weight or spring. In consequence of this, aU that moiety of mankind that are subject to the two Imperial Courts and their affies, would, in consequence of their meffiation, have been opeffiy and decideffiy our fiiends at this hour, and the other half of Europe woffid certainly have re spected us the more for this. But, at present, the two Imperial Courts, not having signed the tieaty, aU their friends are left in a state of doubt and timidity concerning us. From aU the con versations I have had with the Count de Mercy and M. Markow, it is certain that the two Courts wished, as these ministers cer- taiffiy were ambitious, to sign our ti-eaty. They and then- sovereigns wished that their names might be read in America, and there respected as our friends. But this is now past. England and France wUl be most perfectly united in all arti fices and endeavors to keep down our reputation at home and abroad, to mortify om- self-conceit, and to lessen us in the opi nion of the world. If we wffi not see, we must be the dupes ; we need not, for we have in our own power, Avith the common blessing, the means of every thing Ave Avant There is but one VOL. viii, 13 J 146 OFFICIAL, com-se noAV left to retrieve the error, and that is, to send a min ister to Vienna with poAver to make a treaty with both the Imperial Courts. Congi-ess must send a minister ffi-st, or it AA'UI never be done. The Emperor never sends first, nor will England ever send a minister to America untU congress shall have sent one to London. To form imraediate commercial connections with that half of Em-ope wMch ever has been, and with little variations ever wUl be, opposite to the House of Bourbon, is a fundamental maxim of that system of American politics Avhich I have pur sued invariably fi-om the beginning of this Avar. It is the only means of preserving the respect of the House of Bourbon itself ; it is the only means in conjunction with our connections with the House of Bom-bon, ah-eady formed, to secm-e us the respect of England for any length of time, and to keep us out of another war with that Mngdom. It is, in short, the only possible means of secm-ing to om- counti-y that peace, neuti-aUty, impartiality, and indifference in Em-opean wars, wMch, in my opinion, Ave shaU be uuAvise in the last degree, if Ave do not maintain. It is, besides, the only way in AvMch we can improve and extend our commercial connections to the best advantage. With great respect, I am, John Adams. TO the president of congress. Paris, 8 September, 1783. Sir, — Yesterday mormng, Mr. Jay informed me, that Dr. , I FrankUn had received, and soon after the Doctor put into my j hands the resolution of congress of the 1st of May,i ordering a / coraraission and instructions to be prepared to those gentlemen ' and myself for maMng a ti-eaty of commerce with Great Bri tain. This resolution, AAith yom- ExceUency's letter, arrived 1 " Ordered, that a commission be prepared to John Adams, Benjamin Frank lin, and John Jay, authorizing them, or either of them, in the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of Ame rica and Great Britain, subject to the rovisal ofthe contracting parties, previous to its final conclusion ; and, iu the mean time, to enter into a commercial con vention, to continue in force one year," OFFICIAL. 147 very seasonably, as Mi-. Hartley AA'as setting off' for London Avith information from us that om- poAvers Avere executed. I am very sensible of the honor that is done rae by this reso lution of congress, and of the great importance of the business committed to our care ; and shaU not, therefore, hesitate to take a part in it. I can attend to this business, and at the same time have some care of your affau-s in HoUand ; and in case the present loan should be fuU in the course of the ncxt Avinter, I can open a new one, either by going to Amsterdam, or by having the obligations sent to me in Paris to be signed. In this way there wffi be no additional expense to the pubUc, as I have informed M. Dumas that there must be no expense made at the Hague on my account, or on account of congress, but that aU his expenses must be borne by Mmself, or he must at least settle them with congress. I have so much regard for this gentleman, and such an opinion of his worth and merit, that I cannot but recommend him upon this occasion to congress, for the commission of secretary of that legation ; but as economy is and ought to be carefuUy attended to, I presume not to point out the salary which wffi be proper. There are so many ways of pffiaging pubUc men in Europe, that it wffi be difficult for congress to conceive the expenses wMch are unavoidable in these countiies. If the principle of economy shoffid resti-ain congress from sending ministers to Vienna, Petersburg, Copenhagen, and Lisbon, they will probably send a coraraission to Paris to negotiate tieaties there, because I think it AviU appear to be of great importance, both in a poUtical and commercial light, to have tieaties with those powers. If this shoffid be the case, as three of us wffi be now obliged to attend at Paris the tedious negotiation with England, we can aU at the sarae tirae, and with the same expense, attend to the negotiations with the other powers, which Avffi afford to aU an opportunity of throAving in any hints which may occur for the public good, and Avffi have a much better appearance in the eyes of Europe and America. I do not hesitate, therefore, to request, that if such a commission or commissions shoffid be sent, aU yom- ministers in Europe may be inserted in it. If the arrangement should make any difficffity in America, it wffi make none with me ; for, although I think there was good reason for the order 148 OFFICIAL. in which the names stand in the new commission for peace, and in the resolution for a new commission for a tieaty of com merce, that reason Avffi not exist in any futm-e commission. Mr. Hartley's powers are sufficient to go tMough the negotia tion with us, and I suppose it wffi be chiefly conducted at Paris ; yet Ave may aU tMnk it proper to make a tour to London, for a few weeks, especiaUy in case any material obstacle shoffid arise. We are told that such a visit Avould have a good effect at Com-t and with the nation ; at least, it seems clear it would do no harm. With the greatest respect and esteem, &c. John Adams. TO the president of congress. Paris, 8 September, 1783. Sir, — As the resolution of congress of the 1st of May has determined it to be my duty to remain in Europe at least another winter, I shaU be obliged to say many things to your ExceUency by letter, which I hoped to have had the honor of saying upon the floor of your house. Some of these tMngs may be thought at first of Uttle consequence, but time, and inquU-y, and consideration, AviU show them to have weight. Of tMs sort is the subject of tMs letter. The views and designs, the inti-igues and projects of courts, are let out by insensible degrees, and with infinite art and deli cacy, in the gazettes. These channels of communication are very numerous, and they are artfficially compUcated in such a manner, that very few persons are able to tiace the sources from whence insinuations and projects flow. The EngUsh papers are an engine by which every thing is scattered aU over the world. They are open and free. The eyes of man kind are fixed upon them. They are taken by aU courts and all politicians, and by almost all gazetteers. Of these papers, the French emissaries in London, even in time of war, but especiaUy in time of peace, make a very great use; they insert in them things Avhich they wish to have cUcula- ted far and Avide. Some of the paragraphs inserted ffi them AviU do to cu-culate through all Europe, and some Avill not OFFICIAL. J 49 do, in the Courier de I'Eitrope. This is the most artful paper in the world ; it is continuaUy accommodating between the I<'rencli and EngUsh miffistry. If it shoiUd offend the EngUsh essen- tiaUy, the ministry woffid prevent its pubUcation ; if it should sin against the French unpardonably, the mimstiy AVoffid in stantly stop its cu-culation ; it is, therefore, continuaUy under the influence of the French ministers, whose underworkers have many things ti-anslated mto it from the English papers, and raany others inserted in it originally, both to the end that they may be circffiated over the world, and particularly that they raay be seen by the King of France, who reads this paper con stantly. From the EngUsh papers and the Courier de I' Europe many things are tiansferred into various other gazettes, — the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Deux Fonts, the Courier d' Avignon, and the Gazette des Pays Bas. The gazettes of Leyden and Amsterdam are sometimes used for the raore grave and soUd objects, those of Deux Fonts and Avignon for popu lar topics, the smaU talk of coffee-houses, and stiU smaUer and lower circles. All these papers and many others ffiscover a perpetual com plaisance for the French mmistiy, because they are always in their power so entirely, that if an offensive paragraph appears, the entiance and ffistiibution of the gazette raay be stopped by an order from Court, by wMch the gazetteer loses the sale of Ms paper in France, which is a great pecuniary object. Who ever shaU hereafter come to Em-ope in any pubUc employraent, and take in the papers above enumerated, wiU acknowledge his obUgations to me for mentioning them. He Avffi find them a constant source of amusement, and sometimes of useful disco veries. I may hereafter possibly entertain congress with some curious speculations from these gazettes, which aU have their attention fixed upon us, and very often honor us Avith their ani madversions, sometiraes Avith their grave counsels, but oftener stiU, Avith very subtle and sly insinuations. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. 150 OFFICIAL, TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Paris, 10 September, 1783. Sir, — As I am to remain in Europe for sorae time longer, I beg leave to take a cm-sory view of what appears necessary or expedient to be further done in Europe ; for I conceive it to be not only the right, but the duty of a foreign minister, to advise his sovereign, according to his Ughts and judgment, although the more extensive inforraation and superior wisdom of the sovereign may frequently see cause to pursue a different con duct. With Spain, no doubt, congress Avffi negotiate by a particular minister, either the present one or another, and perhaps it woffid be proper that the same should treat with Naples. With the two Empu-es, Prussia, Denmark, Portugal, Sardima, and Tus cany, I humbly conceive, it might be proper to negotiate, and perhaps Avith Hambm-g ; but there are other powers Avith whom it is more necessary to have tieaties than it ought to be ; I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and TripoU. I presume that congress wffi not think it expeffient to be at the expense of sending ministers to all these poAvers, if to any. Perhaps in the present state of our finances, it may not be Avorth whUe to send any. Yet the present time is the best to nego tiate Avith aU. I submit it to consideration, then, whether it is not advisable to send a commission to such ministers as you judge proper, Avith full powers to ti-eat with aU, to the ministers now in Paris, or to any others. But I humbly conceive, that if powers to ti-eat with all or any of these States are sent to any of your ministers now here, it would be for the pubUc good, that they should be sent to all. K congi-ess can find funds to treat Avith the Barbary powers, the ministers here are the best situa ted, for they should apply to the Court of Versaffies and then High Mightinesses in the first place, that orders should be sent to then- consffis, according to treaties, to assist us. Ministers here may carry on tMs negotiation by letters, or may be em- poAvered to send an agent, if necessary. I have no private interest in this business. My salary wiU be the same, my expenses more, and labor much increased by such a measure. But, as it is of public importance, I think that no unnecessary OFFICIAL, 151 deUcacies should restrain me from suggesting tlicsc hints to congress. Whatever then: determination may be, it Avffi be satisfactory to me. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Yom- ExceUency's, &c. John Adams. ROBERT morris TO JOHN ADAMS. Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783, Sir, — I have been dffiy honored with your Excellency's favors of the 5th, 10th, and llth of July.^ I have taken the Uberty to make some exti-acts from the two latter, AvMch are tiansmitted in a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy Avhereof is inclosed. Permit me, sir, to give ray feeble appro bation and applause to those sentiraents of wisdom and integi-ity Avhich are as happUy expressed as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of stiengthening our confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal constitution, begins to be raost seriously felt. But, unfortunately for America, the narrow and ilUberal prejuffices of some have taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove impracticable to remove them. I agree with you, sU, in opinion, that the late peace was not, aU circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is, undoubtedly, a peace equaUy glorious to, and necessary for, America. AU ranks of men m tMs country feel, as weU as per ceive, the benefits of it, and the faffit-finders (for such men there always wffi be) are borne down by the general torrent of applause. I was happy to learn, by the WasMngton packet, that you mtended a short tiip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and abffities ; I shaU ask no greater. With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c. Robert Morris. 1 See pp. 81, 91, and 92, of this volume. 152 OFFICIAL, {Inclosed.) ROBERT morris TO THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. Office of Finance, 20 September, 1783. Sir, — I shordd do injustice to my OAvn feeUngs, if I did not inclose you the extracts of letters I have lately received under date of the 10th and llth July, from a Avise and virtuous citizen of yom- State. The sentiments on pubUc creffit, contained in these letters, so just and forcible in themselves, must receive a double AA'eight fi-om the consideration, that Mr. Adaras, during his late important negotiations, has been in a situation to see, feel, and know the importance of the subject on which he Avrites, and to search, scrutinize, and examine it to the bottom. I am, sir, &c. Robert Morris. MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 16 October, 1783. Sir, — Some time having elapsed since Ave had the honor of adffi-essing yom- ExceUency, we uoav take the Uberty of inform ing you, sir, of om- having received letters from Mr. Morris, giv ing us intelUgence of certain ffiafts which he had partly aheady made on us, and Avhich he should' yet make, though the total amount together was much more than we noAV have in cash for the United States of America. His Excellency is in the idea that before tMs time we shoffid have provided that for Avhich M. Grand raay have occasion, though, not exactly knowing Avhat that raay be, we have given the necessary advice to M. Grand, that he must place no reliance upon being furnished by us ; and we thought it advisable, also, to give your ExceUency the same notice. It is exceedingly pamfffi for us to be obUged to say that the success of the loan, since the month of August, is not such as we had reason to expect, Avhen in the summer we had the honor of conversing Avith your ExceUency. Besides the uncommon scarcity of raoney, a principal cause of the loan not succeeffing OFFICIAL, J 53 is th0 great number of accounts received of disputes in America between the particular States and congress. It is true, this inteffigence is mostly communicated by the EngUsh news papers, and is worthy of Uttle or no creffit, even as we our selves look upon it; but it makes more impression upon the money-lenders, who always incUne to misti-ust Avithout cause, especiaUy at a tirae when, tMough a great concurrence of loans, they are not at a loss with their money. We are con stantly hoping we shaU be able, by receiving direct inteffigence from America, to evince the falsehood of the EngUsh accounts, or that your ExceUency or the other rffinisters woffid do it but to this time is this hope not realized. K yom- ExceUency was in possession of authentic inteffigence upon this matter, we think the pubUcation of it AVoffid do much service in procurmg a better success to our continual endeavors for seUmg of the bonds. In sentiments of the greatest respect, &c. WiLHE.M AND Jan Willink, NicH. and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fynje. THE PRESIDENT OP CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS. Princeton, 1 November, 1783. Sir, — I have the honor of acknowledging the receipt of yom- several pubUc letters, under the dates of June the 23d to Jffiy the 18th inclusive, by Captain Barney. Nothing is done, in conse quence of these letters, but what is contained in the instiuc tions inclosed in my official letter by this opportunity to the commissioners jointly. Congress have not come to any further deterimnation on your last letters relative to your resignation, on account of the peace arrangement not being yet settled. Perhaps there will be but very fcAV mimsters employed in Europe, and these in the ^ character of residents or simply ministers. The conduct of Great Britain does not appear yet very con- cffiating, and her measures on this side the water have rather tended to irritate than otherwise. Congress vdU not be in a hurry to send a mimster to the Com-t of London till they see 154 OFFICIAL, how the definitive treaty wffi end. We have an account this day fi-om Colonel Ogden, that it was signed on the 3d of Sep tember, and that Mr. Thaxter is on his way with it, whom we long to see. Yom- letters on the subject of our creffit abroad, and the strengthening and cementing the union at home, came at a happy moment, and have had a very good effect. Your coun trymen Avere running wild on tMs subject, but your observations and opimon have helped to check them, and the legislature of Massachusetts have passed the five per cent, impost recom mended by congress. M. Van Berckel is arrived, and yesterday received his fu-st pubfic auffience of congress. His address and our answer I send to the commissioners jointly. He appears to justify the high opinion we had formed of the wisdom of the states of the United Netherlands. Their choice of a minister so consonant to the temper and manners of the citizens of these States, shows their judgraent and prudence. We are much pleased with this gentleman, and, as far as I can judge from present appearances, I may venture to preffict that he Avffi cement the union of the tAVO RepubUcs. I shaU leave the chair of congress on Monday, and return to private life at EUzabethtown, after almost eight years spent in the service of my countiy. I rejoice to have seen the end of all our labors so happily accorapUshed, and shaU ever revere those great men Avho have lent a helping hand to the glorious AA'ork. In private or pubUc life, I shaU be ahvays glad of the honor of a Une from you, sir, if but to announce your health and AA'elfare. I have the honor to be, &c. Elias Boudinot. ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS. Office of Finance, 5 November, 1783, Sir, — I ara honored with your Excellency's favor of the 28th of Jffiy, from Amsterdam, for which I pray you to accept ray acknoAvledgments. I ara perfectly in sentiment with you, that it is best to avoid government interference in the affau- of our loan. If there Avere no other reason, I shoffid not Ulte the demand of grateful acknowledgment which would be erected OFFICIAL, 155 on that foundation. We hear enough ah-eady of our national obUgations, and I most heartily wish, for my oavu part, that we could at once acqffit them all, even to the uttermost farthing ; for I seriously beUeve that both nations and individuals gene raUy prove better friends, when no obligations can be charged, nor acknowledgments and retributions claimed on either side. I am also very strongly in opinion with you, that remittances from this country would greatly uphold our credit in Europe, for, in mercantile Ufe, nothing vivifies creffit like punctuaUty and plenteousness of reraittance. The plan you propose to obtain thera, raight also be attended with some good consequences ; but there are impediments in the way of its success, wMch it would be tedious to detaU, and which indeed you coffid not be so perfectly master of without being on the spot. I shall not, therefore, go into that matter at present, and the more espe ciaUy as Ave have now good hopes that the plan of congress Avffi be adopted by the States. Last eveffing I received advice that Massachusetts had acceded, and I have a double pleasure in announcmg this to you, as they certainly woffid not have come in but for the sentiments contained in your letters. Let me then, my dear sir, most heartily congi-atffiate you on those virtuous emotions which must sweU your bosom at the reflection that you have been the able, the useful, and, what is above all other things, the honest servant of a Republic, in debted to you in a great degree for her &-st efforts at inde pendent existence. That you may long Uve to enjoy those pleasmg reflections which flow from the memory of an active and beneficial exercise of time and talents, is the sincere Avish of your most obeffient and humble servant, Robert Morris. 3 E. A. HOLYOKE TO JOHN ADAMS. Salem, 6 November, 1783, Sir, — Yom- ExceUency's favors done to the Massachusetts Medical Society caU for then- most gratefffi acknoAvledgments ; ^ and it is at their desire I now inclose to your Excellency the copy of a vote from their records, expressive of the gratitude 1 See pp, 68-70 of this volume. 156 OFFICIAL. they feel and the obUgations they are under to your ExceUency for your kind attention to then- interests, and for the honor done them by introducing them to an acquaintance with so respect able a body as the Societe Royale de Medecine at Paris, to Avhich, permit me, su-, to add my OAvn personal thanks ; and as AA'hile Ave continue to prosecute the ends of our institution, we are promoting the cause of science and humanity, so we shall stffi hope for the continuance of your ExceUency's good offices. I have the honor to be, &c. E. A. Holyoke. {Inclosure.) At a meeting of the Massachusetts Medical Society in Bos ton, October 15, 1783,— Voted, unanimously, that the thanks of tMs Society be re turned to his Excellency John Adams, Minister Plenipoten tiary for the Umted States of America, for his early attention to the interests and honor of the Massachusetts Meffical Society, and for his assiduous endeaA'ors to inti-oduce the institution to the notice of the Royal Society of Mefficme at Paris. A true copy from the records. N. W. Appleton, Secretary. TO THE president OF CONGRESS. London, 9 November, 1783. Sir, — About the 14th of September I was seized at Paris Avith a fever, AA'hich proved to be a dangerous one, and brought me very low, so that I was unable to attend to any business for sorae time. On the 20th of October, in pursuance of the advice of my friends, I set out fi:om Auteffil, a vffiage in the neighborhood of Passy, for London, Avhich city I reached by slow journeys the 26th. I found my stiength increase as I advanced, and my health is so much improved that I am per suaded the last sickness has been of service to me, having never enjoyed, since my gi-eat sickness at Amsterdam, so good health as at present. Mr. Jay had set off for London about ten days before me, and, since my arrival, we have been much together, and have found every thing agreeable, notwithstanding the OFFICIAL, 157 innumerable and incessant Ues and nonsense of the ucavs- papers. As I came here in a private capacity altogether, I have not visited any one of the ministers, nor any one of the foreign ambassadors, and I am incUned to think, upon the whole, that I shaU not, unless Ave should receive the commission to tieat of commerce AvMch congress resolved on the 1st of last May, wMle I stay here. The AvMg part of the present admimstiation are much embar- ^ rassed -with the tory part and their refugees ; so that the spirit of the present administiation, I must in duty say, is not so frienffiy to the United States as it ought to be ; for want of powers, however, Ave can reduce nothing to a certainty. We expect every day to receive our commission and instiuctions. Mr. Hartley thmks himself empowered to finish the business with us by his former commission. The mimstiy are of the sarae opiffion ; and it is no doubt tiue ; so that as soon as our commission and mstiuctions arrive we shaU enter upon the con ferences. But whether we shaU go to Paris, or Dr. Fraffiffin wiU come here, at present I know not. The negotiation, I am persuaded, woffid succeed better here than at Paris. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO WILLIAM ellery AND OTHERS. London 12 November, 1783. Gentlemen, — I duly received the letter you ffid me the honor to write me on the 26th of May,i with two addresses inclosed, — one to the ministers and churches of the reformed in HoUand, the other to those in France, — and it shoffid have been answered sooner, had not a long sickness prevented. I am dffiy sensible of the honor you do me, gentlemen, by confid ing tMs benevolent office to my care; and it woffid give me great pleasure to be able to give you encouragement to hope for success. But soUcitations of this kmd are considered so ffifferently in America and in Europe, that an appointment Avliich Avould be ' See page 61 of this volume. VOL. VIII. 14 15s OFFICIAL. considered as very honorable in the former, is regarded in the latter in a different Ught. TMs ffiversity of sentiment is so real and so serious, that, in the opimon of others, as weU as in my OAA'n, it is inconsistent Avith the pubUc character I have at pre sent the honor to hold under the United States, for me to accept of tMs. It is agreed on aU hands, that my name appear ing in tMs business woffid do a great injury to the loan of Avhich I have the care in HoUand, so that I must beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to make my apology to the Second Congre gational Church in Newport for decUnmg a tiust wMch my regard to their constitution, as weU as their Avelfare and my personal respect for you, woffid have induced me to accept Avith pleasure, had it been compatible with my duty. On occasion of a great fire in Charlestown formerly, and of the appUcation of Dartmouth CoUege lately, I have seen that there is such a degree of rifficule attends such soUcitations of benevolence in Europe, that I cannot advise you to expect any reUef tMs Avay. If you Avere to send an agent on purpose, in my opiffion, he worUd not obtain enough to pay Ms expenses. With great respect and esteem, John Adams. TO THE president OF CONGRESS. London, 13 November, 1783. Sir, — If any one shoffid ask rae what is the system of the present admmistiation, I should ansAver, " to keep then- places." Every thing they say or do, appears evidently calcffiated to that end, and no ideas of pubUc good, no national object, is suffered to interfere Avith it. In order to ffi-ive out Shelburne, they condemned Ms peace, which aU the whig part of them woffid have been very glad to have made, and have gloried m the advantages of it. In order to avaU theraselves of the old habits and prejuffices of the nation, they now pretend to cherish the prmciples of the navi gation act, and the King has been advised to recommend tMs in his speech, and the lords have echoed it m very stiong terms. The coaUtion appears to stand on very stiong gi-ound ; the lords and great commoners, who compose it, count a great majority of members of the house of commons who are OFFICIAL, 159 retm-ned by themselves, every one of Avhom is a dead vote. They are endeavoring to engage the BecUord interest AA'ith them, in order to sti-engthen themselves still more, by persuad ing ThurloAV to be again chanceUor, and Mi-. Pitt, Avhose per sonal popffiarity and family Aveight with the nation are A-ery desirable for them, is tempted Avith the place of chancellor of the exchequer, Avhich Lord John Cavendish, from mere aver sion to business, AA'ishes to resign. While they are using such raeans to augment their stiength, they are manifestly intimidated at the sight of those great national objects AA'hich they knoAV not hoAV to manage. Ire land is stffi in a state of fermentation, throAA'ing off the adrai- ralty, post-office, and every other reUc of British parUamentary authority, and contending for a free importation of then- woolen manufactm-es into Portugal, for the trade to the East Indies, to the United States of America, and all the rest of the Avorld, in as ample manner as the English enjoy these blessings. The Irish A'olunteers are also contenffing for a parliamentary reform, and a more equal representation in their house of commons, and are assembling, by then- delegates, in a congress at DubUn, to accorapUsh it. TMs rivahy of Ireland is terrible to the miffis- tiy ; they are supposed to be at work to sow jealousies and divisions between the Protestants and CathoUcs in Ireland. The East Inffies exhibit another scene wMcli will be form idable to the miffisters. Here centi-e the hopes of England ; and it is certain that no system can be pursued which wffi give umversal satisfaction. Some require the government to take that whole countiy into their OAvn hands ; others demand aids in cash, and tioops to the company. Opposition wffi be first formed probably upon Inffian affairs. PubUc creffit is the greatest object of all. The necessary annual expense, comprehenffing the interest of the Avhole na tional debt, funded and unfunded, and the peace establishraent, Avffi amount to near seventeen mffiions. The annual receipts of taxes have never yet amounted to tMrteen mffiions. Here Avill be a deficiency, then, of near four mffiions a year, which avUI ren der an annual loan necessary, until the debt avUI be so increased, and the stocks so sunk, that no man wUl lend his money. The jufficious wffi caU upon ministers for a remedy, and AviU em barrass them Avith their reproaches ; ^ but the stockjobbers are 160 OFFICIAL, more numerous than the jufficious, and more noisy. These hve upon loans, and as long as mmisters borroAV twelve miffions a year, and employ the stockjobbers to raise it, hoAvever certaiffiy the measure tends to rmn, then- clamors Avffi be for ministers. An enormous loan is the most popffiar tMng a statesman can undertake ; so certain is the baffia-uptcy of this counti-y ! Oppo sition AviU declaim upon this topic, but AviU make no impres sion. The Umted States of America are another object of debate. If an opposition shoffid be formed and concerted, I presmne that one fmidamental of it Avffi be a Uberal conduct towards us. They wffi be very profuse in professions of respect and esteem and affection for us ; wffi pretend to wish for measures which may tMow a veU over the past, and restore, as much as possi ble, the ancient good Avffi. They wUl be advocates for some fi-eedom of commumcation Avith the West Inffies, and for our having an eqffitable share of that carrying tiade, &c. Adminis- ti-ation, on the other hand, I am confident, Avffi Avith great diffi cffity be persuaded to abandon the mean, contemptible poUcy AvMch their proclamations exMbit. In my humble opinion, the offiy sffitable place for us to nego tiate the tieaty in, is London. Here, with the most perfect poUteness to the muiistiy, Ave may keep them in awe. A visit to a distingffished member of the opposition, even if nothmg shoffid be said at it about pubUc affaUs, woffid have more weight AAith ministers than aU our arguments. Mr. Jay is, I beUeve, of the same opinion. But we shaU not conduct the negotiation here, unless Dr. Franldin shoffid come over. In deed, if congress should jom us in a commission to tieat Avith other poAvers, in ray opinion, aa'C might conduct the business better here than in Paris. I shaU, hoAvever, cheerfffily con form to the sentmients of my coUeagues. The delay of the commission is to me a great embarrassment ; I knoAV not Avhether to stay here, retm-n to Paris or the Hague; I hope every moment to receive advices from congress Avhich AA'ffi resoh'c me. I received yesterday a letter from Mr. Hartley, with the com pUments of Ml-. Fox, and that he shoffid be glad to see me, proposing the hour of eleven to-day, wMch I agreed to. Mr. Jay saAV him one day this Aveek. Mi-. Jay made him and the OFFICIAL, 161 Duke of Portland a visit on his first arrival ; they Avere not at home. But he never heard from thera until my arrival, ten days or a fortnight after. Informed of this, I concluded not to visit them, and ffid not ; but after a very long time, and, indeed, after Mi-. Hartley's return from Bath, messages have been sent to Mr. Jay and me, that Mr. Fox would be glad to see us. It is merely for form, and to prevent a cry against him in parlia ment for not having seen us, for not one Avord was said to Mr. Jay of public affafis, nor Avill a AVord be said to me. The real friendship of America seems to me the only thing Avhich can redeem this countiy from total destiuction. There are a few AA'ho thmk so here, and but a fcAV, and the present ministers are not among them ; or at least, if they are of this opinion, they conceal it, and behave as if they thought America of smaU importance. The consequence wffi be, that little jealousies and rivafiies and resentments will be indulged, Avhich wffi do essen tial injury to this countiy as they happen, and they avUI end in another war, in which wffi be torn from this island aU her pos sessions in Canada, Nova Scotia, and the East aud West Inffies. With great respect, &c. John Adams. messrs. avillink and others to john adams. Amsterdam, 2 December, 1783. Sir, — The relation in Avhich Ave have the honor to stand with your ExceUency, concerning the American loan, makes it our duty to inform your ExceUency of the foUowing cUcum- stances. We received, some time since, a letter from Mr. Morris, dated 5th August, by which he advised us, that he had determined to value upon us by his drafts till the amount of half a mffiion florins. We calcffiated, at that time, that the balance Ave had in hands, with the net proceeds of the cargo of tobacco of the ship SaUy, would not be sufficient to pay those drafts ; and that in case we shoffid have no opportunity to seU one or two hundred bonds at least, we were exposed to a disbursement of about the amount of that value. Notwithstanding this, we took the reso lution to honor the mentioned drafts, and determined that we should advance the deficient money, if,, at the time of their pay- 14* K 162 OFFICIAL, ment, we shoffid not have so much cash. We did not hesitate to give assiu-ances of this in our ansAver to Mr. Monis, exposing, however, at the same time, the very disagreeable cUcumstances in the business of the loan. This our letter to Mr. Morris Avas dated 11 July, and Ave hope he AviU have received the same speedUy. Om- next and foUoAA'ing letters Avere no less ffiscou- raging, because, notAvithstanding our repeated endeavors, we could not make an engagement, nor ffispose of any quantity of bonds. When this happened in Emope, Mr. Mon-is must, at the same time, have been in the best expectation about the busi ness, since he advises us by his letter of the 1st October that he Avas informed (though through an indi-ect channel) that your Excellency's journey to HoUand had given a iieAV spring to the American credit, and that the loan Avas going on weU. This being the case, he determined to value on us to the amount of half a million raore, Avliich, together with the other half million, makes a AA'hole mUUoii of florins, for payment of which we have only in cash (the net proceeds of the sold tobacco included) near four hunffi-ed thousand florins. We received this advice last Sunday, and assembled in the afternoon to agree Avith one another what we shoffid do in those circumstances. We Avere very much mortified about it, apprehending that those drafts might soon be offered for accept ance, and knoAving the very little appearance, or almost impos- sibUity, of a better success in the loan, within the time Avhen the drafts AviU become due. And we are sorry to inform your ExceUency that om- apprehensions were but too well founded, since aUeady, the next day, about two hundred thousand florins Avere offered. In this disagi-eeable position, we determined to send imme diately an express to his ExceUency B. FrankUn, at Paris, with a letter, Avhereby Ave informed him of what was going on, and desu-ed that he should inform, Avhether perhaps M. Grand had a balance in favor of the United States, and that he should order that balance kept at our disposal. But if there should be no balance in the hands of M. Grand, or if the balance shoffid not be of such a large sum, then we desired that Mr. Franklin should give his ministerial Avord to provide us, or to do honor to our drafts to the amount of, half a million of florins, in case we OFFICIAL, 163 should come into the necessity to raake use of such an opera tion, which AviU very likely, or almost certainly, be unavoidable. The express Avent the same evening, and Ave take the liberty to send your ExceUency here inclosed a copy of our letter to Mi-. Franlffin for yom- perusal. We are very son-y that Mi-. Monis gives so much credit to an indu-ect advice, the authenticity of which we are ignorant of, because it is certain that thereby he exposes the Avhole Ameri can creffit in Europe. For in case the ansAver of Mi-. Franklin should not be quite satisfactory, and that, by consequence, Ave should be put to the necessity of decUning the acceptance of the ffi-afts, Ave fear it Avill cause a great cry and give a ffiscredit to America. We hope it wUl not happen ; and that in the mean time your ExceUency and congress avUI look upon om- offer to Mr. Franklm to honor Mi-. Monis's drafts upon his promise and guaranty, and also upon the expediting of the express, as proofs of om- zeal and endeavors to remove every thing that might do any mischief to the American creffit. We have the honor to remain, &c. WiLHEM AND JaN WiLLINK, Nic. AND Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fynje. P. S. After having written our letter to yom- ExceUency, the greatest part of the holders of Mr. Morris's ffi-afts, being Jcavs, whom it doth not suit to Avait for the acceptance of their remit tances, have determined to make them protested, Avhich aa'c could not prevent. We have given for answer, that Ave had not received the advice, and that Ave desired the bUls shoffid be offered again for payment when due, Avhich Ave thought to be the best ansAver to preserve the creffit of the drafts as much as we possibly could. The amount of those protested bffis is about one hundred and seventy thousand florins. We are sorry to observe a second time, that Mr. Morris pro mised not to distiibute his ffiafts tffi sorae time after the advice, and that, a fcAV days after, they come up. The ffi-st time Avas by his letter of 5 August, when he had determined to draAV tAVO hundred thousand florins, or perhaps tffi five hunffied thousand, but he woffid only ffispose of the bUls as occasion might require, which must have been soon after, as we observed by the appear- 164 OFFICIAL. ance of the bffis. Now, by his letter of 1 October, the bffis for the araomit of the second half mUUon of that date were lying m Ms hands to be ffisposed of during that month and the suc- ceedmg, or even perhaps m December, and by the numbers of the bffis we presume that almost the whole sum must have been ffisposed of before the 26 of October, which, as far as we know-, is the date of the last letters from PMladelpMa. This is very ffisasreeable to us, and it seeras but reasonable, that ^Ir, IMoitIs shoffid have waited some time longer, after his ad\ice, with the ffisti-ibution of Ms ffi-afts, by wMch means it might have been possible to make some arrangement here m Europe, and to preA'ent the rffisfortune to wMch he has now exposed his drafts. We haA'e agam the honor, &c. TO BENJAAIIN FRANKLIN. London, 5 December, 1783. Sir, — Commodore Jones is just arriA'ed fiom Philadelphia with despatches. Those directed to the mmisters I opened. One contaffied nothmg but newspapers and proclamations. The other contamed a letter '- to the comimssioners "' and a set of instiuctions. The letter bears date the Ist of November ; the mstiuctions, the 29tli of October. A remainmg packet is directed to you alone, but probabh' contams a commission to us aU to tieat of commerce AAith Great Britain. I\L-. Jay and ^h: Laurens are at Bath, and the bearer is incUned to go on to Paris. I shaU send on the despatches, and depend upon your senffing us the earUest inteffigence, if you find a commission, in the packet to you, in pursuance of the resolution of the 1st of 3.1ay last, because that parliament must do sometMng before they rise respecting the tiade, and thek proceeffings may probably be somewhat the less evil for knoAA'- ing beforehand that there is m Europe a power to tieat, I shaU Avait with some impatience to hear fiom you, because, if there is no coraraission under cover to vou, in Avhich I am named, I shaU go to the Hague, and there take up my abode for some time. I have just received a letter from Wiffink & Co,, AA'Mch shows that money is exhausted, and credit too. He OFFICIAL. 165 incloses me his letter to you, but I fear you will not be able to assist him. With gi-eat respect, &c. John Adams. TO JOHN JAY. London, 7 December, 1783, Dear Sir, — The night before last, Commodore Jones arrived Avith despatches from congress. Tavo packets were cffi-ected to " the iMnisters," and one larger one to Dr. FrankUn. The tAA'o ffi-st I opened ; one of thera contained nothing but ncAvspapers, the other contained a private letter from the president, and a set of msti-uctions to the muiisters for peace. These I copied, and sent on the originals to Passy, together with the packet to FraffitUn unopened. If it is found to contain a commission to us m conformity to the resolution of the 1st of last May, the Doctor AviU inform us by the ffi-st post, if not by express. In the mean time, I Avish to consult Avith you, if it were pos sible, upon om- ncAV instiuctions, Avhich chalk out sorae ucav business for us. I would send you a copy of them, if I Avere not afiaid of muusterial cmiosity. Mi-. Bingham makes rae tMnk you AviU soon be here. I inclose hercAvith a letter from the president to you, and another to Mr. Lam-ens, which I must beg the favor of you to deUver to Mm, as I do not know his address. Mifflin is the new president, and congress have adjom-ned to Annapolis, and are to sit, after some time, one year at George town on Potomac, and one year on the DelaAvare. Colonel Ogden had arrived with the ncAvs of the signatm-e of the defini tive tieaty, but Thaxter had not in the ffi-st Aveek in November. Barney's destination is Havre-de-Grace, and his orders are positive to saU in three weeks for PhUadelphia. Mr. Monis has ffi-aAvn so many bffis upon my bankers in Amsterdam, that a nuraber have been protested for non-accept ance ; so that if Mr. Grand cannot assist in preventing the pro test for non-payment, the catasti-ophe must now come on. This you AAiU not mention at present. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. 166 OFFICIAL. TO MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS. London, 14 December, 1783. Gentlemen, — I have received your letter of the 2d of De cember, and am exti-emely sorry to learn that a number of Mr, Morris's bUls have been protested. You ffid very prudently in AA'riting immediately to Mr. Frank lin, to inquu-e if M. Grand could afford you any assistance. I . hope you have received a favorable aiiSAver. I am Avaiting for ansAvers frora Mi-. FrankUn to letters Avritten to him, to deter- mme Avhether I am to return to Paris or the Hague. But I do not knoAV that I coffid be ol any service to you, if I were in HoUand. With much esteem, &c. John Adams. messrs. avillink and others to john adams. Amsterdam, 23 December, 1783. Sir, — We do om-selves the honor, in ansAver to yom- Excel lency's esteemed favor of 14 Deceraber, to hand you copies inclosed of the letters both of Dr. FrankUn and M. Grand, by Avhich you wffi be pleased to observe that the contents are by no raeans favorable to our purpose. By the Washington packet, Ave have again been favored Avith his ExceUency Robert Morris's letters, Avith advice of new drafts to the amount of seven hunffi-ed and fifty thousand florins, which is nothing less than an augmentation of the diffi- cffities Ave labor under to dispose the undertakers and money lenders to take obligations, Avhich is all to no purpose, since they seem informed that the Emperor and Russia, after the exaraple of SAveden, Avffi augraent the interest; which expe ffient France actually sets on foot AAith its loan to open in January, of one hundred mUUon of livres. This has akeady induced us to offer them some higher premium, to Avhich we thought ourselves fully authorized by the ckcumstances and the ffi-afts of Mr. Morris. To prevent their being protested (Avhen due) for non-payment, Avhich his ExceUency Avrites us to pre vent at aU events, Ave have taken into consideration, whether it Avas not proper to apply to the regency of our city to obtam for OFFICIAL. 167 the undertakers some faciUties, by Avliich means avc might move them to take obligations enough to enable us to do due honor to all the ffi-afts of the superintendent of finance. Wc are, therefore, sorry to see your Excellency is uncertain Avhether you AA'UI come to Holland, since avc suppose that a proper appli cation made in your especial quality to our regency might prove not unsuccessfffi. HoAvever, as no time can be lost, to leave space to our regency for deUberating on this subject, and to have thek resolution before the bUls become due, Ave take the Uberty to pray your ExceUency, in case you are not to come here very soon, to favor us Avitli a letter in your public capacity, for our pensionary. Van Berckel, by Avhich you pray hira to ffispose favorably of the request Ave present to the regency, to proraote the course of the loan, Avhich condescension avUI be looked upon by congress as a real proof of our city of their fi-iendship to the United Sttites, who wiU not faU to put the right value on the same. If this expeffient shoffid not prove successful by this applica tion to the magistrate, there remains one Avay left, and the offiy one ; that yom- Excellency be pleased to authorize us to make a new loan of four miffions of florins, of which the interest comes out to six per cent, per annum, in Avhicli case we shoffid not be destitute of hopes of succeeding. But, without doubt, we fear to be obUged to aUoAV to the undertakers sorae more premium, which we shall not do, except from the greatest neces sity, and Avith particular economy. And as Mr. Morris mentions to us that he pays said interest in America, we ventm-e to suppose that he can have no objec tion to aUow us the same here ; and the more, as not only aU his drafts woffid be honored by it, and a considerable sura over becorae at his ffisposal, whUst there is no prejudice to credit in augmenting the interest. This is only following the example other powers have given, and to which our state, adinkalties. East India Corapany Avill be obliged to come, to find money for the large loans they stand in need to make. Hence we con clude that those poAvers Avho resolve the first to augment the interest wiU succeed, and leave it very uncertain for those who follow to be equaUy happy. In case your ExceUency approve of our ideas, and judge it proper to send us at all events an authorization, Ave pray to add 168 OFFICIAL. an assurance to it, that the loan done in consequence wffi be dffiy approved and ratified by congress. We shall inform his ExceUency Mr. Morris, of this our application to your Excel lency, and hope to convince hereby both you and him of om unmtenupted endeavors for the interest of congress. We have the honor to be, &c. WiLHEM AND Jan Willink, Nic and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fynje. MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 26 December, 1783. Sir, — At the beginning of this week, having raany letters to despatch relating to the business of the United States, we agreed together upon thek contents, and every one of us charged himself Avith part of the AA'ork. Mr. Wiffink promised to Avrite a letter to your Excellency, and a short time before the departure of the maU, he sent it to the other houses for signing. We observed, he had not been very fortunate m the expression of our common ideas ; hoAvever, there being no time for com posing another letter, avc put our names under his composition. But, being in doubt whether your Excellency AviU sufficiently understand the meaning, and the raatter being very interesting for the United States, we hope your ExceUency will excuse us if Ave endeavor to supjjly the defect of that letter. If the mat ter Avas of less importance, Ave would not do it, for reasons whieh wiU be very apparent to your ExceUency ; but Ave pre- surae that those reasons ought to be postponed, when there is danger that, by too ranch delicacy, the interests of the United States might suffer. We ventm-e this step Avithout the know ledge of our companions, in the intent only to serve your Excel lency ; we depend, therefore, upon your friendship, that you AvUl do us the favor not to mention any thing about this adffiess in your letters to the three houses. Your ExceUency is informed, that, by the present situation concerning the loan, and the ffispositions of the treasurer, we have been in the very disagreeable necessity to decUne the acceptance of half a raiUion guilders, and again of seven hun- OFFICIAL. 169 ffied and fifty thousand guilders. We are informed, that if the last mentioned sum should return through Avant of payment, congress is not to pay any charges upon the return, in conse quence of an agreement made Avith the houses Avho took the bffis. But Ave presume, that, notwithstanding this, it avUI be a great advantage to the States, if Ave are able to pay them ; and Ave knoAV that the expenses attending the return of the half mU Uon, and the ffisappointment resulting from it, avUI be of such consequences, that avc do not doubt but avc are not only author ized to exert our utmost endeavors to dispose of a quantity of bonds, but even to allow sorae more remedium to the under takers than Ave stipffiated at the beginning Avith your Excel lency. It is almost impossible at this tirae to obtain an engagement with these gentlemen, unless Ave should make such stipulations, Avhich, hoAvever, avc look upon as very prejudicial. Considering this, and besides, that the not paying of the drafts AA'offid occasion a stagnation of commerce in the spring, because several bills are remitted to certain people, who are to send out goods for thek amount, we thought it merited the attention of our government, and Ave have therefore mentioned the matter to a couple of very patiiotic members of om- magis- tiacy, and desked thek assistance for such encouragements as might facffitate the business. We had the satisfaction to find that they were fuUy convinced of the fatal consequences of the return of the bUls, and that they promised to assist us in a fm-- ther application, Avhich, on this assurance, we have determined to make. We are in hopes it will be effectual, but we believe, at the same time, that your ExceUency being present and approvUig of our idea, would give a great weight to our adffiess ; and, therefore, Ave should wish that, in case your other important business would perrait that step, your Excel lency would make a tiip to this country. However, consider ing the present season, and that perhaps other important tilings concerning the United States may make it irapossible for your ExceUency to comply with om- deske, we request you wiU Avrite a letter to M. Van Berckel, Pensionary of this city, to recom mend the business, and Ave have reason to think this will do very well. Mr. Wiffink has added another scheme of a new loan for four mffiions at six per cent. It is true that the interests of loans VOL. VIII. 15 17 11 (jFFICIAL. are rather augmented smce the time you opened the loan for the Uffited States, and we do not decUne that plan, m case we shoffid have the misfortune of a disappomtment from the magis- tracv. HoweA'er, we, for our private opiffion. shoffid prefer ffist to complete the former loan at five per cent. Besides, we think it necessaiA' to iffiorm vour ExceUency, that wheneA'er you shaU sive the preference to this scheme, and authorize us to put it in execution, it Avffi not be done Avithout grantmg a reme- ffium to the undertakers. We have the honor to be, izc. Nic. AN'D Jacob Van' Staphorst. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. The Hague. 24 January, 17S1. SiK, — Deskous of domg aU m my power to saA'e ]Mr. Mor ris's bffis, I determmed to go to Amsterdam, and accordmgly set off the begmnmg of this month from Loudon m a season too rigorous for pleasure. At Harwich we Avere obUged to wait several daA's for fak Aveather, Avhich, when it arriA'ed, brought us Uttle comfort, as it was very cold, and the Avind exactly agamst us. The packets were obliged to put to sea, and I embarked m one of them. We Avere more than tMee daA's m adA'ancmg thirtA'-tMee leagues, AAith so unsteady a course, and such a tossmg vessel, that we coffid not keep a &e. the weather verv cold, and the passengers aU A'ery sea-sick. As we coffid not, on account of the great quantities of ice upon the coast, reach Helvoet. we were put on shore on the island of Goree, whence we got a boor's was;on to canv our bao-CTaare, and we walked about six nffies to the town of Goree ; not findmg ice boats here, we Avere obUged to go in open boors' wagons across the island to INIidel-Harms. Here we were detamed severffi days in A'ery bad lodgmgs, unable to fmd boats to carry us over the arm of the sea to Helvoet. At length ice-boats appeared, and we embarked arffidst a waste of ice AvMch passed m and out every day Avith the tide ; and, by the force of oars and boat- hooks, sometimes rowmg in the water, and sometimes ffiaggmg on the ice, wMch woffid uoaa' and then break and let us down, m the course of the daA' AA'e sot over : and we thoueht ourselves . _ O OFFICIAL, 171 lucky, as the last boat Avliich passed got stuck in the ice, and AA-as carried out Avith the tide -.uid brought in again, so iliat it was out from nine in the morning to one o'clock the next night before it reached the opposite shore. We could not reach Helvoet, but landed on the dike about two railes from it, and took boors' Avagons ag-aiii for the Brille, Avhicli avc reached at night. Ncxt morning, Ave took ice-boats again to cross another Avater obstiucted by ice as before, and then a third, the Macse, Avliich Ave found sufficiently frozen to Avalk over. Another boor's Avagon carried us to Delft, and from thence a coach to the Hague. After the rest of a day or two, I went to Amsterdam. Our bankers had applied to the regency, and I offered to enter into any reasonable contract, and to pledge the faith of the United States for the performance of it. But all in vain. The gentlemen of the regency seemed very deskous of doing something for us, if they could. But, as usual, they are so afraid of maldng a precedent, and that other poAA'crs, as much ffisti-essed for money as we, should take advantage and demand the same favor, that they dare not ; and our bankers were advised to take back thek application, to avoid a certain deci sion against us. Yesterday, I returned to the Hague. I should look back with less chagrin upon the disagreeable! passage from London, if Ave had succeeded in obtaining the object of it ; but I find I am here only to be a Avitness that American credit in this RepubUc is dead never to rise again, at least until the United States shall all agree upon some plan of revenue, and make it certain that interest ancl principal avUI be paid. There has scarce an obligation been sold since the ncAVS of the mutiny of solffiers in PhUadelphia, and the diversity of sentiments among the States about the plan of impost. _/' I have no inforraation frora congress or Mi-. Morris, but I am ' told by our bankers there are bUls to the amount of thkteen hunffi-ed thousand guUders, Avhich must be sent back ; a terrible disappointment to gi-eat numbers of people ! Some of the biUs become payable the beginning of March, and the rest, being much the greatest part, in May. At Amsterdam, I received the honor of yours of 3d of this month. John Adams. 172 OFFICIAL, TO MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS. The Hague, 29 January, 1784, Gentlemen, — When I left Arasterdara, I despaked of doing any thing to prevent the bffis of exchange from being sent back. It is possible, however, that something may have since hap pened to give us better hopes. I should be obUged to you, if you Avoffid inform me, Avhether there is yet any ground to expect aid from the venerable regency of your city or not. The commerce of the city is much interested in it, and the city has a right to do what it wiU AA'ith its oavu ; and, therefore, no other poAver can take advantage of the precedent, since we are not demandkig a right, but requesting a favor. Surely, if the city sees, that, Avithout hurting itself, it can confer a favor on a friend, and thereby greatly promote its oavu commerce, it has a right to do it, without fearing that other powers differently ck- cumstanced shoffid claim a Iffie indffigence. Since ray return to the Hague, I have reflected, as raaturely as I can, upon the proposition of a ucav loan on a different plan, suggested in one of your letters to rae in London. It Avoffid be AAith great reluctance that I should consent to raise the interest, but yet I woffid do it, rather than the bUls should go back. I therefore request of you, gentlemen, to consider of this matter, and consult Avith the undertakers, and if you can be sure of obtaining the cash to save the bffis, by a ncAV plan, I would agree to it. But yet I could not, I think, go beyond six per cent, including yom- commissions, the two per cent, to the undertakers, and, in short, including interest and aU charges. It is neither your faffit nor mine, if avc cannot succeed, yet 1 shoffid wish to do every thing in our power, and I request your sentiments upon the subject. It would be imprudent to talk of a new plan, if we were not previously certain of success in obtain ing the money. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 17:i MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 31 January, 1784. Sir, — We are favored AA'ith the honor of your ExceUency's letter of the 29th of this month, Avhich should have appeared yesterday AA'ith us. Ml-. W. Willink did himself the honor to Avait on your Excel lency the night before your departm-e, to inform you of the unsuccessfulness of aU our repeated endeavors. NotAvithstand ing the favorable ffispositions of our regency, considerations of so much iraportance with thera opposed their good intentions, that they cordd not be prevaUed upon to dispose favorably of our request. We have, however, not been quiet since, but are daily occu pied in conference with the undertakers, and offer them an extraorffinary premium on the remainder of the tAvo miUions. As they Avffi meet Avith us Monday luorffing to raake some demands, aa'c should Avish to receive in ansAver to this your ExceUency's orders, as to Avhether Ave should conclude AA'ith them in case Ave could succeed, by a sacrifice of four to five per gent, on that aiuount, for all the extraorffinary gratifications and aUowances. We suppose this course preferable in this juncture to an attempt to negotiate a ucav loan against six per cent. interest, Avhicli last, hoAvever, your Excellency seems to consider (as we surely have always done) preferable to the return of the bffis. Shoffid Ave, however, after receiving your ExceUency's authority for the fkst mentioned proposals, not succeed Avith them, it Avould be weU that you consent to our consulting Avith the undertakers about a ncAV loan, Avith Avhom aa'c sliaU by no raeans do any thing except on secm-ity of getting the money. But Ave AA'ish to observe to your ExceUency, that the interest of six per cent, is in favor of the money-lenders, and can by no means bear the charges on the loan ; and not offiy these must be paid, besides the interest, but we are in real apprehension, that, instead of being four and a half per cent, in all, they Avould, by reason of this junctm-e of time, amount to six per cent, altoge ther, to Avhich it would be necessary to submit. Hence Ave should rather allow the extiaordinary premium of four to five per cent, on the remaining obUgations in our hands ; but we 15* 174 OFFICIAL, submit, Avith respect, our judgment to yom- ExceUency's more enlightened understanding. We press the undertakers the more seriously, because Ave have got information that the Bank of PhUadelphia stopped payment on account of false bank notes put in circulation, which ckcurastance occasioned confusion there ; and if it should become public before we are able to conclude the mat ter, we are reaUy fearful aU our endeavors AviU entkely miscarry. - W^e therefore consider, on account of this fatal event, the sooner we can conclude, the better, without standing on a trifle of a per cent, more or less. AU AA'hich avc submit to yora- Excel lency's consideration, and beg the favor of your advice, if any thing of this ckcurastance should be knoAvn to you, as Ave raay yet doubt the conectness of this advice, dated 9 December. We have the honor, &c. WiLHEM AND JaN WiLLINK, Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fynje. to MESSRS. willink AND OTHERS. The Hague, 1 February, 1784. Gentlemen, — I have just received your favor of yesterday, and thank you for the promptitude with which you answered mine of the 29th ffit. I have been informed particffiarly by the tAVO worthy pension aries. Van Berckel and Visscher, as AveU as by yom- letter, of the ffifficffities of succeeding with your venerable regency, and, therefore, see no hopes of saving the bffis, but in the plan of a new loan, or in that Avhich you propose, which, I fuUy agree with you, is much better for many reasons. Your judgment in these things is much better than mine, and, therefore, if avc cannot do better, in yom- opinion, I wUl agree Avith you to the sacrifice of four to five per cent., for all the extraordinary gi-atifications and allowances. I have not yet received from any quarter, before I received your letter, the least intiraation that the Bank of PhUadelphia had stopped payraent on account of false notes in circulation. And I cannot credit such a report, because, if it were true, it OFFICIAL, 175 Avould have been most industriously spread in Europe, with all its details and evidence, by the raany enemies aa'c have among the stockjobbers in England and elscAvhere. With esteem, &c. John Adams. MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 4 February, 1784. Sir, — We have received your ExceUency's esteemed favor of 1st February, by Avhich we see you are pleased to consent to an extraordinary sacrifice, on Avhich AA'e pleaded Avith the under takers, but could by no means prevaU on thera ; and at last they declared against it finally. These displeasing circurastances brought us into the necessity to take thek opinions on a ucav loan against six per cent, interest, as yom- ExceUency judged perfectly right, that it was much preferable to do it, than to get the bffis protested. We, in consequence, have proposed to them the inclosed scheme, on which, Sunday or Monday next, they jointly have promised an answer. In case Ave can offer to them a reasonable premium and gratification, sorae of them seem incUned to hearken to the proposal ; and we stipulate the ready payment of so many hundred thousand guUders this month, that the biUs falling due at the end, to such an amount, should aU be paid. We AA'ant, therefore, to pray your ExceUency to authorize us to conclude, on this footing, Avith six per cent. alloAvance for all the premiums, brokerage, gratifications, notary seals, obligations, commission, and every expense besides. Li case we can be happy enough to bring it to consistency, we shall dkectly draw up the obligation for your ExceUency to sign, and direct further matters in the raost regffiar way and order.i Desking your answer hereon for our government, We remain, &c. WiLHEM AND JaN WiLLINK, Nic and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fa'nje. 1 Some alterations in these letters of gentlemen unacquainted with English idioms, are occasionaUy necessary to express the sense, awkwardly at best. 1711 OFFICIAL, TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS. The Hague, 5 February, 1784. Gentlemen, — I have received your favor of the 4th, and considered its contents. I ara very sorry to find there is no hope of obtaining the money upon the old obUgations, with an additional gi-atification. The credit of the United States must be very Ioav indeed, in this RepubUc, if Ave must agree to terms so exorbitant as those in the plan you have inclosed to me, in order to obtain about tAvo hundred thousand pounds sterUng. The news of it will cause such an alarm, and give such ffisgust in America, that the effect of it wUl be positive orders to bon-OAV no more. This, indeed, would be no evil in America. HoAA'ever, since the bUls are ffi-awn, to avoid the mischiefs which Avould foUoAV the final protest of them, I wffi agree to the new plan you propose, provided you cannot obtain the money upon more moderate and reasonable terms. But I must entieat you, gentlemen, to use your utmost endeavors to obtain some diminution of the gratification, if it is possible. I am Avell persuaded of your disposition to do this business as advantageously for the United States as you can, and, there fore, it is unnecessary for rae to use any arguments with you upon the occasion. I beg leave to recommend to you, that the subscription shoffid be opened at only one house, Messrs. WUUnk's, for example, as this method is raore convenient for the subscrib ers, and not less beneficial for the other houses. You Avill be pleased to make it an indispensable condition, that the money be furnished for the payment of all the bffis, for I am determined, if any of them go back protested, they shall all share the same fate. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. benjamin franklin to JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 5 February, 1 784. Sir, — I received the letter you did me the honor of Avriting to me the 24th past. You have had a terrible passage indeed, taldng it altogether, from London to Amsterdam. The season OFFICIAL. 177 has been, aud continues uncommonly st.-verc, and you must have suffered much. It is a pity that the good purpose of youf^ voyage, to save, if possible, the credit of Mr. Morris's biUs, could not be accomplished by yom- obtaining a loan from the regency. I do not AA'onder at thek declining it, nor at the stop you mention as put to the general loan by the iicavs of the diversity of sentiments among the States about the plan of__ impost. I hope these mischievous events Avill at length con vince our people of the ti-uth of Avhat I long since Avrote to them, that Ihe founda,lion of credit abroad must be lead at home. When the States have not faith enough in a congress of their OAvn choosing to trust it Avith money for the payraent of thek conimon debt, hoAV can they expect that that congress should meet Avith creffit, Avheii it wants to borroAV more money for thek use from sti-angers ? j Your ExceUency saAV in England the instructions brought to us by Captain Jones from the congress, and Avhich you for warded to me. Expecting your and Mr. Jay's speedy retm-n hither, I took no step in consequence of them. IMr. Jay is noAV returned. And Ave are both deskous of knoAA'ing Avhether it is your intention to join us again here, in order to execute these mstiuctions ; because, in that case, Ave should Avait your anival. I have the honor to be, &c. B. FranklIxN. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 10 February, 1784. Sir, — I had scarcely finished my despatches to go by Mr. Thaxter with the definitive tieaty, Avhen I Avas taken doAvn with a fever at Paris, and reduced so low as to be totaUy una ble to attend to any business for a long time. When I grcAv so much better as to be able to ride, I was advised to go to Eng land. As I had nothing to do at Paris, and an attempt to reside in HoUand would probably have throAvn rae into a relapse, I took the advice, and after a fcAV weeks of gentle exer cise and relaxation frora care, with a change of ak and of diet, I found myself so much better as to venture over to HoUand, though in a very rigorous season, to see if I could do any thing to save the public credit. I have done my utmost to no pur- L 178 OFFICIAL. pose. Mr. Van Berckel and Mr. Visscher, Avho are very AveU ffisposed to serve us, have frankly told me that there Avas no hope of obtaming the least assistance from the regency. I AA'ent to Arasterdara, and spent eight or ten days there, but coffid do nothing. The bffis of exchange must, for any thing I see, go back, and the credit of the United States AAiU never rcAive, untU they have estabUshed a certain revenue for the .payment of interest, A long com-se of journeys and voyages, a variety of cUmates, and continued appUcation of rffind have so Avrecked my consti tution, Avhich was never very ffi-m, and produced these repeated attacks of the fever, that it is high time for me to take a little repose ; and as Mr, Jay Avffi be Avith Dr. FrankUn, at Paris, it AAiU be unnecessary for me to go thither to execute the last insti-uctions of congress, and I shaU accorffingly remain here until further orders. Peace is raade between Russia and the Porte, and the defini- tiA'e ti-eaty between England and HoUand is expected to be soon signed. IMay the Avorld continue at peace ! But if it shoffid not, I hope Ave shaU have AA'isdora enough to keep our selves out of any broU. As I am quite in sentiment Avith the Baron de Nolken, the SAvedish ambassador at St. James's, aa'Iio did me the honor to visit me, although I had not visited him. ^- Sk," said he, " I take it for gi-anted, that you wffi have sense enough to see us in Europe cut each other's throats Avith a phi losophical ti-anquiffity." This mimster requested Governor Poav- naU to inti-oduce him to me. He ffid so. The ambassador told me he had been twenty years at that Court, and had seen the rise, progress, and end of the dispute Avitli America ; that he had Uved much AA'ith the British ministers, and had often ven tured to give them Ms sentiments ; that he had constantly fore told the issue ; '¦ but," said he, " although I was upon good terms AA'ith them, they had no confidence in me ; and in this they Avere right ; for no court ought ever to have confidence in a foreign minister." I mention this, because it is a maxim AA'ith aU old nations, and I think it high time it shoffid become the maxim of our young one. Governor PoAvnaU told me that he meditated a voyage to America, but Avas afraid of jealousies and suspicions, and asked if I thought he might be avcU received. I told hmi I did OFFICIAL. 179 not doubt he Avould be received respectftffiy in every part of America ; that he had ahvays been considered, so far as I ImeAV, as fiienffiy to America, and that his Avi-itings had been usefffi to our cause. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO BENJAMIN franklin. The Hague, 11 Februarj', 1784, Sir, — Last mght I received your obUgmg favor of the 5tli' of this month. A'our ExceUency's sentiment, " that the foundation of credit abroad must be laid at home," is perfectly just, and accords Avith the general sentiment of the money-lenders, undertakers, and brokers in this counti-y, Avhose universal cry is, " Ave shoffid choose to see sorae certain raethod agreed on and estabUshed for the payment of mterest, before aa'c adventure farther in the] American loan." ._ I am glad to hear of Mj-. Jay's safe return to Paris, and hope his health is conffi-med. As the instiuctions may be executed by any one or more of the ministers for the peace, resiffing at the Court of Versaffies, it seems to me to be more for the bene fit of the pubUc service, that I shoffid remain here for some tirae, rather than go to Paris. I haA'e not given over aU endea vors to obtain the money for the bUls, although the best friends we have inform me there is no hope at aU fi-om the pubfic. We are endeavoring to discover, if it is possible, by any ucav plan of a loan, to obtain the money of the undertakers. Yet, by aU I can learn, I despak of obtaining it, Avithout agi-eeing to terras so disadvantageous as to be Uttle better than the final protest of the bffis. Indeed, it is stffi improbable, that I can obtain it, upon any terms at aU. Money is scarce, as AveU as om- creffit feeble. The loan of the East Inffia Company, Avarranted by the states of HoUand, does not fiU ; a case unknoAvn in this countiy. Your ExceUency, Avith Mi-. Jay, may proceed to execute these instiuctions Avithout me ; and I hereby entieat that you Avould, Avithout Avaiting at aU for me. It is not Ukely there AvUl be any difference of opiffion betAveen your ExceUencies, concerning any 180 OFFICIAL. of those insti-uctions, in wMch case alone it Avoffid be necessary for me to attend, if ISh: Laurens does not. It is probable Ave may soon learn something from congress, in answer to om- letter Avith the definitive treaty, Avhich wffi deter mine whether it is necessary I should join you at Paris or not It AVoffid be very inconvenient to me, in the present tender state of my health, to make a jom-ney to Paris Avithout a necessity, at least untU this formidable Avinter breaks up, although I should be ambitious enough of the honor of joinUig in the exe cution of those orders. I Avish your ExceUencies a happy year, and much pleasure in the enjoyment of peace, as AveU as success in your negotiations, Avhether joined or not by your most obeffient and most humble servant, John Adams. TO JOHN JAY. The Hague, 13 February, 1784. Dear Sir, — I have received a letter from Mr. Gerry, at Phi ladelphia, 23 November. Thaxter arrived there the night before. I presume he has written by Mr. Reed, and that his letter is gone to you, as he probably addressed his letter to us aU. Ml-. Monis has ffi-aAvn afresh by this vessel. Let me beg of you and the Doctor to advise him to stop his hand. If I can possibly save those akeady draAvn, AA'hich, hoAvever, I stUl despak of, it AviU be upon terras so en orra ously avaricious, that it AA'ffi raise a ti-emendous clamor in America. It is rmnous to bonoAV money in Europe upon such terms, but it Avffi be more ruinous to let the biUs go back. My situation is very disagreeable. It is not for me to judge of the propriety of the ffiafts. I am only in a ministerial capa city, and ought to procure the money, if possible, upon any terras Avithin my instructions, but to be obUged to go to the utmost extent of them, Avlien I knoAV that such numbers AviU blame me for it, because they Avill not believe the necessity of it, is unpleasant. There is a despotism in this counti-y, in the government of loans, as absolute as that of the grand signior ; five or six peo- OFFICIAL. ISl pie have all the money under their comraand, and they are as avaricious as any Jcaa's in Jcaa's' Quarter. This country revenges itself in this way, upon the poAvers of Em-opc, for the insults it receives from them in Avars and negotiations. I think I could not justify going to Paris while the fate of these bUls is depending. You will be so good as to go on with the doctor in execution ofthe last instructions. If there is any point upon Avhicli you Avisli for my opinion, I wUl give it you Avith pleasure at any time by letter. Has RL. Laurens declined acting ? HoAV is the doctor's health ? And how is ftlrs. Rid- ley? If a commission should come to us aU to treat Avitli England, as it Avffi be a thorny Avork, and likely to produce discontent and clamors, it is not my intentioii to AvithffiaAv my shoulders from any part of the bm-deii. You wUl pardon me for suggest ing, that Ave ought to obtain, if Ave can, from every poAA'er we tieat Avith, an article that American produce imported into thek J ports in American bottoms, shall pay no more duties, than if imported in vessels of the subjects of those powers. Mr. Gerry deskes his respects and affections to you, in very sti-ong and high terms ; thinks the removal of congress has sti-engtheiied the Union, and that the British proclamations have had the same effect. WUl Denmark stipffiate that both her islands in the West Indies shaU be free ports to us ? Yom-s, &c. John Adams. MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. {Without Date.) Sir, — "W'e have had the honor to receive your most esteemed favor of the day before yesterday, and observe with pleasm-e that your Excellency agi-ees to the alteration which Ave have proposed by our last in the plan of a new loan. We had this morning a conference Avith the brokers, Avhich AA'as proposed for to have the ansAA'er of the undertakers, and in Avliich we expected the matter should be quite regtdated. But it is Avith a gi-eat displeasure that aa'C were obliged to remit the conclusion tffi next Monday, and that Ave are in the necessity to VOL. VIII. 16 182 OFFICIAL. give you again such a ffisagreeable account. The undertakers agree Avith us in the opinion, that the loan AAiU have a very good success by a public subscription, but they do not incUne to run the risk of it for the Avhole araount. They only offer to engage to a million or soraething raore ; but Ave could not pos sibly succeed to determine them to double the sum ; and because it is yom- absolute order, that either aU the bffis must be paid, or aU return, Ave could not accept thek offers ; and, in case yom- ExceUency do not incUne in this situation to accommodate yourself to the ckcurastance, AA'e fear aU our endeavors wffi tend to no purpose. We feel hoAV disagreeable it is to yom- Excel lency, but AA'e beg to submit to your consideration, that the engagement for a miffion AvUl fm-nish us the money to pay the fost drafts, and that aa'c have a good prospect that the loan Avffi be canied to the Avhole capital of Iavo miffions, or at least to such an amount, that, before the other ffi-afts becorae due, we shaU have money to pay them all. HoAvever, in case this shoffid not ansAver our AA'ishes, you wffi please to consider, that for a sum of seven hunffi-ed and fifty thousand guUders which were ffi-aAA'ii at one hunffi-ed and fifty days' sight, and Avhich by con sequence must be jDaid in the month of May, Mr. Morris took an anangement, that, in case they might return unpaid, con gress shoffid not pay any charges attenffing the return, and that, by consequence, whenever tMs shoffid be the case, which we flatter om-selves Avffi not happen, the ffisappointment wffi be less fatal. In these ckcumstances, Ave venture to advise your ExceUency to give us orders by yom- answer to this, that we may Monday accept the offer of the undertakers for a miffion, or so much more as they then Avffi engage, and to open the loan for two mUUons upon the plan Avhich you have approved, and then aa'c Avffi be certain to pay the fo-st ffi-afts, and have a good prospect likcAvise to pay the foUoAving, notAvithstanding we have not the satisfaction to have the sarae certitude about it. We beg to give us your answer upon these proposals by the nioiTow evening post, and have the honor to remain, very respectfuUy, sk, your most humble, &c. WiLHEM AND Jan Willink, Nic. AND Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Fynje. OFFICIAL. 183 TO MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS. The Hague, 14 February, 1784. Gentlemen, — I have just received your letter of yesterday as I suppose, though Avithout a date, and have matm-ely con sidered its contents. I have Aveighed your reasons, and consi dered your advice, and, upon the Avhole, I think it most prudent to agree upon the terras you propose, the undertakers engaging for a million ; but yet I woffid pray you to endeavor to per suade them to engage for at least fourteen hundred thousand gtffiders, as this Avffi cover aU the bffis already ffiaAvn, Avhich you have received advice of I Avffi not insist finaUy, hoAvever, for more than a mffiion, if you cannot obtain an engagement for more. It is pamfffi to me to agree to such high terms, I oavu, because I know that great numbers of people in America avUI blame me for it, and think that I had better have suffered the bffis to go back protested. It is my duty, hoAvever, to do the best I can, and between two evils to choose the least ; upon which principle it is that I agree with you in sentiment, and foUoAV your advice upon this occasion. With esteem, &c. John Adams. BENJAMIN franklin AND JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 28 February, 1784. Sir, — We had the honor of receiving yom- favor of the 20th instant,^ and are persuaded that the communication of the friendly ffisposition of his Prussian Majesty made to you by the Baron de Thffiemeier avUI give great pleasure to congress. The respect with wMch the reputation of that gi-eat Prince has impressed the United States, early induced them to consider his fi-iendsMp as a deskable object ; and Ave are happy in being authorized to assm-e his Majesty that they avUI, most cheerfuUy, enter into such a commercial treaty Avith Mm, as being founded 1 This letter is omitted ; the same information being conveyed in almost the same language in the despatch to the president of congress of the 9th of March. 184 OFFICIAL. on principles of reciprocity, may be productive of equal benefits to both countries. Although Ave have no commission to con clude such a treaty, yet om- instiuctions from congress enable us to join Avith the liing's minister in preparing a draft of such ti-eaty, Avhich being sent to congress, they Avould, together with a commission to conclude the treaty, give us pointed instruc tions on the subject, and much tirae might be thereby saved. If you are of this opinion, and his Majesty shotdd be pleased to approve such a measure, Ave think the articles may be ffiscussed betAA'cen you and the Baron in the fost instance, on the princi ples Avhich govern in the tieaties you mention, both of Avhich have been approved and ratified. That being done, Ave might confer together, and Avrite a joint letter to congress on the sub ject ; Ave shall, nevertheless, make this communication a part of our next despatch to congress. We have the honor to be, &c. B. Franklin, John Jay. MASON AVEEMS TO JOHN ADAMS. {Witliout Date.) Though I have not the honor of being personaUy acquainted Avitli you, I flatter myself this wffi not be deemed an intiusion as it is a measure which necessity and the advice of my friends (Messrs. Johnson and Chase) have recommended. The parti cffiars of my case, Mr. Johnson informs me, he commumcated to you, dm-ing yom- short stay in London, but as I have not the vanity to imagine they Avere of consequence enough to merit a place among the infinitely more important matters Avliich engage your attention, I beg leave to recapittdate them. I am a native of America and a student of ffivinity ; tAva years ago I came over to complete my stuffies and take orders. My first appUcation AA'as to the great Lowth, Bishop of Lon don, Avho flatly refused because I intended to retm-n to Ame rica, a thing unprecedented in the annals of sacred history Watson, Bishop of Landaff, gave me a gentler reception, con descended to sympathize Avith me on the distressed situation of OFFICIAL, 185 our church, and even gave me to hope that a letter from his Excellency the Governor of iVIaryland (my native State) would gain me admission into the sacred \ineyai-d. His ExceUency wrote me a very polite letter, A\iiicli I immediately canied to the bishop. His Lordship received me very com-tcously, but told me that he could do nothing AA'ithout the permission of the archbishop. To the archbishop I Avent, and have had three conferences Avith him on the subject, the resffit of Avhich is, that his Grace, though very AA'ilUng, cannot ordain me. Parliament, it seeras, must take it in hand. A laAV must be passed to ena ble him to ordain young Americans, AA'ithout putting them to the pain of SAA'alloAving the oaths of supremacy and aUegiance. Thus, sk, you see the condition I am in, after a loss of time, money, and patience, sufficient to ffisti-act a stoic. I Avas Avith Mr. Chase this morning. He thinks it probable that the bishops in HoUand, SAveden, or Germany, Avoffid ordain me Avithout requiring the oath of allegiance. He is of opmion I cannot take it Avith safety. I have no decided opi nion of my oivn on the subject, but I know raany ingenuous people Avho ffiffer fi-ora Mr. Chase. If you Avill be so very kind as to give rae your opinion on the subject, and to let me knoAV by the first post or opportunity, whether I can be ordained on the continent, I AviU repak there imraediately, and consider it as an everlasting obligation conferred on your Excellency's Most obedient servant, MasOiN Weems. TO MASON weems. The Hague, 3 March, 1784. Sir, — 1 have received the letter you ffid me the honor to Avrite me under the cover of my friend, Mr. Johnson ; and hoAv- ever dangerous it may be for an American minister of state to -J intermeddle in a matter of reUgion, especiaUy Avithout orders from his superiors, I think I can neither ti-ansgress nor give off'ence by rendermg you any service in my power, as a private citizen, in a matter of so serious concern. In the United Provinces of the Ioav countries there are no ffio- cesan bishops, nor any higher order of clergy than presbyters. The Dutch chm-ch is AA'hoUy Presbyterian, and, therefore, you 16* 186 OFFICIAL. cannot obtain ordination by coming here. In SAveden and Denmark there are Lutheran bishops, but Avhat articles of faith it may be necessary to subscribe, or what litm-gy to adopt, I am not informed. I believe that consubstantiation at least, is araong thek creeds. By Avhat laws or usages of thek counti-y these Protestant bishops may be bound, I know not. His ExceUency, the Baron de Nolken, Ambassador of the King of SAA'eden to the Court of St. James, I believe AA'ould very reaffily inform you ; and Governor Pownall, aa'Iio is aa'cU acquainted Avith that minister, has so much humanity and fiiendship for America as to intioduce you to hira if you desire it. I beUeve I may ventm-e to give you leave to raake use of ray name to either of those personages. If you Avere here, I AA'ould inti-oduce you to the Baron Schffitz von Ascheraden, the envoy of his SAA'edish Majesty to their High Mightinesses ; but I think it Avould save you the expense and ti-ouble of ti-avel- ling, to apply to the Swedish ambassador in London for inform ation. It is a matter of importance, delicacy, and difficulty, and I should advise you to Avrite to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay upon the subject, if you cannot obtain satisfaction in London. They raay consult the SAvedish and Danish ministers at Ver saffies. I could do the same with those of the same powers at the Hague, but as congress have joined Dr. Franldin, Mr. Jay, and myself together on most of thek affaks in Europe, I shoffid not think it prudent in me to take any step but in concert Avith those ministers. I think the advice of my fiiend, Mr. Chase, against taldng the oaths of allegiance, prudent, at least uiitU the members of the chm-ch in America shall have digested some plan for then- future government. Perhaps parliament may authorize some bishop in England to ordain American candidates AA'ithout administering the oaths. The Bishop of St Asaph, I beUeve, Avould give you the best advice, and perhaps Mi-. Benjamin Vaughan could procure you an introduction to his Lordship. I have not the honor to be knoAvn to Ms Lordship. But Mr. Vaughan, if you shoAV him this letter, Avffi, I ffatter myself, be of service to you. With much respect, John Adams. OFFICIAL, 187 the AIARQUIS de LAPAA'ETTE to JOHN ADAMS, Paris, 8 March, 17SJ. Mv Dear Sir, — Before I had a pointed reason to aatUc, my friendship for you, and our common zeal for the pubUc, had dictated it. But I must begin Avitli the article that, in ray raind, creates some uneasiness. It is Avritten from Amsterdam, that Mr. John Adaras is A'ery violent against the Society of the Cincinnati, and calls it a, French blessing; and that he says, although I have long an' nounced an intention to go to America, I never fffifil it, Avhich seems to hint a AA'ant of zeal to comply Avith the deske of my American friends. Was I to take the matter up as a Frenchraan, I might tell you that the French Com-t had not, that I knoAv of, dreamed of the Society before Count de Rocharabeau Avas Avritten to by General AVashington. And I might add, that orders, titles, and such other fooUsh tokens of vanity are not more valued in France, nor even so much, as they are in Germany, Russia, Spain, and Great Britain. But, as it is as an American that I engaged, bled, negotiated, fought, and succeeded in our noble cause, I only Avant to mark out my conduct to you Avhom I esteem, and Avhose esteem, in point of republicanism particu larly, I hold in the greatest value. The institution in itself I do not examine. It is worth pay- Uig attention to-* it. Should it be dangerous, it must not sub sist Should sorae parts be exceptionable, amendments must be made. In case it is qffite harmless, the American officers might be indulged in that, as the countiy is not a Uttle indebted to them. Opinions must be coUected, because opinions of honest men may differ. Lee Avas the hero of some ; Washing ton was mine ; and so on.^ I do not enter into the merits or demerits of the Society. I only Avant to acquaint you AA'ith the part I have taken. The Society's letters, respecting the French army, were directed to thek generals and admirals. The permitting of it 1 The point of this may be gathered by reference to the note in vol, iii, page 93, It is pleasant to know that this impression was acknowledged by the writer before his death to be a mistake. 188 OFFICIAL. has been considered at Versaffies as a compUment paid to a large and meritorious body of Americans, as a badge of union betAveen the Iavo countries ; and I had no part to act in the busi ness. The part I acted, Avas, Istly, to accept for myself, and deUver the marks of the Society to American officers pointed out by General Washington ; 2ffiy, after it Avas accepted by the French officers, to deUver it to them in a polite and brotherly manner. And, when I acted so, I Avas led by tAvo motives, — the one, because, independent of the affectionate and dutiful regard that binds me to our gaUaiit, patiiotic army, independent of Avhat can be said in favor of that freemasonry of liberty, it has ever been my duty and inclination to set up in the best light every thing that is done by a body of Araericans. And Avlien AA'rong measures, such as are sometimes taken in county or toAA'ii meetings, have been by me disputed for in foreign com panies, I Avffi be stUl more deskous to see a proper respect paid to the measm-es of such a respectable body as the American officers. My second motive is, that, independent of any propri ety of the institution in itself, had I amendments to propose, it should be in America and not in Europe ; and that, on the moment the Society is unpopular, a tAvo Avords resolve from an assembly raay entkely destroy it, AA'hen, if danger is feared, I lieartily would consent to the destruction.^ I have not entered into the merits of the association. Yom- opinion and mine on the subject are not to have effect in Europe. Let us reserve it for America, AA'here it may be of use. I only Avanted my conduct not to be misrepresented to you; and as to ray deraocratic principles, let it be remembered, that, at a time Avhen your situation AA'as at the AVorst, and my diso beying this Court might be rffinous, I Avent over a volunteer in the cause from which others could not recede unless they were deserters. As to my going to America, you knoAA' I came with an inten tion to settle a plan of cooperation. Count de Grasse's misfor tune postponed it. Negotiations came on, and you thought I should stay. Count d'Estaing Avas eraployed, and you thought I should go Avith him. I did not set off before the affak of the six mUUons Avas settled, as you aa'cU kiiOAV. When peace Avas 1 The sense of this paragraph is a little marred by the writer's struggle with a language not his own. But by a little attention it may be fully made out. OFFICIAL. 1H9 raade I returned through Spain. The minister and consul AA'anted free ports, AAished lo have Lorient, and had no instruc tions to act officiaUy. Instead of Iavo that were promised, four have been given, — Dunkirk, Lorient, Bayomie, and Marseilles. That aff'air AviU be soon concluded, ancl, before the end of May, I shall set out for America. Many reasons of delay might be pleaded ; but they did not so much Aveigh Avith me as to retard the intended visit. This confidential letter I consider as a personal mark of esteem for you, and respect for yom- opinion. Although aa'c have diff'ered in a fcAV points, our fundamental principles are the same. It is not to the great man I Avrite, because my popffiarity, thank God, is established in the kind, liberal hearts of the American nation at large. It is to the honest man, because, although yom- opinion sometimes has seemed to me Avrong, your principles have ever been right, and I greatly value your esteem. Affieu, my dear sk. Let me hear soraetimes frora you, and beUeve me, Affectionately, yours, Lafaa'ette. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. ^ The Hague, 9 March, 1784. Sir, — On the 18th day of February, the Baron de Thule meier, Envoy Extraordinary to their High Mightinesses from the King of Prussia, did me the honor of a visit ; but, as he found I had company, he soon took Ms leave, and as I accom panied him to the head of the staks, he told me he had some thing to propose to me from the King, and desked to knoAV when he might caU again. I offered to return his visit at any hour he pleased. He chose to call upon rae, and naraed eleven the next day, at which hour he came, and told me, " that the King, Avho honored hira with a personal conespondence, and Avas acquainted Avith my character, had dkected him to make me a visit, and to say to me, that, as his subjects had occasion for our tobacco and some other things, and as Ave had occasion for SUesia linens and some other productions of his dominions, he thought an arraiigement might be made between his CroAvn 190 ' OFFICIAL. and the United States Avhich would be beneficial to both ; " and the Baron desked to Mioaa' my sentiraents of it. I answered hira, "that I Avas very sensible ofthe honor done by his Majesty, but that I had singly no authority to treat or enter into conferences, officiaUy, upon the subject; that con gress had been pleased to confer upon thek ministers at the late peace, authority to enter into conferences ; that I could do nothing but in concurrence with Mr. FrankUn and Mr. Jay, Avho were at Paris ; but I thought I could ansAver for the good dispositions of those ministers, as aa'bU as my oavu, for forming an arrangement betAA'cen the tAA'o poAA'ers AA'hich raight be bene ficial to both ; that I avouM AA'rite to those rainisters an account of AA'hat had passed. He desked I Avoffid, and said he Avoffid AAa-ite by the first post to the ICing, and inquke if his Majesty had any thing in particular to propose, Avoffid inform him of my ansAver, and Avait his further orders, AA'hich probably he should receive as soon as I should have an ansAver from Paris. I AAa-ote the next day, and on Saturday last received an ansAA'er from Dr. FrankUn and Mr. Jay, in AA'hich they say, that they " are persuaded that the communication of the friendly dis position of his Prussian Majesty made to you by the Baron de Thulemeier aa'UI give great pleasure to congress," &cc.^ Yesterday, raeeting the Baron at Court, on occasion of the Prince of Orange's birth-day, he told me he had received another letter from the King, and woffid call upon rae in the eveffing, Avliich he did, and informed me that the King had AATitten to him that he Avas collecting aU necessary papers, and would soon send them to Mm, Avitli his further propositions to be made to rae. I shoAved hira ray letter fi-om Paris, Avith which he Avas AA'ell satisfied. He added, that the King had directed him to mention rice and indigo iis articles in demand in his ports of Embden and Stettin ; and that a large quantity of Vkginia tobacco had been this year purchased in those ports for the Baltic market ; and that the excellent porcelain of Saxony might be a desirable arti cle for the Araericans. I beg leave to submit to congress, Avhether the model of the ti-eaty Avith Holland or SAveden may not, in general, be conve- 1 The remainder of the letter here inserted in full is omitted, cis it has been printed already. See pp. 183, 184. OFFICIAL, 191 nient for one Avith Prussia ; as also the propriety of scuiffing a full poAA'er to their ministers at the late peace, or one or more of them, to conclude this business, AVith a great deal of difficulty, and at a dear rate, I have at last obtained money to saA'c Mr. Morris's bills Avhieli are paya ble this month, from going back. Messrs. Willink & Co. avUI ti-ansmit the conti-act for the ratffication of congress. It is much to be lamented that aa'c are obUged to agree to so high terms, but there Avas absolutely no other alternative but this or protestmg the bills. This business has hitherto necessarily pre vented me from joining my colleagues at Paris in the execution of our instructions. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 27 March, 1784. Sir, — I have the honor to inclose copies of three notes from the Prussian minister, the Baron Thulemeier, by AA'hich con gress AA'iU see that the King has agreed to take our treaty with Sweden for a model, reserving to each party the right of sug gesting such alterations as shaU appear to him convenient. My request to congress is, that they avouIcI be pleased to send instructions, at the same time Avhen they send a commission, Avhat articles of the tieaty Avith SAveden they Avould have expunged, and Avhat new ones inserted, if any. I mention the sending of a commission, because I suppose it is the intention of congress to send one. The instructions already received are not a fffil poAver under Avhich any sovereign can conclude, nor regularly even treat ; Ave can only confer. There avUI be sorae difficulty about the signature, since his Majesty chooses the negotiation shoffid be conducted by M. de Thulemeier. If con gi-ess send the commission to thek ministers at the late peace as they ffid the instructions, M. de Thffiemeier must take a journey to Paris, or a majority of the American ministers must be at the Hague. It is a great pleasure to me to be able to inform congi-ess that ' I have obtained the promise of a sum sufficient upon the ucav loan to save the honor of the ffnancier's biUs. Although I regi-et the severity of the terms, they Avere the most moderate Avhich 192 OFFICIAL, would obtain the money. I hope for the approbation of con- gi-css, and thek ratification of the conti-act, as soon as may be. Money is really so scarce, and there are so many loans open on even higher conditions, that it AA'iU not be possible, I fear, to obtain more money here on more reasonable ones. An impost once laid on to pay the interest, Avhether by the authority of congi-ess, if that should be agreed to, or by that of the several .States, Avoffid soon give us better creffit here. But, in-ei-der to keep up our reputation, upon Avliich om- credit depends, there should be somebody constantly residing here to pubUsh ffiustra- tions of om- affairs, and to confute the calumnies of om- ene mies of aU denorffinations. AAith great and sincere respect, &c. John Adams. TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. The Hague, 28 March, 1784. Sir, — I did not receive your letter of the 8th until the day before yesterday. That I have not seen AA'ith pleasure, appro bation, or indifference, the inti-oduction into America of so great an innovation as an order of chivaky, or any thing Iffie one, or that has a tendency to one, is A-ery tiue. That I have been violent against it, is not so. I am not a violent man. I have ffisapproved of this measure Avith as much tianquiffity and self- recollection, and phlegm, if you Avill, as if I had been a native, full-blooded Dutchman. It is not more than Iavo or three times that I have had occasion to say any thing about it, and then it AA'as not I AA'ho introduced the subject, and I said very little. It is not my intention to discuss the question. It is too am ple a field. But this is not done by the sovereigns of om- coun try. What AA'ould be said in any nation of Europe, if a ucav order were instituted by private gentlemen, Avithout consulting the sovereign ? It is against our confederation, and against the constitutions of several States, as it appears to me. It is against the spkit of our governments and the genius of our people. AA'eU may our goA'ernment be Aveak, if the sovereign, the confe deration, and constitutions are thus neglected ! It has inti-o- duced, and it AviU, undoubtedly, introduce contests and dissen sions, than AA'hich notMng is more injurious to repubUcan States, OFFICIAL. 193 especiaUy ncAV ones. I sincerely hope our officers, Avhosc merits no man is more AA'ilUng to ackiiOAvledge and rcAvard than I ara, in any Avay consistent Avith our principles, wffi voluntarUy, after a Uttle reflection, lay it aside. I have Avritten nothing to Ame rica upon the subject. I see no motive of reason or prudence for making a mystery of our sentiments upon this subject in Europe or America, or for reserving them for America. It is a public thing, about AA'hich every man has a right to think for hiraself, and express his thoughts. As to your going to America, surely I have no objection against it. Being asked Avhether you were going, I ansAVcred that you taUced of it, but I questioned whether you woffid go, as the Avar Avas over, and I kncAv of no particular motive you might have to go. If you go, I wish you a pleasant voyage and a happy sight of your friends. With much respect, &c. John Adams. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY. The Hague, 2 April, 1784. Gentlemen, — I dffiy received the letter you ffid me the honor to Avrite me on the subject of a ti-eaty Avith Prussia, and communicated it to the Baron de Thulemeier. The King agi-ees to take the tieaty with Sweden for a model, and if your ExceUencies have any alterations to propose, I shoffid be obliged to you for the communication of thera. The Baron waits the fm-ther insti-uctions of the King before he proposes any addi tions or subtiactions. I should be obUged to your Excellen cies for a copy of the treaty with Sweden, as I am so unlucky as not to have one here. Inclosed is a copy of a petition to congress, tiansmitted me from Boston, by which it appears that the Britons in Ncav A^ork have condemned many vessels taken after the coraraence- ment of the armistice. This judgment seems to me to amount to this, — that a parallel of latitude is not a ckcle Avliich sm-- rounds the globe. If yom- opinion, gentlemen, is clear upon this head, as I doubt not it is, I think it woffid be a public ser vice to write it to congress, as this AviU at least determine the VOL. VIII. 17 M 194 OFFICIAL, sufferers to pm-sue thek rights by appeal to England. There can be no dispute about it in England, I tMnk. With great regard, John Adams. BARON DE THULEJIEIER TO JOHN ADAMS. {Translation.) The Hague, 9 April, 1784, Sir, — I have the honor to send you hercAvith, in the original, the project '^ of a tieaty of commerce to be concluded on betAA'cen his Prussian Majesty and the United States of America, just as the King has sent it to me, requestmg of you to retm-n it to me as soon as you shaU haA'e caused it to be copied. It avUI be infiffitely agreeable to me, sk, to conduct, in concert Avith you, and to the mutual satisfaction of our masters, this nego tiation to the desked point. If to-monoAV, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, you coffid grant me a moments conversation, I shaU, Avith great earnestness, caU on you to know your sentiments. I have added, sk, a description of SUesian Uncus, aa'McU hitherto have been m great demand by yom- comitiymen ; that is to say, if the SUesian merchant AA'ho furnished it to me be rightly informed. I have the honor to be, &c. De Thulemeier. Description of the prmcipal articles of SUesian ffiiens which have been sent hitherto to the United Provinces of North Ame rica by the Sieur John Godfrey Linckh, merchant and manu facturer at Hkschberg : — 1. Hamburg LaAvns, 5. Tandem double SUesias, 2. Long LaAvns, 6. Tandem quaffi-uple SUesias, 3. Pistol Lawns, 7. BroAvn quaffiuple SUesias, 4. Single SUesias, 8. EstopUles Unies. 1 The project of a treaty is omitted. It may be found in the Diplomatic Cor respondence, the second series, vol ii. p. 113. OFFICIAL. 195 TO BARON DE THULEAIEIER. The Hague, 9 April, 1784, Monsieur le Baron, — I have received the letter you ffid me the honor to Avrite me this morning, with the original proposi tion of a treaty of coraraerce to be concluded betAveen his Prus sian Majesty and the United States. As soon as a copy can be made, the original sliaU be retm-ned. I shall be happy to have the honor of receiving you to-morroAV evening, as you pro pose. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO benjamin franklin and JOHN JAY. The Hague, 10 April, 1784. Gentlemen, — Inclosed is a copy of a letter from the Baron de Thffiemeier, and a copy of a project of a tieaty tiansmitted to me by order of the King of Prussia. I should be glad if your ExceUencies woffid examine it, and Avrite me your objec tions, and proposals of alterations, which I shall immediately communicate to his Majesty through his minister. I presume, too, that your ExceUencies Avffi transmit it to congress, that when they send a commission to conclude, they may send their instiuctions concerning any changes to be raade in the project. A^our Excellencies, I flatter myself, Avill think AA'ith me, that avc shoffid execute the tieaty in our oavu, as aa'cU as in the French or German language. I am, gentlemen, &c. John Adams. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 10 April, 1784. Sir, — I have the honor to kiclose to congi-ess a copy of a letter from the Baron de Thffiemeier, and a copy of a project of a ti-eaty ti-ansmitted to me by the order of the King of Prussia. I shoffid hope it might be examined in congress, or by a com mittee, and that instiuctions may be sent concerning any changes to be made in the articles, together Avith a commission to ti-eat 196 OFFICIAL, and conclude, to such person or persons as congress shaU please to appoint. With the greatest respect, &c. John Adams. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 16 April, 1784. Sir, — We dffiy received (Mr. Jay and I) the letters you did us the honor of AArriting to us the 27th of March and the 2d instant. We shaU ti-ansmit, as you deske, the recommenda tion of Mr. Browne to congress ; and inclosed avc send a copy of the tieaty with Sweden. We expect Mr. Hartley here very soon to exchange the ratifi cations of the definitive ti-eaty, when we shaU endeavor to obtain an explanatory article relating to the limits and terra of captures. The form used in the last treaty is precisely the same that has been used in aU the tieaties of peace since that of Nimeguen ; and I therefore imagined that cases raust have arisen at the end of every war, in which it AA'as necessary to decide on the raeaning of that forra of Avords wherein the Canary Islands are raentioned ; and 1 desked Mr. Barclay, Avhen he Avent to London, to procm-e frora the records of the admkalty court some of those cases as decided there ; but he teUs me none are to be found. May there not be some in Hol land ? I should suppose they must have been adjudged by the parallel of latitude of those islands ; and I should be glad to have such a decision to produce to Mr. Hartley. With great respect, &c. B. Franklin. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY. The Hague, 20 April, 1784. Gentlemen, — I have just noAV received the letter Avhich Dr. Franlffin ffid me the honor to AAT:ite me on the 16th, Avith the copy of the tieaty with SAveden. I have before inclosed the King of Prussia's project of a treaty, prepared, as I ara assured by his raimster, with his oavu hand, in his private cabinet. I believe it has been reserved to the present age, when the OFFICIAL, 197 subtleties of Aristotle and the schools are transferred i'rora theo logy to politics, to discover room for a doubt in the construction of the armistice, and, therefore, we shall search in vain in any admiralty for a precedent. The words are, — " Le terrae sera d'un mois depffis la manche et les raers du nord, jusqu'aux isles Canaries, inclusivement, soit dans I'ocean, soit dans la Medit(;r- ranec." This Umit is to extend to the southernmost point of the southernmost Canary island, from the channel. This is the extent from north to south. What is to be the extent from east to Avest ? Is it to have none ? Is it to be confined to a mathe- raatical line, running from the midffie of the channel to the remotest part of the reraotest Canary ? or is it to be a space as wide as the channel, running frora it to that Canary ? or is it to be as Avide as that island ? If none of these constructions have coraraon sense in thera, what can we suppose to have been the meaning of the conti-acting parties ? They have ascertained the space very exactly from north to south, and as they have left the extent from east to west without limits, it is very clear they intended it should be unUraited, and reach aU round the globe, at least where there is any ocean or meffiterranean. I have the honor, &c. John Adams. TO the PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 22 April, 17SJ, Sir, — I received sorae tirae since a letter from an American gentleman, now in London, a candidate for orders, desiring to know if American candidates might have orders from Protest ant bishops on the continent, and complaining that he had been refused by the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canter bury, unless he would take the oaths of aUegiance, &c. Meeting soon afterAvards the Danish minister, I had the cmi osity to mquke of him, Avhether ordination might be had in Denmark. He answered rae, that he knew not ; but would soon inform himself I heard no more of it till to-day, when the secretary of his embassy, Mr. de Rosenkrantz, made me a visit, and delivered me the papers, copies of which are inclosed. Thus it seems, that what I meant as current conversation 17' 198 OFFICIAL, offiy, has been made the subject of deUberation of the govern ment of Denmark and thek facffity of theology, wMch makes it necessary for me to ti-ansmit it to congress. I am happy to find the decision so Uberal. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. {Inclosed.) M. DE ST. SAPHORIN TO JOHN ADAMS. {Translation.) The Hague, 21 April, 1784, M. de St. Saphorin has the honor to communicate to Mr. Adams the answer he has received from Ms ExceUency, the Count de Rosencrone, Privy Counsellor and Secretary of State for Foreign Affaks of his Danish Majesty, relative to Avhat Mr. Adams desked to know. He Avffi be happy, shoffid this answer be agreeable to him, as weU as to his superiors, and usefffi to his feUow-citizens. He has the honor to assure him of his respect. de St. Saphorin. {Extract Inclosed.) Sir, — " The opimon of the theological facffity havmg been taken on the question raade to yom- ExceUency by Mr. Adams : K the Araerican mmisters of the church of England can be con secrated here by a bishop of the Daffish chm-ch ? I am ordered by the Iving to authorize you to answer, that such an act can take place accorffing to the Danish rites ; but, for the conve- mence of the Americans, who are supposed not to knoAV the Danish language, the Latin language wffi be made use of on the occasion. For the rest, notMng AviU be exacted from the canffidates, but a profession conformable to the articles of the EngUsh chm-ch ; omittmg the oath caUed test, Avhich prevents thek being ordained by the English bishops." OFFICIAL. 199 TO BARON DE ST. SAPHORIN. Ml-. Adams has the honor to present his compUments to the Baron de St. Saphorin, and his sincere thanks for his note of yesterday's date, and for the copy of the despatch of Ms Excel lency, the Count de Rosencrone, Minister of the CouncU of State, and Secretary of State for the Department of Foreign Affaks, of his Majesty the King of Denmark. Mr. Adams AA'ffi have the honor of ti-ansmitting these papers to congress by the first opportunity, and they cannot fail to be considered in a very frienffiy and favorable light by a considerable number of respect able people in each of the thirteen States, avIio are materially interested in them. He begs M. de St. Saphorin to accept the assurances of the great respect with Avhich he has the honor to be, &c. John Adams. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 29 April, 1784, Sir, — We received the letter you did us the honor of Avrit ing to us the 10th instant, with the project of a ti-eaty that had been tiansmitted to you by the Baron de Thulemeier, Avhich we have examined, and retm-n hercAvith, having made a fcAv smaU adffitions or changes of Avords to be proposed, such as citoyens for sujets, and the Iffie, and intimated some explana tions as Avanted in particular paragraphs. The sooner a copy, Avith such of these changes as shaU be agreed to by yom- Excel lency and the Prussian minister, is forwarded to congi-ess for thek approbation, the better. With regard to the language of treaties, Ave are of opinion, that if the miffisters of the nation we treat Avith insist on having the ti-eaty in thek oavh language, we shoffid then insist on having it also ift om-s, both to be signed at the same tirae. This Avas done in our treaties Avith France ; but if both parties agree to use a language that is particular to neither, but common to both, as the Latin or the French, as 200 OFFICIAL. Avas done in our ti-eaty Avith SAveden, Ave then think it not necessary to have it also signed in EngUsh. With great respect, &c. B. Franklin, John Jay. TO BARON DE THULEMEIER. The Hague, 5 May, 1784, Monsieur le Baron, — I have the honor to inclose your pro ject of a ti-eaty Avith a fcAV conections and proposals of expla nations made by my colleagues, Messrs. Franldin and Jay, Avhich I have the honor to agree Avith them in submitting to your consideration. The alterations are soon made, and are so inconsiderable, that if you and I can arrange them, which may be done in half an hour, I avUI transmit the Avhole to congress by the earUest opportunity, as a plan approved by the ministers on both sides. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 13 May, 1784. Sir, — Since my last arrival in HoUand, I have not transmit ted to congress the detaUs of the poUtics of this Court and nation, nor of the neighboring Courts which are exciting dis putes with it. Ml-. Dumas has been in the habit and tiain of that history, and I have not thought fit to interrupt him ; but, if I should reside here regularly, the Avhole business of the mis sion AvUl of course go through my hands. I therefore Avish to knoAV in Avhat Ught I ara to consider this gentleraan, and what relation he is to stand in to me. I AAish it for the government of my own conduct, and stUl raore from regard to hira, AA'hom I esteem as a very Avorthy man, and one Avho has, for a course of years, been indefatigable in the service of the United States, and Avho is not adequately rcAvarded or supported by the pit tance which is aUoAved hira. But Avhat is more ffisagreeable, he has never had any character or commission from congress. OFFICIAL, ;201 and one knows not Avhat to caU hira, whether secretary or agent. I cannot ask him to act as ray private secretary, which is really much beneath him, although he is ever ready to assist me in all things. I should be happy to know the pleasure of congress in this respect, and to receive their insti-uctions frora time to time in all thmgs which relate to the United Netherlands, Avhich I shall endeavor to execute to the best of my power. Inclosed is another copy of the project of a tieaty Avitli Prus sia, Avliich I tiansmitted to Paris, to Messrs. FrankUn and Jay, and have received back again from thera, with their approba tion, excepting the few corrections and inqukies raarked upon it by those rainisters. The King avUI send a full poAver, proba bly, to M. de Thulemeier, and I shoffid be happy to knoAV the pleasure of congress. With great respect, &c. John Adams. to the president of congress. The Hague, 7 June, 1784, Sir, — Some weeks ago the Baron de Thulemeier caUed upon me and deUvered me the paper, a copy of which is mclosed, marked 1. It is a letter Avritten by the Envoy to the King. Last evening the Baron caUed upon me again, and deUvered me the answer of the King contained in the paper, a copy of wMch is inclosed, marked 2. I have heretofore transmitted to congress, by different opjDor- tumties, copies of the project of a ti-eaty, and the papers herein transmitted complete the negotiation, and the treaty is ready for signature, unless congress have other alterations to propose. As his Majesty seems to choose that this business should be conducted by his envoy here, who is also deskous of finishing it, perhaps congress may not judge it too much complaisance, in framing thek coramission, to give authority to any one to conclude this tieaty, in case they should name more than one, as it Avould be impossible for M. Thffiemeier to go to Paris. It is not every ambassador, however high his rank, or numerous his titles, or magnificent his appointments, who anives at the honor of concluffing any treaty. It is a distinction Avhich is made an object of ambition, and is much desired, so that the ./ 202 OFFICIAL. Baron's inclinations, I suppose, wffi not be thought inexcusa ble. I should hope that congress might despatch thek instiuctions and authority to some one or more, to conclude this affair with as little delay as possible. With great respect, &c. John Adams. OBSERVATIONS. {Translation.) 1st. Instead of expressing through the com-se of the ti-eaty the denoraination of the United States of North America, sim ply the United States of America, 2d. Instead of respective subjects, so far as regards the Uni ted States of America, the vA'ord citizens. 3d. Article III. In Iffie manner, to the merchandises of America, add productions, manufactures, and merchandises. 4th. Article VII. And no one shall be molested on account of his religion, provided he submit to the public demonstrations enjoified by the laivs of the country. On this head a more expU cit article is deskable, such as the fourtii of the ti-eaty concluded betAveen the United States of America and the RepubUc of the United Provinces. " Entire and perfect Uberty of conscience shaU be granted to the subjects and inhabitants of each party and thek famiUes, and no one shaU be molested on account of his reUgion, provided he submit, as regards the pubUc demonsti-a- tions thereof, to the laws of the country. Liberty shaU, moreover, be granted, on the death of the subjects or inhabitants of either party in the territory of the other, to inter them in the usual burial gi-ounds, or in decent or suitable places appointed for the purpose ; and the bodies of the interred shaU in no wise be molested, and the tAvo contiacting powers shaU provide, each AA'ithiii its respective jurisdiction, that the respective subjects and inhabitants luay hereafter obtain the requisite certfficates in case of death, when they may be interested therein." Sth. Article XV. UntU the cargo has been landed in the presence of officers appointed for the purpose, and that the opening has been made. N. B. Instead of opening, inventory. OFFICIAL. 203 Oth. The tAventy-fost article may requke some alteration, since it is found to be conti-adictory to the seventeenth article of the treaty of amity and commerce betAveen his most Christ ian Majesty and the United States of America, which is ex pressed as foUows : "And, on the contrary, no shelter or refuge shaU be given in thek ports or harbors to such as shaU havi^ made prizes of the subjects of his Majesty or said United States, and if they are forced to enter by distress of Aveather or the danger of the sea, they shaU be obliged to leave it again as soon as possible." After the declaration of this article, it appears that in case of a AA'ar between Prussia and France, it Avoffid not be admissible for the United States of Araerica to derogate from antecedent treaties concluded with the most Christian King, m favor of a more recent obUgation contracted Avith his Prussian Rlajesty. ANSAVER OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 1st. May be changed Avithout any difficulty. 2d. The same. 3d. Granted, the rather, as the general term of merchandises comprehends affite productions that groAV, and manufactures. 4th. This article can be minuted as is desked in the observa tions. 5th. Granted. 6th. This article maybe minuted in the foUoAA'ing manner: " The armed vessels of one of the contracting parties shall not conduct the prizes they shaU have taken frora thek enemies into the ports of the other, unless they are forced to enter therein by stiess of Aveather or danger of the sea. In this last case, they shall not be stopped nor seized, but shall be obliged to go aAA'ay as soon as possible." ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN ADAMS. OiEce of Finance, 16 June, 1784. Dear Sir, — I have not any letters from your ExceUency which are unanswered, except those of the 21st of May and 204 OFFICIAL. 14th of September in the last year, both of which anived very long after thek dates. I have learnt from the gentlemen to Avhoni the management of the loan in Holland was committed, the various good and UI success which they have met Avith. And noAV that I am about to leave this office, let me return to your Excellency ray sincere thanks for the assistance which has at different tiraes been derived from the exertion of your indus try and talents. I pray you also to beUeve, that, when in pri vate life, I shall continue to feel that esteem and respect Avith Avhich I have the honor to be, sk, &c. Robert Morris. TO the president OF CONGRESS. The Hague, 22 June, 1784. Sir, — If my memory does not deceive me, I have heretofore ti-ansmitted to congress the advice of some of the foreign minis ters here, that the United States in congress assembled should AAU-ite a letter to each of the sovereigns of Em-ope, informing them of the complete estabUshment of thek independence. Lately, in separate conversations with the ministers of the tAVO empkes and the King of Sarffinia, they aU repeated this advice. They say that this is the rule, the practice, and that the precedents are uniform. The Erapress of Russia did it lately, Avhen she ascended the throne. They add, that this is the precise point of time, now that the ratffications of the defi nitive ti-eaty of peace are exchanged, Avhich is most proper to make the communication, and that thek Com-ts expect it from congress. Congress, no doubt, Avill Avrite an elegant letter upon the occasion, but it Avould, in substance, be sufficient to say, that, on the 4th of July, 1776, they found it necessary to declare themselves a sovereign State ; that they have since entered into treaties with several po-Wers of Europe, particularly a tieaty of peace with the King of Great Britain, wherein that crown has acknoAvledged formally and solemnly their sovereignty, and that it is thek deske to Uve in good intelUgence and con-e spondence Avith the sovereigns of Em-ope and of all other parts of the Avorld, and with the one in particular, and that there may be friendship and harmony between thek respective citizens ¦& OFFICIAL. 205 and subjects. These letters raay be transmitlcd to all or any of your rffinisters in Europe, to be by them coinmunicatcd through the foreign ministers at the court Avhere they reside, or they may be ti-ansmitted directly. If congress are at a loss for the titles of any sovereign, they may leave a blank', to be filled by the miffister to Avhom the letter is sent for communication. The answers Avhich Avill be respectively given to these letters will prevent raany questions, ffiscussions, and chicaneries, be cause th-at orders Avffi then be given to all arabassadors, govern ors, generals, adrairals, &c., to treat all American citizens of the United States according to thek characters. With great respect, &c. John Adams. THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS. Lorient, 25 June, 1784. My Dear Sir, — At the very instant of sailing for Araerica, I stop to send you the ncAV-raodeUed regulations of the Cincin nati. My principles ever have been against heredity, and while I was in Europe disputing about it AA'ith a fcAV friends, my letters to the assembly, and stUl more particularly to the president, raade them sensible of my opinion upon that matter. Until heredity AA'as given up, I forebore mentioning in Europe what sense I had expressed. But Mr. Jay being in Paris, I once explained my conduct to him, and he appeared very Avell satisfied. The value I have for yom- esteem is the reason Avhy I mention those particulars, and, so far as respects me, it is for you that I write this minute account. Mr. Jay is named a minister for foreign affairs, with John Adams, FrankUn, and Jefferson, appointed a committee to make ti-eaties with European powers. With every sentiment of an affectionate regard, &c. Lafayette. Whatever has been thought offensive, you see the Cincinnati have given it up. Now the new frame must be examined. In every ckcurastance, my dear sk, depend upon it, you will find me what I have ever been, and perhaps Avith some eclat, a warm friend to the army, a still warmer advocate for the cause of VOL. VIII. 18 206 OFFICIAL. liberty; but those two things, Avhen the army is put to the proof, you Avill ever acknowledge to agree with each other. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. The Hague, 29 June, 1784. Sir, — The Baron de Reishach has several tiraes said to me that his Court expected that congress Avould announce formaUy their independence ; and he has asked me if any step of that sort had been taken. That I may be able to give him an answer, I raust request of your ExceUency to inform me, Avhe ther you have raade the annunciation dkected in the fo-st article of the insti-uctions of the 29th of October, 1783, and what is the ansAver. I have the pleasure to learn, by report only, however, that Mr. Jay is appointed minister of foreign affairs, and that Mr. Jeffer son is appointed to Madrid, and that Mr. Johnson has received and transrffitted to your ExceUency a packet which probably contains an authentic account, as it seems to be posterior to the appointment, by being addressed only to your Excellency and to me. I shoffid be glad to knoAV Avhether there is any thing else of consequence, and Avhether it appears to be the design and expectation of congress that I shoffid join you where you are. With great respect, &c. John Adams. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 4 July, 1784. Sir, — I have received the letter your ExceUency did me the honor of Avriting to rae the 29th past. The annunciation dkected by the instiuction you mention, has not yet been made ; some ckcumstances and considerations not necessary to particularize at present, occasioned the delay here ; but it may noAV be done imraediately by your Excellency, if you think proper, to the imperial minister at the Hague ; or I Aviff do it to Count Mercy, by presenting Mm a copy of the instruction itself. I hope the report that Mi-. Jay is appointed minister of foreign OFFICIAL. 207 afiairs Avill prove true. Such an officer has long been Avaiitcd, and he avUI raake a good one. It is said here that Rlr. Jefferson Avas talked of to succeed inc, of Avhicli I shaU be glad on all accounts ; but I have no letter, nor the least hint from any one of the congress relating to these matters. I Avrote to you a fcAV days since, and sent you a copy of the last despatch, and the only one I have received since January. Mr. Plartley, Avho has been here more than tAVO months, is in a similar situation. He has expected insti-uctions by every late courier to treat with us on commercial points ; but they do not arrive. He thinks the delay occasioned by the report of the committee of councU on the subject not having been ready to lay before parliament. The moment he is ready to treat I shall acquaint your Excel lency AA'ith it ; for I make no doubt of its being the design and expectation of congress that avc should join in that transaction. Montgomery of AUcant appears to have acted very impru dently in Avriting to Morocco, without the least authority frora congress or any of thek rainisters. It raight be Avell, hoAA'ever, to ti-eat Avith that Prince, if Ave Avere provided AA'ith the proper and necessary presents ; in which case, this Court AA'ould assist our negotiations, agreeable to thek treaty with congress. I have the honor to be, &c. B. Franklin. TO BENJAMIN franklin. The Hague, 27 July, 1784. Sir, — I embrace the opportunity by Mr. Bingham, to inclose to your Excellency a copy of a letter from Mr. Jefferson, by Avhich it appears that we are joined in some affaks which will give me the occasion to visit Paris once more, and reside there for sorae little time at least. As Ml-. Jefferson avUI not probably an-ive before the latter end of August, and notMng can be done before he comes, I shaU Avait at the Hague for my wife and daughter, who are happUy arrived in London, and endeavor to go with thera in time to meet your ExceUency and Mr-. Jefferson upon his arrival at Paris. The phUosophers are speculating upon our constitutions, and, I hope, will throw out hints Avhich avUI be of use to our coun ty 208 OFFICIAL. I tiymen. The science of government, as it is founded upon the genuine principles of society, is many centmies behind that of most other sciences, that of the fine arts, as well as that of ti-ades and manufactures. As it is the first in importance, it is to be hoped it may overtake the rest, and that mankind may find thek account in it. The BerUn academician ^ has set an exaraple, which, if liberally foUowed, may produce great effects ; for I do not beUeve that raany Avffi find with hira, upon exami nation, that despotism, or even monarchy, is the best possible forra of government. They have sent me from Amsterdam copies of a tianslation of the Abbe de Mably's Letters, made by an EngUsh Episcopal clergyman at Amsterdam, whom I do not know. I inclose one to your ExceUency ; and have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS. Passy, 6 August, 1784. Sir, — Mr. Bingham sent me last night from Paris your ExceUency's letter of the 27th past, inclosing a copy of one from Mr. Jefferson. Ihad before sent you a copy of one from the same to rae, Avhich I hope you received. I inclose herewith copies of a letter frora Mr. Thorason, some ucav instructions, and one of the commissions. The other two are in the same words, except, that, instead of the words the United Netherlands, there is in one France, and in the other Siueden, These came by Monsieur de la Luzerne, but it Avas not before Wednesday last that I received them. A^ou will see that a good deal of business is cut out for us, — treaties to be made with, I think, twenty powers in tAvo years, — so that Ave are not Ukely to eat the bread of idleness ; and that we may not sm-feit by eating too much, our masters have diminished our allowance. I commend thek economy, and shall imitate it by ffiminishing my expense. Our too liberal entertainment of our counti-ymen here, has been reported at horae by our guests, to om- disadvantage, and has given offence. They must be contented for the future, as I am, AA'ith plain beef and pudding. The readers of Connecticut news- ' The Baron Ilertzberg, whose dissertation had been read at Berlin on the 29lh of January of this year. See an account of it in volume iv. p. 558, note. OFFICIAL. 209 papers ought not to be iroublcd w ilh any more accounts of our extravagance. For my oavu part, if I could sit doAvn to dinner on a piece of their excellent salt pork and pumpldn, I Avould not give a farthing for all the luxuries of Paris. I am glad to hear that your family are safely arrived at Lon don, and that you propose to bring them hero with you. Your life wffi be more comfortable. I thank you much for the translation of the Abbe de Mably's letters. The French edition is not yet published here. I have as yet only had time to run over the translator's preface, Avhich seems AveU Avritten. I imagine Air. SoAvden to be a Presbyte rian minister, as I formerly corresponded Avith one of that name in HoUand, aa'Uo, I suppose, might be his father. I have not seen the piece you mention of a Berlin academician. I should not object to his enjoyment of the discovery he has made, that despotism is the best possible form of government, by his living under it as long as he pleases. For I admire the decision of his Prince in a simUar case, the dispute among his clergy concerning the duration of hell torments. With great respect, I liaA'c the honor to be, &c. B. Franklin. TO THOMAS GUSHING. Auteuil, 25 October, 1784. Dear Sir, — Within a fcAV days I have received yora- favoi of the 16th of August, with the resolve of the general court of the 6th and 7th of Jffiy. The line betAveen Massachusetts and Nova Scotia gave me much uneasiness at the time of the negotiation of the provi sional articles, and still continues to disti-ess me. I kncAA' that the French in forraer times had a practice of erecting a holy cross of Avood upon every river they had a sight of, and that such crosses had been found on the banks of aU the rivers in that region, and that several rivers, for this reason, Avere equally entitled Avith any one, to the appeUation of St. Croix. St. John's River had a number of those crosses, and AA'as as proba bly meant in the grant to Sir Wffiiam Alexander, and in the charters of Massachusetts, as any other. I Avould accordingly have insisted on St. John's as the Umit. But no map or docu- 18* N 210 OFFICIAL. ment caUed St John's St CroLx, nor Avas there one paper to justify us in insisting on it. The charters, the grant to Alex ander, all the maps and other papers agreed in this, that St. Croix Avas the Une between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia. Aly coUeagues thought they could not be justffied in insisting on a boundary wMch no record or memorial supported, and I confess I thought so too, after mature reflection ; especially as the British ministers insisted long on Kennebec, and to the last moment on Penobscot, and Ave found thek insti-uctions upon this point AA'ere so rigorous, that they Avould not have agreed to St. John's AA'ithout senffing another com-ier to England, a loss of time AA'hich Avotdd not only have hazarded, but finally lost the AA'hole jieace for that year, as I fuUy believe. AA"e had before us, through the AA'hole negotiation, a variety of maps ; but it AA'as MitcheU's map, upon Avhich was marked out the AA'hole of the boundary Unes of the United States ; and the river St. Croix AA'hich aa'c fixed on was, upon that map, the nearest river to St. John's ; so that, in aU eqffity, good con science, and honor, the river next to St. John's shoffid be the boundary. I ara glad the general com-t are taldng early mea sures, and hope they AviU pm-sue them steaffily, untU the point is settled, Avhich it may be noAV amicably ; if neglected long, it raay be more difficult. It is reported here that the Inffians are at Avar with the Eng Ush, Avhich is the excuse given out for the neglect of evacuating the posts upon our frontier near the lakes. Sk John Johnson's conference may be intended to make peace, in order to the eva cuation, AA'hich could not easUy be perforraed in sight of hostUe Indians. I cannot beUeve that the British ministi-y mean to violate the treaty in this point, because it must bring on a Avar which none of them AA'ould be AvUUng to take upon himself at present. I AA'as once upon a committee Avith Mr. BoAA'doin, and ffi-ew a state of the claim of the ProA'ince to the lands noAV caUed Ver mont ; and I learn, by a letter from Mr. Dalton, that the report, in ray liandAA'titing, has been lately before the general com-t. It contains aff I ever kncAV upon the subject, and much more than I UOAV remember. I am, &c. John Adaais. 5 OFFICIAL. 211 TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Auteuil, 3 November, 1784. Sir, — Dr. Frankffii has lately coramunicated to Mr. Jeffer son and me a letter he has received from the Count de Ver gennes, and another from M. Grand. The first informs that AI. Marbois had informed him, that, upon his appUcation to the superintendent of finances, he had received an answer by Air. Gouverneur Morris, that letters should be Avritten both to Am sterdam and Paris, to provide for the payraent of the interest of the ten mUUons of Uvres borroAved for the United States in Hol land by the King ; and reminds the American minister that other interest is due, and that the first payment of the capital Avffi become due next year. M. Grand informs, that he is akeady about fifty thousand Uvres in advance for loan-office certificates, salaries, &c. These letters the doctor AA'iU, no doubt, transmit to congress ; and as they relate to matters within his depart ment, I might have been excused from mentioning them, if the mention of Amsterdam had not made it probable that Mr. Mor ris had it in contemplation to ffi-aAV upon our bankers there for raoney to discharge this interest ; and I cannot excuse myself from observing, that, if such drafts should be made, I am appre hensive they AA'ffi be protested. France is at present in so much danger of being forced to take part in a Avar in the Ioav countries, that I am not surprised at the Count de Vergennes' attention to matters of revenue, and that I cannot see any hope that Dr. Franklin avUI be able to obtain any reUef from this Court. It AviU be remembered that there is a debt of near a mffiion and a half sterUng to France, and another debt of raore than half a mffiion sterling in HoUand, Avhose interests are constantly accruing. There are also salaries to ministers, and there is another caU for money Avhich is very pressing ; the commerce of the Mediterranean is of great importance to the United States and to every one of thera, and this commerce cannot be enjoyed Avith freedom, without treaties with the Barbary poAV- ers. It AvUl be not only in vain, but dangerous and detrimental to open negotiations with these poAvers, without money for the customary presents. Hoav are aU these demands for money to 212 OFFICIAL, be satisfied ? K cash, bffis, or produce can be sent to Europe for the purpose, it wUl be happy for us ; but I suppose that no man beUeves it possible ; and, therefore, we must not only forego great futm-e advantages, but violate contiacts already made, and faith akeady pledged, and thereby totaUy ruin our creffit, if not expose the property of our merchants to be seized abroad, or Ave must bonow more money in Europe. Noav there is no part of Europe in Avhich Ave can expect to borroAA', unless it be in Hol land, and there, aa'c may rely upon it, all our hopes AAiU fail us, if effectual measures are not taken to fund our foreign debt. If adequate funds Avere estabUshed for discharging the interest, Ave may hope for fm-ther creffit ; Avithout them, our ckcum stances are absolutely desperate. It is not for me to enter into the question lioAV this is to be done ; so far ffistant and so long absent, it Avoffid be impossible J for me to form a judgment, if the subject Avere AA'itMn my pro vince, Avhich it is not. The ability of our people for this and much greater things cannot be doubted by any man Avho knoAvs any thing of their affairs, and it is a pity that any questions about the mode should retard this raost necessary provision for the existence of our credit abroad. I have this moment a letter from our bankers at Amsterdam, dated the 28th of October, in which they inform me that they have not received the ratification of my last loan ; perhaps it did not arrive, untU after the recess of congress. I must earn estly request that congress Avould despatch it as early as possi ble after their meeting, because the delay of it may excite an alarm and dash aU our hopes at once. The half a million ster ling Avhich Ave have obtained in HoUand, has been aU transmit ted to America in dollars, by the Avay of the Havana, or paid in redeeming bffis of exchange, sold in Araerica for very advanta geous preraiuras. None of it has been laid out in goods, and, therefore, every other consideration caUs upon us to be punc tual, as AveU as om- honor, Avhich alone ought to be sufficient Inclosed are copies of papers received from M. Dumas, with my ansAvers. I cannot forbear recommending this gentleman to congress upon this occasion, as the critical ckcumstances in the Ioav countries at this time AviU render his inteUigence very inter esting, and his services at the Hague perhaps inffispensably necessary. With great respect, &c. ,ToHN Adams OFFICIAL, (The following Questions, submitted by their High JMightinesses lo M. Duntiis, ivere by him transmitted to Mr. Adams, whose Answers arc appended.) {Translation.) (.iUESTIONS. 1. On proof of a transfer in good and due form, the pro perty of a vessel to be Araerican, can the necessary sea-letters be obtained at the Hague ? 2. Is it necessary that the purchaser should be a citizen of some toAA'ii belonging to one of the thkteen States, or avUI it suffice that he is settled there, though only since the acknoAV- ledgment of the independence of America ? Has a citizen greater claims to the protection of congress than an inhabitant ? 3. The property of a vessel being proved American (agree ably to the first question), is it inffifferent in what port she is, and to Avhat port she is destined, or is this confined to a certain port in Em-ope, and to a certain port in America, and vice versa ? 4. Is it necessary that the captain of such vessel should be an American citizen, or avUI it answer if he has been born in a city, town, or village actually dependent on congress ? 5. In case of purchasing a vessel on account of an Ameri can, for which there is immeffiate employraent, may she not be commanded by a captain of another nation, supposing that at the time no Araerican captain could be found who might be inti-usted Avith the comraand ? 6. Shoffid a vessel sold and ti-ansfened to a citizen or inha bitant of the continent, be taken by the eneray, saihng under foreign colors, could a reclamation by congress be expected ? 7. In case such vessel shotdd be bound from a port in Europe or America for a Mediterranean port, or shoffid actu aUy be at some port in the Meffitenanean, and elseAvhere destined, what means are to be taken, and what papers are to be shown, to obtain the necessary Turkish passports to navigate that sea ? 214 OFFICIAL. ANSAVERS. 1. There is no man at present in Holland legaUy authorized by the United States in congress assembled to issue sea-letters. 2. Both citizens and inhabitants have a right to protection. But every .stranger Avho has been in the United States, or Avho may be there at present, is not an inhabitant. Different States have different definitions of this Avord. The domicil and the " animus habitandi " is necessary in aU. 3. AU vessels bond fide the property of American citizens or inhabitants have a right to protection. 4, American citizens and inhabitants haA-e a right to navi gate thek vessels by captains and seamen of any nation. 5. Undoubtedly. But let the i)arties look to themselves, that the ti-anslatioii be bond fide and clearly proved. 6. The evidence of this must be very clear. The United States will scarcely interfere in such a case, if there is a doubt of the fact, or a suspicion of collusion. 7. The United States have not yet a ti-eaty with the Turks or Barbary powers, and, therefore, no such papers are to be had. TO M. DUMAS. Auteuil, 3 November, 1784. Sir, — 1 have received your favor of the 26th of October Avith the seven questions inclosed. I have ansAvered these questions to the best of my judgment, beUeving it to be my duty to give to my inquiring countrymen all the satisfaction in my power upon such occasions. I should wish, too, to gratify the Dutch merchants and all others as far as I can in character. But aa'c must, above all things, have the utmost caution that we do not involve the United States in quarrels which are not their OAvn. We can give no countenance, Avhatever, to any kind of fraud or collusion, or to any false or suspicious papers. The United States will protect thek oAvn flag, and the rights, Uberties, and properties of their oavh citizens, but they can go no farther. If we could assist any man in Europe in this way, we ought surely to do it for Messrs. WiUink, and if we refuse it to them, OFFICIAL, 215 certainly no others can complain. Although these gciillcmcn an: ia so high a trust under the United Stales, I cannot think them entitled to the character of citizens or inhabitants, and, thercl'ore, should not think myself safe in giving thern Araerican papers for thek vessels. I hope the certificate you have given to Captain Ved(.'r may ansAA'cr the end ; and in the present, unexpected circurastances of the Avar, or at least danger of Avar, I should not venture to advise you not to give others in clear cases. They may do much good, and save to raerchants and masters of vessels much trouble and expense ; and I cannot foresee any evil they can do. But if any such certificate should be disputed and exa mined, it will be found null. You Avill continue to wn-ite all to congress ; and you avUI soon, I hope, receive their commands. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, dear sk, Yours, &c. John Adams. TO THE marechal DE CASTRIES. Auteuil, 9 December, 1784, Monsieur le Marechal, — According to your desire, I have committed to writing the tAVO or three observations on the busi ness of masts, yards, and boAvsprits, Avhich I had last Tuesday the honor of making in conversation with your Excellency at Paris. The eastern parts of the Massachusetts, particularly the coun ties of York, Cumberland, and Lincoln, and more especiaUy the lands lying near the four great rivers, Avhich meet in Merry- meeting Bay, and floAV together under the name of Kennebec River into the sea, are the spot upon Avhich grow the best pine tiees for masts which are found in America, and frora Avhence the Engfish government, before the Revolution, procured then- masts for large ships, unless perhaps they obtained a feAV from sorae parts of Ncav Hampshke. By the charter of Massachu setts, pine trees Avere reserved to the CroAvn ; and various acts of parUament Avere made, from time to tirae, forbidding, upon severe penalties, private persons to cut such ti-ees. The King had an officer, under the title of surveyor-general of the woods. 216 OFFICIAL, Avho had under him a great number of deputy-surveyors for the inspection and conservation of these ti-ees. Mr. Wentworth, the last royal governor of NeAV Hampshire, Avas the last sur veyor-general, at Avhose request the subscriber commenced and prosecuted a great number of libels in the court of admiralty at Boston, against transgressions of those acts of parUament, so that he thinks himself well AA'arranted to say that those acts of parliament, instead of containing any proof of the bad quality of American pine trees, as yom- Excellency AA'as pleased to say you had been informed, contained the best proof of their excel lence, and of the high esteem in Avliich the parliament held them. There Avas a considerable nuraber of large vessels Avhich AA'ere called mast ships, constantly employed in transporting from Kennebec and Piscataqua Rivers pine trees for raasts, spars, and bowsprits for the royal navy. And the trees of thirty-six inches diameter Avhich the English AA'ere very fond of for thek large ships, AA'ere only to be found in Araerica. There are upon the territory before described a nuraber of families whose whole occupation has been to cut, draw, and prepare this kind of ti-ees for the royal navy of England. It is a ffifficffit, laborious, and hazardous business, and not very pro fitable ; but being educated to this employraent frora thek infancy, knoAving perfectly the country and the lands Avhere the ti-ees are, the proper seasons for the business, and having thek tools and machines, as well as their teams of cattle, always ready, and knoAA'ing all the most frugal Avays of saving ex penses and maldng advantages, they Avere able to Uve by the business, Avhen other persons, Avithout these advantages, would have ruined themselves. These people Avere commonly caUed mastraen, and they are so valuable a set of men, that whoever first engages thera, whether the French or the Eng lish, AviU obtain an advantage. The EngUsh are said to have sent an agent to Boston ; and there is no doubt that they AvUl exert themselves to secure these mastmen, unless yom- ExceUency, by seizing a favorable opportunity of contracting with some of the Americans uoav here, engage them beforehand. Al'our ExceUency wUl permit me to say, that I apprehend all sm-veys and experiments raade upon the masts and spars now on board of the French ships, which were procured in America, OFFICIAL. 217 will not only be useless, but illusory. It will not be a fair trial, because, on the breaking out of hostilities between Great Bri tain and America, the Avhole system of the masting business and commerce Avas broken up. The mastmen, like the fisher men, not finffing their usual employment, went into others, sold thek cattle, and laid aside their tools ; so that the pine timber furnished to the French ships, although the best then and there to be had, Avas only such as was left by the English, or obtained by hazard in improper places, and in a green, unseasoned state. It is no wonder, then, if the wood is found to shrink, for the Avood of the pine tiee is of such a nature, that Avhen cut and' used green, it ahvays shrinks, whether it grows in America or in Sweden, Norway, or Russia. I am weU informed that the raost intelligent officers of the British navy attiibuted the loss of the great number of the capi tal ships by bad weather in the late war, a loss unprecedented in any former Avar, AvhoUy to the Avant of American masts. The ministi-y ordered their expedition to Penobscot, in the vieyf of obtaining masts, but they found themselves disappointed. ' They found there pme trees, it is tiue, but no mastmen, no sufficient teams of cattle, no proper machines for the business. All these were Avithout thek Unes. So that they obtained no raasts of any value. There is not in America, at least AA'ithin my knoAvledge, a merchant more inteUigent, or any way more capable of giving yom- Excellency full information upon the subject, nor more worthy of confidence, than Mr. Tracy and Mi-. Jackson, Avho are UOAV in Paris, and to them I beg leave to refer. With great and sincere respect, &c. John Adams. TO secretary jay. Auteuil, 15 December, 1784. Sir, — I venture to adffiess myself to you as minister of foreign affaks, because I sincerely hope that you have accepted that iraportant office. The Emperor of Morocco sent an ambassador last winter to Holland to demand materials for some frigates, and as none of the gi-eat maritime poAvers have the courage or the Avill to refuse VOL. viii. 19 218 OFFICIAL. such reqmsitions, obtained them. It uoav appears probable that they have been employed in corsaks against American ti-ade, and one Vkginia vessel appears to have been taken and carried to Tangiers. This has spread an alarm, and raised the insur ance on American vessels, and rendered it necessary that some thing shoffid be soon done. / There is danger of our making mistakes upon this occasion. <^Sorae' are of opmion that our ti-ade m the Aleffitenanean is not AA'orth the expense of the presents we must make the piratical states to obtain ti-eaties Avith them. Others-:^harmed to find the King do us the honor to agree to the platonic phUosophy of sorne of our articles, AA'hich are at least a good lesson to maffidnd^^nd AvUl derive more influence from a tieaty ratffied by the Kmg of Prussia, than from the Avritings of Plato or Sk Thomas More. You may depend upon it, I Avill do every thing in my power to bring this tieaty to a speedy conclusion, and to conform in every thing, as far as I can consistently with my insti-uctions, to his Majesty's observations. This answer, you perceive, is not mimsterial, any raore than your letter. But I hope to have the honor of sigffing the tieaty with you, if I shoffid not have that of resiffing near you at the Hague, which I wish, in a short time. With great respect, &c. John Adams. 1/ TO MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS. Auteuil, 16 February, 1785. Gentle.aien, — I have received your favor ofthe Oth of January and that of the 2d of February, and am much obUged to you for the particular account of the state of the cash and obUgations in your hands. By all that I have learned from your letters, as well as by inquiry in conversation, it seems to be so possible, and indeed so probable, that the United States might be exposed to a loss of several hundred thousand guUders by a sudden fall of the agio, that I have not been able to resolve upon giving you dkections to put the cash on hand, into the bank, especially as I have every day expected, and still expect, not only the ratffication of the last loan, but orders from con gi-ess or thek commissioners of the tieasury what to do with the whole sum. I still expect every moment to receive the orders of congress, and, therefore, shaU not ventm-e as yet to give o 226 OFFICIAL. orders for puttmg the money into the bank. But, as you are on the spot, and are better informed than I am, I must leave it to your judgments to do Avhat you shaU think most for the interest of the Uffited States, either by putting the Avhole, or a part, or none of the money into the bank. But, gentlemen, let me, above aU thmgs, recommend it to you, to keep the congress constantly informed of the state of thek affaks in your hands. A^ou may adffiess your letters either to the president, Ms Excel lency Richard Henry Lee, or to the office of finance. Perhaps it woffid be best to adffiess dupUcates ; one to the president, and the other to the commissioners of the ti-easury. I thank you, gentlemen, for what you say about my salary. But woffid it not be a saving for me to ffi-aw bffis upon you and sell them here ? As to an indemnffication to me for " my tiou- bles and hardships," I have no idea of asMng, or even Avishing for such a thing. Exclusive of aU these, it woffid requke a larger sum perhaps than you imagme,to indemnify me for my losses. This, too, I neither expect nor deske. Indeed, wMle the Avar contmued, and all was at stake, I never thought about tiouble, hardships, losses, or savings. But as peace is made, and danger to the pubUc is no more, I should think myself bound to economy for the sake of my famUy, if I were not necessitated to it m order to pay my daUy expenses, as I Ute- rally am at present. With much esteem, &c. John Adams. TO secretary jay. Auteuil, 9 March, 1785. Sir, — Permit me to congratulate the United States upon the acquisition of a minister of foreign affaks whose long services have so justly acquked thek confidence, and whose experience, as weU as his talents, so fffily quaUfy him for this important tiust. The joint despatches of thek miffisters here wffi inform con gi-ess of the slow progress of the negotiations intrusted to then- care. These delays are oAving to the orffinary character of the deliberations of courts, and are in no measm-e occasioned by any inattention or inactiA'ity on om- part, and, as they are in-e- raediable, raust be subraitted to Avith patience. OFFICIAL. 227 I must beg leave to repeat a request mentioned in several of my late letters, that congress would be pleased to transmit the ratification of ray last loan,Avliich I opened a year ago in Hol land, and is long since full. The delay of the ratification has an UI effect. Congress aa'UI be pleased too to give orders, if it is not yet done, as I hope it has been, concerning near a million of gmlders, Avhich remain in the hands of their bankers at Amster dam, as appears by some extracts of letters inclosed. I have lately inquked of the Baron de Stael, the Swedish ambassador, and of M. d'Asp, the SAveffish charge d'affaires, an old acquaintance at the Hague, who has been lately removed to this Court, concerning the presents given by thek Com-t to the Barbary powers. Both very obUgingly promised to Aviite to Stockholm for full information upon this subject. I have Avritten to Mr. Dumas to apply to Air. Bisdora and Mr. Van der Hope to learn the sums given by the RepubUc. The ansAvers of those gentlemen I have comraunicated to ray colleagues, and copies of thera wffi be tiansmitted to congress by Mr. Hum phreys in the joint despatches. If Ave can avoid this humffiat- ing tiibute, I shoffid AAish it with aU my heart, but am afraid Ave must sooner or later submit to it. I cannot find it in ray heart to Avish ffi-success to the two erapkes, if they reaUy have, as they are suspected to have, the project of driving AvhoUy out of Europe the TurMsh empke, because the Barbary poAvers and thek hateful pkacies would probably come to an end at the same time. We wait for orders relative to those States, think ing it dangerous saying a word to Morocco before we are ready to tieat with aU. There is at this time so intimate a connection between France, Sweden, and HoUand, that I fancy we shaU scarcely persuade either of the latter to agree to any supplementary tiea ties, unless the forraer should set the example, which we cannot expect, considering the opposition the ministry meets Avith from the merchants of the seaport toAvns, and even from some sove reign Courts. The ordinance of SOth August, 1784, which moderates the rigor of the letters-patent of October, 1727, and admits foreigners to the commerce of the Colonies under certain restiictions, has excited remonstrances from the merchants of Marseffies, Bordeaux, RocheUe, Nantes, St. Maloes, and Havre de Grace, and the parliament of Bordeaux has remonstrated. 228 OFFICIAL. and that of Bretagne was very near it. The Marshal de Cas tiies is yet unmoved, but this opposition will, I fear, discourage hira from going fm-fher. These remonstiances attack every part of the fost article ; they oppose the free ports or entrepots ; they oppose the Uberty to stiangers to miport timber, coal, even live stock, but espe ciaUy salt beef, saltfish, rice, Inffian corn, vegetables, leather tanned or in the hak, pitch, tar, turpentine ; they are eager for reA'iving the regulations of 1727, and totaUy excluding aU foreigners from thek islands. In short, I see that French mer chants consider thek Colonies and colomsts as EngUsh mer chants considered us twenty years ago. It is ti-ue that aU have not been equaUy exti-aA'agant ; some have gone in their remon strances no farther than against salt beef and salt fish. Merchants, whether French, EngUsh, or Dutch, are very bad rulers of colonies at a distance, and thek mistakes, if not fomly conected by thek governments, wiU make a serious common cause between Americans, northern and western. The French fisheries, m consequence of the extension of thek limits by the ti-eaty of peace, upon the island of Newfounffiand, and the free coraraunication betAveen the United States and St. Peters and Miquelon, have succeeded the last year in a remarkable manner. Marseffies, Bordeaux, and RocheUe, and many other places, have engaged in the Newfounffiand fishery AA'ith a new ardor and uncommon profit. This is one striking advantage, arising AvhoUy from thek alUance with us, and they ought to be too sensible of it, to wish so soon to exclude us AvhoUv frora thek islands. The srovernraent and more enUs;ht- ened part of the nation are so, and wffi not give way to the interested clamors of those who see no further than thek own private profit. Nothing is more extiavagant than the confident pretensions of French and English merchants, that they can supply thek OAvn islands. It is whimsical, but it is tiue, that the mercan tUe spkit should be the most hostile to the freedom of com merce ; governments the most disposed to favor it are continu aUy soUcited by bodies of raerchants, from partial vicAvs and private interests, to restiain and shackle it. England, it is plain, wffi never tieat with us here ; and it is for congress to determine, whether they Avill accept the proposi- OFFICIAL, 229 tion of the Court of St, James, and send a minister there, or renounce all thoughts of ti-eating with it upon tiny thing. Spain seems equally averse to treating here ; but if Air. Gar- doqui has anived, who has full powers, congress may treat with him at Ncav York. The general state of Europe is critical, but the claims of the Emperor are so dkectly against tieaties which interest so essen tially all Europe, that I do not beUeve he wffi urge on a war that must embroU all the Avorld, and end not at all to his advantage or honor. With very great esteem, &c. John Adams. SECRETARY JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, 15 March, 1785, Dear Sir, — The inclosed exti-acts from the Journal of con gi-ess AAiU inform you of your appointment to go as rainister to the Court of London, and of Mr. Smith being elected secretary of legation.^ I congratulate you on this event. It argues the confidence reposed in you by the United States, and, I am persuaded, avUI redound to your advantage as weU as to your reputation. The necessary papers are preparing, and Mr. Smith avUI carry them to you by the next packet. With great respect, &c. John Jay. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND THOMAS JEFFERSON. Auteuil, 20 March, 1785. Gentlemen, — Accorffing to yom- deske, I Avent early this morning to Versaffies, and finding the Count de Vergennes unembanassed Avith company, and only attended by his private j 1 By the United States in congress assembled, — I Februai-y 24, 1785. Congress proceeded to the election of a minister plenipo tentiary to represent the United States of America at the Court of Great Bri tain ; and the baUot being taken, the Honorable John Adams was elected. March 1, 1 785. Congress proceeded to the election of a secretary to the lega tion to the Court of Great Britain ; and the ballots being taken. Colonel William Smith was elected. Charles Thoimson, Secretary. VOL, VIII. 20 230 OFFICIAL, secretaries. I soon obtained the honor of a conference, in which I told Mm that my colleagues were very son-y that inffisposition necessarUy prevented thek paying thek respects to him in per son, and obliged them to request me alone to wait on him, and ask his advice upon a thorny question we had with the Barbary poAvers. He asked Avhat it Avas ; and I put into his hand aU the letters upon the subject, in French, Spanish, ItaUan, and Eng Ush, aU of AA'hich he read very attentively, and observed that it AA'as obvious Avhat AA'as AA'anted, and AA'hat had piqued the Empe ror of Morocco, namely, — that congress had not Avritten to him, nor sent him a consul Avith the customary presents ; for that he Avas the most interested man in the Avorld, and the most gi-eedy of raoney. He asked Avhether avc had AArritten to congress and obtained thek instructions. I answered, that we had full poAV- ers to tieat with Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, TripoU, and the rest ; but that it was impossible for us to go there, and that we had not a poAver of substitution. He said, then, Ave shoffid write to the Emperor. I asked, if he would do us the favor to convey a letter for us through the French consul. He said he could not do this himself, because it was not in his departraent ; but if avc would make an office of it, he would communicate it to the Marshal de Casti-ies, and return us his ansAver. I told him, that in looking over the tieaties between the seve ral CMistian poAvers and the Barbary States, we found that the ti-eaty between the CroAvn of France and Algiers of the 25th of April, 1684, AA'as expked, or near expiring, and avc Avere deskous of knowing (if the question Avas not indiscreet) Avhether it had been rencAved. He smiled upon this, and said it Avas ti-ue thek treaty Avas upon the point of expking, but he coffid not teU me whether it were renewed, as it was not in his department ; but if Ave should insert this inquky in om- office, he AVOuld endeavor to obtain the Marshal de Castiies's answer. I told him that, in order to lay before congress aU the inform ation Ave could, and to enable thera to judge the better what other orders to give us, or Avhat other course to take, we had obtained authentic information from Mr. Bisdora and Mr. Van der Hope, concerning the presents annuaUy given by thek High Mightinesses, and that we should be very glad to know (if it was not improper) AA'hat Avas the annual amount of the presents made by his Majesty to each of those States, and in Avhat arti- OFFICIAL. 231 cles they consisted. He said, the king never sent thera any naval or military stores, but he sent them glasses and other things of value ; but that as it Avas not in his department, he coffid not give me particular information, but that wc might put this into our office, Avitli the other things. I asked if there Avas not a considerable ti-ade and frequent intercourse between parts of this kingdom and the coast of Bar bary. He said there Avas, from Marseffies and the other ports upon the Mediterranean ; but he thought, if we had presents to send, it Avould be more convenient to send them from Cadiz. I then asked the favor of his advice, whether, in our letter to the Emperor of Morocco, Ave should leave it to Ms option to send here a minister to treat with us, or to wait untU we could write to congress, and recoramend it to them, to send a consul. He said he Avoffid by no means advise us to invite the Emperor to send a iffinister here to tieat with us, because we must main tain hira here and bear aU the expenses of his voyages and jour neys, Avhich AVordd be much more costly than for congress to send a consffi. But the Count concluded the Avhole conference by observing that every thing relative to this business was out of his depart ment, and that Ave must state to him in Avriting all we desked to knoAV or to have done, and he woffid convey it to the miffis ter of the .marine, and communicate to us his answer, and that we might depend upon it, that whenever we thought proper to make any office to him, it should be carefuUy attended to. He added very particular inqtffiies concerning the health of Dr. FrankUn and Air. Jefferson, Avhich I ansAvered to the best of my knowledge, and took my leave. With great respect, &c. John Adams. SECRETARY JAA' TO JOHN ADAMS. Office of Foreign Affairs, 31 March, 1785, Dear Sir, — I have the honor of transmitting to you, hercAvith inclosed, a certified copy of an act of congress of the 21st instant, instructing you to communicate to Mr. St. Saphorin the high sense the United States in congress assembled entertain of the 232 OFFICIAL, Uberal decision made by his Danish Majesty on the question proposed to his minister by you, respecting the orffination of American canffidates for holy orders in the Episcopal church, commonly caUed the Church of England. Congi-ess has been pleased to order me to transmit copies of yom- letter, and the other papers on this subject, to the executives of the ffifferent States ; and I am persuaded they will receive Avith pleasure this mark of your attention and of his Danish Alaj esty's friendly disposition. I have the honor to be, &c. John Jay. TO DR. PRICE. Auteuil, 8 April, 1785, Sir, — Some time since I received from Dr. FrankUn a copy of the first effition of yom- Observations on the Iraportance of the American Revolution, and lately a copy of the second. I am much obfiged to you, sk, for your kind attention to me, and for these valuable presents. I think it raay be said in praise of the citizens of the United States, that they are sincere inqmrers after tiuth in matters of government and commerce ; at least that there are among them as many, in proportion, of this liberal character, as any other countiy possesses. They cannot, therefore, but be obliged to you, and any other AA'riters capable of throAving light upon these objects, Avho will take the pains to give them advice. I am happy to find myself perfectly agreed Avith you, that we should begin by setting conscience free. When aU men of aU reUgious consistent Avith morals and property, shaU enjoy equal liberty, property, or rather security of property, and an equal chance for honors and power, and when government shaU be considered as having in it nothing raore mysterious or divine than other arts or sciences, we may expect that improveraents wffi be made in the human character and the state of society. But at what an immense distance is that period! Notwith standing all that has been written from Sidney and Locke down to Dr. Price and the Abbe de Mably, aU Europe stiU beUeves sovereignty to be a divine right, except a few men of letters. OFFICIAL, 233 Even in Holland thek sovereignty, which resides in more than lour thousand persons, is all divine. But I did not intend to enter into details. If you Avill permit, I should be glad to communicate Avith you concerning these things. John Adams. TO secretary JAA'. Auteuil, 13 April, 1785. Sir, — I have Avritten by the late packets for the orders of congi-ess concerning near a miffion of guUders in the hands of Messrs. WiUink & Co. in Amsterdam, and requesting the ratifi cation of my last loan and other subjects. By the February packet, hourly expected, I hope to have the honor of letters from you, AA'ith the pleasure of congress relative to these mat ters. Our joint despatches wUl shoAV aU the information Ave have yet obtained concerning the poAver of the Barbary States, and the costliness of thek friendship. We must proceed sloAvly and cautiously. I often hear the trade of the Alediterranean and of the Levant slightly spoken of, and represented as of small value to the United States. I think very differently, with an absolute certainty that time wUl demonstiate me in the right. But the rise of insurance on aU of our tiade is to be added to the fuU value of the tiade we may have in the Mediterranean and the Levant ; and, what is worse, we have the cries of our countiy men in captivity, in chains, and exposed to many cruelties, to consider. It is not the loss of property AA'hich has induced any nation to becorae tiibutary to thera, but this inhuman practice of enslaving captives. France, England, and HoUand have avoided stipffiating in treaties to pay a tribute; but Sweden and Denmark have not. I hope we shall not imitate the ex ample of these last. If avc are dkected to negotiate, avc shall probably negotiate through the French consul ; but it wUl be necessary, finaUy, for congress to send consuls to sign the trea ties and to make the presents. We have coUected some inform ation which wiU be useful to our counti-y respecting these pow ers. I wish we were able to do as much under our commission 20* 2.34 OFFICIAL. to Spain. That Com-t avUI not treat here, and for us to go to Aladrid is a dangerous measure ; we know not how much time the negotiation there may require, and if we go and retm-n Avithout success, it AviU be industiiously spread by all the diplo matic corps, and Avffi hurt the reputation of our counti-y in Europe, and elate the English beyond measure ; inconveniences which raay be avoided by your conducting the negotiation AA'ith Mr. Gardoqui at Ncaa' York, or by congress sending a minister to Maffiid. This, I know, is much desired by fhe Spanish Comt and by this Com-t, as many symptoms have infficated, particularly a conversation betAveen the Duke de la Vauguyon and rae a feAV days before his departure for Maffi-id. A rainis ter at Maffiid would be useful to us in conducting this business Avitli the Barbary poAvers, and is, in all respects, as far as I can see, a desirable nieasm-e. The expense of maintaining three ministers is the sarae, Avhether they reside at Autetdl, Passy, and Paris, or at Madrid, VersaUles, and the Hague ; and I am sure we coffid not do less separately than we are likely to do together. You remember, sir, that one of the first things AIi-. Hartley said to us, was, to propose, in the name of the King his master and his minister Air. Fox, that rainisters shoffid be exchanged immeffiately betAveen congress and St. James's. You have received before now the formal proposition from the Marquis of Carmarthen, transmitted to us through the Duke of Dorset, to the same effect. The appointment of Air. Temple as consul- general, is a stUl stronger indication of a real wish in the minis ti-y that this measure may be pursued, and of a secret conscious ness that they shall be obUged to tieat. In thek refusal to tieat here, they Avould be justified by aU the courts and ffiplomatic bodies in the AA'orld. I make no scruple, no hesitation to advise that a miffister may be sent, nor wUl I be intimidated from giv ing this advice by any apprehension that I shall be suspected of a design or desire of going to England myself Whoever goes AA'UI neither find it a lucrative nor a pleasant employment, nor will he be envied by rae. I know that for years, if he does Ms duty, he wffi find no personal pleasure or advantage. But/the raeasure of sending a minister to England, appears to mB the corner stone of the true American system of politics in Europe ; , and, if it is not done, we shall have cause to repent it for a long OFFICIAL. 235 time, AA'hen it AviU be too late. Every thing is calculated, as it appears to me, to involve us in a AA'ar Avith England. Cries and prejudices are fomented in England and America, AA'hich have no other tendency but to involve u.s in a Avar long before avc shall be ready. Ten or fifteen years hence avc shall have nothing to fear from a Avar AA'ith England, if they should be mad enough to force us upon it. At present, it would distiess us e.vtreraely, although it Avould ruin England. , /My system is a very simple one ; let us preserve the friendship of France, Hol land, and Spain, if we can, and in case of a Avar between France and England, let us preserve om- neutrality, if possible. In order to preserve our friendship with France and HoUand and Spain, it AviU be useful for us to avoid a Avar Avith England. To avoid a war Avith England, Ave should take the regular ffiplo matic steps to negotiate, to settle disputes as they rise, and to place the intercourse between the tAvo nations upon a certain footing ; then we may understand one another, avoid deceits and misrepresentations. It is so ranch the interest of England that Ave shoffid be neutral in a future war, that I ara persuaded cool and candid reasoning with thek rainisters upon the sub ject Avould convince thera of it. The force of tiuth is greater, even in the rainds of poUticians, than the Avorld in general is aware of England is now mad with the hope of our having a war AA'ith Spain, and even France in consequence of the faraUy compact, and of our courting them to become om- allies and undertake our defence. Surely it would not be difficult for an American minister to convince a British one that this is chirae- rical, and that the only thing they ought to expect from Ame rica is neutiaUty. The real thing the English have to fear is our joining thek enemies against them in a future war. She has no alliance to hope from us, unless Spain should force us into a AA'ar ; and, even then, we ought not to ask or accept aid from England, if we could avoid it, unless France, from the family compact, should join Spain. This reasoning and this systera, you see, goes upon the sup position that we are independent of France, in point of moral and political obUgation. But if the sentiments of America are otherAvise, and those principles are general, which you and I once heard delivered Avith great formaUty and energy, namely, — " That America ought to join France against England in tvvo 236 OFFICIAL, futm-e Avars ; one to pay the debt of gratitude afi-eady con- ti-acted, and the other to shoAV ourselves as generous as France had been," — I confess myself aU Avi-ong, and to be so totally ignorant of the rights, duties, and interests of my counti-y, as to be altogether unfit for any share m thek public affaks, foreign or domestic. At any rate, our negotiations m this place have not answered the ends proposed by congress and expected by the people of Araerica, nor is there uoav scarcely a possibffity that they should. I am very happy in my fiiend Air. Jefferson, and have nothing but my inutffity to disgust me with a residence here. But I presume congress avUI not tMnk it expeffient to renew the com missions, or attempt any longer to cany on negotiations Avith the rest of the world in this place. If they shoffid, hoAvever, I hope they AAffil think of some other gentleman in my place, as it is my desire to return home at the expkation of the term of the present commissions. With great respect and sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Auteuil, 24 April, 1785. Sir, — The letter you ffid me the honor to Avrite me on the llth of February last, containing the ratffication of my last loan of two milUons of guUders, having been properly adffi-essed to me as miffister at the Hague, by a mistake of the post-office at Paris, was sent to HoUand, from whence it returned to me last night. TMs loan is long since fffil, as my first loan of five mUUons of guUders is nearly so ; I must, therefore, soUcit the further insti-uctions of congress, Avhether I ara to open any ucav loan or not. Your letter to Dr. Franklin, Air. Jeffijrson, and me, of the 14th of January, has been dffiy received and answered. If I had knoAvn a few Aveeks sooner that congress had resolved to send a minister to London, it Avould have saved you the tiou ble of a letter upon the subject Avhich you wUl receive by the packet. It has appeared to me for some time to be an import ant and a necessary measure ; and although the gentleman who may be sent there, whoever he may be, avUI probably find Mm- OFFICIAL, 237 self in a thicket of briars, frora Avhich he avUI hardly get free without tearing his fiesh, yet I am persuaded that the appear ance of an American minister at the British Court will have good effects upon om- affaks, even in France and Spain, and the nations in alUance with them, as Avell as in the courts and nations in the opposite scale of the balance ; but especiaUy upon the British and American nations. WiU it be foreign to the pm-pose upon this occasion, or improper for me, to observe, that the people in America, and thek- legislatures in the several States, should prepare the way for thek rainister in England to requke a faithful execution of treaties, by setting the exaraple of a punctual execution on their part? If Ave estabUsh the principle, that we have a right to depart from the ti-eaty in one article, because they have departed from it in another, they will certainly avail themselves of the sarae principle, and probably extend it as much farther, as their sense of justice is less, and thek opinion of thek own power, hoAvever Ul-founded, is greater. It cannot, I think, be too often nor too earnestly recomraended to our countryraen to consider the tieaty as sacred, and to fulfil it in aU its parts, according to. its real spkit and intention, in good conscience. In that most deUcate point of aU, respecting the refugees, I even Avish that the people could conquer thek natural feelings and suppress their just resentments. This, I am confident, is the best revenge that can be taken, and will most effectually disarm even those among thera who are most ffistingffished for thek enmity. If we have any thing to fear from Canada and Nova Scotia, or for our Avhale fishery, it arises, and wUl arise, from our oavh severity to these people ; and the same observation may be appUed to the fur trade, and the posts upon the frontier. Your desire, sk, to hear from me frequently, and to have my poor opinion on the affairs of your department, does me great honor, and shaU be compUed Avith to the utmost of my power ; but I shall much oftener have occasion for your advice in such affairs as are intrusted to me. I think myself extremely happy, in coraraon with our countiymen, that I have to correspond with a gentleman to whom our foreign affairs are very famiUar by long experience, who knows where our difficulties and dan gers lie, and who has proved himself, upon all occasions, supe rior to thera. 238 OFFICIAL, I am sony to learn that the French charge des affaires has demanded Alonsiem- Longchamps to be deUA'cred up, and am the more surprised, because I had understood from such sources as I thought authentic, that the punishment to which he has been sentenced was satisfactory at Com-t. It may not, how ever, be amiss for the French government to keep up a claim which may be a stanffing restiamt to thek own subjects m aU foreign countiies. But it cannot be doubted that the French rffiffistiy know our right to refuse, as weU as theks to demand, as there is no positive stipffiation between the two powers that crimmals shaU be mutuaUy given up, and surely it is no perfect right by the laAV of nations, nor is it a coraraon practice ; so far fi-ora it, that it wffi be difficffit to show an example of it AA'here there is no conA'ention.^ Aour packet for Mr. Carmichael shaU be deUvered to the Spanish ambassador to go by his comier, as you deske. With the utmost respect and esteem, &c. John Adaais. BARON DE thulemeier TO JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 3 Mai, 1785. AIoNsiEUR, — Je ressens une A'eritable satisfaction en mettant aujourd'hffi la dermere mam a un ouvrage qui a commence d'etie enti-epris a la Haie sous a'os auspices, et que vous avez faA'orise, monsieur, de A'otie mieux. A-'ous venez par la lettie ci- jointe, que j'ai I'honneur de vous affiesser en commun avec mes sieurs vos coUegues, que le roi n'a rien laisse a desker aux Etats de I'Amerique. II s'agit actueUement que vous ayez la bonte de faire mettie au net un exeraplake du traite dont nous sommes convenus. J'en ferai autant, de mon cote. Quelque puisse etie le plaisk que je me permettiais dans une entievue, en renouve- lant notie ancienne connoissance, je crains cependant que, les affaires du roi m'attachant ^ la Haie, S. AI. ne prefere que I'echange se fasse par une voie sure, teUe que le paquet des am- bassadeuTS de L. H. P. ' The case of Longchamps is perspicuously stated in a note of Mr, Sparks, in Washington's Writings, vol, ix, p, 128, OFFICIAL. 239 Daignez m'accorder constamment une place dans votre sou- venk, et agreez les assurances de rattachcnient inviolable, &z,c. De Thulemeier. TO SECRETARY JAY. Auteuil, 4 May, 1785. Sir, — The day before yesterday I received the letter you did me the honor to Avi-ite me on the 18th of March, inclosing a coramission, insti-uctions, and letter of credence to the Com-t of Great Britain, and a duplicate of your letter of February llth, Avith the ratffication of the loan in Holland. The appointment to the Court of Great Britain demands my most grateful acknoAvledgments to congress, and the utmost care and diUgence in the execution of it. I am happy to see, by the resolution of March 7th, that a minister is to be appointed to succeed me at the Hague ; both because a miffister wffi be necessary there, and because that the minister in London wiU find employment for aU his time, and should devote hiraself whoUy to the duties of that mission. As no letter of recaU is as yet arrived to me, I am a little perplexed. I have been a witness of so much friendship to the United States, and have experienced so ranch Idndness to rayself, in HoUand, that I ought not finaUy to quit that country Avithout taMng leave of thek High Alightinesses, even if estabUshed 1 forms had not rendered such a ceremony indispensable. There is no time to be lost unnecessarUy in executing the instructions of congress ; but you are very sensible, sir, of the necessity of taldng leave of this Court and of the foreign minis ters here, and of the time which such a formaUty takes up. It Avill, therefore, be longer before I can be in London than you may wish, perhaps five or six Aveeks ; in the mean time, Colonel Smith, I hope, wffi anive Avith the adffitional information, and I raay take such measures as I can to prepare the Avay before us. The Duke of Dorset has offered me aU the service in his power, and professes to wish me success. It may not be use less for me to see Mr. Hanis at the Hague. The instructions are perfectly agreeable to my oavh incUna- tions ; but it Avould be my duty to carry thera into punctual ^ 240 OFFICIAL. execution to the utmost of my power, if they were not so. It is not the first time that a pubUc trust of some importance has been committed to me, but I do not know that any ever made a deeper impression upon ray spkits, or gave me more serious reflections. To do my duty to our counti-y and her affies, and to reconcUe the Americans and English upon principles and terras which raay give satisfaction to all, is no easy task. I can promise nothing but industry; the prospect of success is far from being encom-aging. The measure of sending a imnister had become indispensable. Congress AA'ffi have ti-ied the expe riment, and done all that, in the opinion of the world, was incumbent on thera ; and if the EngUsh nation perseveres in ¦^obstinacy and delusion, the United States Avill be fuUy informed of it, and have it undoubtedly in thek power to do themselves justice. The resolutions of New York and Rhode Island, the forraer laying heavier duties upon British ships and raerchan- dises, and the latter adopting the irapost of five per cent, if the public papers inform us truly, are symptoms of a spirit rising in America which avUI either make the English friendly to us, or their enmity a blessing. The Count d'Aranda told me yesterday that your packet to Air. Carmichael was gone to Madrid. I forgot to raention in its place your letter of March 15th. The confidence you express is rautual, which I esteem one of the happiest circumstances in my whole life. I have not the honor to be personally known to Air. Smith, but he shall receive fi-ora me all the regard which becomes the relation between us. With sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Auteuil, 5 May, 1785. Sir, — The Britons boast that aU the prophecies of the loss of the American trade from the independence of the United States have proved false ; that the experiment has been tiled, and the contest decided ; that there was at the peace a compe tition of the comraercial nations of Europe for the prize ; that the superior abiUties of the British manufacturers, and the greater capitals of their merchants, have enabled them to give OFFICIAL, 241 our traders better bargains and longer credit than any others in Europe ; that, as we love our interests and have small fortunes, Ave must come to them who can furnish us with goods of the best qualities, at the cheapest rates, and -alloAV us the longest time to pay; that Britain has monopolized our ti-ade beyond credibffity ; that all the foreign merchants, — French, Dutch, and even Spanish and Portuguese, — Avho had engaged in our trade have faded, while fcAV of theirs have suffered. WhUe, on the one hand, it is certain that in all this there is much exaggeration, it must be confessed, on the other, that there is too much truth ; and the success of your mission to London AviU depend very much upon the researches of congress ancl the States into this subject, and the measures they may take in consequence of thek inqukies. A'^ou wUl negotiate for reciprocities in commerce to very little purpose, Avhile the Bri tish iffinisters and merchants are certain that they shaU enjoy all the profits of our coraraerce under their oavu partial regrda- tions. It behoves the whole people of America, then, to tm-n thek attention to this subject. It woffid be presumption in me to ffis- cuss the question, whether it is necessary that the States should give to congress a plenary power to govern the commerce of the whole confederation. I have been too long absent, and at too great a ffistance, to be able to form a judgraent, even to ray own satisfaction. But I can see nuraberless raischiefs and inconveniences arising from the want of umty and systera, in the dkection of such complicated interests, and every State will find itself necessitated frequently to apply to congress for thek interposition, either by recommendations or decisions. - You will give me leave, then, to inquke, whether it may not be proper for congress to call upon the States, in such manner as they may judge constitutional, to furnish them Avith authen tic accounts of all the exports and imports of every State since the peace, of the vessels which have entered or cleared out, the nation to which they belong, and aU other particffiars which may be thought proper. It should seem impossible that the Union can be preserved Avithout some such general repository of the commercial interests and knowledge. The information to be derived from it would bring the States to act in concert, by showing the necessity of it to all, and congress or the States VOL. VIII. 21 P 242 OFFICIAL. might take such measm-es as woffid insm-e them justice against the EngUsh ; fi-om such a Aiew, they might lay such cUscom-age- ments on British ships and manufactiires, and procure such advantages to thek OAvn, as aa'ouM be beneficial to om- counti-y, AvhUe it woffid show the English thek own Aveakness ; heavy duties rffight be laid upon articles of luxury Avrought m Eng land and imported fi-ora thence, AA'hich Avoffid ffiscom-age the exti-avagant use of them among om-selves, place other nations upon as good or a better footing than the EngUsh, and raise a rcA'cnue for the pubUc out of that enthusiasm for England AA'Mch has been, and is stffi, so unwise in itseU, and so hurtful to our countiy. Such measm-es as these AA'ordd ffiscover to the EngUsh that aa'c knoAA' our OAvn stiength and thek Aveakness, and Avould haA'e probably a greater tendency to mfluence the mkiisti-y, by preparmg the nation, than any reasoffing Avliich can be used. It is a ffiplomatic axiom, " that he always negotiates ffi Avho is not in a conffition to make Mmself feared ; " but mea sures for this purpose must be taken by the people of America. Our army AA'ffi be no terror to them, because they think at pre sent they shall never send an army to fight us m our oavh coun tiy, and they do not beUeve that ours wiU go abroad to attack thera ; they are too proud of thek oaa'u navy, and have too much ffisregard of om-s, to ffi-ead us upon the sea, although experience shoffid have taught them that thek commerce might be much endangered by om- crffisers. So that Ave have no means to make an impression on them but by commercial regffiations, AA'Mch the vulgar may see sti-ike essentiaUy at thek interests Avithout injuring om- OAvn. With great and sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. TO secretary jay. Auteuil, 8 May, 1785, Sir, — In executing the msti-uctions of congress of the 7th of Alarch last, as weU as aU former orders which concern the Court of Great Britain, the raiffisti-y aa'UI, no doubt, find my commis sion and letter of credence sufficient authority. But you aa'UI see, by a letter fr-om the Duke of Dorset, which your ministers here sorae time since tiansmitted, that the British cabinet have OFFICIAL. 243 conceived doubts, AA'hether congress have poAver to treat of com mercial matters, and Avhether our States shoffid not separately grant thek fuU poAvers to a nffiUster. I think it may be taken for granted, that the States Avffi never think of sending separate ambassadors, or of authorizing dkectly those appointed by con gi-ess. The idea of thkteen plenipotentiaries meeting together in a congress at every court in Europe, each Avith a full poAver and distinct insti-uctions from his State, presents to vieAV such a picture of confusion, altercation, expense, and endless delay, as must convmee every man of its impracticabffity. Neither is there less absm-ffity in supposing that all the States shoffid unite m the separate election of the same raan, since there is not, never Avas, and never AA'ffi be, a citizen Avhom each State AVOtUd separately prefer for conducting the negotiation. It is equaUy inconceivable that each State should separately send a fuU power and separate insti-uctions to the ministers appointed by congress. What a heterogeneous mass of papers, fuU of different objects, various vicAvs, and inconsistent and contra- ffictory orders, raust such a man puU out of his portefeuille, fi'om time to time, to regulate Ms judgment and Ms conduct I He must be accountable, too, to thkteen ffifferent tiibunals for his conduct ; a situation in wMch no man woffid ever consent to stand, if it is possible, Avhich I do not believe, that any State shoffid ever Avish for such a system. I suppose, too, that the confederation has akeady settled all these points, and that con gress alone have authority to treat Avith foreign powers, and to appoint arabassadors and foreign iffinisters, and that the States have separately no poAver to do either. \"et it is plain, from the'^ Duke of Dorsets letter, that the British cabinet have conceived a ffifferent opinion. This is to be accounted for, only by con jecturing that they have put an erroneous constiuction on the limitation, restriction, or exception in the article of om- confede ration, which gives to congress the poAver of appointing ambas sadors and making tieaties. This limitation is confined to tiea ties of commerce ; all others congress have fuU poAver to make. From this Umitation, however, wffi probably arise a great deal of difficulty and delay to me. If the British ministiy Avish and seek for delays, this AviU be thek pretext. But even if they shoffid wish for despatch, which is not likely, they may have propositions to make which AviU fall within the limitation, and. 244 OFFICIAL. in such case, it wffi not be in my power to agree with them. I can offiy tiansmit the proposition to congress, who AviU per haps ti-ansmit them to the States, and no man can foresee when the ansAvers Avffi be received, so that the business can be brought to a conclusion. It is a long time that congress have appeared to be aware of these obstiuctions in the way of our prosperity ; but it does not yet appear that the States have been sufficiently attentive to them to remove them. It is not to be supposed that congress wffi ever frame any tieaty of commerce Avith any foreign poAver, Avhich shaU be unequal and partial among the States, or oppressive upon any one of them ; and it is very clear, frora the situation and circumstances of the countiy, that no such treaty can ever be carried into execution or last long. J£ the States shoffid be unwUUng to confer upon congress a poAver to make tieaties of commerce unUmited in point of time, it should seem that time alone raight be a sufficient restiiction ; or the Urffitation might be to a particular nation, as the English for example, for a certain time, although it must be always remembered that Ave cannot favor the English with any thing which wffi not become common to other nations, — the French, the Dutch, and Swedes, at least. It is very possible that the cabinet of St. James may decline even entering into any conferences at aU upon the subject of a tieaty of coraraerce, until the powers of congress are effiarged. If they should, the people of America cannot be too soon informed of it, and turn the deUberations in their assemblies to this object. In this case, the only present hope of your minister will be, in obeffience to his orders, to convince the British miffistiy of the necessary tendency of thek restiictions on our trade, to incapa citate our merchants in a certain degree to make remittances to theks ; to urge the surrender of the posts, the restitution of the negroes, the explanation respecting the debts, and those other matters pointed out in his instiuctions, in which the right and poAver and equity are too clear to leave any plausible pretences for delay ; and to tiansmit, by the earUest opportunities, to con gress fuU and tiue accounts of his proceedings. On the SOth of AprU, 1784, congress recommended to the legislatures of the States to vest them for fifteen years Avith the poAver to prohibit any merchandises frora being imported or OFFICIAL. 245 exported in vessels belonging to, or navigated by, the subjects of any poAver Avith AA'hom avc shall Ir.ivc no treaties of coraraerce ; and to prohibit the subjects of any foreign State, unless author ized by fi-eaty, from importing into the United States any mer- chanffises Avhich are not the produce or manufactm-e of the dominions of the sovereign AA'hose subjects they are ; provided that the assent of nine States be necessary. To suppose that the British cabinet intended, by the doubts of our poAA'ers, expressed in the Duke of Dorset's letter, to assist congress in obtaining from the legislatm-es a compliance Avith those recommendations, AA'ould be more charitable than thek con duct in any other instance Avould justify. I rather think it was a mere excuse for delay, but it ought to operate upon the minds of the people of the States, and thek assembUes, as a powerftd incentive to compUance. But it may be stffi a ques tion, Avhether a compUance of aU the States Avffi satisfy the British cabinet ; and they may requke an express vote of unli mited authority to congress, for a certain term at least, from each State, to enter into a ti-eaty of commerce with them. I have not yet been able to learn with certainty how many and Avhich of the States have agreed to those recoraraendations of congress. It Avffi noAV be necessary for rae to be very atten tive to tMs, and to request of you, sk, the earUest and most minute mteMgence of every proceeffing of congress and the States relative to it. The last year must have been a prosperous period in the Uni ted States. The Mgh prices of thek produce, and the Ioav prices of foreign merchandises, are a deraonstiation of it. Yet our shippmg, om- seamen, our carrymg tiade, have Tdccii discou raged. Present ease, and even Avealth, should not be our only object. We ought to attend to considerations of sti-ength and defence. Om- situation is different frora some of the powers of Em-ope who have neglected thek oavh defence. SAvitzeiiand is situated so, that if she should be attacked by one neighbor, she wotdd UifalUbly be defended by tAvo others. If attacked by Sardinia, she woffid be defended by France and the Emperor ; if by the Emperor, France and Sarffinia Avould support her ; and if by France, the Emperor and Sarffima would unite to protect her. This is so fuUy knoAvn to her and all her neighbors, that she 21 * 246 OFFICIAL. fears nothing, and is at no expense. HoUand, if attacked by France, found a friend in England ; Avhen attacked by Eng land, France supports her ; Avhen the Eniperor threatened her, she found a friend in France, too, and she AviU forever be sure that neither of these three gi-eat poAvers can ever suffer her to faU a prey io any of the others. She has reUed so much upon this, as to neglect her defence, to her great regret at present But Avhat are SAAitzerland and Holland, — sraaU poAvers Umited by natm-e, so that they never can be great, — to the United Stales of America, destined beyond a doubt to be the greatest poAvcr on earth, and that Avithin the life of man ? This is so AA'cU knoAA'u, that, instead of being overlooked among the poAV- ers, like HoUand and Switzerland, we shaU be more an object of jealousy than any other upon earth. AU the powers know that it is impossible for any, the proudest of them, to conquer us ; and, therefore, if aa'c should be attacked by any one, the others wffi' not be fond of undertaking our defence ; knowing we can defend ourselves, they avUI leave us to do it, and, if they assist us at aU, it Avill not be untU avc have done the AVork, and then it Avffi be feebly, and only with a vicAV of deriving more benefit and reputation from it than they do us good. They wffi be pleased to see us AA'cakened, and our groAvth a Uttle retarded. It behoves the United States, then, to knit themselves together in the bands of affection and mutual confidence, search their OAvn resources to the bottom, forra their foreign coraraerce into a sys tera, and encourage thek oavh navigation and seamen, and, to these ends their carrying ti-ade ; and I am much afraid we shaU never be able to do this, unless congress are vested Avith fuU poAver, under the Uraitations prescribed of fifteen years, and the concurrence of nine States, of forming tieaties of commerce Avith foreign poAvers. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO M. dumas. Auteuil, 11 May, 1785. Sir, — I received yesterday your favor of the 3d. I have received the orders of congress to go to London, according to the article you read in an EngUsh ncAvspaper, Avhich appears to have been copied from a gazette of New York. I have received OFFICIAL. 247 too a commission and letters of credence as rainister plenipo tentiary from the United States of America to the King of Great Britain ; and Air. WUUam Smith, formerly aid-de-camp of General Washington, is secretary of legation. Congress have resolved, too, that it Avffi be expedient to appoint a minister to their High Alightinesses to succeed me. At first, I concluded to go to the Hague, and take my leave of their Pligh Alightinesses and of the nation, Avitli all that respect, affection, and gratitude Avhicli is due frora rae to them ; but, as I have not received a letter of recaU, and my successor is not arrived, I cannot yet take leave accorffing to the forms. I learn that Colo nel Smith AA'as to embark in the packet for Falmouth, so that he may be expected by this tirae ; and I must see him as soon as possible, to receive from Mm sorae adffitional papers, amongst which may possibly be my letter of recall ; so that I liaA-e con cluded to go to London fo-st. UiDon the arrival of my letter of recaU, or of ray successor, I shall go over to the Hague, if pos sible. But if I should chance to be engaged in busUiess for the pubUc Avliich I cannot leave, I shaU take leave of thek High Mightinesses and of his Most Serene Highness by a respectful letter. In this case, hoAvever, I Avffi not lose the pleasure of a visit to HoUand, and of seeing my friends there, but Avffi take a journey there Avith Airs. Adams as soon as the pubUc service /Avffi admit. Whether this mission to St. James's is a subject of feUcitation or not, I knoAv not. One thing I knoAV. I qmt the situation in Emope the most to my taste and the most for my health, for / one that Avill probably be agreeable to neither. I exchange a quiet, cheerful mind, for an anxious one, and a life of ease for a scene of perplexity, confusion, and fatigue. If the pubUc, how ever, shoffid derive any benefit frora it, I shaU not regret it. Dr. FrankUn has leave to return, and talks of embarMng next month. Air. Jefferson is minister plenipotentiary at VersaiUes m his stead. Our commissions to negotiate comraercial treaties remain in force, and Ave shall continue that business, Mr. Jeffer son and I, as usual. We shall concert aU affaks by letter, and meet together to sign, in London or Paris, as may be convenient, or sign the treaties separately, if we cannot meet. The com munication betAveen the Hague and London wiU be short and more frequent, and I hope to hear from you often. 248 OFFICIAL. Aly faraily send their respects to yours. My son is to take leave of us to-morroAV morning, and may heaven's blessings attend him. Remember him and his father to all our good friends, Avhom you knoAV very well. With great respect, John Adams. TO secretary jay. Auteuil, 13 May, 1785. Sir, — We meet, as you kiioAV very Avell, so often with foreign rainisters, at Court and at other places, and have so many tran sient conversations upon subjects in which America is more or less concerned, that I scarcely know Avhen it is worth whUe to trans mit thera to you and when it is not. There is danger on one hand of degenerating into rainuteness, and on the other, of orait- ting soraetMng Avhich may be of consequence. The Duke of Dorset has been, in general, very civil to Dr. FrankUn, Mr. Jefferson, and me, and, I beUeve I may say with exact truth, that he has shown us as much respect and atten tion as he has to the ministers of any power whatever ; but since the EngUsh papers, from the gazettes of New York, have pubUshed my appointment to his Court, he has been raore assi duous, if I raay use that expression, than ever. He congratulated rae, at Court, very poUtely, on my appomt- ment, and said if he could be of any service to me, in pub lic or private, by Avriting to Mr. Pitt or Lord Carmarthen, or to any of his piivate friends, it would give hira pleasure to do it. I thanked his Grace in general terras, and said it was very possible he raight be of service to me, and to his own coun tiy, too, as weU as mine, if his Grace and his humble servant thought aUke upon certain poUits. He thought then, as well as I, that it Avas proper we should compare notes ; and said he would come out to Auteuil and see me on Saturday at tAA'clve. Accorffingly he came, and, repeating his professions of good Avill and his offers of service, I told his Lordship I did not mean to give him the trouble of any official representations, but, as he Avas Avilling to enter into private conversation Avith me upon affairs, I raight ask Avhat could be the reason Avhy the posts upon our frontiers Avcrc not evacuated. He said, he could not OFFICIAL, 249 tell. 1 added, there had undoubtedly been full time, and it could not but be considered as inconsistent Avilh the treaty ; that he might weU imagine it must be a tender point Avith us, and that jealousies and apprehensions would be very justly kept alive araong all our people until the treaty was fulfilled in this particular. He seemed wholly at a loss upon this subject, and did not incUne to compromise himself by hazarding any opi nion. I then mentioned the debts, and said it was certainly for the mutual advantage of both sides that we should come to an explanation upon that article ; that to let loose the law, and perhaps the inflamed passions of some creditors upon the debt ors and thek estates, might ruin the latter without paying the former ; that if execution was served upon the person of a debtor for Avant of estate, by the ancient as avcU as modern laAvs, he might, in a stated period, obtain his liberty upon Ms oath, and then the debt woffid be lost. If execution should be levied upon estate, it must be sold at vendue, and, in the present scarcity of raoney, would not be sold for half its value, so that the creffitor might lose as AveU as the debtor ; that it would surely be better for both countiies, as weU as for creditor and debtor, that the latter should be aUowed tirae to turn hiraself, and raake the raost of his property. The Duke replied, that if the matter shoffid be represented in this Ught, and made appear to be so, perhaps the ministry and the creditors might be satisfied ; but, he added, interest should be paid. I answered, that the question concerning interest Avould not be changed at aU by a delay ; it Avould be the same, whether the principal were paid now or some time hence. But I found his Lordship here again unwUUng to hazard any opinion of his oavh. I then mentioned the negroes, and asked why the treaty Avas so Uttle attended to in this article. He asked, Avhether any considerable nuraber had been carried off. I answered, a very great number ; and not only against the treaty, but confessedly so, for that Sir Guy Carleton had, at the time of his carrying thera away, acknoAvledged it to be against the treaty ; but aUeged that their tieaties with the negroes obliged them to do it, and, therefore, they must pay for them. I added, that this raade it still harder upon the Araerican debtors, and, indeed, raade it perfectly just for them to withhold payraent, because 250 OFFICIAL. that the property of many of them Avas thus wi-ongfuUy with held from them ; property by Avhich they might have been ena bled to pay at least much of thek debts. But I found that either Ms Grace had not thought much upon these subjects, or that his prudence resti-ained Mm frora speaking freely, and he chose to Avave particulars, by repeating offers of his service. I replied, that I did not think it was proper for me to deske his Grace to raake any official representations, because ray first adffiess of that kind shotdd be made to Lord Carmarthen ; but that noble men and gentlemen of high rank Avere often here and in com pany Avith his Grace, and as conversation turned often upon American affaks, it might be in his Grace's poAver to rectify many mistakes relative to these subjects. It Avould be stffi more in his power by his private correspondences. I coffid not, hoAvever, obtain any specific promises ; but he concluded by more general assurances, that he sincerely Avished that aU ques tions might be settled to rautual satisfaction, and entke har- raony and affection restored, &c. &c. A fcAV days after, the Dffiic came out a second tirae to see me at Auteuil, and brought rae sorae letters to the custom house at Dover, AA'hich he believed AA'otdd save me any trouble some visits of those genti-y, and said he had AAtitten to Air. Pitt, to deske hmi to send an order to the custom-house Avhich aa'ouM certainly aiisAver the end. He then told me, I must be in London time enough to pay my respects to the King on the 4tli of June, his bkthday ; that to that end I must cany over frora hence a fine ucav coat, ready made, for that it AA'as a rule of etiquette there for everybody Avho AA'ent to Com-t to have new clothes upon that day, and very rich ones, and that ray faraUy raust be intioduced to the Queen. I told him I Avas sorry to hear that, but that I hoped it Avas not inffispensable, for that as at the Com-t of Versailles the families of ambassadors only AA'ere required to be presented, and minis ters plenipotentiary and envoys had thek option, my family had chosen to avoid it here for raany reasons. He said it Avas ti-ue, that here the etiquette requk-ed only the presentation of ambas sadresses ; but in England it Avas otherAAise, and the ladies and daughters of all ministers must be presented to the Queen. I hope, sir, you avUI not think this an immaterial or a trffiing conversation, AA'hen you consider that the single circumstance of OFFICIAL. 251 presenting a family to Com-t wffi make a difference of several hunffi-ed pounds sterling in ray inevitable annual expenses. This is not the first serious lecture that 1 have had upon the subjects of etiquette, and even ffiess. I have formerly related to you in conversation another much more grave, Avhich I had five years ago from the Count de Vergennes. I believe I have also repeated to you similar exhortations made to rae, even by the best patriots in HoUand. There is a certain appearance in proportion to rank, which all the courts of Europe make a point of exacting frora everybody who is presented to them. I need not say to you, sk, because you know it perfectly weU, that American rainisters have never yet been able to make this appearance at any com-t. They are now less able to do it than ever. I lament this necessity of consuming the labor of my fel low-citizens upon such objects, as much as any man Uvmg ; but I ara sm-e that the debasing your ministers so much beloAV thek rank wffi one day have consequences of much raore iraportance to the husbandman, artisan, and even laborer. With the raost corffial esteem, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 27 May, 1785. Dear Sir, — I found that either the Dffite of Dorset's letter to the premier had produced an order at Dover, or that his Grace's letter to the custom-house office had had as good an effect, for I AA'as alloAved to pass Avithout molestation, and, in deed, I received marks of particular respect. We arrived yesterday in the afternoon, and, as fortune AA'offid have it. Colonel Smith arrived the night before. We soon met. I Avrote a card to the Marqffis of Carmarthen, at nine at night, acquainting his Lordship of ray arrival, and desiring an hour to wait on Mm. This morning I had an answer, that his Lordship woffid be glad to see me at one at his house, or at four at his office, as I chose. I repUed, that I Avould have the honor to wait on him at one. Colonel Smith Avent Avith me. We Avere admitted in an instant, and politely received. I laid before hira my commission, and left him a copy. Colonel Smith did the same Avith his. I consulted his Lordship about the etiquette of ¦J 252 OFFICIAL. my letter of credence, and he gave me the same ansAvers as the Comte de Vergennes gave you. His Lordship then said, that on Wednesday next, after the levee, I should be presented to his Majesty, in his closet, and there deliver my letter of cre dence ; and that, on the next levee-day, Colonel Smith Avould be presented. This, he said, was according to usage. I have since seen the Dutch minister, Avho inquked of every particular, step by step, and then said I Avas received precisely upon the same footing with all the other ministers. I learned from the Dutch rainister, too, another particffiar which gave rae pleasm-e, namely, — that the usage here is dkectly contrary to that in HoUand and France. Here the ncAV minister receives the first visit from aU the foreign ministers ; Avhereas, in France and Holland, the hcav minister makes the first visit to all the foreign ministers, and notifies formaUy to them his reception. This saves rae frora an embarrassment, and we shaU now see AA'ho Avill and who wUl not. We shall see what will be done by imperial ministers, &c. With the most corffial esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. London, 30 May, 1785, Dear Sir, — I have redeemed a moraent from a multitude of avocations at this critical time, to acknoAvledge the receipt by Colonel Smith of your letters of the 31st of March, Avith the resolutions of congress inclosed of the 21st of March. As M. de St Saphorin is many months ago recaUed from the Hague, I shall make inquiry after him, and, if I cannot find Avhere he is, I shaU communicate a copy of the resolution to the Danish minister here, by whom it will be tiansmitted to his Com-t, Avhich I suppose wffi be an execution of my instructions as near the spkit of them as it is now practicable. The liberal decision of his Danish Alajesty, respecting the ordination of American candidates for holy orders in the Episcopal church, called the Church of England, as soon as it Avas knoAvn in England, pro duced a more Uberal spkit and decision here than had prevaUed before, so that I hope that respectable body of our feUow-citi- OFFICIAL. 253 zens Avho are interested in it have derived a benefit frora it. I am much obliged to congress for this instance of thek approba tion, and for the honor they have done me in ti-ansmitting an account of it to the executives of the States.^ I have received, too, your letter of 13th of April, 1785, Avith the resolve of congress of 14th of February, 1785, empowering your ministers to apply a sum not exceeding eighty thousand dollars to the use of ti-eating Avith Morocco, &c. But I have heard nothing of Captain Lamb, or the papers by him. What my colleagues will judge proper to do I cannot say ; but the advice of the French Court was conformable to the opinion of us all, — that it Avill be indispensable for congress to send a consul AA'ith fffil poAvers. I received at AuteuU ray coraraission, instiuctions, and letter of credence to the Court of Great Britain, and have noAV received by Colonel Smith the papers sent by him. I received at Auteuil the ratffication of the last loan in Hol land, which I transmitted immediately to Amsterdam, Avhere it has been received, registered, and communicated to the lenders of the money, and has given them satisfaction, since Avhich 1 have received from you, sk, duplicate and tiiplicate of the sarae ratification. The cipher is received, and shall be attended to. Your rainisters have Avritten raonthly an account of thek pro ceedings. Not one packet has been raissed ; but Avhen I left Auteuil Ave had no certain evidence that any one of our letters had been received. We supposed that this Avas because con gress had not completed their instructions upon any of them ; but I must beg the favor of you, sir, barely to mention the receipt of ray letters, and thek dates, although you may not be prepared to answer them. Without this one loses the chain of correspondence. I have been visited by some gentlemen, Avho, I suppose, had seen the ministers, and learned frora them what to say to me. They said that the ministiy and the King considered the appointment of a minister as a proof of a concUiating disposition; that it was a reUef to them from an anxiety, &c., and that they were fully determined to receive me in all re spects Uke all the other foreign rainisters. This, I believe is ' See page 231. VOL. viii, -2 254 OFFICIAL, true ; but Ave must be cautious what consequences Ave ffiaw from it. It by no means foUoAVs that they are deterrained to do what thek honor and thek pubUc faith oblige them to do accorffing to om- ideas of thek obligations. It by no means fol lows that they wffi surrender the posts, restore the negroes, reUeve the debtors, or make any equitable treaty of commerce. I hope they Avffi do all these things ; but I can ascertain nothing until my character is acknowledged by a pubUc reception and auffience of his Majesty, I have made my visits to his mmis ters, and have had tirae to enter into a candid ffiscussion of these questions. You shall be punctually inform.ed from step to step. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. P. S. This morning Sk Clement CottieU Dormer, master of the cereraonies, called upon rae to inform me that he Avas ordered to attend me to Court on Wednesday, as he did on aU foreign ministers at their fost presentation, to show them the way through the apartments, &c. TO SECRETARY JAY. Bath Hotel, Westminster, 1 June, 1785. Dear Sir, — In my letter of the 29th ultimo, I inclosed copies of the letters Avhich had passed between the secretary of state and rayself, wherein this day was fixed upon for my intioduc- tion to his Majesty. Agreeable to that arrangement, the master of ceremonies waited on me at one, and accompanied me to the secretary's office, frora whence Lord Carmarthen accompanied me to the palace. I was in a very short time intioduced to the King's closet, AA'here, Avith the usual ceremony, I presented my letter of credence to his Majesty, and, after a few minutes' con versation, retired. I have only time to observe, sk, that I Avas inti-oduced Avith every necessary formality, and received with some marks of attention. The door being uoav opened, I may perhaps soon have it in my poAver to form some opinion respecting the general disposi- OFFICIAL, lion ofthe King and his miuisters, relative to the obj('(;ts of my mission, of Avhich you raay expect the earliest communication. I am, cVc. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAA'. Bath Hotel, Westminster, 2 June, 1785. Dear Sir, — Dm-ing ray intervieAV Avith the Marcpis of Car marthen, he told me that it Avas customary for every foreign minister, at his first presentation to the King, to make his Alajesty some compliments conformable to the spkit of his let ter of credence ;^nd Avhen Sk Clement CottreU Dormer, the master of the ceremonies, came to inform rae that he should accorapany me to the secretary of state and to Com-t, he said that every foreign rainister whom he had attended to the Queen had always made a harangue to her Majesty, and he understood, though he had not been present, that they always harangued the King. ¦^ On Tuesday evening, the Baron de Lynden caUed upon rae, and said he came from the Baron de Nolken, and they had been conversing upon the singular situation I Avas in, and they agreed in opinion that it Avas indispensable that I shotdd make a speech, and that that speech shoffid be as complimentary as possible. AU this Avas conformable to the advice lately given by the Count de Vergennes to Air. Jefferson ; so that, finding it was a custom estabfished at both these great Com-ts, and that this Court and ^ the foreign ministers expected it, I thought I coffid not avoid it, although my first thought and inclination had been to deli ver my credentials sUently and retke. ^ At one, on Wednesday, the master of ceremonies caUed at my house, and went with me to the secretary of state's office, in Cleveland Roav, where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, /and introduced me to his under secretary. Air. Eraser, who has been, as his Lordship told me, uninterruptedly in that office, through aU the changes in administiation for thkty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon the subject of importing my effects from HoUand and France free of duty, which Mr. Fra- 256 OFFICIAL. ser himself inti-oduced, Lord Carmarthen invited me to go Avith hira in his coach to Com-t. '^AVhen Ave arrived in the antecham ber, the ail de bcBuf of St. James's, the master of the ceremonies met me and attended me, Avhile the secretary of state Avent to take the commands of the King. While I stood in this place, Avhere it seems all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room very fffil of minis ters of state, lords, and bishops, and all sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, Avliich is the liing's bedchamber, you may well suppose I was the focus of all eyes. I was reUeved, hoAV- ever, from the embarrassment of it by the SAvedish and Dutch ministers, who came to me, and entertained me in a very agree able conversation during the whole time. Some other gentle men, AA'hora I had seen before, came to raake thek corapUments too, untU the Marqffis of Carmartheii returned and desked me to go Avith him to his Majesty. -(J Avent Avith his Lordship through the levee roora into the King's closet. The door was shut, and I was left Avith his Majesty and the secretary of state alone. I made the three reverences, — one at the door, another about half way, and a third before the presence, — according to the usage established at this and all the northern Courts of Europe, and then addressed rayself to his Alajesty in the folloAV- ing Avords : — " Sir, — The United States of America have appointed me thek minister plenipotentiary to your Majesty, and have dkected rae to deUver to your Majesty this letter which contains the evi dence of it. It is in obedience to thek express commands, that I have the honor to assure your Majesty of thek unanimous dis position and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal intercourse betAveen your Majesty's subjects and thek citizens, and of their best wishes for your Majesty's health and happiness, and for that of your royal family. The appointment of a rainis ter from the Umted States to yom- Majesty's Court will form an epoch in the history of England and of America. I think my self more fortunate than all my fellow-citizens, in having the distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty's royal presence in a diploraatic character ; and I shall esteem my self the happiest of men, if I can be instiuraental in recommend ing my country more and more to yom- Majesty's royal benevo- OFFICIAL. 257 lencc, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affec tion, or, in better AVords, the old good nature and the old good humor betAveen people, avIio, though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a simUar religion, and Idndred blood. " I beg your Majesty's permission to add, that, although I have some time before been inti-usted by my countiy, it Avas ^ never in my Avhole life in a manner so agreeable to myself" The King listened to every Avord I said, with dignity, but with an apparent emotion. Whether it Avas the nature of the inter- vicAv, or Avhether it Avas my visible agitation, for I felt more than I ffid or could express, that touched hira, I cannot say. But he Avas much affected, and ansAvered rae with more tremor than I had spoken with, and said : — " Sir, — The circumstances of this auffience are so extiaorffi nary, the language you have noAV held is so extremely proper, and the feeUngs you have ffiscovered so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say that I not only receive with pleasure I the assm-ance of the friendly dispositions of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has faUeii upon you to be thek minister. I Avish you, sk, to beUeve, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty Avhich I OAved to my people. I Avill be very frank with you. I was the last to consent to the separation ; but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, 1 have ahvays said, as I say noAV, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power. The moraent I see such sentiments and language as yom-s prevail, and a disposition to give to this country the pre ference, that moraent I shaU say, let the ckcumstances of lan-v guage, religion, and blood have their natm-al and fuU effect." '--jV I dare not say that these Avere the King's precise words, and, it is even possible, that I may have in some particular mistaken his meaning ; for, although his pronunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesitated some time betAveen his periods, and between the members of the same period. He AA'as indeed 22" <2 258 OFFICIAL. much affected, and I confess I Avas not less so, and, therefore I cannot be certain that I Avas so cool and attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of aU his Avords or sense ; and, I think, that aU which he said to me shoffid at present be kept secret in America, unless his Majesty or his secretary of state, Avho alone AA'as present, should judge proper to report it. This I do say, that the foregoing is his AInjesty's meaning as I then understood it, and his OAvn words as- nearly as I can recoUect them. ^The King then asked me whether I carae last from France, and upon my ansAvermg in the aflffimative, he put on an ak of familiarity, and, smiling, or rather laughing, said, " there is an opinion among sorae people that you are not the most attached of all your counti-ymen to the manners of France." I was sur prised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion and a depart ure from the ffignity. I was a little embanassed, but determined not to deny the truth on one hand, nor leave hira to infer from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an ak of gayety and a tone of decision as far/ as Avas decent, and said, " that opinion, sk, is not mistaken ; I must avow to your Majesty, I haA'e no attachment ' but to ray own country." The King replied, as v qtuck as Ughtning, " an honest man wffi never have any other.",. The King then said a word or two to the secretary of state, ^ which, being between them, I did not hear, and then tm-ned round and boAved to me, as is customary Avith all Mngs and princes Avhen they give the signal to retke. I reti-eated, step ping bacliAvard, as is the etiquette, and, maldng my last reve rence at the door of the chamber, I went my way. The mas ter of the ceremonies joined me the moment of my coming out of the I{ing's closet, and accompamed me through the apartments down to my carriage, several stages of servants, gentleraen-porters and under-porters, roaring out like thunder, as I went along, " All-. Adams's servants, Mi-. Adams's carriage, &c." I have been thus minute, as it may be useful to others hereafter to know. The conversation Avith the King congress will form thek own judgraent of I may expect from it a residence less painful than I once expected, as so marked an attention from the IGng will silence many grumblers ; but Ave can infer nothing from aU this concerning the success of my mission. , ^ OFFICIAL. 259 /¦<^There are a ti-ain of other ceremonies yet to go through, in presentations to the Queen, and visits to and from ministers and ambassadors, which avUI take up much time, and interrupt me in my endeavors to obtain all that I have at heart, — the objects of my instructions. It is thus the essence of things is lost in ceremony in every country of Europe. We must sub mit to what we cannot alter. Patience is the only reraedy.\ With great respect, &c. y John Adams. TO secretary JAY. Bath Hotel, Westminster, 6 June, 1785, Dear Sir, — Colonel Smith, on the 3d of this month, informed me that Colonel Fonest had been Avith him, in behalf of tAvo gentlemen of GlasgoAV, — Air. Colquhoun, Provost of that city, and Mr. Alexander Brown, — who were deputed by the mer chants of that place who had debts in America, to confer Avith the creditors in London concerning an appUcation to ministry and parUament to obtain thek interposition for the recovery of thek claims, but that, having heard ofthe appointment of a mimster to this Court, and of ray anival, they were deskous of seeing rae. I desired Colonel Sraith to inforra thera that I should be glad to see thera the next raorning. Accordingly, on the 4th, they came, and Mr. Colquhoun informed me of his errand, and said he was very glad that congress had ap pointed a minister, because he hoped that the article of debts would now be accommodated to mutual satisfaction, without any application on their part, and he should be glad to return to Scotland Avithout maldng any, provided he could be fur nished Avith a reasonable account to give of himself to his con stituents. I told hira I was obUged to him for having given rae an opportunity to see him ; that the raerchants of GlasgOAV must be sensible we were but just emerged from an impoverishing war, in which there had been a great interruption of agriculture and commerce, and a still greater destruction of property, Avhicli rendered it difficult for any debtor, and irapossible for many, to discharge their debts forthAvith ; that I was persuaded there Avas a general disposition to discharge the debts as fast as it could 260 OFFICIAL. be done, but that tirae and patience Avere as ranch for the inter est of the creffitors as the debtors ; that if there had been any interposition of the governments in Araerica, it had been, as I presuraed, solely Avith a vicAV of giving tirae to negotiate an explication of the article of the tieaty, and to prevent the impru dence of hasty creditors from hurting themselves as weU as the debtors, to no good end ; that one principal object of my mis sion Avas to negotiate this affak AA'ith the minister, and, although I Avas not authorized by the debtors, and eould not be inipoAV- ered by congress to ti-eat with the merchants of London and GlasgOAA', they might depend upon my devoting a full propor tion of my time to this subject Avith the ministry, and should be ahvays ready to hear any proposals, explanations, or argu ments, even from inffividuals, and to transmit them to congress, if they were such as merited attention ; that it Avas thought very hard and um-easonable in America, that interest shordd be insisted on during the Avar, and that if the creditors could be brought to consent to reUnquish it, and that a reasonable time shordd be aUoAved, I thought the Avhole might be arranged to mutual benefit and satisfaction ; that creditors should consider that there Avas a great demand for clotMng, stock, and utensUs, to repair the waste of Avar, and to put estates into a conffition to produce, and to set commerce in motion ; that this, together Avith the zeal to pay as much of thek debts as possible, had already raised the interest of money even to an alarming height ; that it must be better to alloAV the debtor time to turn himself, that he might pay all, rather than press him suddenly, so that he might not be able to pay raore than a part ; that if property were seized upon uoav, it raight not produce half its value, Avhereas, left in the hands of the present possessor, it would enable hira to employ it to such advantage as to pay Ms debts in time. Air. Colquhoun made no particular reply to the subject of interest, but said the merchants of Glasgow Avere fully sensible of the ckcumstances I had mentioned, and Avere very AvilUng to wait, and they Avere deskous of entering into sorae agreement that the debts should be paid in five years by instalments, one fifth in a year ; but they were alarmed at the spkit of migra tion into the wUderness of America ; they thought it AA'rong to be restrained from anesting the person or attaching property of OFFICIAL. 261 a debtor Avhom they saAV about to remove to Kentucky and other places, Avhere they could never be come at I told hira, that this was ucav to me ; but that Kentucky and all other new settlements Avere under the laAvs and jmisdiction of some State, as I supposed, and, therefore, the debtor and his property would be within the reach of the creditor as much as if he remained in the cities and old settlements ; and, as those removals commonly advanced the fortune of the emigrant, it might be ratiua- a benefit to his creditors, by increasing the ability to pay. I subjoined that there were tAVO things which feU very hard upon the debtors in the States of Virginia and New York (for he had mentioned these particularly). One was, the great number of negroes which had been carried away. If these negroes had been restored according to the treaty, they would have been at AA'ork to earn money to pay thek master's debts, but the carrying them off' was a double loss to the owner ; and the holding possession of the posts upon the frontiers had kept out of our hands a valuable trade, which woffid have gone a great Avay to enable us to pay our debts. He said he thought it a very foolish thing to hold possession of the posts, &c. ; that he would venture to return to Scotland, and would take no more measures about applying to parUament, which he was sensible must excite a clamor ; and he hoped the merchants of Glasgow would be contented to wait. He seemed to be well pleased with the conversation, and took his leave in good humor, so that I think it very lucky that so noisy a busi ness as a petition to parliament shotdd be so easUy diverted at this critical moment. But I am unfortunate in another respect, as my Lord Car marthen is iU of a fever, so that I shcffi not, I fear, be able to coraraence conferences with hira upon business so soon as hoped. No time shaU be lost by me. With great and sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. M. dumas to JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 7 Juin, 1785. Monsieur, — Je me vols honore des A'oties du 11, 18, et 29 Mai. Je sens I'incongruite qu'il y auroit a venk prendre conge 262 OFFICIAL. sans letties de rappel, et j'ai soin de la fake sentir aussi a tous ceux qui m'en parlent. J'espere que M. Franklin conservera autant de viguem- de corps, qu'il en montre d'esprit en s'erabar- quant a 80 ans. Je serois bien aise que vous eussiez la bonte de me marquer la conduite que vous deskez, monsieur, que je tienne avec Sir James Hants quand U revienffia ici. Lorsqu'U vint deployer son caractere, U fit annoncer son arrivee a tous, grands et petits ; mais il ne fit rien dke ni a I'hotel des Etats Unis ni chez moi. J'en conclus alors, que nous devious etie comrae deux paralleles qm, etant prolongees dans une meme dkection, ne se touchent jamais. Mais comme ceci ne regarde que le besoin personnel que nous ne pouvons avok I'un de I'auti-e, je suis pret, toutes les fois que le service des Etats Unis en profiteroit, a aUer chez lui lorsque vous le souhaiterez. Quant aux affeffies de la RepubUque externes, eUes continuent de tiainer en longueur. Les internes sont poussees avec plus de vigueur. Venffiedi U y -a eu une resolution, quant a Rotter dam, fort desagreable au statdholder et ses creatures, et une proposition d' Amsterdam, rendue tout de suite commissoriale, encore plus alarraante potu- lui. Sa coraraission de capitaine- general Iffi doniie le coraraandement, mais non la dkection, de I'armee. II s'etoit erapare de la derniere, comme de bien d'auti-es choses. 11 y a tout a parier que dans peu U sera mis orffie a cela. Les affakes dans I'empke sont dans une crise, dont je pomTai peut-etie bientot vous apprendre le developpe- raent, &c. &c. Dumas. P. S. J'aUois faire partir cette letti-e, lorsqu'un ami, au sortk de I'assemblee de Leur Hautes Puissances, dont U est membre, est venu amicalement et confidentiellement m'avertk, que L. H. P. ont requ de Londres la nouveUe de I'audience et presentation de V. E. comrae ministre des Etats Unis pres de sa Majeste Brittanique ; que cette demarche a etonne et blesse L. H. P. ; qu'on a ti-ouve que ce n'est ni decent, ni dans I'orffie, d'envoyer et accrediter un ministi-e accr^ffite pres d'une puissance, sans en donner connoissance ni expUcation a ceUe-ci, chez une auti-e pffissance ; qu'on a cite a cette occasion, dans I'assemblee, un Roi de Suede, qui prit un pared precede pour affront et hosti- OFFICIAL 263 Ute ; que dans les debats que cela a occasionnes, quelques bien intentionnes et moderes (entre autres, I'ami, c[ue je vous ferai connoiti-e dans la sffite) ont opine de charger AL Fagel de m'en- tietenk la-dessus, et d'ajuster I'aff'ake avec moi de maniere ([ue L. H. P. eussent contentement ; mais que le sentiment d' autres, aises ii deviner, a prevalu, savok, de fake ecrke dkectement k lem- ministre a Londres, pour savok si M. Adams, qui vient d'avoir audience, &c. pres de sa Majeste Brittannique, etoit le raerae qui se trouvoit toujours accreffite chez eux, ou un autre de raeme nom. On m'a fait part de tout cela expressement pour vous I'apprendre sans delai ; et I'on est d'avis que la chose pourroit peut-etie se raccomraoder encore, sans un eclat desa greable et a V. E. et au congres, si vous ecriviez et faisiez pre senter incessarament une lettre a L. H. P. ou vous leur expose- riez voti-e cas, et les raisons propres a diseffiper le congres. Je m'acquitte fort a la hate. De votre exceUence le susffit C. W. F. Dumas. M. DUMAS TO JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 8 Juin, 1785, Monsieur, — J'ai la satisfaction de pouvok vous annoncer que tout est k peu pres raccommode. Je dis,h peu pres ; car il faudra toujours ecrke, le plutot le mieux, a Leur Hautes Puissan ces la lettie en question, ou vous leur exposerez le cas. La reso lution avoit passe hier, comme j'ai eu I'honneur de vous le man- der. Mais comme la resomption devoit s'en faire aujourd'hui avant d'etre arretee, on revint un peu a la proposition des moderes, d'avoir une expUcation avec moi. En consequence M. Fagel m'a envoye prier ce matin de passer chez Iffi a dix heures ; ce qu'ayant fait, il m'a expose la sensibiUte de L. H. P., et demande si M. Adams, accredite et admis tout ri^ceraraent aupres de sa Majeste Britannique, etoit le meme qui etoit accre dite aupres d'eux. Je I'ai prie de me dke, s'il rae faisoit la question comme M. Fagel, ou comme M. le Greffier. II m'a dit, j'ai orffie de vous le demander de la part de L. H. P. J'ai done, lui ai je dit, un double et triple motif de vous dke la v6rite ; la voici en tiois mots. C'est le meme. J'ai poursuivi, 264 OFFICIAL. qu'il m'etoit aise de vous justifier provisioneUement, en attend ant que vous le fissiez vous-raeme par letti-e a L. H. P. ; et la- dessus je lui ai lu ce que vous m'avez fait rhonneur de me dire sur ce sujet dans vos lettres de Paris du 11 et du 18 Mai. II a ete ti-es content de la maniere dont vous exprimez voti-e embar- ras dans les deux passages, en ajoutant; "J'ai bien dit que M. Adams etoit honnete, et incapable de manquer a L. H. P. Je vous prie de lui faire mes compUmens, et de I'assurer de mes sentimens d'estime et d'amitie pom- lui." Je lui ai lu ensuite ce qu'il convenoit de la minute de mon susffit postscrit, qu'il a approuv^. II m'a dit alors, qu'U avoit ecrit hier provisioneUe ment ti M. de Linde, de s'informer ; mais que L. H. P. avoient ti-ouve bon, au Ueu d'arreter une resolution, de prendre la chose ad notam ; en d'autres termes, de la renffi-e commissoriale, si les expUcations que je pourrai donner se trouA'oient satisfaisantes ; ce dont il ne doutoit pas, si je voulois lui donner exti-ait de ces lettres, pom- le produire immediatement a I'assemblee. Comme le temps etoit court, et qu'U n'y avoit rien d'affieurs dans les deux letties, qui ne put etre vu d'un chacun, j'ai pris le parti de Iffi confier les originaux (ce que M. de Verac, a qui je I'ai raconte, a approuve). II me les renverra. J'ai couru dela a un autre bout de la ville, instiuke I'ami d'hier, qui aUoit sortir pour se renffi-e a I'assemblee. Mon atten tion lui a fait plaisk. Apres diner j'ai appris que la prise ad notam a eu lieu. M. Fagel m'a dit aussi, que le Roi de Suede en -question etoit celui d'aujourd'hui ; le ministie dont il se croyoit offense, M. de Linde actuellement a Londres ; et celui qui cita ce trait hier a I'assemblee, M. son pere, de Blitterswyck. II m'a dit aussi que quelques tetes chaudes avoient opine de rappeler AI. Van Berckel. La proposition d' Amsterdam, dont je vous ai parle, et un ter rible meraoke de AI. le Corate de Maffiebois, qui I'a suivie de pres, vont, selon toute apparence, produke I'etabUssement d'un departement mUitaire, qui diminuera prodigieusement certaine inffuence. La crise en AUeraagne continue de murk. Je viens de dechif- frer une lettre interessante la-dessus. Mais ceci fort entre nous. P. S. du lOe Jffin. M. le Greffier Fagel, en me rendant ce matin les deux lettres susdites, m'a dit, que I'eponge est passe e OFFICIAL, 265 sur toute cette affaire, et que L. II. P. ont ordonne de la rayer miiine des notes. Cela vous renffi-a, monsieur, la lettre de poli- tesse, quil est toujours et d'autant plus a propos d'ecrire, encore plus aisee. Permet"tez, &c. C. W. F. Dumas. TO SECRETARY JAY. Bath Hotel, AVestminster, 10 June, 1785, Sir, — Yesterday, the Oth of the month, I was presented to the Queen by my Lord AUesbury, her lord-charaberlain, having been attended to his Lordship and introduced to hira by the master of the ceremonies. The Queen was attended by her laffies, and I made my compUments to her Majesty in the fol lowing words : — " Madam, — Among the many circumstances AvMch have ren dered my mission to his Alajesty desirable to me, I have ever considered it as a principal one, that I should have an opportu nity of making my com-t to a great Queen, Avhose royal virtues and talents have ever been acknoAvledged and admired in Arae rica, as well as in aU the nations of Em-ope, as an example to princesses and the glory of her sex. Permit me, madam, to recommend to your Majesty's royal goodness a rising empke and an infant vkgiii world. Another Europe, madam, is rising in America. To a phUosophical mind, like yom- Majesty's, there cannot be a more pleasing contemplation, than the prospect of doubling the human species, and augmenting, at the same tirae, thek prosperity and happiness. It will, in future ages, be the glory of these kingdoms to have peopled that country, and to have sown there those seeds of science, of liberty, of vktue, and permit me, madam, to add, of piety, which alone constitute the prosperity of nations and the happiness of the human race. "After venturing upon such high insinuations to your Majesty, it seems to be descending too far to ask, as I do, your Majesty's royal indulgence to a person who is indeed unqualified for courts, and who OAves his elevation to this distinguished honor of stand ing before yom- Majesty, not to any circumstances of Ulustrious bkth, fortune, or abUities, but merely to an ardent devotion to VOL. VIII. 23 266 OFFICIAL, his naive cotmtrv. and some Urt le industry and perseverance in her serrice." The Queen answered me in these words : — "I thank you, sk. for vour civilities to me and my family, and am glad to see you m tMs coijjitr.'," The Queen then asked me if I had provided my seff Arith a house. I ansAvered. I have agreed for one. madam, this morn- msf. She then made her courtesv, and I made my reverence and retired into the ffiaAAing-room, Avhere the King. Queei:. Prmcess Royal and the yotmger princess, her sister. aU spoke to me verv ojiginglv. I attended tmtil the draAvfog-room was over, and then retumed home. It has been necessary, m order to guard against false reports and maUcious fictions, to reduce to Avritmg Avhat was said m mA' auffience; of the Kino- and Queen, and it is the custom of all miffisters to transmit these compliments to thek Courts, I transimt them to you in cipher, that they may be exposed to as Uttle criicisra as possiole. As the Court knevr very AveU that the eyes of aU nation; were fixed upon the;e auffiences. it may be fairly concluded from thern, that it i; the mtention of the royffi family and of minister; to treat America Uke other foreign poAver; : but oux inference; can go no farther. We cannot infer from this, that they Avffi relax thek navigation act for us. any more than for France. We are sure of one tMng. that a na'igation act i; in our power, as AveU as m theks, and that our; AviU be more hurt- fffi to them than thek; to us. In ;hort. it is ;carcely possible to calcffiate to Avhat a height of naval power a narigatiou act woffid raise the L'ffited State; m a few years. With great esteem, vkc, John Adaaes, TO il, FAGEL. Londrn, 10 June, 1755. SiF, — I have the honor to inform you that I have received from congres; a letter of credence to Ms Britanffic Alajesty as minister pleffipotentiary of the L'ffited State; of America, and OFFICIAL. 267 that I have had the honor of presenting that letter to his Majesty, and of being received in that character. I have received, too, authentic information that congress have resolved that it is expeffient to appoint a rainister to succeed me at the Hague ; but I have not received my letter of recall, nor news of the actual appointment of a successor. This, sir, is the only reason Avhy I ffid not, and could not, come to the Hague, and take a formal leave of their High Alightinesses and of his Most Serene Highness, as I Avished. It is stiU my inten tion to come, or to take leave, by a respectful letter, whenever my letter of recaU shaU arrive, or a successor. My being appointed to other service upon this occasion is no ncAV thing. I Avas, last August, received at the Court of Ver saffies, as mmister plenipotentiary from the United States of Araerica to his Most Christian Majesty, Avhich Avas never con sidered, any more than intended, as any faUure of respect to the Republic. For myself and for my country I knoAV that respect, esteem, and affection to the Republic is engraven on all om- hearts. I beg, then, the favor of your advice, if you think it proper and necessary for me to take any farther steps upon this occa sion before my letter of recall, or my successor, shall arrive. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. M. FAGEL TO JOHN ADAMS. La Haie, 14 Juin, 1785. Monsieur, — Je viens de recevok la lettie dont vous m'avez honore le 10 de ce mois. Je considere comme une marque par- ticuliere de I'estime que vos merites vous ont acquis, que le con gres vous a nomme pour leur ministie plenipotentiaire aupres de sa Majeste Britannique ; et je suis fache que nous perdons par la la residence d'une personne, qui s'est rendu ti-es agi-eable chez nous, et qui par ses manieres honnetes se seroit rendu de plus en plus estiraable. II faut espercr que celffi qui vous suc- cedera aura les raemes bonnes qualites. Je ne saurois vous deguiser qu'on a fait quelques reffexions ici sur ce que vous aviez remis vos lettres de creance au Roi d'Angleterre, avant que d'avok presente vos letti-es de rappel aux etats-generaux. 268 OFFICIAL, .I'ai meme ete charge d'en enti-etenk M. Dumas, votie secretake, qui m'en a donne teUe explication, que, sur le rapport que j'en ai fait a I'assenible, on a cru devok s'en contenter. Lorsque vous recevrez vos letties de rappel, ce ne pom-ra eti-e que ti-es agreable a leurs Hautes Pffissances que vous les presen- tiez en personne. Si les ckconstances de vos affaires ne le per- mettent point, il suffira de le fake par un meraoke adresse aux etats-generaux. Vous pouvez etie persuade, monsieur, que la reponse que leurs H. P. y feront, ne servira qu'a temoigner leur egard pour le congres, et lem- desk de cimenter, de plus en plus, i'union et la bonne inteffigence dans laqueUe elles ont le bonhem- de vivre avec eux. J'ai I'honneur d'etie, &c. H. Fagel. TO SECRETARY JAY. Westminster, 17 June, 1785. Sir, — At three o'clock, according to appointment, I Avent to the secretary of state's office in Cleveland Roav, St. James's, and Avas immediately received by the Marquis of Carmarthen. His Lordship began the conversation, by saying that he cordd ansAver for himself, and he beUeved for the rest of the King's servants, that they were sincerely deskous of cultivating the most corffial fiiendship with America, and of doing every thing in thek power for dissipating every little animosity that might remain among individuals. In return, I told his Lordship that I was glad to hear such assm-ances from him and the other ministers, that I Avas very confident that the people of the United States had conespondent dispositions, and that I had sanguine hopes that in a short time aU remaining difficffities woffid be amicably settled ; that, to this end, I was charged by congress with several particffiars which had hitherto given some uneasiness, but AA'hich, upon a candid discussion, might be easily accommodated, as I hoped, to mutual satisfaction ; that there Avere six principal points to be ffiscussed with his Lordship. The first, and perhaps the most pressmg, was the posts and ter ritories Avithin the limits of the United States, which were still held by British ganisons; the exportation of negroes and other American property, which, by the seventh article of the ti-eaty of peace, was not to be exported ; the tendency of the restiic- OFFICIAL, 269 tions on our ti-ade to incapacitate our merchants to make remit- ^ tances to theirs ; the losses of our merchants as Avell as theks, if Ave Avere unseasonably pressed for the payment of debts con- ti-acted before the war ; the constiuction of the armistice of 20th January, 1783, and the decision of questions of captm-es made after the expiration of the month ; and the liquidation of the charges of prisoners of Avar. These were the general heads. The great question of the commerce between the countries, involving so many interests, and those of so important and so permanent a nature, might be attended with the most diffi culties, and require the longest time to be adjusted ; but all the others appeared to be so clear and easy, that I hoped they might soon be finished ; that, however, having barely opened to his Lordship the principal matters of negotiation, I should not enlarge upon aU of them at present. That the debts seemed to be a leading point, because they Avere intimately connected with aU the others. The Avithholding the posts, the exporta tion of so many negroes, the resti-ictions on our ti-ade, the mis construction of the armistice, and the delay of liquidating the charges of prisoners, had all conti-ibuted very much to obstruct i our merchants in their honest exertions to discharge their debts -^ to the merchants of Great Britain ; that it could not be un- knoAvn to his Lordship, that the withholding the posts had with held from our merchants a very profitable fur trade Avhicli Ave justly considered as our right ; that the fm-s which would have been obtainecU^Hhe posts had been in our hands, Avoffid have come to Engla^B^payment of debts to the amount probably of several hunffi-ed thousand pounds ; and his Lordship must be sensible ij^t one hunffied thousand pounds a year more woffid have gone a great way towards contenting the creditors of this country ; that it was impossible to say what a difference had been raade by canying aAvay the negroes Avhich belonged chiefly to the Southern States, and, if the treaty had been ob served, AA'ouM have been at work on thek master's plantations, so that not only thek original value, but their labor and the profit upon their labor had been lost, aU of AA'hich might and ought to have been applied to the payment of debts ; that -it AA'as Avell knoAvn that^j^tmber of valuable vessels had been taken upon the coad^^BA,meiica, after the expkation of the month, and as yet ^mliheld from the owners, who were 23 "' 270 OFFICIAL. all probably debtors, AA'hich had incapacitated them so far to pay ; that there was supposed to be a large balance in om- favor m the account of the charges of prisoners, which be ing Avithheld, operated stffi to disable us on that account to do as we desked to do; that fi-om aU that I might be sup posed to knoAV of the character of the people of the United States, and fi-om aU the inteUigence I coffid gather from aU parts of them, I Avas persuaded that nothing lay Avith greater Aveight upon thek minds than the payment of thek debts ; that they thought thek moral characters, and thek reputations as men, as aa'cU as their credit as merchants, concerned in it ; that thek zeal to make remittances had been such as to raise the interest of money to double its usual standard, to advance the price of bffis of exchange to eight or ten per cent, above par, and to raise even the prices of the produce of the countiy to alraost double its usual standard ; that his Lordship AveU knew AA'C had no other mines of gold and silver than our lands and seas ; that large sums of the circulating cash Ave had, had been remitted to England in specie, and as much produce as could be purchased at almost any rate, but that this produce lay in magazines in London, because it Avould not fetch the price that AA'as giA'en for it in America ; (that the people of America Avere, nineteen twentieths of them, farmers ; that these had sold thek produce dearer, and purchased the manufactures of Europe cheaper, since the peace, than ever; but that the situation of the merchants both in Araerica and in England, had been, and continued to be, very ffistiessing. No poUtical an-angements havmg been made, they had aU expected that the tiade Avould return to its old channels, and neariy under the same regula tions ; but they had been disappointed ; British merchants had made large advances, and American merchants conti-acted large debts, both depenffing upon remittances in the usual articles and upon the old terms, b'ut both had found themselves disap pointed, and it Avas much to be feared that the consequence Avotild be numerous faUures ; that the cash and bffis had been chiefly remitted to the great loss and damage to the counti-y ; that remittances could not be made as heretofore, by reason of obsti-uctions, restrictions, and irapostj^aJd by Great Britain on our exports to Great Britain ; that ^Bmer rice, tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, ships, oil, nor other allies, the great sources of OFFICIAL. 271 remittances formerly, could uoav be sent as heretofore, and the ti-ade of the West Inffies, formerly a vast source of remittance, Avas UOAV obsti-ucted ; that, under all these circumstances, if the debtor should be immediately pressed by his British creditor, it would be a certain loss to both; that it was apprehended, among a number of creditors, there might be sorae, perhaps many, influenced by strong passions, by keen avidity, or by per sonal resentment, Avho might rashly make use of the law to the ruin of the debtor, without being able, however, to recover much of his debt. Here his Lordship interrupted me, and said, I have seen one remarkable instance of the violence and unreasonableness of private resentment, when JVLr. Chase Avas here from Mary land, in one of the ti-ustees of the Maryland stock. Mr. Chase produced fr-om the legislature of Maryland authority to make full corapensation to ¦ a relation of that trustee for an es tate that had been confiscated, but he Avould not accept it, though I told him he woffid not be able to prevent the claim of Maryland, but Avoffid probably hurt his own interest, or that of his relations. I told his Lordship I had yesterday received a letter from Mi-. Paca, the governor of Maryland, relative to the claim of that State, and should be glad to do them any service with his Lordship or elsewhere, respecting that affair ; that if Ms Lordship gave their full weight to aU these considerations, he must see the motives and the necessity of restraining the impetuosity of creffitors. His Lordship then read me, from a late petition to him from the merchants, an account of a bUl lately brought into the assembly of Virginia, for paying the debts by instalments, which he understood had been lost by a sudden storm or frost. The raerchants complained of the cut ting off the interest during the war, for the long term of seven years, and of the restiaint from preventing the aUenation of property, or removal of debtors into the AvUderness. His Lordship heard me very attentively, and said that he hoped we should be able with patience and time to adjust aU these things ; that Ave shoffid probably meet Avith many rubs in om- way ; that passion and private interest would sometimes be in our Avay on both sides ; but AvhUe the ministers on both sides could keep right, he should think Ave might succeed ; for his part, he was for attending to every consideration, and giving it 272 OFFICIAL. its just weight, and he desked me to give him in writing some- thUig to begin upon. He thought the affak of the posts the most pressing, and wished I Avould begin Avith that I told his LordsMp that I would let him know, between him and me, that I had instiuctions to reqffire the evacuation of the posts and sm-- render of aU our tenitory, but I Avished to conduct the business with aU the deUcacy that was possible, and, therefore, I wished rather to inquke of Ms Lordship what AA'ere the intentions of his Alajesty's ministers, and Avhether they had akeady expeffited orders for the evacuation of the posts, &zc. His Lordship said I must give him my inqukies in AAu-iting, that he might have a ground for makmg those inqmiies himself, as it was an affak in another departraent. I agreed accorcUngly to make an office of it I shaU at first confine rayself to decent inqukies concerffing the orders given or to be given, and if I receive positive assur ances that expUcit orders are gone to the governor and com mander-in-chief in Canada to evacuate aU the posts and territo ries, I shaU content myself to Avait; but if I do not obtain such expUcit assurances, I shaU think it my duty to present a merao- rial Avith a decent but firm requisition. I shall ti-ansmit to you, sk, every step of my progress ; but I find it very teffious, and fear you aa'UI find it more so, to ti-ansmit particffiar ckcumstan ces in detaU ; AA'hen one looks over again a letter in which he has attempted it, he finds a raffititude of things omitted, or but half represented. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. P. S. I forgot one ckcumstance of some consequence. His Lordship said he had seen in the gazettes sorae proceeffings at Boston AA'hich he aa'us \'ery sony to see. I ansAvered that I had seen thera in the sarae gazettes, as I supposed, and had no more authentic account of them; that I had no authority to say any thing officiaUy about them, but, as an individual, I might say that the observations I just had the honor to make to his LordsMp, concerning the state of the commerce betAveen the tAVO countiies, AvotUd be sufficient to explain to his Lordship the motives to those proceeffings, and to convince his Lordship of the probabffity of such sentiments and proceeffings becoming general throughout the Uffited States, and alienating the com- OFFICIAL. 273 merce of that countiy from tMs, either by increasing manufac- tures in Araerica, or opening neAV channels of commerce Avith ,' other counti-ies, which might easUy be done, unless some an-angements Avere made aa'McIi might facilitate remittances. It was so obviously the true policy of tMs country to facffitate remittances fr-om America, and to encourage every thing Ave coffid send (as the Americans tMnk), that when they find remit tances discouraged, impeded, and even prohibited, it Avas natu ral to expect they AA'offid be alarmed, and begin to look out for other resources ; that my feUoAV-citizens AA'ere very confident they had the power in thek OAvn hands to do themselves justice,^ as soon as they should find it denied them here ; but I hoped the difficffities Avoffid aU be removed here. The whole conference was conducted Avith perfect good hu mor, and, on the part of Ms Lordship, Avith perfect poUteness. J. a. TO SECRETARY JAY. Bath Hotel, Westminster, 26 June, 1785. Dear Sir, — By the runth article of the confederation, the United States, in congress assembled, have the sole and exclu sive right and poAver of entering into treaties and affiances, pro vided that no treaty of coramerce shaU be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shaU be restiained frora imposmg such imposts and duties on foreigners as thek own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatso ever. I have ventured, sk, in some former letters to you, notwith standing the deUcacy of tampering with the confederation, to suggest to your consideration, Avhether it may not be necessary for the States to reconsider this proviso, and give to congress unUmited authority to enter into tieaties of commerce with foreign powers, at least for a limited term of years. I have also inquked, whether it imght not be necessary for the States to confer upon congress authority to regffiate the external com merce of aU the members of the confederation for a Uke term of years. If the States shoffid hesitate at this, I am persuaded they 274 OFFICIAL. Avoffid readUy comply Avith recommendations of congress to this effect. For example, if congress shotdd recommend to the legislatures of the States to lay duties, heavy duties, upon aU British vessels entering into or clearing out of thek ports, espe cially upon aU vessels commg from or bound to the West Inffia Islands, Nova Scotia, Canada, or NcAvfounffiand, and upon aU merchanffises imported fi-om, or exported to, any part of the British dominions, I can scarcely doubt that every legislature AA'ould immediately comply ; and by this means our own navi gation AA'offid be encouraged, and the British discouraged to such a degree as to compel the British governraent to enter into an equitable tieaty ; nay, I cannot doubt the readiness of the States to comply AA'ith a recommendation of congress AA'hoUy to /JiroMbit British vessels and merchandises. Although I haA'e been receiA'ed here, and continue to be ti-eated, AA'ith all the ffistinction aa'McIi is due to the rank and title you have given me, there is, nevertheless, a reserve, Avhich coiiA'inces rae that we shall have no ti-eaty of commerce untU this nation is made to feel the necessity of it. I ara every day astonished at the ignorance of aU ranks of people of the relation betAA'cen this counti-y and ours. " Cui bono ?" they cry, " to AA'hat end a ti-eaty of commerce, AA'hen Ave are sure of as much Aiue- rican ti-ade as aa'c have occasion for, Avithout it ? The experiment has been tried, and the Americans have found that they cannot supply themselves elscAA'here ; there must be (pad pro quo ; and AA'hat have the United States to give in exchange for the Uberty of going in thek oavh ships to our sugar colonies and our colo nies upon the continent ? " These smart reasoners are answered, " The Americans aUoAV Britons to come in thek oavh vessels to all thek ports in the United States, and this is more than a quid for yom- quo. This is the ti-ue reciprocity ; and AvhUe avc alloAV you tMs liberty, AA'e have a right to demand it in return." " But," repUes the Briton, " you cannot avoid this ; you have no government ; you cannot agi-ee to prohibit our ships and goods, or to lay duties on them." " Then," says the American, " you give up the argument of reciprocity ; you confess that you are not Aviffing to alloAv us a quid for your quo, and that you are disposed to take advantage of our supposed disunion to get une qual benefits from us ; but you avUI find yourselves disappointed in this disunion that you buUd so much upon. Nothing but OFFICIAL. 275 too much good nature to you, and too high an opinion of your Avisdom, has prevented the States hitherto from uniting in a re ciprocal discouragement of your ships and goods ; but Avhen the Americans find theraselves deceived, you wUl soon see them too much united for yom- purposes." Such have been the dialogues in conversation for a year or tAVO, and these ignorant sophisms of the Britons AviU never be confuted to any effect, untU vigorous measures are taken by all the States in concert. Whatever measures are taken, I should recommend them to be taken upon this express proviso, to continue in force only until things shall be otherwise settled by a ti-eaty of commerce. I receive sometiraes unexpected visits from persons, who, I suppose, are sent on pm-pose to say things to rae, Avhich they wish no doubt to have transmitted to you. Since the appear ance of the resolutions of the merchants, traders, and mechanics of Boston, I have several times fallen into company AA'ith per sons, Avliose connections I knew, and who have assumed very grave faces, and inqffired about the disturbances at Boston, as they caU them, and given very sage hints of thek fears, that those proceedings woffid obstruct my success. A few days since, my servant announced Lord Hood Avould be glad to see ^ me, if I was at leisure. I desked his Lordship might waUi up. I was surprised, that among so many visits of ceremony, his Lordship should not be content with leaving his card. But in the year 1768, I had appeared before him, then Commodore Hood, in a special court of admkalty, for the ti-ial of four saUors for kiffing Lieutenant Panton in defending themselves from his press-gang ; his Lordship took advantage of this very transient acquaintance of seventeen years stanffing, to make me a fiienffiy visit ; " he soon began a conversation about the Boston proceed- ' ings ; it is not necessary to repeat Avhat was said, as it was of no consequence for you to know, excepting that his Lordship was very sony to see the account of those proceedings ; Avas very much afraid they would obstruct the return of friendship, and prove a bar to what he wished to see, — a good treaty of commerce. I told his Lordship that those proceeffings Avere^ prefaced with, " Avhereas there is no tieaty of commerce," and, 1 as I understood them, they were not to be in force any longer ! than there should bano tieaty of commerce. His Lordship con- ' 276 OFFICIAL. eluded by saying, that the sooner such a tieaty was made, the better. I had no doubt, then, and have been confirmed by others since in the opinion, that his Lordship did not come of his OAVii head. AU parties are upon the reserve respecting Araerican affaks ; they are afraid of each other ; and it is my clear opinion, that it is congress and the States, and they alone, AA'ho can enable me to do any thing effectual ; I may reason tffi I die, to no purpose. It is unanimity in America in measures, which shaU confute the British sophisms and make them feel, which wiU ever produce a fak treaty of commerce. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. to the marquis of CARMARTHEN. Grosvenor Square, 14 July, 1785, My Lord, — The tAventy-second article of the preliminary treaty of peace between Great Britain and France, signed on the 20th of January, 1783, is in these words, namely — " In order to prevent all causes of complaint and dispute which may arise on account of prizes that may be taken at sea, after the signing of these preUminary articles, it is reciprocaUy agreed that the vessels and effects which may be taken in the channel and in the north seas, after the space of twelve days, to be com puted from the ratification of those preUminary articles, shall be restored on each side. That the term shall be one month from the channel and the north seas, as far as the Canary Islands inclu sively, Avhether in the ocean or in the Mediterranean ; five months from the said Canary Islands as far as the said eqffi- noctial Une or equator ; and, lastly, five months in all other parts of the Avorld, Avithout any exception or any other distinc tion more particffiar of time and place." In the preUminary articles of peace between Great Britain and Spain, a cessation of hostUities was stipulated in the same manner. On the sarae 20th of January, it Avas agreed betAveen the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty on the one part, and the rainisters plenipotentiary of the United States of America on the other, that the subjects, citizens, and possessions OFFICIAL. 277 of both poAvers should be comprised in the suspension of arras above mentioned, and that they should consequently enjoy the benefits of the cessation of hostilities at the same periods and in the same raanner as the three croAvns aforesaid, and their subjects and possessions respectively. It appears, hoAA'cver, that raany vessels Avliich were taken after the expiration of one month from the 3d of February, 1783, the day of the ratification of the said preliminary articles, within that part of the ocean Avhicli lies between the channel and north seas and the Canary Islands, have not been restored; but, on the contiary, in some instances, such vessels have been condemned as laAvful prizes, upon an opmion that the words " as far as," said to be used in the preliminary articles, meant the ffistance from Paris to the southernraost part of the Canaries. It must be obvious to your LordsMp, that this construction is extiemely foreign from the intention of the conti-acting par ties, AA'ho never had Paris in contemplation as a boundary of the region of one month, nor as any Umit of a meastu-e of distance ; the channel and north seas being expressly marked as the northern boundary, and the southernmost Canary as the south ern, and every part of the ocean, from the channel and north seas, up to the Canary Islands, inclusively, is comprehended. Indeed, the Avords " as far as," are scarcely a proper transla tion of the words "-jusqu'aux," in the article of the treaty. The original words are " depuis la Manche et les Mers du, nord jusqu' aux Isles Canaries," and not " depuis Paris jusqu^ aux Isles," Sfc., SfC. The intention of the contracting parties is so clear, and thek expression so plain, that it is not easy to account for the misin terpretation of them ; but, as many laAvsffits are depending upon the point, and several Americans are now in London Avaiting the decision of them, I do myself the honor to propose to your Lordship a particular convention to determine aU these contio- versies on both sides, by inserting the words "¦jusqu'd la latitude des Isles Canaries," instead of '¦'¦jusqu'aux Isles Canaries," and also the words " depuis la latitude des dites Isles Canaries," in stead of " depuis les dites Isles Canaries," it being apparent from the raention ofthe Meditenanean, as in the same stage of one month between the channel and north seas on the north, and the Canaries on the south, and ofthe equinoctial line as the next VOL. viii. 24 278 OFFICIAL. stage, that the Une of latitude of the southern Canary was intended. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 18 July, 1785. Dear Sir, — Your favors of June 22 and July 7 and 11, are before me. ^ The delay of IVL-. Lamb's arrival is unfortunate ; but I think Avith you, that the sooner a project of treaties is pre pared, the better, and I wUl give the earUest attention to it whenever you shaU send it. I shall go this morning to Stock- dale, to talk Avith him about sending you the neAVspapers and pamphlets through the channel of Cleveland Roav; that is. Lord Carmarthen's office. I agree with pleasure to the appointment made by the Doctor and you, of All-. Short, to carry the tieaty through London to the Hague, and in joiMng Dumas with him in maMng the exchange. A letter to hira, and another to Air. Dumas, signed by you and me, as the Doctor is gone, would be sufficient authority. But I should have no objection to giving each of thera a more formal commission, under our hands and seals, to be our secretaries, especiaUy pro hdc vice. He must carry om- original commission to show to the Baron de Thulemeier, and a copy of it attested by Colonel Humphreys to deUver him; and Air. Dumas and he should see the Prussian commission, and receive an attested copy of that. I do not think of any other papers necessary. I have given to Lord Carmarthen, long ago, an explanation of the poAver of congress to form treaties of commerce, exactly conforraable to that Avhich you gave the EngUsh gentleraan ; but I ffid not extend it to the case of consuls. He asked me no questions concerning consuls, and I did not think it proper for me to say any thing on that subject, not having any insti-uc tions. But I am not easy on that head. Air. Temple talks of going out in three or four weeks, but I am very apprehensive he AvUl meet with the difficulties you foresee. 1 These letters, together with most of Mr. Jefferson's part of this correspond ence, are printed in the collection of his writings made in 1829, by T. J. Ran dolph. OFFICIAL, 279 {The rest in Cipher, and kept secret.) I do not like the symptoms. GalloAvay, Deane, Chalmers, Watson, are too much in favor. The lottery for the tories, although perhaps in part inevitable, has been introduced Avith such pompous demonstrations of affection and approbation as are neither wise nor honest. There is too much attention to the navy ; and there is another step Avhich alarms my apprehen sions. Hanover is joimng Prussia, against the views of the tAVO Iraperial Courts, at least in Bavaria. Keep tMs as secret as the grave, but search it to the bottom among the foreign mimsters Avhere you are. Does this indicate a doubt whether om- busi ness with De Thffiemeier may be delayed ? Does it indicate a design in the British cabinet to be neutial, in order to be more at leisure to deal Avith us ? Can it be a secret understanffing between St. James's and Versaffies ? The design of rffining, if they can, our carrying tiade, and annihilating all our navigation and seamen, is too apparent. Yom-s, most sincerely, John Adams. TO secretary JAA'. Grosvenor Square, AVestminster, 19 July, 1785. Dear Sir, — Give me leave to propose for your consideration, and to request you to submit to the decision of congress, whe ther it woffid not be proper that some measures should be taken to furnish your ministers abroad with the laws of the several States, and more especially with such laAVS as may have a rela tion to external commerce or any other foreign affair. Information of this Mnd Avffi be wanted at every Com-t, but more particffiarly here, and at this critical period. Our feUow- citizens here, from aU the States, have been very civU to me, in furnishing me with all the Ughts in thek poAver, and this will ever be the case, it is to be hoped, Avherever you have a minis ter ; yet aU the Ughts which inffividuals abroad can furnish, avUI be imperfect, though ever so carefuUy collected by a minister, without the continual assistance of congi-ess and the States. I have been lately obUged to a feUow-citizen, Captain C. AlUler, for the laws of New York, of the second meeting of the eighth session of the legislature, among which, to my great satisfac- 2S0 OFFICIAL. tion, I find the Uffited States in congress assembled A'ested for fifteen years AAith powers to prohibit any goods. Avares, or mer- chanffise from being imported into, or exported from, any of the Uffited States, Ui vessels belongUig to, or navigated by, the subjects of anA' power Avith whom these States shaU not have formed tieaties of commerce : and also with power of prohibit- mg the subjects of any foreign state, Idngdom, or empke, mUess authorized by ti-eaty, fi-om kiiporting mto the L'ffited States any goods, wares, or merchanffise which are not the produce or manufactiire of the domkUons of the soA'ereign whose subjects they are. I read this act AAitli pleasure, because it is A'ery nearly all that is wantUig. The legislature of NeAA" A'ork have avoided giA'ing to the Liiited States the power of imposing equalizmg or retaUating duties, and I caimot say that they are not right in tMs, although it is very probable such duties AA'iU be indispensa ble. Such duties, if laid by any State, should be laid by aU ; and if the States wffi, in such cases, respect the recommenda tions of congTess, this may be sufficient. If we enter kito ti-eaty with England, how shaU we manage this subject ? ShaU we stipffiate that Britam sliaU pay in our ports no Mgher duties than the most faA'ored nations shaU pay, ki return for her stipu lating that Americans shaU pay in her ports no higher duties than the most faA'ored nation pays ? This woffid be unequal, because the most favored nation pays m British ports much greater imposts, than the nation the most faA'ored by the Lffiited States pays in our ports. If aa'c enter mto such a stipulation, the consequence AA'ffi be, that, ki order to form an equalitA', we must impose enormous duties, not only upon British subjects, but upon aU other nations. For example, the most faA'ored nation pays m England upon oU eighteen pounds three shillings ster- Img per ton. If aa'c attempt to equalize and retaUate, we must lay on the amount of this upon the importation of goods fi-om aU other nations, a measure that may be very inconvenieut to us. Shoffid AA'e not then endeavor to obtain a stipffiation that Americans shaU pay, in British ports, no Mgher duties than Bri tish subjects ? No doubt, to obtam this, aa'c must stiptdate that Britons shaU pay, iii om- ports, no higher duties than our oavh citi zens ; and even this AX'ffi be unequal, because that duties in general are higher in England than in America. This, hoAVCver, can- OFFICIAL. 281 not be avoided, and, as it is our feUcity, we have less cause to repine at it. But, if the British ministry should refuse to go i farther than the mutual privUege of the raost favored nation, we shall have no remedy but in equalizing duties, which it avUI lie absolutely necessary to lay on, in order to do ourselves justice ; this cannot be done, but by a concert of all the States ; if such a concert can be effected by recommendations of congress, so much the better ; if it cannot, I see no other remedy but to give cohgress the power. This nation reUes upon it, that our States can never accom plish such a concert, either by giving congress the power, or by , complying with thek recommendations. Proofs of this are innumerable. Lord Sheffield's Avi-itings, the constant stiain of aU the writings in the newspapers, the language of conversation, the report of the committee of council, but above aU, the system adopted by the Dulte of Portland's administration, and uni formly pursued by him and his successor, JMr. Pitt, are a de monstration of it. For, although raany express a contempt of ' the American commerce, (and I am sorry to say that even Lord Camden has lately said, that AvhUe they had a mono poly of the American tiade, it was a valuable thing ; but now they had not, he thought very little of it) yet those of the minis- \ try and nations who understand any thing of the subject, knoAA' ' better, and buUd all their hopes and schemes upon the supposi- ' tion of such divisions in America as will forever prevent a com bination of the States, either in prohibitions or retaliating duties. It is true that the national pride is much inflated at present by the course of exchange, which is much in thek favor AA'ith all parts of the Avorld, and disposes them to think Uttle of Ame rican commerce. They say that the progress of the fine arts in this kingdom has given to thek manufacturers a taste and skill, and to thek productions an elegance, cheapness, and utiUty, so supe- i rior to any others, that the demand for thek merchandises from all parts of Europe is greater than ever ; that even Lord North's prohibitory bill has contiibuted to this advantage, by occasioning a demand among foreign merchants during the war, for goods , to supply America. The knowledge and taste for British manu factures, they say, has been, by this means, spread all over Em-ope, and the demands for them multipUed, Avhich has turned the balance so much in their favor, and caused such an extraor- 282 OFFICIAL. dinary influx both of cash and bffis of exchange, into these Idngdoms. Those Avho reflect more raaturely upon this, how ever, see that this advantage is but temporary (if it is one) ; they say that the long stagnation of business by the war, had filled the counti-y Avith manufactm-es ; that, upon the peace, exti-aorffinary efforts Avere raade to ffispose of them, by sending factors abroad, not only to America, but to aU parts of Em-ope ; that these factors have not only sold thek goods at a low price, but have sent horae cash and bffis at a high one, so that their own factors have turned thek com-se of exchange in thek favor, in appearance, and for the present moment only, at thek ex pense, for the loss, both upon the sale of goods and the purchase of remittances, is theks. If these conjectm-es are right, the present appearance of prosperity avUI be succeeded by numerous failures and gi-eat ffistiess. Be this as it may, the present appearance has produced a self-sufficiency Avhich will prevent for some time any reasonable aiTangement with us. ^The popular pffise seems to beat high against America. The / pebple are deceived by numberless falsehoods industriously ckculated by the gazettes and in conversation, so that there is too much reason to beUeve that, if this nation had an other hunffi-ed mUUons to spend, they AA'ould soon force the ministi-y into a war against us. The Court itself, whatever may be thought of it, appears at present to be the principal barrier against a war, and the best ffisposed toAvardsMsV and Avhether they are restiained by any thing beside their own poverty may be justly questioned. Their present system, as far as I can penetiate it, is to maintain a deterrained peace with all Europe, in order that they may war singly against America, if they shoffid think it necessary. Thek attachment to their navigation act, as well as that of aU other parties here, is growuv so sti-ong, and^heir determina tion to consider us as foreigner^^nd to undermine our naviga tion, and to ffiaAV away our seameUjUs so fixe'df in order to pre vent us from privateering, in case m a war,Ahat I despak of any equal tieaty, and, therefore, of any tieatyV-untU they shaU be made to feel the necessity of it. It cannot, therefsa-e, be too earnestly recomraended to all the States to concutAvith the State of New Yol-k,^l giving to congress full power to make treaties of commerce, and, in short, to govern all our external OFFICIAL, 283 coraraerce ; for, I reaUy believe, it must come to that-' Whether prohibitions or high duties will be most politic, is a great ques tion. Duties may be laid, which will give a clear advantage to our navigation and seamen, and these would be laid by the States, upon the recommendations of congress, no doubt, as soon as the principle is admitted, that it is necessary that our foreign commerce should be under one direction. \You wUl easUy infer, from all this, that I have no hopes of a treaty before next spring, nor then, without the most unanimous concun-ence of all our States in vigorous measures, Avhich shall put out of aU doubt thek power and thek will to retaUateA i With great esteem, I am, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 24 July, 1785, Dear Sir, — I have a letter from the Baron de Thulemeier of the 19th, and a copy of his letter to you of the sarae date. 1 hope now, in a few days, to take Mr. Short by the hand in Grosvenor Square, and to put my hand to the treaty. I think no time shoffid be lost. We will join Mr. Durqas with Air. Short in the exchange, if you please. {In Cipher.) The Briton's aUen's duty is a very burdensome thing, and they may cany it hereafter as far upon tobacco, rice, inffigo, and twenty other things, as they uoaa' do upon oU. To obviate this, I think of substituting the words " natural born citizens of the United States," and " natural born subjects of Great Bri tain," instead of " the most favored nation." A''ou remember we first proposed to offer this to aU nations, but, upon my objecting that the English woffid make thek ships French or SAvedish or Dutch, &c., to avaU themselves of it, without agree ing to it on thek part, we altered it to the footing oi gentis ami- cissima. But, if the EngUsh avUI now agree to it, aa'c shall secm-e ourselves against many odious duties, and no ill conse-- quence can arise. It is ti-ue the French, Dutch, Swedes, and Prussians, will, of course, claim the advantage ; but, as they 284 OFFICIAL. must in return alloAV us the same advantage, so much the bet ter. Let me know, if any objection occurs to you. There is a bffi before parUament to prevent smuggUng tobacco, in which the restiictions are very rigorous, but cannot be effect ual. Tavo thkds of the tobacco consumed in this Mngdom, I ara told, is smuggled. How can it be otherwise, when the impost is five times the original value of the commodity ? If one pound in five escapes, nothing is lost. If two in five, a great profit is made. The duty is sixteen pence a pound, and tobacco seUs for three pence ; yet all applications for lowering the duty are resisted. Yom-s, most affectionately, John Adams. TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. Grosvenor Square, 27 July, 1785. My Lord, — Since the letter Avliich I did myself the honor to Avrite to your Lordship, relative to the construction of the ar mistice, I have received further information from America, which I beg leave to communicate to yora: Lordship. The first judgment rendered on a mistaken interpretation of the armistice, appears to have been at New York, where aU American vessels taken Avithin the second month were con deraned as laAvfffi prize by the judge of admkalty. The fame of these decrees having reached Connecticut and Rhode Island, it is said that simUar decrees were rendered by the inferior courts of admkalty there, against British vessels. There is, my Lord, a court of admkalty in each of the Uffited States, but, by our constitution, an appeal lies from aU of them to a court appointed by the United States in congress assembled, for re ceiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captm-e. If the parties interested in the decrees in Connecticut and Rhode Island had appealed to the supreme court, those decrees Avould certainly have been reversed ; because every cause which ever came before that court, upon the point in question, has been decided in favor of the British owner of the vessel ; and should a declaration be uoav made of the true intention of the contracting parties, the British OAvners, against whom the decrees Avere rendered in Connecticut and Rhode Island, may stffi ap peal, and have justice, if the tirae liraited is not passed ; if it OFFICIAL. 285 is, by an appUcation to the legislatures of those States, there is no doubt to be made, that an appeal Avould be granted under the jiresent circumstances, notAvithstanding the lapse of time. The decisions in the court of admkalty of Massachusetts and all other States have been conformable to the judgraent of the supreme court of appeals ; that is to say, conformable to the true intention of the armistice ; and it is with pleasure that I add, that the judgments of his Majesty's court of admkalty, at HaUfax, have been the same Avay. The Avords of the armistice are supposed to be the same Avhich have been constantly used in every treaty of peace for the last hunffied years, and it is not known that there ever Avas, before, any doubt or difference of opinion concerning the con stiuction of them. In order to estabUsh confidence betAveen the two countiies, my Lord, it is necessary there shoffid be a mutual confidence m each other's tribunals of justice, which can hardly exist whUe such various interpretations are given of so plain a point, by ffifferent courts in each nation. In order to settle aU disputes upon tMs subject upon one prin ciple, I have the honor to propose to your liOrdship, that a declaration should be made, in the form inclosed, or to the same effect in any other form, which to your Lordship may appear raore proper. With great respect, &c. John Adams. declaeation. Whereas, by the first article of the preliminary treaty of peace between the Crown of Great Britain and the Crown of France, signed at Versailles, on the 20th of January, 1783, it was stipulated in these words, namely: — " As soon as the preliminaries shall be signed and ratified, sincere friendship shall be reestablished between his Most Christian Majesty and his Britannic Majesty, their kingdoms, states, and subjects, by sea and by land, in all parts of the world ; orders shall be sent to the armies and squadrons, as well as to the subjects, of the two powers, to stop all hostilities, and to live in the most perfect union, forgetting the past, their sovereigns showing the example ; and for the execution of this article, sea-passes shall be given on each side to the ships which shall be despatched to carry the news of it to the possessions of the said powers." And by the twenty-second article of the same treaty it was stipulated in these words ; — " In order to prevent all causes of complaint and dispute which may arise on account of prizes that may be taken at sea, after the signing of these preliminary 286 OFFICIAL. articles, it is reciprocally agreed, that the vessels and effects which may be taken in the channel and in the north seas, after the space of twelve days, to be com puted from the ratification of these preliminary articles, shall be restored on each side ; that the term shall be one month from the channel and the north seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, whether in the ocean or in the Mediterranean ; two months from the said Canary Islands, as far as the equinoctial line or equa tor ; and, lastly, five months in all other parts of the world, without any exception or any other distinction more particular of time and place. "And, whereas, on the said 20th day of January, 1783, it was agreed, and, by instruments signed by the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty, in behaff of his Majesty, on one part, and by the minister plenipotentiary ofthe United States of America, in behalf of the said United States, on the other, it was mutually declared, that the said United States of North America, their sub jects and their possessions, and his Britannic Majesty, his subjects and posses sions, should be comprised in the suspension of arms above mentioned, and that they should consequently enjoy the benefit of the cessation of hostihties at the same periods and in the same manner as the crowns aforesaid, and their subjects and possessions respectively ; and whereas a doubt has arisen, and a question has been made, concerning the sense and intention of the high contracting par ties, by the words "d'un mois depuis la manche et les -mers du Nord jusqu'aux Isles Canaries, inclusivement," and by the words " de deux mois depuis les dites Isles Canaries jusqu'd la ligne equinoxiale ; " Now, iu order to remove all such doubts and questions, and to the end that the same rule of justice may take place in aU courts of justice, in both na tions, it is hereby agreed and declared by in the name and be half of his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, on the one part, and by , , minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Court of Great Britain on the other, in the name and behalf of the said United States, that the line of latitude of the southernmost Canary Island was intended by the said contracting parties, and that the armistice aforesaid ought to be everywhere understood and construed in the same manner as if the words had been "from the channel and the north seas to the latitude of the Canary Islands inclusively," and " from the latitude of the said Canary Islands to the equinoctial line ; " and that all judgments and decrees of courts of justice of either ofthe parties to this declaration, rendered upon any different construction of the armistice aforesaid, ought to be reversed. Done at Westminster, this day of TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. Grosvenor Square, 29 July, 1785. AIy Lord, — The com-se of commerce, since the peace, be tween Great Britain and the United States of America, has been such as to have produced raany inconveniences to the per sons concerned in it on both sides, Avhich become every day OFFICIAL. 287, more and more sensible. The zeal of Americana to make remit tances to British raerchants, has been such as to raise the inter est of money to double its usual standard, to increase Hie price of bills of exchange to eight or ten per centum aliove par, and to advance the price of the produce of the country to almost double the usual rate. Large sums of the circulating cash, and as much produce as could be purchased at almost any rate, have been remitted to England ; but much of this produce Ues in store here, because it Avill not fetch, by reason of the duties and restrictions on it, the price given for it in America. No political arrangements having been made, both the British and Araerican merchants expected that the trade Avould have re turned to its old channels, and nearly under the same regula tions, found by long experience to be beneficial ; but they have been ffisappointed. The forraer have made advances, and the latter contiacted debts, both depenffing upon remittances in the usual articles, and upon the ancient terms, but both have found themselves raistaken, and it is much to be feared that the conse quences wffi be numerous faUures. Cash and bills have been chiefly remitted ; neither rice, tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, ships, oil, nor many other articles, the great sources of remit tances formerly, can uoav be sent as heretofore, because of resti-ictions and iraposts, Avhich are neAV in this commerce, and desti-uctive of it; and the trade with the British West Inffia Islands, formerly a vast source of remittance, is at present obstructed. These evils, my lord, as far as they merely aff(3ct the United States, should not be offered to your Lordship's consideration. They are proper subjects for the deUberations of congress and the legislatures of the several States ; but, as far as they affect the raerchants and manufacturers of Great Britain and keland, and as far as they affect the general system of coraraerce, reve nue, and policy of the British erapke, your Lordship avUI, undoubtedly, give them their due weight. There is a literal impossibility, my lord, that the commerce between the tAvo countries can continue long to the advantage of either upon the present footing. The evUs akeady experienced wiU be much increased and more severely felt, if the causes of thera are permitted much longer to operate. It is the desire of the citizens of the United States to cultivate the most friendly 288 OFFICIAL, intercourse Avith the King's subjects, and it will be Avith regret that they shaU see the necessity of searching for other resources, as substitutes for British commerce, either in other countiies or in manufactures at home. Whether it is not putting at hazard too material an interest, to risk an alienation from these king doms, of the American coramerce, or any considerable part of it, for the sake of the advantages that can be obtained by the pre sent restiictions on it, is a question which must be submitted to your Lordship's consideration. In order to bring this subject, so momentous to both coun tiies, under a canffid discussion, I do myself the honor to inclose to your Lordship, and to propose to the consideration of Ms Majesty's ministers, a project of a fak and equitable ti-eaty of commerce between his Majesty and the United States of America, prepared in conformity to the instiuctions of con gress ; and submit it entirely to yom- Lordship to decide, whether the negotiation sliaU be conducted with your Lordship, or with any other person, to be invested with poAvers equal to mine, to be appointed for the purpose. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO secretary JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 29 July, 1785. Sir, — I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter to the Marquis of Carmarthen of the 14th July, another of the 27th, with a project of a declaration concerning the constiuction of the armistice, and another of this date, Avitli a project of a treaty of commerce. It is high time something shoffid be done to turn the attention of administi-ation to the relation between this country and the United States ; and it seemed most advisable to lay the project of a treaty dkectly before the ministry, rather than ffi-st negotiate the appointment of any other minister to treat Avith me than the Alarqffis of Carmarthen Mmself. If I had ffi-st proposed the appointment of a minister, they Avould have procrastinated the business for six months, and perhaps tAvelve, before I coffid have communicated any thing to them ; UOAV, they can have no excuse. The offer is made, and here after they may repent of their enor, if they do not accept it, or OFFICIAL. 289 something nearly like it, immediately. I am very sensible it will greatly embarrass the administration, because most of them, I believe, are sensible that some such treaty must be one day agreed to, and that it woffid be wise to agree to it now, but they are afraid of oppositions from many quarters. I raust not, however, ffisgffise my real sentiments. The present minis try are too much under the inffuence of Chalmers and Smith, and others of that stamp, and have been artfuUy drawn into so many manifestations of a determination to raaintain thek navi gation laws, relatively to the United States, and of a jealousy of our naval power, sraaU as it is, that I fear they have cora- mitted themselves too far to recede. Their Newfoundland act, as well as thek proclamations, and the fourth of thek Irish pro positions, are in this style. I have no expectation that the pro posed ti-eaty wffi be soon agreed to, nor that I shaU have any counter project, or indeed any answer, for a long time. It is very apparent that we shaU never have a«satisfactory anangement with this counti-y, untU congress shall be made by the States supreme in matters of foreign commerce and tieaties of com merce, and until congress shall have exerted that supremacy Avith a decent firmness. I am, with gi-eat esteem, &c. John Adams. ^ to secretary jay. Grosvenor Sc[uare, Westminster, G August, 1785. Dear Sir, — I find the spirit of the times very different from that which you and I saAA', when we were here together, in the months of November and December, 1783. Then, the commerce of the United States had not fully returned to these Idngdoms ; then, the nation had not digested its system, nor determined to adhere so closely to its navigation acts, relatively to the United States ; then, it was common, in conversation, to hear a respect and regard for America professed and even boasted of. Now, the boast is, that our coramerce has retm-ned to its old channels, and that it can follow in no other ; now, the utmost contempt of our commerce is freely expressed in pamphlets, VOL. VIII. 25 s 290 OFFICIAL. gazettes, coffee-houses, and in common street talk. I Avish 1 could not add to this the ffiscom-ses of cabinet counseUors and ministers of state, as well as members of both houses of parUa ment The national judgment and popffiar voice is so decided in favor of the navigation acts, that neither adrainistration nor opposition dare avow a thought of relaxing them farther than has been akeady done. This decided cast has been given to the pubUc opinion and the national councils by tAVO facts, or rather presumptions. The first is, that in all events this country is sure ofthe American commerce. Even in case of war, they think that British manufactures will find thek Avay to the Uni ted States through France, HoUand, the Austiian low countries, Spain, Portugal, SAveden, the French and Dutch West Indies, and even through Canada and Nova Scotia. The second is, that the American States are not, and cannot be united. The landed interest wffi never join Avith the commercial nor the southern States with the northern, in any measures of retaU- ation or expressions of resentment. These things have been so often affirmed to this people by the refugees, and they have so often repeated thera to one another, that they now fuUy beUeve them ; and, I am firmly persuaded, they will toy the ex periment as long as they can maintain the creffit of thek stocks. It is our part, then, to tiy our strength. You kiiOAV better than I do, whether the States wiU give congress the power, and Avhether congress, Avhen they have the poAA'cr, Avffi judge it necessary or expedient to exert it, in its plenitude. You Avere present in congress, sk, in 1774, Avhen many mem bers discussed in detail the commercial relations betAveen the United States, then United Colonies, and Great Britain, Ire land, the British West Inffies, and all other parts of the British empke, and shoAved to Avhat a vast araount the Avealth, poAver, and revenue of Great Britain Avould be affected by a total ces sation of exports and imports. The British revenue is uoav in so critical a situation, that it might be much sooner and more essentially affected than it could be then. You remember, how ever, sk, that although the theory Avas demonstiated, the prac tice was found very difficult. Britain has ventured to begin commercial hostUities. I call them hostifities, because thek dkect object is not so much the OFFICIAL. 291 increase of thek OAvn Avealth, ships, or sailors, as the ffiminution of ours. A jealousy of our naval poAver is the true motive, the real passion Avhich actuates them ; they consider the United States as thek rival, and the most dangerous rival they have in the Avorld. I see clearly they are less afraid of an augmentation of French ships and saUors than American. They think they foresee, that if the United States had the same fisheries, the same carrying ti-ade, and the same market for ready buUt ships, which they had ten years ago, they would be in so respectable a posture, and so happy in their circum stances, that their own seamen, manufacturers, and merchants, too, Avould hun-y over to them. If congress should enter in earnest into this commercial war, it must necessarUy be a long one, before it can fuUy obtain the victory ; and it may excite passions on both sides which may break out into a mffitary war. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the people and thek councils wffi proceed with all the temper ance and ckcumspection which such a state of things requires. I would not advise to this commercial stiuggle, if I coffid see a prospect of justice without it ; but I do not ; every appearance is on the contrary. I have not, indeed, obtained any direct evidence of the inten tions of the ministry, because I have received no ansAver to any of my letters to Lord Carmarthen ; and, it seems to me, to press thera at this juncture, Avith any great appearance of anxiety, Avould not be good policy. Let thera hear a little more ncAvs from Ireland, France, and, perhaps, Spain, as well as Araerica, which I think wffi operate in our favor. I ara, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 7 August, 1785. Dear Sir, — I am happy to find Ave agree so perfectly in the change Avhich is made in the project. The die is cast. The proposal is made ; let them ruminate upon it. I thought of proposing a tariff of duties, that Ave might pay no more in thek ports than they should pay in ours ; but thek taxes are so essen tial to their creffit, that it is irapossible to part with any of thera, and we should not choose to obUge ourselves to lay on & 292 OFFICIAL. as heavy ones. We are at liberty, however, to do it Avhen we please. If the English avUI not aboUsh thek aUen's duty, relatively to us, Ave must estabUsh an alien duty in all the United States. An aUen duty against England alone wffi not answer the end. She AAiU elude it by employing Dutch, French, SAvedish, or any other ships, and by Frenchifying, Dutchifying, or SAveffishing her OAA'II. If the English Avill persevere in excluding our ships from thek- AVest India Islands, Canada, Nova Scotia, and Ncaa'- foundland, and in demanffing an alien duty from us in thek ports AA'itMn the realm, and in refusing to American built ships the privUeges of British built ships, Ave must take higher ground, — a vantage-ground. We must do more than lay on alien duties. We must take measures by Avhich the increase of shippmg and seamen Avill be not only encouraged, but ren dered inevitable. We must adopt in all the States the regffia tions that were once raade in England (5 Richard II. c. 3), and ordain that no American citizen, or denizen, or alien friend or enemy, shaU ship any merchandise out of, or into the Lffiited States, but only in ships built in the United States, and navi gated by an American captain and three fourths American sea men. I shotdd be sorry to adopt a monopoly ; but, driven by the necessity of it, I Avoffid not do things by halves. The French deserve it of us as much as the English, for they are as much eneraies to om- ships and mariners. Thek navigation acts are not quite so severe as those of Spain, Portugal, and England (as they relate to thek colonies, I mean) but they are not much less so ; and they ffiscover as sti-ong a lust to annihi late our navigation as anybody. Or, might Ave modify a Uttle ? Might Ave lay a duty of ten per cent, on aU goods iraported in any but ships built in the United States, Avithout saying any thing about seamen ? If avc were to prohibit aU foreign vessels fi-om canying on our coasting trade, that is, from ti-affing from one State to another, and from one port to another in the same State, Ave should do something ; for this coraraerce Avffi be so considerable as to employ many ships and many seamen, of so much the more value to us, as they Avffi ahvays be ready at home for the defence of thek countiy. But, if Ave should only prohibit importations, except in om- own bottoms, or in the bottoms of the countiy or nation OFFICIAL. 293 of Avhose groAvth or production the merchandises are, avc shoffid do nothing effectual against Great Britain. She Avould deske nothing better than to send her productions to our ports in her OAVU bottoms, and bring aAvay ours in return. I hope the mera- bers of congress and the legislatm-es of the States wffi study the British acts of navigation, and make themselves masters of thek letter and spirit, that they may judge how far they may be adopted by us ; and, indeed, whether they are sufficient to do justice to our citizens in thek commerce Avith Great Britain. ^ There is another inquky which I hope our countrymen wffi enter upon, and that is, Avhat articles of our produce wUl bear a duty on exportation. All such duties are paid by the consumer, and, therefore, are so ranch clear gain. Sorae of our commodi ties wffi not bear any such duties ; on the contrary, they wiU require encouragement by bounties. But I suspect that several articles AAffil bear a handsome irapost. We shaU find our com merce a complicated machine, and difficffit to manage. And I fear AA'e have not many men who have turned thek thoughts to it. It must be comprehended by somebody in its system and in its detaU, before it Avffi be regulated as it shoffid be. I ara, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 8 August, 1785. Dear Sir, — It would be of little consequence to us, whether there was a union betAveen Great Britain and Ireland, or not, or Avhether Mr. Pitt's twenty propositions are accepted or not, provided both these countries should be allowed to trade Avith the United States upon free and equal terms ; but the design is too apparent, at least too suspicious, of ffiawing Ireland into the shacMes of the navigation acts, in order that the three king doms may be made to act in concert, in maintaining that sys tem of monopoly against us. Several speakers in parUament, and many Avriters, have lately thrown out hints of an union with freland, and a certain printer and bookseUer is now employed in reprinting Daniel de Foe's book upon the union with Scotland, to which he has engaged 25* 294 OFFICIAL. All-, de Lolme to Avrite an introduction. This is aU a ministe rial operation, and is intended to be pushed, if Mr. Pitt's tvA'enty propositions should either be rejected by the Irish parUament, or give too much discontent to the volunteers. The twenty propositions, and the bill Avhich is grounded on them, betiay too clearly the intentions of the ministry. " Whereas, it is highly and equaUy important to the interests, both of Great Britain and L-eland, and essential to the objects of the present settlement, that the laAvs for regulating tiade and navigation, so far as relates to secm-ing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain and Ireland, and the British colomes and plantations, and so far as relates to the regulating and resti-aining the ti-ade of the British Colonies and plantations, shoffid be the sarae in Great Britain and Ire land, and that all such laAvs in both Idngdoras should im pose the same resti-aints, and confer the same benefits, on the subjects of both, Avhich can only be effected by the laws to be passed in the parliament of both kingdoms (the parUament of Great Britain being alone competent to bind the people of Great Britain in any case Avhatsoever, and the parUament of Ireland being alone competent to bind the people of Ireland in any case Avhatsoever) ; therefore, be it declared, that it shaU be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential con dition of the present settlement, that the laws for regulating ti-ade and navigation, so far as the said laAvs relate to the se curing exclusive priA'ileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and plantations, shaU be the sarae in Great Britain and Ireland, and shall irapose the same restraints, and confer the sarae benefits, on the subjects of both kingdoms." " That all privileges, advantages, and immunities Avhich are noAV granted, or shall, by any law to be passed by the parUa ment of Great Britain, be hereafter granted, to ships buUt in Great Britain, or to ships belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects resiffing in Great Britain, or to ships manned by Bri tish seamen, or to ships manned by certain proportions of Bri tish seamen, shaU, to all intents and purposes whatever, be enjoyed in the same manner, and under the same regulations and restrictions respectively, by ships built in Ireland, or by ships belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects residing in OFF ICI. Vt. 295 L-eland, or by ships manned by Irish seamen, or by ships manned by certain proportions of Irish seamen." " That it shall be held and adjudged lo be a fundaraental and essential condition of the present settlement, that such regulations as are uoav, or hereafter shall be in force, by laAV passed or to be passed in the parliament of Great Britain, for seeming exclusive privUeges, advantages, and immunities as aforesaid, to the ships and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and plantations, shaU be established in Ireland, for the same time and in the same manner as in Cireat Britain, by laAVs to be passed in the parliament of Ire land, Avithin months, &c., provided, that the laAVS so to be passed in the parUament of Great Britain for the pm-poses aforesaid, shall irapose the sarae resti-aints, and confer the sarae benefits, on the subjects of Great Britain and Ireland." " That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential condition of the present settlement, that Lish sailcloth shall be deemed British sailcloth Avithin the meaning of 19 G-. IL, or any other act or acts of parliaraent, respecting the fur nishing of ships Avith British saUcloth, and that Irish sailcloth shall be entitled to equal preference and advantage as British for the use of the British navy." " That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundaraental and essential conffition of the present settlement, that all goods of the groAvth, produce, or manufactm-e of any British, or of any foreign colony in America, or in the West Indies, or of any of the British or foreign settlements on the coast of Africa, and all peltry, rum, train oil, and ivhale-fins, being the groAvth, produce, or manufacture of the countiies belonging to the United States of America, or being the produce of the fisheries carried on by the subjects of the United States of America, shall, on import ation into Ireland, be made subject to the same duties and regu lations as the Uke goods are, or from time to time shall be sub ject to, on importation into Great Britain ; or, if prohibited from being imported into Great Britain, shaU, in like manner, be prohibited from being imported into Ireland." These extracts from the bUl for finaUy regulating the inter course and commerce between Great Britain and Ireland, moved in the house of commons by the chancellor of the exchequer, are sufficient evidence of a design to draw Ireland into a com bination against America. 296 OFFICIAL, This jealousy of our ships and mariners, sir, is not peculiar to the English; the French are equally possessed of it; and both are infected with it to such a degree, that I am confident, that each of these nations had rather contribute to the increase of the others' ships and mariners than those of the United States. It would not surprise me at all, if these two Courts, Avhich can agree in nothing else, shoffid combine together to exclude us frora every branch of the carrying trade and every advantage of the Avhale fishery. What shaU we do to defend ourselves ? Shall we confine the exportation of the produce of the United States to the ships and mariners of the United States ? To increase the English navy, the statute of the 5 Ric. IL c. 3, enacted that " none of the King's Uege people should ship any merchandise out of, or into the realm, but only in the ships of the King's liegeance, on pain of forfeiture." If the United States Avere able and Avilling to imitate this statute, and confine aU our exports and imports to ships bffilt iu the United States, and navigated with Ame rican seamen, or three quarters Araerican seamen, or one half, or even one tlikd American seamen, what AA'ould be the conse quence ? AA'e should not have at first enough either of ships or seamen to export the produce, and import Avhat would be wanted from abroad ; but we should see raultitudes of people instantly employed in buUding ships, and multitudes of others imraediately becoraing saUors, and the time Avould not be long before we should have enough of both. The people of the Uni ted States have shown themselves capable of gi-eat exertions, and possessed of patience, courage, and perseverance, and wiU- ing to make large sacrffices to the general interest. But are they capable of this exertion ? Are they possessed of patience, courage, and perseverance enough to encounter the losses and erabarrassraents AA'hich Avould, at first, be occasioned by an exclusion of foreign ships ? I wish I could know the number of foreign ships which have entered the ports of the United States since the peace, including EngUsh, French, Dutch, Italian, and SAvedish vessels. The number must be very great. If all these ships and seamen were American, what materials AA'ould they furnish for a navy in case of need ! Hoav AA'ould this be received by foreign nations ? Spain and Portu gal Avould say nothing, because they have no ships in our trade OFFICIAL, 297 France has few ; Italy Avould have no right to object ; nor Ger many, Russia, SAveden, or Denmark. It Avould be laying an axe at the root of the British coraraerce, revenue, and naval poAver, hoAvever slightly they may think of us. Whether a heavy duty upon aU foreign vessels, such as should operate as a decisive encouragement to American ships, would not answer the end as AveU, I am not able to judge. The provisions of the act of navigation, 12 Car. II, c, 18, Avould not be sufficient for our purpose. If the United States should agi-ee in a law, that no goods should be suffered to be imported into the United States in any other than American bottoms (navigated by an American master, and three fourths of the seamen American), or in the ships of that European nation of which the merchanffise iraported was the genuine groAvth or manufactm-e, this Avould not accomplish our Avish, because British and Irish ships would deske no other than to import into our States the manufactures of the British empire, and to export our produce in the sarae bottoras. Some of the British statutes prohibit foreigners to carry on the coasting ti-ade, that is, to go from one port to another in Great Britain ; and this regffiation wffi now be extended to Lelaiid, if the twenty propositions are accepted. A similar regulation raight be adopted by the United States ; and this woffid be a vaat encouragement to our navigation, for the intercourse between one State and another, and between one port and another of the same State, wUl now be so frequent and considerable as to employ many ships and mariners ; and in these the greatest stiength of a country consists, because they are always at home ready to fight for the defence of their firesides. I If Ave should get over our aversion to monopolies and exclu sions, and adopt the selfish, unsocial principles of the European nations, particularly of France and England, we should astonish the world with a navy in a very fcAV years, not raore than eight or ten, equal perhaps to the third maritime poAver in Europe. This Avould be amply sufficient for our defence^ EuropeaiT statesmen know it better than we do, and dread it more than we deske it, because they think that from that period all the West India Islands, Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas and Mexico, too, would be made to join us. Why, then, will Eng land pursue measures which will force us to try experiments 298 OFFICIAL, against our incUnations ? There is no ansAA'er to be given to this question, but the sarae Avhich must be given to another. Why did she force us into independence ? The nation is infa tuated, and every successive minister must be infatuated too, or lose his popularity and his place. Nor is France much less infatuated in her system of poUtics relative to America. The jealousy of our navigation is so stiong and so common to both, that I should not be at all sm-prised, if France shoffid agi-ee that England should cany her point in Ireland, draAV her into the navigation monopoly, and agree together to keep peace with one another, and force us, if they can, out of every nursery for seamen. I knoAV that French noblemen are in England, and EngUsh gentlemen in France, preaching up to each other a terror of our naval power, and even the late arret against Bri tish manufactm-es may be but a blind to cover very ffifferent designs ; both Courts are capable of such dissimffiation, and they are uoav acting in concert in Germany, so much to the ffisgust of the tAVO Imperial Courts, that I confess I do not adrake this appearance of friendship any more than I can account for it. It AviU requke all the wisdom and all the firmness of congress and the States to plan and execute the measures necessary to counteract all these wiles. With great and sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY- JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 10 August, 1785. Dear Sir, — The arret of the King of France, in his councU of the 10th of Jtdy, has a preamble which deserves to be well considered in America. The increasing Uberality of sentiment among philosophers and men of letters, in various nations, has for some time given reason to hope for a reformation, a Mnd of protestantism, in the commercial systera of the world ; but I beUeve that this arret is the ffi-st act of any sovereign which has openly avowed coraraercial principles so generous and noble. " Nothing could appear to the King more desirable, or suitable to his own principles, than a general Uberty which, freeing from all kinds of fetters the ckculation of all productions and goods OFFICIAL. 299 of different counti-ies, would make of all nations, as it were, but one, in point of ti-ade ; but, as long as that Uberty cannot be universally admitted, and everywhere reciprocally, the interest of the kingdom requires of his Majesty's AA'isdora, that he should exclude from it, or suffer to be imported by the nation only, those foreign goods, the free importation of which would be hurtful to his kingdom and manufactories, and might raake the balance of tiade to be against Mm." The United States of America have done more than all the economists in France towards propagating in the world this magnanimous sentiment But they have more cause than the Court of France to complain, that liberty is not universaUy and reciprocally admitted. They have cause to complain against France herself, in some degree, but more against Great Britain ; for France, in some degree, calcffiates all her poUcy toAvards us, upon a principle AA'hich England pursues more steaffily ; a prin ciple not so properly of enriching and strengthening herself at our expense,- as of impoverishing and Aveakening us even at her own expense. Simple selfishness, which is only the absence of benevolence, is much less unamiable than positive malevolence. As the French Com-t has condescended to adopt our principle in theory; I am very much afraid we shall be obliged to imitate thek wisdom in practice, and exclude frora the United States, or suffer to be iraported by our nation only, and in their oaa'u ships, those foreign goods which Avould be hurtful to the LTnited States and thek raanufactories, make the balance of trade to be against them, or annihilate or ffiminish their shipping or mariners. We have hitherto been the bubbles of our OAvn philosophical and equitable liberality ; and, instead of meeting correspondent sentiments, both France und England have shoAA^n a constant disposition to take a selfish and partial advantage of us because of thera, nay, to turn thera to the diminution or destruction of our OAVH means of trade and strength. I hope Ave shall be the dupes" no longer than avc must. / 1 Avould venture upon mono polies and exclusions, if they Avere found to be the only arras of defence against monopolies and exclusions, without fear of offending Dean Tucker or the ghost of Doctor Quesnay.) I observe further, with pleasure, in the preamble, that the" King " is particularly occupied with the means of encouraging 300 OFFICIAL, the industiy of his subjects, and of propagating the extent of thek- tiade, and reviving their manufactories." Great things may be done in this way, for the benefit of America as weU as of France, if the measm-es are calculated upon the honest old principle of "Uve and let Uve." But, if another maxim is adopted, " I wiU Uve upon your means of Uving," or another stffi worse, " I avUI half starve that you may quite starve," instead of rejoicing at it, aa'c must look out for means of pre- ^rving om-selvesj \These means can never be secured entirely, until congress shaU be made supreme in foreign commerce, and shaU have digested a plan for aU the States. But, if any of the States continue to refuse thek assent, I hope that individual States AvUl take it separately upon themselves, and confine thek exports and imports whoUy to ships and mariners of the United States, or even to their own ships and mariners, or, which is best of all, to the ships and mariners of those States which Avffi adopt the sarae regulations. I should be extremely sony, however, that there ever shoffid be a necessity of maMng any ffistinctiorc between the ships and mariners of ffifferent States. It woffid be infinitely better to have all American ships and seamen entitled to equal privUeges in aU the thirteen States ; but thek privileges shoffid be made much greater than those of foreign ships and seamen. I -^-'-'''^ With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 18 August, 1785, Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 6th instant, with the notes and project inclosed. How can we send another person ? We have not, in our fffil power, authority to substitute. WUl not the Emperor and the regencies feel their ffignity offended, if a person appears without a commission from con- giess ? Do you mean that he should offiy agree upon the terms, and tiansmit them to us to be signed ? If you think this method Avill do, I have no objection to either of the persons you mention, nor to Air. Short. Dr. Bancroft is the greatest master of the French language. If we conclude to send either, he should have an attested copy, at least, of all our commissions OFFICIAL, :;()l. for Africa, and a letter and instructions frora us. If there is any ti-uth in any of the reports of captures by the Algerines, Lamb's vessel may be taken by them. Whoever is sent by us should be instructed to correspond constantly Avith us, and to send by whatever conveyance he may find, whether through Spain, France, England, HoUand, or otherAvise, copies of his letters to us to congi-ess. He should be instiucted further, to make ffiU- gent inquiry concerning the productions of those countries AA'hich would answer in America, and those of the United States Avhich might find a market in Barbary, and' to transmit all such information to congress as Avell as to us. I have read over the project Avith care. The seventeenth article appears to be carried further than our counti-ymen avUI be AvUUng at present to go. I presurae the three last words of the thkd line of this seventeenth article must be left out ; and in the fourth line, the seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth Avords, and in the sixth line, the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth Avords. A'"ou have seen by this time our Massachusetts navigation act ; and the reasonings and dispositions of aU the States tend the same Avay at present ; so that we must conform our proceed ings, as I suppose, to thek views. Yours, &c. &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 23 August, 1785. Dear Sir, — Last night I received your favor of the 17th.i If both governments are possessed of the contents of my letter of the 7th, by opeffing it in the post-office, much good may those contents do them. They both knoAV they have deserved them. I hope they will convince them of their error, and induce them to adopt more liberal principles towards us. I ara for answering their utmost generosity with equal, and, indeed, with greater generosity ; but I woffid not advise my country to be the bubble of her own nobleness of sentiment. The spkited conduct of Ireland, I think, wUl assist me here. 1 I received yesterday your favor of the 7th. It had evidently been opened. We must therefore consider both governments as possessed of its contents. Extract from Mr. Jefferson's note ofthe 1th, written in cipher. VOL. VIII. 26 302 OFFICIAL, The news of the reception in the Lish parUament of the twenty resolutions, together Avitli the efforts in America towards a navi gation act, have raised ray hopes a good deal ; but our States must mature thek plan, and persevere in it, in order to effect the work in time ; and, AA'ith a steady pm-suit of om- purpose, I begin to think we shall prevail. If Air. Barclay wffi undertake the voyage, I am for looking no farther. We cannot find a steaffier or more prudent man. He should look out for some clerk or companion who can Avrite French, and'Avho understands ItaUan. When Dr. Price returns from his August excursion to some Avatering place, I will get him to make the insurance upon Houdon's life on the best terms he can. Affieu. John Adams. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 25 August, 1785, Dear Sir, — Yesterday, I had a long conference with Air. Pitt for the ffi-st time. He never had proposed any intervieAV Avith me, and I had delayed to request him to appoint any time, after the first ceremonial visit, for two reasons, — because, while parUament Avas sitting, his time and mind Avere so engaged, that it was impossible he should attend in earnest to the affaks of the United States ; and because I expected that a little time aa'ouM bring, both from America and Ireland, intelli gence Avliich Avould somewhat lessen that confidence Avitli Avhich the ministry and the nation Avere elated. Such intelli gence has now arrived. The twenty resolutions have been in effect given up, that they might not be rejected by the Irish par liament ; and the Massachusetts act of navigation has appeared, together with advices from Virginia, PhUadelphia, New York, and various other parts of the United States, wMch have excited a serious apprehension that all have the same principles and vieAvs. I shall not attempt to give you the conversation in detail, yet it is necessary to give some particulars, from which you may judge hoAV much or how Uttle may result from the whole. He asked me what were the principal points to be discussed OFFICIAL, :i():i betAA'cen us ? I answered, that I presumed the Marquis of Car marthen had laid before the King's servants some papers Avhich I had done myself the honor to AViite to him. He said he had. I replied, that those letters related to the evacuation of the forts upon the frontier ; to the construction of the armistice ; and to a treaty of commerce ; and that, besides these, there Avere the negroes carried off contrary to the treaty, and sorae other points Avhich 1 had particularly explained to Lord Car marthen. Pie saidjQhat the canying off' the negroes was so clearly against the treaty, that they must take measures to satMy that demand, if we could prove how many Avere carried off. /I told hira that Sk Guy Carleton could easUy ascertain the nuraber, and that Colonel Sraith, who negotiated with Sii Guy, could do the same, and that I had the evidence of thek proceeffings ready to produce, Avhenever it was wanted. He entered, then, into the subject of the armistice, and Ave Avere longer on this point than Ave needed to have been. I observed to him that Air. Blower's constiuction was demonstrably absurd, because it Avould place the Avhole coast of America in the period of five months; the coast of the Uffited States certainly Avas not between the Canary Islands and the equator, and, therefore, could not be included in the period of tAvo months ; it is neither in the channel nor north seas, and, therefore, cannot be within the period of tAvelve days ; consequently, if it is not in the period of one month, it must be in that of five months, an idea that never could have been entertained a moraent by either of the contracting parties. Mr. Pitt said he thought that was clear, and that this point might be easily settled ;-'ffiut, as to the posts, says he, that is a point connected with some others, that I think raust be settled at the same time. I asked him, what these points were. He said, the debts^ Several of the States had interfered, against the ti-eaty, and, by acts of their legisla tures, had interposed impediments to the recovery of debts, against which there were great complaints in this counti-y. I replied to this, that I had explained this at great length to the Marquis of Carmarthen ; but that I might uoav add, that con gress had, very early after the peace, proposed an explanation of the article, as far as it respected the interest of debts con tracted before the war. They had instiucted thek ministers at Paris to propose such an explanation to this Court; that Ave 304 OFFICIAL, had proposed it through Mr. Hartley first, and the Duke of Dor- set aftei-Avards, and that I had renewed the proposition to my Lord Carmarthen, upon my first conference with him ; but that Ave had never received an ansAver. I thought it was best there shoffid be an explanation ; for I was persuaded that an American jm-y would never give any interest for the time Avhich ran during the war. Air. Pitt said, that would surprise the peo ple here ; for that wars never interrupted the interest nor princi pal of debts, and that he did not see a ffifference betAveen this Avar and any other, and the lawyers here made none. I begged his pardon here, and said, that the American lawyers raade a wide difference ; they contended that the late war was a total ffissolution of all laAvs and government, and, consequently, of aU conti-acts raade under those laAvs ; and that it was a maxim of laAV, that a personal right or obUgation, once dissolved or sus pended, was lost forever ; that the intervention of the ti-eaty and the new laAvs was necessary for the revival of those ancient rights and obUgations ; that these rights Avere in a state of non-existence during the war, and no interest during that period could grow out of them. These being the opiffions in America, it was not probable that any jury Avoffid be found, from Georgia to New Hampshke, who woffid give, by thek ver dict, interest to a creditor ; and, therefore, it was most fair and equitable, that an explanation shoffid be made, that the same rffie of laAV plight be observed on both sides. This observation appeared to strike him. He said, if there was any danger of this, it woffid be best that an explanation should be made, but that the balance of debts was much in favor of this country, which I did not deny ; but, he said, the government would not dare to make it, AA'ithout previously feeUng out the dispositions of the persons chiefly interested, and knowing hoAV it Avould be taken by them. We had a much longer conversation concern ing these debts, and the difficulty of paymg them, arising from the restiictions on our trade, in which I repeated to him what I had before said to Lord Carmarthen and to the deputies of the Scotch creditors ; but, as I have transmitted that to you before, it is unnecessary to repeat it here. He then began upon the treaty of commerce, and asked what were the lowest terms which Avould be satisfactory to America. I answered, that I might not think myself competent to deter- OFFICIAL, 305 mine that question. Articles might be proposed to rae, that I should not think rayself quaUfied to decide upon Avithout AArrit- ing to congress ; but I AA'ould ventiue so far as to say, that I thought the project I had communicated to Lord Carmarthen would give satisfaction to America, and secure the fiiendship of the United States, and the essence of thek trade to this countiy. But that, in proportion as a plan less Uberal Avas adopted, that fi-iendship would be precarious, and that tTade AA'ould be scattered. I added, that the most judicious men in America had been long balancing in thek minds the advantages and the ffisadvantages of a commerce perfectly free on one side, and of a navigation act on the other ; that the present time was a critical one ; the late inteUigence from aU parts of Ame rica concurred with the navigation act of Massachusetts, in proving Avhich way the balance began to incUne, and, in my opinion, it AA'ould be decided by the conduct of this countiy ; it Avas noAV in his, Mr. Pitt's poAver, to decide it ; but the more Araericans reflected upon the great advantages Avhich they might derive from a navigation act, the more they would become attached to that systera. I had heard there were five hundred foreign ships employed the last year in the coramerce of the United States. How easy would it be to have aU these ships the property of American citizens, and the navigators of them, American seamen ! There Avas once a statute in Eng land (that of 5 Ric. II. c. 3), " That none of the King's Uege people should ship any merchandise out of, or into the realm, but only in ships of the King's liegeance, on pain of forfeiture." I asked him what physical or poUtical impeffiraent there was to prevent the United States from adopting that very act in aU its rigor. The right of every nation to govern its own commerce, its own exports and imports, AVordd not be denied nor questioned by any nation. To this he agreed. Our abiUty to buUd the ships, and our abundance of materials, could not be doubted. This he assented to. Nobody would pretend that our produce Avould not find a market in Em-ope in om- oavh ships, or that Em-opeans woffid not seU us thek manufactm-es to cany home in thera. Even England, if she should make ever so stiict laws to prevent exports and imports in om- bottoms, would stUl be glad to receive and consume considerable quantities of our produce, though she imported them through France or Holland ; and to 26* T 306 OFFICIAL. send us as many of her manufactm-es as Ave could pay for, through the same channels. He more than smUed assent to this, for he added that there were American articles of much importance to them ; but, he said, that EngUshmen were much attached to thek navigation. And Americans, too, said I, to theirs. But, said he, the United States having now become a foreign nation, our navigation act woffid not ansAver its end, if Ave shoffid ffispense Avith it toAvards you. Here I begged his pardon again ; for I thought their navi gation act would completely defeat its OAvn end, as far as it respected us ; for the end of the navigation act, as expressed in its own preamble, was to confine the commerce of the Colonies to the mother countiy ; but, now we were become independent States, if canied into execution against us, instead of confining om- tiade to Great Britain, it woffid ffi-ive it to other countiies. This he did not deny ; but, said he, you aUoAV Ave have a right. Certainly I do ; and you, sir, Avffi aUow Ave have a right, too. Yes, I do ; but you cannot blame EngUshraen for being attached to thek sMps and seamen which are so essential to them. Indeed, I do not, sir ; nor can you blame Americans for being attached to theks, which are so much fcAver and so much more essential to them. No, I do not blame them. As this Avas a very sprightly ffialogue, and in very good humor, I thought I might push it a Uttle. I avUI be very frank Avitli you, sk, said I, and I think it wffi be best for us to go to the bottom of these subjects. The Americans think that thek exclusion from your West Inffia Islands, the refusal of their ships and oU and other things, and thek exclusion from your Colonies on the continent and Newfounffiand, discover a jea lousy of thek Uttle naval poAver, and a fixed system of poUcy to prevent the groAvth of it ; and this is an idea that they cannot bear. No, said he, if Ave endeavored to lessen your shipping and seamen, without benefiting or increasing our oavh, it Avould be hard and unreasonable, and Avould be a just ground of unea siness ; but when we only aim at maldng the most of our own means and nurseries, you cannot justly complain. I am happy, sk, to hear you avoAV this principle, and agi-ee with you perfectly in it ; let us apply it. Both parties having the right and the power to confine thek exports and imports to thek own ships and seamen, if both exercise the right and exert the poAver OFFICIAL. 307 in its fuU extent, Avhat is the effect? The commerce must cease betAA'cen them. Is this eligible for either? To be sure, said he, Ave should Avell consider the advantages and the disad vantages in such a case. If it is not found to be eligible for either, said I, after having well considered, what remains, but that Ave should agree upon a Uberal plan, and alloAV equal free dom to each other's ships and seamen ? especially if it should be found that this alone can preserve friendship and good humor. For I fully believe that this plan alone can ever put this nation in good humor Avitli America, or America with this country. He then mentioned ships and oU. He said avc could not think hard of them for encouraging thek oavh shipAvrights, their manu factures of ships, and thek own Avhale fishery. I answered, by no means ; but it appeared unaccountable to the people of America, that this country should sacrifice the general interest of the nation to the private interest of a few individuals inte rested in the manufacture of ships and in the Avhale fishery, so far as to refuse these remittances frora America, in payment of debts, and for manufactures which woffid employ so many more people, augment the revenue so considerably, as Avell as the national wealth, which Avould, even in other Avays, so much augment the shipping and seamen of the nation. It was looked upon in America as reconciUng theraselves to a dimi nution of thek own shipping and seamen, in a great degree, for the sake of diraimshing om-s in a small one, besides keeping many of their manufacturers out of employ, who Avould other wise have enough to do ; and besides greatly diminishing the revenue, and, consequently, contrary to the maxim which he had just acknoAvledged, that one nation should not hurt itself for the sake of hurting another, nor take measures to deprive another of any advantage, without benefiting itself He then asked me, if we could grant to England, by a tieaty, any advantages Avhich would not imraediately become the right of France. I ansAvered, we could not. If the advantage Avas stipulated to England, Avithout a compensation, France Avould be entitled to it without a compensation ; but, if it was stipula ted for an equivalent or reciprocal privUege, France must allow us the same eqffivalent or reciprocal privUege. But, I added, France would not be a very successful rival to Great Britain in the American commerce, upon so free a footing as that of the 308 OFFICIAL. mutual Uberty of natural-born subjects and citizens ; upon the footing of the most favored nation, France would stand a good chance in many things. In case of mutual navigation acts between Britain and America, France would have more of our coraraerce than Britain. In short, Britain would lose and France gain, not only in our commerce, but our affections, in DToportion as Britam departed from the most liberal system. Upon this he asked me a question which I did not expect. " What do you really think, sir, that Britain ought to do ? " That question, sk, may be beyond my capacity to ansAver, and my ansAA'cr may be suspected ; but, if it is, I will ansAver it to the best of my judgment, and with perfect sincerity. I think this counti-y ought to prescribe to herself no other rffie, but to take from America every thing she can send as a remittance ; nay, to take off every duty, and give every bounty that should be necessary to enable her to send any thing as a remittance. In this case, America would prescribe to herself no other rule than to take of British productions as much as she could payfor. He might think this no proof of our repubUcan frugaUty, but such was the ffisposition of our people,' and, how much soever I might lament it, I AvotUd not ffisgffise it. He then led me into a long, rambling conversation about our whale fishery and the English, and the French whale fishery that M. de Calonne is essaying to inti-oduce, too Uttle interesting to be repeated. Yet I should mention that he asked me a sudden question, whether AA'e had taken any measm-es to find a market for our oil any Avhere but in France. This question must have been sug gested to him, I think, either by information that our oU is Avanted in some countries upon the continent, or by a suspicion that Ave have been tiying to intioduce our oil into Ireland. I answered, that I beUeved we had, and I have been told, that some of our oil had found a good market at Bremen ; but there could not be a doubt that spermaceti oil might find a market in most of the great cities in Europe Avhich were iUuminated in the night, as it is so much better and cheaper than the vegeta ble oil that is commonly used. The fat of the spermaceti whale gives the clearest and most beautifffi flame of any substance that is known in nature, and we are all surprised that you pre fer darkness, and consequent robberies, burglaries, and murders in your stieets, to the receiving, as a remittance, our spermaceti OFFICIAL. .309 oil. The lamps around Grosvenor Square, I knoAv, and in DoAvning Street, too, I suppose, are dim by midnight, and extin guished by two o'clock ; whereas our oU would burn bright till nine o'clock in the morning, and chase aAvay, before the watch men, aU the vUlains, and save you the trouble and danger of inti-oducmg^ci ncAV poUce into the city. He said^e OAvned he AA'as for taMng advantage of the present short time^of leisure, to matm-e some plan about these tMngs. I told hira^ rejoiced to find that was his opinion, and that I Avould be at aU tiraes ready to attend him, or any other minister, whenever any explanation should be Avanted from me >^hat I was anxious for an answer concerning the posts, as I Avas in duty bound to insist on thek evacuation. He said he thought that connected Avith several other points, and shoffid be for set tUng all these together, so that he must reserve himself at entire liberty concerning theraj)' I am sony that, in representing aU these conversations, I am obUged to make rayself the principal speaker ; but I cannot get thera to talk. The reason is, they dare not. AU must be deter mined in the cabinet, and no single minister chooses to commit himself, by giving any opinion which may be ever quoted to his ffisadvantage by any party. This is not only the state of mind of every minister, but of every ministi-y. They have an unconquerable reluctance to de ciding upon any thing, or giA'ing any answer ; and although AL. Pitt and Lord Carmarthen have hazarded opimons upon some points to me, I do not believe I shall get any answer officially from the cabinet or the minister of foreign affairs. I Avish for an answer, be it ever so rough or unwise. Mr. Pitt, I confess, Avas much more open than I expected. He was expUcit in my favor, relative to the negroes and the armistice, and for digesting the whole in the present leisure, and giving me an answer. I should rejoice in a cabinet ansAver to all my letters, and espe cially in a counter-project of a treaty ; but I wffi be so free as to say I do not expect any answer at all before next spring, nor then, unless intelligence should anive of aU the States adopting the navigation act, or authorizing congress to do it ; and, even in that case, I am incUned to think they wiU try the experiment, and let our navigation acts operate, to satisfy themselves which people will first roar out with pain. They deceive themselves' 810 OFFICIAL. yet in many points, Avhich I may enumerate in a future letter. From Avhat AL. Pitt said, I am convinced we shaU have no answer concerning the posts. With great respect, &c. John Adams. This letter will be deUvered to you by Air. Charles Storer, your old acquaintance, who has served me much as a private secretary, and that AA'ithout fees. secretary jay to JOHN ADAMS. Office for Foreign Affairs, 26 August, 1785. Dear Sir, — It gives me pleasure to inforra you that your letters of 2d, Oth, and 17th June last have been received, and were this day laid before congress, Avho, I ara persuaded,' wUl read them AAith as much satisfaction as I have done. You have been in a situation that requk-ed much circumspection. I think you have acqtutted yourself in a manner that does you honor. The vessel that is to carry this saUs in the morning, so that, at present, I can only add my best wishes, and assure you that I am, &c. John Jay. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 30 August, 1785. Sir, — The raore I consider what I see and hear every day, the more I am inclined to think we shaU be obUged to imitate the Utopians, who, as Sk Thomas More informs, " as to thek exportations, thought it better to manage that themselves, than to let foreigners come and deal in it ; for, by this means, as they understand the state of the neighboring countiies better, so they keep up the art of navigation, which cannot be maintained but by much practice in it." r I Avould not be understood, however, to wish that the United OFFICIAL. 31J States should at present proceed farther than to exclude British ships from " coming and dealing " in our exportations. Other nations may be permitted, for any thing that I know, Avithout inconvenience ; at least the experiment may be tried. Other foreign nations will probably have few ships employed in this AA'ay; England, Scotland, and Leland would have raany; but, if it should be found that British ships are Frenchffied, Dutchffied, or otherAvise raetamorphosed, in order to manage any part of our exportations, I hope the United States wffi not hesitate to raake the prohibition universal to the ships of aU nations, and confine thek exports to their own. There is no other way that I knoAV of, in Avhicli Ave can compensate ourselves for that vigor ous exclusion of American bffilt ships from the British domi nions, upon Avhich all parties here, I fear, are determined. The popular cry has been uffiversal, as I ara informed, "What! ShaU the United States be our ship carpenters ? ShaU Ave depend upon a foreign nation for our navigation ? In case of Avar Avith thera, shall Ave be without ships, or obUged to om- , enemies for them ? " With regard to duties, AviU om- counti-ymen be long contented to pay four or five hundred per cent, upon thek tobacco, and fifty per cent, upon other articles of thek produce, in the ports of Great Britain, Avhile British subjects pay but ten per cent. upon the importation of any of thek commodities in our ports ? I do not beUeve they wUl. They will rather lay duties upon"^ British Itixuries, to repay thek own citizens the duties they pay ; in British ports. It is indeed irapossible to foresee where this conffict of prohibition and duties wffi end. j It is irapossible td^ conjectm-e what the EngUsh wffi atterapt. I am not easy about the negotiations uoav on foot with France and Spain. I have not yet sufficiently explained myself to you upon this subject. By the eighteenth article of the definitive ti-eaty of peace between France and England, signed at VersaiUes the 3d of September, 1783; it is stipffiated that "immeffiately after the exchange of the ratffications, the two high contiacting parties shall name commissaries to treat concerning new arrangements of coraraerce betAveen the two nations, on the basis of recipro city and mutual convenience, wMch arrangements shaU be set tled and concluded within the space of two years, to be com puted from the first of January in the year 1784." 312 OFFICIAL. In the ninth article of the definitive ti-eaty between Great Britain and Spain, there is a stiptdation in the same AVords ; and the Duke of Manchester made a declaration to each of those poAvers at the same time " that the new state in Avhich commerce raay, perhaps, be found in all parts of the world, wffi demand revisions and explanations of the subsisting treaties." In compUance Avith these stipulations and declarations, Mr. CraAvford was Ions: ago sent to Paris to tieat with the Com-t of Versailles, and AL. WoodAvard is lately appomted here to treat Avith Mr. Del Campo on the part of Spain. Mr. Crawford transmitted to his Court, a year ago, a plan which he received from the French minister ; but I know, from the Duke of Dor set, who told rae himself, that Mr. Crawford had no answer from England in six months, and, indeed, I conjectm-e that he had none tiU since the edict of the French King, prohibiting British manufactures. If these arrangements are not made before the first of January, the two years wffi be expked, and nothing more wffi be said of them until another -war and peace. But, I confess, I shall be anxious until new year's day. The conduct of this Court, in these ffiscussions Avith France and Spain, is very interesting to us, as it will throw much light upon thek intentions towards us. There are great appearances of a fixed intention to keep the peace with France and Spain for a long period. The late advice of the ministers of the King of Great Britain to the Elector of Hanover, to join the league of the King of Prussia, against the views of the Emperor and Empress, can be accounted for on no supposition, but that of a determination, in all events, to preserve thek peace with France and Spain. Whence this love of France and of peace ? Neither is a natm-al passion in an EngUsh breast. Let ray counti-y answer, " it is not love of rae." On the conti-ary, although I wish not to alarra my felloAV-citizens, it appears to rae that the plan of this country toAvards us is nearly settled ; it is not fully, and wiU not be, until the next budget is opened. The next budget wffi decide the fate of this countiy, and especially her systera towards the United States. If Air. Pitt should then, in 1786, be able to justify his hypo thesis at the opening of the budget in 1785, and shall be able to shoAV that the taxes have increased in the proportion, Avith the hope of Avhich he flattered himself and the nation, this govern- OFFICIAL, ;J13 ment Avill then preserve the peace Avitli France and Spain, at almost any rate, persevere in thek system of commerce respect ing the United States of America, in spite of all your arguments and remonstrances, prohibitions and retaliations, and ultimately attack you Avith a new war. In my private opinion, in the mean time it is thek fixed design to keep possession of the posts on the fi-ontier. Sir John Johnson p.s certainly going out ; and it is given out that fifteen hundred men are going to Que bec, and materials, engineers, and workmen for large fortifica tions m Nova Scotia. In short, sk, America has no party at present in her favor. All parties, on the conti-ary, have comraitted theraselves against us, except Shelburne and BucMnghara, and the last of these is against a treaty of coraraerce Avith us ; so is even Mr. Temple, who is gone out to New York, appointed, as I suppose, in com pUment to his namesake, the Marquis of Bucldngham. I had almost said the friends of Araerica are reduced to Dr. Price and Dr. Jebb. Patience, under aU the unequal burthens they irapose upon our commerce, wffi do us no good ; it Avill contribute in no degree to preserve the peace Avith this countiy. On the contiary, nothing but retaliation, reciprocal prohibitions and imposts, and putting ourselves in a posture of defence, will have any effect. This country can furnish thek West Inffia Islands and conti nental colonies and NeAvfounffiand, so that we cannot suddenly make them feel. We cannot prevent the intioduction of their manufactures among us so effectually as to make them feel very soon. They may lessen the duties on Spanish tobacco, so as to make the Spaniards our rivals, and hurt our tobacco States. There are many ways in which they may hurt us, of Avhich we shoffid be apprized beforehand. Ships and oil, aU men say, will never be received of us. I hope the States will be cool, and do nothing precipitately ; but, I hope, they will be ffim and wise. Confining our exports to our own ships, and laying on heavy duties upon aU foreign lux- mies, and encouraging our own manufactures, appear to me to be our only resource, although I am very sensible of the many ffilficulties in the way, and of the danger of thek bringing on, in the course of a fcAA' years, another war. Nothing but our strength and thek weakness will, in my opinion, protect us VOL. VIII. 27 314 OFFICIAL. from such a calamity. They wUl never again pom- large armies into the United States ; but they think they can ffistress us more, by cutting off aU our trade by thek shipping, and they mean that Ave shaU have no ships nor saUors to annoy their [Jia.de, I would, hoAvever, advise the States to suspend their judg ments as much as they can, Avithout suspenffing thek naviga tion acts, untU another spring and summer shaU have deve loped the British systera of poUtics m Germany, thek plans Avith France and Spain, and, above aU, the state of thek debts and taxes and thek creffit. I do not beUeve the nunisters have yet ffigested thek oAvn system. It Avffi depend stUl, in some measure, upon contingen cies. There is a taciturnity among them that is very uncommon. They have spies in every corner, Avho can cany them every whisper as punctually as the police of Paris. I Avish I had bet ter means of obtaining inteUigence frora thera, and watching their AA'ords and actions ; but information of this kind is costly beyond my rcA'cnues. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. .1 London, 16 September, 1785. Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 4tli instant, by Colonel Franks, Avith a project of a letter to the Emperor of Morocco, and several other papers. I have had this letter fairly copied, with very few and very inconsiderable alterations, and have signed it. I have left room enough at the beginning for you to insert, or leave AL. Barclay to insert, the Emperor's titles and address, Avhich may be done Avith the most certainty in Morocco. By the ti-eaty we have with Holland, the states-gene ral have agreed, upon requisition, to second our negotiations in the most favorable manner, by means of thek consuls. I would have prepared a memorial and requisition to that pm-pose, and have sent it to the Hague ; but such a meraorial Avould publish to aU the world Air. Barclay's raission. I shaU wait for your advice, and, if you think proper, I wffi stUl send a memorial. But, I am inclined to think, we had better wait until we receive OFFICIAL. ,315 from Mr. Barclay, in Morocco, sorae account of his prospects. The best argument Mr. Barclay can use, to obtain ti-eaties on moderate terms, is, that Ave have absolutely, as yet, no ships in the Mediterranean Sea, and shaU have none until ti-eaties are made ; that om- seamen will not go there untU tieaties are made ; that, therefore, the Algerines will have no chance of tak ing any American vessels anywhere but in the Atlantic, and there they can expect to take but very few, at a vast expense of corsaks, and exposed to our privateers and frigates. Treaties of peace are very,unpopffiar with the people of Algiers ; they say it is taldng from them all the opportunities of making pro fits by prizes, for the sake of enriching the Dey by presents. The probabiUty, then, that our tiade woffid be more beneficial to the people than the few prizes they would have a chance to make, by going at a vast expense out of the Mediterranean, and spreading themselves over the ocean, in quest of our ships, exposed to our frigates and the men-of-war of Portugal, &c., would be the best reason for the Dey to use Avith the people. The common argument is, the borabardraents and depredations Avith wMch thek enemies threaten them by thek fleets and squadrons, which commonly accompany the embassy. AL. Barclay avUI be very naked in tMs respect. Your most humble servant, John Adams. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 18 September, 1785. Dear Sir, — Liclosed, you have, in confidence, some compli ments. Give me in confidence your opimon of them. Is there any thing said by me, which I ought not to have said ? Is there any expression exceptionable ? Have I compromised myself or the pubUc in any thing, more than ought to be ? The custom of makmg a speech is so settled, that not only the secretary of state and the master of ceremonies, but some of the foreign miffisters took the pains to inform me it Avas inffispensable. Otherwise, being sensible of the ffifficulty of being complaisant enough, without being too much, I intended 316 OFFICIAL. to have delivered my credentials Avithout saying more than that they Avere credentials to his Majesty from the United States. Your friend, John Adams. THE commissioners TO JOHN JAY. London, 2 October, 1785. Sir, — We have the honor to tiansmit to congress, by Mr. Fitzhugh, the ti-eaty between the United States and the lOng of Prussia, signed separately by your ministers at the several places of thek residence, and by the Baron de Thulemeier at the Hague, in EngUsh and French, and exchanged at the Hague in presence of Messrs. Short and Dumas. As this tieaty may be of considerable importance to the United States, and Avill certainly proraote thek reputation, it is to be wished that the ratffications raay be exchanged, and the pubUcation made, as soon as possible. The admission of our privateers into the Prussian ports, by a ti-eaty signed at the moment of the nego tiation of the league in which Brandenburg and Hanover are parties, is a Uttle remarkable. It certainly merits the consider ation of congress and the States. With great respect, &c. John Adams. Paris, 11 October, 17S5. Thomas Jefferson. TO THOMAS JEFFBRSON. London, 2 October, 1785. Dear Sir, — Colonel Franks anived yesterday afternoon Avith your favor of the 24th September. I have signed aU the papers as you sent them, not perceiving any alterations neces sary. I am afraid that our agent to Algiers, going without any military power, will not succeed ; as the danger of having thek toAA'ii bombarded, or their vessels taken, is the principal argu ment Avhich the Dey has to use Avitli the people to reconcUe them to peace. However, we must tiy the experiment. I have OFFICIAL. 317 received a letter from Mr. Stephen Sayre, dated Ncav York, 2-jth August, inclosing another of 23d August, signed by Alessrs, Gerry, King, Hardy, Monroe, and CJrayson, recom mending sti-ongly AL. Sayre to you and to me, to be employed as agent to Morocco, Algiers, and the other powers, and inclos ing another letter to you, probably to the same effect. This letter I uoav inclose you. It is but a day or two those letters have been received by me. Franks is gone to see if Air. Ran dall can be prevailed on to go. If he cannot, Avill you join Sayre Avith Lamb ? If you wffi, insert Ms name in the papers. Mr. Lamb Avill meet Air. Sayre at Madrid, AA'here I suppose he HOAV is. But, if he is not, Lamb must not Avait for him a moment. I should very willingly undertake the trouble of hav ing bffis drawn on me, both by AL. Barclay and AL-. Lamb, if the good of the service could be promoted by it. But you are sensible there must be a loss in transferring raoney frora Amster dam to London ; yet the advantage may balance it. A'ou are diffident of interpositions ; but it is possible we may carry this too far. I think AL. Barclay and Mr. Lamb would do well to visit all the foreign consuls. Every one of them wUl, I am persuaded, show them civUities, and do nothing at aU to obstiuct thek negotiations. They will not dare to do it without orders, and no cabinet in Europe, I verily beUeve, will venture to give such orders. It avUI not be from governments that we shall receive opposition. Agents of insurance offices in London, or of merchants trading in fish, &c., in the Mediterra nean, may stimffiate the corsaks, by exaggerated representations of our wealth, and the riches of our prizes ; but that is aU. As nothing can be more hostile to the United States than any endeavors to embarrass, obstruct, or counteract them in their endeavors to form tieaties of peace AA'ith the Barbary powers, ] Avish you would impress it upon AL. B. and Mr. L. to be atteii five to this, and obtain proofs. And, if the consul or agent ot any foreign poAver should be found and proved to do any thing against us, that they transmit to us the earUest account of it Avith the evidence. Congress would, no doubt, order a formal complaint to be made against him to his Court ; and in this way he would be held up publicly to the execrations of al' mankind, and probably be punished by his master. 27"' 318 OFFICIAL. 5 October. We have prevaUed on Paul RandaU, Esquire, to go with Mr. Lamb, so that Sayre, I suppose, raust be out of the question, especiaUy as we knoAV not that he is arrived in Europe. I should think that much time might be saved by AL. Lamb's going dkectly to Marseffies, and from thence over to Algiers ; but, if you think there Avill be a greater advantage in the seeing the Algerine envoy at Maffiid, or the Count d'ExpUly, if he negotiated the late ti-eaty for Spain, I shaU submit entu-ely to your judgraent. As our comraissions authorize us, I suppose, it AAffil be con- stiued that they requke us to constitute the agents by Avriting, under our hands and seals. I have accordingly made out four commissions, Avhich, if you approve, you wiU sign and seal, as 1 have done. I have Avritten letters to AL. Barclay and AL. Lamb, author izing them to draAV on me. These letters you avUI please to sign, as the signature of both of us wiU be necessary. You AviU be so good, also, as to write to Messrs. WUUnk, and Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, of Amsterdam, giving your approba tion and consent to their paying the bUls to be drawn upon me by AL. Barclay and AL. Lamb. Otherwise, they may think my authority alone imperfect. I am, sk, yours, &c. John Adams. THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 11 October, 1785. Dear Sir, — Colonel Franks and AL. Randolph arrived last night. This enables me to send copies of all the Barbary papers to congress by the AL. Fitzhughs, together with the Prussian treaty. They wait tffi to-raonoAV for this pm-pose. Considering the tieaty with Portugal, as among the most im portant to the United States, I sorae tirae ago took occasion at VersaUles to ask the Portuguese arabassador if he had yet re ceived an ansAver from his Court on the subject of om- treaty. He said not ; but that he Avould write again. His secretaire OFFICIAL, 319 d'ambassade called on rae Iaa-o days ago, and translated into French, as foUoAA's, a paragraph of a letter from his minister to the ambassador. " Relativement a ce que voti-e excellence nous a fait part de ce qu'eUe avoit parle avec le rffinistre de I'Amerique, cette puis sance doit etie deja persuadee par des fails de la maniere dont ses vaisseaux ont ete accueffiis ici ; et par consequence sa Ala- jeste auroit beaucoup de satisfaction a entretenir une parfaite harmonie et bonne correspondance avec les memes Etats Unis. Alais il seroit a propos de commencer par la nomination reci proque des deux parties des personnes qui, au moins avec le caractere d'agens, informeroient reciproquement leurs constitu- aiits de ce qui pourroit condffire a la connoissance cles interets des deux nations sans prejudice de I'un ou de I'autee. C'est le premier pas qu'il paroit convenable de donner pour conduke a la fin proposee.'' By this, I suppose, they wiU prefer proceeding as Spain has done, and that we may consider it as definitive of our commis sion to them. I communicate it to congress, that they may take such other measm-es for leading on a negotiation as they may think proper. You know that the thkd article of instructions, of October 29, 1783, to the ministers for negotiating peace, directed them to negotiate the claim for the prizes taken by the AUiance, and sent into Bergen, but deUvered up by the Cotut of Denmark. You recollect, also, that this has been deferred, in order to be taken up with the general negotiation for an affiance. Captain Jones, deskffig to go to America, proposed to me that he should leave the solicitation of this matter in the hands of Dr. Ban croft, and to ask you to negotiate it through the minister of Denmark at London. The delay of Baron Waltersdorf is one reason for this. Yom- better acquaintance Avith the subject is a second. The Danish minister here being absent, is a thkd. And a fourth, and more conclusive one, is, that, having never acted as one of the commissioners for negotiating the peace, I feel an impropriety in meddUng Avitli it at aU, and, ranch more, to become the principal agent. I therefore told Captain Jones I Avould soUcit your care of this business. I beUeve he Avrites to you on the subject. Mr. Barclay sets out in tAvo or three days. Lamb avUI fol- 320 OFFICIAL. low, as soon as the papers can be got from this ministi-y. Hav ing no news, I shall only add, &c. &c. Thomas Jefferson. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 15 October, 1785, Dear Sir, — I have received the letter you did me the honor to write rae the Oth September. The act of congress of the 18th of August, Avhich you inclose, shaU be coramunicated as dkected. I have the honor to agree fully Avith you in your opinion, that " it is manifestly as much the interest of this counti-y to be well with us, as for us to be weU with thera ; " but this is not the judgraent of the EngUsh nation ; it is not the judgraent of Lord North and his party ; it is not the judgraent of the Duke of Portland and his friends ; and it does not appear to be the judgraent of AL. Pitt and the present set. In short, it does not at present appear to be the sentiraent of anybody ; and, I am rauch incUned to believe, they wffi try the issue of iraportance with us. I have insisted upon the surrender of the posts with as much earnestness as prudence wotdd warrant, but can obtain no other ansAver than certain hints concerning the debts and some other points, which are sufficient to convince me that the restoration of the posts wffi have certain conditions tacked to it. I have insisted in conversation, and have inquked in Avriting, but have not yet made a formal reqffisition, by a memorial in the name, and by order, of the United States. If I had done it, I shoffid have coraproraitted my sovereign, and should certainly have had no ansAver. Whenever this is done, it should be foUowed up. I shaU certainly do it, if I should see a moment Avhen it can pos sibly prevaU. If it is the judgment of congress that it should be done imraeffiately, I should be glad of thek orders, which shall be exactly obeyed. I shoffid even wish they would prescribe to me the form of the memorial. /-^ It is, indeed, as you observe, in the power of congress to take a certain step, which would be longer and more sensibly felt by Britain than the independence of the United States. Y"ou have not hinted at the nature of this measure. I can conceive of OFFICIAL, -321 more than one. Exclusion of British ships from all our exports, and a heavy duty upon British manufactures, is one; a dcfen- y sive alliance Avith France, Spain, and Holland, is another. A case may happen in Avliich this last might be justifiable. But, I presume, it AviU not hastUy be adopted, nor ever, Avithout Canada and Nova Scotia to be admitted into our confederation, and one half at least of the best of the English West India Islands, besides stipulations for the admission of our produce freely to the French AVest India Islands, and some articles into France, duty free, AAith similar stipulations with Spain and HoUand. I hope, hoAvever, the first measure will be adopted forthwith, and not the smallest article of our produce be perraitted to be exported in British bottoras. AL. Barclay is appointed to go to Morocco, and Colonel Franks goes with him. AL. Lamb to Algiers, and Paul R. RandaU, Avith him. There avUI be captives to redeem, as AveU as ti-eaties to forra. I can obtain no answer from the ministiy to any one demand, proposal, or inquiry. In this I ara not alone ; it is the com plaint of all the other foreign ministers. The Dutch envoy, particffiarly, told me yesterday that he could obtain no answer to any of his memorials, some of Avhich were presented as long ago as last April. The ministry, since the ill fortune of thek stuffies in Ireland, have been in a lethargy ; but they must soon aAvake. AL. Pitt has long had with hira, in the countiy, our project of a treaty, and it cannot be long before he comes to some determination. They have had lately evidence enough of the utUity to them of the pubUc hope of a commercial agreement with Araerica. Holding up the idea of a treaty has rapidly raised the stocks. But I cannot entertain any sangffine hopes ; for all experience, all evidence, seem to be lost upon this nation and its rulers. According to most appearances, a nation so entirely given up to the government of its passions, must preci pitate itself into calamities greater than it has yet felt. I still think, hoAvever, that a decided opinion concerning the systera it Avill pursue, cannot be formed before the opening of the next budget. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. 322 OFFICIAL. to secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 17 October, 1785. Dear Sir, It has been the general sense of om- counti-y since the peace, that it Avas thek duty and their interest to be impartial between the poAA'crs of Europe, and observe a neutial ity in thek Avars. This principle is a Avise one, upon the suppo sition that those poAA'ers Avill be irapartial to us, and permit us to remain at peace. But it is natural for England and France to be jealous of om- neuti-ality, and apprehensive that, notwith standing our professions, we may be induced to connect our selves AA'ith one against the other. WhUe such uncertainties and suspicions continue, we may find that each of these rival kingdoms wffi be disposed to stint our growih and diminish our poAver, from a fear that it Avffi be employed against itself, and in favor of its enemy. If France could be sure of our perpetual affiance, it is to be supposed she aa'ouM favor our increase in every thing aa'McIi coffid be reconcfled to her own interest. If England coffid obtain such an affiance Avith us, she, for the same reason, Avould faA'or our interests in aU cases compatible with her oavu. I need not point out to you instances in proof of such a jea lousy in France. Yet it may not be amiss to refer you to some hints in Mr. Necker's late Avork. AL. Hartley, you Avill remeraber, dAvelt much too often upon the subject of an affiance with England, for us to doubt that, hoAvever indecent the suggestion of such an idea was, he never theless entertained it. He has lately renewed this topic Avith me, and I gave him the only answer wMch can ever be given, namely, — that the moral character of the United States was of more importance to them than any alliance ; that they could not, in honor, hear such a proposal ; but that, if honor and cha racter were out of the question, while England held a province in America, we could not safely forfeit the confidence of France, nor commit ourselves to the consistency of England. But, to rise higher. When the King Avas pleased to say to rae that he would be foreraost in favor and friendship to the United States, when he should see a ffisposition to give the pre ference to this country, he probably meant more than we can OFFICIAL. ,323 comply AA'ith. If a preference in commerce only had been meant, it Avas quite unnecessary to make it a future condition, because the ardor of our citizens in tiansferring almost the Avhole com merce of the counti-y here, and voluntarily reviving that mono poly which they had long coraplained of as a grievance, in a fcAV of the ffi-st months of the peace, imprudently demonstrated to all the world an immoderate preference of British commerce. It Avas impossible that Ave could give sti-onger proofs of a prefer ence in this sense. If the royal expression, then, was a delibe rate one, it must have intended something more, and something Avhich the United States cannot agree to. The British ministi-y, therefore, have uoav before them a ques tion as important to the British empire as any that ever was agitated in it; whether by evacuating the jiosts, and fulfilUng the treaty of peace in other points, and by opening thek ports in the West Inffies and on the continent of America, as weU as in Europe, to our ships and produce, upon equal and fak terras, they shaU insure the impartiality and neutraUty of Araerica ; or whether, by a contiary conduct, they shaU force them into closer connections of affiance and commerce Avith France, Spain, and HoUand. A treaty of defensive alliance with France would deserve a long and carefffi deliberation, and shotdd comprehend the East and West Indies. I mean our right to ti-ade in them, as AveU as raany other considerations, too numerous to hint at here. A new tieaty of commerce might be made greatly bene ficial to both countiies. If we once see a necessity of giving^ preferences in trade, great things may be done. By the treaty between England and Portugal of 27th of December, 1703, Por tugal promised to admit forever into Portugal the wooUen cloths and the rest of the woollen manufactures of the Britons, as Avas accustomed, till they Avere prohibited by the laAvs ; never theless, upon this condition, — " II. That is to say, that Great Britain shall be obliged forever hereafter to adrait the wines of the groAvth of Portugal into Britain, so that, at no time, Avhether there shall be peace or Avar between the kingdoms of Britain and France, any thing more shaU be demanded for these wines by the name of customs or duty, or by whatsoever title, directly or indkectly, whether they shaU be imported into Great Britain in pipes, or hogsheads, or other casks, than Avhat shall be de manded fi-om the like quantity or measure of French Avine, 324 OFFICIAL. deducting or abating a third part of the customs or duty. But if, at any time, this deduction or abatement of customs shall, in any manner, be prejudiced, it shaU be just and laAvful for his sacred royal Majesty of Portugal again to prohibit the woollen cloths and the rest of the British AvooUen manufactm-es." This treaty, Avhich the Lish call the Methuen treaty, from the name of the ambassador Avho signed it, and Avhich they uoav claira the benefit of as Britons, although the Portuguese deny them to be Britons, and accordingly refuse their woollens, has had a vast effect both in Portugal and England. The conse quence has been, that Portugal has now, for more than four score years, clothed herself in British woollens, like an EngUsh colony, and has never been able to intioduce AVOoUen manufac tures at home ; and the British islands have ffiaiik no other wine than Port, Lisbon, and Madeira, although the wines of France are so much better. The United States may draAV many usefffi lessons from this example. If, from the blind passions and rash councils of the Britons, they should be compelled to deviate frora their favor ite principle of impartiality and neutiaUty, they might raake a ncAV comraercial treaty with France, for a term or forever exempting aU the manufactures of France from one third or one half, or all the duties which shaU be stipulated to be laid upon the EngUsh manufactures. In this case, what becomes of the manufactures of Britain ? AA'hat of their commerce, reve nue, and naval power ? They must decline, and those of her rival must rise. I hint only at these things. They open a wide field of inquiry, and requke all the thoughts of the people. We should stipulate for the admission of all our produce, and should agree upon a tariff' of duties on both sides. We should insist upon entire liberty of trade and navigation, both in the East and West Indies and in Africa, and upon the admission of our oil and fish, as well as tobacco, flour, rice, indigo, potash, &c. &c. This country boasts of her friends and partisans in this and the other assemblies, particularly in New York and Virginia, and is confident we can do nothing, neither exclude their ships from our exports, nor lay on duties upon their imports into our States, neither raise a revenue, nor build a fleet. If their expectations are not disappointed, Ave shall be, and that in a ( )FFICIAL. 325 fcAV months, not only a despised, but a despicable people. With the poAver in our own hands of doing as avc please, Ave shaU do notMng ; Avitli the means of making ourselves respected by the wise, AA'C shaU become the scorn of fools. I am under embanassments in tieating Avith the ministry here, to know hoAV far it is prudent in me to go, in urging upon them what the United States may do, or not do, AA'ith France, There Avoffid be danger of my committing congress imprudently ; but, in conversation with friends, arguments may be casuaUy, and by Avay of specffiation only, put into their mouths, AvMch they AvUl not faU to use Avhere they raay or ought to have Aveight. Yet it is stffi uncertain whether any thing can have AA'eight. The ministiy behave as if they saAv certain ruin com ing upon the nation, and thought it of no importance in what shape it should appear. With great respect, &c. John Ada.ms. to secretary jaa'. Grosvenor Square, 21 October, 1785. Dear Sir, — Yesterday, at eleven o'clock, I went, by appoint ment, to Lord Carmarthen's office, and was admitted to his LordsMp as soon as he anived from his house. As this Avas an hour earUer than the usual appearance of the foreign ministers at the secretary of state's levee, I had time for a long conversa tion Avith his LordsMp. At ffist I presented him a meraorial, contaimng a requisition of immediate orders for the discharge of our citizens, particularly of Lo^A- ; secondly, the correspondence between Governor Bow doin and Captain Stanhope, with the act of congress upon it ; and, thkffiy, a letter concernmg the questions some tirae ago coraraunicated to your mimsters at Paris, relative to thek fuff powers, by the Duke of Dorset. These papers were left Avith his Lordship for his perusal, at his leisure ; but, I conjecture, he laid them before the King in a conference after the ffiawing- room. After the commuMcation of those papers, I had the honor to observe to his Lordship, that, although they contained raatters of some importance, I most sincerely wished there were nothing of greater ffifficulty and more danger between the tvvo countiies. His Lordship wished so too. I added, that, as it VOL. VIII. 28 326 OFFICIAL. Avas Avished on both sides, it Avas remarkable that the business Avas not done, as it seeraed to be very easy to do ; that it was much to be lamented, Avhen the war was ended, and every thing essential Avhich had been in contest was decided, that such ckcurastances as remained should impede the return of confi dence betAveen the Iavo nations. I paused here, in hopes Ms Lordship Avould have raade some reffection, or dropped some hint, from whence I could have ffi-awn some conclusion, excited sorae hope, or started sorae fresh topic ; but not a word escaped Mm. After a long silence, I told him that I hoped for an ansAver from his LordsMp, concerning the posts upon the front iers ; not a Avord of reply. 1 said I Avas extremely uneasy con cerning those posts ; that, by the last accounts from America, there seemed to be danger of our being involved in an Indian war, merely from the circumstance of thek being Avithheld ; that his Lordship could not be unacquainted Avith the cruelty and barbarity Avith Avhich those savages made AA'ar upon people the most innocent, peaceable, and defenceless ; that an Indian war, by filUng the gazettes and conversation Avith relations of honors, naturally spread a greater alarm, and excited keener passions, than other Avars which_ raight be luuch raore desti-uctive and impoverishing ; that, if such a Avar should happen in conse quence of withholding the posts, it Avould enkindle a flame in America Avhich might spread wider, and last longer, than any man could foresee ; that I sincerely hoped the King's ministers Avould think seriously of it, and give orders for the evacuation ; that I must insist on an answer. Here, his Lordship, in broken sentences, expressed a Avish that the rainistiy Avoffid answer everybody, and conveyed a hint that it did not depend upon him. I proceeded, upon this, to say, that, in a conference with AL. Pitt, Avhen I pressed him for an ansAver concerning the posts, although he was not explicit with rae, I understood him to insinuate to me, that the surren der of the posts Avould be raade conditional upon soraething respecting the debts. Here, I got something out. His Lordship said, — " To be sure, nothing could be done until the debts Avere paid." Paid ! my Ijord ! that is raore than ever Avas stipulated. No government ever undertook to pay the private debts of its subjects ; and, in this case, nobody ever had such a thought. The treaty only stipulated that creditors should meet with no OFFICIAL. 327 lawful impediment to the recovery of their debts. But, said his Lordship, if laAvfffi impediments have been throAvn in the Avay — and this Avas all he cotdd or would let out. I understood hira to mean, that government, by putting an impediment in the Avay, had raade itself answerable for the debts themselves. This was the first suggestion to me of such a thought ; but it Avas so fully comraunicated, that I should not be surprised, if a requisition should be made to that effect. I proceeded with his Lordship, that the people in Araerica saw the ti-eaty violated in two important points, relative to stiiMng objects. The negroes Avere canied oft', and the posts Avere Avithheld. The last looked like a continuance of Avar. It Avas continuing a foreign army in thek tenitory. These were the first breaches of the treaty; and, without them, I did believe that the debtors would not have had influence enough in any assembly to have procured an act or vote to impede the course of law ; and, if the posts Avere now evacuated, and the negroes paid for, I did not beUeve the impe diment would be continued longer than to the meeting of the assembUes. But, if the removal of these impediments should be made a condition precedent to the evacuation of the posts and payment for the negroes, I very much apprehended it Avould not be done. As the English had been first in the -wrong, it was natural and reasonable to expect that they should be first to get right. Finding it impossible to learn any thing from his Lordship of his own sentiments or those of his coUeagues upon these points, after a pause of some tirae, I proceeded to sorae others, and said, — Your Lordship alone AA'as present, Avhen the King was pleased to say to rae, that when he should see a disposition in the United States to give this country the preference, he Avould be foreraost in friendsMp to thera. Yes, I was, said his Lordship. What greater preference, ray Lord, can be expected or reasonably desired than has been given ? It is not possible for one countiy to give another stionger proofs than America^ has given this, of a coraraercial preference. They have, with an imprudent ardor, discovered too early, and too iraraoderate a predUection to the coramerce of this counti-y, by voluntarily reviving, at the peace, almost the very monopoly which had been established before the war by the acts of parliament. 328 OFFICIAL. Can any other preference than a commercial one be thought of? No answer. Is it not receiving this disposition too coldly, my Lord, to meet it with obsti-uctions to so many of our remit tances ? Is there not danger that the conduct of this country wffi change that disposition ? Is it not easUy changed ? Does it not consist chiefly in mode and taste, setting aside Avhat there is remaining of good Avill between the people ? And, if credit is the Im-e, is it not easily counteracted ? We have been used to buy Russian hemp and duck in London. Say we paid ten per cent, more than it would have cost us in Petersburgh, and that the advantage of having it upon credit Avas Avorth to the Ame rican merchant twenty per cent, by laying on a duty of ten per cent, on these articles imported frora Londoii more than Avhen imported dkectly frora Russia, Avould not the advan tage of creffit be AvhoUy counteracted? By laying on fifteen per cent, more, would there not be an end forever to Ameri can importations of these articles by the way of London? SUesia linens are another article which Ave bought in Lon don. Alay not this commerce be diverted entkely to Stetin and Embden by a similar duty ? May not aU sorts of man ufactm-es in iron be bought in Germany, and all other manu factures in cotton, linen, metals, silk, velvet, avooI, be in the sarae manner diverted from this to other countries in Em-ope, only by thus laying a bounty on the iraportation of them into America, to be paid by those who choose to purchase in Eng- la-nd ? It has become fashionable here for gentlemen to speak dimi nutively of Araerican ti-ade, even among sorae who had magni fied it while in opposition to Lord North. These could not certainly be sincere ; but be the value of it Avhat it may, can it be good policy in this counti-y to ffivert it from herself and send it to her rivals ? For example, could it be wise in the English to throw their own NcAvfomidland fishery into the hands of the French, merely to prevent Americans from supplying it Avith provisions and necessaries in their OAVii bottoms ? I Avas very much afraid the ministry had not yet duly considered upon Avhat a delicate circumstance their fishery depended ; how easily it raight be lost, and hoAV harffiy recovered. Though the fishery Avas very beneficial to the public as a nursery of seamen, and a source of AA'calth, as it stood connected Avitli various other OFFICIAL. 329 branches of business, yet, to the generality of individuals, it AA'as not very profitable. With their utmost art, industry, and economy, they coffid but barely live. The Jamaica fish, as some caU it, or the West India fish, as others named it, was one thkd part of the Avhole ; and the preservation and sale of it AA'as essential to the Ufe of the fishery. Unfit for the European market, it had never found any other consumers than the negi-oes ; and the English depended upon selling theks to the French in their West India Islands. They have been able to undersell the French in their oavu islands. Why ? Because thek fishery at NcAvfoundland being supplied from the United States at a cheaper rate than the French could be from Europe, they could afford to seU their fish cheaper ; but now the tables Avere turned. The French are supplied from the United States, and the Enghsh must be frora Europe ; the consequence of which must be, that the French wffi very soon be able to sup ply their oavu islands cheaper than the EngUsh can ; and, Avhen this happens, it Avill be very natm-al for them to prohibit all foreign fish, American as weU as EngUsh. I left his Lordship to judge, if this was a probable means of increasing British sea men and navigation, and whether it was not probable, that, if the Araericans saw the EngUsh, Uke rash garaesters, playing away their oavh fisheries into foreign hands, they would look out for themselves, and purchase of the French the admis sion of thek fish into the islands, by stipulating some equivalent for it. Here his Lordship said he vA'ished the councU could be brought to take into consideration the relative situation of the tAVO counti-ies and their commerce. I Avas in hopes he Avould have said more, and waited long to hear ; but, as it appeared he did not intend to be more particular, I said, it Avas surely necessary that something should be thought of and done with regard to the West India trade. It Avould be weU to con sider, whether the United States, if they found themselves excluded frora the English islands, Avould not think it necessary to purchase a free admission of their flour and ships, as AveU as fish and other things, to perpetffity, by stipulating with the French Court some perpetual advantage, in some particffiars, over the EngUsh coramerce. Hitherto, it had been the policy of the States to be impartial ; but, if they Avere once driven from this principle, I left his Lordship to judge hoAV far they 28* 330 OFFICIAL. might go, and ought to go. I asked his Lordship, whether it would not be just and wise in France to stipulate with us a perpetual admission of our oU to ffitiminate thek cities ; of our potash, duty free ; of our tobacco, upon easier duties and better terms ; in short, of aU the produce of our country, upon better conditions, of om- flour, fish, and ships into their islands, and of our ready buUt ships for sale, into aU her doraimons, if con gress would stipffiate with them a perpetual preference of French ships and raanufactures over the EngUsh in Araerica. If we would stipulate to lay on duties one third or one half heavier upon English than French navigation and raerchanffize, raight we not make a profitable bargain ? might Ave not do the same with any and every other trading nation in Europe? Necessity would force us to carry our trade where we could find a market for our produce ; and, if England Avould not receive it upon living terms, Ave must carry it to Germany or the Baltic, to Holland or the Meditenanean, to Portugal or France, to Spain or even to the East Indies. All this Avas very patiently and civffiy heard, but not a Avord of ansAver. I then asked, what could be the reason that the commerce betAveen the United States and the reraaining British Colonies, Canada and Nova Scotia, should not be encouraged ; it had been found rautually beneficial heretofore, and our share of the profit of it had been a source of remittance to England, and would be again. Those colonies, especiaUy Nova Scotia, would find it difficult to subsist without it for a long time. Finffing, however, that his Lordship Avas determined to deUver no opinions, nor give the smaUest hint from whence any conclu sions or conjectm-es could be formed, I asked hira for his advice, whether it Avould answer any good end for me to Avait on any other of the ministers, as my Lord Camden and the Duke of Richmond, for example, and enter into more particular conver sation with them upon these subjects. His Lordship said. Lord Camden was gone into the countiy, and the Duke of Richmond to the distant seaports, and woffid not be here for many weeks ; but Mr. Pitt was here. I replied, that I had found Mr. Pitt, in the conversations I had had with hira, caaffid and intelligent ; and that, for any thing I kneAV, the affaks of the nation could not be in better hands ; but he was in a cri tical situation; and, if a foundation should be laid of a final OFFICIAL, 331 alienation betAveen England and America, it Avould be a deeper stain, a blacker blot upon his adrainistration, than the indepen- ence of the United States had been upon that of Lord North. It is not worth your while nor mine to endeavor to recollect more particularly this useless conversation, in which the recipro city, as Lord North said on another occasion, was all on one side. I did not think it prudent to urge to his Lordship the possibility of any other new connections betAveen the United States and other European nations, than coraraercial ones. The possibility and the probability of a more permanent, indeed of a perpetual, defensive alliance between France, Spain, Holland, and the United States, with even Ireland soliciting to be the fifth poAver, is so obvious to common sense, that one Avotffd think it could not escape the contemplation of the ministry. There are persons in this kingdom sufficiently insane to say, that they Avffi bring America to petition to come again under the government of this country ; they AvUl distress them tiU they break their faith Avith France, and then they say " we wiU spurn them." If the King and ministry entertain such thoughts, they are Aveaker than I ever thought them, and wickeder than anybody ever represented them. But, although insidious policy is not a novelty in this country, I do not believe them capable of such an excess of it at this time. The true secret I conceive to be, a real ignorance and indeci sion Avhat to do. They have discovered, by their Newfound land biU and Lish propositions, a desire to preserve the princi ple of the navigation act against the United States. Both these experiments have been unfortunate. The first produced the Massachusetts and New Hampshke navigation acts ; and the last procured a defeat in the parliaraent of Leland. They are now confounded, and knoAv not Avhether to persevere or to retreat ; and, I am convinced, they have agreed together to observe a total silence with me until they shaU come to a reso lution. This reserve they maintain to aU others, as well as to rae, lest any hints might escape thera, by which the various parties Avho are led by Shelburne, Buckingham, North, and Fox, should knoAV hoAV to begin the foundation of their opposi tion. They are reaUy embarrassed ; for, whatever treaty they make Avith us must be submitted to parUament, either before it is signed, or it must be made and signed, expressly subject to 332 OFFICIAL, the approbation or disapprobation of parUament ; and they are at a loss to guess Avhat they can carry through parliament, knoAving the talents of the opposition, and the force of national prejudice and passion in favor of the navigation laws. They are afraid to atterapt Avhat they knoAV they ought to do. ^' This being the state of things, you raay depend upon it, the commerce of America avUI have no relief at present, nor, in my opinion, ever, untU the United States shaU have generaUy passed navigation acts. If this measure is not adopted, aa'c shaU be derided ; and the more Ave suffer, the more avUI our calamities be laughed at. My most earnest exhortations to the States, then, are, and ought to be, to lose no time in passing such acts ; they will raise our reputation all over the world, and AviU avail us in tieating with France and Holland, as well as England ; for, Avhen these nations once see us in the right way, and united in such measures, they wUl estiraate more highly our commerce, our credit, and our aUiances. The ques tion has been asked in France as often as in England, What have you to give in exchange for this and that ? particularly, it was a constant question of the Marechal de Castries, What have you to give as a reciprocity for the benefit of going to our islands ? When Ave have once made a navigation act, or slioAvn that aa'c can unite in maldng one, Ave may answer, Ave can repeal our act or our imposts in return for your repeaUng yom-s. With regard to this counti-y, I confess to you, I never should have believed, nor coffid have imagined the real situation of it, if I had not been here and resided here some time. I never could have conceived such an union of all parUamentary fac tions against us, Avhich is a demonsti-ation of the unpopularity of our cause. If the States do not raake haste to confine their exports to thek oavu ships, and lay on duties upon British mer chanffise Avhich shall give a decided advantage to our own manufactures and those of Germany, France, and other nations, it Avffi be to no purpose to continue a minister here ; and I am sure I shaU Avisli rayself anyAvhere else rather than here. These are remeffies Avhich congress and the States can apply. I should hope they Avill not proceed farther at present ; but, if these are found insufficient, I hope they will think of proceed ing farther in commercial treaties with other nations, and reserve the resource of further alliances as a last resort. OFFICIAL. 333 The drafts already made, and the negotiations in Barbary, Avill exhaust your little fund in Arasterdara ; and, before ncxt March, all your servants in Em-ope must return home for Avant of means, even of subsistence, unless something is done ; our countiymen shoffid not expect that mkacles Avill be wrought for their reUef ; if thek affaks are not conducted Avith Avisdom and activity, they AviU reap, raost certainly, the frffits of folly and supineness. Before I conclude, I Avill mention one more extiavagance that I knoAV is lurldng in some hearts here. They woffid will ingly embarrass AL. Pitt in any rational plan of agreement with me, and cheerfuUy precipitate him into a Avar with the United States, if they could, well knoAving that it Avould be his rum. They think, and, I can add, they say, " that Canada and Nova Scotia must soon be ours ; there must be a war for it ; they know hoAV it Avill end, but the sooner the better; this done, Ave shall be forever at peace ; till then, never." But these people do not consider that this will involve us in unchangeable connections with France, and prove the final nun of this countiy. The stocks have lately risen to sixty-five and sixty-six. Whether this is OAving to ministerial tiicks, or the real afflu ence of money, it will raise the fund of pride and vanity in the nation in a much gi-eater proportion, and make it raore ffifficffit for the minister to do Avhat even he may think right Avith Ame rica. I must conclude, by repeating that my only hopes are in the virtue, resolution, and unanimity of my feUow-citizens. With great respect, &c. John Adams. RICHARD HENRY LEE TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, 24 October, 1785. Dear Sir, — Having yesterday Avritten a long letter to you, I have now only to request your attention to the foUowino- business, which is of very great importance to those whom it concerns, and Avho form a considerable portion of the citizens of these States. The representatives of those professino- the church of England system of reUgion, having been lately assembled at PhUadelphia, where lay and clerical deputies 334 OFFICIAL. from seven States were convened m general convention, for the purpose, among other things, of preserA'ffig and mamtaining a succession of ffiAines in thek church, in a manner wMch they judge consonant to the gospel, and no AA-ay mterfermg with the reUgious or cIa'U rights of others, have sent an adffiess to the archbishops and bishops of England, proposmg a plan for the consecration of American bishops. It is imagined that, before any thmg is done in tMs business by the bishops of England, they wffi constdt the Kmg and mkiistiy, who, it is appre hended, may hoaa', as heretofore, suppose that any step of the Mnd bemg taken m England might be considered here as an officious intermeddlkig Avith our affaks that woffid give offence on tMs side the water. Shoffid this be the case, the chm-ch of England members Ui congress have the greatest reUance on your Uberal regard for the reUgious rights of aU men, that you AviU remove mistaken scruples fi-om the mmd of admiffistiation, by representing how perfectly consonant it is with our revolu tion prmciples professed tMoughout aU the States, that every denomination of Christians has a right to pursue its own reU gious modes, interfermg not with others ; that, mstead of giA'mg offence, it must give content, by evidencmg a fiienffiy ffisposi tion to accommodate the people here who are members of the chmch in question. In proof of tMs, congress ffid lately shoAv thek attention to the accommodation of tMs class of CMistians, by commumcating to the different executives yom- information fi-om the Danish mimster of that King's AA'UUngness to facffitate the busmess of ordmation for om- church. And the assembly of Vkgiffia hath incorporated tMs society, under wMch act of mcorporation the convention was held in that State, that sent both lay and clerical deputies to the general convention lately held in PhUadelpMa. I have the honor to be, &c. Richard Henra' Lee. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. K^ew Tork, 1 November, 1785, Dear Sir, — The mclosed letter from President Lee to you (of the subject and contents of Avhich I am kiformed) AA'ffi explain to you the design of the letters and papers Avhich accompany this. The ones to the archbishops of York and OFFICIAL, 335 Canterbury are left open for your information ; and that you may the more easUy determine Avith yourself, either to deUver it in person, or merely to forward it by a proper conveyance. The attention you manifested to the Episcopalian church, in the affair of Denmark, has much obUged tiie members of it, and induced them to hope for your further good offices. The convention are not incUned to acknoAvledge or have any thing to do Avith AL. Seabury. His own high church princi ples, and the high church principles of those Avho ordained him, do not quaffi-ate either Avith the political principles of our Epis copalians in general, or Avitli those on which our revolution and constitutions are founded. They wish, therefore, to have a bishop to Avhom no objections of that kind can be made, and that is the object of thek present raeasures. It will be much in your poAver to aid them in the attainment of it ; and, for my own part, I think, your friendly interposition will neither dis serve your countiy nor yourself. To me, personaUy, bishops are of Uttle importance ; but, as our civU affaks are uoav ckcumstanced, I have no objections to gratifying those who Avish to have them. I confess I do not Mie the principles of the non-jurors ; and, I think, the less patronage such opinions meet Avith among us, the better. With great and sincere esteem, John Jay. TO SECRETARA' JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 4 November, 1785. Dear Sir, — Yesterday, at the minister's levee, one of the foreign miffisters put into ray hands a Leyden gazette, in which I found announced to the pubUc an arret of the King of France of the 18th of Septeraber, in Avhich a bounty of ten livres per quintal is promised to any French merchants who shall import into the market of the French West India Islands, or of Spain, Portugal, or Italy, any fish of the French fisheries, and in which the impost upon aU foreign fish is raised to five Uatcs a quintal. This amounts to an encouragement of fifteen livres a quintal upon French fish in the West Indies. _— -"' ' As the supply of the French islands with fish is so material, perhaps so essential to our fishery, this ordinance deserves the 336 OFFICIAL. earliest and most serious attention of every man in America, who has any regard to our fisheries. As the supply of the French islands Avith fish is of so much consequence to the British fishery, I took occasion, in a confer ence Avith the Marqffis of Carmarthen, to mention it to him, and to observe to hira, that I left it to his Lordship to consider, Avhether the British fisheries could be supported against the influence of this orffinance, Avithout the freest conimumcation of suppUes frora the United States. His Lordship thought it deserved consideration, and that Avas all the oracle Avould deU ver. I after\A'ards mentioned it to AL. Eraser, his Lordship's under secretary of state. The Marqffis of Carmarthen, that I may let you into enough of his character to account for his conduct, is a modest, amia ble raan, tieats aU men with civUity, and is much esteemed by the foreign ministers, as AveU as the nation, but is not an enter prising minister ; is never assuming, and, I beUeve, never takes upon himself to decide any point of importance, without con sulting the cabinet. He never gives his private opinion ; but, in aU things Avhich respect America, I do not beUeve that he or any other of the rainistiy has yet formed any. We shaU, I think, learn nothing of thek designs till they are brought forth in parUament in the course of the winter and spring. AL. Pitt commenced his career with sentiraents rather Ube ral toAvards the United States ; but, since he has been prime minister, he has appeared to give ear to the chancellor and Lord Gower, AL. Dundas, and AL. JenMnson, Avith thek instru ments, Erving, Chalmers, Smith and others, so much as to have departed from his fkst principle. He has tiled the experkuents of the NeAvfounffiand bUl and the fourth Irish proposition ; but, finding the fatal success of both, he may be brought back to the system Avith which he set out ; but I doubt it ; or rather, I am convinced he never AviU, until he is obliged to it, by our States adopting navigation acts. There is pubUshed this morning, in the Chronicle, the pro ceedings at Charleston on the 15th August, which look very encouraging. If the legislature of South CaroUna lay partial restrictions on the ships of such nations as have no treaty of commerce with the United States, I think it cannot be doubted that all the other States wffi come into the measure ; because OFFICIAL. 337 there is none Avhich Avill suffer a greater temporary inconve nience by it. These measures have a tendency to encourage the naval stores of North CaroUna so much, that she Avill be a gainer. But the principal danger is, that these resti-ictions may not be sufficiently Mgh to give a clear advantage to the ships of the United States. I cannot repeat to you too often, sk, that aU my hopes are founded upon such exertions in America. The trade Avitli Araerica raust come under consideration of parliaraent in the renovation of the intercourse act, if not of the NeAA'foundland act ; and their deUberations wffi be mfluenced by nothing but American navigation acts. I fear there are not enough of these yet raade, nor likely to be raade this year, to have much effect. This nation is sti-angely bUnded by prejudice and passion. They are ignorant of the subject beyond conception. There is a proMbition of the ti-uth, arising frora popular anger. Printers wUl print notMng wMch is true, Avithout pay, because it dis pleases thek readers ; AvMle thek gazettes are open to Ues, because they are eagerly read, and make the paper seU. Scrib blers for bread are whoUy occupied in abusing the Umted States ; and AA'riters for fame, if there are any such left in this counti-y, find the pubfic applause whoUy against us. The rise of the stocks has established AL. Pitt ; and, if he Avere wiUing, he wotdd scarcely be able to do right, untU America shaU enable him and obUge him. I am, sk, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 5 November, 1785. Dear Sir, — The ChevaUer de Pinto, Envoy Extiaorffinary and Alimster Plenipotentiary frora Portugal, after a long absence by leave of his Court, is lately anived here from Lisbon. Upon several occasions, Avhen I met him at Court and upon visits, he told me that he had orders from his Court to confer Avith me, upon the project of a tieaty between the United States and Portugal ; but he never descended to particffiars till yesterday, VOL. VIII. 29 V 338 OFFICIAL. when he caUed upon me, and said that, before he left Lisbon, his Com-t had learned that I Avas in England, and had charged him to enter into conference Avith me, concerning that project of a tieaty Avhich had been transmitted to his Court by the Count de Souza ; that the Portuguese ministiy, notAvithstanding thek high esteem for thek arabassador in France, knoAA'ing that he lived in the country, and Avas in distiess, did not choose that the negotiation should be any longer conducted by him, but had committed the project to thek envoy at the Court of Eng land, and had insti-ucted him to assure me that the Court of Lisbon Avas sincerely deskous of entering into a ti-eaty of com merce Avith the Uffited States of America, a poAver Avith Avhich it was more convenient for Portugal to ti-ade than any other. But there Avere some things in the plan proposed, which Avere inadmissible ; particularly, the Americans could never be admit ted into the Brazils. It was irapossible. It Avas the invariable raaxira of thek Court, to exclude all nations from those territo ries ; and, having himself served for sorae years as governor- general of one of the BrazUs, he kncAV it Avas a policy from Avhich his Court could never, on any condition, depart ; that it was a great compliment to Mm, to be preferred to the Count de Souza for the conduct of such a negotiation ; that he raade no pretensions to such merit, but readily acknowledged the superiority of the ambassador ; but it was the pleasure of his Court, and he had no right to ffispute it. I answered, that I had no authority to treat, but in conjunc tion with AL. Jeff'erson, the rainister plenipotentiary of the Uni ted States at the Court of Versailles ; that the ftdl poAver to treat Avith Portugal was to Mr. Jefferson and me jointly; so that I could conclude nothing AA'ithout his concurrence, nor cany on any conferences without comraunicating thera to hira. To this I supposed he could have no objection. He said, none at all. His first insti-uction aa'us, he said, to confer Avith me concern ing the mutual Avants and several productions of our countries, which raight be the objects of coramerce. His countrymen Avanted, he said, grain. I asked, if they did not Avant ffour. He said he Avas not precisely instructed concerning flour ; but they had mills in Portugal Avhich they wished to employ. I repUed, that, in every negotiation, I thought there ought to oe OFFICIAL. 339 a mutual consideration of each other's profits and losses, advan tages and disadvantages, so that the result raight be equitable, and give satisfaction on both sides ; that a coramerce founded upon compacts made upon this principle, Avould ever be CEu-ried ou Avith more pleasure and to better eff'ect ; that avc had mills Avhich Ave Avished to employ, as avcU as Portugal, and mUls as costly and as good as those of any nation. In this respect, then, our pretensions AA'ere rautual and equal ; but there were other partictffars in Avhich, Avithout benefit to Portugal, the loss to the United States AA'ould be very gi-eat. The commodity AA-as more difficffit to preserve in grain than in fiom- ; it was more exposed to the insect and to heat, both at horae and upon the passage, by Avhich raeans the loss upon wheat was much greater than that upon flour ; that it Avould not be eqffitable, then, for Portugal to receive wheat to the exclusion of flour ; that this was a point of so much importance, that it woffid facffitate the tieaty, and encom-age the commerce, if his Court should think fit to agree to receive our flour. He said he had not precise instructions, but he woffid Avrite to his Court particffiarly upon this subject. The next article wanted by the Portuguese was lumber of various sorts, particu larly staves for pipes, in large quantities. They wanted, also, ship timber, pitch, tar, and turpentine, potash for their manu factures of glass, iron, masts, yards and boAvsprits, furs, ginseng, and, above aU, salt fish. The consumption of tMs article in Portugal, he said, was immense ; and, he would avoAV to me, that the American salt fish was preferred to any other, on account of its quality. Here, you see, says the ChevaUer de Pinto, is a catalogue of articles Avhich the Portuguese will Avant in larger or smaUer quantities ; now, what are the articles you_ can take in Araerica in exchange ? It behoves my nation to '> inquke what they can supply yours with ; otherwise the balance in your favor may be too ruinous to us. It happens unluckUy for Portugal, that the Americans have no occasion for our prin cipal commodities, Avhich are tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., the pro duce ofthe BrazUs. I replied, that the United States had been used to take considerable quantities of Madeira, Lisbon, and port AAines, fruits, olive oU, salt, &c. He asked, Avhy we could not take tea frora Lisbon. They imported from the east large quantities, and very good. The EngUsh East India Company 340 OFFICL^, had purchased of them this year teas to the amount of forty thousand pounds, and he thought they could seU it to us cheaper than we bought it elsewhere. They coffid supply us, Ukewise, with other East Inffia goods. Perhaps we intended to supply ourselves by a dkect tiade to India. He was glad to hear that our fkst enterprises had succeeded : but, if we con tmued to take any part of our consumption from Europe, they coffid supply us as cheaply as any other nation. Sugar, too, the produce of the BrazUs, they coffid furnish to ti;, of as good quality as English or French, and much cheaper. K we shoffid think of manufactures among ourselves, they coffid let us have wool of the same quaUty Avith the Spamsh, and cotton in any quantities we rniglit w-ant. L we made chocolate, they coffid seU us cocoa. Indeed, thcA' had wooUen manufactures, and coffid afford u~ cloth as good and cheap as other nations. These were tMngs, I repUed, in wMch the merchants on both .sides shoffid specffiate. J£ the Umted States shoffid proceed in the plan akeady besrin, of encouraging thek own manufactures, the raw materials of wool and cotton woffid be in demand : and. if they perse-ered m thek measures for encom-aging thek own navigation, they Avoffid want large quantities of hemp, saU cloth, (Sec, from the Baltic ; and, for what I knew, they rffight find thek account in taldng sugars, cotton, cocoa, ice. at Lis bon, to carr,- as remittances to Petersburgh and Stockholm. They might even, upon some occasions, purchase tobacco, rice. and inffigo for the same market, as AveU as the Aleffitenanean, if that sea should be open to our sMps. But aU these things woffid depend upon the facffities giA'en to our commoffities by the treaty. Nothing woffid contribute so much to promote the tiade, as thek receiAing our flour without duties or ffiscouragc- ments ; our ready btffit ships, too, were an article of importance to us. He said he did not knoAV that our readA' bffilt sMps were proMbited. I asked, if they coffid not take our spermaceti oU to burn m thek lamps, or for anv other uses. He said, no ; they had such an abundance of oU made m the country, of oUves wMch grew there, that they had no occasion for thek own spermaceti oU, wMch they sold to Spain ; they had now a verj- pretty spermaceti wffiale fishery wMch they had learned of the New Englanders, and canied on upon the coast of BrazU. I asked, if they coffid not take our spermaceti canffies, and burn OFFICIAL, 341 them in their churches. He said, they made some wax in Portugal and some in Brazil ; but he Avould own it Avas not enough for their consumption ; the surplus they bought in Italy and Barbary at a dear rate. At length, I observed to the Che valier that Portugal abounded in Iavo articles which Avotild be extremely convenient to my felloAv-citizens, in which she might ahvays balance accounts Avith us to our entire satisfaction, whe ther Ave shoffid take raore or less of their other coraraodities. These Avere sUver and gold, than Avhich no kmd of merchandise Avas in greater demand, or had a higher reputation. The Che valier thought the taste of his countrymen so much like om-s, that they had rather pay us in any thing else. I added, if the conduct of the Court of St. James should oblige the United States to make a navigation act, their com merce must increase Avith Portugal. A navigation act ! said he. Why, there is not a nation in Europe that would suffer -a navigation act to be raade in any other, at this day. The Eng lish navigation act Avas made in times of ignorance, Avhen fcAV nations cultivated commerce, and no Court but this understood or cared any thing about it ; but, at present, all com-ts Avcrc attentive to it. For his part, if he were rainister in Portugal, he would not hesitate to exclude from her ports the ships of any , nation that should raake such an act. I replied, that I did not"|\ mean a navigation act against any nation but this ; but, if the i English persevered in enforcing thek act against us, we could do no other than make one against thera. The Chevalier said we should be perfectly in the right. The Courts of Europe had a long time cried out against this act of the English. If it Avere noAV to begin, it would not be submitted to. This observation is just, and it may be carried farther. I do not beUeve the British navigation act can last long ; at least, I am persuaded, if America has spirit enough, umbone repellere umbonem, that all other nations wffi soon foUoAV her example, and the apprehension of this would be alone sufficient, if think ing beings governed this island, to induce them to sUence America, by giving her satisfaction. But they rely upon our disunion, and think it AviU be tirae enough, when Ave shall have shoAvn that we can agree. -' The ChevaUer concluded the conference, by saying that he would Avrite to Ms Com-t for farther information and insti-uc- 29* 342 OFFICIAL. tions ; and, as I understood him, for fuU powers. But, before he Avent aAvay, he said he had orders frora his Court to inquire of me what Avere the sentiments of congress upon the head of ministers and constds, Avhether they would send a minister and consul to Lisbon. His Com-t had a mind to send somebody to the United States ; but etiquette requked th-at congress should send in return to Portugal. I answered, that, in the project of a treaty, Avhich Avas in his possession, there AA'as an article that each party should have a right to send consuls ; so that, when the treaty was concluded, Portugal would be at liberty to send AA'hen she Avould. As to ministers, I had no instiuctions ; but there coffid be no doubt, that, if thek Majesties of Portugal thought proper to send an ambassador of any denomination, he AVoffid be received by congress Avith all the respect due to his character and his sovereign. He said, if there Avas a ti-eaty, there ought to be ministers. I could not answer to this particu larly, for Avant of instiuctions ; but congress had, as yet, but few ministers abroad ; and, indeed, they had not found many gentleraen ffisposed to quit the deUghts of thek own famiUes and connections, and the esteem of thek fellow-citizens, for the sake of serving in Em-ope ; and here ended the conversation. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. P. S. I forgot to mention in its place, that I asked the Che vaUer about our ships being admitted to the Portuguese island of Macao in the East Indies. He said, that would be of import ance to us ; for he ffid not see how the commerce Avith China could be carried on AA'ithout the use of that island, as there were certain seasons of the year when European ships, and American, too, he supposed, could not be admitted into Can ton. But our ships should enjoy the benefit of thek island as fully as any nation in Em-ope. You AviU perceive, sk, by this conference, what is more and more manifest every day; that there is, and will continue, a general scramble for navigation. Canying tiade, ship building, fisheries, are the cry of every nation; and it AvUl requke aU the skiU and firmness of the United States to preserve a reason able share of thek oavu. They have brought tieaties of com merce so much into fashion, that more have been made since OFFICIAL. ,3.13 the American Avar, and are noAV in negotiation, than had been made for a centm-y before. Courts Avhich never made one before, are uoav proposing them to several others. Portugal is supposed to be pushing for one with Russia ; and, if avc have heretofore been discouraged and thwarted in any attempts, it Avas by those Avho meant to be beforehand Avith us in proposals AA'hich they taught us to beUeve it unnecessary and beneath our dignity to make. France does not hoav think it beneath lier dignity to propose a ti-eaty Avith Russia, nor do French or Eng lish newspapers, under the ffirection of thek Courts, think it beneath them to fill aU Europe with reports of our disunion, and of the Avant of poAvers in congress to make tieaties, in order to keep us back. The fatal policy of obstructing and delaying our ti-eaties of commerce, especiaUy Avith England, has throAA'n American mer chants into thek present distress, and not only prevented our acquking fresh advantages in tiade by the revolution, but taken from us many sources wMcli Ave enjoyed before. Our counti-y men, partly from penury, and partly from fondness, have been too easUy draAA'u into the snare. J. A, TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 11 November, 1785. Dear Sir, — There is no better advice to be given to the merchants of the United States, than to push thek commerce to the East Indies as fast and as far as it AviU go. If information fi-om persons Avho ought to knoAV may be depended upon, the tobacco and peltiies, as well as the ginseng of the United States, are proper articles for the China market, and have been found to ansAver very weU ; and many other of our commodities raay be found in demand there. But there is another resource Avhich may prove of equal value at present There are many persons in the European factories in Inffia, par ticffiarly the English, who have accumulated large property, which they wish to tiansmit to Europe, but have not been able to do it, on account of the distance and the scarcity of freights. 344 OFFICIAL. These woffid be glad to sell us thek commodities, and take our bUls of exchange upon Em-ope or Araerica, payable in twelve or eighteen months, possibly in longer periods. These facts are known to individuals in America, but wUl probably be concealed from the public at large, lest the specu lators and adventurers should be too numerous for the profit of a few. The States may greatly encourage these enterprises by laying on duties upon the importation of all East India goods from Em-ope, and, indeed, by proceeffing in time to prohibitions. This, hoAA'cver, may never be necessary. Duties, judiciously calculated, and made high enough to give a clear advantage to the direct importation from India, wUl answer the end as effect ually as prohibitions, and are less odious, and less liable to \ exceptions. We should attend to this intercourse Avith the east with the more ardor, because the stionger footing Ave obtain in those countiies, of more importance wUl our friendship be to the powers of Europe Avho have large connections there. The East Indies Avill probably be the object and the theatie of the next war; and the more faraUiar we are with every thing rela ting to that country, the raore wUl the contending parties deske to win us to thek side, or, at least, what we ought to wish for most, to keep us neutral. Much wiU depend upon the behavior of our people Avho may go into those countries. If they endeavor, by an irreproachable integrity, humanity, and civUity to concUiate the esteem of the natives, they may easily become the most favored nation ; for the conduct of European nations in general, heretofore, has given us a great advantage. East India manufactm-es in silk and cotton, &c., are prohi bited in England; and, as we have no such prohibitions iu America, because we have no such manufactures for them to interfere with, Ave may take them to a great advantage. I am, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 345 TO SECRETARY JAA'. Grosvenor Square, 24 November, 1785. Dear Sir, — I AA'as yesterday honored Avith your letter of the 14lh of October, accompanied Avith the gazettes and the act of congress of the 27th September. You AAill learn from AL-. Dumas's letters, as avcU as by the public papers, that the treaty of defensive alUance betAveen France and Holland Avas signed at Paris on the 10th of this month. The vain exertions of the cabinet of St. James to prevent it, are so far from being a secret, that the EngUsh, or Orange party, Avliich is the sarae, have inserted them in thek OAvn Comier du Bas Rhin. The offers are there stated to have been, the restitution of Negapatnam, the renunciation of the naAigation of the Moluccas, the payraent of the mUUons to the Emperor, the Avarranty of the ucav ti-eaty with the Emperor, and the alteration of the navigation act in favor of HoUand. Sk James Hanis, Avith his secretary of legation and three clerks, are said to have been very busy night and day, but aU to no purpose. It is not at all to be Avondered at, that British ministers should be alarmed ; the only Avonder is, that they did not foresee and prevent the danger. Tavo years ago, by an honest settlement with Araerica, and less costly offers to Hol land, they might have maintained thek rank among the poAvers of Europe. It is now lost forever. The loss of the empire of the seas, Avhich thek ambition has long aspked to, and which thek arrogance has long claimed, would be a benefit to manldnd, and no real evil to them ; but they wiU noAV find it difficult to defend their liberty upon the seas ; and, .if the United States of America shoffid accede to this defensive alliance upon any reasonable terras, think of it as they Avill, their navigation, thek possessions in the east and the Avest, and their empke, avUI be at mercy. . I ara not inforraed whether congress have any such measure in contemplation ; but, if they have, they ought not to delay it from anv expectation of any thing that I can do here. So far fr-om entertaiffing any sangtune hopes, I think there is scarcely a possibiUty that I shotdd do any thing. There are ffivisions in the miffisti-y. Thm-low, Gower, Dundas, and Jeffiiinson are of 346 OFFICIAL. the old leaven, and the King wUl have them or some other of the same stamp to govern. Pitt is but a tool and an ostensible pageant, a nose of tender vkgin Avax ; he coffid not carry in parliaraent, nor in the cabinet, any honest system with America, if he meant to do it ; but he is himself very far from being steady m his American politics, any more than Camden or Richmond ; and Sidney and Carmarthen are ciphers. This is naked truth ; but I should be unworthy of your confidence, if I did not expose it to you, although your prudence and that of congress wffi not proclaim it to the world. This great event of the French and Dutch alUance, must aAvaken the feeUngs of this nation, if they have any left ; and it affords the only opportumty which has yet presented for offer ing, with any propriety, a memorial concerning the evacuation of the frontier posts. It woffid have looked somcAvhat too emphatic, to have gone Avith a meraorial the first moment of the arrival of the news ; and it aa'ouM be imprudent to delay it tffi the whole impression is worn off. As a medium, then, I have concluded, on the day of the next stated conferences of the foreign rffinisters, which wffi be next Thursday, before the drawing roora, to wait on Lord Carmarthen with a memorial requking, in the name of the United States, the evacuation of aU the posts. It Avill not be done, however, and I shaU have no answer. They have not the courage to refuse, any more than to comply. I have no ansAver to any of my letters or meraorials to the ministiy, nor do I expect any before next spring ; perhaps not then. There is no resource for me in this nation. The people are ffiscom-aged and dispkited, from the general profligacy and want of principle, fi-om the Avant of confidence in any leaders, frora the frequent ffisappointments and impositions they have experienced in turn from aU parties. Patiiotisra is no more ; nor is any hypocrite successfffi enough to make himself believed to be one. Fox, and Ms friends and pati-ons, are ruined by the endless expenses of the last elections, and have no longer any spkit or any enterprise. North and his friends are afraid of impeachments and vengeance, and, therefore, wffi avoid all hazardous experiments, by which the popular cry might be excited. OFFICIAL. 347 I see nothing, therefore, to prevent the States frora complet-'^ ing their measm-es for the encouragement of their oavu manu factures and navigation, or from deliberating upon a ucav treaty of commerce AA'ith France, or even a ucav affiance. You might probably purchase a market for your ready buUt ships and your oil, &c., in France, and the admission of your flour and all other things to thek islands, by stipffiating to lay greater duties upon British than French ships and goods, to lay duties upon Eng lish West India rum, in favor of French brandies, &c. But in these things I think we need not be in haste. _j AL. Barclay and AL. Franks are gone to Morocco ; and AL. Lamb and AL. Randall to Algiers, as I suppose. Russia, as weU as Portugal, are piqued at present with this Court; and Count WoronzoAV has several tiraes lately asked a friend of mine, Avhy the United States did not raake advances to his raistiess. Our comraissions for ti-eating with the poAvers of Em-ope expire next June, long before Ave sliaU have completed the business. Congress will determine whether to renew them. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 24 November, 1785. Dear Sir, — I should have added in my letter of this day, that Shelbmne professes to be steady to the principle Avhich he adopted at the peace ; and, if he were to come in, he Avould do something if he coffid; but, as an Lishman, he is hated both by the EngUsh and Scotch nobUity. As Marquis of Lansdown, he is envied for his elevation over older famffies ; and he seems to have no sufficient connections to support a vigorous administi-a tion, nor do I learn there is any probabiUty of his coming in. Indeed, I think this nation will have dangerous convffisions. The nobility are poor, in debt, and disti-essed ; and, at present, the great famffies are all out of poAver. Leland AAtffi give them trouble ; and no one can say what events may turn up from day to day. If the stocks can be supported, however, the calm AvUl continue ; but it is doubtful Avhether this can be. There is no question more fi-equently asked me by the foreign ministers, than what can be the reason of such frequent ffivi- 348 OFFICIAL, sions of States in America, and of the ffisposition to crumble into Uttle separate societies, whereby there seeras to be danger of mffitiplymg the members of the confederation without end, or of settmg up petty repubUcs, unacknowledged by the confe deracy, and refusing obeffience to its laAA's, In the infancy of societies, men haA'e generaUy been too Uttle informed in thek understandkigs, and too much given up to the government of thek- passions, to associate in large commumties ; but experi ence has shown them the ffi effects of too many .ffiA'isions, Spain was not long ago ffiAided mto ten or twelve Idngdoms ; ten of thera are noAV uffited m one. France was once divided into twelve States ; now aU incorporated into one Idngdom. Scotland was formerly diA'ided into two Mngdoms, and Eng land into scA'cn. These are aU now in one. One must read many A'olumes of history to see the miseries arising from those petty ffiAisions of mankmd, and the immense expense of blood and tieasure wMch it cost them to learn, by experience, the necessity of uffiting in larger boffies. I have not information enough of the facts, in any particular instance, to apply these reflections to any particffiar case ; but the frequent accounts aa'c have in Europe of new States spring ing up out of fragments of old ones, and the numerous propo sals of raore, do us much harm abroad. They are considered as proofs of an impatience of temper, a restlessness of disposi tion, that wiU give us much mconvenience, wffi weaken us, and endanger our confederation. It is the earnest Avish of aU who deske our prosperity, that tMs dangerous spkit may be checked, as far as it can be, con sistently Avith reason and justice. It gives me pleasure to learn that Doctor FrankUn is anived in so good health, and that he is happy in PhUadelphia ; and I AA'ish A'ery sincerely that Ms great age and smgffiar reputation may giA'c Mm a domkUon over the rakids of the people, suffi cient to reconcUe them to certain amendments m the constitu tion of Pennsylvania, without wMch, that respectable common- AA'ealth, frora the A'cry nature of man and society, must forever remain a prey to unbalanced parties. I have not had the time to send you copies of the letters Avhich passed between me and AL. Fagel and AL. Dumas, upon my anival here. If AL. Dumas has done it, I am much obliged OFFICIAL. 349 to him ; and it AA'iff be unnecessary for me to repeat them. 1 Avisli a minister raay be soon sent there. But it is doubtful Avhether anybody can be found to accept of an appointment abroad ; and you will not be surprised at the reluctance. With great regard, &c. John Adams. avillia:\i avhite to john adams. Philadelphia, 26 November, 1785. Sir, — I presume on the ckcurastance of being not entkely unknoAvn to your ExceUency, to offer to you the inclosed papers, knoAving that the president of congress has akeady AAu-itten to you on the subject of them. As you formerly, sk, communicated to congress information of the fiienffiy ffispositions of the Danish government and clergy toAvards the Episcopal chm-ch in these States, it may be proper for me to state to you the reason of the non-acceptance of thek Idnd off'er of ordaining for us, hoAvever gratefully aa'c acknoAA'- ledge the favor, as well as your ExceUency's liberal intention to serve us on that occasion. I beUeve I might mention that there are objections against the succession of the Danish bishops ; but I have not sufficiently inforraed rayself of the constitution of that church to say any thing more on this head. I might also mention, that, before the information reached us of a door being opened in that quarter, an act had passed the British parUament, alloAving the Bishop of London to admit to the orders of priest and deacon, persons out of aUegiance to the King, without administering the oaths. But, sir, it is the wish of all the aa'cU informed members of our church, to be independent and self-governed, principaUy fi-ora a conviction of the unhappy influence AA'hich a foreign spkitual jurisdiction has ahvays maintained in civil matters wherever it has been acknowledged. This aa'c have severely felt in the late war ; and, if persevered in, it raust at last be fatal either to our church or to the commonwealth, in those States, at least, Avhere the members of our communion are a majority of the people. There is nothing wanting to the estabUshing of our constitution, but the obtaining the episcopal succession in VOL. VIII. 30 350 OFFICIAL. the first instance from the EngUsh bishops, which, we tiust, wUl fix our church on such a footing as must be desked by all who wish well to the present civil system of confederate America. Shoffid any poUtical objection arise frora the British ministry, on the point of delicacy, as to intermeddling with the concerns of this countiy, I cannot doubt of your ExceUency's endeavors to remove it. With my best Avishes, &c. I have the honor to subscribe myself, William White. P. S. The specimens of the prayer book herewith inclosed go as far as the press has yet furnished. TO SECRETARY JAY.^ ^ Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 3 December, 1785. Dear Sir, — /I am anxious to convey to you, if I can, in as stiong a Ught asthat in which I see it myself, the impossibUity of our doing any thing satisfactory with this nation, especiaUy under this rainistry, that the States may neither neglect nor delay any measure which they woffid judge necessary or expe- dienty^upon the certainty that England wffi not alter her con duct..^ In order to do this, I must be aUowed to wi-ite freely things Avhich congress ought to know, but to keep secret. I know hoAV much I expose myself; but as I have hitherto made it ray rtUe, as ranch as I could, to conceal nothing which I thought necessary to be known, whatever might be the conse quence to rayself, I shall not now begin a new systera, and shall only request that a reasonable caution may be observed, not to injure a man merely for discharging a disagreeable part of his duty. The King, I really think, is the most accorapUshed courtiei in his dominions. With all the affability of Charles IL, he has all the domestic vktues and regularity of conduct of Charles I. He is the greatest talker in the Avorld, and has a tenacious ' This letter was sent in cipher. And it appears in the Diplomatic Corre fpondence in a shape almost unintelligible. It is now taken from the original letter. OFFICIAL. 351 memory, stored Avith resources of small taUc concerning all i he Uttle things of Ufe, which are inexhaustible. But so much of his time is, and has been consumed in this, that he is, in all the great affaks of society and government, as AA'cak, as far as I can judge, as avc ever understood him to be in America. He is also as obstinate. , The unbounded popularity, acquired by his temperance and facetiotisness, added to the splendor of his dig nity, gives hira such a continual feast of flattery, that he thinks all he does is right ; and he pursues his oavu ideas with a firm ness Avhich Avould become the best systera of action. He has a pleasure in his oavh aa'UI and Avay, Avithout which he Avould be miserable, Avhich seeras to be the true principle upon Avhicli he has ahvays chosen and rejected ministers. He has an habit ual contempt of patriots and patiiotism, at least for Avhat are called in this countiy by those names, and takes a delight in mortifying all Avho have any reputation for such qualities, and in supporting those who have a contrary character. LTpon this principle only can I account for the number of tories Avho were forced into the administi-ation of the Earl of Shelburne, the Duke of Portland, and of AL. Pitt, and for the immoderate attachment to American refugees which has appeared in all of them. AL. Pitt is very young. He has discovered abUities and firmness upon some occasions ; but I have never seen in hira any evidence of greater talents than I have seen in members of congress, and in other scenes of life in America, at Ms age. I have not yet seen any decided proofs of principle, or patiiotism, or virtue ; on the contrary, there are raany symptoms of the want of these quaUties, without Avhich, no statesman ever yet appeared uniforraly great, or Avrought out any memorable salva tion for any country. In American aff'aks he has osciUated like a pendulum, and no one can yet guess Avhen he will be fixed. His attention appears to have been chieffy given to tAvo objects, — preserving ti-anquUUty and raising the stocks. His attention to these Avould have been laudable, if he had not neglected others equally essential in the end, though not so urgent for the present. The ffiscontents of the nation, arising from their late disappointments, disgraces, and humiUations, as weU as the pressure of taxes, would have broken out into sedi tions, if the rainisters had not studiously avoided every thing 352 OFFICIAL. which coffid raise a clamor, or operate forcibly upon popular passions ; and, if the stocks coffid not have been supported, aU Avould have been ffisti-action at once. With aU his care, he has barely escaped, fi-ora more fmious tumults, at the expense of a few stones tMown at his carriage, and a few executions in effigy. The stocks he has raised ; and, if he can keep them up, they AvUl support him, and intoxicate the nation to such a degree, that I presume it wffi be impossible for him to pm-sue that sys tem towards America and Leland, which is inffispensable for the complete preservation of the remainder of the empke. The chancellor, AL. Dundas, AL. Jenkinson, and Lord Gower, being of the old set of King's friends, it may be easUy sup posed that they are masters of his character, that they think and feel lUte hira, and, consequently, that they erabanass Mr. Pitt whenever his principles interfere with the King's. To this, probably, is owing the late accession to the league in Ger many, which the chanceUor of the exchequer is thought to have opposed. To the same cause we may ascribe the undecided conduct towards HoUand, where Sk James Hanis is as com plete a cipher, as the Baron de Lynden and I have the honor to be at St. James's. The King has been amused by Ms old deceivers, Avho are very much aUke in America, HoUand, and Leland, by assurances that the Prince of Orange and his party, would get the upper hand, and that the popffiace would rise to De Witt the pa triots. Under this fond delusion, the time has been ffi-eamed aAvay, and those offers were delayed until they Avere too late to have any effect, which, if they had been made in season, would have preserved the friendship, or, at least, the neutrality of the Dutch to this countiy. Lord Camden and the Duke of Richmond, if they ever had any just notions of the relation between England and America, are become soured by the company they keep ; and, if they are not inimical, they are at least peevish and fretful upon every subject that concerns us. Lord Carmarthen is rich and of high rank, very civil and obliging, but is not enough of a man of business to have influence in the cabinet, or to project or conduct any thing. Lord Sidney, Avith less wealth and a loAver rank, has all the other parts of the same character. If these traits of character are just, you wffi easUy be convinced OFFICIAL. 353 that we cannot expect from the present ministry any reasona ble arrangement Avith America for some time. If AVC look to opposition, we see no better prospects. Lord North is supposed to have great influence; but liOAV? By being at the head of the landed gentlemen, Avhich is but another term for the tory interest. If he should depart from their sys tem, he would lose aU consideration. Mr. Fox has never been steady in American poUtics ; and he has not at present the spkit to take any decided part. The Marquis of LansdoAvn Avould be more Uberal ; but he has no chance to come in ; and, if he had, he woffid not be able to carry any plan into execu tion, so numerous and violent from aU quarters would be the opposition to hira. The Marquis of BucMnghara has sorae good opinions of American commerce ; but, although he is celebrated for minute detaUs of information in American affairs, by all I can learn of him, he has lost his judgraent and the tiue system in the chaos of these very minutiae, and besides he is exti-emely odious to great raultitudes of the first people. Add to aU these unfavorable considerations, that the stocks are at a great height, and the nation consequently in high spi rits, y^s they haye now evidence, as they think, that their com merce flourishes, and their credit is established, without a treaty with the United States, and without opening the West Indies or Canada, Nova Scotia and NeAvfoundland to us,/^ithout taldng off the alieuyduty upon oU, or admitting bur ready built ships for sale,-uhey will not now think it necessary to do any of these thingsi> The general opinion is, that an act of parliaraent wiU be raade at the ensffing session, placing the Umted States upon the footing of the most favored nation, and then let things take thek course ; let the United States do as they please, lay on duties or prohibitions, or make navigation acts, as they judge proper. France is not idle amidst all this. The language they hold is that of perpetual and universal peace. Their ambassadors in all the Courts of Europe speak in this style. The corps diploraatique here have it farailiarly in thek raouths, that the Courts of London and Versaffies have now the best dispositions toAvards each other, and that there is every prospect of a long peace betAveen thera ; and there is such a fund of gulli bility in this nation, that these Iffilabies soothe them into ;i 30 * AV 354 OFFICIAL. perfect security. Indeed, it is possible the peace may be maintained for ten or a dozen years; long enough for the English to get a Uttle money to go to war again. But if, at the end of fifteen or twenty years, the navies of Bourbon and Holland shoffid be pitted against that of Great Britain, and ^especiaUy, if the United States shoffid join their privateers and aids to the confederacy, the crisis of the British empire will then be complete, and its destiuction certain. Some men see it, but posterity and futurity, though not very distant, appear to be less attended to in this country, at present, than in any other in the Avorld. Present advantage is all they aim at, present evU aU they hope to shun. No Briton would deserve the character of a statesman, with out a comprehensive view of the interests of the nation, relative to thek liberties and form of government, relative to thek man ufactures, coraraerce, and navigation, relative to thek foreign dorainions in Asia, Africa, America, and in Europe, relatively to aU the other poAvers of Europe, especially thek ancient enemies, who have ahvays endangered thek existence, I mean the House of Bourbon ; and thek ancient friends, Avho have assisted in sup porting them, and rearing up their wealth and power, I mean the Dutch and the United States of America ; and all these rela tively to the interests of posterity and futm-e ages. But I have not seen the least appearance of any man in the three king doms, araong the men in power, who ansAvers this description. Lansdown is the most like it, but his integrity is suspected, his seWshness is acknoAvledged, and his influence far from great. ¦\The posts upon our frontier give me great uneasiness. The ministers and people are so assured of peace with all thek neighbors in Europe, that they hold all we can do in indif ference./^ They think that if we should raise an army and take these posts, as avc have a right to do, it would not oblige thera to go to Avar Avith us ; but, if avc should march an army to Quebec, and take it, and another to Nova Scotia, and take that, it would be no great harm to them ; if we should fit out privateers against thek trade, they could easily send a line of fi-igates along our coast, thatycvould do us raore harm. So that they are quite easy. Buti^hey ^^ly upon it, that we shall not raise an army to take the posts. The expense and ffifficffity they know wUl be great, and, therefore, they think they may OFFICIAL. 355 play AAith us as long as they please/ The refugees arc doing all they can to persuade the King and rainisti-y to build other forts on thek side of the lakes, to build a fleet of armed ships upon the lakes, and to negotiate Avith all the Indian nations, in order to attach them to thek side. If these people can pre vail, our posts will not be evacuated untU this ncAV system is accomplished? -^'hc' resolutions of some of the United States, staying proceedings at laAV for old debts, and some other reso lutions concerning the tories, represented to have been in some instances contrary to the ti-eaty, wffi be the pretence. In short, sk, I am like to be as insignificant here as you can imagine. I shall be tieated, as I have been, with aU the civility that is shown to other foreign ministers, but shaU do nothiiig. I shaU not even be answered ; at least, this is my opi- nioiL ' ,' But congress wiU, no doubt, insist upon an answer ; per haps it may be most convenient to Avait till spring and untU the session of parUament is over, that we may have a full knoAV- ledge of their designs. It is raost certain, that what is called high language, which you and I have heard so much of in the course of our Uves, would be misplaced here at this time. It would not be answered with high language, but with Avliat would be more disagreeable and perplexing, — with a con temptuous silence. -(To borrow an expression from the late Governor Bernard, I ' find myself at the"end of my tether; no step that I can take, no language I can hold, wUl do any good, or, indeed, much harm. It is congress and the legislatures of the States, who must deUberate and act at presentA^ The only system they can pursue, to help themselves, is, to complete their regffiations for the encouragement of thek own manufactm-es and navigation, to consider of more intimate commercial connections with France and other nations of Europe, to push thek trade to the East Indies, and, perhaps, to extend even their poUtical connections with France and HoUand. How far it wUl be wise to go in these projects, I pre tend not to judge; but, I hope, they wffi proceed Avith cau tion and deliberation. The United States stand upon high gi-ound, and they will consider Avhether it Avould not even be descending to form any closer political connections at pre sent. They are certainly at present on " vantage ground," if 356 0FFICL4L. they can unite in a system. If not, they must tiust to the chapter of accidents. With great regard, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 6 December, 1785. Dear Sir, — If the facts Avhich I have had the honor to state to you in my preceffing letters are creffited, I think it AviU ap pear that the connections of these Mngdoms Avith foreign pow ers, every idea of the balance of Europe, the dominions of Great Britain in Asia and America, and aU considerations of posterity, are sacrificed to a momentary tranquiffity and creffit ; from Avhich premises, it aa'IU be easy to conclude Avhat Avffi be the effect of the meraorial, a copy of wMch is here enclosed, and wMch I shaU certaiffiy present to-monoAV. It will not be answered in any manner. It is generaUy said " things must take their com-se, we raust take our chance and meet the conse quences of all. the combinations of our rivals, Ave must risk it," &c. It is commonly said that ministi-y avUI bring in an act of parUament, at thek next session, placing the United States upon the footing of the most favored nation, and then let them do Avliat they please. Thus, I find myself at a fuU stop. I shaU not neglect any opportunity, to say or do Avhatever may have the least tendency to do any good ; but it AVoffid be lessening the United States, if I were to tease ministers AA'ith applications, Avhich Avould be answered only by neglect and sUence. I shaU tiansmit you every thing I can, which may afford you any information ; but I think congress cannot avoid insti-ucting me to demand an answer, and to take my leave, and retm-n to America, if it is not given me in a reasonable time in the spring. It is now Avith the States to determine, whether there is or is not a union in America. If there is, they may very easily make themselves respected in Europe ; if there is not, they -vvill be Uttle regarded, and very soon at Avar with England, as I verUy beUeve. I should advise all the great seaport toAViis to think a Uttle of the means of defence, put the fortifications they have in as good order as they can, fm-nish themselves with arms OFFICIAL. 357 and ammunition, and put the miUtia through the continent upon as good a footing as may be. / I have little reliance on our negotiations in B-arbary ; the presents Ave have to offer, wUl, I fear, be despised. We shall learn by them, hoAvever, what will be necessary, and congi-ess Avill determine AA'hat we must do. AL. Lamb and Mr. Randall are gone. Mi. Barclay has been detained by Monsieur Beau- marchais' accounts, but I hope will go soon. I If~aU intercourse betAveen Europe and America coffid be cut (off forever, if every ship we have were bm-nt, and the keel of another never to be laid, we might stUl be the happiest people J upon earth, and, in fifty years, the raost poAverful. The luxuries Ave import from Europe, instead of promoting our prosperity, only enfeeble om- race of men and retard the increase of popu lation. But the character of our people must be taken into con sideration. They are as aquatic as the tortoises and sea-fowl, and the love of commerce, Avith its conveniences and pleasures, is a habit in them as unalterable as thek natures. It is in vain, then, to amuse ourselves with the thought of annihilating com merce, unless as philosophical speculations. We are to con sider men and things as practical statesmen, and to consider who our constituents are, and Avhat they expect of us. Upon this principle we shaU find that we must have connections with Europe, Asia, and Africa; and, therefore, the sooner Ave form those connections into a judicious system, the better it wffi be for us and our chUffien. We may now take measures which may save us many mise ries and a vast expense of blood. We shall find that nothing can be done in Em-ope, but by keeping up the dignity of the Uffited States ; and that dignity, in Europe, is a very different thing from that which is and ought to be ffignity in America^,, I have the honor to be, &c. 7 John Adams. A memorial. The subscriber, minister plenipotentiary fi-om the United States of America, has the honor to represent to the ministi-y of his Britannic Majesty, that, by the seventh article of the preli- 358 OFFICIAL, minary treaty of peace between his Majesty and the United States of America, signed at Paris, on the thktieth day of No vember, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, confkmed by the definitive treaty of peace, signed at Paris, on the third day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty- three, it was stipulated that his Britannic Majesty should, with aU convenient speed, and without causing any destiuction, or carrying away any negroes or other property of the American inhabitants, withffi-aAV aU his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the said United States, and fi-om every port, place, and harbor AA'ithin the same, leaving in all fortifications the American artU- lery that may be therein. That, although a period of three years has elapsed since the signature of the preliminary treaty, and of more than tAvo years since that of the definitive ti-eaty, the posts of Oswegatchy, Oswego, Niagara, Presque Isle, Sandusky, Detroit, AlichUUma- chinac, Avith others, not necessary to be particffiarly enumerated, and a considerable tenitory around each of them, all within the incontestable limits of the said United States, are stffi held by British garrisons, to the loss and injury of the said United States. The subscriber, therefore, in the name and behalf of the said United States, and in obedience to their express commands, has the honor to requke of his Britannic Majesty's miffistiy, that all his Majesty's armies and garrisons be forthwith withdrawn from the said United States, from all and every of the posts and fortiesses hereinbefore enumerated, and from every other port, place, and harbor within the territory of the said United States, accorffing to the tiue intention of the tieaties afore said. Done at Westminster, this thktieth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, Westminster, 9 December, 1785, Dear Sir, — I Avent to Court yesterday morning, if not in despair, with very faint hopes of ever receiving an answer to OFFICIAL, ;5,';9 any letter or memorial of mine to the British ministry. I went early, but found three of the foreign ministers before rae. The rule is to admit them to his Lordship in the order in Avhich they arrive. In my turn I Avas shoAvn into his Lordship's apartment, received very politely, as usual, and very rauch sur- , prised to be accosted by hira Avith " Air. Adams, I am about to AA'rite to you officiaUy. I have received a letter from Lord HoAve relative to your communication concerning the behavior of a captain of a man of war at Boston. The admiralty letter is very long, and I shaU send you a copy of it I ara also to ansAver your memorial concerning the seamen. The ship is ordered and expected home from the East Indies, and when she anives, the man you applied for avUI be discharged ; and orders are gone to Portsmouth to discharge the other sailor whom you mentioned." This last requires some explanation,- as I have not mentioned it before to you. Some tirae ago, I received a letter from a man at Portsmouth Avho caUed himself an Araerican, and desiring me to apply for Ms discharge. But, as I had no orders from congress concerning hira, nor any other inforraation than his oavu letter, I thought it not safe to apply officially in his behalf When I delivered my memorial de manffing the discharge of the saUors in general, I showed this man's letter to his Lordship, and left it with hira ; and it has had, it seems, a better fortune than I expected. I repUed to his Lordship that I AA'as very happy to hear that I was soon to have an official answer ; for that, Avhenever we coffid come to comraunicate officiaUy and freely, I hoped Ave might graduaUy remove aU ffiffictdties. We feU, then, into sorae conversation upon another point. But, as nothing new was said on either side, and I could learn nothing neAV frora him, it would be fatiguing you to no purpose to repeat it. One thing, however, his Lordship said, in the course of con versation, namely, — " That he could not yet give me any satisfaction upon any other point, because nothing was yet determined. AL. Pitt had all my papers under consideration, and had not yet determined any tMng." At length I presented to his Lordship the memorial of the 30th November, a copy of which is here inclosed. I do not expect an answer tiU next sumraer. But I thought it safest for the United States to have it presented, because, without 360 OFFICIAL. it, some excuses or pretences might have been set up, that the evacuations had not yet been formaUy demanded. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 4 January, 178G. Dear Sir, — I have only time to acquaint you that, since my last, there have been some appearances of an intention in ministiy to take up American affaks. Lord Carmarthen and Mr. Pitt have certainly had conferences Avith committees of merchants, Avho have represented to them the necessity of anangements Avith the United States upon terms which will give satisfaction. Nevertheless, I have no confidence in this at all ; and I think that congress and the States should not relax in any measure in consequence of it. AL. Pitt ffid say to AL. CampbeU, the principal man among them, that Mr. Adams, the American rainister, was well ffis posed to a friendly settlement, and had made some propositions to the King's ministers, who were also weU ffisposed. He was very inquisitive Avhether they had seen Mr. Adams. They ansAvered they had not, and that they were not known to him in the business. This Avas tiue, in a literal sense ; but, in fact, they had taken pains to give me ckcffitous information that they had been consffited by Lord Carmarthen, and to desire of me such information as I cordd give them ; and I had, by means of Colonel Smith, conveyed to the sight of a person in thek confidence some papers, containing such matter as I thought raight be tiusted to thera in such a raysterious way. The representation they have raade is very strong, as they say ; but I cannot yet obtain a copy of it. They pretend to say that AL. Pitt assured them thek report had given him ucav light, and they think America raay have whatever she desires, except a free ti-ade with the West India Islands. This wffi prove only a delusion, for, if the ministi-y really are desirous of an equita ble settlement, I am avcU persuaded they cannot yet carry it in parUament; so that I hope the States wiU persevere in their OAvn measures, and that even all the Southern States AviU, at least, lay heavy duties upon the tonnage of such nations as OFFICIAL. 361 have not ti-eaties Avith us, and prohibit the iraportation, in their bottoms, of any merchandises, except the produce of the coun try to Avhich they belong. Even the importation of Lish linens in British bottoms should be forbidden, as AveU as SUesia Ikiens, hemp and duck from Russia, and kon from SAvedcn, wines fi-om Portugal, goods from the East Inffies, &c. With great regard, &c. John Adams. TO JOHN JAY. London, 4 January, 1786. Dear Sir, — A day or tAvo after the receipt of your letter of November 1st, and that of President Lee, Avhicli came Avith it, I AATote to the Archbishop of Canterbury, by Colonel Smith, for an hour Avhen I might have the honor to pay my respects to his Grace ; and Avas answered, very politely, that he woffid be glad to have the honor of seeing me next day, between eleven and twelve. Accordingly, I went yesterday, and Avas very agreeably received by a venerable and a canffid prelate, Avith Avhom I had before only exchanged visits of ceremony. I told his Grace that, at the deske of tAVO very respectable characters in America, the late president of congress and the secretary for the department of foreign affaks, I had the honor to be the bearer, to Ms Grace, of a letter from a convention of delegates from the Episcopal chm-ches in most of the southern States, which had been ti-ansmitted to me open, that I might be acquainted with the contents ; that in this business, however, I acted in no official character, having no insti-uctions from congress, nor indeed from the convention; but I thought it most respectful to them, as AveU as to Ms Grace, to present the letter in person. The Archbishop answered that all he could say, at present, was, that he was himself very aa'cU ffisposed to give the satisfaction desked ; for that he was by no means one of those who wished that contention should be kept up between the tAVO countiies, or between one party and another in Arae rica; but, on the contiary, was deskous of doing every thing in his poAver to promote harmony and good humor. I then VOL. VIII. 31 362 OFFICIAL. said that if his Grace AVOuld take the trouble to read two let ters, from AL-. Lee and AL. Jay, he Avould perceive the motives of those gentlemen in senffing the letter to my care. I gave hira the letters, which he read attentively and returned, and added that it Avas a gi-eat satisfaction to him to see that gentlemen of character and reputation interested themselves in it; for that the Episcopalians in the United States could not have the fuU and complete enjoyment of thek religious Uberties AA'ithout it. And he subjoined that it Avas also a great satisfac tion to him to have received this visit from me upon this occa sion. He would take the Uberty to ask rae, if it were not an improper question, whether the interposition of the EngUsh bishops AA'ould not give uneasiness and dissatisfaction in Ame rica. I repUed that my ansAver could only be that of a private citizen ; and, in that capacity, I had no scruple to say that the people of the United States, in general, were for a Uberal and generous toleration. I might, indeed, employ a stronger term, and call it a right, and the first right, of mankind to worship God according to thek consciences ; and, therefore, I coffid not see any reasonable ground for ffissatisfaction, and that I hoped and beUeved there would be none of any consequence. His Grace was then pleased to say that reUgion, in aU coun ti-ies, especiaUy a young one, ought to be attended to, as it was the foundation of goA'ernment He hoped the characters which shordd be recommended would be good ones. I repUed that there Avere in the churches in America able men, of characters altogether kreproachable, and that such, and such only, I pre sumed Avould be recommended. I then rose to take my leave, and his Grace asked me if he might be at Uberty to mention that I had made him this'visit upon this occasion. I answered, certainly, if his Grace should judge it proper. Thus, sk, I have fulfilled my commission, and am Yours, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 3G3 JAMES BOAVDOIN TO JOHN ADAMS. ^¦Z Boston, 12 January, 1786. Sir, — I am honored by your Excellency's letter of the 2d of September by AL. Storer. The navigation act of Massachusetts having been found to militate with the French treaty of commerce, and to exclude our fish from the Levant, by excluding the subjects of the Italian and other states coming with their vessels for it, when om- OAA'U, in attempting to carry it to them, Avould be inter cepted by the Algerines, it was judged expedient to repeal it in part, so that it now operates in fuU force only against the subjects of Great Britain and thek property. A copy of the repeaUng act avUI be sent to you, and also of an act passed by the legislature of Rhode Island at thek last session. I have tiansmitted copies of our repealing act to the execu tives of the several States, and warmly urged a similitude of measures, without which the United States cannot hope to bring about an alteration in the commercial systera of Britain. That system, in my idea of it, is clearly opposed to her oavu interest, considered in aU its parts, and in a complex view of it. It is very tiue, thek encouragement of thek Avhale-fishery, by suffering the aUeii duty on oil to depress ours, Avill increase' thek shipping in this branch, increase thek seamen, and, in several other ways, be advantageous to them. To a person that looks no farther, it would appear that this was good poUcy ; and the goodness of it would be inferred from the advantages arising. But when he should extend his view, and see how that stoppage of the Araerican whale fishery, by depriving the Americans of so capital a mean of paying for the wooUen goods they used to take of Britain, raust, at the same time, occasion the American demand to cease, or be proportionately dimi nished, not to raention the risk of a change or deviation of the trade from the old channel, he wffi calculate the national profit and loss that arises from that stoppage. Three thousand tons of oil was the usual annual quantity produced by the whalemen at Nantucket; aU of which Avas sMpped to England, at an average price of ,£35 per ton, making about £105,000 364 OFFICIAL. The whole of which Avent to pay for and pmchase a Uke amount of AvooUens and other British goods ; nine tenths of the value of Avhich are computed to arise from the labor of the manufacturer, and to be so much clear gain to the nation. The other tenth, therefore, being deducted, gives the national gain arising from the industry of the Nantucket whalemen, and the capital employed in that business, namely, ,£94,500, ,£10,500 £94.500 Avithout the nation's paying a shiffing for the risk of insurance, or any other risk whatever. On the change of tiade, pursuant to the new regulations, the ' British raerchants must employ a large capital in the whale fishery, Avhose products we wffi suppose equal to that of the Nantucket, ^6105,000 They will have made an exceeffing good voyage, if the Avhole of that sum shoffid be equal to one half of the cost of the outfits ; though, frora many of the A'cssels not meeting AA'ith fish, and from a variety of accidents to which such a voyage is subject, it probably woffid not be a quarter. The whole of the product goes towards payment of the outfits and charges of the voyage, and a large sura must be advanced for the second voyage, &c. Now, although this mode of coraraerce Avoffid be productive of sorae national benefits, yet,' considered in a coraparative vicAV Avith the benefits resffiting from the former mode, they Avoffid be found of little importance. A Uke comparison may be made with other branches of coramerce, particffiarly the British West Inffian, and the resffit AviU be found the same. For the sake, then, of gaining pence and farthings, Britain is sacrificing pounds by her new regffiations of trade. She has a right to see for herself; but, unhappily, resentment and the con sequent prejuffices have so much ffisordered her powers of vision, that it requkes the skUfffi hand of a good political opti cian to remove the obsti-ucting films. If she will not permit the appUcation of your couching instrumentsj or, if appUed, they can work no effect, the old lady must be left to her fate, and abandoned as incurable. But it is to be hoped, not so much on her account as our own, that they may be successful. One ground of hope is the private negotiation, which AL. Nathaniel Banett is gone to OFFICIAL. 365 France to perfect and execute, relative to their taking our Avhale oil duty free, and, in lieu of it, giving, at an agreed rate, according to thek quaUty, such French manufactures as are best suited to our market; excepting a certain proportion of Ihe oU, Avliich must be paid for by bffis of exchange, to raise money for the men engaged in the voyage. About two months ago, AL. Banett saUed for France Avith letters for AL. Jefferson and the Alarquis de Lafayette ; and, if he succeeds, a gi-eat revolu tion in tiade avUI probably be the consequence, and France, on the principle of reciprocal benefit, exclude Britain from aU trade with America. This appears to me' so probable, that, if you cotdd impress the British rainistry Avith the sarae idea, you would find Uttle difficulty to bring about a commercial treaty with them, perfectly agreeable to your oavh mind, and to the wishes of the United States. An interchange of a fcAV letters on this subject, with AL. Jefferson, would give you the present state of the negotiation. With the most perfect regard, &c. James Boavdoin. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 19 January, 1786. Dear Sir, — I am favored with yours of the 27th December, and ara obUged to you for what you said to the Count de Ver gennes, in the case of the Chevalier de Mezieres.^ You may always very safely depend upon it, that I never have given, and never sliaU give any opmion against the letter or spkit of the tieaty with France. In tMs case, I have never given any opi nion at aU ; indeed, I have never been consulted. The Marqffis de Bellegarde, Avith whom I had a sUglit acquaintance at the Hague, caUed upon me here, after the death of General Ogle thorpe, and desked that AL. Granville Sharp might caU upon me, and shoAV me some papers relative to the General's lands in Georgia and South CaroUna. AL. Sharp caUed accordingly, but showed me no papers. I never looked nor inquked into 1 This was a nephew of General Oglethorpe,, who as an heir had a claim upon his estates in Georgia, and whose case was taken up by the French government. It is fuUy treated in the coUection of Mr. Jefferson's writings made by T. J. Kandolph. Vol. i. pp. 376-385. 31 * 366 OFFICIAL. the case, but advised both to write and send powers of attorney to om: old friend, EdAvard Rutiedge, who was able to give them the best advice and information, and all the assistance which the laAV aUows in thek claim. The treaty Avith France never occm-red to me, nor Avas suggested to me in the conference ; nor did I ever give any opinion on any question concerning it. I have never written a line to America about it, nor put pen to paper. The supposition, that any opinion of yours in private conversation, or of mine, if any such had been given, AvMch never Avas, should influence courts and juries in Georgia or CaroUna, is rifficulous. The case, as you state it, indeed appears to be unconnected with the treaty entkely; and, if sound sense can remove a prejuffice, what you have said upon it wUl put an end to the jealousy. Does the Count de Vergennes pretend that the Umted States of Araerica are bound by thek treaty with France never to lay a duty on French vessels ? The Massachusetts and New Harapshire navigation laws leave French ships, subjects, and merchandises upon the footing gentis amicissima. Does the ti-eaty requke more ? I have been informed by Richard Jackson, Esq., whose fame is knoAvn in America, that a question has been refened to a number of the first lawyers, common and civU, araong Avhom he was one, " Whether the citizens of the United States, born before the Revolution, were stffi entitled in the British domi nions to the rights of British subjects." Thek unaniraous determination was, that such as were born before the signature of the definitive treaty of peace, are stUl to be considered as British subjects, if they claira the rights in the British domi nions. This decision was, I beUeve, more upon analogy and speculation, than upon any estabUshed principle or precedent, since ours is, I believe, a ucav case. Hoav it has been deter mined in America, I knoAV not ; but, I think, not the same way. However the lawyers and judges may determine it, I wish the assemblies AA'ould adopt it as a rffie, respecting estates held before the separation, since a generosity of this Mnd wUl be more for their honor and thek interest, as I conceive, than a rigorous claim of an escheat, hoAVCver clear in laAV. The Chevalier de Pinto informs me that he has Avritten to his Court for explanations upon some points, and expects an answer OFFICIAL. 367 in a fcAV days. When it arrives, ho AviU call upon me. In tho mean tirae, he says, his Court is solicitous to send a minister to ^Vmerica, but that etiquette forbids it, unless congress Avill agree to send one to Lisbon. They Avould send a minister to Ncav York, if congress Avould return the compliment ; but, if congress AviU not send a minister plenipotentiary, they wish to send a resident, or even a charge des affaires ; but etiquette Avill not perrait this, unless congress Avill send a resident or charge des affaires to Portugal. Is it really expected or intended that Eden shall do more than CraAvford did ? Pray let me knoAV if there is any probability of a ti-eaty in earnest betAveen France and England. AL-. Voss, frora Vkginia, has just uoav called upon me, and shown rae a state of the debt of that coramouAvealth, Avhich is very consolatory. It is dated 12th November, 1785, and signed B. Stark, H. Randolph, and I. Pendleton. The Avhole debt at that period Avas only £928,031.9. The annual interest £55,649.15.3. Pension list, £6000. Officers of government, £29,729. Criminal prosecutions, £5,509. Thus it appears that ^£96,878.15.3. annually will pay the Avhole interest of thek debt and all the charges of government. Virginia, by this, may sing O be joyfffi. On the 19th November, the loAA'er house resolved to invest congress with full poAA'ers to regulate trade ; and, in the luean time, that aU commerce should cease with the British colonies in the West Indies and North Araerica, and that aU ships of foreign nations, Avith AA'hom avc have no treaties of commerce, should be prohibited from importing any thing but the production of thek own country. It seeras they revoked these resolutions again, because the house Avas thin, but with design to take them up in another day. This, perhaps, may not be done untU next year ; but it is a sti-ong symptom of Avhat is coming. AL-. Voss gives me a comfortable account of the trade in peltiies, as well as grain and tobacco. Every vessel that arrives brings fresh comfort ; and I fancy our com^ merce Avith the East Indies Avill be effectually secured by tho reception of Mr. Pitt's bffi. Mr. Voss teUs me, that the British debts Avill not be permitted to be sued for until the treaty is complied Avith by the English, by the evacuation of the posts and payment for the negi-oes. Lord Carmarthen told me. 368 OFFICIAL. yesterday, that he was laboring at an answer to my memorial concerning the posts, and that he should complete it as soon as he could get aU the information he was looMng for con cerning the British debts; for that complaints had been made by the creditors here to ministry. I am glad I am to have an ansAver ; for, whatever conditions they may tack to the sur render of the posts, Ave shaU find out what is boffing in thek hearts, and by degrees come together. An answer, though it might be a rough one, would be better than none. But it AvUl not be rough. They Avffi smooth it as much as they can ; and I shaU tiansmit it to congress, who may again pass the smoothing-plane over it. I expect it wffi end in an accommo dation ; but it wffi take eighteen months' more time to fiffish it. I am, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 21 January, 1786. Dear Sir, — On Wednesday, the Chevalier de Pinto informed me that he had Avritten to Lisbon for explanations from his Court upon certain points ; that he expected an answer in a fcAV days, and that, as soon as he should receive it, he would caU upon me, and proceed in the negotiation ; that, in the mean tirae, he would not ffisgffise from me the solicitude of his Court to send a minister to congress. Etiquette forbade that the Court of Portugal should send an ambassador, minister plenipotentiary, or envoy to America, until the United States shoffid agree to send one of equal rank to Lisbon ; but, if congress had any reasons for not senffing ministers of so Mgh an order, they might send a resident or charge, d'affaires, I answered him, that I had heard it was the intention of congress to send a con sul, but that I could say no further. Lord Carmarthen, on Thursday, told me he was at work upon an answer to my memorial concerning the posts, and should complete it as soon as he could collect sorae further inforraation concerning the debts, of the obsti-uctions to the payraent of Avhich, the ministi-y had received complaints from persons in this country who were interested in them. You OFFICIAL. 369 may conclude from this, as avcU as I, Avhat kind of ansAver it Avill be. I am very glad that I am to have an answer. Whatever it may be, it Avill lead to further eclaircissement and a final accommodation. Yet I think the answer wffi not come before the spring. It AviU take eighteen months more to settle aU matters, exclusive of the treaty of commerce. AL. Eden has said, Avithin a few days, that he believed there AA'Ould be a ti-eaty of commerce Avith the United States of Ame rica Avithin a year or tAvo. He may AA'ish to be eraployed in it ; for, hoAvever sanguine he may be of his success at Versaffies, I shaU lose my guess, if he ever accompUshes a commercial treaty Avith that Court. He may, however. This nation would noAV crouch to France for the sake of being insolent to us. The ffis position to crush the Aveak, is almost always attended with that of cringing to the strong. Arrogance to inferiors is ever servile to superiors. But a treaty with France, such as she would accept, would be hurtful to such numbers, and raise such an opposition, that I cannot yet beUeve AL. Eden AviU be permitted to sign one. The term of two years is expked, and Del Campo has done nothing. Crawford is returned without doing any thing, as I suppose. The true secret of the appointment of AL. Eden, as I conceive, is, the Court of Versaffies was off'ended that Crawford was not aUoAved to do any thing, and used some sharp expressions which intimidated the rainistry. Eden was appointed for two ends, — first, to appease the Avrath at VersaUles ; and, secondly, to keep up a mysterious, delusive hope in the English nation. Perhaps, too, the ministiy are afraid of commercial speculations between France and Leland. These conjectures are precarious, and no great stress should be laid on thera. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO COUNT SARSFIELD. Grosvenor Square, 21 January, 1785. Dear Sir, — If I were so fortunate as you are, and could pass the water frora Dover to Calais in three hours, I Avould go to Paris and dine with you in sorae of your Araerican parties ; but I can never get over from HarAvich to Helvoet, nor from x 370 OFFICIAL. Dover to Calais, in less than seventeen hours, and, sometimes, not under three days. I have aU the pieces relative to the United Provinces, except ing the Pays de Drenthe. I have one piece upon slavery, one upon Avomen, and two inti-oductions to the subject of fiefs. That is all that I have.^ Among aU my acquaintance, I know not a greater rider of hobby-horses than Count Sarsfield. One of your hobby-horses is, to assemble uncommon characters. I have dined with you tAVO or three tiraes at yom- house, in company with the oddest collections of personages that were ever put together. I am thinking, if you were here, I would invite you to a dinner to your taste. I Avould ask King PaoU, King Brant, Le Chevalier d'Eon, and, if you pleased, you might have AL. and ALs. Avith whom you dined in America. Hoav much speculation AA'ould this whimsical association afford you ! How goes on your inquky into fiefs ? If you do not raake haste, I raay, perhaps, interfere AA'ith you. I have half a mind to devote the next ten years to the making of a book upon the subject of nobiUty. I Avish to inqu.ire into the practice of all nations, ancient and modern, civilized and savage, under aU religions, — Mahometan, Christian, and Pagan, — to see hoAV far the division of mankind into patiicians and plebeians, nobles and simples, is necessary and inevitable, and how far it is not. Nature has not made this ffiscrimination. Art has done it. Art may then prevent it. Would it do good or evU to prevent it ? I beUeve good, think what you avUI of it. Hoav can it be prevented ? In short, it is a splenffid subject ; and, if I AA'ere not too lazy, I Avotild undertake it. I want to see nations in uniform. No church canonicals, no lawyer's robes, no distinctions in society, but such as sense and honesty make. What a fool! Avhat an enthusiast! you aa'UI say. What then ? Why should not I have my hobby-horse to ride as well as ray friend ? I'll tell you Avhat. I believe this many-headed beast, the people, wffi, some time or other, have wit enough to throAv their riders ; and, if they should, they wUl put an end to an abundance of tricks, with which they are now curbed and bitted, whipped and spurred. John Adams. 1 See volume iii. p. 280, note. OFFICIAL. 371 TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. Grosvenor Square, C February, 1786. AIy Lord, — I have the honor of tiansmitting to your Lord ship a copy of a letter of the 21st of December last, from Ms Majesty's consul-general in the United States to their secretary of state for the department of foreign affaks, Avliich has been laid before congress,^ who have been pleased to direct rae to communicate it to his Majesty, Avith this information, that the complaint stated in it being in general terras, and unsupported by any particular facts or evidence, they do not think it neces sary or proper to take any raeasures in consequence of it ; and, Avith this assurance, that, as it is thek deterraination the treaty of peace shall be punctuaUy observed by thek citizens, and that his Majesty's subjects shall enjoy in the United States aU the rights Avhich friendly and civffized nations claim from each other, so they will always be ready to hear every complaint which may appear to be weU founded, and to redress such of them as, on investigation, shaU prove to be so. Let me request the favor of your Lordship to lay this communication before his Majesty. Your Lordship wiU permit me to avail myself of this oppor tunity of remarking, that the office of consffi-general does not extend to matters of tMs Mnd ; neither the rights of commerce nor of navigation being in question ; and, therefore, that it was deUcacy toAvards his Majesty, rather than a sense of the propri ety of such an application from a consul-general, which induced congi-ess to tieat it with this mark of attention. As the United States, my Lord, have a minister plenipoten tiary residing at this Court, in consequence of a proposition to that purpose, made by his Britannic Majesty's minister, through his Grace, the Duke of Dorset, his arabassador at Paris, your Lordship will perrait rae to propose to the consideration of his Majesty's ministers the expediency, as AveU as propriety, of senffing a minister plenipotentiary from his Majesty to the 1 Sir John Temple's complaint that copies of pubhc records were refused to the loyalists in the United States. It is omitted in this collection. See the Diplomatic Correspondence ofthe United States from 1783 to 1789. Vol. vi. pp. 8, 9. 372 OFFICIAL. United States of America. I am authorized, my Lord, to give assurances that congress expect such a minister, and are ready to receive and treat him in a manner consistent Avith the respect due to his sovereign. With gi-eat respect, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 17 February, 1786. Sir, — At a late levee, the liing, in conversation with one of the foreign ministers, was pleased to say "that the Tripoline ambassador refused to confer Avith his ministers, and insisted on an audience ; but that nothing had been said at it more than that Tripoli and England were at peace, and desirous to continue so." His Majesty added, " aU he wants is a present, and Ms expenses borne to Vienna and Denmark." If nothing more Avas said at the audience, there are not Avanting persons in England who Avffi find means to stimulate this African to stir up his countrymen against American ves sels. It may reasonably be suspected that his present visit is chiefly Avith a view to the United States, to ffiaAV them into a ti-eaty of peace, Avhicli implies tiibute, or at least presents ; or to obtain aids fi-om England to carry on a war against us. Feel ing his appearance here to be ominous, like that of other irregu lar bodies, which, " from their horrid hair, shake pestilence and war," I thought, at first, to avoid him ; but, finding that all the other foreign ministers had made thek visits, and that he Avould take amiss a longer inattention, it was judged necessary to call at his door, for the form ; but, when the attempt AA'as made, which Avas last evening, so late that there Avas no suspicion of his being visible, the ambassador was announced at home, and ready to receive the visitant. It would scarcely be reconcilable to the dignity of congress to read a detail of the ceremonies which attended the conference ; it would be more proper to write them to harlequin, for the amusement of the gay at the Ncav York theati-e. It is sufficient to say, that his Excellency made many inqtu- ries concerning America, the cUmate, soU, heat, cold, &c., and observed, "it is a very great counti-y, but Tripoli is at vmr ivith it," In return, it was asked how there could be Avar OFFICIAL. 373 betAveen Iavo nations, Avhen there had been no hostility, injury, insult, or provocation on either side. ILs Excellency repUed, that Tm-key, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco AA'ere the sovereigns of the Meditenanean; and that no nation could n-avigate that sea without a tieaty of peace with thera ; that America must raake such treaties Avith Tripoli first, then Avith Constantinople, then with Algiers and Morocco, as France, England, and all the other powers of Europe had done. A secretary brought hira some papers, one of which Avas put into my hands. It AA'as a French tianslation of a full power from the Pacha, Dey, and Regency of Tripoli to tieat with all the pow ers of Europe, and to manage all the foreign concerns of his country, Avithout limitation of time or place. The original commission, in his own language, Avas also produced and shown. It Avas observed that America Avas not named in it. But it Avas replied, that the power Avas universal to manage every thing, and that a treaty might be made at once, or, at least, that conferences might be held, and the resrdt written to TripoU and Araerica for further insti-uctions. " What tirae AA'as requked to write to Congress and receive an answer?" " Three months, at least" " That was too long, but he shoffid remain here sometime. You may caU here to-morrow or next day, with an interpreter, and we will hear and propose terms." As Ms ExceUency expected to gain by the negotiation as much as the American knows he must lose, you will perceive the former was the most eager to promote it When Air. Jeffer son's answer to a letter upon this subject shall arrive, it Avffi be proper to learn Ms terms; but there is reason to beUeve they wUl be too high for your mimsters to accept, Avithout further instiuctions. This is the substance of a conference, which was carried on with much difficffity, but Avith civUity enough on both sides, in a sti-ange mistuie of ItaUan, Ungua Franca, broken French, and worse EngUsh. This minister appears to be a man of good sense and temper. With great respect, &c. John Adams. VOL. viii. 32 874 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY JAA'. ^^ Grosvenor Square, 20 February, 1786, Sir, — Yesterday, the Tripolitan ambassador sent a message by a Dr. Benamor, an EngUsh Jcav most probably, who has formerly resided in Barbary and speaks the Arabic language, as AveU as the Italian and Ungua Franca, to inform me that he AS'ished to return his visit in the sarae friendly and respectfffi manner ; and that, as he had much at heart a ti-eaty between the Barbary and American States, he Avished it might be soon. It AA'as agreed that he should be received at noon. At tAvelve, his ExceUency came in ceremony, accompanied AA'ith his secretary, and Benamor, for an interpreter, " whom he had chosen in preference to the interpreter assigned hira by the Court, because he Avas sorry to see that this nation aa'us not so steady in its friendship to America as the French. The French consul at TripoU congratulated him upon his appointment, and hoped he would meet in England a minister Avith Avhom he might make a ti-eaty of peace with America ; but he Avas sorry to say he found here much ffi wiU to the Americans, and a deske to prevent him from seeing the Araerican minister. For tMs reason, he AA'offid have nothing to do with the Court interpreter. It Avas the deUght of his soul, and the whole plea sure of his life, to do good ; and he Avas zealous to embrace an opportunity, Avhicli uoaa' presented itself, of doing a great deal. The time Avas critical, and the sooner peace Avas made the bet ter; for, from Avhat passed before he left home, he was con vinced if the treaty shoffid be delayed another year, it would, after that, be ffiffictilt to make it. If any considerable number of vessels and prisoners should be taken, it would be hard to persuade the Turks, especially the Algerines, to desist. A Avar betAveen Christian and Christian was mUd, and prisoners, on either side, Avere treated Avith humanity; but a war between Turk and Christian AA'as horrible, and prisoners Avere sold into slavery. Although he AA'as hiraself a mussffiraan, he must still say he thought it a very rigid laAV ; but, as he could not alter it, he Avas deskous of preventing its operation, or, at least, of softening it, as far as his inffuence extended. The Algerines were the most difficult to treat. They were eager for prizes, OFFICIAL, 375 and had now more and larger ships than usual. If an applica tion shoffid be made first to Algiers, they woffid refuse ; but Avhen once a ti-eaty Avas made by TripoU, or any one of the Barbary States, they Avoffid foUow the example. There was such an intimate connection between aU, that, when one raade peace, the rest foUoAved. Algiers had refused to treat Avith Spain, in defiance of aU her arraaraents, untU TripoU inter posed, and then they relaxed at once. He caUed God to Avit ness," that is to say, he swore by his beard, which is a sacred oath Avith them, " that his motive to this earnestness for peace, although it might be of some benefit to himself, was the desire of doing good." When he was informed that congress had received some friendly letters from the Emperor of Morocco, and that an agent was gone to treat with his Majesty, he "rejoiced to hear it, and doubted not that this agent woffid succeed, as the Emperor AA'as a raan of extensive views, and much disposed to proraote the coramerce of his subjects." As it was hoav apparent that his principal business here Avas to ti-eat with the United States, and that no harm could be done by dealing frankly with hira, the commission of congress to treat with TripoU was shoAvn to hira, as weU as those to Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis. He "was rejoiced to see them; and, although he could not ansAver for Algiers, he Avould undertake for Tunis and TripoU ; and he would Avrite in favor of any person Avho raight be sent, or go Avith him in person, to assist in the completion of peace with aU the States of Barbary, which was raore than he had ever before said to any arabassador or rainister in Europe." It was then proposed that his ExceUency should raention the terras which he might think proper to propose ; but he " desked to be excused at present ; and that to-monow evening, at his house, he raight have an opportunity of explaining himself raore particularly." This was agreed to. It was then observed, that, although Araerica was an exten sive countiy, the inhabitants were few in coraparison with France, Spain, and England ; nor woffid thek wealth bear any proportion to that of these nations, or of Holland; that we were just emerged from the calamities of war, and had, as yet, few ships at sea, especiaUy in the Meffitenanean, so that the Barbary corsaks could not expect to make any considerable 376 OFFICIAL, nuraber of prizes. " God forbid," was his reply, " that I should consider Araerica upon a footing at present, in poiiit of wealth, with these nations. I know very well that she has but lately concluded a Avar, Avhich must have laid waste her territories ; and I woffid rather wish to leave to her OAvn generosity the compliments to be raade upon the occasion, than stipulate any thing precisely." This man is either a consummate poUtician in art and address, or he is a benevolent and wise man. Time Avill dis cover Avhether he disguises an interested character, or is indeed the phUosopher he pretends to be. If he is the latter, Provi dence seeras to have opened to us an opportunity of conducting this thorny business to a happy conclusion. /I Colonel Smith Avill go to Paris to communicate the Avhole to Mr. Jefferson, and entieat him to come over to London, in order to finish as rauch as possible of it immediately, and to agree with the Portuguese minister at the same time. Mr. Jefferson has long projected a visit to England, and this wffi be a good opportunity. No notice Avill be taken of it, publicly, in America ; and his real errand avUI be concealed from the pubUc here. If the sum Umited by congress should be insufficient, we sliaU be embanassed ; and, indeed, a larger sum could not be commanded, unless a ncAV loan shoffid be opened in Holland. I doubt not a mUlion of guUders might be obtained there, upon the same terms with the last two miffions. This Avould enable congress to pay thek interest in Europe, and to pay the French officers, who are uneasy. With great respect, &c. John Adams. THE marquis de LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 22 February, 1786. AIy Dear Sir, — I have been honored with your favor by Mr. Joy, to whom I avUI readily render every service in my power ; and I am also to thank you for the valuable books you took the trouble to coUeet for me. In the cause of my black brethren I feel myself Avarmly interested, and most decidedly side, so far as respects them, against the white part of mankind. Whatever be the complexion of the enslaved, it does not, in OFFICIAL. 377 my opinion, alter the complexion of the crime which the ensla ver comraits, a crime much blacker than any African face. It is to me a matter of great anxiety and concern, to find that this ti-ade is sometimes perpetiated under the ffag of liberty, our dear and noble stiipes, to which virtue and glory have been con stant standard-bearers. Inclosed, I beg leave to send a letter to AL. Sharp with acknowledgments for Ms attention. No event of great importance in Paris. Cardinal de Rohan's affak has produced raany memoks ; which of the different tales is the right one, I do not pretend to say. The carffinal has been either a rogue or a fool ; the latter seems the most proba ble. AU the farms have been renewed with an augmentationn of revenue, that of tobacco excepted, and on this, as well as | on every other point, I stand a warm opposer to the principles j of the farm. On this side of the channel, when good deeds faU, you Avffi, at least, find good intentions ; in England, neither. While policy is the resffit of passion, not of reason, every sensi ble calculation is at an end. And it is stUl a matter of doubt with me, however stiange it appears, if they wffi give up the posts, or let us have the pleasure to walk into those formidable works on our Saratoga tune of Yankee doodle. With every sentiment, &c. Lafayette. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 22 February, 1786. Sir, — On Monday evening another conference was held with the TripoUtan ambassador, attended with his interpreter, Benamor, who is a decent man, and very ready in the English as weU as Arabic and ItaUan. The foreign ministers here say, it is the custom of aU the arabassadors frora Barbary to be much connected with Jews, to whom they are commonly recom mended. It may be supposed the Jews have interested motives, and, therefore, although thek interference cannot be avoided, they ought to be objects of jealousy. Benamor soon betiayed proofs enough that he had no aversion to the ambassador's obtaining large terras. The ambassador, who is known to many of the foreign min isters here, is universaUy weU spoken of. 32* 378 OFFICIAL. When he began to explain himself concerning his demands, he said, " they woffid be different, according to the duration of the treaty; if that were perpetual, they would be greater ; if for a term of years, less. His advice was, that it shoffid be perpetual. Once signed by the bashaw, dey, and other officers, it would be indissoluble, and binding forever upon aU thek successors. But, if a temporary tieaty were made, it might be difficult and expensive to revive it; for a perpetual tieaty, such as they had iioAv Avith Spain, a sum of thirty thousand gmneas must be paid upon the deUvery of the articles signed by the dey and other officers. If it Avere agreed to, he would send his secretary by land to Marseilles, and from thence by water to TripoU, Avho should bring it back by the sarae route, signed by the dey, &c. He had proposed so small a sum in consideration of the ckcum stances, but declared it was not half of what had been lately paid them by Spain. If we chose to treat upon a diff'erent plan, he woffid make a tieaty perpetual, upon the payment of twelve thousand five hunffied guineas for the first year, and three thousand guineas annuaUy, untU the thkty thousand gmneas Avere paid." It was observed that these were large sums, and vastly beyond expectation. But his ExceUency answered, that they never made a tieaty for less. Upon the arrival of a prize, the dey and the other officers were entitled by law to large shares, by which they might make greater profits than these sums amounted to, and they never would give up this advan tage for less. He was told, that, although there was a full power to tieat, the American ministers were limited to a much smaller sum ; so that it would be irapossible to do any thing until we coffid Avrite to congress and knoAV thek pleasure. Colonel Sraith was present at this, as he had been at the last conference, and agreed to go to Paris to coramunicate all to Mr. Jefferson, and persuade him to come here, that we may join in further confer ences, and tiansmit the result to congress. The ambassador beUeved that Tunis and Morocco would tieat upon the same terms, but would not ansAA'cr for Algiers ; they would demand more. When AL. Jefferson arrives, we shaU insist upon know ing the ffitimatum, and transmit it to congress. Congress wUl perceive that one hundred and twenty thou sand guineas will be indispensable to conclude with the four OFFICIAL. 379 powers at this rate, besides a present to the arabassadors and other incidental charges ; besides this, a present of five hundred guineas is made upon the arrival of a consul in each State. No man AA'ishes more fervently that the expense could be less ; but the fact cannot be altered ; and the tiuth ought not to be concealed. It may be reasonably concluded that this great affair cannot be finished for much less than two hundred thousand pounds sterUng. There is no place in Europe or America where con gress can obtain such a sum but in Holland ; perhaps a loan for tAVO millions of guUders might be fiUed in Amsterdam upon the terms of the last. If it is not done, this war will cost us more miUions of sterUng money in a short tirae, besides the imserable depression of the reputation of the United States, the cruel embarrassment of aU our coraraerce, and the intolerable burthen of insurance, added to the cries of our countiymen in captivity. The probable success of AL. Barclay and AL. Lamb need not be pointed out. If a perpetual peace were made with these States, the cha racter of the United States would instantly rise all over the world. Our coraraerce, navigation, and fisheries would extend into the Meditenanean, to Spain and Portugal, France and England. The additional profits Avould richly repay the inte rest, and our credit woffid be adequate to all om- wants. Colonel Smith is gone to Paris ; he departed yesterday. By the sixth article of the confederation " No State, without the consent of the United States in congress assembled, shaU send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreeraent, aUiance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state." All the States are so deeply interested in this case, that surely no separate State can have occasion to raove for the consent of congress upon this occasion; but if, unexpectedly, congress shoffid not agree to tieat, there are several States in the Union so deeply interested in navigation that it woffid richly compensate each of them to go to the whole extent of two hunffi-ed thousand pounds to obtain peace. Nevertheless, a single State might obtain peace and security for its ships at a much cheaper rate. With great and sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. 380 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 26 February, 1786. Sir, — The envoy frora Portugal has received from his Com-t an answer to his despatches relative to the tieaty with the United States ; and the inclosed extiact fi-om it, which has been delayed some time by the sickness of the ChevaUer de Freire, the Portuguese secretary of legation, that mimster did me the honor to deliver to me tAVO days ago, with his request that it might be ti-ansmitted to congress. At the same time, he deU vered me the inclosed state of the tiade between the United States and Portugal the last year. When AL. Jefferson anives, we shaU endeavor to finish this business. The proposition of sending and receiving a minister has been many times made before. Congress avUI, no doubt, answer tMs wMch is now made, formally and officially. The regard which is due frora one sovereign to another, and, indeed, common decency, seems to requke it. To refuse it, Avould be thought sm-prising; indeed, according to -aU the rules of poUteness between nations and sovereigns, it ought to be left at the option of her most faithful Alajesty to send what grade of public mmister she shaU judge proper ; and assurances shoffid be given of the most amicable disposition of congress to receive him Avith aU the respect due to his sovereign, and to send a minister to her Majesty of equal character. /"TThe United States are, at this moment, suffering severely 'for want of an eqffitable adjustment of thek affaks Avith the powers of Europe and Africa, which can never be accorapUshed, but by conforming to the usages estabUshed in the world. If the United States woffid come to the resolution to prohibit aU foreign vessels from coming to their ports, and confine all exports and imports to thek own ships and seamen, they would do, for any thing that I know, the wisest thing which human prudence coffid dictate ; but then the consequence would be obvious. They must give up the most of thek commerce, and Uve by thek agricffiture. In this case, they might recaU their ministers, and send no more. On the other hand, if the United States Avould adopt the principle of the French economists, and aUoAv the ships and OFFICIAL, 381 merchants of all nations equal privileges Avith their oavh citi zens, they need not give themselves any further trouble about treaties or ambassadors. The consequence, nevertheless, Avould be the sudden annihilation of all thek manffiactm-es and navi gation. We shoffid have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed, and shoffid not be able to defend our sea coast against the insults of a pirate. As these are two extiemes that we know Americans wffi never consent to, we must vindicate our oaa'h manufactures and navigation by legislation at home and negotiation abroad ; and, therefore, the prejuffices against exchanges of public ministers wffi be found some of the raost pernicious that ever have arisen among American citizens. LaAvs at home raust be made in conforraity to the state of aff'aks abroad, which can never be known to congress but by ambassadors. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 27 February, 1786. Sir, — At the last conferences, as they caU here- what is understood in Paris by ambassador's days, the Marquis of Car marthen was pleased to make an apology for not having yet answered the memorial requking the evacuation of the posts. " It would sound odffiy to say that he had delayed his answer to prevent delays; but it was true. He had drawn up his ansAver; but, as he was obliged to say something concerning the old debts, he had been obUged to Avait for a Uttie further information, that he might state, in one view, aU the acts of the assemblies which had interposed impediments." As this is some kind of respect to the memorial, it ought to be communi cated to congress, as, no doubt, it was intended and expected that it shoffid be. The pubUc prints wffi inform you that the NeAvfoundland bffi and the Araerican intercourse bUl are revived. It would be sufficient to convince every American what the systera is, to say that AL-. JenMnson was the member of administi-ation and the House of Commons, selected to conduct this business. Comparing his well known character with what he said, you 382 OFFICIAL. AvUl beUeve that the sarae raen and the same principles, which have governed this nation in their conduct towards America these twenty years, prevail to this hom-, as far as the circum stances will admit; and that Mr. Pitt is either a convert to thek sentiments, or is only an ostensible minister. It remains with the States to deterraine what raeasures they will take to ffiscourage a coraraerce the raost impoverishing and ruinous that can be imagined, to promote a more beneficial intercourse with the rest of Europe, and to -support thek own raanufactures and navigation ; for on such measures alone can they have any dependence in future. With sincere esteem, &c. John Adams. TO WILLIAM WHITE. London, 28 February, 1786. Sir, — Your favor of the 26th of November,^ by AL-. Peters, I had not the honor to receive tffi a few days ago. I am much obliged to you for this mark of your confidence, and for the pamphlets and papers inclosed, wMch I had yesterday an opportunity of communicating to the Archbishop of Canter bm-y, Avhen his Grace ffid me the honor of a visit, to deliver me the inclosed letter, with the deske of the bishops that I Avould transmit it to the comraittee. I have not understood that there will be any poUtical objec tions against the measure you desire. If any such should arise, as an American citizen, though not an EpiscopaUan, I can very consistently endeavor to remove it, because I do not beUeve that the benevolence of the Father of all is confined by our Unes of distinction or differences of opinion; and because I think that, Avhen we can enlarge our minds to aUoAV each other an entke Uberty in religious matters, the human race will be more happy and respectable in this and the future stage of thek existence. It would be inconsistent with the American charac ter, and with the principles of our constitutions, to raise political objections against the consecration of bishops, as it is merely a religious ceremony. The States wiU, no doubt, take care 1 See p. 349. OFFICIAL. 383 that no temporal poAA'crs inconsistent Avith their civil politics shall be annexed to the character. This, however, is their aff'air. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO MATTHEAV ROBINSON.^ London, 2 March, 1786. Sir, — You have obliged me very much by your kind letter of 27th February. The Americans are indeed EngUshraen, and Avffi continue such, in language and sentiments and manners, whether they are allowed to be friends, or corapelled to be enemies, of those other Englishmen Avho inhabit these islands. Great Britain, and Ireland. The privUeges of purchasing, inheriting, exercising tiades, voting or being chosen into offices of aU kinds, if declared by act of parUament, would, no doubt, be considered in a friendly light, but, give me leave to say, would have no material effect, while embarrassments are either studiously or ignorantly thrown in the way of commerce. The United States are wUUng to throAV wide open every port in their dorainions to British ships and raerchants and merchan dizes, and I am ready, in thek behalf, to pledge thek faith in a tieaty to this effect, upon the reciprocal stipulation of this nation that her ports shaU be equaUy open to our ships, mer chants, and produce. But the United States must repel mono-' pokes by monopolies, and answer prohibitions by prohibitions^ I may be uninformed respecting the East Indies ; but, although the East India Company have, by thek charter and act of par liaraent, an exclusive privilege of importing East Inffia goods into the port of London only, I do not knoAV that Americans, or any other foreign nation, are prohibited to ti-ade Avith the British factories and settlements in Asia. This, nevertheless, is not a point with us. The ministry might except the charter of the rights of the East India Company. But the American commerce is a system, • and a free intercourse between the 1 This gentleman, the brother of the more celebrated Mrs, Ehzabeth Mon tague, and the author of one or two pamphlets relating to the American war, had entered into correspondence with Mr. Adams through the agency of Dr, Price. 384 OFFICIAL, United States and Canada, Nova Scotia, NeAvfounffiand, and the West India Islands, as Avell as a market for thek oil and fins and spermaceti candles, and ready-buUt ships, is so essen tial to it, that, if one nation AviU not, another must concede it. H England AviU not, Germany, HoUand, France, &c. AviU. This coraraerce is even more necessary to your colonies, than it is to us ; and the present poUcy is soAving the seeds of disquiet and discontent in the rainds of your colonies, that will alienate them aU, if persisted in. This uneasiness has already broken out in Barbadoes into violence, which occasioned the troops to fire upon the people, by which a nuraber were kiUed, as the public prints inform us ; and it Avill increase from day to day. The 5th of Alarch, 1770, ought to be an eternal warning to this nation. On that night the foundation of American independ ence Avas laid. I have the honor to agree perfectly with you in opinion, that England might receive more benefit from a liberal coraraerce Avith America, than she AVoffid if we had remained under her government ; and I may be permitted to say that, having been, frora 1774 to this day, either in congress, or in her service abroad, I have been fuUy acquainted with every step and motive of her conduct towards the poAvers of Europe ; and it has been her constant rffie to concede no preferences to France, or any other nation, that she might be at liberty to settle a commercial plan with England upon the fakest terras. Little did she expect or foresee that England Avoffid refuse the favors intended her. I must say the ministry appear to have no idea of the principles on which congress have acted. The conse quence raust be that the tiade of America must leave this countiy and go to her rivals. The ministiy, and the nation too, seem to consider the United States as a rival, and we know very Avell Avhat in EngUsh lexicography is the meaning of the Avord rival. It is an eneray, to be beat down by every means. But it raay be depended on that, if the United States are treated in this manner, they will make common cause with the other rivals of British commerce, Avhd, at this day, are almost as numerous as the nations of Europe. It is the earnest desire of the United States to live in friend ship AAith this country, and to have no other contention but in reciprocal good offices. It seeras to be your opinion that the OFFICIAL, 385 people of England have the same disposition. I beg you to explain yom-self on this head, as I must confess I have not met Avith any symptoms of it, excepting in a few, a very fcAV indi- A'iduals ; much fewer than I expected when I first arrived here. To what purpose is the universal industiy to represent the com merce of the United States as of no importance? Where Avould have been the stocks, the exchange, and the revenue of this country, Avithout it? There has been a constant stream of produce, cash, and biUs floAving into this country, since the peace, from the United States. Remittances, to an imraense araount, have been made ; and even a large sum through France, Spain, Portugal, and Holland, which has contiibuted in no small degree to turn the balance of exchange so much in your favor, as well as to throAV a surplus into the exchequer, and raise the stocks ; and these remittances might have been nearly doubled, if common sense had dictated to the British poUticians to receive from us, in payraent, such things as we have. The Americans are, at this day, a great people, and are not to be tiiffed with. Thek numbers have increased fifty per cent. since 1774. A people that can multiply at this rate, amidst all the calamities of such a war of eight years, wUl, in twenty years more, be too respectable to want friends. They raight seU their friendship, at this time, at a very high price to others, however Ughtly it may be esteemed here. I have the misfortune to ffiffer Avidely from your opinion in the adffiess, that the "independence of Araerica happened a century too soon." It Avoffid be easy to show that it happened at the best point of time. There is no imaginable period, past or future, at which it could have been brought into event to so much advantage for America. But this would lead me too far. The inforraation you may have received concerning the confu sions, distresses, &c. of the United States, are of a piece with those misrepresentations Avhich have constantly misguided this nation for five and twenty years. The inconveniences hoav felt are confined to those who have been deceived into an excess of trade Avith this counti-y, by expectations, Avhich have been disap pointed, that the usual remittances would be received; and they have arisen from a deske to live and trade in friendship with England. The countiy in general is in a thriving and VOL. VIII. 33 Y 386 OFFICIAL. flomishing condition, and this counti-y alone wiU finaUy be the sufferer by the impediments they have thrown in the way of their oaa'ii interest. You AviU perceive, sk, that I have Avritten too freely and too largely. In my situation, it may be imprudent. But the subject is of great importance, and deserves your closest attention. Y"ou wffi greatly oblige me by coraraunicating your sentiments AA'ith equal frankness. With great esteem, &c. John Adams, THE treasury board TO JOHN ADAMS. Board of Treasury, 7 March, 1786. Sir, — We do ourselves the honor of ti-ansmitting to you the resolves of congress of the 15th day of February last, from which you Avill observe the embarrassments under Avhich the United States labor to comply with thek foreign engagements, tMough the Avant of exertions in the several States to pay in thek quotas of the annual reqmsitions. The present state of the treasury is, in consequence, so reduced, that avc are apprehensive it may not, perhaps, be in our poAver to remit to the commissioners of the Dutch loans in Europe sufficient funds, in season to dis charge the Avhole interest Avliich Avill become due on the Dutch loans on the first day of June next, if the sum of eighty thou sand dollars, Avhich has been appropriated by the resolves of congress of the 15th February, 1785, for the purpose of forming treaties with the Barbary poAvers, should be drawn out of the hands of the Dutch commissioners before that day. We are using om- endeavors to raake arrangeraents, so that our remit tances may anive in season ; but, as they may be prevented by some casualty from coming to hand by the 1st of next June, it becomes our duty to request the favor of you to avoid, if it possibly can be done, drawing out of the hands of the Dutch commissioners the moneys appropriated for the purpose of maMng tieaties with the Barbary powers, before the 1st of June next; and to dkect it, if our remittances shoffid not arrive in season, to be appropriated to the payment of the June interest You may rest assured, sk, that every exertion wUl be made by this Board, that the remittances may arrive in season, with out placing any dependence on this resource ; and that, at aU OFFICIAL. 387 events, the sum of seventy thousand dollars shall be remitted to the Dutch commissioners on or before the first day of August next, to wait yom- orders. To your ExceUency, Avho knows so well the importance of preserving the public faith Avith foreign nations, and particularly Avith the Dutch money-lenders, it would be unnecessary to use any arguments to shoAV the propriety of our application on this subject. We are satisfied that, if the state of the negotiations Avffi possibly admit of it, you wUl permit this money to remain for the purposes Ave have mentioned. On examining the abstiact of the distribution of the obUga tions on the five mffiions loan to the SOth September last, we find that there remained unffistiibuted, on that day, one hun ffi-ed and thk-ty-eight obligations, equal to 130,000 fforins. It is much to be Avished that this loan may be completed Avith aU the despatch possible. Without it, we have too much reason to fear we shaU experience difficulties in remitting sufficient sums to Europe to pay the interest of the foreign loans, and the salaries of foreign ministers and agents, dm-ing the present year. We have the honor to be, &c. Samuel Osgood, Walter Livingston, Arthur Lee. TO GRANVILLE SHARP. Grosvenor Square, 8 March, 1786. Sir, — I took the fkst opportunity to send your present of books to my friend the Marqffis de Lafayette, and have, this morning, received the inclosed letter for you frora that noble man. Let me avaU myself of this opportunity of presenting my thanks for your obUging present of books to rae. You have raerited the respect and esteera of all men, amongst whom Uberty and humanity are not ffisregarded, by your Avritings. The idea that captives ffi war are slaves, is the foundation of the misfortunes of the negroes. This principle is honored and admitted by all the powers of Europe Avho pay tiibute to the states of Barbary. I expect that one part of Africa AviU avenge upon my fellow citizens the injury they do to another by pur- 388 OFFICLAL. chasmg thek captives. A'et I presume we shaU be compeUed to foUow the base example of submission, and pay tribute or make presents, Uke the rest of Christians, to the raussffimen. I wish you woffid take up the whole of tMs African system, and expose it altogether. Never, never avUI the slave tiade be abolished, wMle Christian prmces abase themselves before the pkatical ensigns of Alahomet With great esteem, John Adaais. THE TREASURY BOARD TO JOHN ADAMS. Board of Treasury, 6 April, 1756. giE, — "^''e do ourselves the honor of tiansmitiing to you a dupUcate of our letters to yourself and the commissioners of the Dutch loans of the 7th and 22d Alarch last The latter, together Avith one of this date, adffiessed to the same gentle men, and mclosing a bffi m thek favor on Alessrs. AAffihem and Jan WUUnk, of Amsterdam, we request the favor of you to for ward by the fkst maU. Our letter to the coraraissioners is left open for your perusal, by AvMch you wffi find that our dkec tions to those gentlemen are to appropriate the proceeds of tMs bffi for the purpose specffied in the resoLe of congress of the 14th February, 1785, relative to the proposed tieaties Avith the Barbary powers, in case the moneys appropriated for tMs object have not been drawn out of thek hands prcA'ious to the receipt of this bffi. But, in case tMs event has taken place, our orders are to discount the bffi, and to apply the proceeds for the pay ment of the Dutch mterest, wMch becomes due on the fkst of June next, TMs reimttance, added to the sum of thirty' thou sand dollars, AvMch wffi be rerffitted to them for the same pur pose by Alessrs, Constable, Rucker 6c Co., in pursuance of a contiact made Avith this Board, wiU very nearly complete the whole sum of interest wMch AA'ffi become due on that dav. The deficiency, we trust, wffi be made up by additionffi sub scriptions to the loan ; but, shoffid this not be the case, we must request you not to ffiaw the AA'hole moneys appropriated for the Barbary tieaties out of the hands of the comimssion ers (if not akeady done) , relj'mg on our taMng measures to remit, with aU possible despatch, to those gentlemen a further OFFICIAL. 389 sum of twenty thousand dollars, with directions to apply it, in the ffist instance, to make up any deficiency arising on this account on the sum of eighty thousand dollars appropriated for the purpose above mentioned. We have the honor to be, &c. Samuel Osgood, Walter Livingston. TO JAMES bowdoin. London, 9 May, 1786. Sir, — Your Excellency's letter of the 12th January^ I have had the honor to receive, and am much obUged to you for the information in it. Your opinion of the poUcy of this countiy wffi be found, in the resffit of things, to be just ; and your reasoning, in support of it, is so conclusive, and at the same tirae so obvious, that it is astonisMng it has not its effect upon the cabinet. Every con sideration has been repeatedly urged, to no effect ; seamen, the navy, and power to stiike an awfffi blow to thek eneraies at sea, on the first breaking out of a war, are the ideas that pre vaU over aU others. AL. JenMnson, an old friend of the British empke, is stUl at his labors. He is about estabUshing a bounty upon fifteen ships to the southAvard, and upon two to double Cape Horn, for spermaceti whales. Americans are to take an oath that they mean to settle in England, before they are enti tled to the bounty. I have long since informed congress, that nothing is to be expected frora this counti-y but poverty, weakness, and rmn. If, after aU, our people wffi cany on a rffinous ti-ade, it is thek own concern. But no man can do them a greater injury than by holding up to thek view a hope that we shaU receive any reUef by taldng off the duty on oil, or by admission to the West Inffia Islands. They wiU infaffibly be deceived, if they enter tain any such expectations. I have been ckcumstantiaUy informed, from time to time and step by step, from AL. Jefferson, the Marqtus de Lafayette, and AL. Barrett, of aU the negotiations for exchanging our oU for the produce, manufactures, and sugars of France. The 1 See p. 363. 33" 390 OFFICLAL. gi-eat revolution in tiade, which you mention, ought to be pro moted by every friend of America, and it must take place. I have made use of aU these considerations. But if an angel fi-om heaven should declare to tMs nation, that our States wffil unite, retaUate, prohibit, or ti-ade Avkh France, they Avoffid not beUeve it. There is not one man in the nation who pretends to beUeA'e k ; and, if he ffid, he woffid be tieated AA'ith scorn. Let me enti-eat you, sir, and every other citizen of the Uffited States, to extingffish aU hopes of reUef to thek tiade from this i_countiy. Peace with the Turks, comprehendmg, under tMs term, Con- stantmople. Turns, TripoU, Algiers, and Alorocco, is essential to our naAigation and commerce, and poUtical consideration in Europe. Two or three hunffied thousand guineas, and notMng less, wffi obtain it. It wffi be miserable poUcy and economy to lose two or three mUUons in trade, insurance, &c. &c., and stffi worse, to add two or tMee mffiions more in fitting out a navy to fight thera, m order to save that sum m customary presents. AVe are now Umited to a sura that Avffi be worse than tMown away. Intiigues of indiAiduals are said to be on foot, to set South America free from Spam ; and, not improbably, the pffise raay be felt m the United States. But I hope the States Avffi not offiy be prudent theraselves, but oblige individuals to be so too. Portugal and Spain are bound, by a tieaty of 1778, to support each other in such a case ; and aU the world wffi be in flames. AA'e had better avoid the fury of them. TMee great objects agitate the cabmets of Europe in secret. The passage of the Dardanelles and navigation of the Danube, I consider as one. A free commerce with aU the East Inffies, is a second ; and the independence of South America, is the thkd. They aa'UI aU be pursued until they are obtamed, as I ~-ftffiy beUeve. But, as all know the contest Avffi be sharp, exten sive, and long, aU are afraid to begin. This is aU confidential between you and me, and a few of our ffiscreet friends. God bless our countiy ; but I stffi tiemble for its safety. With great respect, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 391 TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 16 May, 1786. Dear Sir, — Last night I was honored with yom- letter of AprU 7th, and am happy to find that twelve States have granted to congress the impost. Ncav York, I am persuaded, will not long withhold her assent, because that, in addition to aU the other arguments in favor of the measure, she wffi have to con sider that all the blarae of consequences must now rest upon her ; and she would find this, alone, a greater burden than the impost. TMs measure, alone, as soon as it is completed, wUl have a great effect, and instantly raise the United States in the consideration of Europe, and especially of England. Its benefi cial effects wUl be soon felt in America, by producing a circu lation of that property, the long stagnation of Avhicli has been a principal cause of the distiess of the community. The States, jointly and severaUy, AA'ould find iraraeffiate benefits frora estab lishing taxes to pay the whole interest of thek debts, those of the confederation, as well as those of particffiar States ; the interest of money woffid instantly be loAvered, and capitals be employed in manufactures and commerce, that are now at usury. It is no paradox to say that every man would find him self the richer, the more taxes he pays ; and this rule must hold good, until the taxes shaU amount to a sum sufficient to dis charge the interest due to every creffitor in the community. The poAver to regulate the commerce of the whole, avUI iiotT' probably, be long Avithheld frora congress ; and when that point shall be agreed to, you will begin to hear a cry in England for a treaty. Like Daniel Defoe's game cock among the horses feet, it wUl be, " Pray, gentlemen, don't let us ti-ead upon one another." You have, I hope, before hoav. Lord Carmarthen's ansAver of February 28th to ray memorial of November SOth. I had determined in my own raind not "to demand a categorical answer without the further orders of congress," and it is a great satisfaction to find your opinion coincide. It is now with con gress to deliberate what answer they shoffid make to his Lord ship ; and, for my own part, I do not see what answer they can 392 OFFICIAL. give, untU they knoAV the sense of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, and South Carolina. With the highest regard, &c. John Adams. TO the marquis of CARMARTHEN. London, 18 May, 1786. My Lord, — I do myself the honor of tiansmitting to your Lordship, herewith inclosed, an act of the United States of America in congi-ess assembled, the 13th of October, 1785, together with copies of sundry other papers, relative to the boundary line betAveen the United States and his Majesty's late province of Nova Scotia, part of which is now called New BrunsAvick. It is stiU fresh in the recollection of every person who was concerned in the negotiation of the late peace, that Mitchell's map was made use of by the British and Araerican plempotentiaries, and the river St. Croix was marked out on that raap, as there deUneated, for the boundary; which ck curastance alone, it is hoped, will be sufficient to deterraine aU questions which may have been raised concerning so recent a tiansaction. In former contioversies between the crowns of Great Britain and France, concerning the boundary between the late province of Massachusetts Bay and Nova Scotia, it has often been contended by the British ministers and commission ers that the river St. Croix was a river still further eastward than the easternmost of those three which faU into the bay of Passamaquoddy, but never once admitted to be a river more Avesterly. So that the plenipotentiaries at the peace, on both sides, had reason to presume that, AA'hen they fixed on the St. Croix, surveyed by Mitchell and laid down by hira on his map, there never could afterwards arise any contioversy concerning it. Yet it seems, my Lord, that a number of his Majesty's sub jects have crossed over the river and settled in the territory of the United States, an encroachment in which they can not be supposed to be countenanced by his Majesty's government. Difficffities of this kind, if early attended to, are easily adjusted ; and I shall be ready, at all times, to enter into con ferences Avith your Lordship, that every point may be discussed, OFFICIAL. 393 and all uneasiness prevented; but, while new maps are every day made, and old ones colored, according to an erroneous idea, a foundation may be laid for much future evil, both to nations and inffividuals. I am, my Lord, &c. John Adams. TO THOMAS jefperson. London, 23 May, 1786. Dear Sir, — I am honored with yours of the llth,i with the mclosm-es fi-om AL. Lamb, AL. Carmichael, and Mr. Barclay. I ara not surprised that Mr. Lamb has only discovered that our means are inadequate, Avithout learning the sum that would be sufficient. II faut marchander avec ces gens la. They raust be beaten down as low as possible ; but we shall find, at last, the terms very dear. The Algerines will never make peace with us untU we have tieaties finished with Constantinople, Tunis, TripoU, and Morocco; they always stand out the long est. Mr. Barclay wffi have no better fortune, and I don't believe it worth whUe for him to wait a moment to discover what sum wiU do. I think, Avith you, that it is best to desire AL. Lamb immedi ately to return to congress, and AL. Randal too. It is surprising that neither of them has given us more circumstantial informa tion, and that Mr. Randal has not come on to Paris and Lon don. I think you will do weU to Avrite hira to come forward without loss of time, and am glad you sent copies of all the letters to AL. Jay. I concur Avith you entirely in the propriety of your going on with the Comte de Merci in the negotia tion, and in tiansmitting to congress the plan you may agree upon, that they may send a ucav commission, if they judge proper. I have a letter from Mr. Randal, at Maffiid, 4 May, but shaU not answer it, as I wish you to Avrite him, in behalf of both of us, to return immediately to Paris and London. I have a let- 1 This letter, and indeed most of the others making Mr. Jefferson's part of the correspondence at this period, have been printed in the work edited by his grandson, T. J. Bandolph. Those which are inserted in this collection are such as are not found there. 394 OFFICIAL. ter, too, from Isaac Stephens, at Algiers the 15th of AprU. He says the price is $6,000 for a master, $4,000 for a mate, and $1,500 for each saUor. The Dey wiU not abate a sixpence, he says, and wiU not have any thmg to say about peace wkh America. He says the people, that is the saUors, I suppose, are canymg rocks and timber on their backs for nine mUes out of the counti-y, over sharp rocks and mountains ; that he has an kon round his leg, &c. He begs that we would pay the money for their redemption, without senffing to congress ; but tMs is impossible. Yours, John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 25 May, 1786. Dear Sir, — I have not presented a formal meraorial, in the name of our sovereign, concerning the negi-oes canied off con tiary to the ti-eaty, although it has been frequently and con stantly insisted upon Avith the British rainisti-y, for several reasons. One was, a deske to confine the fkst memorial to one pomt, the frontier posts, that the real motives and intentions of the cabinet might be the more distinctly laid open to congress. Another reason was, the frankness of rainisters, to own, in con versation, that the negroes raust be paid for, as a clear pomt. Another Avas, that tirae might be allowed to you, sir, to tiansmit me the Avhole amount and evidence of the claira. And lastly, that I might have the expUcit instiuctions of congress to demand payment for the negroes in money, and especially at Avhat prices- ¦ th^y should be stated. r ^^^,^^ ./rrf-'-^^'' /"', "^^ '' ¦ seriously employed; and, in case of a civil war, the men of property Avill certainly attach theraselves very closely to that array, the final issue of which, it is feared, wUl be, that the array avUI raake the.government of the United States. Many say, already, any change Avill be for the better, 420 OFFICIAL. and are ready to risk any thing to effect it. The disturbances in Massachusetts seem raost Ukely to produce some very important event. It is a little surprising to sorae, hoAV they come to break out in such a manner there. It is said that the insurgents have tAVO objects in view ; one, to reduce their state debt and those sectn-ities given by the United States to citizens of that state for their services or moneys loaned, to thek current value in the market; the other, to annihUate private debts. Perhaps this may be in part ti-ue, and the greater nuraber may have nothing further in vicAV but to remedy some supposed giievances ; yet, as it affords a fine opportunity for the restless enemies of this countiy to soav ffissensions, aa'c have too much reason to believe, that they are not only looking on as specta tors, but that they are industriously employed in disseminating disaffection to the present forms of governraent. If these ene raies are British, or their old adherents among us, Avhich seems to be the case, because they are traced from Harapshire and Berkshire to Vermont, and from thence to Canada, if they are British, their object raust be something further than mere revenge ; and that object can be nothing short of establishing a monarchical government in this countiy, and placing some one of George's sons oil the throne. If this object is worth to the British frora five to ten millions sterling, and they can advance the money, they can and will effect it ; not by force of arms, for, if they shoffid come out openly against us, Ave should fight again ; but, be assured, this counti-y is extremely poor, as Avell as extiavagant, and I have no doubt that ten miffions, artfully appUed, Avould secure nearly the Avhole counti-y. That the British aa'UI and do cherish all their old adherents, is not to be doubted ; and that those adherents never Avill be Americans, is a principle founded in nature. That the French AviU not be silent, unoperative spectators in these negotiations, if they should happen, is most certainly to be expected. They Avish to keep us just Avhere we are, or, if a little raore insignificant, quite as Avell ; they wUl, therefore, vicAV AA'ithout emotion any civU commotions that tend to weaken us. But if there should be any danger of the scales preponderating in favor of any other foreign poAver, they wiU act Avith their usual adffiess. The British party is and Avill be great; the French party OFFICIAL. 421 also ; the genffine Americans, feAV ; the speculators numerous, who care not Avhat the gOA'crnment is, so that they can specu late upon and spunge it. Mr. Jay Avffi probably have furnished you Avith the hcavs- papers of this countiy, Avliich will contain much Avitli respect to the hostile disposition of the Indians. That the British instigate them to make depredations on us, is very natural ; but why they are reenforcing Canada, Avhich by the public papers appears to be the case, is not so easy to deterraine. AU things are operating here to bring the Cincinnati into vogue. I cannot say I think they are aU for supporting govern ment, but they are for having government. The leader of the insurgents in Massachusetts is entitled to the ribbon and eagle. He left the army in the fall of 1780, being then a captain of good reputation ; his name is Shays, a man AA'ithout education, but not Avithout abUities. He is pri vately involved, Avhich raay be the reason why he has adopted such violent raeasures. It is generally supposed that he cannot r etie at As to the situation of the finances of the United States, they can scarcely be in a worse condition. As to making any further attempt to discharge any part of the principal or interest of our foreign debt, it is in vain. The thkteen states do not pay enough to keep the civil list together, Avhicli does not reqffire more than one hundred thousand doUars a year. I have inclosed you a schedffie, which wUl give you a fuU vicAV of the requisi tions of congress, the payments, and balances due. ,. ~ I am, sir, with great respect, &c. Samuel Osgood. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 24 January, 1787. Dear Sir, — I must beg the indffigence of congress whUe I solicit their attention, for a few moments, to some particulars which are very interesting to me personaUy, and have some relation to the foreign affaks of the United States. It is now in the beginning of the tenth year since I embarked first for Europe, in obedience to the commands of the United States. The various services, to which they have been pleased to destine VOL. VIII. 36 422 OFFICIAL, me, are knoAvn to congress by thek oavu records ; and the par ticular detaUs of the execution of their orders, as far as circum stances have perraitted, have been transraitted, from time to time, to congress and their ministers of foreign affaks, so that it would be unnecessary to repeat any thing of that kind upon this occasion. The mission, Avith AA'hich they honored me to the United Provinces of the Loav Countiies, both as pubfic minister and as agent to negotiate a loan of money, is not yet revoked. The commissions to negotiate AAith the Barbary States, in Avhich I had the honor to be associated Avith Mr. Jefferson, are still in force. The commission to his Britannic Alajesty Avill expke on the 24th of February, 1788, this day thirteen months, unless sooner revoked. I take this early oppor tunity of informing congress of ray intention to return to Ame rica as soon after the expkation of this coramission as possible, that measures may be taken in season to complete all the anangements Avhich that honorable assembly may judge neces sary. I have been a AA'itness of so much respect and affection to the United States of America in the Low Countiies, and have there experienced so much candor and friendsMp to myself, that it is natural for me to wish to take leave of thek High Mighti nesses Avith decency, and accorffing to the forms that the usages of nations prescribe. I luust, therefore, soUcit a letter of recall. It Avould be a pleasure to me to go over in person to the Hague, in order to present it ; but as I have the raost candid assm-ances that a memorial sent from hence aa'ouM be equaUy Avell received, I shall probably avoid the expense of a journey. If congress judge a minister at that Court necessary, they aa'UI appoint one of course ; and if there is fm-fher occasion for bonoAving any small suras of money, they Avill commission a new agent. Colonel Franks arrived here this morning Avith the tieaty Avith Morocco, and aa'UI be despatched to congress Avithout delay. There is no probability of any further progress or success Avith the Barbary poAvers, without further orders from congress, and larger sums of money. If congress should gi/e fresh instructions, and order more money to be appropriated,^ raust reque'st'that they wiU associate sorae other person witfS AL. Jefferson, if they should not judge it more convenient for that able and exceUent minister to conduct it alone, or designate sorae other single per- OFFICIAL. 423 son to the service. It raay be the intention of congress to recall rae from this Court before the expkation of their present com mission ; but as this Avould be a measm-e of eclat, perhaps they may judge it more prudent to avoid it. If congress determine to send another minister, I hope it avUI be done in such season that he raay anive before ray departm-e. If no other minister is sent, it Avill, perhaps, be thought necessary to leave the nego tiation in the hands of a charge d'affaires. Colonel Smith has, at present, only a commission as secretary of legation. I raay be perraitted, I hope, Avithout presuraing too far, to recom mend him to this office, and solicit it for hira. When he was appointed secretary, he Avas tinknoAA'ii to me, even by name. He has since forraed a connection in ray famUy, which renders it delicate for rae to say any thing in his favor. Such a circura stance, hoAvever, cannot forfeit his title to justice frora me; and it is no more, to say that his conduct, his talents, and his indus try merit a much higher station than has yet been assigned hira. You knoAv perfectly avcU, sir, that the office even of a pubUc rainister of the second order is a station extreraely hurailiating at any Court in Europe. At Versailles, at Madrid, at the ' Hague, and at London, the difference between ambassadors and ministers plenipotentiary or envoys is so irarnense, that the latter are little more regarded than the maitre d'hotel of a minis ter of state. This is a fact known to you, but not known to our counti-ymen ; and, therefore, I think it my duty to mention it, that it raay be considered. The place oi charge d'affaires is so much beloAV that of minister, and that of simple secretary of legation so rauch beloAV that of charge d'affaires, that nothing can reconcile a gentleraan, who has commanded in an array through a Avhole AA'ar Avith reputation, to it, but the most decided deterraination to sacrifice his feeUngs to the good, or rather to the sense, of Ms counti-y. I need not add that, in the present tiraes and circumstances, these things are raore intolerable in England than elsewhere. May I be perraitted to request that congress would be pleased to take up this subject as soon as their more important affairs Avill perrait, that their arrangements may be received in Europe in time to despatch the few things, both of a public and private nature, that avUI remain for rae to do ? A letter of recall from Holland, and an appointment in my place in the commission to 424 OFFICIAL. the Barbary States, are of importance to be expedited early. If they do not arrive in season before the expkation of the cora raission to St. Jaraes, I shall presurae that it is the intention of congress to take no further anangeraent in those afl'airs, and embark Avith my famUy for America in one of the early spring ships in 1788. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO JOHN JAY. Loudon, 25 January, 1787. {Private.) My Dear Friend, -r*C AAiote you yesterday, in yom- ministe rial capacity as well as* mine, my ffitimate determination to revisit my country, this tirae tAvelve raonths. I hoav Avrite to you this private letter to entieat you, as a fiiend, to proraote, in every Avay in your power, an arrangement as early as possible, by which I may be permitted to return with decorum. It is not from a deske to stimffiate anybody to vote for a new com mission, to be sent me to this Court, Avhich may, for what I knoAV, be suspected by some, but frora a sincere and unaltera ble resolution to come home in all events, that I have taken this measure thus early. It Avould hurt me to corae home in disobeffience, but in all events I wffi come horae. If con gress should send rae a hcav coramission, I shall certainly return it unaccepted. This is between you and me, and not intended to offend the feeUngs of any man whatever. My northern friends may wish me to remain longer in Europe, but I must be excused. I shaU complete, with submission to Providence, my ten years in Europe, and then go home. 7^ AIy family join Avith me in aff'ectionate compUments to you and yom-s. A year avUI soon come about, and then, or soon after, I may have the pleasm-e of Idssmg your hand. Mean time I am, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 425 TO THE DELEGATES OF MASSACHUSETTS IN CONGRESS. London, 25 January, 1787, {Private.) Gentlemen, — I had yesterday the honor of AAU-iting to con gress my desire and intention to return to America at the expiration of ray commission to this Court. I know not the sentiments of my friends in congress, and possibly some of thera may Avish me to remain longer in Europe. But I beg leave, gentlemen, to signify to you, in this private manner, ray fixed resolution to return in all events. Candor requkes that I should inforra you of this, to prevent you, gentleraen, frora cora- promising yourselves and our state, as Avell as me. It Avoffid expose me to an odium, and do no honor to any member of congress Avho should vote for rae to reraain longer in Europe, if I shoffid corae horae against orders, or without permission. Let me therefore request the favor of you, gentlemen, and of aU the friends I have in congress, to promote ray recall, accord ing to the decent plan I have proposed to congress. I hope the measure Avill be adopted with perfect unanimity. To be expUcit, I am deterrained to corae home, though I should be corapelled to do it in an ungracious manner; but I hope this wUl not be raade necessary. With great respect, &c. John Adams. THE COMMISSIONERS TO SECRETARY JAY. London, 27 January, 1787. Sir, — We had the honor of transraitting to congress copies of the coraraission and insti-uctions Avhich, in pursuance of the authority delegated to us, Avere given to AL. Barclay to conclude a negotiation Avith Morocco. v^ Mr. Barclay has conducted that business to a happy conclu sion, and has brought with him testimonials of his prudent conduct, from the Emperor of Morocco and his rainister, so clear and fuU, that we flatter ourselves AL-. Barclay avUI receive the approbation of congress. Mr. Barclay has received somewhat more than four thou- 36* 426 OFFICIAL. sand pounds sterling for the expenses of presents and all other things. Colonel Franks, who accompanied AL. Barclay in his tedious journeys and difficult negotiations, in the character of secretary, AA'UI be despatched to congress, and Avill have the honor of delivering this letter, together with the treaty, the Eraperor's letter to congi-ess, and a variety of other papers relative to this mission, a schedule of AA'hich is annexed. The resolution of congress, vacating AL. Lamb's commission and instructions, has been foiAA'arded to hira, and Ave have repeatedly adA'ised him to return to Nbav York. That gentle man has received someAvhat raore than three thousand pounds sterling of the public raoney, for Avhich he is accountable to congress. We beg leave to recomraend Mr. Barclay and Colonel Franks to the faA'orable consideration of congress. It is no small mortification not to be able to coramunicate any intelligence concerning the tieaty with Portugal. The Che vaUer de Pinto is equally uninformed. His oavh confidential domestic, despatched to Lisbon last spring, has been constantly Avaiting on the minister for an ansAver, but has obtained none, and has not yet returned to London. The treaty betAveen France and England has probably excited parties and surprise in Portugal, and the system of men and measures is not yet settled. The apologies are, the Queen's absence in the counti-y, and the prime minister's indisposition. The article of money is becorae so scarce and precious, that AA'e shall be obliged to suspend aU further proceedings in the Barbary business, even for the redemption of prisoners, untU we shall be honored AA'ith fresh instructions from consress. With great respect, &c. John Adams, Thomas Jefferson. TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. London, 27 January, 1787. My Lord, — Last night I received the card your Lordship did me the honor to Avrite me yesterday, inclosing a petition to the right honorable the lords commissioners of his Majesty's OFFICIAL. 427 tieasury, frora John Utiles, relative to sixteen Chinese seamen who are alleged to have informed AL. Hales that they came frora India in the Hyder or Ilydroea, Captain Chirk, belonging to the United States of Araerica, to Ostend, where they were discharged and caused to take passage to London, in hopes of obtaining a passage to their oavu country. All these aUegations, ray Lord, are very surprising to me; having no knoAvledge of any such ship as the Hyder or Ilydroea, or of any such person as Captain Clark. Humanity, my Lord, requires that the unhappy raen should not be left to suffer ; but as I have no knowledge, information, or instructions concerning thera, I have no authority to do any thing for their relief There is reason to apprehend, ray Lord, that there is some mystery in this business, which it Avill be for the interest and honor of both countiies to clear up ; for Avhich reason, I shall do rayself the honor to transmit your Lordship's note and the meraorial to congress, that the truth of the facts may be searched to the bottom, and such measures taken as the inte rests of humanity, as AveU as the honor and interests of both countiies requke. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO SIDI HADJI BEN ABDELLECK FENNISH. London, 27 January, 1787. We have received, with high satisfaction, the letter which your ExceUency, by the comraand of Ms Alajesty the Emperor of Alorocco, did us the honor to Avrite us on the first day of the blessed raonth Ramadan, 1200, and transmitted to us by the Honorable Thomas Barclay, who Avas sent to your Com-t in order to negotiate an amicable treaty of peace and commerce between his Alajesty the Eraperor of Morocco, and aU his domi nions, and those of the United States of America. We are happy to learn that this matter has been fortunately concluded, to the satisfaction of all parties. The contents of the treaty we have learned from the said envoy, the Honorable Thomas Barclay, to whom his Imperial Majesty deUvered it, with a letter to the United States. It is with the most respectful satisfaction that Ave learn from your ExceUency, that the conduct of our said envoy, the 428 OFFICIAL. Honorable Thomas Barclay, has the entke approbation of his Imperial Majesty, and that he has behaved with integrity and honor since his arrival in his Iraperial Majesty's dominions; and, above aU, that his Iraperial Majesty has been graciously pleased to give him two honorable, favorable, and unparalleled auffiences, signifying his Majesty's perfect satisfaction at Ms conduct. We pray your Excellency, if you think projDer, to express to his Imperial Majesty the high sense we entertain of his Majesty's friendship to the United States of America, and of his goodness to the said Honorable Mr. Barclay. And we request of your ExceUency to accept of our sincere thanks for the kind assistance you have given to the said envoy in the com-se of these negotiations. With much pleasure, we learn that your ExceUency is charged, by his Iraperial Majesty, with the affaks of our country at his Court, and doubt not that your Excellency wiU do all that lies in your poAver to proraote the friendly intercourse that is so happily begun. We shall tiansmit, without delay, to the honorable the con gress of the United States an account of all these proceedings, and entertain the fullest assurance that they avUI receive, in due time, the approbation of that august assembly. May the providence of the one Almighty God, Avhose king dom is the only existing one, protect your Excellency ! We have the honor to be, &c. John Adams, Thomas Jefferson. TO secretary JA\'. London, 3 February, 1787. Sir, — I Avrote a few days since, by Colonel Franks, who embarks in the French packet from Havre de Grace with the Morocco tieaty. There is no fmther intelligence of the Portu gal business, nor any better prospect or more agreeable disposi tion in this country, whatever artifices may be employed in America to keep up delusive hopes. ParUament opened with an uncommon gloom, and has been sitting in a mournful sUence. Nobody dares oppose the French OFFICIAL, i-nj treaty, yet nobody seeras to have any confidence in it. It seems truly a forced plant; something 1o appease France and amuse the people. The revenue is found to be greatly deficient. A ncAV loan and fresh taxes are expected. A dead taciturnity prevails about America. The gazettes are employed, and every coffee-house and book seller's shop filled Avith talkers, to keep up the spirits of the people, at any expense of ti-uth. The holding of our froni icr posts is found to cost government raore money annuaUy than the Avhole trade is Avorth, nay, than the Avhole capital employed in it. AL. Pitt's plan for the session is not yet dcA'cloped. They are skkmishing about Hastings and Rodney, who, I suppose, have nearly all the scribblers enUsting for or against them ; yet Hastings must be acquitted, and I suppose Rodney remune rated, right or Avrong ; such is the state of this nation. Inclosed is a copy of the convention betAveen France and England, Avliieh Avas sent me yesterday by Lord Carmarthen, and a letter from Mr. Hales relative to the East India ship Avhich it is supposed Avas made an American bottom, a practice which congress Avill, no doubt, judge proper to discountenance. As the politics of parliament shall open to view, I shall do myself the honor to transmit you still further accounts of them. By Colonel Franks I had the honor to convey to congress my intention to return home at the expiration of ray commis sion to this Court. A duplicate Avill go by this opportunity ; a Ufe so useless to the jiublic, and so insipid to rayself, as raine is in Europe, has becorae a burden to me, as avcU as to my coun trymen. By the fir.st packet or convenient raerchant-ship in the spring of 1788, I shall erabark with ray faraily, if my Ufe and health, enough to make the voyage, remain to me, unless con gress should see fit to recall rae sooner, Avhich would be so much the more agreeable. It Avill be necessary that arrange ments should be made as early as possible, and the pleasure of congress signified, whether the secretary of legation is to return Avith me, or remain longer here. With great respect and esteem, &c. John Adams. & 430 OFFICIAL. T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 6 Febraary, 1787. Dear Sir, — Your favors by Colonel Franks have come safely to hand. He aa'UI set out from hence the 8tli instant, the packet being to sail from Havre the 10th. I inclose you the copy of a letter frora AL. Barclay, and of the paper it inclosed. In a letter frora AL. Carmichael is a postscript, dated 25th December, in the foUoAving AA'ords : — " Since Avriting the pre ceding, the Portuguese ambassador has pressed me to hint that the present moment is favorable to push our treaty AA'ith his Com-t" In the body of the letter he says, " The Corate d'Ex- pffiy has proraised me to continue his attention to our prisoners during his stay at Algiers, and I have also engaged the Consul of Spain, Avho remains there on his return, to take care of them. Advances have been made for thek support, Avhich ought to be refunded." I suppose that these advances have been made by order of AL. Lamb, and that, his poAvers being at an end, it wUl be incumbent on us to take measures on that subject. The Corate de Vergennes is extreraely ffi ; his disease is gouty ; Ave have for sorae days had hopes it Avould fix itself decidedly in the foot. It shoAvs itself there at times, as also in the shoulder, the stomach, &c. AL de Calonne is likeAvise UI ; but his complaints are of a rheumatic kind, AA'hich he has often had before. The illness of these Iavo ministers has occasioned the postponement of the asserably of the notables to the 14th, and probably avUI yet postpone it. Nothing is yet knoAvn of the objects of that meeting. I send you a pamphlet, giving a sum mary account of all the meetings of a general natm-e AA'hich have taken place heretofore. The treaty between Russia and this country is certainly concluded ; but its contents are not yet kn OAA'U. I shaU set out for the Avaters of Aix on the 15th instant, so that I am unable to say Avhen and Avhence I shall have the honor of addressing you again ; but I take measures for ihe conveying to me on ray road all letters, so that, should any thing extraordinary require it, I can at aU times be recaUed to Paris in a fortnight. I shaU hope to hear from you at times, as if I Avere in Paris. I thank you much for the valuable pre- OFFICIAL, 431 sent of your book.^ The subject of it is inlcrestiug, and I ;irn sure it is Avell treated. I shall take it on ray journey, thtit I raay have time to study it. A^'ou told me once you had had thoughts of AA'riting on the subject of hereditary aristocracy. I A\ish you Avould carry it into execution. It Avould make a proper sequel to the present Avork. I AA'ish you all possible hap piness ; and have the honor to be, &c. Tho.aias Jefferson T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 20 February, 178 7. Dear Sir, — I am hoav to acknoAvledge the receipt of your favor of January 25th. Col. Franks sailed in the packet of this month from Havre for NeAv York. This arrangement of the packets opens a dkect communication betAveen Paris and America ; and if avc succeed, as I expect avc shall, in getting Honfleur made a free port, I hope to see that place becorae the deposit for our Avhale oil, rice, tobacco, and furs, and that from thence what is not wanted in this country raay be distributed to others. You reraember giving me a letter of credit on Messrs. WUUnk & Staphorst for one thousand guineas, to pay for the SAVords and medals. When the sAVords were finished, I drcAv on the Van den Yvers, Avith Avhom the raoney was deposited, for 6,500 livres to pay for the SAVords. They paid it. A medal is noAv finished, and others AAiU very soon be ; -but these gentle men say they must have fresh orders. In the mean tirae, the Avorkraen complain. WUl you be so good as to draAV in favor of AL. Grand on Wiffink & Co. for the balance of the thousand gffineas (which is about the sum that wiU be necessary), and send the bffi to AL. Grand, Avho, in my absence, will negotiate it, and pay the workmen ? I inclose you Van den Yver's answer. The meeting of the notables on Thursday, and the necessity of paying ray court to our new minister, will detain me tUl Friday, and perhaps tiU Tuesday next. Nothing is knoAvn yet of the objects of this assembly. I inclose you two hcav pamphlets relative to it, and will inform you of whatever I can discover relative to it during ray stay. 1 The first volume of the Defence of the American Constitutions, then just published. 432 OFFICIAL. I learn, Avith real pain, the resolution you have taken of qffit- ting Europe. Yom- presence on this side of the Atlantic gave me a confidence that, if any difficulties should arise Avithin my department, I should ahvays have one to advise Avith, on Avhose counsels I cordd rely. I shaU hoav feel bcAvidoAved. I do not Avonder at your being tired out by the conduct of the Court you are at. But is there not room to do a great deal of good for us in HoUand, in the department of money ? No one can do it so Avell as yom-self But you have taken your resolution, I am sure, on mature consideration ; and I have nothing to offer, therefore, but my regrets. If any thing transpires from the notables, before my departure, Avorth communication, you shall yet hear from me. In the mean time, believe me, &c. Thomas Jefferson. T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 23 February, 1787. Dear Sir, — The notables met yesterday. The King opened the assembly with a short speech, wherein he expressed his inclination to consult with them on the affairs of his kingdom. to receive thek opinions on the plans he had digested, and to endeavor to imitate the head of his famUy, Henry IV., AA'hose narae is so dear to the nation. The speech was affectionate. The garde des sceaux spoke about tAventy minutes, compli mented the clergy, the noblesse, the magisti-ates, and tiers etat. The comptroller-general spoke about an hour. He enumerated the expenses necessary to arrange his department Avlieii he came to it; he said, his returns had been rainutely laid before the King ; he took a revicAV of the preceffing adrainisti-ations, and more particularly of AI. Neckar's. He detailed the improve ments AA'hich had been raade ; he porti-ayed the present state of the finances, and sketched the several schemes proposed for their improvement He spoke on a change in the forra of the taxes, the removal of the interior custom-houses to the frontiers, pro vincial administrations, and sorae other objects. The assembly Avas then divided into committees. To-day there AA'as to be another grand assembly, the plans more fully explained, and refened to the discussion of the coramittees. The grand assembly will meet once a Aveek, and vote individually. The OFFICIAL. 433 propriety of my attending the first audience day of Count Montraorin, Avhich avUI not be till the 27th, retards ray depar ture tUl then. I have read your book Avith infinite satisfaction and iniprove- ment. It avUI do great good in Araerica ; its learning and its good sense Avill, I hope, make it an institute for our politicians,/ old as Avell as young. There is one opinion in it, hoAvever,! Avhich I AA'UI ask you to reconsider, because it appears to me, not entkely accurate, and not likely to do good. Page 362.^ " Congress is not a legislative, but a diplomatic assembly." Separating into parts the Avhole sovereignty of our States, some of these parts are yielded to congress. Upon these I should think thera both legislative and executive, and that they Avould have been jufficiary also, had not the confederation required them, for certain purposes, to appoint a judiciary. It has, accorffingly, been the decision of our com-ts, that the confedera tion is a part of the laAV of the land, and superior in authority to the ordmary laAVS, because it cannot be altered by the legis- latra-e of any one State. I doubt whether they are at aU a ffiplomatic asserably. On the ffi-st ucavs of this work, there were proposals to tianslate it. Fearing it might be murdered in that operation, I endeavored to secm-e a good ti-anslator. This is done, and I lend him ray copy to ti-anslate frora. It wffi be immediately commenced, to prevent others attempting it. I am, Avith sincere esteem and respect, &c. Thomas Jefferson. TO T. JEFFERSON. London, 1 March, 1787. Dear Sir, — I am much obUged to you for your favors of February 20th and 23rd, by AL. Carnes, and the curious pam phlets. Opening a dkect communication between Paris and Ame rica wffi facffitate the ti-ade of the two countries very much, and the new ti-eaty betAveen France and England avUI proraote it still more. John Bull does not see it, and if he does not see a thing at first, you know it is a rule Avith him ever afterwards to 1 Of the first edition. The passage will be found in Vol. iv. p. 579 of this work, with Mr. Jefferson's comment in a note. VOL. Vin. 37 b2 434 OFFICIAL. SAvear that it does not exist, even when he does both see it and feel it. I have this moment written to Messrs. WUUnk and Van Staphorst to remit to you, or AL. Grand, in your absence, Avhat remains to be received to make up the thousand guineas for the SAVords and medals, you having before ffi-awn for 6,500 livres tournois as part of them. My resolution of quitting Europe has been taken upon mature deliberation ; but reaUy upon motives of necessity, as much, at least, as choice. Congress cannot, consistently with their OAvn honor and dignity, rencAV my commission to this Court ; and I assure you, I should hold it so inconsistent with my own honor and dignity, Uttle as that raay be, that, if it were possible for congress to forget theirs, I Avould not forget mine, but send their commission back to them, unless a minister were sent frora his Britannic Majesty to congress. As to a residence in Holland, that climate is so destructive to my health, that I could never bear it ; and I am sure it would be fatal to her, on whom depends all the satisfaction that I have in Ufe. No con sideration Avould tempt me to think of removing to that country with my family. ,^For a man who has been for thkty years rolling like a stone, never three years in the sarae place, it is no very pleasant speculation to cross the seas, with a faraily, in a state of uncertainty Avhat is to be his fate, what reception he shaU meet at home, whether he shall settle doAvn in private life to his plough, or push into the turbulent scenes of sedition and tumult ; whether he be sent to congress, or a convention, or God knoAvs what. If it lay in ray poAver, I would take- a. vow to retire to ray little turnip-yard, and never again quit it/y 1 feel very often a violent ffisposition to take sorae resolution, and swear to it ; but upon the Avhole, it is best to preserve my liberty to do as I please, according to circumstahces. The approbation you express in general of my poor volume, is a vast consolation to me. It is a hazardous enterprise, and will be an unpopular Avork in America for a long time. When I am dead, it may be regretted that such advice was not taken in the season of it. But as I have made it, early in life and all along, a rule to conceal nothing from the people Avhich appeared to me material for thek happiness and prosperity, however unpopular it might be at the time, or with particular OFFICIAL. 435 parties, I am determined not uoav to begin to flatter popular prejudices and party passions, hoAvever they may be coun tenanced by great authorities. The opinion you object to, page 362, that " congress is not a legislative, but a diplomatic assembly," I should wish to have considered as a problem rather for consideration, than as an opinion ; and as a pro blem, too, relative to the confederation as it hoav stands, rather than to any other plan that may be in contemplation of the states. It is a most difficult topic, and no man at a dis tance can judge of it so well as those in Araerica. If the book should be tianslated into French, I Avish you to insert this in a note. You have laid rae under great obUgation, by taking the trouble to secure a good translator ; if the thing is AVorth trans lating at all, it wUl not surely bear to lose any thing by the tianslation. But wffi not the governraent prohibit it? If I should get well home, and spend a fcAv years in retirement, I shall pursue this subject somewhat further ; but I hope never to be left again to pubUsh so hasty a production as this. A work upon the subject you mention, nobility in general, which I once hinted to you a wish to see handled at large, would be too extensive and splendid for my means and forces. It woffid reqffire many books which I have not, and a more critical knoAvledge, both of ancient and modern languages, than at my age a man can aspire to. There are but two ckcum stances which will be regretted by me when I leave Europe ; one is, the opportunity of searching any questions of this kind in any books that may be wanted ; and the other Avill be, the intenuption of that immediate correspondence Avitli you, which is one of the most agreeable events in ray Ufe. There are four or five persons here, with whom I hold a friendly intercourse, and shall leave with some degree of pain; but I am not at home in this countiy. With every affectionate and friendly sentiment, I am, John Adams. TO WILLIAM S. smith. London, 11 April, 1787. Dear Sir, — Congress, by their resolutions of February the 3d, 1787, determined that the letter to the Queen of Portugal 436 OFFICIAL, herewith delivered you, should be transmitted to her Faithful Majesty by your hands. You AviU, therefore, prepare yourself as soon as conveniently may be, and proceed to Lisbon. In yom- way, as you pass through France and Spain, you wffi of course pay your respects to the ministers of the United States resiffing at those Courts, and to the ministers of foreign affaks of those sovereigns, and endeavor to coUect intelUgence of any kind, coraraercial or political, in Avhich the United States may be interested. When you shall anive at Lisbon, you Avill make your court to the minister of foreign affaks, and communicate to him the object of your mission, and take his advice concern ing the delivery of the letter to her Most Faithfffi Majesty. If it shoffid not be judged advisable to deske an audience, the minister himself avUI deliver the letter to his misti-ess. In Avhatever country, or at whatever Court, you Will remem ber to make your com-t to the ambassadors of alLthose sove reigns AA'ith Avliom the United States are in affiance,' France, Holland, SAveden, Prussia/ To aU ministers, consuls, agents of these poAvers, you Avill pay a particular regard, while you show a respectful politeness to all others. In aU places, you aa'UI endeavor to coUect information con cerning the Barbary poAvers, and the situation of our unfortu nate countiymen in captivity at Algiers, especiaUy from AL. Carmichael and Air. Barclay in Spain, if you should chance to meet the latter. At Lisbon, you Avill inform yourself particularly of the state of the war betAveen Portugal and those piratical states ; that of Venice Avith the same and Naples, and whether there is a pros pect of peace ; the force of the Algerines ; the probability of their coming out of the sti-aits this suramer ; the force of the Portuguese that is to cruise against thera. You Avill also inform yourself particularly of the state of the commerce between the United States and Portugal, and by Avhat means it might be extended, improved, and increased, to the mutual advantage of both nations. You Avill make particu lar inqukies concerning sugars, the prices and quaUties of Brazil sugars, raw or manufactured, to satisfy yourself Avhether our countrymen might not purchase those sugars to advantage, even for manufactm-e and exportation ; an experiment has been made in France of a purchase of raAv sugars for Boston, and it OFFICIAL. 437 is suspected might be made to greater advantage in Lisbon, for Philadelphia and Ncav York, -.is avcU as Boston. You AvUl please to inquire Avhether the treaty, Avhich Avas signed last May, betAveen the American ministers and the Chevalier de Pinto, has been agreed to by his Court ; and if not, what are the objections, and Avhether there is a prospect of a renewal of the negotiation. You will inquke particularly whether rice and indigo may be expected to obtain admission to Portugal from CaroUna and Georgia, as they did before the late war ; Avhether flour has any chance to be admitted ; and what is the state of the trade of salt fish. As the whole of the negotiations with Portugal, as AveU as Avith the Barbary poAvers, for the last tAvo years, have passed under your eye, and indeed through your hands, you are already acquainted Avith every particular, Avliich renders any further insti-uctions in detail unnecessary. The languages of Europe are now become of much import ance to us, and every gentleman employed under the United States, in the diplomatic department, ought to take all reasona ble methods to acquaint himself with them. You Avill have, in this journey, a great opportunity of perfecting yourself in French, and of improving yourself in Spanish and the Portu guese, which is but a dialect of the Spanish, and in the ItaUan. In the article of expenses, you will observe as much economy as possible, consistent with the comfort of your journey, the decency of your character, and the honor of your country.'' You will transmit your account to congress, or the Board of Treasm-y, or AL. Barclay ; and you will neglect no opportunity of writing to the secretary of foreign affaks. I know very well that the situation of your family, as AveU as your attention to the public service, Avill be motives sufficient to induce you to lose no time unnecessarUy, and to return with as much expedi tion as the execution of the design of your journey wffi admit. The interest, the honor, and dignity of the United States wiU never be out of your thoughts ; nor will any opportunity to pro mote either be neglected. I wish you as pleasant a journey as the season promises, and a happy return to your friends and your services at this Court. With great regard, &c. John Adams. 37* 438 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY JAY. London, 19 April, 1787. Dear Sir, — I do myself the honor to inclose the new act ot parliament for regulating the trade between the territories of the United States of America and the dominions of the King of Great Britain, by Avhich congress wiU see that the sarae sys tera continues, and is fortified with fresh provisions. Provi- '~sions and lumber, the groAvth or production of the United States, are noAV prohibited from any foreign island. The West India planters and merchants complain to no purpose. The Canada merchants give out that there is some negotia tion on foot betAveen Lord Dorchester and Vermont, the object of which is to give vent to the productions of that tenitory through Canada and the river St. LaAvrence, that the West Indies raay derive some assistance from that source. Inclosed is another very curious bill that was moved in the House of Lords by one chancellor and seconded by another, Thurlow and Bathurst; but the Lords had honor enough to reject it. The project is said to have originated in General Arnold. The whole ti-ansaction shows the spkit of the present ministiy. The chance of passing such a bUl would have been greater in the House of Coraraons, where the rainisters have a clearer majority. Some persons are of opinion that the present set cannot hold the reins much longer ; but if they are not mistaken, there is little chance of a change for the better. What effect the changes in France may have, cannot be foreseen ; but they cannot but be favorable to America. With great regard, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, London, 8 May, 1787. Dear Sir, — I ara honored with your letter of April 2d, and am happy to receive the resolutions of congress inclosed in it, especiaUy those of the 21st of March, 1787. The convention at Philadelphia is to consist of members of OFFICIAL. 439 such abUity, Aveight, and experience, that the resffit must be beneficial to the United States. The settlement of so many great controversies, such as / those betAveen the Massachusetts and Ncav York, Pennsylvania and Connecticut, New York and Vermont, &c,, shoAVS that the union has great weight in the minds of the people. It is, indeed, an object of such magnitude, that great sacrifices ought to be made to its preservation. The consequences of a division of the continent cannot be foreseen fuUy, perhaps, by any man ; but the most short-sighted must perceive such manifest danger, both from foreign poAvers and from one another, as cannot be looked upon Avithout terror. The navigation of the ALssissippi in the south, and the fisheries in the north, have ever appeared to me objects Avithout Avhich the union cannot be preserved; and therefore, Avhether the free use of thera be obstiucted for a time or not, it has ever appeared a dangerous poUcy to cede the J right even for a moment. Inclosed is a letter from om- unfortunate countrymen in cap tivity at Algiers, Avhich raust be sent in the original, as there is not time to tianscribe it. I hope, sk, ere long to receive your orders, in consequence of the resolutions of congress, preparatory to my return horae in the next spring. The conduct of this Court, in so iraprudently, as weU as uncivUly, neglecting to send a rainister to America, renders it impossible for congress, consistently with their own dignity, to rencAV my commission. When the American minis ter shaU leave this country, they Avill begin to think it necessary to send one of thek own to New Y^ork. They may, for what I know, Avisli in this way to get rid of one Avhom they have not been able to moffid to thek views, in hopes, of obtainmg another of a more ductile temper. Let them tiy the experiment; I dare say they AviU be ffisappointed ; for, if congress appoints another, he avUI not be found more to thek taste. This countiy is in a shocMng situation ; its royal famUy, its administiation, and its opposition, are all such as wffi never seduce an Ame rican from his duty. He wUl only be shocked at the sight, and confirmed in Ms natural prmciples and feelmgs. With great respect, &c. John Adams. 440 OFFICIAL. MESSRS. AVILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 18 May, 1787. Agreeably to Avhat we had the honor to acquaint your ExceUency the 15th instant, Ave have exerted ourselves to pro cure raoney for payraent of the interest due the 1st proxirao by the United States. A raatter very ffifficult to be accomplished, as Ave had against us the late neAVS from America, no imme ffiate flattering prospects, and an excessive scarcity of money here at present. We have, hoAvever, been successftd enough to persuade the undertakers to subscribe to a new loan for one million of florins, upon the following conditions. One thousand bonds for one thousand gmlders each, to be issued on the same conditions as the preceding loan of five per centum, the interest commencing the first of June. Of Avhich thousand bonds, tAvo hundred and forty to be imraediately negotiated to the subscribers; the one half of their amount to be paid upon the delivery of the bonds. The undertakers reserving to themselves the faculty of taking one month's credit for payment ofthe remaining half. The surplus seven hunffi-ed and sixty bonds are to remain in our custody, subject to be deUvered to the undertakers, each one in proportion to his subscription, at the same rate of those actuaUy negotiated ; at the expkation of which period, those on hand aa'UI be at the free disposal of congress. Congress shall not be at liberty to make any further money negotiations in this country until the surplus seven hundred and sixty bonds shaU be placed, or before the end of the eighteen raonths they are to lie at the choice of the undertakers to pur chase thera. Such are the best conditions Ave have been able to obtain ; and although the raoney will cost the United States eight per cent., including preraiura, our coramission, brokerage, and charges, avc deem ourselves fortunate to have been thus able to face the June interest; an object your Excellency justly views of the highest importance to the credit and interest of the United States. By this anangement, we shall be obliged to advance part of OFFICIAL. 441 the interest, untU the undertakers shaU have completed pay ment for the engaged bonds ; upon Avhich advances we do not doubt the United States wUl most reaffily admit our charge of interest. We endeavored all in our power that the raoney should be received by us in recepisses, and thus leave you the time to visit this country at your conveniency, to pass the bonds. But the undertakers have insisted, as an absolute condition, that they should be Uable to pay only on receipt of the bonds signed and perfected by you ; so that there is an inffispensable neces sity for your ExceUency's setting out for this countiy, with the full power you have from congress, by the packet which Avill leave Harwich next Wednesday, or at latest on Saturday, the 26th instant, when we wiU have everything ready, that your ExceUency raay be able to return by the next or foUowing packet. We request your ExceUency to be assured nothing in our power Avas left untiied to spare you this jaunt so suddeffiy ; but since the payment of the June interest entkely depends upon this exertion of your ExceUency, aa'c are confident it AviU be undertaken Avith alacrity; and, upon this conviction, we have assumed to advertise the payment of the interest on the first of June, which is in all our newspapers of this day. We are respectfuUy, &c. WiLHEM AND Jan Willink, Nic. AND Jacob Van Staphorst. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, London, 16 June, 1787. Sir, — Inclosed is a copy of the tianslation, from the Dutch into the English, of the contract entered into by me, in behalf of the United States, by virtue of their full power, for a miUion of guilders. TMs raeasure became absolutely necessary to pre vent the total ruin of thek credit, and the greatest injustice to their former creditors, who are possessed of their obUgations : for the faUure in payraent of the interest, but for one day, would, in HoUand, cause those obUgations to depreciate in thek value like paper money. 442 OFFICIAL. It is of great iraportance that this contract should receive a prorapt ratification in congress, and be retransmitted to Araster dara as soon as possible. Whether this loan may not enable congress, or thek Board of Treasury, to raise the credit of thek OAvn paper at home, in some degree, is for them to consider ; and Avhether the Board of Treasury may not purchase produce to advantage, and contract to have it deUvered free of aU risk and charges at Amsterdam, and pay for it in bffis of exchange, I know not. If they do this, I shoffid advise them to send one cargo to the house of WUUnks, and another to the house of Van Staphorst, instead of consigning the whole jointly to both houses. This would not only excite an emulation betAveen the tAVO houses to make the raost advantage for the interest of the United States, but AVoffid prevent delays and other inconve niences, Avliich must arise from two houses meeting to consffit and ffispose of a vessel and cargo. As the brokers or money-lenders were pleased to insist upon my signature to all the obligations, I Avas obUged to make a tour to Arasterdara for that purpose, and happened to enter the city the day after the ffi-st riots, which continued tAvo nights whUe I was there. The proceedings of the Prince of Orange have at last brought on a crisis ; and the English are holding out an appearance as if they thought it possible they might be obUged to take a part in it. If no foreign power interferes, the patiiotic party is so much stionger than the other, that I think the prince must give way in the principal points in conti-oversy. If any one foreign power interferes, many others must follow the example. This being weU knoAvn, and France and Eng land weary of war for the present, I hope the Dutch will be left alone to settle thek own ffisputes. With great respect, &c. John Adams. THOMAS PINCKNEY TO JOHN ADAMS. Charleston, 10 July, 1787. Sir, — I embrace the earUest opportunity of acknoAvledging your ExceUency's favors of the 21st of AprU by AL. ALUer, and of the 22d of the same month by AL-. Heyward, which were yesterday handed to me. The intelligence they contain of OFFICIAL, 443 attempts to counterfeit our paper currency in Great Britain, will, I hope, by putting us on our guard, enable us to repel the threatened mischief — - At the same time that I express the high sense with which 1 am impressed of your ExceUency's attention to the Avelfare of this State, give me leave to entreat a continuance of that vigi lance and exertion hitherto manifested in this business ; and. as it may be essential to the success of our endeavors to oppose the evU in its first stage, that sorae expense should be incmred in employing proper persons to detect and counteract the intended fraud, in procuring intelligence, and in rewarffing those whose services may merit it, I avUI readily answer your ExceUency's drafts for disbursements on this account, to the amount of £300 sterling. The recess of our legislature con- stiains me to be thus liraited in a business wherein I think expense shoffid not be spared. We are looldng forward with anxious expectation to the result of the deliberations of the federal convention now sitting at PhUadelphia. Your ExceUency's Defence of the Constitu tions anived in time to be of utffity. I have the honor to be, &c. Thomas Pinckney. P. S. If any counterfeit bffis shoffid corae into your Excel lency's possession, it wiU be of essential service to have them immediately tiansmitted. T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 17 July, 1787. Dear Sir, — I have been dffiy honored with yours of the 10th instant, and am happy to hear of the success of your journey to Arasterdara. There can be no doubt of its ratificaj^ tion by congress. Would to heaven they woffid authorize you to take measures for transferring the debt of this countiy to \ Holland before you leave Europe ; most especiaUy is it neces sary to get rid of the debt to the officers. Thek connections at ' court are such as to excite very unfavorable feelings there / 444 OFFICIAL. I against us, and some very hard things have been said (particu- 1 larly in the assemblee des notables) on the prospects relative to 1 our debts. The payraent of the interest to the officers Avould \^ have kept thera quiet; but there are tAvo years uoav due to them. I dare not ffi-aAV for it without instructions ; because, in the instances in which I have hitherto ventured to act unin structed, I have never been able to know whether they have been approved in the private sentiments of the members of congi-ess, rauch less by any vote. I have pressed on them the expediency of transferring the French debt to Holland, in order to remove every thing Avhich raight excite irritations betAveen us and this nation. I Avish it raay be done before this ministry raay receive ill impressions of us ; they are at present very aa'cU disposed. I send you, by Mr. Appleton, some pamphlets ; and have the honor to be, &c. Thomas Jefferson. THE TREASURY BOARD TO JOHN ADAMS. Board of Treasury, 25 July, 1787. Sir, — We are favored with your letter of the Sth of May last, ti-ansmitting protests for non-acceptance of the two bills of exchange for 75,000 florins draAvn by Constable, Rucker & Co. of New York, by thek partner, Mr. John Rucker of London. From the soUdity of the house by whom the bill was ffiavi^n (being in partnership with Mr. Robert Morris of PhUadelphia), AA'C had not the most distant apprehension of any disappoint ment on this remittance ; you may, therefore, judge of our sur prise and mortification when, previous to the receipt of your letter, avc heard of Mr. Rucker's arrival in this city. It gives us pleasure to inform you that this gentleman is returned, by dkection of Mr. Morris, to take up the bills draAvn on him ; and that we have the fullest assm-ance from the house, that effectual measures avUI be adopted for paying the biUs remitted to you when they become due. We are glad you changed your first intentions of ti-ansmitting the original bills ; you will be pleased to have thera presented for payment Avhen at maturity. Your communications to congress on the subject of the loan you have effected, in consequence of this and other circum- OFFICIAL, 445 stances, for one miUion of florins, having been referred to this Board, Ave have agreed on a report, approving of the same, and recommending an immediate ratification ; as soon as the deterraination of congi-ess is raade known to us, you shall be acquainted with the resffit. We have the honor to be, &c. Saaiuel Osgood, Arthur Lee. JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, 25 July, 1787. My Dear Sir, — It gives me pain to have occasion so often to repeat that the inegular attendance of the members of coU' gress has, for a long time past, prevented thek paying a sea^ sonable attention to their foreign affairs ; for there have been / very fcAv, and those very short intervals, in Avhich nine States / were represented in congress this year. -^ Hence, and from some other affaks deemed more pressing, it has happened that you have been so long kept in suspense on the subject of your public letter of the 24th, and your private one of the 25th, January last. I have regretted that suspense the raore, as it raight have created in your raind some doubts of my attention. I Avished to Avrite to you that the business was done, rather than that I woffid endeavor to get it done. The probabiUty of this, Avhich, frora tirae to time, flattered and ffisappointed me, led rae on to omit one opportunity after another, in expectation of being able to Avrite satisfactorily by the next. There are now nine States in congi-ess, and I am assured that the necessary acts and instructions shall be despatched in season to accompany this letter by the packet. Your experience in affaks, your knowledge of characters, and your intimate acquaintance Avith the concerns and interests of this country, together with other circurastances and considera tions, induce rae to wish that all questions between us and the Court of London, as well as other affairs in Europe, could be arranged and adjusted before you leave it The raanner, how ever, in which you raention yom- intention to return, is decisive ; and as the prospect of your doing much good here is fak and VOL. VIII. 38 446 OFFICIAL. promising, perhaps it may upon the whole be best that you should be with us, especiaUy considering the actual situation of om- affaks. You haA'e, ray good friend, deserved weU of your countiy; and yom- services and character wiU be truly esti mated, at least by posterity, for they wiU know more of you than the people of this day. I have coUected your pubUc letters and despatches, and a good clerk has akeady recorded a large volume of them. It is common, you knoAV, in the course of time, for loose and detached papers to be lost, or mislaid, or misplaced. It is to papers in this office that future historians must recur for accu rate accounts of many interesting affaks respecting the late revolution; it is best, therefore, that they should be recorded regularly in books ; and, although it will take much time and labor, which sorae may think unnecessary, I shall nevertheless persevere in the work. Your book circulates and does good. It conveys much infor mation on a subject with which we cannot be too intimately acquainted, especiaUy at this period, when the defects of our national government are under consideration, and when the strongest arguments are necessary to remove prejudices and to conect errors, which, in raany instances, design unites with ignorance to create, ffiffuse, and confirra. If, after all that we have seen and done and experienced in public life, we should yet live to see our countiy contenteffiy enjoying the SAveets of peace, Uberty, and safety, under the protection of wise laws and a AveU-constructed steady government, we shall have reason to rejoice that we have devoted so many years to her service. Be assured of my constant esteem ; and believe me, &c. John Jay. TO T. JEFFERSON. London, 25 August, 1787. Dear Sir, — On my return from an excursion to Devonshke Avith my faraily, where we have been to fly from the putrefac tion of a great city in the suramer heats, I had the pleasure to find your favors of the 17th and 23d July. OFFICIAL. 447 A miffion of guilders are borroAved on a new loan in Hol land; and I Avent over lately to subscribe the obligations, a punctilio Avhich the brokers Avere pleased to think indispensable, to gratify the fancies of the money-lenders. But, as I had no fresh authority from congress, nor any particular hcav instruc tions, I have been and ara stUl under serious apprehensions of its meeting with obstacles in the way of its ratification. If it is ratified, congress may, if they please, pay the interest, and principal too, out of it, to the French officers. I presume that if M. Grand should refuse your usual drafts for your salary, Messrs. WUUnk and Van Staphorst wffi honor them to the amount of yours and Mr. Short's salaries without any other interposition than yom- letter; but if they should make any ffifficffity, and if it should be in my power to reraove it, you may weU suppose I shall not be wanting. To be explicit, I will either advise or order the money to be paid upon your draft, as raay be necessary, so that I pray you to raake your mind perfectly easy on that score. AL. Barclay, I agree Avith you, took the wisest course when he embarked for Araerica, though it AviU lay me under difficul ties in settling ray affaks finaUy with congress. -^ The French debt, and aU the domestic debt of the United | States, might be transfened to Holland, if it were judged neces- ' sary or profitable, and the congress or convention Avould take , tAVO or three preparatory steps. All the perplexities, confusions, ; and ffistiesses in Araerica arise, not frora defects in their consti tution or confederation, not from a Avant of honor or virtue, so much as from downright ignorance of the nature of coin, credit, and circulation. While an annual interest of twenty, thirty, and even fifty per cent, can be made, and a hope of aug menting capitals in a proportion of five hundred per cent, is opened by speculations in the stocks, commerce will not thrive. Such a state of things would annihilate the commerce, and overturn the government, too, in any nation in Europe. -^^ I AvUl endeavor to send you a copy, with this letter, of the second volume of the " Defence." If Frouffie, the bookseller, has a mind to translate it, he may ; but it may not strike others as it does Americans. Three editions of the first volume have been printed in America. The second volume contains three long courses of experiments in poUtical phUosophy. Every trial 448 . OFFICIAL. Avas intended and conteived to determine the question whether Ml-. Tm-gots system would do. The result you may read. It has cost rae a good deal of trouble and expense to search into ItaUan rffins and rubbish, but enough of pure gold and marble has been found to reward the pains. I shaU be suspected of Avritmg romances to expose Mr. Turgot's system ; but I assure you it is aff genffine history. The vast subject of confedera tions remains; but I have neither head, hands, heart, eyes, books, nor tirae to engage in it ; besides, it ought not to be so hasty a performance as the two volumes already ventured before the public. With perfect esteem, your sincere friend, John Adams. THE CHEVALIER DE PINTO TO JOHN ADAMS. London, 7 September, 1787. ( Translation.) Sir, — I have received orders from my Court to inform you that, notAvithstanding no ansAver has hitherto been made to the project of a coraraercial tieaty, which we conferred about in London, nevertheless, sk, the incUnations of her raost Faithful Majesty are not less ardent, nor less disposed to conclude this same treaty Avith the United States of America on sffitable terms and conditions. And I am, moreover, directed to add, sir, that my Court wUl not delay to give you the most convinc ing and immediate proofs thereof. I am desired, at the same tirae, to observe to you, that it Avould be very useful and suitable to appoint ministers as soon as possible on the part of the two poAA'crs; and my Court expressly orders me to endeaA'or to anange this important point with you, sk, and to agree definitively on the character these ministers are to bear in thek missions. It is essential to inform, on this head, that it will be necessary to fix (at least) on the title of resident minister, on account of reception at the Court of Lisbon, Avhich is never granted either to simple agents or to consuls-general ; and as soon as this point shaU be fixed, I have orders to assure you, sk, that the Court of Lisbon wiU lose no OFFICIAL. 449 time to appoint, and send to America, the person that shaU be chosen to reside Avith the congress of the United States, I have the honor of being, &c. Le Chevalier De Pinto. TO the chevalier de pinto. Grosvenor Square, 10 September, 1787. Sir, — I have received the letter Avhich you did me the honor to Avrite me on the 7th of tMs month, and have observed, AAith great satisfaction, the assurances of her Alost Faithfffi Majesty's desire to conclude with the United States of America a tieaty of commerce upon convenient conffitions. I am very well convinced, sk, of the utffity and conveffience AvMch Avoffid be found in the nomination of miffisters between the tAVO powers ; and if it depended upon me, I flatter rayself there would be no difficulty in concerting with your ExceUency both that important point, and the character those ministers should bear in thek missions. But as I have neither instiuc tions nor authority from my sovereign to justify me in entering into such negotiations, I can only tiansmit to congress copies of your Excellency's letter and of my answer. This I shaU have the honor to do, the first opportunity. The earnest deske of the citizens of the United States of America to show their respect for her Most Faithful Majesty, to Uve in perfect friend sMp Avith all her Majesty's doraimons, AvUl undoubteffiy induce congress to transmit, as soon as possible, thek answer to her Majesty's frienffiy proposition. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. the marquis de LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 18 September, 1787. My Dear Friend, — 1 am very sorry to find that you leave Europe, before I have the pleasure to take you by the hand. Let me, at least, enjoy the satisfaction to wish you and your faraUy a most happy voyage, and to anticipate your feeUngs on your touching the blessed shores of liberty, and entering our 38' C2 450 OFFICIAL. good toAvn of Boston. Be so kind as to remember me very affectionately to aU friends. I am sorry I have not yet the printed journals of the assembly of Auvergne, Avhich woffid at once satisfy you on the objects of your inqukies ; but they shaU be sent to Boston by the next opportunity. I once more give you joy on your prospect to see, before long, a countiy, to the liberty and prosperity of Avhich you have so much contributed, and Avhich, in Avelcoraing you, will at once acknoAvledge place, fortune, and futm-e obUgations. With most sincere affection and regard. Yours, Lafayette. TO secretary jay. London, 22 September, 1787. Dear Sir, — There was, yesterday, in the river, an impress of seamen, and several American vessels had their men taken from them. An application was made to me, this raorning, by a master of a ship frora Ncav York, and I instantly AVi-ote the inclosed letter to Lord Carmarthen, and Avent in person to Whitehall to deliver it. His Lordship read the letter and the representation to me from the captain, and, after some conver sation on the subject, assured me that he Avould take measures to have the raen restored, and precautions against such mis takes in future. This opportunity Avas a favorable one for some coraraunication of sentiraents upon the present posture of afi'aks, and his Lordship Avas invited to talk upon the subject by several questions Avhich Avere proposed to hira. His Lord ship's ansAvers Avere civil enough. " He hoped there Avould not be Avar ; he should be very sorry for a AA'ar," iStc. &c. But nothing Avas to be learned frora hira, if he kncAV any thing. One fact, indeed, his Lordship assured me of, namely, — that Avar is, in tiuth, declared by the Porte against Russia ; that the Count De Montraorin had sent hira an extract of a despatch of Monsieur de Choiseul, the French arabassador at Constan tinople, containing an account of it ; and that the French rainisti-y had done him the justice to believe that the English ambassador and ministiy had done nothing to excite this decla ration. His Lordship's last despatches from Constantinople OFFICIAL. 451 assm-ed him of every appeai-ance of peace ; so that the declara tion must have been some sudden emotion of the Mufti or Janissaries, &c. It is easy to beUeve that the English did not excite the Turks to declare, for that step excuses France from any obligatioil to aid the Porte. The present conjunctm-e appears the most critical and import ant in Europe, of any that has ever happened in om- times. Alan- kind seem impatient under the yoke of servitude that has been imposed upon them, and ffisposed to compel thek governors to raake the bm-den Ughter. But the Avars that hoav threaten have no tendency that way, or but a remote one ; and what depend ence can be placed upon the common people in any part of Europe ? Upon my return home, another American master of a vessel, from Alexanffi-ia, in Vkginia, came with Ms complamt that the press-gang had taken aU Ms men. I wffi demand every man, as fast as I shaU be informed of his bemg pressed; but I am much afraid of pretences, excuses, &c. &c. I expect to hear that one saUor is Lish, another Scotch, and a thkd EngUsh. AU in my poAver, however, shall be done, and you shaU be informed of the resffit. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO JOHN JAY. {Private.) London, 22 September, 1787. Dear Sir, — Your private letter of the 25th of July is very friendly and obUging, as usual. Give yourself no concern about my apprehensions of your want of attention. I know too weU your constant and assiduous appUcation to the duties of your public offices, as weU as to the just concerns of your private friends, ever to suspect your faffing in either. I shudder when I think of your next volume of my des patches. I shaU appear before posterity in a very negUgent dress and ffisordered ak. In tiuth, I Avrite too much to wrrite weU, and have never time to conect any thing. Your plan, however, of recorffing aU the despatches of the foreign minis ters, is indispensable. Future negotiations wUl often make it 452 OFFICIAL. necessary to look back to the past, besides the iraportance of public history. The tiue idea of the negotiation with HoUand, particulariy, Avill never be formed without attending to three sorts of measures ; those taken Avith the Stadtholder and his party, those taken Avith the aristocratical people in the regen cies, and those taken Avith the popffiar party. If any one of these had been omitted, that unanimity could never have been effected, without which the United States could not have been acknowledged, nor their minister admitted. By obtaining from congress a letter of credence to the Prince of Orange, a raeasure that the patiiots did not Uke, his party Avere softened; and by the inclosed letters to Mr. Calkoen, tAVO very important burgomasters of Amsterdam, his intimate friends, and raany others of the aristocratics, were kept steady. I had not time to transmit copies of those letters to congress in the season of them, but they ought to be put upon the files or records of congi-ess. I do myself the honor to tiansrait you a copy for yourself, and another for congress. Whether it Avould be in my power to do most service in Europe or at home, or any at aU in either situation, I know not. My determination to go home was founded in a fixed opinion that neither the honor of congress nor my own, nor the interest of either, could be promoted by the residence of a minister here, without a British minister at congress ; and in that opinion I am stUl clear. If ray poor book does any good, I ara happy. Another volume Avill reach you before this letter. In the calm retreat of Penn's hill, I raay have leisure to Avrite another ; but if I should venture to throw together any thoughts or materials on the great subject of our confederation, I shall not dare to do it in such haste as the second volume, akeady printed, has been done in. The convention of Philadelphia is coraposed of heroes, sages, and deraigods, to be sure, who want no assistance frora rae in forming the best possible plan ; but they may have occasion for underlaborers, to raake it accepted by the people, or, at least, to make them unanimous in it and contented with it One of these underworkmen, in a cool retreat, it shall be my ambition to become. With invariable esteem and affection, I am, sir, John Adams. OFFICIAL. 453 TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. Grosvenor Square, 22 September, 1787. AIy Lord, — I do myself the honor to inclose to your Lord ship a letter this moment received from the master of a vessel belonging to the United States of America. His narae is John Douglass, coramander of the ship Four Friends, American buUt, and the property of Anffi-ew Van Tuyl, merchant, of New York. He informs me that, as two of his people were going on shore for provisions for the day, they were seized by the pressgang and forced on board his Majesty's brig Dispatch, then lying at Execution dock; that the gang then came on board his vessel and attempted to open his hatches, when his chief mate opposed them, and informed the officers that they were American citizens ; that, although the officers of the press- gang then AA'ciit aAvay, there is reason to beUeve that another disagreeable visit will be made before raorning, which will dis tiess Mm exceedingly, as his ship is completed for sea and bound for New York. The names of the two men pressed are Joseph Cowley, a native of the city of New York; the other is a negro man, caUed Primus, the property of Mr. Andrew Van Tuyl, merchant, of New York, but a native of the city. It is my duty, my Lord, to make this representation to his Majesty's ministers, and to request that orders may be given for the restoration of these men to the master of their vessel, and further propose to your Lordship's consideration whether it be not expedient that some general order should be given, upon this occasion, to the officers of Ms Majesty's navy, to give a particffiar attention to American vessels and seamen, lest per plexities and inconveniences of this kind should be multipUed. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. London, 23 September, 1787. Dear Sir, — The accounts from Holland and France are very discouraging ; so much so, that it would be imprudent to 454 OFFICIAL, enter into a detaU of evils that are inevitable. The repuMic of HoUand is in the utmost danger of being extinct ; and, if the old forms are hereafter preserved, the prince wUl be so much master in reaUty, that the fiiends of liberty must be very unhappy, and live in continual disgrace and danger. The EngUsh are arming, Avith aU the affectation of spkit and firm ness, and France neither moves nor negotiates with the least appearance of fortitude or understanding. To do the forraer jus tice, they have had the prudence to send, both to VersaUles and the Hague, men ot sense and business. England will rise in consideration and poAver, and France will fall in the eyes of aU Europe ; this Avill make the former overbearing and her people insolent, and France AviU soon, in my poor opinion at least, be obliged to go to war, or sink very low. The United States of America, instead of being raore courted by the EngUsh, as they Avould probably be in case of a war, will rather be more neglected, perhaps ti-eated cavalierly. It is easy to see, how ever, that the peace cannot continue long between the two Eu ropean nations. The phUosophical visions of perpetual peace, and the reUgious reveries of a near approach of the millen nium, in AA'hich aU nations are to turn the weapons of war into implements of husbanffi-y, wUl, in a fcAV years, be dissi pated. The arraaraents, now making in England, avUI ffisar- range AL. Pitt's boasted plans of economy ; and, in short, there is every appearance that the peace of Europe Avffi be for years but an arraed teuce. The surplus of revenue, so ostentatiously ffisplayed to the public, is but an artful deception. Oh fortu nate Araericans, if you did but know your oavh feUcity ! Instead of ti-ampling on the laws, the rights, the generous plans of poAver deUvered down from your remote forefathers, you should cherish and fortify those noble institutions with filial and refigious reverence. Instead of envying the rights of others, every American citizen has cause to rejoice in his own. Instead of violating the security of property, it should be con sidered as sacred as the commandment, " thou shalt not steal." Instead of tiampling on piivate honor and public justice, every one Avho attempts it should be considered as an impious parri cide, Avho seeks to destroy his oAvn liberty and that of his neighbors. What Avould have become of American liberty, if there had not been more faith, honor, and justice in the minds OFFICIAL, 455 of their common citizens, than are found in the common people in Europe ? Do Ave see in the Austiian Netherlands, in the United Netheriands, or even in the parliaments in France, that confidence in one another, and in the common people, Avhich enabled the people ofthe United States to go through a revolu tion ? Where is the difference ? It is a Avant of honesty ; and if the common people in America lose their integi-ity, they Avill soon set up tyrants of their oaa'h, or com-t a foreign one. LaAvs alone, and those poUtical institutions which are the guarffians of them, and a sacred administiation of justice, can preserve honor, vktue, and integrity in the minds of men. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO THE MARQUIS OF CARMARTHEN. London, 3 October, 1787, My Lord, — It is Avith concern that I do rayself the honor to mclose to your Lordship a letter which I received this morn ing from Charles BaldAvin, a citizen of the United States of America, who represents that, on the 22d of last month, he was involuntarily taken out of the sMp Favorite, Henry Cooper commander, belongkig to New York, by a pressgang, and taken, Avithout any of his property but the clothes he had on, and sent on board the Dispatch, tender, where he remained till next day, when he was sent on board the Vestal, frigate, at Long Reach, which, two days afterwards, saUed for Sheerness. When arrived there, he was sent on board the Conqueror, guard-ship ; he reraained there one day, and was then sent on board the Scipio, of 64 guns, which sailed the next day for Spithead. This letter is dated on board the Triuraph, of 74 guns, at Spithead, under the coraraand of Lord Hood, where, probably, tMs Charles Baldwin (whose father and famUy are Avell known to the secretary of legation of the United States) noAV is. According to his representation, there -are six or seven others, American citizens, on board the same ship in simUar ckcum stances. It is my duty, my Lord, to remonstiate against this practice, 456 OFFICIAL, which has been too common, of impressing American citizens, and especially with the aggravating circumstances of going on board American vessels, which ought to be protected by the flag of their sovereign. It is my duty, also, to request your Lordship's interposition, to obtain for this person and his companions their liberty. With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 12 October, 1787. My Dear Friend, — Amidst the bustling of interior and foreign affairs, I ara glad to find an opportunity to remind you of me, which raay be free from the rogueries of English and French post-offices. I have been sorae tirae in Auvergne, attending a preUminary assembly in that my province, the journal of which I have once directed and ara uoav again sending to you, although it contains nothing interesting. My stay in Paris is but short, and I am retm-ning again to Auvergne for five weeks. Letters that would arrive after the 23d instant, and before the 15th of December, could not probably be delivered into my hands. A new regulation had been framed to fix the functions of the assemblies, and those of the intendants. It had also been directed that the printing of our journals be submitted to cer tain formalities. Coraplaints have been made about all that ; and we are going to obtain conditions rauch raore favorable. The affairs of this countiy, considered in a constitutional light, are raending fast. The rainds of the nation have raade a great progress. Opposition is not, of course, free from party spirit. Many things are done or said, which are not much to the purpose; but while desultory expeditions are rambling about, the main body moves slowly on the right road. This country will, AAithin tAA'clve or fifteen years, come to a pretty good constitution, the best perhaps that can be framed, but one. May that one, the only one truly consistent with the dig nity of man, be forever the happy lot of the sons of America ! But I think a representation Avill be obtained in France, much better than the one noAV existing in England. OFFICIAL. 457 You know as much of the present politics, and even more, than I do. I cannot bear the thought of the late transactions in HoUand. This ministry have been most completely taken in; deceived also they have been with respect to Ottoman affaks. I am afraid England wiU cheat them too, under the appearance of negotiations. We are, however, making ready for Avar, and as the prime minister is a man of genius, and of very brilUant as AveU as sound parts, I think that, if once launched, he Avffi act vigorously. He can borroAV money. The only thing is to know on what conditions ; but it raatters not Avith respect to the operations. And the raore they wiU afterwards want taxes, the sooner we get a national assembly. I have been thinking what our trans- Atlantic country ought to do, in case there is a Avar. To take a part in it, is very bril liant, but, in my humble opinion, ought not to be the plan. America raay favor her aUies as far as a frienffiy, helping neu traUty can go, but not farther. Circurastanced as she is, a war woffid lay her under great expense with Uttle profit. Such a neutrality as I point out to rayself, wffi be beneficial to her. But it appears to me that wUl be tirae to insist with Eng land for a restoration of the forts. Should they make war with France, it seems to me that they cannot, for the sake of those forts, risk to quarrel with the United States. I hear that the convention have finished thek business, but do not know the result, and am very anxiously waiting. Adieu, my dear sir ; my best respects wait on ALs. Adams and the rest of the family. Madame de Lafayette is stiU ffi the countiy. Most affectionately and respectfuUy Yours, Lafayette. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 28 October, 1787. Dear Sir, — Mr. Daniel Parker wffi have the honor to deUver you this. He is an inteUigent American, and as well-informed as any you wiU see from hence. I beg leave to intioduce him to you. Let me thank you for your late letter, and the import ant state papers inclosed in it. VOL. VIII. 39 45S OFFICIAL. I haA'e ordered to A'Otir address a dozen copie? of my Boudoir for the Alarquis, wie-^'esked AL, Appleton and AL. Pame to have them sent. I have caUed it a Defence of the American Constitutions, because it is a resistance to an attack of AL Tttrgot. The two volumes are confined to one point : and if a city is defended frora an attack made on the north gate, it may be caUed a defence of the city, ffithough the other tMee gates. — the east, west, and south, — Avere so weak as to have been defenceless, ii they had been attacked. K a wanior shoffid arise to attack our constitutions Avhere they are not defensible, I wiU not undenake to defend them. Two thkds of our States have made constitutions m no respects better than those of the ItaUan repubUcs ; and, as sure as there is a heaven and an earth, k they are not ffitered, they w-ffil produce ffisorders and confusion. I can teU you notMng of poUtics. AU the world is astonished at the secrecy of AL. Pitt ; great preparations for war, yet the world can find no enemy nor object, Carmarthen "hopes the scud AviU blow over, and even that the quanel between the Porte and Russia wffi be made up, AA'hUe a fire is burnmg m any quarter of Europe, no one can teU when or where it may spread."' The general understandmg is that the Umted States are to be let alone ; and they have giA'en general orders to the navy to let American vessels and seamen ffione. They Avffi haA'e thek hands fuU, I beUeve, and there is Uttle plunder to be made of Americans ; so that we may be qffiet as long as they AA'ffi let us. But our countiymen Avffi do weU to tMnk of the possibffity of danger, and of the means of defence. A war woffid cost us raore than Ave have of cash or creffit; but k aa'c shoffid be attacked, avc must defend, money or no money, credit or no creffit. AMiether John BuU has command enough of Ms pas sions to see us punctuaUy fulfil our tieaties as Ave raust do, Avithout bemg tiansported Avith rage, you, who know him, can teU as weU as I. AA'e Miow tMs gentleman's hasty temper so weU, that I think we may A'ery safely AAish for the continuance of peace between France and him, even upon seffish prmciples ; though our commerce and navigation AA'offid be greatly pro moted by a war, if we can keep out of it. I tiemble and agonize for the stffierkig patiiots in HoUand. OFFICIAL. 459 You may judge to Avhat lengths the spkit extends against them, by a formal complaint of their High Mightinesses again.st Dumas, and a requisition to me to employ hira no longer, but to appoint some other person in my absence. It is not, I am Avell persuaded, as agent for the United States, but as a friend of France, or of the patiiotic party against the stadtholder, that he has incurred this censure and displeasure. Yet, as AL. Duraas holds not his character or authority from me, I can do notMng but transmit the papers to congress. Yours, &c. John Adams. TO secretary jay. London, 15 November, 1787. Dear Sir, — The attack upon AL. Dumas is but a part of that system of intimidation that the present triumphant party in HoUand is pursffing; and if one were to conjecture, it would be plausible to suppose that Sk James Hanis was the insti gator of it. The English Court and nation, with aU their affected con tempt and rude execrations of the Dutch, have at bottora a very great opinion of the importance of that power in the balance between England and the House of Bourbon. Hints have been several times thrown out in the EngUsh papers of the partiaUty of the American minister at the Hague to France ; and as Mr. Dumas was supposed to be under my ffirection, his motions have been imputed to me. AL. Dumas has a pension from France, reversible to his daughter. It woffid be better for congress to pay this pension, at the expense of the United States, or to dismiss him from thek service, paying him, how ever, dm-ing his Ufe, his annual allowance, than to have a person in their service in the pay of two powers at once. If an EngUsh ambassador, or charge d'affaires, or agent, at the Hague, should receive frora France a pension for opposing the interests of the United States, congress would have some cause to be uneasy. I am not at all surprised, therefore, at the attack upon Mr. Dumas, yet I shoffid be very sorry if it should prevail against him ; and, therefore, it is to be hoped that congress wiU 460 OFFICIAL. take time to deUberate upon the subject. As there has been no formal deUberation of thek High Mightinesses upon my memorial, and as the conespondence has been hitherto only between AL. Fagel and rae, — although thek High ALghtinesses have been acquainted Avith it, and have dkected it on the part of Mr. Fagel, — yet congress are not obUged formally to answer it. Sovereign to sovereign, and minister to minister, is the diplomatic maxim ; congress, therefore, may take as long time as they please to deliberate, and it is hoped they will take so much, that the present passions may cool, and the present scene be shifted. After another year, or six or nine months, ckcumstances may be very diff'erent. If we were to judge, by the tone of anogance at present in HoUand, we should conclude that they would infallibly blow up a war between England and France, and join the forraer. But this, to me, at least, is very doubtful. Notwithstanffing the complaint against Mr. Duraas, and the recall of AL. Van Berckel, if that should be agreed to, you will not find any hostile disposition towards the United States. If France reraains quiet, as she ought at present, for it is noAV too late for her to move, all nations and parties wffi sit doAvn satis fied Avith the restoration of the Stadtholder for some years, and there wiU be no formal rupture with France or America. Eng land has blustered, and France has slept ; but the former has, at heart, no inclination for war. Fifty mffiions of debt, added to the present, would produce a tornado in this country, the consequences of which cannot be computed. England, Hol land, and Prussia wffi be very glad to reraain as they are, and France shoAVS no disposition to disturb them. As I take all the late tiansactions to have been merely a sys tera of intirffidation, you will not hear of those rigorous prose cutions and cruel punishraents of the patiiots in Holland, Avhich are held out in tenor ; neutiaUty, eternal neutiality, wUl still be the passion and poUtics in the United Provinces, both of Stadt holderians and patiiots. There are no warlike characters among them, and the present dominant party will be as anxious as their adversaries to avoid every provocation to a Avar, either with France or England. WUliam V. is neither the poUtician nor the wanior that WUliam III. was. An appearance of spirit, and even of arrogance, has been assumed in the Nether- OFFICIAL, 461 lands, as AveU as in England, merely to overawe, and upon the secret presumption that they should not be forced into a Avar in earnest. This policy has succeeded so Aveff, that I cannot help suspecting there Avere better grounds for it than the Avorld in general Avere acquainted Avitli. I knoAv that the patriots in Holland, some of them at least, as long ago as Avhen AL. Rayneval made his curious journey into that country, suspected that their ideas of Uberty were not to be supported, and accord ingly thought very seriously of emigrating to Araerica. I do not raean, hoAvever, by this, the casuistical characters. Aloney is, hoAvever, so much better understood, and more beloved, than Uberty, that you wUl not hear of many emigrations. The friends of France affect to speak slightly of Holland at present, and of her Aveight in the scale. TMs is necessary to excuse their inat tention and blunders on the late occasion ; but France never committed a gi-eater error in policy than she has done by her unskUfffi negotiations at Berlin, the Hague, and London, since the peace. L Holland should be forced into a renovation of her connections with England, America, in my opiffion, will have reason to regret it ; f'or I have not a doubt that England, Holland, and Prussia Avould get the better in a war against the house of Bourbon, and America Avill be obliged to join the lat ter in self-defence ; for, after having humbled France, England would not scruple to attack the United States. That our country may act with dignity in all events, that she may not be obliged to join in any Avar without the clearest conviction of the justice of the cause, and her own honor and real interest, it is indispensably necessary that she should act the part, in Hol land, of perfect independence and honest impartiaUty between the different Courts and nations who are now stiuggUng for her friendship, and who are all, at present, our friends. This has ever appeared to me so clear and obvious, that I never could approve the conduct of M. Dumas, or Messieurs Van Stap horst, in taking so decided a part in favor of France and against the Stadtholder, although I fully beUeve they foUowed the judgments of thek understandings, and the incUnations of thek hearts, with integi-ity and honor. With great respect, &c. John Adams. 39* 462 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY JAY. London, 30 November, 1787. Dear Sir, — I do myself the honor to inclose the King's speech at the opening of Parliament, as it has been transmitted to me from the Marquis of Carmarthen ; and the Morning Chronicle, of the 28th, which contains, not the debates, for there were none, but the panegyrics upon it. I have long seen, sir, in silent astonishment and grief, the negUgent and imprudent conduct of a deceased French minister of foreign affaks, in his negotiations and intercourse in HoUand, the despicable history of a Maffiebois, the unmeaning or ill- meaning intrigues of Rayneval, the Rhingrave, not to men tion others, equally disgusting, at Paris, with a minister, whom you know. When I fkst knew or suspected that the Dutch patriots and their confidential agents had sunendered them selves to female intiigues, I had a thousand apprehensions that they AVoffid finally meet with that ruin which you perfectly well know would have been the devoted fate of the United States, if they had submitted to AL. Deane's system of de Maffiebois and du Couffiays, ten years ago. Let me entieat gentlemen to compare what remains upon the records or files of congress at that period, with what happened before and at the peace, with what has taken place in HoUand, and thank heaven for their providential escapes. There are many worthy characters, noAV exUes from Hol land, and refugees in Germany, the Austiian Netherlands, and France, for whom I have raany years entertained an esteem and affection, whose melancholy situation is truly deplorable. These, hoAvever, have ever appeared to me to be too inattentive to the sense of the coraraon people in their own countiy, too little acquainted with the nature of government, and too confi dently dependent on the support of France. The orations in parliament, upon the speech inclosed, are, however, more extraordinary than any thing that has occuned. The interposition of Prussia in the affairs of HoUand cannot be justffied upon the principles of the law of nations ; and, if truth and justice are not lost out of the world, wffi be raarked by the impartial, both in the present and in future ages, with OFFICIAL, 463 severe censure. But the speeches of AL. Fox and Air, Pitt appear to me to have set every tie that can bind mankind, every principle Avhich ought to be held sacred, at open defiance. It is openly avowed by both that a treaty of alliance is in agita tion between England and HoUand at this moment, Avhen a ti-eaty, recently made betAveen France and Holland, is in full force, and AA'hen there is no pretence of a violation of it. Is not this a most outi-ageous insult, in the face of the Avliole world, — for the debates in parliament are knoAvn to be pub Ushed all over Europe, — upon the laAV of nations, upon the faith of ti-eaties and national honor? Is it the intention of the speech, and of the adffiess, AvMcli Avffi echo it back to the tin-one, to force the house of Bourbon into a AA'ar ? To me it seems manifest If France shoffid bear it patiently, Avhat are we to think ? The fermentation in that Mngdom, occasioned by the rum brought upon it by that administiation, of whose merits you haA-e long since formed an accm-ate judgment, and, by the exertions to obtain provmcial and national assembUes, tM-eatens much confusion. It is not possible to foresee AA'hat the effect AA'ffi be. I oavh rayself afi-aid that the patiiots in France wUl prove as unsMUffi and unsuccessful asserters of a fi-ee governraent, as those in Holland have been. A tedious relaxation, if not the most serious ffivisions, is to be appre hended ; if, hoAvever, the house of Bom-bon is unable to assert ; her dignity upon this occasion, I am clearly convinced that the pride and anogance of England Avffi rise so Mgh as to demand the demoUtion of Cherbom-g, and attempt to sever South Ame rica from Spain. Nor wffi this be all. She wUl demand the annihUation of several articles, at least, of the ti-eaties betAveen France and the United States of America. Nor Avffi they stop here. K they can bind HoUand in their shackles, and France, by her internal ffistiactions, is unable to interfere, she avUI make AA'ar immeffiately against us. They are at present, both at court and in the nation at large, much more respectfffi to me, and much more tender of the United States, than they ever have been before; but, depend upon it, this aa'UI not last- they wUl aim at recovermg back the western lands, at takino- aAvay our fisheries, and at the total rffin of our navigation, at least. ^ The United States of America, therefore, had never more 464 OFFICIAL. reason to be upon their guard ; to complete their constitution of government ; to unite as one man to meet, with courage and constancy, the severe trial which, in all probability, they will be caUed to undergo in a fcAV years. There is some room, however, to hope that Mr. Pitt and AL-. Fox are outiunning the Dutchmen in thek disposition for an alUance. The friendship of France appears to me to be so necessary to the King of Prussia, that I cannot yet beUeve that he Avill advise the Stadtholder to foUow the English party so implicitly. The state of Europe at large is so confused, that there is not one poUtician in the Avorld, that I can hear of, Avho pretends to foresee Avhat turn affaks may take. With great respect, &c. John Adams. TO T. JEFFERSON. London, 6 December, 1787. Dear Sir, — The project of a new constitution has objec tions against it, to which I find it difficult 'to reconcile myself; but I am so unfortunate as to dffi'er somewhat from you in the articles, according to your last kind letter.^ You are afraid of the one, I, of the few. We agree perfectly that the raany should have a fuU, fak, and perfect representa tion. You are apprehensive of raonarchy, I, of aristocracy. I would, therefore, have given raore power to the president, and less to the senate. The noraination and appointment to all offices, I would have given to the president, assisted only by a privy council of his OAvn creation ; but not a vote or voice would I have given to the senate or any senator unless he Avere of the privy council. Faction and distiaction are the sure and certain consequence of giving to a senate, a vote in the distri bution of offices. A'oti are apprehensive that the president, when once chosen, will be chosen again and again as long as he lives. So much the better, as it appears to rae. You are apprehensive of foreign interference, intrigue, and inffuence. So ara I. But as often as elections happen, the danger of foreign influence renews. The less frequently they happen, the less danger ; and if the same man raay be chosen again, it is 1 See this letter in the collection of Mr. Jefferson's writings, vol. ii. p. 266. OFFICIAL. 465 possible he wiU be, and the danger of foreign influence Avffi be less. Foreigners, seemg Uttle prospect, will have less com-age for enterprise. Elections, my dear sk, to offices Avhich are a gi-eat object of ambition, I look at with tenor. Experiments of this Idnd have been so often tiled, and so universaUy found produc tive of honors, that there is great reason to ffi-ead them. -^ AL. Littlepage, who wffi have the honor to deUver this, avUI tell you aU the news. I am, &c. &c. John Adams. to t. jefferson. London, 10 December, 1787. Dear Sir, — I last night received the ratification of my last loan, and the inclosed resolutions of congress, of 18th Jffiy last, for the redemption of prisoners at Algiers. It is probable you have received it before ; but, as it is in yom- department to exe cute it, and possible that you may not have received it, I thought it safest to ti-ansmit it to you, as I have now the honor to do, herein inclosed. AL. Van Berckel, son of the imnister, is anived at Falmouth, by the packet, but not yet in London. By Mm, I expect my dismission. The American newspapers, already arrived, both from New York and Boston, announce it to have passed in congress the 5th of October ; and now, as Ave say at sea, huzza for the new world, and fareweU to the old one.' AU Europe resounds with projects for reviving states and assembUes, I tMnk, and France is takmg the lead. Hoav such assembUes AviU mix Avith simple monarchies, is the question. The fermentation must terimnate in improvements of various kinds. Superstition, bigoti-y, ignorance, imposture, tyranny, and misery must be lessened somewhat ; but I fancy it AviU be found difficffit to conduct and regffiate these debates. Ex quovis ligno, non fit mercurius. The world wffi be entertained with noble sentiments and enchanting eloquence ; but wffi not essen tial ideas be sometimes forgotten, in the anxious study of brUUant pMases ? Wffi the Dffiie of Orleans make a sterling patiiot, and a determined son of Uberty ? Will he rank, with posterity, among the Brutuses and Catos? Conections and reformations and improvements are much wanted in all the institutions in Europe, ecclesiastical and civil; but how or 466 OFFICIAL. when they wUl be made, is not easy to guess. It would be folly, I tMnk, to do no raore than to tiy over again experiraents that have been already a million times tried. Attempts to reconcUe contradictions, Avffi not succeed ; and to think of rein stating repubUcs, as absm-dly constituted as Avere the most Avhich the Avorld has seen, Avould be to revive confusion and carnage, which must again end in despotism. I shall soon be out of the noise of all these speculations in Europe, leaving behind me, however, the most fervent good Avishes for the safety and prosperity of all Avho have the cause of humanity, equity, equality, and Uberty at heart. With the tenderest affection and friendsMp, I am, and ever shaU be, my dear sk, Yours, John Adams. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 16 December, 1787. Dear Sir, — Two days ago, I received the letter you did me the honor to Avrite me on the 16th of October, with its inclos ures. The approbation of my conduct in Europe, expressed in the resolutions of congress of the 5th of October, does me honor, and demands my acknowledgments. The permission to return to America, and the termination of my commission in HoUand, having reraoved aU difficulties, it is my intention to embark, Avith my famUy, in the month of March. It would give rae great pleasure, sk, to accept of your polite and friendly invita tion to New York ; but, as the health of my famUy is very tender, and thek apprehensions of the sea very great, it wffi be necessary for me to embark for Boston. AL. Smith and Ms famUy wUl embark for Ncav York. As congress have not tians mitted him any orders relative to another minister, or to a clmrge d'affaires, at this Court, the presumption is that it is either the intention of congress to have no diplomatic character here, or that other persons are destined to fill it ; in either case, AL. Smith's road is as clear as mine to retm-n home. You have, before this time, received from Colonel Smith his own account of his journey, arrival, and reception in Portugal. OFFICIAL, 467 PLs reception Avas more flattering than could have been expected, and was in every respect, I presume, fffily satisf ictory to him. But the mission has been attended Avith consequences affecting his health, which, there is reason to fear, he wiU have cause to remember for some time. A biUous fever or tertian ague, conti-acted in Portugal or Spain, has left Mm in a delicate state of health, which, I fear, he wUl not fully remove till he anives in America. The public mind cannot be occupied about a nobler object than the proposed plan of government. It appears to be admira bly calculated to cement all America in affection and interest, as one great nation. A result of accommodation and compro mise cannot be supposed perfectly to coincide Avith every one's ideas of perfection. But, as aU the great principles necessary to order, liberty, and safety, are respected in it, and provision is made for conections and araendraents, as they may be found necessary, I confess I hope to hear of its adoption by all the j States. Two days ago, a great consternation was spread in the stock exchange by a report of a quadruple aUiance of the two empkes with France and Spain. Whether this is any more than an artificial circffiation, to turn the tide of popffiar terror and vapor, like the revived conversations about an invasion of Eng land, I knoAV not. France undoubtedly has the power to form | affiances, if she Avill, which Avill bring the existence of Britain \ and Prussia into question. But the revival of states, general ! and provincial, and the contests which are Ukely to arise out | of them, Avill give the French government business enough for j some time. Most perfectly do I agree with you, that America has nothing"! to fear but a want of union and a want of government. The United Sfates now stand in an elevated situation, and they must and wUl be respected and courted, not only by France and England, but by all other poAvers of Europe, while they , keep themselves neutial. It is suspected by some that the additional tioops, now recruiting for the army, are intended to be sent to Canada and Nova Scotia ; thek ostensible destination is to the West India Islands. No answer is made to any of my memorials or letters to the 468 OFFICIAL, ministiy, nor do I expect that any thing Avill be done Avhile I stay. There are reports of an intention to send a minister to America ; and a Mr. Liston, I think the name is, noAv at Maffiid, is mentioned. But nothing has been said to me, upon that subject, for some time. With great esteem, &c. John Adams. TO T. JEFFERSON. London, 18 December, 1787. Dear Sir, — Last night I received your letter of the 12th. Mr. Jarvis and Commodore Jones are arrived here from New York ; both charged Avith large despatches for you. AL. Jarvis sent his packet on by Colonel TrumbuU, Avho departed from hence to Paris last Thursday. Comraodore Jones Avent off a day or tAvo ago. But both wffi anive to you before this letter. The papers they cany, Avith a renovation of your coraraission to the Court of VersaUles, contain, I presume, orders and instructions about every thing in HoUand. As my ffismission fi-om the service anived at the same time, not a Avord has been said to me. Nevertheless, nil Americani alienum; and I have the honor to agree Avith you in your opi nion of the propriety of keeping good our credit in HoUand. I should advise, therefore, that the interest on M. Fizeaux's loan at least shoffid be paid, and the creffitors requested to wait for thek capital tiU further orders can be obtained from congress. If they wUl not consent to that, I woffid pay them principal and interest, provided there is money enough in the hands of our bankers, and neither you nor they have received contiary orders. No authorities fi-om me wUl be necessary. Your own letter to Messrs. Wiffink and Van Staphorst will be 'sufficient; but if they make any difficulty, wMch I cannot conceive, for Avant of any orders from me, I avUI send them. You have received authority to negotiate the redemption of our unfortunate countrymen in Algiers. To you, therefore, I send a petition wMch I received from them a few days ago. Yours, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL, 469 MESSRS. WILLINK AND OTHERS TO JOHN ADAMS. Amsterdam, 25 December, 17,S7, Being without any of yom- Excellency's esteemed favors unreplied to, the purport of the present is to acquaint you that, on the 22d instant, Ave received a letter fi-om his ExceUency Thomas Jefferson, minister from the United States at the Court of A'^ersaUles, notifying to us that Messrs. H. Fizeaux & Co., of this city, had applied to him for 51,000 florins to pay off so much borroAved by them for account of the Uffited States, reimbursable the first proximo ; punctuality in the discharge Avhereof, AL. Jefferson conceiving to be highly interesting to the honor and credit of the United States, he presses us in the most energetic style to fm-nish the money, informing us he had Avrote your Excellency to join in enforcing his warm soUcitations. So that AA'e expect to hear from your ExceUency on the subject by the British maU, detained by conti-ary Avinds. We sincerely regret the appUcation has been so late that Ave are caUed to determine upon this matter without the necessary time to weigh its consequences with the requisite attention. Besides, we are deprived of any commuffications from the Board of Treasm-y respecting it, the official channel through which ought to issue the dkections for payments of such a natm-e. This remissness on the part of the commissioners, even had Ave plenty of money of the Umted States, places us in the ever ffisagreeable prefficament of assuraing unnecessary responsibUity. Wherefore, avc request your ExceUency to second our reiterated sti-ong representations, to have greater punctuaUty shoAvn us in future on simUar occasions. The funds Ave have in hand of the United States, will suffice to face the interest that avUI be payable by them the 1st Febru ary next, and leave a smaU surplus to discharge your and Mr. Jefferson's monthly ffi-afts for a short time. Thus, the payment of the 51,000 florins woffid be an actual advance of our own cash, there being but Uttle or no probabiUty the bonds of the last loan for the United States wiU seU, whUe there are so many loans open here for ffifferent countiies, whose govern ments are firmly established, and punctuaUty has been long experienced. Our zeal and wish to serve the United States VOL. VIII. 40 470 OFFICIAL. Avill, hoAvever, prompt us to do all that can be expected on the occasion; and Ave shall not fail giving you the earliest intelli gence of our deterraination. In the mean time, we raust entreat your ExceUency to desist, for the present, frora accepting any further ffi-afts for account of the United States, and to confine your disposals of raoney to your personal wants, as we might otherAvise be exposed to greater advances than the circum stances of the tiraes incUne us to. The disagreeableness this intiraation is to us is greatly moffified by our intimate persua sion that yom- Excellency's truly patriotic principles AvUl induce your acquiescence, without reluctance, to any measure dictated by a regard for the honor and interest of your countiy. We are, very respectfuUy, WiLHEM AND Jan Willink, Nic. and Jacob Van Staphorst. TO M. FAGEL. Loudon, 25 January, 1788. Sir, — The frequent civUities I have received from you have emboldened me to inclose to you a memorial to thek High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, which I beg the favor of you to deUver. I hope there wffi not be judged to be any impropriety in this method of conveying these.. memorials, and that you Avill have the goodness to excuse the ti-ouble of it. I .should have been happy to have had another opportunity of paying my respects to you, and of thanMng you for aU your poUteness upon many and various occasions. I have signed two meraorials to the States General ; one in French, the other in my OAvn native language, and the language of my countiy; you may deliver either of them, or both, at your discretion. I am not criticaUy skUled in French, and fear that the com position in that language Avill not be found elegant; but it expresses the sentiments of ray heart, and therefore I hope it wffi be accepted. Wishing every blessing to you and yours, I am, John Adams. OFFICIAL. 471 MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. To his Most Serene Highness, William the Fifth, Prince of Orange and Nassau, hereditary Stadtholder, and Governor ofthe United Provinces of the Netherlands, The subscriber, minister pleffipotentiary fi-om the United States of America, has the honor to acquamt his Alost Serene Highness that the said United States, in congress assembled, have given Mm thek permission to retm-n to America after the 24th day of February, 17 SS, and have resolved that his mission to the repubUc of the United Netherlands should then deter- nmie. It is to Mm a mortifying ckcumstance that it is not in his poAver to go, in person, to the Hague, in order to take leave of thek High AEghtkiesses. and of your Alost Serene Highness. But as he had the honor to be originaUy accreffited by congress to yom- Alost Serene Highness, it is his duty, m taldng leaA'c of the repubUc, and on his departure fi-om Em-ope, to pay his respects to your Alost Serene Highness in AAtriting. He asks leave to express his thanks for aU the civffities he has, from time to time, received at your Alost Serene Highness's Court; and his sincere wishes for the uffiversal felicity of the repubUc m general, of your Alost Serene Highness, of yom- royal consort, and ffiustiious famUy. Done at Grosvenor Square, m London, this 25th day of January, 1788. John Adams. MEMORIAL TO THE STATES GENERAL. {Translation.) To their High Mightinesses the Lords, the States General of the United Netherlands, High and AIighty Lords, — The subscriber, minister pleni potentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to commufficate to your High ALghtinesses a resolution of the United States of America, m congress assembled, of the 5th 472 OFFICIAL. day of October, 1787, by which he is permitted, agreeably to his request, to retm-n to America at any time after the 24th day of February, 1788, and by which his commission and credentials to your High Mightinesses are on that day to terminate. Nothing would have been more agreeable to the inclinations of the subscriber than to have passed over to the Hague, in order to have paid Ms final respects, and to have taken leave of your High ALghtinesses, had not the shortness of the time, the severity of the season, and the tender state of his health, been opposed to his wishes. The magnanimity and wisdom with which your Hligh Mighti nesses, in 1782, manifested your friendship to the United States of America, contributed to accelerate the general peace of the Avorld, which has lasted so long ; and the candor and goodness of your High ALghtinesses, and of the Avhole repubUc, to the subscriber, as well as to his countiy, have made impressions on Ms mind Avhich neither time, place, nor ckcurastance, can ever efface. In finishing his course in Europe, and in taking a respectful leave of your High Mightinesses, he begs leave to express his ardent wishes for the happiness and prosperity of your High ALghtinesses and your faraffies, and his sincere assurances that, in whatever country he may be, he shall never cease to pray for the liberty, the independence, and the universal happiness and prosperity of the whole republic of the United Nether lands. Done at London, this twenty-fifth day of January, A. D. 1788. John Adams. H. FAGEL TO JOHN ADAMS. {Translation.) The Hague, 12 February, 1788. Sir, — I have this day been honored with your letter, dated London, 25th January, of the present year, accompanied with a memorial to their High ALghtinesses, and another to his Highness, with a request to deUver the same. I have ever OFFICIAL. 473 experienced so many proofs of your friendship and good avUI, that I shoffid have accounted it an honor and pleasure imme ffiately to have compUed witii yom- AAishes, although I rather AA'ished that you had not taken leave, and always entertained hopes to have seen you here once more. Permit me, hoAvever, to inform you that, Avhen I communicated yom- letter, addressed to their High ALghtinesses, to the President and other mem bers, they ffid not put any unfavorable construction upon the meraorial of taldng leave, Avhich, in every respect, was found obUging and satisfactory, exceptmg that no letter of recall from congi-ess to thek High ALghtinesses accompanied the same, Avliich is customary ; for, as a miffister is credited by a letter of credence (such an one as AA'as received by thek High ALghtinesses on the 22d AprU, 1782, dated the 1st January, 1781), so, in Uke manner, a minister is recaUed by a letter of recaU, upon which a letter of recredence is returned. Perhaps this may have been occasioned by an oiffission of the secretary of con gress, and this prevents my maldng use of yom- meraorial, which ought to be deUvered with a letter of recall from con gress ; and your Excellency Avffi, I ti-ust, not be displeased, that I find myself obliged to return to you the letter and memorial. Your ExceUency's affaks not permitting you to come and take a personal leave, it Avffi be satisfactory that a letter of recaU from congress be transmitted with your memorial. It AvUl ever give me pleasure to learn of your welfare, and those connected with you ; and to find opportunities of giving you proofs of the particffiar regard, with which I have the honor to be, &c. H. Fagel. P. S. His Highness bemg in the same prefficament with thek High Mightinesses, nothing can be done but to wait for a etter of recaU from congress. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, 12 February, 1788. Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 6th, and had before received the same information from Amsterdam. 40* 474 OFFICIAL. I know not how to express to you the sense I have of the ffisingenuousness of this plot. The ffifficffity of seffing the obU gations, I believe to be mere pretence ; and, indeed, the whole appears to me to be a concerted fiction, in consequence of some contiivance or suggestion of AL. Parker, the great specu lator in Araerican paper, who, though I love Mra very weU, is too ingenious for me. I feel myself obUged to Avrite this in confidence to you, and to put you on your guard against the ungovernable rage of specffiation. I feel no vanity in saying that tMs project never woffid have been suggested, if it had not been known that I was recaUed. If I was to continue in Europe and in office, I would go to Amsterdam and open a new loan Avith John Hodshon before I wotdd submit to it. The undertakers are bound, as I under stand it, to fm-nish the money on the new loan. They agreed to tMs, upon conffition that I woffid go to Amsterdam to sign the obUgations. The tiuth is, that Messrs. WUUnk and Van Stap horst have been purchasing immense quantities of American paper, and they now want to have it acknowledged and paid in Em-ope. It appears to me totaUy irapossible that you or I shoffid ever agree to it, or approve it ; and, as far as I can com prehend, it is equaUy impossible for the Board of Treasury or congress to consent to it. You and I, however, cannot answer for them ; but I tMnk we cannot countenance any hopes that they wffi ever comply with it. The continental certfficates and thek interest are to be paid in America at the tieasury of the Umted States. K a precedent is set of paying them in Europe, I pretend not to sufficient foresight to preffict the consequences ; they appear, hoAvever, to me to be honid. If the interest of one million of doUars is paid this year in Europe, you wffi find the interest of ten mffiions demanded next year. I am very sorry to be obUged, at tMs moment of my retkement, to give opi ffions wMch may be misrepresented and imputed to motives that my soffi despises ; but I cannot advise you, by any means, to countenance tMs project. But it is my serious opinion that the judgment of congress, or the Board of Treasm-y, ought to be waited for, at aU hazards. If the brokers, undertakers, and money-lenders avUI take such advantages of us, it is high time to have done with them, pay what is due as fast as avc can, but never contract another farthing of debt with them. OFFICIAL. 475 L a Uttie ffi-mness is shoAA'ii in affiiering to die resoluiion of waiting the orders of congress, it is my opinion cave A\ffi be taken in Amsterdam that om- creffit shall not suffer. The interest of om- commissioners, of the brokers, undertakers, and money-lenders, aU conspke to induce them to preAcnt a faUm-e. But, m my judgment, a faUtu-e had better take place than this project. I sliaU not AATite Avith the same fr-ankness to AAffi- liiiks, but I shaU give them my opimon that the judgment of congress must be AA'aited for. AIy dear fiiend, farcAA'eU, I pity you. Li your situation, dunned and teazed as you AA'ffi be, aU yom- plffiosophy AvUl be Avantmg to support you. But be not ffiscom-aged. I have been constantiy A-exed Avitli such terrible complakits, and fiightened AA'ith such long faces, these ten years. Depend upon it, the Amsterdamers love money too AA-eU to execute thek tMeats. They expect to get too much by American creffit, to desti-oy it. I am, John Adams. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 14 Februarj-, 1788. Dear Sir, — I yesterday received AL. Remsen's letter of the 14th of December, with the journals and gazettes mclosed. At the last conference at "WMtehaU, wMch were last Thurs- i day. Lord Carmarthen thought proper to express a wish that tMs counti-y had some sort of ti-eaty of commerce Avith the Uffited States of America, that it might be no longer necessary to take new measures fi-om time to time, wMch looked hard. TMs observation Ms LordsMp made, aUudmg to AL. Grenvffie's motion, in the house of commons, for makmg the regffiation of the intercourse between America and the West Inffia Islands perpetual. His LordsMp then immeffiately said, " I presume, AL. Adams, that the States wffi aU immeffiately adopt the new constitution. I have read it Avith pleasure ; it is very AveU ffi-awn up." All tliis oracffiar utterance was to signify to me, Avhat has aU along been insmuated, that there is not as yet any national government ; but that, as soon as there shaU be one, the British 476 OFFICIAL. Court wffi vouchsafe to treat with it. You wffi see, by the Morning Chronicle of the 12th of February, inclosed, that AL-. Grenvffie's speech is in the same sti-ain ; so that avc may con clude it to be the concerted language of the cabinet. It is unnecessary for me to make any reflections upon it ; the argu ment that arises out of it, in favor of the new constitution and a prorapt acceptance of it, is but one araong many. France and HoUand furnish as many reasons as England. AL-. Jeffer son must soon foUow my example, and return to America, if that constitution is not accepted by all the States ; and what AvUl be the consequence of the clamors of aU the officers in France who are creffitors, of all the notables who raay be 2)leased to cast reflections, and of aU our creditors in Holland, for want of payment of interest and principal as they become due, must be left to every American citizen seriously to con- J sider. "^ In preparing for ray departure, I have been personaUy ti-eated Avith the same uniform tenor of ffi-y decency and cold civffity Avhich appears to have been the premecUtated plan from the beginning ; and opposition, as well as administiation, appear to have adopted the same spkit. AL. Fox and AL. Bm-ke, Lord Camden and the Duke of Richraond, Lord Hawkesbm-y and Lord North and Lord Stormont have all behaved affiic. K this countiy can make such an-angements, that the King of Prussia may make a diversion of the French forces by land, and the native Inffians or ffiscontented subjects, another, of those of Spain in South America, you may easUy believe that Eng land wffi be eager for Avar. Let not our countiymen flatter themselves that they shall be able to maintain peace. Lord Carmarthen, indeed, said to me, that he did not see a possibffity of a misunderstanffing in Europe, and that he even hoped that peace woffid be raade between Russia and the Porte. His Lordship is in profound ignorance of it, I presume, if there is reaUy any probabffity of an affiance of France with the Empe ror or Empress ; AL. Jefferson has informed you of his conjec tures, as well as his inteUigence, on that point. The Marquis de la Luzerne is now arabassador at this Com-t from France, and has akeady met Avith humffiations not easUy borne by ambassadors. Monsieur de Calonne appears at the levee and ffiawing room, and even at the table of the Marquis OFFICIAL. 477 of Carmarthen, on the Queen's bkth day, AA'ith the French ambassador. The ChevaUer de Ternant Avas presented by the French ambassador to the Ivkig and Queen, and treated Avith the most marked ffisgust by both. These tMngs are hard to bear. I have had some conversation AA'ith this minister, AAith whom I made a voyage, in 1779, fi-om L' Orient to Boston, in the Sensible, and coffid AAish to have resided longer Avith him, for he wffi certaiffiy be attentive and able ; but my embarkation is fixed to the month of March, and I hope to be in Boston m Alay. With great esteem and regard, &c. John Adams. SECRETARY JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, 14 February, 1 788. Dear Sir, — As tMs letter wffi go by the Avay of Leland, and may be exposed to accidents in the course of its route, I decUne entermg kito particffiars ; but, as the long recess of congress, who are now again convened, makes it necessary that the inclosed letters of recaU shoffid be tiansmitted without delay, I think it best to send one set by tMs conveyance, and to forward dupUcates by another vessel, wMch wffi saU about the last of the month for Bristol. Your letters by the packet are come to hand, and shaU be particffiarly noticed in my next, wMch -wffi go under cover to a fiiend, Avith dkections to him what to do ¦with it m case you shoffid have left England before its anival. Massachusetts has adopted the proposed constitution by a majority of nmeteen. I am, dear sk, &c. John Jay. {Inclosed.) By the United States, in Congress assembled, October 5th, 1787. On a report of the secretary of foreign affaks, to whom were refened two letters from the Honorable John Adams, of the 24th and 27th January last : Resolved, That the Honorable John Adams, the miffister pleffipotentiary of the Umted States at the Court of London, be permitted, agreeably to his request, to return to America at 478 OFFICIAL. any time after the 24th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1788, and that Ms commission of minister plenipotentiary to thek High ALghtinesses do also then determme. Resolved, That congress entertain a high sense of the ser vices which AL. Adams has rendered to the United States, in the execution of the various important ti-usts which they have frora time to time comraitted to Mm ; and that the thanks of congress be presented to him, for the patiiotisra, perseverance, integrity, and dffigence with AvMch he hath ably and faith- fuUy served Ms countiy. Charles Thomson, Secretary. TO secretary jay. Grosvenor Square, 16 February, 1788. Dear Sir, — There is no maxim raore clearly settled in all courts, and in aU negotiations between nations, than that sove reign shoffid always speak to sovereign, and minister to minis ter. I am not at aU surprised, therefore, although I am much mortified, at having my memorials to thek High ALghtinesses, and to his Most Serene Highness, returned to me, with the let ter inclosed from Mr. Fagel. I shoffid have had a letter of recaU, signed by the president of congress, by thek order, and addressed to thek High ALghtinesses. There is a simUar inegularity in my recaU from the British Court ; for, although ray commission is limited to tMee years, yet my letter of cre dence to his Majesty has no Umits at aU. If the omission of a letter from congress to the King, upon this occasion, should not be taken as an off'ence, it AA'iU not be because it is not observed ; but from motives too humffiating to congress, as well as their minister here, to be explained. / There is no alternative now left for me ;nt^orae I must goy and leave aU Em-ope to conjecture that I have given offence in HoUand; and, in England, that I have misbehaved abroad, though my conduct has been approved at home. When the pubUc shall hear that I have gone home, without taMng leave, there will be no end of criticism, conjectures, and reflections. - -y AU that now remains for rae is, hurably to request that con- OFFICIAL 479 gress Avould be pleased to send rae regular letters of recaU, after my arrival in America, that I may then transmit my memorials to Em-ope, and take leave in form. *ffo a man who has taken the utmost pains to do his duty, and^o fulfil every obUgation to the smaUest punctffio, nothing can be more disagreeable than such ffisappointment^especiaUy as, in aU my letters, I have so expressly and repeatedly requested regffiar letters of recall. With great respect, &c. John Adams. T. JEFFERSON TO J. ADAMS. Paris, 20 February, 1 788. Dear Sir, — I am in hopes daUy of receiving a letter from you in answer to my last. The delay of the letters which con tained the proposition to the Board of Treasury takes aAvay aU probabffity of thek ansAA'cring in time, and I foresee that I shaU be closely pressed by ckcumstances on that point. This letter will probably find you near your departure. I am in hopes it wffi be offiy a change of service, from helping us here to help us there. We have so few in our councUs ac- quamted Avith foreign affaks, that your aid in that department, as weU as others, Avffi be invaluable. The season of the year makes me fear a very ffisagreeable passage for ALs. Adams and yourseff, though we have sometimes fine Aveather in these months. Nobody Avffi pray more sincerely than myself for your passage, that it may be short, safe, and agreeable ; that you may have a happy meeting Avith aU your fiiends, be received by them with the gratitude you have merited at thek hands, and placed in such a station as may be honorable to you and usefffi to them. Affieu, my dear sir, and accept assu rances of the unchangeable esteem and respect with Avhich I am Your friend and servant, Thomas Jefferson. 480 OFFICIAL. TO SECRETARY JAY. Grosvenor Square, 21 February, 1788. Dear Sir, — Yesterday I had my auffience of leave of his Majesty. I shaU not ti-ouble you Avith any particffiars of the previous steps to obtain tMs audience (which you know are always troublesome enough), nor with any detaU of the conver sation, farther than the pubUc is immeffiately interested in it. The substance of my adffiess to his Majesty was no more than a renewal of assurances, in behalf of the United States, of thek frienffiy ffispositions, and of thek continued deske to cultivate a Uberal intercourse of commerce and good offices with his Majesty's subjects and statee, thanks for the protection and civiUties of his Court, and/good Avishes of prosperity to his Majesty, his royal famUy, Ms subjects, and dominions.^ The King's answer to me was in these words. " AL. Adams, you may, with great truth, assure the Uffited States that, Avhenever they shaU fulffi the tieaty on thek part, I, on my part, wffi fulfil it in aU its particffiars. As to yourself, I am sure I wish you a safe and pleasant voyage, and much comfort Avith your family and friends." J>' TMs was the answer in ceremony. His Majesty was then pleased to ask me many questions about myself and my famUy, lioAV long I had been absent from them, &c., which were intended, I suppose, to be very gracious and flattering, but are of no consequence to the pubUc, and, therefore, wiU be here omitted. It now remains to take leave of the Queen and the Princess, the cabinet ministers, and corps ffiplomatique, a species of slavery, more of which, I beUeve, has faUen to my share, than ever happened before to a son of liberty ; and I much fear that the omission of a letter of recaU, and the offence 1 The following is the address, as found in Mr. Adams's papers. Sir, — As the period of my mission to your Majesty is on tho point of expir ing, I have solicited the honor of this audience, that I might have an opportu nity of repeating, in behalf of the United States of America, their assurances of their friendly dispositions, and of their continued desire of a liberal intercourse of commerce and good offices with your Majesty's subjects and states. In taking leave of your Majesty, I bog leave to present my most humble thanks to jour Majesty for the protection and civilities I have received at your Majesty's Court ; and my best wishes for every blessing to your Majesty, your Majesty's royal family, subjects, and dominions. OFFICIAL. 481 taken at it in HoUand, Avffi obUge me to go OAcr to the Hague to repeat the same teffious ceremoffies there. At this season of the year, so near the equkiox, to have the passage from Har wich to Helvoet to cross twice, is a pmiishment for sins to me unknoAvn. I am exti-emely afflicted, my dear sk, at the news of your ffi heffith ; but I hope you Avffi be soon restored, for the pubUc, at this moment, has great need of your experience and abffities. With much affection, &c. John Adams. TO the earl of ailesbury. London, 28 February, 1788. Sir, — It was my earnest deske to have obtained an auffi ence of leave of the Queen, that I might have had an opportu nity of presenting to her Majesty, before my departure for America, my most humble thanks for the civffities that myself and my faiffily have received at her Majesty's Court, and my best Avishes for every blessmg and feUcity to her Majesty, and to every branch of her Majesty's royal famUy ; but the mffispen- sable necessity I am under of making a journey to HoUand, before my embarkation for America, so presses me in pomt of time, that it is now become impossible to repeat my request of an auffience. I am extiemely sony for the ffisanangement of her Majesty's heffith, wMch has deprived me of the honor I soUcited for tMee ffi-aAvmg rooms, and must now beg the favor of yom- LordsMp to make my most respectfffi excuses, wherever they may be necessary. With great respect, I remam, &c. John Adams. A memorial. To their High Mightinesses the Lords the States General of the United Netherlands. High and AIighty Lords, — The subscriber, mimster pleffi potentiary from the Uffited States of America, has the honor to communicate to your High ALghtinesses an act of the United VOL. VIII. 41 2-2 482 OFFICIAL, States of America, in congress assembled, by which he is recaUed frora his raission to yom- High ALghtinesses and per mitted to revisit his native country. The wisdom and magnanimity with which your High ALghti nesses manifested your friendship to the United States of Ame rica, in the year one thousand seven hunffied and eighty-two, contiibuted to accelerate that general peace of the world which has lasted so long ; and the candor and goodness of your High Alightmesses, and of the whole repubUc, to the subscriber, as well as to his country, have made impressions on Ms mind, AvMch neither time nor place can ever obUterate. In terminating Ms residence in Europe, and in taMng a respectfffi leave of your High ALghtinesses, he begs leave to express his thanks for all indulgences and attentions to himself, and his ardent Avishes for the happiness of your High ALghti nesses and your famffies ; and his sincere assurances that, in Avhatever country he may be, he shall never cease to pray for the liberty, the independence, and the universal prosperity of the whole repubUc of the Umted Netherlands. Done at the Hague, this sixth day of March, A. D. 1798. Signed, John Adams. ( Translation.) Extract from the record of the resolutions of their High Mighti nesses the Lords the States General of the United Nether lands. Thursday, 6 March, 1788. Mr. de Wassenaar Catavyke, the president of the assem bly, brought forward and made known the fact to thek High Mightinesses, that AL. Adams, minister pleffipotentiary of the United States of Araerica, had been at his house this morning, and had deUvered to him, sealed up, a resolution adopted the Sth of October, 1787, by the United States of Araerica, m congress assembled, by which it was aUowed to AL. Adams, at his request, to return to America, and to close Ms coraraission as minister plenipotentiary near thek High ALghtinesses; and that he had, at the same time, presented a memorial, by which OFFICIAL, 483 he takes leave of thek High ALghtinesses, Avliich memorial is in the terras foUowing : — (fiat insertlo,) AAiiereupon, it having been considered, it seemed good, and Avas hereby ordered, that leave be taken of the said AL. Adams, at the same time declaring that his person and conduct have been agreeable to thek High ALghtinesses, and that the usual present of a chain and medal of gold, of the value of thkteen hunffi-ed florins, be transmitted to him ; the jcAveUer de KoiUng havmg it in charge to prepare the same fortliAA'ith. And a copy of this resolution of thek H. AI. shall be deUvered to the said AL. Adams by the agent SUcher. (Signed) W. F. H. Van AA^assenaar. A tiue copy. H. Fagel. JOHN AVERY, JR., TO JOHN ADAJIS. Commonwealth of ^Massachusetts. Council Chamber, Boston, 6 June, 1788. Sir, — Agi-eeably to the dkections of the tAA'o branches of the General Com-t, I have the honor to mforni you that you have been, this day, elected a delegate fr-om tMs CommouAvealth to setA'e in the congress of the Uffited States for one year, to commence on the fkst Monday in November next I am, with great esteem, &c. John Aa'ery, Jr., Secretary} TO theophilus parsons. Braintree, 2 November, 1788. Dear Sir, — From the conversation that passed between you and me, when I had the pleasure to see you for a fcAV 1 The followin" vote of the House of Representatives is found among the papers. Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the House of Representatives, 18 June, 1788. Ordered^.Ths-t a chair be assigned to the Honorable John Adams, whenever he mav please to attend the debates of the House.\ Attest. George L. Minot, Clerl. 484 OFFICIAL, moments at this place, I am apprehensive that you may think of me for a senator, as I find that some other gentlemen have done and continue to do. You know very AveU, hoAV ungracious and odious the non- acceptance of an appointment by election is ; and, therefore, let me beg of you not to expose me to the necessity of incurring the censm-e of the public, and the obloquy of inffividuals, by so unpopffiar a measm-e. rH^have long revolved, in an anxious mind, the duties of the man and the citizen; and, without entering into detaUs at present, the result of aU my reflections on the place of a sena tor in the new government, is an unchangeable determination to refuse it,jy With great respect and esteem, I am dear sir, &c. John Adams. elbridge gerry to john adams. New York, 4 March, 1789, My Dear Friend, — I find, on inquky, that you are elected Vice-President, having three" or four tiraes the nuraber of votes of any other canffidate. Maryland threw away thek votes on Colonel Hanison, and South Carolina on Governor Rutiedge, lieing, with sorae other States which Avere not unaniraous for you, apprehensive that this was a necessary step to prevent your election to the chak. In this point they were mistaken, for the President, as I am informed from pretty good authority, has a unaniraous vote.^ It is the universal wish of all that I 1 There was certainly a wide difference between receiving sixty-nine votes, the whole number, and only thirty-four, less than half. Mr, Hamilton has made it a matter of reproach to Mr, Adams that " he complained of unfair treat ment, in not h.aving an equal chance of the electoral vote, by leaving the votes to an uninfluenced current." What he did complain of, and very reasonably too, was, the secret effort made to reduce the votes for him everywhere, to such a degree as to leave him the representative of a minority. That this was assiduously done by Mr. Hamilton himself, is clear from his own letters now published. But Mr. Adams had different evidence in his hands at the time. From Hartford, John TrumbuU, an impartial witness, gave him his idea of the action had in Connecticut, in the following terms : — "In the choice of V. P. you had certainly no rival. All that could be done by jour enemies was to deprive you of a number of votes. Many of your friends were duped on that occasion. I will inform you how it was managed in Connecticut. On the day before the election, Colonel AVebb came on express to Hartford, sent, as he said, by Colonel Hamilton, &c., who, he assured us, had OFFICIAL. 485 have conferred Avith, and indeed thek expectation, that both General AVashkigton and yom-self AA'ffi accept ; and shoffid either refuse, it AAiU have a very ffisagreeable eftect. The mem bers present met to-day in the City HaU; there being about eleven senators and thkteen representatives, and not consti tuting a quorum in either house, they adjourned tffi to-mor- rOAA'. ALs. Geny and the laffies join me in sincere regards to yom-- self, yottr lady, Colonel and ALs. Smith; and be assm-ed, I remam, iScc. E. Gerry. THE VICE-PRESIDENTS SPEECH. Extract from tlie Journal ofthe Senate ofthe United States. Tuesday, April 21, 1789. The senate assembled : present as yesterday. The committee, appomted on the 20th instant, consistmg of AL. Sti-ong and AL. Izard, to conduct the Vice-President to the senate chamber, executed thek comrffission ; and AL. Langdon, the president pro tempore, meetkig the Aice-President upon the floor of the senate chamber, adffi-essed Mm as foUows : — Sir, — I have it m charge fi-om the senate to intioduce you to the chak of tMs house, and also to congratffiate you on your appomtment to the office of Vice-President of the Uffited States of America. After which AL. Langdon conducted the Vice-President to the chak, when the Vice-President adffi-essed the senate as fol lows : — Gentleaien of the Senate, — sfluA'ited to tMs respectable made an exact calculation on the subject, and found that New Jersey were to throw away three votes, I think, and Connecticut two, and all would be well. I exclaimed against the measure, and insisted that it was all a deception ; but what could my single opinion avail against an express, armed with intelligence and calculations ? So our electoi-s threw away two votes where they were sure they would do no hai-m." Terj- justly does Mr, Adams remark, in one of his letters to Trumbull : — "I have seen the utmost delicacy used towards "others, but my feehngs have never been regarded." These labors were not confined to Connecticut and New Jersey. Hamilton's Works, vol. V. p. 533. See also vol. vi. of this work, p. 543. 41* 486 OFFICIAL. situation by the suffrages of our feUow citizens, accorffing to the constitution, I have thought it ray duty cheerfffily and readily to accept it. Unaccustoraed to refuse any pubUc ser vice, however dangerous to my reputation, or ffisproportioned to my talents, it Avould have been inconsistent to have adopted another maxim of conduct at this time, when the prosperity of the country and the Uberties of the people requke, perhaps, as much as ever, the attention of those who possess any share of the public confidenceA. I should be destitute of sensibUity, if, upon my arrival in this city, and presentation to this legislatm-e, and especially to this senate, I coffid see, Avithout emotion, so many of those charac ters, of whose vktuous exertions I' have so often been a wit ness ; from Avhose countenances and examples I have ever derived encouragement and animation ; Avhose ffisinterested friendship has supported me, in manv/intricate conjunctures of pubUc affaks, at home and abro|^ ;Ahose celebrated defenders of the Uberties of this counfi-y, Avhoba menaces could not in timidate, conuption seduce, nor flattery aUure ; those intrepid asserters of the rights of mankind, whose phUosophy and policy have enUghtened the world, in twenty years, more than it Avas ever before enlightened, in many centuriesAi)y ancient schools or modern universities. I must have been inattentive to the course of events, if I were either ignorant of the fame, or insensible to the merit, of those other characters in the senate, to whom it has been my mi/fortune to have been hitherto personaUy unknown. /It is Avith satisfaction that I congratulate the people of Ame rica, on the formation of a national constitution, and the fair pros]X'ct of a consistent administi-ation of a government of laAVS ; on the acquisition of a house of representatives, chosen by themselves ; of a senate, thus composed by thek own State legislatures ; and on the prospect of an executive authority, in tiie hands of one, whose portrait I shall not presume to ffiaw\ Were I blessed Avith poAvers to do justice to his character, i< Avould be impossible to increase the confidence or affection of his country, or make the smaUest addition to his glory. This can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust, on the sarae principles, Avith the same abUities and vktues, Avhich have uniformly appeared in aU his former conduct, pub- OFFICIAL. 487 It Uc or private. Alay I, nevertheless, be indulged to inqtffief if AA'e look over the catalogue of the ffi-st magisti-ates of nations, AA'hether they haA'e been denominated presidents or consffis, kings OT princes, Avhere shall aa'c find one, AA'hose commanding talents-ahd virtues, AA'hose overruUng good fortune /have so com pletely united aU hearts and voices in his favor, who enjoyed the esteem and admkation of foreign nations and feUow citizens AA'ith equal unaffiraity__5>' Qualities, so uncomraon, are no com mon blessings to the counti-y that possesses them. By those gTcat quaUties, and thek beffign effects, has Providence marked out the head of tMs nation AA'ith a hand, so ffistmctly visible, as to have been seen by aU men, and raistaken by none. It is not for me to interrupt your deUberations by any gene ral observations on the state of the nation, or by recommenffing or proposing any particular measures. It AA'offid be superflous, to g«atlpmen of your great experience, to urge the necessity of ordefe) %It is only necessary to make an apology for rayself. Not AA'hoUy without experience m pubUc asserabUes, I haA'e been more accustomed to take a share ifi thek debates, than to preside in their deUberations. It shall be my constant endeavor to behave toAvards every member of this most honorable body with aU that consideration, deUcacy, and decorum, which becomes the ffigmty of his station and character. But if, fr-om inexperience or inadvertency, any thmg shoffid ever escape me, mconsistent Avith propriety, I must entreat you, by imputing it to its tiue cause, and not to any Avant of respect, to pardon and excuse it. \ A ti-ust of the gTcatest magnitude is comraitted to this legis latm-e, and the eyes of the Avorld are upon you. Your counti-y expects, fi-om the results of your deUberations, in concunence with the other branches of government, consideration abroad and contentment at home, prosperity, order, justice, peace, and Uberty. And may God Almighty's providence assist you to answer thek just expectations. 488 OFFICIAL. THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, 10 IMay, 1789. Dear Sir, — Since mine of January 14th, yours of January 2d and March 1st have been handed to me ; the former by AL. Jones, whom I am glad to know on your recommendation, and to raake Mra the channel of evidencmg to you how much I esteem Avhatever comes frora you. The internal agitations of this countiy, and the inactivity to wMch England is reduced by the state of irabecffity in AvMch the madness of the King has terminated, Avffi leave the southAvestern parts of Europe in peace for the present year. Denmark Avill probably continue to furnish only its stipffiated succors to Russia, without engag ing in the war as a principal. Perhaps a pacification may be eff'ected between Russia and Sweden, though at present there is little appearance of it ; so that we may expect that the war wffi go on tMs year between the two empkes, the Turks and Swedes, Avithout extenffing any further. Even the death of the Emperor, shoffid it take place, would harffiy withffiaw Ms domiffions from the war this summer. The revolution in this countiy has gone on Mtherto with a qmetness, a steaffiness, -and a progress, unexampled; but there is danger of a balk HOAV. The tMee orders, wMch compose the States General, seem Ukely to stumble at the tMeshold on the great preUmi nary question, how shaU they vote, by orders or persons ? If they get weU over tMs question, there Avffi be no ffifficulty afterwards, there is so general a concunence in the great points of constitutional reformation. If they do not get over this question (and tMs seeras possible), it cannot be foreseen what issue tMs raatter wffi take. As yet, however, no business being begun, no votes taken, we cannot pronounce with certainty the exact state of parties. TMs is a summary view of European affairs. Though I have not official information of your election to the presidency of the senate, yet I have such information as renders it certain. Accept, I pray you, my sincere congratula tions; no man on earth pays more cordial homage to your worth, nor wishes more fervently your happiness. Though I detest the appearance even of flattery, I cannot always suppress OFFICIAL. 489 the eftusions of my heart. Present me affectionately to ALs. Adams, Col. and ALs. Smith. I hope to see you aU this sum mer, and to retm-n this faU to my prison ; for aU Europe Avordd be a prison to me, Avere it ten times as big. Affieu, my dear friend, &c. Thomas Jefferson. president AVASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS. 17 May, 1789. The President of the Umted States Avishes to avaU himself of your sentiments on the foUoAving points. 1. Whether a ffiie of conduct, equaUy ffistant from an association AA'ith aU Mnds of corapany on the one hand, and fi-om a total seclusion from society on the other, ought to be adopted by him ? And ffi that case, hoAV is it to be done ? 2. AYhat Avffi be the least exceptionable method of brkigkig any system, which raay be adopted on tMs subject, before the pubUc and mto use ? 3. Whether, after a Uttle time, one day m every week Avffi not be sufficient for receivmg visits of corapUraent ? 4. AAiiether it woffid tend to prorapt impertkient appUca tions, and involve ffisagreeable consequences, to have it known that the President AviU, every moriimg at eight o'clock, be at leism-e to give auffience to persons who may have business with hira ? 5. AVliether, Avhen it shaU have been understood that the President is not to give general entertamments m the manner the presidents of congress have formerly done, it wffi be practi cable to ffi-aw such a ffiie of ffisciimmation, in regai-d to per sons, as that six, eight, or ten official characters, mcludkig m rotation the members of both houses of congress, may be invited, personally or otherAvise, to dme with Mm on the days fixed for receiving company, without exciting clamors in the rest of the comramUty ? 6. AA'hether it AVoffid be satisfactory to the pubUc for the President to make about four great entertamments m a year, on such great occasions as the anffiversary of the Declaration of Independence, the affiance Avith France, the peace Avith Great 490 OFFICIAL. Britain, the organization of the general government; and Avhether arrangements of these two last kinds could be in danger of ffiverting too much of the President's time from busi ness, or of producing the evils which it was intended to avoid by his Uving raore recluse than the presidents of congress have hitherto lived ? 7. Whether there AVoffid be any impropriety in the Presi dent's maldng informal visits ; that is to say, in his calUng upon his acquaintances or pubUc characters, for the purpose of sociabffity or civffity? And what, as to the form of doing it, raight evince these visits to have been made in his private character, so as that they may not be consti-ued into visits from the President of the United States ? And in Avhat light woffid his visits rarely at tea-parties be considered? 8. Whether, during the recess of congress, it woffid not be advantageous to the interests of the uffion for the President to make the tour of the United States, in order to become better acquainted with thek principal characters and internal ckcum stances, as weU as to be more accessible to numbers of avcU- informed persons, who might give him usefffi information and advice on poUtical subjects ? 9. K there is a probabffity that either of the anangements may take place, which wffi eventuaUy cause adffitional expenses, whether it woffid not be proper that these ideas should come into contemplation at the time when congress shall make a per manent provision for the support of the executive ? Remarks. On the one side, no augmentation can be effected in the pecumary estabUshment, which shall be made in the fkst instance for the support of the executive. On the other, all moneys destined to that pm-pose, beyond the actual expendi ture, Avffi be left in the tieasury of the United States, or sacreffiy appUed to the promotion of some national objects. Many things, which appear of Uttle importance in them selves and at the beginffing, may have great and durable consequences from their having been established at the com mencement of a new general government. It Avffi be much easier to commence the administiation upon a weU-adjusted system, buUt on tenable grounds, than to conect enors, or alter OFFICIAL, 491 inconveniences, after they shaU have been confn-raed by habit. The President, in aU matt.ers of business and etiquette, can have no object but to demean himself in Ms pubUc character in such a manner as to maintain the ffignity of Ms office, Avithout sub jecting Mmself to the imputation of superciliousness or unne cessary resei-A'c. Under these impressions, he asks for yom- oanffid and unffisgffised opinion. the vice-president's answer. New York, 17 May, 1789. The Vice-President has the honor to present his humble opinion on the pokits proposed for Ms consideration. 1. That an association Avith aU Idnds of company, and a total seclusion fi-om society, are extiemes, wMch, in the actual ckcumstances of this counti-y, and under our form of govern ment, raay be properly avoided. 2. The system of the President Avffi graduaUy develop itself in practice, without any formal commumcation to the legislattue, or pubUcation fr-om the press. Paragraphs in the pubUc prmts may, however, appear, from time to time, Avithout any formal authority, that may lead and reconcUe the ptibUc mind. 3. Considering the number of strangers fi-om many coun tiies, and of citizens from various States, Avho Avffi resort to the seat of government, it is doubted Avhether two days m a week wUl not be inffispensable for visits of compliment. A Uttle experience, however, wiU elucidate tMs point. 4. Under the fourth head, it is submitted to consideration, whether aU personal appUcations ought not to be made, ffi the ffist mstance, to a minister of state. Yet an appeal shoffid be open, by petition, to the President, who, if he judges the subject worthy of it, may admit the party to a personal interview. Access to the supreme magistiate ought not to be rigorously denied in any case that is worthy of Ms consideration. Never theless, in every case, the name, quaUty, and, when these are not sufficient to raise a presumption in thek favor, thek busi ness, ought to be communicated to a chamberlam, or gentleman in waitmg, who shoffid judge Avhom to admit and whom to 492 OFFICIAL. exclude. Some Umitation of time may be necessary, too, as, for example, from eight to ffine or ten; for, Avithout it, the whole forenoon, or the whole day, may be taken up. 5. There is no doubt that the President may invite what official characters, members of congress, stiangers, or citizens of ffistinction he pleases, m smaU parties, without exciting clamors ; but tMs shoffid always be done Avithout formality. 6. The entertainments mentioned in tMs article woffid much more properly be made by a minister of state for foreign or domestic affaks, or some other miffister of state, or the Vice- President, Avhom, upon such occasions, the President, in his private character, rffight honor with Ms presence. But in no case whatever can I conceive it proper for the President to make any formal pubUc entertainment. 7. There can be no impropriety in the President's maldng or receiving informal visits among his friends or acquaintances, at Ms pleasm-e. Unffiess, and few attendants, Avffi sufficiently . show that such visits are made as a raan, a citizen, a friend, or acquaintance. But in no case whatever shoffid a visit be made or returned in form by the President ; at least, unless an emperor of Germany, or some other sovereign, shoffid tiavel to tMs country. The President's pleasure should absolutely decide concermng Ms attendance at tea-parties in a private character ; and no gentleman or lady ought ever to complain, if he never, or rarely attends. The President's private fife shoffid be at his own ffiscretion, and the world shoffid respectfuUy acqffiesce. As President, he shoffid have no intercourse with society, but upon pubUc business, or at Ms levees. This ffistinction, it is, with submission, apprehended, ought to govern the whole conduct. 8. A tour might, no doubt, be made, with great advantage to the pubfic, if the tkne can be spared ; but it wffi naturaUy be considered, as foreign affaks anive every day, and the busi ness of the executive and jufficial departments Avffi requke constant attention, whether the President's residence wffi not necessarUy be confined to one place. Observations. The civU list ought to provide for the President's house hold. What number of chamberlains, aides-de-camp, secre- OFFICIAL, 493 taries, masters of ceremonies, &c. aviU become necessary, it is ffiffictUt to foresee. But shotdd not all such establishments be ffistinct from the aUoAvance to the President for his services, which is mentioned in the constitution ? In aU events, the proA'ision for the President and his household ought to be large and ample. The office, by its legal authority, defined in the constitution, has no equal in the Avorld, excepting those only AA'hich are held by croAA'iied heads ; nor is the royal authority ki aU cases to be compared to it. The royal office in Poland is a mere shadow in comparison with it. The Dogeship in Venice, and the Stadtholdership in HoUand, are not so rauch. Neither ffignity nor authority can be supported in human rffinds, coUected kito nations or any great numbers, AA'ithout a splendor and majesty in some degree proportioned to them. The sendmg and reeeiA-ing arabassadors, is one of the raost splenffid and important prerogatives of sovereigns, absolute or Umited ; and this, m our constitution, is AvhoUy in the Presi dent. If the state and pomp essential to this great departraent are not, in a good degree, preserved, it Avffi be in A'ain for America to hope for consideration with foreign poAvers. These observations are submitted, after all, with ffiffidenee, conscious that my long residence abroad raay have impressed me Avith vieAvs of things incompatible AA'ith the present temper and feeUngs of om- feUoAV-citizens ; and Avith a perfect disposi tion to acqffiesce in whatever raay be the result of the superior Avisdom of the President.^ TO JAMES LOVELL. New York, 1 September, 1789. Dear Sir, — I have not yet ansAvered your letter of the 26th of Jffiy. A^ou guess AveU; I find that I shaU have all the unpopular questions to determine, and shaU soon be pronounced hostis republicani generis. What they AviU do AAith me, I knoAV 1 It is a singular fact, that this should be the only answer to the President's queries on this delicate subject which has been found among Washington's papers. It is certain that he submitted them to Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay, and, it is likely, to several other persons, in whose judgment he trusted. Mr. Hamil ton's answer, which is informal, has been pubUshed, for the first time, in the late collection made of his works. A^'ol. iv. p. 1. VOL. VIII. 42 494 OFFICIAL. not, but must tiust to Providence. -Oou insinuate that I am accused " of deciding in favor of the poAver of the prime, because I look up to that goal."i That I look up to that goal some times, is very probable, because it is not far above me, offiy one step, and it is dkectly before my eyes, so that I must be bhnd not to see it. I am forced to look up to it, and bound by duty to do so, because there is only the breath of one mortal between me and it. > There was lately cause enough to look up to it, as I did wifh honor, Avlien that breath was in some danger of expking. But decidkig for the supreme AVas not certainly the way to render that goal more deskable or less ten-ible, nor was it the Avay to obtain votes for continuing in it, or an advance ment to it. The way to have insured votes woffid have been to have given up that power. There is not, however, to be serious, the smaUest prospect that I shaU ever reach that goal. Our beloved cMef is very Uttle older than Ms second, has recovered Ms health, and is a much stionger man than I am. A new Vice-President must be chosen before a new President. This reflection gives me no pain, but, on the contiary, great pleasure ; for I know very weU that I am not possessed of the confidence and affection of my feUow-citizens to the degree that he is. I am not of Caesar's mind. The second place in Rome is Mgh enough for me, although I have a spkit that wffi not give up its right or reUnquish its place. Whatever the world, or even my friends, or even you, who know me so weU, may think of me, I am not an ambitious man. Submission to insffit and ffisgrace is one thing, but aspking to Mgher situa tions is another. I am qffite contented m my present condition, and should not be ffiscontented to leave it. Having said too much of myself, let me say something of you. The place of coUector would undoubteffiy have been yoms, if the President could have found any other situation for your friend Lincoln. It Avas from no lukewarmness to you, I am certain; but the pubUc cause demanded that Lincoln 1 This is Mr. Lovell's language in reference to the casting vote given by Mr. Adams in favor of the President's power of removal. He goes on to say, " If I did not know you well, I sliould not write this to you. A weak man only would be discouraged by such suggestions of the base. AU whom you esteem here are pleased with your vote. But, better than that, I know you have your own approbation upon your own principles, which lead regularly to impavidum ferient OFFICIAL. 495 should be supported, and this could not be done any other Avay. If, after some time, any other permanent place should be found for Mm, you, I presume, Avill come in coUector. He^ saUed yes terday, ffi good he-alth, for Georgia; and may heaven prosper him Avitli aU happiness, honor, and success ! It is a very honora ble embassy, and Avffi produce gTcat and happy effects to these States. I am, &c. John Adams. TO GEORGE AVALTON. New York, 25 September, 1-789. Dear Sir, — The duplicate, via Charleston, of yom- letter of the thktieth of August, never reached ray hand tffi a day or two before the nommation took place to the office of judge of the ffistiict of Georgia. As I had the pleasm-e and advantage of a particffiar acquaintance Avith yourself, and the misfortune to kiiOAV notMng at aU, but by a very distant and general repu tation, of the gentleman nominated, I shoffid have been ill quaUfied to make an impartial decision between the canffidates. I feel upon aU occasions, I own, a particffiar pleasm-e in the appomtment to office of gentlemen who are now Avell affected to the national constitution, who had some experience in life before the revolution, and took an active part in the course and conduct of it. Uffion, peace, and Uberty to North America, are the objects to which I have devoted my Ufe, and I believe them to be as dear to you as to me. I reckon among ray friends aU Avho are in the communion of such sentiraents, though they may differ in thek opinion of the raeans of obtaining those ends. I wiU not say that an energetic government is the only means ; but I Avill hazard an opimon, that a wfeU-ordered, a AveU-balanced, a jufficiously-limited governraent, is inffispensably necessary to the preservation of aU or either of those blessings. K the poor are to domineer over the rich, or the rich over the poor, we shall never enjoy the happiness of good government ; and AA'ithout an intermeffiate power, sufficiently elevated and independent to 1 Benjamin Lincoln had been appointed one of three commissioners to nego tiate a treaty with the Southern Indians. 496 OFFICIAL. contiol each of the contenffing parties in its excesses, one or the other wffi forever tyi-annize. Gentlemen who had some expe rience before the revolution, and recoUect the general fabric of the government under which they were born and educated, and who are not too much canied away by temporary popffiar poUtics, are generally of this opinion. But whether prejuffice Avffi not prevaU over reason, passion over judgment, and decla mation over sober inquky, is yet to be determined. I am, &c. John Adams. THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, 20 April, 1790. Sir, — Encroachments bemg made on the Eastern Umits of the United States by settlers under the British government, pretenffing that it is the western and not the eastern river of the bay Passamaquoddy which was designated by the name of St. Croix, in the tieaty of peace with that nation, I have to beg the favor of you to communicate any facts wMch your memory or papers may enable you to recoUect, and which may infficate the ti-ue river the coraraissioners on both sides had in thek view to estabUsh as the boundary between the two nations. It Avffi be of some consequence to be informed by what map they ti-aced the boundary .^ I have the honor to be, &c. Thomas Jefferson. president AVASHINGTON TO JOHN ADAMS. (Secret.) United States, 27 August, 1790. Provided the ffispute between Great Britain and Spain should come to the decision of arras, from a variety of ckcumstances 1 No answer to this inquiry has been found. The deposition of Mr. Adams was taken. The information was also subsequently given in a letter to James Sullivan, one of the commissioners to settle the boundary. It is dated 2 August 1796. See p, 519 of this volume. OFFICIAL, 497 (indiAidually unimportant and inconclusive, but very rauch the reverse AA'hen compared and combined) there is no doubt in my rffind that NeAV Orleans and the Spamsh posts above it on the ALssissippi AAffil be among the ffi-st attempts of the forraer, and that the reduction of them AyUl be undertaken by a combined operation fi-om Detioit. The consequences of havmg so formidable and enterprising a people as the British on both om- flanks and rear, with thek navy in fi-ont, as they respect our western settlements which may be seduced thereby, as they regard the security of the Union and its commerce Avitli the West Inffies, are too obvious to need enumeration. AA''hat, then, shoffid be the answer of the executive of the United States to Lord Dorchester, in case he shoffid apply for permission to march tioops tMough the territory of the said States from Deti-oit to the ALssissippi ? AA''hat notice ought to be taken of the measure, if it shoffid be undertaken Avithout leave, wMch is the raost probable pro ceeffing of the tAVO ? AL. Adams Avffi obUge the President of the Uffited States by givmg Ms opmion m AArritmg on the above statement. George Washington. TO president AVASHINGTON. New York, 29 August, 1790. Sir, — That New Orleans and the Spanish posts on the ALssissippi wffi be among the ffi-st attempts of the EngUsh, in case of a war Avith Spain, appears very probable ; and that a combined operation frora Detioit AVoffid be convement to that end, cannot be doubted. The consequences on the western settlements, on the commerce with the West Inffies, and on the general secmity and tianquiffity of the American Confederation, of having them in our rear and on both our flanks, Avith thek navy in fr-ont, are very obvious. The interest of the Umted States dffiy weighed, and thek duty conscientiously considered, point out to them, in the case of such a Avar, a neutiaUty, as long as it may be practicable. 42 ' f2 498 OFFICIAL, The people of these States would not wUUngly support a war, and the present government has not stiength to fcomraand, nor enough of the general confidence of the nation to ffi-aAV, the men or money necessary, until the grounds, causes, and necessity of it should become generaUy known and universaUy approved. A pacffic character, in opposition to a warffite temper, a spkit of conquest, or a ffisposition to mffitary enterprise, is of great importance to us to preserve in Europe ; and, therefore, Ave shoffid not engage, even m defensive war, untU the necessity of it shoffid become apparent, or, at least, until we have it in our power to make it manifest in Em-ope as weU as at home. In order to preserve an honest neuti-aUty, or even the reputa tion of a ffisposition to it, the United States must avoid, as much as possible, every real Avrong, and even every appearance of injm-y to either party. To grant to Lord Dorchester, in case he shoffid request it, permission to march troops through the territory of fhe United States, from Deti-oit to the ALssissippi, AA'offid not only have an appearance, offensive to the Spaniards, of partiaUty to the English, but Avoffid be a real injury to Spain. 1 The answer, therefore, to Ms Lordship, should be a refusal, in . i terms clear and decided, but guarded and dignified ; in a man ner which no power has more at command than the President of the United States. If a measure so daring, offensive, and hostUe, as the march of troops tMough our tenitory to attack a friend, shoffid be hazarded by the EngUsh Avithout leave, or especiaUy after a refusal, it is not so easy to ansAver the question what notice ought to be taken of it The situation of our countiy is not Uke that of most of the nations in Em-ojie. They have, generaUy, large numbers of inhabitants in narroAV territories. We have smaU numbers scatlercil over vast regions. The counfi-y through which the Brilons must ]):iss from Detioit to the ALssissippi is, I suppose, so thinly inhabited, and at such a ffistance from aU the popu lous setllemcnts, that it woffid be impossible for the President oi' tiie United States to coUect mUitia or march troops sufficient to resist the enterprise. After the step shaU have been taken, there are but two A\'ays for us to proceed; one is war, and the other negotiation. Spain woffid probably reraonsti-ate to the President ofthe United States; but whether she should or not. OFFICIAL. 499 the President of the United States should remonsti-ate to the King of Great Britain. It AVoffid not be expected, I suppose, by our friends or eneraies, that the Uffited States shoffid declare AA'ar at once. Nations are not obUged to declare AA'ar for every injtu-y, or even hostffity. A tacit acquiescence, under such an outi-age, AVoffid be mismterpreted on aU hands ; by Spain as inimical to her, and by Britam as the effect of Aveakness, ffis- union, and pusiUaniraity. Negotiation, then, is the only other alternative. Negotiation, in the present state of things, is attended Avith pectdiar difficidties. As the King of Great Britain tAvice pro posed to the United States an exchange of rainisters, once through AL. Hartley, and once through the Duke of Dorset, and when the Uffited States agi-eed to the proposition, flcAV fi-om it ; to send a minister again to St. James's, tffi that com-t expUcitly promises to send one to Araerica, is a huniUiation to which the United States ought never to submit. A remonsfi-ance from sovereign to sovereign cannot be sent but by an arabassador of some order or other ; fi-om mimster of state to minister of state it might be ti-ansmitted in many other AA'ays. A reraonstianee, in the form of a letter fi-om the American Alimster of State to the Duke of Leeds, or whoever may be secretary of state for foreign affaks, raight be ti-ansraitted tMough an envoy, rainister plenipotentiary, or ambassador of the President of the United States at Paris, Alaffi-id, or the Hague, and through the British ambassador at either of those com-ts. The utraost length that can be now gone, Avith ffignity, woffid be to send a mffiister to the court of London, with mstiuctions to present his credentials, demand an auffience, make his reraonstianee ; but to make no estabUshment, and demand his auffience of leave, and qffit the Mngdom ffi one, two, or tMee months, if a minister of equal degree were not appointed, and actuaUy sent, to the President ofthe United States from the King of Great Britain. It is a misfortune that, in these critical moments and ckcum stances, the United States haA'e not a rainister of large vicAvs, mature age, inforraation, and judgment, and sti-ict integrity, at the comis of France, Spain, London, and the Hague. Early and authentic intelUgence fi-om those courts may be of more importance than the expense ; but, as the representatives of the people, as Avell as of the legislatures, are of a different opinion, 500 OFFICIAL. they have made a very scanty provision for but a part of such a system. As it is, God knows Avhere the men are to be found Avho are qualified for such missions, and Avotdd undertake them. By an experience of ten years, AA'hich raade rae too unhappy at the tirae to be ever forgotten, I knoAV that every artffice which can deceive, every temptation which can operate on hope or fear, ambition or avarice, pride or vanity, the love of society, pleasure, or amusement, AviU be employed to ffivert and warp them from the ti-ue Une of thek duty, and the impartial honor and interest of thek country. To the superior Ughts and information derived from office, the more serene temper and profound judgraent of the President of the United States, these crude and hasty thoughts concerning the points proposed are humbly submitted, Avith every sentiraent of respect and sincere attachment, by his Most obeffient and most humble servant, John Adams. TO A. HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. Philadelphia, 25 April, 1791. Dear Sir, — I do myself the honor to ti-ansmit to you my accounts Avhieli remain unsettled, for the last two y(\irs and eight iiionths of my adrainisti-ations abroad in the sei-Aice of the ITniled States. I have left a blank for ray salai-y. In my own opinion it is but justice that it shoffid be fiUed up Avith the sum of two thousand five hundred pounds sterlmg a year, because this Avas the conti-act under Avhich I accepted my commission for the peace iu 1779, and that for thek High Mightinesses in 178 L, Avhich last continued in force untU my retm-n home. The resolution of Congress, Avliich stated the salary of a minister abroad at nine thousand doUars, cotdd not reasonably be in tended to operate upon mmisters and commissions which had bet'u given and accepted upon ffiflerent conffitions. Such an interpretation of it Avordd make it amount to a breach of public faith. Moreover, I have been AveU informed by Mr. Gerry, Avho proposed the alteration, that the reason of this resolution Avas a supposition that, in that time of peace, the expenses of living in OFFICIAL. 501 Em-ope Avere reduced. This motive Avas so far from being a just one, as appUed to me, that I found the expenses of liAing in London about a quarter part dearer than I had ever known them in Paris or the Hague. This, therefore, was rather a reason for raising my sffiary to three thousand pounds sterffiig a year, which I actuaUy spent, than for reducing it to nine thousand doUars. I have been informed by AL. Barclay that Dr. Fraffidin charged, and has been aUoAved, two thousand five hunffi-ed pounds sterUng a year tffi his return, and as I am in the same prefficament with him, it is at least as just that it should be aUoAved to rae ; mdeed, it is more so, because I cer- tamly Avas obUged to spend more than that sum, and he undoubteffiy spent less. I have also requested an aUoAvance for a private secretary. As the busmess of my mission to HoUand, as weU as that to England, lay upon rae, in adffition to ray share in aU the nego tiations AA'ith Prussia and the other poAvers of Em-ope, as AveU as the Barbary States, it may readUy be conceived that I had a great deal of busmess and stffi more AA'riting to do, as copies of aU such conespondences must be preserved, and therefore I hope the charge for a private secretary wUl not be thought um-easonable. An aUowance is asked also for one iffinisterial or ffiplomatic entertainment for each year. This is done for three reasons : 1. because it is the custom of the AA'hole Corps Diplomatique ; 2. because it seems to be a reasonable custora ; and 3. because AL. Fraffiffin has charged and been aUowed for aU exti-aorffinary entertamments, as I suppose, as he told me he had charged them or shoffid charge them. An outfit I have asked for, amounting to one year's salary. TMs Avffi be but a very inadequate corapensation to rae, for the extiaorffinary expenses I AA'as put to by the A'ariety of services and mffitipUcity of comraissions avMcIi AA'ere heaped upon me. AIy case is singffiar, and ffistingffished from that of every other gentleman who has ever been sent abroad in the service of the United States. Li 1779, Congi-ess sent me abroad, Avith two commissions, one to negotiate a peace, and another to Ms Bri tannic Majesty to negotiate a tieaty of commerce with that poAver. Under these commissions I Avent to Paris, and resided there, which obliged me to take a house or apartments ready 502 OFFICIAL. fmnished, and estabUsh a household, equipage, and set of ser vants there. In 1780, Congress sent me a commission to bonoAV money in HoUand, to the amount of ten mffiions of dollars. TMs obUged me to Uve in HoUand. In 1781, Congress sent me a coramission to treat with that repubUc, and a letter of credence to the States-General. This obUged me to hke a house and completely fm-nish it, because there Avas no such thing to be hked in Holland as furniture, as might be done and was done by AL. Deane, AL. FrankUn, AL. Jay, and myself at Paris. My commission for the peace obUged rae to raake journeys to VersaiUes. My commission for bonowing money not only augmented my expenses, but gave me more trouble and occa sioned more labor and perplexity than all the other services. The frequent removals from one countiy to another, the con tinual change of servants and Uveries, the Avear and tear of baggage, and destiuction of furmture, beside the perpetual plunder I was subjected to in my absence from my house in one country, Avhile attenffing my duty in another, have wasted and consumed ray salary in such a manner, that my family must be deprived of that reward for my time, tiouble, risk, and services, which all of us were entitled to, and AvMch some may have been happy enough honestly to secure. I say aU of us were entitled to it, because Congress, on the 28th September, 1776, resolved, that thek rffinisters shoffid Uve in such a style and manner as they might find sffitable and necessary to sup port the ffigffity of thek pubUc character, and that, besides thek actual expenses, a handsome aUowance be made to each of them, as a compensation for thek time, tiouble, risk, and ser vices. If the articles I have submitted are allowed me, ffifficffit as it AvUl be to justify myself to my famUy, I shaU be content ; but if not, I must crave an allowance of one half per cent, as coramissions on nine mUUons of guUders, by me bonowed in HoUand for the Umted States. When Congress aUoAVs four per cent, to the houses of WUUnk and Van Staphorst, and their undertakers, upon aU these loans, Avhich has akeady amounted to a handsome fortune to each house, it would be extremely hard and unreasonable to obUge me, who had more tiouble with every one of these loans than those houses had — nay, who had more ti-ouble with the first of them than they have had OFFICIAL. 503 with the whole — not only to do this Avhole business for nothing, but Uve at my OAvn expense AvhUe I did it. This raust be my hard fate, if nothing can be aUowed me as commissions, nor for exti-aorffinary services. Considerable sums Avere spent by me, at times, for secret services, and other suras, to no siiiaU araount, Avere advanced to Americans in disti-ess, some of them in prison, and others escaped ; but, as I have no vouchers for these and I suppose Congress Avoffid not be AvUUng to set a precedent, I make no charge for them, although they Avere advanced out of ray own raoney — part of my salary. Let me ask the favor of you, Sk, to look over these accounts, and then present them to the auffitor, that they may be settled in some way or other by the next session of Congress. With great esteem I have the honor to be, Sk, your most obeffient and most humble servant, John Adams. HENRY KNOX TO JOHN ADAMS. Philadelphia, 10 June, 1791. My dear Sir, — I embrace the occasion of inclosing sorae letters, to thank you and ALs. Adams for the comfortable accommodation of your house at Bush HiU. AVMle the in habitants of tMs city are pantmg for breath, Uke a hunted hare, we experience in the haU at Bush Hffi a deUghtfffi and affiraated breeze. The paragraphs in the Connecticut and Ncav York papers, relative to yom- jom-ney, infficate envy and blackness of heart. Who the author of these articles is, I knoAV not, and it is qffite immaterial. But eminence must be taxed. Perhaps the "¦political heresies," mentioned m the preface to |the American effition of Paine's pampMet, as commg from a more respectable quarter,^ may occasion some uneasmess. But the author has assured me, that the note he Avrote to the printer never Avas intended for publication, but as a sort of apology for haAing detained the book, AvMch was a bonowed one, longer than the impatience of the printer woffid admit. But, if the idea was aimed at your doctiines, it ought not to 1 Mr. Jefierson. See the next letter. 504 OFFICIAL. create a moment's pain. Conscious, as you are, of the invari able pursuit of the public happiness, regffiated by the sober standard of reason, it is not the desultory ebuffition of this or that man's mind, that can ffivert you from your object. For whUe human nature shaU continue its course accorffing to its primary principles, there wiU be a difference of judgnlent upon the sarae objects, even among good men. The President is expected to anive here about the 23d or 25th instant, but there is no information from him since the 16th of May. He has been perfectly received accorffing to the abUities of the places through which he has passed. The Inffian campaign must go forward. We have marched and shaU march by the latter end of tMs month two thousand eight hunffied men. This force Avffi be adequate, Avith the adffition of the ti-oops akeady on the frontiers. I am, &c. H. Knox. T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS. / Philadelphia, 17 July, 1791. Dear Sir, —\1 have a dozen times taken up my pen to Avrite to you, and as often laid it down again, suspended between opposing considerations. I determine, however, to Avrite, from a conviction that tiuth between canffid minds can never do harm/VThe ffist of Paine's pamphlets on the Rights of Man, whicl/carae to hand here, belonged to AL. BecMey. He lent it to AL-. Maffison, Avho lent it to me ; and, whUe I was reaffing it, AL. Becldey caUed on me for it, and as I had not fiffished it, he desked me, as soon as I shoffid have done so, to send it to AL. Jonathan B. Smith, whose brother meant to reprint it. I finished reaffing it, and, as I had no acquaintance with AL. Jonathan B. Smith, propriety required that I shoffid explain to him why I, a stianger to him, sent him the paraphlet. I accorffingly wrote a note of corapUraent, inforraing Mra that I ffid it at the deske of AL. BecMey, and, to take off a little of the dryness of the note, I added that I was glad it was to be reprinted here, and that soraetMng Avas to be publicly said against the poUtical heresies which had sprung up among us, &c. I thought so Uttle of this OFFICIAL. 505 note, that I ffid not even keep a copy of it; nor ever heard a tittle more of it, tffi, the week foUowing, I was thunderstruck AA'ith seeing it corae out at the head of the paraphlet. I hoped, hoAvever, it woffid not atti-act notice ; but I found, on my return from a journey of a month, that a writer came forAvard, under the signatm-e of PubUcola, attacking not only the author and principles of the pamphlet, but rayself as its sponsor, by narae. Soon ,after came hosts of other Avriters, defenffing the pamphlet, and attacMng you by name, as the Avriter of PubUcola. -^Thus were our names throAvn on the pubUc stage, as pubUc aiitlago- iiists. That you and I ffiffer in om- ideas of the best form of government, is weU known to us both ; but we have ffiffered as fi-iends shoffid do, respecting the purity of each' other's motives, and confining our dffierence of opimon to private conversation; and I can declare AAith ti-uth, in the presence of the Almighty, that nothing was further from my intention or expectation than to haA'e had either my own or your name brought before the public on this occasion. The friendsMp and confidence which has so long existed between us, requked this explanation fi-om me, and I know you too AveU to fear any niisconsti-uction of the motives of it^Some people who Avordd wish me to be, or to be thought, guUty of improprieties, have suggested that I was Agricola, that I was Brutus, &c., &c. I never ffid in my Ufe7\ either by myself or by any other, have a sentence of mme in serted in a newspaper, Avithout putting my name to it ; and I / beUeve I never shaU. AVhUe the Empress is refusing peace under a meffiation, unless OczakoAV and its tenitory be ceded to her, she is offermg peace on the perfect statu quo to the Porte, if they Avffi conclude it Avithout a meffiation. France has stiuck a severe blow at our navigation by a difference of duty on tobacco canied ffi our and thek ships, and by taldng frora foreign btffit ships the_J capabffity of naturalization. She has placed our whale oU on ratheiL a better footing than ever, by consoUdating the duties ; into a single one of six Uaq-cs. They araounted before to some ¦ sous over that sum. I ara told (I knoAV not how ti-ffiy) that - England has prohibited our spermaceti oU altogether, and Avffi prohibit our Avheat tUl the price there is 52s. the quarter, which it almost never is. We expect hom-ly to hear the tiue event of General Scott's expedition. Reports give favorable hopes of it. / VOL. vm. 43 506 OFFICIAL, Be so good as to present my respectfffi compUments to ALs. Adams, and to accept assurances of the sentiraents of sincere esteem and respect, with which I am, dear Sk, Your friend and servant, Thomas Jefferson. TO T. JEFFERSON. Braintree, 29 July, 1791, Dear Sir, — Yesterday, at Boston, I received your fiienffiy letter of Jffiy 17th with great pleasure. tQ^ give fuU creffit to your relation of the manner in which yoffi note was Avritten and prefixed to the PhUadelphia effition of AL. Paine's pamphlet on the Rights of Man; butpnie misconduct of the person who comraitted this breach of your confidence, by maldng it pubUc, whatever were Ms intentions,/has sown the seeds of more evUs than he can ever atone for. The question everywhere was, what heresies are intended by the secretary of State ? The answer in the newspapers was, " The Vice-Presidents notions of a Umited monarchy, an hereffitary government of King and Lords, with offiy elective Commons."\ Emboldened by these mmraurs, soon after appeared the para graphs of an unprincipled libeUer in the New Haven Gazette, carefuUy reprinted in the papers of Ncav York, Boston, and Phi- ladelpMa, holding up the Vice-President to the rifficide of the world for his meanness, and to thek detestation for wisMng to subjugate the people to a few nobles. These were soon foUowed by a formal speech of the lieutenant-governor ^ of Massachusetts, very solemnly holffing up the idea of hereffitary powers, and cautioffing the pubUc against them, as if they were at that 1 Samuel Adams, o OFFICIAL, 507 moment in the most imminent danger of thera. These tlunss AA'ere aU accompanied Avitli the most marked neglect, both of tlie CT^vernor and Ueutenant-governor of this State, toAvards me ; alft||(all together served as a hue and cry to aU my enemies and 'rival^,,io the old constitutionffi faction of Pennsylvania, in con cert Avith the late insurgents of Massachusetts, both of whom consider my Avi-itings as the cause of thek overthroAv^o hunt me doAvn like a hare, if they coulc^ For this state of things PubUcola, who, I suppose, thought that AL. Paine's pampMet AA'as made use of as an instrument to destioy a raan for Avhom he had a regard, Avhom he thought innocent, and, in the present moment, of some importance to the pubUc, came forward. You declare very expUcitly that you never did, by yourself or by any other, have a sentence of yom-s inserted in a ncAvspaper Avithout yom- name to it. And I Avitli equal fi-ankness declare that I never did, either by rayself or by any other, have a sentence of raine inserted in any ncAvspaper sinc^ .1 left PhUadelphia. I neither AAtrote nor conected PubUcola.^O'he Avriter, in the cora- position of Ms pieces, followed his own judgment, information, and discretion, without any assistance from me.^ A'ou observe, " that you and I differ in our ideas of the best form of government, is weU known to us both." But, my dear Sk, you AAiU give me leave to say that I do not knoAV this. I know not what your idea is of the best form of government. You and I have never had a serious conversation together, that I can recoUect, concerffing the nature of government. The very tiansient Mnts that have ever jiassed between us have been jocffiar and superficial, without ever coming to an explanation. if you suppose that I have, or ever had, a design or deske of attempting to inti-oduce a government of King, Lords, and Coraraons, or m other words, an hereffitary executive, or an here ditary senate, either into the government of the United States or that of any individual State, you are whoUy mistaken. There is not such a thought expressed or intimated in any pubUc Avriting or private letter, and I raay safely chaUenge aU raanldnd to produce such a passage, and quote the chapter aud verse. If you have ever put such a consti-uction on any thing of raine, 1 The papers of PubKcoIa were written by John Quincy Adams, then a young man commencing life as a laivyer in Boston, They were coUected and printed in England, as the work of his father. 508 OFFICIAL. I beg you would mention it to me, and I wUI undertake to convince you that it has no such meaning. Upon this occasion I wffi venture to say, that my unpolished Avritings, although they have been read by a sufficient number of persons to have assisted in crusMng the insunection of the Massachusetts, in the formation of the new constitutions of Pennsylvania, Georgia, and South CaroUna, and in procuring the assent of aU the States to the new national constitution, yet have not been read by great numbers. Of the few who have taken the pains to read thera, sorae have misunderstood them, and others have wilfuUy misrepresented them, and these misunderstandings and misrepresentations have been made the pretence for overwhelming rae with floods and whklwinds of terapestuous abuse, unexampled in the history of this Counti-y .\ It is thought by some, that AL. Hancock's friends are prepar ing the way, by my destiuction, for Ms election to the place of Vice-President, and that of AL. Samuel Adaras to be Governor of tMs coramonwealth ; and then the Stone House faction AviU be sure of aU the loaves and fishes, in the national government and the State government, as they hope. The opposers of the present constitution of Pennsylvania, the promoters of Shays's rebeffion and county resolves, and many of the detesters of the present national government, wiU undoubteffiy assist them. Many people think, too, that no small share of a foreign influence, in revenge for certain intiactable conduct at the tieaty of peace, is and wffi be interrmngled. The jamssaries of tMs gooffiy combination, among whom are tMee or four who hesitate at no falsehood, have Avritten aU the impudence and impertinence wMch have appeared in the Boston papers upon this meraorable occasion. I must own to you, that the daring ti-aits of ambition and intiigue, and those unbriffied rivakies, which have akeady appeared, are the most melancholy and alarming symptoms that I have ever seen in this country ; and if they are to be encouraged to proceed in thek course, the sooner I am reUeved from the competition, the happier I shaU b^.^ I thank you, Sk, very sincerely for wniting to me upon , this occasion. It was high time that you and I should come to an explanation with each other. The friendship that has subsisted for fifteen years Avithout the smaUest interruption, and, until this OFFICIAL. 509 occasion Avithout the slightest suspicion, ever has been and stiU is very dear to luy heart There is no office AA'hich I avouM not resign, rather than give a just occasion to one fi-iend to forsake me. Yom- motives for AAaiting to me I have not a dopbt Avcre the most ptue and the most fiienffiy ; and I have no suspicion that you wffi not receive tlus explanation from me in the same fiienffiy Ught.^X T. JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAAIS. Philadelphia, 30 August, 1791. AIy dear Sir, — I received sorae tmie ago yora- favor of Jffiy 29tli, and AA-as happy to find that you saw, in its true point of A'icAA-, the AA'ay in AA'hich I had been ffi-aAvn into the scene aa'McIi must have been so ffisagi-eeable to you. The importance wMcli you stffi seem to aUoAV to my note, and the efiect you suppose it to have had, though unmtentional m me, induce me to sIioav you, that it reaUy had no effect. Fame's pamphlet, with my note, AA'as pubUshed here about the second AA'eek in Alay ; not a Avord CA'er appeared in the pubUe papers here on the subject for more than a month, and I am certain not aAA'ord on the subject woffid ever have been sffid, had not a AAn.-iter, under the name of PubUcola, at length undertaken to attack Ak. Pakie's prmciples, AA'Mch were the prmciples of the citizens of the Umted States. Instantly a host of AAa-iters atiacked PubUcola, in support of those prmciples. He had thought proper to misconsti-ue a figurative expression m my note, and these wi-iters so far noticed me as to place the expression m its ti-ue fight ; but tMs was offiy an incidental skk-mish, preffiukiary to the general engage ment, and they AVoffid not have thought rae Avorth namkig, had not he thought proper to brmg me on the scene.^ His antago- 1 The copy of this letter is upon a separate sheet of paper, and not in the letter book. It terminates as above. JNL-. Jefferson aUudes to its contents in his memorandum for the 13th of August, 1791. Works, edited by T, J. Randolph, vol, iv. p. 453. - Is it possible that jMt. Jefferson, at this time holding the office of Secretary of State, could have pei-suaded himself that his position in the country was of so little weight ? Some idea of the eftect in Philadelphia of the pubhcation may be gathered from the extracts from a letter of !llr, Lear, of the Sth !May, printed in ]Vashington's Writings, Yol. ^. ¦pp. 161-163, note, Mr, Jefferson, in his letter of the same date, anticipated the consequences very clearly, 43' 510 OFFICIAL, / iiist, very criminally, in my opinion, presumed you to be PubU cola,' and on that presumption hazarded a personal attack on ¦ you. No person saAV AA'ith more uneasiness than I did this unjustffiable assaffit, and the more so, Avhen I saAV it continued after the printer had declared you Avere not the author. But ^you Avffi perceiv'e^fraiXL-all-^lii^, my dear Sk, that my note coii- nibuted nothing to the production of these disagreeable pieces. As long as Paine's pamphlet stood on its own feet and on my note, it Avas unnoticed. As soon as PubUcola attacked Paine, SAA'arras appeared in his defence. To PubUcola, then, and not in the least degree to ray note, this AA'hole contest is to be ascribed, and all its consequences, y You speak of the execrable f^aragraph in the Connecticut paper. This, it is true, appeared before PubUcola, but it had no raore relation to Paine's pamphlet and my note than to the Alcoran. I am satisfied the Avriter of it had never seen either ; for when I passed through Connecticut about the midffie of June, not a copy had ever been seen by anybody, either in Hartford or Ncav Haven, nor probably in that AA'hole State ; and that paragraph AA'as so notoriously the reverse of the disinterest edness of character AA'hich you are knoAvn to possess, by every body who kiioAvs yom- name, that I never heard a person speak of the paragraph but Avith an indignation in your behalf, whieh did you entke justice. This paragi-aph, then, certainly did not flow from my note, any raore than the pubfications which I Publicola produced. Indeed, it Avas irapossible that my note shoffid occasion your name to be brought into question ; for, so far frora naming you, I had not even in vicAV any AATiting Avhieh I raight suppose to be yom-s,^ and the opinions I aUuded to Avere principaUy those I had heard in common conversation from a sect aiming at the subversion of the present government to bring in their favorite form of a King, Lords, and Commons. Thus, I hope, ray dear Sk, that you wiU see me to have been 1 If tliis was criminal, Mr. Jefferson, probably, erred with him. He attri butes one article in Fenno's paper, at least, to Mr. Adams. Sparks's Washing ton, vol. -v. p. 169, last line of note. 2 But on tho other hand is the following, addressed to another person ; " Th.at 1 had in my view the ]Jiseour.' I have it much at heart to settle aU ffisputes Avitli France^ and nothmg shaU be Avanting on my part to accompUsh it, excepting a violation of our faith and a sacrffice of om- honor. But old as I am, Avar is, even to me, less ffi-eadful than kiiqffity or deserved ffisgrace. Nothing can be done of much moment, "a'- 1 This experiment has not been found dangerous in the later history of the country. It bids fair to become the rule and not the exception. 536 OFFICIAL. in the Avay even of negotiation, Avithout the Senate, and nothing else Avithout Conaress. Your project has been long ago considered and determined on. AL. Jefferson Avould not go. ILs reasons are obvious ; he has a station assigned him by the nation, which he has no right to quit, nor have I any right, perhaps, to caU him from it. I may hereafter communicate to you, Avhat I have never commu mcated to any other, Avhat has passed upon the subject. The ckcurastance of rank is too much. We shall never be respected in Europe while aa'c confound ranks in this manner. In thek eyes, the chief justice Avas too much to send to England. I have plans in contemplation that I dare say wffi satisfy you when they come to be developed. I regret the tirae that must be lost before the senate and representatives can assemble. If we wish not to be degraded in the eyes of foreigners, we must not degrade ourselves. What woffid have been thought in Europe, if the King of France had sent Monsieur, Ms eldest brother, as an envoy ? What of the King of England, if he had sent the Prince of Wales ? AL. Jefferson is, in essence, in the same situation. He is the ffist prince of the countiy, and the hek apparent to the sovereign authority, quoad hoc. His consideration in France is nothing. They consider nobody but theraselves. Thek apparent respect and real contempt for aU men and all nations but Frenchmen, are proverbial among themselves. They tMnk it is in their poAver to give characters and destioy characters as they please, and they have no other rffie but to give reputation to thek tools, and to destioy the reputation of aU Avho wUl not be thek tools. Thek efforts to "¦ populariser " Jefferson, and to " depopulariser " Washington, are aU upon this principle. To a Frenchman the most import ant man in the Avorld is Mmself, and the most important nation is France. He tMnks that France ought to govern aU nations, and that he ought to govern France. Every man and nation that agrees to tMs, he is Aviffing to "popidariser" ; every man or nation that ffisputes or doubts it, he AviU " depopulariser" if he can. This is aU in confidence from, Sk, your most humble servant, John Adams. OFFICIAL. 537 TO J. Q. ADAMS. Philadelphia, 31 INIarch, 1797. Ma' dear Son, — AL. Alurray, of Alaryland, your old friend, AA'ith Avhom you formed your ffi-st acquaintance at the Hague, is to succeed you.^ That gentleman has been so long a meraber of Congress, and has giA'en such proofs of talents, araiable ffisposi tions, and patiiotic sentiments, as qualify Mm to do honor to the mission, as AveU as to his predecessor. It Avould have been enough to have said that he is AveU chosen to fill the place ; for I have the best authority, besides my private opinion, to say, that no place has been better filled than that at the Hague, since yom- appointment to that mission. You sometimes hint an incffiiation to return to America, and nothing Avotdd give rae greater pleasure, on certain suppo sitions ; but, my son, independence is essential to self-esteem as AA'ell as to comraand the esteera of others, and Avhere is your independence ? If you woffid return to the bar, you rffight be independent, I gi-ant, but I AA'ould not advise you to retm-n to America yet; go to Lisbon,^ and send rae as good intelligence fr-om aU parts of Europe as you have done. < My entiance into office is marked by a misunderstanding AVifh France, Avhich I shaU endeavor to reconcUe, provided that no violation of faith, no stain upon honor, is exacted. But if infidelity, ffishonor, or too much humUiation is demanded, France shall do as she pleases, and take her oavu com-se. America is not SCARED. '.'' The mffitipUcity of busmess in Avhich I am involved is no otherwise kksome to me than as it raay endanger my health; but I have great confidence in my sadffie. I pray you to write me as often as you can. I ara yom- affectionate father, John Adams. I In HoUand. " iMr. J. Q. Adams had been appointed by President Washington to go as minister to Portugal. 538 OFFICIAL. TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. Philadelphia, 6 April, 1797. Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 27th ultimo gave me great pleasure. The proposal of appointing the Vice-President to go as envoy exti-aorffinary to Paris, has arrived from so many quarters, that I presume the thought is a natm-al one. I AAiU teU you a secret, but I Avish you to keep it a secret in yom own breast. I Avas so impressed with the idea myself, that on the 3d of March I had a conversation Avith AL. Jefferson, in Avhich I proposed it to him, and franMy declared to hira, that if he Avoffid accept it, I Avoffid norainate him the next day, as soon as I shoffid be quaUfied to do it. He as fraffidy refused, as I expected he woffid.^ Indeed, I made a great steetch in propos ing it, to accommodate to the feeUngs, views, and prejuffices of a party. I woffid not do it again, because, upon more mature reflection, I am decidedly convinced of the impropriety of it. The reasons you give are unansAverable, but there are others. It AA'ould be a degradation of our government in the eyes of our OAVU people, as weU as of aU Europe. The Vice-President, in our Constitution, is too high a personage to be sent on ffiploma tic errands, even in the character of an ambassador. We cannot work mkacles. We cannot make nations respect om- nation, or its governraent, if we place before thek eyes the persons ansAver- ing to the first princes of the governraent, in the Ioav and sub- orffinate character of a foreign mimster. It must be a pitifffi countiy indeed, in AA'hich the second man in the nation wffi accept of a place upon a footing with the corps diplomatique, especiaUy envoy such a one, arabassador such a one, or plenipotentiary such a one. The nation must hold itself very cheap, that can choose a man one day to hold its second office, and the next ' Mr. Jefferson has given his account of this conference in his Ana. It seems to have been drawn up in 1818, from recollections associated with a memoran dum made at the time. But no means are furnished by which to distinguish the original from the additions. He mentions Madison, Gerry, and Pinckney, as the three persons named for the mission. Mr. Adams gave, in 1809, his version ofthe same conference, formed much in the same way, excepting that his original memoranda date in 1801, four years later. He mentions Madison or Jefierson as one of the three, though he speaks of other characters having been considered in the course of the conversation ; and this exactly conforms to the earlier record. ( )FFICIAL. 539 send him to Europe, to dance ¦.ittendance at levees -and ffi-aAving rooms, among the common major-generals, simple bishops, earls, and barons, but especiaUy araong the common trash of ambassadors, envoys, and ministers plenipotentiary. The nation has chosen Jefferson, and commanded him to -.i certain station. The President, therefore, has no right to com mand Mm to another, or to take hira off from that. A nation, to be consistent, must highly resent it. It appeared to rae in this light, Avhen the raission to England was talked of ; two or three persons proposed to me to go, but I positively refused to have any thing said about it, and gave the reasons above, among many others.^ Indeed, I thought it wrong to send the chief 1 The date of this letter relieves the statement here made from all suspicion of especial motive. It thus forms a complete answer to a charge made three years later by Mr. Hamilton in his well known attack upon Mr. Adams. In that pamphlet is au attempt to connect with a private letter, made public by a violation of confidence on the part of Tench Coxe, an imputation of unworthy motives in writing it, which is the only circumstance that gives the affair any importance. It now clearly appears that Mr, Hamilton was mistaken. A'et, inasmuch as an impression seems to have prevailed elsewhere than with IMr. Hamilton, that Mr. Adams, against the uniform tenor of his preceding life, and contrary to all probabilities, had solicited the mission to England at the time here spoken of, it will not be out of place to add to this letter to Mr. Gerry, bearing date three years before the charge was thought of, an extract from a fragment written in 1801, originally intended as an answer to Mr. Hamilton, touching the same point. " It is scarcely conceivable in what this assertion originated. There has been no moment since Mr. Adams's return to America, that he would have accepted an appointment to England on any terms. He returned weary and satiated with the diplomatic course. He returned voluntarily. There is Uttle doubt his commission would have been renewed to the court of London, if he had desired it. But so far from wishing it, he resigned all his commissions in Europe, and instead of asking leave to return home, he wrote the then Secretary of State, Mr. Jay, that he was determined to return." . . " Mr. Adams had also other reasons against any appointment abroad, and these were the same that President Washington suggested, according to Mr. Hamilton. jMr. Adams, however, never knew till he read it in this pamphlet, that the thought had ever occurred or been proposed to President AVashington." [The letter to Mr. Jay, above referred to, is found in this volume, p. 424 ] " The only circumstance which Mr. Adams can recollect, connected with this subject, is this. A gentleman once came to him and said, that he had come to proprfse to him a thing that appeared to him in a very serious Ught. A nego tiation was in contemplation with England. The people and Congress were anxious. Some gentlemen of the Senate, one in particular, had desired him to see the Vice-President and propose to him to accept an appointment, and by way of inducement said that Mr. Adams would have an unanimous vote in the Senate. Sir. A. laughed at the idea of an unanimous vote, and said that he knew his own station in society so well as to know that unanimous votes were luxuries which were never to fall to his lot. That, in some former parts of his life, he had tasted the delicious flavor ; but it was never to gratify his palate again. 540 OFFICIAL. justice ; he was too high to go, even as an arabassador ; but to send hira as envoy, was unpardonable ; it must mark us with contempt in aU Em-ope. But avc stuffiously degrade our govern raent, by every ingenious invention, and then wonder that our nation and governraent are despised. The satisfaction you express with my Uttle harangue, before taking the oath, gives me great pleasme. I had been so abused, beUed, and misrepresented, for seven years together, without uttering one syUable in my own vinffication, and alraost without one word in my favor from anybody else, that I was determined to give the Ue ffirect to Avhole volumes at once, be the conse quence Avhat it would. I am, my dear Sk, with great respect, John Adams. TO THE HEADS OF DEPARTMENT. Philadelphia, 14 AprU, 1797. The President of the United States requests the Secretary of State 1 to take into his consideration the foUowing questions,^ and make ijtoort of his opinion in writing, viz. : 1. WhetfieiHhe refusal to receive Mr. Pinckney, and the rude orders to quit Pari^find the tenitory of the republic, with such circumstances of incUgnity, insult, and hostiUty, as we have been informed of, are'ybars to all further measm-es of negotia tion. Or, in other words, wiU a fresh mission to Paris be too great a humiliation of the Araerican people in thek own sense and that of the Avorld ?\ f^ , ' 2. If another missiolf be admissible, can any part, and\what parts, or articles, of the ti-eaty of amity and coramerce with But he said to the gentleman, that he absolutely forbid his name to be mentioned on the occasion, for that he would refuse it, if he should be nominated, even if the miracle should be wrought in the Senate of an unanimous vote in his favor ; and he assigned the same reasons which are hinted at above." 1 The same form addressed to the Secretaries of the Treasury and of War, and the Attorney-General. 2 It has been affirmed that Mr. Adams decided all questions with little regard to his cabinet. The sequel will show that although he settled principles for himself, he was elaborate in the submission of all the detaUs to their considera tion, and ready to foUow their advice so long as his confidence in them lasted. OFFICIAL. 541 Great Britain be offered to France/or ultimately conceded to that poAver in case of necessity, if demanded by her ? ^7 3. \What articles of the tieaty of affiance, and of the ti-eaty of commerce, with France, should be proposed to be aboUshed ? 3 4. Whether it AA'ffi be prudent to say anything concerning the consular convention with that poAver, and, if it will, what altera tions in it shoffid be proposed ? 5. Whether any ucav articles, such as are not contained in either of our treaties AA'ith France or England, shaU be proposed, or can be agieed to, if proposed by the French government ? 6. What documents shaU be prepared to send to France, as evidence of insult and injuries committed against the coraraerce of the United States by French ships of war or privateers, or by French commissioners, agents, officers, or citizens ? 7. Lt'AA'hat terms shaU remonstiances against spoliations of property yCcapture of vessels, imprisonment of masters and mari ners, cruelties, insffits, and abuses of every Mnd to our citizens, be made ?^ 8. In what terras shaU restitution, reparation, corapensation, and satisfaction, be demanded for such insffits and injuries ? 9. ShaU demand be made of payment to our citizens for property purchased by the French government in Europe, or in the East and West Inffies ? 10. ShaU deraand be made of the French goA'ernment of payment for vessels and cargoes captured and seized, whether by sMps of war or private sMps ? 11. Shall any commission of inquky and examination, like that Avith England, be agreed to ? 12. What articles in the British ti-eaty can be offered to France Avithout compensation, and what AAith compensation, and Avhat compensaticm ^all be demanded ? 13. ShaU a project «r^new treaty, aboUshing the old tieaties and consular convention, be proposed to France ?\ 14. ShaU such a project, Avith a project of insfTuctions to the minister, be proposed and laid before the Senate for thek advice and consent before they be sent to Em-ope ? ^ John Adams. 1 It is to be regretted that the limits of this work will not permit of the insertion of the opinions of the cabinet ofiicers, often quite long, upon the various topics on which they were consulted by Mr. Adams. In the present VOL. VIII. 46 542 OFFICIAL. THOMAS MIFFLIN TO JOHN ADAMS. Philadelphia, 12 May, 1797. Sir, — By an act of the general assembly of this State, it has become my duty to purchase and import ten thousand stand of arms, for the use of the mUitia ; but I find that it will be impracticable, at present, to forra an advantageous conti-act, unless I can promise the interference of the American ministers in Europe, to obtain permission from the respective govern ments for exporting the arms either from Great Britain, HoUand, or Hambra-g; and unless I can obtain from the United States a remission of the duties on iraportation. As the object is of instance, in particular, though the first to develop the difference of policy between the President and the two principal ministers, which afterwards caused the disruption of the cabinet, it is only possible to give a meagre abstract of their views. It should be borne in mind, that they had been at first decidedly opposed to any further measures of a conciliatory character towards France, that in this they had been overruled by the President, and that they had found no support for their opinion iu the quarter to which they habitually looked for direction — Mr. Hamilton. But for this accidental coincidence in the views of the President and Mr. Hamilton, it is not unlikely that the breach would have commenced at this moment, so Uttle did the ministers feel under any obliga tions to sympathise with the responsible head ofthe administration. Mr. AVolcott's answer to the above questions is to be found at large in Mr. Gibbs's " Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and Joiin Adams," vol. i. pp. 502-517, a work more valuable for the original documents it contains, than for the spirit in which it is written. The answer of Mr. Pickering is equally long, but much less ambiguous. It advocates further negotiation, as decidedly demanded by the country, but it would dispense with all "fraternizing words." It points out certain alterations in the former treaties with France, which might be made as concessions, to place her more on the same footing on which Great Britain had been placed by Jay's treaty ; and specifies others, as demands to be made of her. The Oth, 10th, and llth questions are answered affirmatively; the foUowing ones in the nega tive. To the 14th and last, involving an important principle, he says : " A project of instructions for negotiating a treaty with Spain, was laid before the Senate in 1792, and approved. The peculiar situation ofthe United States, and especially of the executive branch of the government, in relation to France, would render our adoption of that precedent highly expedient, if we could trust to the fidelity of all the members of the Senate. There, was no induce ment of passions or interest to betray the instructions to Spain ; but any instruc tions, alike communicated, for negotiating a new treaty with France, would reach the Directory sooner than we could send them to our minister." M]-. jMcIIeni-)- is still more decided for further negotiation, and for an offer to modify every commercial ine(iuality between France and England. He is ailvcvse to any changes in the old treaties with France, excepting only the mutual guaranties. He answers the 4th question in the negative. To the 6th, he pro poses the same course pursued in the case of Great Britain. To the 7th, he recommends mild and calm terms. He proposes in the ninth case, that the claims OFFICIAL. 543 national importance and utility, I take the liberty of requesting that you avUI favor me Avith yom- sanction upon ihe first point, and that you aa'UI be pleased to submit the second point fo the consideration of Congress. I have the honor to be, AAith great respect, cVe., Thomas AIifflin. be urged, but not demanded. He takes the affirmative of the lOtli aud llth, the negative ofthe 13th and llth questions, and concludes by saying: " In the exercise of this branch of executive power, it will be found the best course to reduce the cooperation of the Senate to the appointment of the nego tiator aud the ultimate /lai ornegative. Much, I believe, has been already- done to this end, and it may not, for any partial reason, be expedient to relinquish the ground which has been gained," Mr. Lee favors a new mission, and every equalization of commercial rights between the United States and France and England, even to the surrender of the principle of free ships, free goods, in the French treaty. He also suggests changes in the old treaties ; thinks a discussion of the consular convention not necessary, but, if entered into at all, proposes modifications. He thinks the terms used in remonstrance should be those of candor ami conciliation, but expUcit, argumentative, and independent. The demands for reparation should also be moderate and reasonable. The 9th question is answered in the negative. The 10th and llth, in the affirmative. In reply to the 12th, he suggests the offer made in his answer to the first, France retaining her priority of date as to all articles in the treaties of 1778 not modified. He favors the idea of abolish ing these treaties, but would not propose it to France. Lastly he says " no " to the 14th question, for three reasons, the third of which is, ¦ — " Because no project consistent with the honor and interest of this country can be proposed at this time, which will be satisfactory to the Senate and to France too. They are so wide in their ideas and principles, that if ever they meet it must be in process of time, which is constantly producing new events. A project of this kind, then, if laid before the Senate and approved by them, would increase the chance of disappointment in the mission, in proportion as the powers of negotiation are restrained and the sentiments of the Senate are publicly known." " In the critical situation of things the best mode seems to be to communicate, in explicit instructions, what stipulations the envoy may make, and what he must not agree to, if proposed by France." The aversion of two of the cabinet officers to the very proposal of a mission is now clearly seen in their own letters. Mr. Hamilton was obliged to speak plainly, to check them. On the 30th of March he wrote thus to AVolcott: "I ought, my good friend, to apprise you, for you may learn it from no other, that a suspicion begins to dawn among the friends of the government, that the actual administration is not much averse from war with France. How very important to obviate this ! " it also appears from the Hamilton papers that Mr. Pickering had already received from the President a check upon his eagerness to accumidate matter for irritation with France in advance of the assembling of Congress ; that he immediately and secretly appealed from this judgment to Mr. Hamilton, who in reply hesitatingly counseUed acquiescence. This was done in less than four weeks after Mr. Adams's induction into office. See the letters between these parties, indicating their disposition at this time. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. pp. 219, 226, 229, 239, 246, 249. 544 OFFICIAL. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN. Philadelphia, 22 May, 1797. Sir, — I have received the letter you ffid me the honor to AAQ-ite me, on the 12th of this month, and have maturely con sidered the subject of it. The substance of yom- ExceUency's first request is, that I AA'ould insti-uct the American ministers in Europe to use their influence to obtain permission from the respective governments for exporting frora Great Britain, HoUand, or Hamburg, ten thousand stands of arms, for the use of the mUitia of Pennsyl vania. As this request appears to me to be reasonable and proper, I shall readily and cheerfuUy comply with it, whenever yom- Excellency shall be pleased to indicate to me, or to the Secretary of State, the names of the agents proposed to be employed. Your Excellency's second request is, that, as the proposed importation is an object of national utUity, I woffid submit to the consideration of Congress the expeffiency of a remission of the duties payable on such importation. On this point, permit me respectfffily to observe, that the recommendations of the President to Congress have commonly related to measures of general policy, and a deviation from this rtde may be attended Avith inconvenience ; that an exemption on arras imported for a particular State would operate as a grant to that State, and ought, of course, to be provided for by a special laAV. Of the poliey of recommenffing a general repeal of the duties on arras imported into the United States, doubts are entertained, as a manufacture woffid thereby be ffiscouraged, which it is the pubUc interest to support and encourage.^ I have the honor to be, &c., John Adams. 1 This letter to Governor Miffiin had been submitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, and his report, dated on the 19 th of May, concurred in by the Secre tary of State, is incorporated almost entire in this reply. OFFICl.VL. 545 TO J. Q. ADAMS. PhUadelphia, 2 June, 1797. AIy dear Son, — I Mioav not Avhether I raay not have incom moded you, and ffisappointed your plans, by the alteration I have made in your destination. The mission to Portugal appeared to me to be less important to the United States than a raission to Prussia. The north of Europe, at present, is more interesting to us than the south ; the neuti-al poAA'ers of Denmark, Sweden, and Prussia, seem to be naturally raore affied, by syra- pathy, at least, with us neuti-als than others, and I thought yom- tafents, sagacity, and industiy might be more profitably exerted in coUecting and tiansmitiing intelUgence of the views and designs of those courts and nations, than they coffid be in Lis bon, Avhere there wffi be Uttle to do, that I can foresee, besides sleepmg siestas. The tieaty AA'ith Prussia is to be rencAved, and after you shall have completed that, you wffi mforra me whether you choose to remain at Berlin, or go to SAveden or Denmark. I woffid not advise you to make any permanent estabUshment at Berlin, but keep yourself ffi a posture to remove to some other court, AAiien you shall have rencAved the treaty. I hope your new commission wffil reach you before you leave HoUand or England ; but if, unfortunately, you shaU be at Lis bon, there is no remedy, and you must submit to the ti-ouble of removing again to Prussia. The part AA'hich the Kmg of Prussia raeans to take, either durmg the war, or at and after the peace, and what his relations are to be ki future toAvards France and England, AviU be im portant for us to knoAV. The Emperor of aU the Russias, too, and the Emperor of Germany, are important luminaries for the poUtical telescope to observe. In short, AA-hat is to be the future system of Europe, and how we best can preserve friendsMp Avith them aU, and be most usefffi to them aU, are specffiations and inqukies Avorthy of your head and heart. A^ou have AAisely taken aU Europe for yom- theatie, and I hope Avffi continue to do as you have done. Send us aU the mforraation you can coUect. I wish you to continue your practice of AA'riting freely to me, and cautiously to the office of State. My love to yom- brother. Your affectionate father, John Adams. 4(3* I 2 546 OFFICIAL, TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. PhUadelphia, 20 June, 1797. AI\; DEAR Friend, — I have this moment Avritten a message to the Senate, nommatmg you to be an envoy extiaorffinary to the French repubfic. KnoAvmg, as I ffid, AL. Dana's aversion to the sea, and Ms contmual ffiead of his mother's fate, I was ahvays apprehensive he Avoffid decUne, and shoffid have nomi nated you at Mst, if I had not been overrffied by the opimons of raany gentlemen, that AL. Dana's experience in tMs Une, and especiaUy Ms title of cMef justice, woffid be great advantages m France, as weU as among our people in America.^ I know you must make a sacrifice, but I smcerely hope you Avffi not ffisappomt me. I shoffid be very happy to see you here, before you embark. AL. AlarshaU accepts, and Avffi be here in a AA-eek frora this day. The voyage, I ara confident, will be for your health. Aly compUments to Afi-s. Geny. TeU her she must not object. lif she cannot accompany you, she raust sacrffice a little, as ALs. Adams ffid before for six years. I pray you to let me hear from you as soon and as often as possible. I am your smcere friend, John Adams. TO URIAH FORREST. Philadelphia, 20 June, 1797. Dear Sir, —I received yesterday your favor of the 23rd, and am very much obUged to you for it. The paper mclosed m it is a serious thmg. It Avffi be a motive, in adffition to many others, for me to be upon my guard. It is evidence of a mind, soured, yet seeking for popffiarity, and eaten to a honey comb Avith ambition, yet weak, confused, uffinformed, and i Mr, Adams deUcately avoids to state the main reason, which was the resist ance of his cabinet officers to the nomination. Which of these parties — Air Gerrj-, orthe reluctant officers, — proved, by their conduct, the most to have deserved his confidence, is for posterity to judge, from the evidence presented to it, without partiahty or prejudice. OFFICIAL. 547 ignorant. I have been long convmced that tMs anibiti.on is so mconsiderate as to be capable of going great lengths. " I shaU carefuUy keep the secret, as far- as it may compromise characters and names.' It woffid aftbrd me great pleasm-e to make a visit to the citA' of AVashington, Alount A^ernon, GeorgetoAvn, izc. ; but the sum mer AAiU be a busy one, and my oavh heffith, as AveU as that of your friend ALs, Adams, AAiU obUge us to go northward, if we stk fr-om Pennsylvania this year. I receive A-ery kkiffiy your ofler to commufficate information to me frora tirae to time. I shaU stand ki need of it from all quarters, and shaU receive it from none AAith more pleasure. I am, Sk, Avith great esteem, &c. John Adams, TO elbridge GERRY. PhUadelphia, 8 July, 1797, Dear Sir, — I wrote you a Une, yesterday, but was so busy I coffid not effiarge. The Secretary of State wffi send you your instiuctions, and as ample a coUection of documents as AA-e can prepare. AL, AlarshaU w-iU saU next week ; but you may reach Amsterdam frora Boston as early as he Avffi, though you cannot saU so soon. There is the utmost necessity of harraonA", coraplaisance, and condescension among the tMee euA-oys, and unanimitA" is of great importance. In such a nego tiation the attention shoffid be to the great objects, and smaUer matters must sometimes be yielded or neglected. ,<^t is my sincere deske that an accommodation may take place ; but our nationffi faith, aud the honor of our government, cannot be sacrfficed. Y'^ott haA"e known enough of the rm- 1 General Forrest had communicated to Air. Adams, from memory, having heard it read, the substance of one of the many letters circulated at this time by At. Jefferson, under the strongest injunctions that no copy should be aUowed to be taken. It is worth whUe to contrast the opinion here expressed of ^Ir. J. with the uneasiness felt by Air. HamUton and his friends lest Mr. Adams should be led bv that gentleman. Fortunate would it have been for aU the parties, if the idea oi leading Air, Adams had not been alwavs uppermost in their minds! Hamilton's Works, vol vi. pp. 192, 206. .548 OFFICIAL. pleasant effects of disunion among miffisters to convince you of the necessity of avoiding it, like a rock or quicksand^ There have been many instances of three ambassacrors at a time. The Dutch at Altmster had eight. In modern times they have not been common, and in this case, it ought to be considered by the French, as it avUI be considered by the world, as a great compUment and a signal mark of respect. I AAish you to get acquainted at Amsterdam with our bankers there, Alessrs. AVUlink and Van Staphorst, and in France, if you are received there, to inqffire into the conduct and character of our late and present consuls, and thek inferior agents, and to find out what Mnd of speculations have been canied on there. You AA'iU see that AL. Blount, the senator, has been speculating Avith the EngUsh, but some suspect this to be only a feint, and that the real design was upon France or Spain, or both. SAA'an, Hichborne, Edwards, &c., in connection with others in this countiy, have been speculating, and I fear these specffiators have done this country no good. As to our being a divided people, aU nations are divided. France is ffivided; so are HoUand, England, Italy, and Ger many. There aa'IU ever be parties and ffivisions in aU nations ; but our people wffi support thek governraent, and so wffi the French theirs. Xot to expect divisions in a free countiy, Avould be^in absurffity. »sjt is probable there wffi be raanoeu-vres practised to excite jealousies araong you, both by Americans, EngUsh, Dutch, and French ; this should not produce too much irritation, but should press you closer together. You Avffi hear a great deal of affected contempt, as AveU as a great deal of affected esteera and admka tion of America. Neitl^r shoffid affect you much. But I cannot enlarge. I wisfi'nLs. Geny health and comfort, and tat you may acquke glory enough to compensate for all your res. N. B. I must give you a Mnt about economy. I woffid be as plain and cheap as possible in dress, equipage, lodgings, Uvery, and every thing. I woffid not give raany feasts to Ame ricans. Decorum must be observed. You AviU be sunounded AA-ith projectors and swinffiers. You wffi not be deceived by them. ,/ I am, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL, 549 TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. Philadelphia, 17 July, 1797, Dear Sir, — I have this moment received your letter of the 10th. That man must have more sldll in intrigue than any that I have been acquainted Avith, Avho can sap the foundation of the confidence I have in AL. Gerry .^ No such attempt has been made ; all have confessed to me your honor and integrity. Sorae have expressed doubts of your orthodoxy in the science of government ; others have expressed fears of an unaccommo dating disposition, and others of an obstinacy that wUl risk great things to secure small ones. Some have observed that there is, at present, a happy and perfect harmony among all our ministers abroad, and have expressed apprehensions that your appointment might occasion an interruption of it. But aU those intimations made no impression upon me. Since your appointraent all have acquiesced, and there has never been a AVord lisped in conversation or in Avriting against it. Not one appointment I have yet made has given better satisfaction. It is of great importance that harmony should be preserved among all our ministers abroad, and I am determined that no Randolph appointments shall be made by me. I sincerely wish peace and friendship with the French ; but, whUe they countenance none but eneraies of our Constitution and administiation, and vUify every friend of either, self-defence, as well as fidefity to the public, wiU compel me to have a care what appointments I make. General Marshall took leave of me last night, and sails to-day in the Grace, Captain WiUis, for Arasterdara. He is a plain man, very sensible, cautious, guarded, and learned in the law of nations. I think you AviU be pleased Avitii him. You will arrive in Amsterdam as soon, or sooner than he Avill. The Se cretary of State wiU send you all the documents you may want. I am, dear Sir, Avith best Avishes for your pleasant voyage, successful negotiation, and glorious return, your friend, John Adams. 1 " I shall rely on your candor and goodness, for a fair opportunity of remov- ins: every impression, which in this age of intrigue and iUiberaUty might be ', attempted, to sap the foundation of your confidence in me. I do not know that the attempt wiU be made, but must expect my share of political persecution." I Extract. E. Gerry to John Adams, 10 July. ^ ^ 550 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. ') Quincy, 25 August, 1797. Dear Sir, — I have received, in course, your favors of July 28th, August 1st, 3d, and 17th. That of July 28th only inclosed a letter from Mr. Gerry. The Mediterranean passports, mentioned in your letter of August 1st, I signed, as soon as possible, and returned them to you in three packets by the post. I saAV AL. HoAA'cll at Boston, Providence, and Quincy; but as he said nothing to me on the subject of his salary, I thought it unnecessary for me to mention it to him. The commissioners have UOAV adjourned for another year. I have read the deposition of Jaraes Wallis, and the letter of Judge Sitgreaves,^ inclosed in yours of August 3d. The raeasures you have taken, are the most prudent that could have been taken, I beUeve ; and no proclamation appears to be necessary for the present. A proclamation would excite and spread alarms, and luake more of the thing than there appears to be in it. It is very strange that the officers of justice cannot make ffiscoveries and obtain evidence, if there are facts. When witnesses talk about agitations and prevaUing reports, it may be ground for inquky to an attorney-general. But, certainly, armies cannot be levied AA'ithout Avitnesses ; and witnesses may prove crimes ; and crimes raay be punished, unless our countiy is abandoned of God. With great regard, &c. John Adams. P. S. I thank you for sending the brigantine Sophia to the relief of our suffering seamen.^ ^o 1 The letter and deposition gave notice to the government of enUstments making in North Carolina for some secret purpose. Mr. Pickering, in his letter, says: "I answered the Judge that the papers would be submitted to your considera tion ; and that, perhaps, you might think it proper to issue a proclamation to check the evil, and warn the people of their danger." " I shall write advice of this discovery to the judges and district attorneys of South CaroUna and Georgia, and probably to the governors of the three southern States, that they cooperate in counteracting such pernicious designs. The instructions, given by the Secretary of War to the officer commanding the troops in Tennessee, may supersede the necessity of any other measures. And, by all these steps, perhaps a proclamation may be rendered unnecessary." 2 This is in answer to Mr. Pickering's letter of the 17th, in which he says : " Recent inteUigence of the wretched condition of numbers of our seamen, OFFICIAL. 551 TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARA' OF STATB. Quincy, 26 August, 1797. Dear Sir, — I have received yom- letter of August 21st, and the packet from Colonel Moultiie, of South Carolina. The subject is so voluminous that I have not yet had tirae to read all the pamphlets. The letter I have read.^ I must refer him to you and the attorney-general, to consider whether my first opinion is right or not, which is, that application raust be made to the legislatm-e, and that the executive power is not, by the Constitution or any act of Congress, adequate to the business. I ought, indeed, first to have acknoAvledged the receipt of yom- favor of the 19th. I had considered, as maturely as I could, the characters and pretensions of all the canffidates, and had informed the attorney-general of the result, and had requested Mm, m case AL. HaU should decline, to consider John Read as appointed, and employ hira immeffiately. I now request you to make out and present him his commission.^ AL. HopMnson never appUed, to my knowledge, tffi after AL. Hall's refusal. Though he is personaUy unknown to me, I have formed a good opinion of his talents, disposition, and principles, and might have hesitated longer, if his application had been in season. But, from your representation, as well as other considerations, I see no reason to alter my determination, commufficated to Mr. Lee Avith his approbation. AL. Read, I think, ought to be appointed. John Adams. cast ashore, by French privateers, at SL Jago de Cuba (a place of no trade), who for want of means of returning, were constrained to enter on board the privateers, joined to the former accounts of the iU treatment of others and their imprison ment by Victor Hugues, determined me, with the concurrence of the Secretary of War, to send the Sophia on this voyage without more delay. She wiU sail this day." 1 It contained an offer to convey to the United States the title to a large tract of land in Georgia. 2 As agent of the United States, before the Board of Commissioners upon British debts. 552 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. East Chester, 12 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — I arrived here, at Colonel Smith's, last night with my famUy, and I shaU make this house my horae tffi we can go to PhUadelphia with safety. Even if avc should be obliged to convene Congress at any other place than Philadelphia, it Avill be better for ALs. Adaras to remain here with her daughter than to go AA'ith me into lodgings. I pray you to give me your opinion whether it wUl be expe dient to convene Congress at any other place than the usual one, and if it is, Avhether Ncav York is not the only convenient place. I have assisted in Congress at Trenton, Lancaster, Yorktown, and Baltimore, and knoAV by experience that even tolerable accommodations are scarcely to be obtained at the three fkst, and the last is as much infected at present as PhUa delphia. A proclamation, too, must be thought on and prepared. If you adffiess your letters to me at East Chester, and recom mend them to the care of Charles Adams, Esq., at New York, I shall get them Avithout much loss of time ; but if a maU could be made up for East Chester, they raight come sooner. I know not whether this can be done Avithout appointing a postmaster at this place, and I know of no one to recomraend. In a former letter I requested you to commit to paper, minutes, as usual, of matters to be communicated and recomraended to Congress at the opening of the session, and I noAV repeat the request. I rejoice that I am hoav within a hunffied mUes of you, that the communications betAveen us may be more frequent, and that, in case of urgency, we may soon meet here or at Trenton, or at some intermeffiate place. There is a law or resolve, requesting the President to AA'rite to the governors of the States, for information Avhether they have adopted the amendment of the Constitution relative to the suabiUty of States. I knoAV not but you may have executed this resolution ; if not, I beg you would Avrite without loss of time, lest a noise shoffid be made at the opening of the next session, and we shoffid be charged with neglect of duty. John Adams. OFFICIAL. 553 TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. East Chester, 14 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — ¦ Yom- favor of the 7th, and the duplicate of it, and that of the Dth, with their inclosures, I received last night. Dr. Rush has so many motives to wish that Congress may assemble in Philadelphia, that his testimony must be weighed Avith certain grains of aUoAvance. It is but a small consolation to the senators ancl representatives of the United States, to say that the malignant contagion is but Uttle spread in the city, and is chiefly confined to Southwark, since the inhabitants of South wark, as weU as Philadelphia, AAiU have poAver to fffi the galleries of both Houses, and bring their infection with thera. Such is the aversion of the eastern merabers to the idea of going to PhUadelphia on the second Monday in November, that I am confident there wUl not be a quorum of either House for many weeks after it. The merabers wffi be scattered, some at horae, and some at taverns on the road, and sorae in PhUadelphia, aU in a very ffisagreeable, awkAA'ard, and uncertain situation. Wffi it not be better, then, by convening Congress at Ncav York, to give them an opportunity of judgmg for themselves of the proper time, and making the adjournment to Philadelphia thek oavu act? The letter fi-om Mr. WUUam Tm-nbuU, of Carlisle, soliciting the tieasury of the mint, and AL. Bassett's letter recommenffing Dr. James Sykes to the same office, I return to you, that you may file together aU the appUcations and recommendations for that appointment, and deliver them to me when Ave meet to determine the question. I thank you for writing to AL. Hodgdon ^ on the necessity of adffitional night watches. I am afraid my house avUI stand a worse chance of escaping the speculations of the vffiains than any others ; but I knoAA' not what can be done to secure it, more than has been done. A sentinel at the door, if such a watch coffid be hked, Avould frighten the people of PhUadelphia more than the plague. Santhonax's departure for France wffi be no reUef to our 1 President of the city councU of Philadelphia. An attempt had been made to break open the house. VOL. VIII. .47 554 OFFICIAL. commerce, nor wiU any negotiations going on, or tieaties we can make, untU our vessels arm in thek OAvn defence. TMs is ray opinion. I wish I raay be deceived; but I beUeve aU Frenchmen are of opinion with my old friend, the Abbe de Mably, Avho once said to rae : " L n'y a point de raorale pour un homrae qui niemt de faim." They wiU aU, I beUeve, agree m this, though you and I shaU not, and add, at least in practice, " II n'y a point de tiaite pour une nation qffi meurt de faim." I am afraid they wffi eme our people of their too fond attach ments, if they have any, by very harsh remeffies. I shall ffivide my tirae between New York and East Chester tffi the meeting of Congress. Your letters, to the care of my son, wUl soon reach me, and the more there are of them the better. With great regard, &c. John Adams. TO O. AVOLCOTT, JR., SECRETARY OF THE TREASURA'. East Chester, 20 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the lOth.^ Thank you for your care in Avriting to AL. Sands, who has furnished me with two thousand dollars, for Avhich I gave hira duplicate receipts, to serve for one, accordmg to your deske. Though I rejoice to learn from your letter that the sickness in the city is ffiminishing, I cannot admit your Avalk through the principal stieets of it to be full proof, because it is generaUy agreed that the principal streets are deserted by the inhabitants. You remeraber the anxieties and alarms among the members of Congress in 1793, their continual regret that no power had existed to convene them elsewhere, and their solicitude to pass an act to provide an authority ffi future. There AviU be so much imeasmess among them, if that authority is not exerted, that there wffi probably be no Congress formed before Christmas, and a few who Avffi venture into the city wffi be there in iffieness and out of their element. ' This letter is printed in Gibbs's Federal Administrations, vol. i. p. 568. OFFICIAL. 555 I thank you for the sentiments you have expressed relative to the system to be pm-sued. Can you send me a copy of the speech at the commencement of last session ? I have no copy of it here, and perhaps shall find it difficult to procm-e one. I should be glad, hoAvever, to knoAV yom- opinion, Avhether our envoys AvUl be received or not, AA'hether they avUI succeed or not; AA'itJi hints at your reasons, if any inteffigence has furnished any. ^TThe organization of the stamp tax suggests a vexation to me. Th§-^bffi AA'as AVorth money, and money aa'us so much Avanted for the ptibUc service, that I Avould not put it at risk ; otherAvise I AVoffid have negatived that bill ; not frora personal feeUngs, for I care not a farthing for aU the personal poAver in the AA'orld. But the office of the secretary of the tieasm-y is, in that bffi, premeffitateffiy set up as a rival to that of the President ; ^ and that poUcy wffi be pursued, if aa'c are not on our guard, tffi we have a qumtuple or a centuple executive dkectory, wkh all the Babyloffish dialect Avhich modern pedants most affectj^ I pray you to continue to Avrite me as often as possible.^ With high esteem, &c. John Adams. TO OLIA'ER AVOLCOTT, JR., SECRETARY OF THE TREASURA'. East Chester, 26 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — I have received yom- favor of the 20th, and thank you for your vigUant attention to the progress, or rather to the decUne, of the fever in PhUadelphia. I request your expUcit opimon, and pray you, if you can, to obtain those of Mr. McHenry and AL. Lee, whether, from the prevalence of contagious sickness in PhUadelphia, or the exist ence of any other ckcumstances, it woffid be hazardous to the 1 In the original organization of the departments, a remarkable variation from the general system of accountabiUty to the President had been made in the case of the secretary of the treasury, who has ever since made his reports directly to the legislature, and not under the supervision of the President. Mr._ Adams appears to have considered this measure as another step in the same direction. - Mr. AVolcott's reply is to be found in Mr. Gibbs's work, vol. i. p. 571. _ He promised an argument on the last topic, but he never sent it. There is an opinion given upon it by the attorney-general, in which he quotes five precedents, ¦without perceiving that these might be used as confirming the President's view. 5-56 OFFICIAL, lives or health of the merabers of Congress to meet in that city on the second Monday in November. If you cannot, Avith very clear consciences, answer in the negative, I shall issue a pro clamation convemng Congress at New York. For myself, I have no apprehension of danger ; but the members of Con gress wUl be more exposed than I shaU be, and I hold myself intrusted Avith the care of thek health, a precious deposit, which I wffi preserve accorffing to the best of my judgment, Avith perfect integrity, and with more caution than I would my own. It is scarcely AVorth a question, AA'hether they shaU be convened at Trenton, Lancaster, or any other place. I know, from pain ful experience, they cannot be accommodated at any of those places. The place must be PhUadelphia or New York. Si quid novisti rectius, imperii. I am, dear Sk, as ever, Avith great regard, John Adams. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. East Chester, 26 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — I have to thank you for your summary, in your letter of the 23d, of the despatches from AL. Pinckney, AL. Alunay, AL. Bulkely, &c. AL. Munay arrived in season to renew his old friendship Avith his predecessor. They had spent some weeks together at the Hague, more than a dozen years ago. AL. Adams had an opportunity to introduce AL. Murray to his friends, and to cora municate to hira the tiain of affairs ; an advantage which Mr. Murray earnestly wished before he saUed frora PhUadelphia. AL-. Pinckney has been weU acquainted with AL. Geny. They have ahvays been upon terras of friendship, and I doubt not he wiU be as weU pleased as if AL. Dana had accepted. Poor Portugal has been intiraidated into concessions, as hurailiating to herself as pernicious to the world. I am not surprised that M. Marbois should Avish that Colonel Pickering had not pushed the point of gratitude so far.' He may weU be 1 This aUudes to a passage in Mr. Pickering's letter touching the translation OFFICIAL. 557 surprised, and ought to be grateful that his oavh letter to Ver gennes Avas not quoted -at full length. NotMng coffid have better illustiated the question of gratitude. AIy youngest son, Thomas Boylston Adams, has been in Paris, and instead of being ordered out of France, as om- Ja cobinic papers boasted, he accepted, the day before he retm-ned, a polite invitation to dine AA'ith one of the Directors, Citizen Cariiot, by AA'hom he aa^us civffiy tieated, and m-ged to endeavor / to reconcUe the two countries. He AA'as admitted, and had a convenient seat assigned hira, at the ceremony of ffi-aAA'ing the lot, for the dkector AA'ho AA'as to rote out. In short, he AA'as ti-e-ated Avith gi-eat distinction. I ara disappointed in ray hopes of seeing Mm this season. His brother, AA'ho is a little ffiscon- certed at his removal to BerUii (AA'hich he says is in the heart of Germany, Avliere he shaU not see an American in a year), has taken advantage of it to kisist upon his company so earnestly, that I tMnk he avUI prevaU, and I must remain, another year at least, forlorn. AVe must prepare as exact a statement as om- inteUigence AviU justffy, of the position of om- agents, civU and mffitary, on the ALssissippi, and of the disposition of the Spaniards and inhabitants toAA-ards them, to be inserted in the speech. And pray, giA-e me yom- opmion, explicitly, AA'hether, from the prevalence of contagious sickness in PhUadelphia, or the exist ence of any other circumstances, it Avould be hazardous to the Uves or health of the members of Congress, to meet in that city on the second Alonday in Noveraber. If I should not issue a proclaraation convening Congress at Ncav York, I shaU take you by the hand in Trenton, the first AA'eek in November, in my way to PhUadelphia. I am, dear Sk, AA'ith gi-eat regard, yours, John Adams. P. S. I return you guardian Noel's speech to his helpless ward.^ and pubUcation of his despatch to General Pinckney of the 16th of January preceding. He says : "AU the members of the legislature were furnished, and officers of govern ment. AI. Segur and some others wish the case of gratitude had been touched more Uofhtiy. General Pinckney, however, thinks aU that is said upon it was necessary. " The friends of Vergennes (says Mountflorence) do not Uke the fiicts laid to his charge. AI. Alarbois would have wished Colonel P. had not so deeply pressed that matter." 1 This was an address from Noel, the minister of the French Directorv, in 47* 558 OFFICIAL, TO O. WOLCOTT, JR., SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. East Chester, 27 October, 1797, Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 24th,^ and thank you for yom- carefffi attention to the ffisteraper in PhUa delphia. Representations simUar to yours are sent me from various quarters. That there would be considerable public inconvenience in a convention of Congress at any place out of PhUadelphia, is certain, and this consideration has great weight. That there Avoffid be much popular clamor, at least much Ioav snarUng, araong the inhabitants of the foul dens in PhUadelphia, is very probable. This, hoAvever, woffid have Uttle weight Avith me, against a measure of general necessity or expediency. AL. McHenry and Mr. Pickering are of yom- opinion ; and tMs uffion wffi have more weight than aU the brawlers of Philadel phia, even though they shoffid be countenanced by the prudent citizens. Your conjectm-es concerffing the success of our envoys to France appear to me very probable ; yet I cannot apprehend so much from the personal feelings of TaUeyrand. He received a great deal of cordial hospitaUty in tMs country, and had not the smallest reason to complain, that ever came to my knowledge, in any place. As a reasonable man, he coffid not but approve of the President's caution, knowing himseff to be upon the list of emigrants, and knoAving the clamor which woffid be raised by the French minister at the presentation of an iUustiious French man by any other than himseff. It is a part of the duty of an arabassador, to judge of the persons among his countryraen whom it Avould be proper to present to government. It would have been a slight, at least, to the French mimster, to have received a man he had refused to present. It would have been offensive to the government of France, to have received a man proscribed by their laAvs. There is, however, little immeffiate advantage to be expected from this embassy, I fear. It avUI be spun out into an imraeasurable length, unless qmckened by an embargo. We must unshacMe our merchant ships. If Con- Holland, to the Batavian Convention, designed to influence the adoption of the Constitution by the people. 1 Printed in Mr. Gibbs's work, vol. i. 571. OFFICIAL. 559 gress AA'ffi not do it, I shall have scruples about continuing the resti-iction upon the collectors. What the session of Congi-css Avill produce, I know not ; but a torpor, a despondency, has seized all men in America as Avell as Europe. The system of terror, according to an Indian ex pression, has " put petticoats on them." The ti-eachery of the common people against their own countiies, the transports AAith Avhich they seize the opportunity of indffiging thek envy and gratifying their revenge against aU Avhom they have been in fhe habit of looldng up to, at every hazard to their counti-ies, and, in the end, at every expense of misery to themselves, has given a paralytic stroke to the Avisdora and com-age of nations. If peace is refused to England, they AviU leap the gulf Their stocks are not much higher than those of the French. The latter, I see in some speech in the Council of Five Hundred, have been at forty. Can these be the general mass of the French national debt, old as AveU as hcav ? The French dk-ectory, I take it for granted, must have war. War, open or understood, is thek eternal doom. I am, dear Sk, with unalterable esteem, ,IoHN Adams. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. East Chester, 31 October, 1797. Dear Sir, — I received yom- favor of the 28th. Inclosed are some papers I received from the city of Washington. They are dupUcates of such as I received several Aveeks ago. I have delayed an answer, because I Avas not satisfied, and wished to take advice. After you have examined them, I Avish for yom- opinion, first, Avhether I ought to sign the Avarrant of attorney AA'ithout Umitation of time ; second, Avhether the power ought not to be to Scott, Thornton, and WMte, and thek successors in the office of commissioners. The papers you wiU please to return to me with yom- advice. I thank you for another abridgment of the pubUc despatches. Are you not misinformed concerning La Forest ? I have un derstood that he is in Philadelphia, and that he arrived there 560 OFFICIAL. this last summer in the questionable shape of an unaccreffited charg^ des affakes. TaUeyrand, I should suppose, coffid not be for war with this countiy; nor can I apprehend that even the Triumvirate, as they begin to be called in France, will be for a measure so decided. A continued appearance of umbrage, and continued depredations on a Aveak, defenceless commerce, wffi be much more convenient for their views. By all the public papers I receive frora abroad, it appears that the state of things at present in France is exactly as I have many times written to particular friends in Europe. The executive dk-ectory is divided into a party of three, and a party of fjwo. The two are the most popular, coincide best with the public opiffion, and agree with a raajority in both houses of the legislature. This drives the three to the necessity of courting the array and the popu lace. And the question betAveen the three and the two can be decided only by a civU war. The worst evil that can happen in any government is a divided executive ; and, as a plural executive raust, from the nature of men, be forever divided, this is a demonstration that a plural executive is a great evil, and incompatible with Uberty. That emulation in the human heart, which produces rivalries of men, cities, and nations, Avhich produces almost all the good in human life, pro duces, also, alraost aU the evil. This is my phUosophy of govern ment. The great art lies in managing this emffiation. It is the only defence against its OAvn excesses. The eratdation of the legislative and executive powers should be made to control each other. The emulation between the rich and the poor among the people, should be made to check itself by balancing the two houses in the legislature, which represent these two classes of society, so inviffious at all times against each other. But, instead of three lines, which I intended to Avrite to you, I have slided into a pedantical lecture upon government, for which I beg your pardon. With great esteem and regard, yours, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL. TO THE heads of DEPARTMENT. 501 PhUadelphia, 24 January, 1798. The President of the United States requests the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasm-y, the Secretary of War, and the Attorney-Genei-al, to take kito thek consideration the state of the nation, and its foreign relations, especiaUy Avith France. These, indeed, may be so connected Avith those Avith England, Spain, HoUand, and others, that perhaps the former cannot be AveU Aveighed without the other. Qf om- envoys extraorffinary should be refused an auffience, or, after an auffience, be ordered to depart Avithout accompUshmg the objects of thek iffission^ 1. They may repair to HoUand; or, 2. Taa'o of them may return home, leavmg one abroad ; or, 3. All of them may retm-n to Araerica. In the first case, wffi it be prudent to caU them aU horae? and, in the second, to recaU the one ? In any of these three cases, Avhat wffi be necessary or expe ffient for the executive authority of government to do here ? In Avhat manner should the fkst intelligence be announced to ^ Copgress ; by message, or speech ? ", >^What measures shoffid be recommended to Congress ? Shall '^ an immeffiate declaration of AA'ar be recommended or suggested ? H not, AA'hat other systera shaU be reeoramended more than a repetition of the recoraraendations heretofore repeateffiy raade to both houses ? Wffi it m any case, and in Avhat cases, be advisable to recoraraend an embargo l\' What measures wffi be proper to take Avith Spain ? AVIiat with HoUand ? What with Portugal ? But, above aU, what wffil poUcy ffictate to be said to England, and hoAV shaU it be said ? by AL. King, or to AL. Liston ? and hoAV shaU it be con veyed to AL. King ? by packet, or any orffinary conveyance ; or by some special, trusty, and confidential messenger ? Wffi it not be the soundest poUcy, ca'ch in case of a declaration of war on both sides, betAveen France and the United States, for us to be totaUy sUent to England, and Avait for her overtures ? Wffi it not be imprudent in us to connect ourselves Avith Britain, in any manner that may impede us in embracing the ffist favor able moment or opportunity to make a separate peace ? What J2 562 OFFICIAL. aids or benefits can we expect from England by any stipulations with her, which her interest wffi not impel her to extend to us Avithout any? On the brink of the dangerous precipice on which she stands, will not shaking hands Avith her necessitate us to fall with her, if she falls ? On the other hand, what aid could we stipffiate to afford her, which our own interest would not oblige us to give Avithout any other obUgation ? In case of a revolution in England, a wild deraocracy -wiU probably prevail for as long a tirae as it did in France ; in such case, wUl not the danger of reviving and extenffing that delkium in America, be increased in proportion to the intimacy of our connection Avith that nation ? ^ t a John Adams. 1 No answers have been found to these questions, on the part of the Secretary of State or of the Treasury. The Secretary of War, in his reply, dated the 15th of February, thought that there was a general aversion to war in the mind.s of the people of the United States, and a particular dislike on the part of a portion of them, to a war with France. Hence an express declaration was unadvisable, as subjecting the country to all the chances of evil from the vengeance of an excited and victorious nation. A mitigated hostility would, therefore, be most advisable, which might leave a door open for negotiation. This might consist of a truly vigorous, defensive plan, with a countenance still kept up to negotiate. Should, therefore, one or more of the commissioners remain in Europe, it might be well to leave them there, not to lose the appearance of a disposition to negotiate. If, however, they should all return, it would be too humiliating to send them back. In this view the measures proposed to Congress should be : 1 . To give permission to merchant vessels, under proper guards, to arm for defence. 2. To authorize the President to prepare, as fast as possible, twenty sloops of war, from sixteen to twenty guns each. 3. To authorize him to complete the three remaining frigates. 4. To authorize him, in case of open rupture, to provide a number of ships ofthe line, not exceeding ten. 5. To declare the treaties of alliance and commerce suspended. 6. To provide for an immediate army of sixteen thousand men, and an auxUiary one of twenty thousand. 7. To bring into action all the sources of revenue, and to authorize an imme diate loan. The President's message, predicated on these measures, should recite all the inducements in a grave and dignified tone. An embargo did not seem to be eligible. With regard to other nations it was not expedient to enter into any formal engagements with any of them. Yet it might be well to sound Great Britain about a loan, about convoys, and a cooperation in case of open rupture, pointing to the Floridas, Louisiana, and the South American possessions of Spain, All on this side of the Mississippi, with New Orleans, to be ours in case of conquest. It might be weU, too, to make a provisional negotiation for ten ships of the line, to have effect in case the President should receive the authority to provide so many. A confidential messenger to be employed to communicate these instruc tions to the minister. Air. King. The appointment of a day of national fast, proper and expedient. OFFICIAL. -,5;] TO JAMES AVILKIXSOX, PhUadelphia, 4 FLbruary, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have received yom- favor of the 24th December, by the ALami cMef, the Little Tm-fle, and have received and observed him AA'ith attention. He is certainly a remarkable man. He is recovered of the smaUpox, and, Avhat is AA^orse, a severe fit ofthe gout. AA"e shaU endeavor to make him happy here, and contented after his return. I thank you for inti-oducing him to me, and for the kiformatioii you have given me concern- kig him. I have also received your letter of the 26th December. It is very tiue that I have been tortured for a greater part of the year past with Avritten anonyraous inskiuations against several persons in conspicuous public stations, that they had formed improper connections with Spam, and, araong others, agamst yourseff. It has been fi-equently asserted that you held a com mission and received pay as a Colonel in the Spanish serA-ice. TMs opimon seems to have taken such root upon the ALssis sippi, among the people in general, that scarcely any raan aniA-es fi-ora that neighborhood AA-ho does not bring the report along AA'ith him. They seem to be in such a teraper in that region, that nobody escapes accusation. I have not suffered The Attorney- General, assuming that the envoys had been refused an audience, thought aU communications to Congress should be by message. The envoys ought to be recaUed by an order of the President. The President should recommend a declaration of war. An embargo should not be laid, except by way of reprisal on French vessels in our ports only. An intunate connection with Great Britain to be avoided. Yet, thi-ough a confidential messenger, instructions might be given to Air. King, to make stipula tions to open our ports to British privateers and to prohibit aU trade wifh France. Our own merchant ships might arm. An additional force to the ai-my to seize upon New Orleans, in case Spain should foUow France. The exequaturs to the French consuls to be revoked. This opinion bears date the Sth of March. The President's otvn opinion of the poUcy to be pursued towards Great Britain, is sufficientiy indicated by the form of the questions. Jlr, Pickering invited Mr, HamUton to encourage an alliance, offensive and defensive, but Mr, Hamilton was too wary to commit himseff precipitately, though clearly favoring the idea as an ultimate measm-e. He especially urged the procuring "a dozen British frigates to be sent to our coast, to pursue the directions of this government," See the letter of Mr, Pickering and the answer. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p, 272, p, 27,S, 564 OFFICIAL, these rumors concermng you to make impression upon me ; but have lamented what I perceived must be the consequence of them among the people of the United States. The same jealousy or malice, Avhieh tiansmitted them to me, I suppose Avould propagate them elsewhere Avithout much reserve. I recoUect perfectly weU my injunction to you, in person, to employ aU the force Avithin your power, both raffitia and regu lars, if necessary, to oppose the English, or any other foreign nation, who should presume to attempt a violation of our terri tory by any expedition tMough it against thek enemies. It Avould be a pleasure to me to nominate your son to a commission, as you request ; but, in the first place, there is no vacancy in the artiUery at present, as I am told ; and, secondly, it Avas a rule established by my predecessor, that the ensigns should have attained the age of twenty-one, and I shordd be severely censured for departing from a military precaution of so high authority. I recoUect my consenting that you shoffid make an excursion, if in your judgment the service would admit of it, to the copper countiy. I thank you for the sample you have sent me, Avhich I design to have analyzed. For yom-self, Sk, I wiU say, I esteera yom- talents, I respect your services, and feel an attachment to your person, as I do to every man whose narae and character I have so long known in the service of our country, whose behavior has been consistent. We may be nearer than we suspect to another tiial of our spkits. I doubt not yours wffi be found faithful. What mea sures you raay think fit to take, to sUence the viUainous clamors and rumors of your connections with Spain and France, I know not; but no violent ones or military ones will do any good. I shall give no countenance to any imputations, unless accusations shoffid come, and then you wiU have roora to justify yourself. But, I assure you, I do not expect that any charge will be seriously made. I am, &c. John Adams. OFFICIAL .^^5 TO J. M. FORBE.S, PhUadelpliia, 6 February, 179,s. Sir, — I received, in season, and Avith pleasure, your letter of 12th January. I must avow that, upon the ffi-st pubUcation of AL. Alonroc's Avork, I Avas much hurt at that levity Avith AvMch so many Americans, and among them some of respectable character, had taken an open part against the executive authority of thek own government, especiaUy AA'hen that authority Avas exercised by a character so universally respected as AA'ashington. It looked as ff Americans AA'offid be forever kicapable of any Mnd of government. Your particffiar obUgations to AL, Alonroe for his services to your brother, must have made a deep kupression on your feel mgs, and the sense you express of them does honor to yom- heart, and AA'ffi apologize for a conduct AA'Mch, however, it AA'ffi not justify. As this is the ffist instance, it raay be pardoned ; but, most assureffiy, a second never wUl.^ I am obUged to you for writing to me on this occasion, and for the just sentiments and handsome expressions of them to, Sk, &c. John Adaais. JOHN SEVIER to JOHN ADAJIS. EjioxviUe, Tennessee, 6 February, 179,S, Sir, — In a letter of tMs day fi-om the Hon. DaA'id CampbeU, Esq,, one of the judges of the superior courts of laAV and eqffity in this State, he complams that on the 3d instant, about ten o'clock at ffight, on Ms own premises, and not AAithin the Inffian Une, he was anested by tAvo of Colonel Butler's officers, and conducted a prisoner to his cantonment, and there defamed untU the next day, before he was Uberated. Permit me, Sk, with aU due deference to observe that no act 1 Mr. Forbes, out of a sense of personal obUgations for the rescue of his brother from prison and perhaps from death, signed the address of the Ame ricans at Paris to Mr. Monroe, upon his recaU, which paper, in his " View ofthe conduct ofthe Executive," that gentleman made great use of to sustain himseff. VOL. vm. 48 566 OFFICIAL. hostile to the general government has been committed or attempted by the State of Tennessee, nor can any transaction of our government warrant the imputation of any thing of the kind. Our laAVS are sufficiently Avholesome and energetic, and also faithfully administered in a raanner fully corapetent and adequate to the suppression of every kind of criraes and enormi ties that raay be coraraitted. I do not harbor or entertain a doubt that the President ever gave any orders that will AA'anant or justify a procedure so despotic and inimical to the liberties of our citizens ; but, on the conti-ary, believe he is entkely uninformed that a transaction of the Idnd Avas contemplated. Permit me to express that it is painful in the extreme that such an event has happened, and been exercised on a charactei that has served Avith fidelity the United, as AveU as several of the States, in very Mgh and dignified stations. I therefore request Avith much solicitude that a stop may be put to such unwarrant able and unconstitutional conduct ; if not, the disorder may progress into an incurable disease. I cannot admit or suppose that martial law has any right to be enforced, when the civU meets no obstruction or impedi- raent ; but if such has been ffirected, we hope to be advised in order that avc raay know in Avhat manner to conduct in future. I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c. John Sevier. TO AVILLIAM S. SMITH. Philadelphia, 16 February, 1798. Sir, — I have received the letter you Avrote me on the 7th of this month, and I shaU give aU the attention to the subject of it which may be necessary. It is not new to me. You are too precipitate, in ray opinion, in pronouncing an opinion, that the General ^ has been guilty of high crimes, &c. There have not been wanting critics upon your conduct as severe as you have been upon his. It is reported, not much to the advantage of your reputation or mine, that you have been ^ WiUdnson. OFFICI.VL. 567 to Deti-oit, for Brockholst Livingston and company, to specffiate in lands and claims of those Avho mean to remain British sub jects and to remove to Canada ; and that, to cloak yom- real purposes, you gave out that you had been sent by me for ends of government of some sort or other. I can scai-cely beUeve that you coffid countenance a report so totaUy unfounded.^ I am, &c, John Adams, TO AVILLIAM S. SMITH. PhUadelphia, 2 March, 1798, Sir, — I have receiA'ed your letter of the 23d of February, the contents of wMch are satisfactory to rae. In my letter to you I ffid not say that I belicA-ed the report I had heard. Li truth, I did not give creffit to it ; but hearing the rumor, and knowmg others Avho had heard it, I was de termmed to give you an opportumty of conti-affictmg it, if you coffid contiaffict it, and of enabling me to do the same. You have noAV put it in my power, and I shaU avaU myself of it as opportuffity presents.^ General WUMnson has been mformed of the coraplakits, without any information fi-om Avhence they came, and instiucted to modify, if possible, his proclamation, so as to remove such of them as are weU founded. I am, &c. John Adams. 1 Colonel Smith had served in the army during the war. He received, from the Congress of the Confederation, the appointment of secretary of legation to the mission to Great Britain. He there married the only daughter of Mr. Adams. His tastes were aU for military Ufe ; but, after the faUure of the expe dition under General Miranda, in wliich he was engaged, he retired to the interior of New York, from whence he was sent as a representative to Congress^ in 1S13. He died in 1816- ~ This letter is material in connection with the letter to the same person of the 19th December of this year. See p. 618 and the note. 568 OFFICIAL. TO JOHN SEVIER, GOVERNOR OF TENNESSEE. PhUadelphia, 6 March, 1798. Sir, — I have received the letter you ffid me the honor to AVi-ite me on the 6th of February last. It is very certain I have never given any orders that AvUl Avanant or justify any procedure despotic or inimical to the Uberties of our citizens; but, on the contiary, was entkely uninformed, untU I received your letter, that any transaction of the Mnd you describe had been practised or contemplated. I inclose a copy of a letter since Avritten by my dkection to Lieutenant- Colonel Butler. I cannot, however, close this letter without inqffiring whether the Honorable David CampbeU, Esq., one of the judges of the superior courts of law and eqffity, in your State, is the person who Avrote and signed the name of CampbeU to a late pubUcation in a Knoxvffie Gazette. I have the honor to be, &c. John Adams. TO THE HEADS OF DEPARTMENT. PhUadelphia, 13 March, 1798. Wffi it be advisable to present immediately to Congress the whole of the commuffications from our minister in France, with the exception of the names of the persons eraployed by the minister Talleyrand to exhibit and enforce his requisitions for a bribe, under an injunction of secrecy as to that particular? Ought the President, then, to recommend, in his message, an immediate declaration of war ? ^ John Adams. 1 No answer to these questions, by the secretaries of State or of the Treasury, is found. Mr. Wolcott furnished a draft of a message which may have been his answer, and which was adopted and sent to Congress on the 19th. Mr. AIcHenry specifies two things as demanded by the French Directory. 1. A bribe of fifty thousand pounds sterUng for the ministers and four of their corps. 2. A loan for national purposes, as a condition precedent to the suspension of the order to capture our vessels. These demands being whoUy inadmissible, and no better being Ukely to be OFFICIAL. 569 F. DE MIRANDA TO JOHN ADAMS. A Londres, ce 24 Mars, 1798. Monsieur le President, — C'est au nom des colonies His- pano-Americaines, que j'ai I'honneur d'envoyer a votie Excel lence les propositions ci-jointes. Elles ont et6 presentees egale ment aux ministi-es de sa Majeste Britannique, qui les out re^u ti-es favorableraent, en teraoignant beaucoup de satisfaction d'avok- a agk dans un cas pareil avec les Etats Unis de I'Arae- rique. Et il me serable que le delai que j'eprouve (affligeant reeUement, dans un moment aussi pressant) resulte precisement de I'attente ou le gouvernement Anglais paroit etie, de vok I'Amerique du Nord decidee a rompre definitivement avec la ofiered a full disclosure to Congress, of all the facts, seems to be advisable and proper. The objections to this course are : 1 . Danger to the personal safety of the ministers. 2. It may make an insurmountable bar to any future negotiation. 3. It may be premature, as circumstances might yet change the designs of the Directory. The first objection is thought to have but a slight foundation, as the French seem to have expected publicity. The second is better founded. But the Pre sident, in communicating to Congress, under an injunction of secrecy, the requi sition of the French, devolves the responsibiUty of divulging it on Congress. As to the third, there seems to be no just ground to suppose any favorable change in the Directory as Ukely. As to the second question, Mr. McHenry would avoid an open declaration of war ; but instead of it, proposed a defensive plan, like that sketched out in his answer to the queries of the 24th January. The Attorney-General thought it would be dangerous to the safety of the envoys in France, if the disclosure of the facts were made knoivn before their departure should be ascertained. He was, therefore, not in favor of making the communications at this time. To the second question he gave an affirmative answer, pro-vided the declara tion were not made untU the envoys were known to have left France. Mr. Pickering, " without the privity of any one," as he says, communicated by two separate letters of the 25th to Mr. Hamilton all the secret information of the government. In one he answers a short letter of the 23d urging the com mumcation of the papers to Congress, and he darkly suggests the poUcy of a treaty, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain, and proposes that provisional orders to that end should be sent to Mr. King. In the other, he incidentaUy mentions the fact that the President decided to keep back the despatches on the ground suggested by the Attorney-General. HamUton's Works, vol. vi. pp. 272-278. Notwithstanding the President's decision, a caU was made by Congress for the despatches, on the 2d of April, and they were sent in the next day. " In this case," writes the keen-eyed Jefferson, "there appeared a separate squad, to wit, the Pinckney interest, which is a distinct thmg, and wiU be seen sometime to lurch the President. It is in truth the HamUton party, whereof Pinckney is only made the stalking-horse." See his letter to James Aladison. Eandolph's Jefferson, vol. Ui. p. 383. 48* 570 OFFICIAL, France ; par le desk qu'eUe a de faire cause commune, et de cooperer ensemble a I'independance absolue du continent entier du Nouveau-Monde. Comme I'esprit de justice, geiierosite, et attachement de mes compatiiotes vers les Etats Unis, se tiouve mieux exprime dans le document qffi me serf de pouvoir, autant que d'instiuction, j'ai votdu y joindre une copie complete. Persuade que cette demarche araicale et franche servka plus efficacement a accele rer la decision .... comptant toujours sur la reserve indispen sable, dans tout ce qui ne regarde pas ffirectement les Etats Unis. Si quelque article de ceux qui sont contenus dans cette instruction (ou toute autre chose qui soit relative) cut besoin d'expUcation, D. Pedro Josef Caro, un de mes compatiiotes, coramissaire aussi des colonies Hispano-Americaines, et charge de vous remettie celle-ci, pourra satisfake ampleraent et compe- terament a tout.^ Sa mission, apres avok recu les orffies de V. E., est de se renffi-e sans delai au continent Hispano-Americain, afin d'in- sti-ffire nos coraraettans et corapatiiotes de I'etat actuel des negotiations a nous confiees, ainsi que de la situation pofitique de I'Europe. Je vous prie de vouloir bien Iffi faciliter tout-ce dont U auroit besoin pour cet important objet, et pour se reiidre incessament a la province de Santa Fe de Bogota. Je ne vous dissimffie pas, Monsieur le President, mes inqrae- tudes sur I'entree prochaine des tioupes Francaises en Espagne. Crainte qu'un mouvement convffisif dans la meti'opole ne pro- duise pas des secousses anarcMques dans les colonies ; et que I'aborainable systerae de la France ne s'introduise chez nous, faute d'avok pris des mesures promptes et efficaces pour I'em- pecher. Dii avertant. Enfin j'espere que le petit secours dont nous avons besoin pour commencer, et qui se redffit a six ou huit vaisseaux de ligne, et quatre ou cinq raUle horames des troupes, nous le trouverons facileraent tant en Angleterre que dans I'Amerique . . . mes souhaits seroient que la marine fut Anglaise, et les troupes de tene Americaines. Veuffie la pro- 11 vidence que les Etats-Unis fassent pour ses compatiiotes du ' sud en 1798, ce que le roi de France fit pom- eux en 1778 ! 1 M, Caro did not come. Being in great haste to return home, he sent a letter, a translation of which is appended to Mr. Pickering's letter, 21 August, 1798. He also addressed a letter to the same effect to Mr. Adams, which, as repetition, is omitted. OFFICIAL, 574 Je me felicite toujom-s de voir a la tete du pouvoir executif Americain cet homrae distingue, qui par son courage rendit son pays independant, et qui par sa sagesse lui donna apres un gouvernement bien balance, en sauvant ainsi la liberte. Nous profiterons sans doute de vos savantes lemons, et je me rejouis de vous apprendre d'avance que la forme de gouverneraent pro jete est mixte, avec un chef hereditaire du pouvoir cxceutif sous le nom d'Ynca, et, ce que j'aime davantage, pris dans la meme famffie ; un Siinat compose de famffies nobles, raais non here- ditaire; et une Chambre des communes elue parmi tous les autres citoyens qui am-ont une propriete corapetente. TeUe est I'csquisse de la forme de gouvernement qui parait reunk la majorite des suffi-ages dans le continent Hispano-Americain, et qui ernpechera sans doute les consequences fatales du systeme Franco-re ptiblicain, que Montesquieu appeUe la liberte extreme. En vous adressant dkectement ces proposition s,i j'ai cru met- 1 Inclosed with this adroit letter came the copy of a paper formally executed by three persons, styled commissaries of an assembly of deputies of towns and provinces of South America, held at Madrid, in Spain, on the Sth of October, 1797. The purport of it was to mature a plan to effect the independence of the Spanish American Colonies, under the joint protection, and with the joint aid, of Great Britain and the United States, Air. Pitt had favored this project during the controversy with Spain, in 1790, about Nootka Sound, but he checked it when that country j-ielded the point of honor. He again favored it at this time, as the extracts from Mr, Eng's letters, appended to that of Air, Pickering of 21st August, 1798, sufUciently prove. The design was stupendous, and, U' attempted, could not have failed to entangle the United States in a European war. It provided that Great Britain should, on her part, furnish the naval force, not exceeding twenty ships of the line, and the jnoiicy, whilst the United States should supply a land force of five thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, during the whole war that might ensue. In case of success. Great Britain was to have for her share the West India Islands, the exclusive supply of her own manufactures to South America, and the exclu sive right of transit over the isthmus. The United States, on their part, were to be guaranteed the possession of Florida and all the territory east ofthe Alississippi. General Hamilton expected and desired to command the land force, a fact which supplies a motive for the enlargement of the army and the desire of the command at this time, quite independent of any apprehension of a French invasion. General Knox was hkewise engaged in it, and Air. Pickering was undoubtedly, and Mr. AIcHenry probably, privy to the whole movement. It feU through, because Mr. Adams decUned to give any reply to this appeal of General Miranda, and the turn of affairs in the peninsula soon after qualified the earnestness of the British in his behaff. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. pp. 343, 347, 348, 368. See, also, an interesting article evidentiy drawn up from original sources of informa tion, in the Edinburgh Review, vol. xUi. pp. 277-311. An important letter of Aliranda to jNIr. HamUton is there printed, which is not in HamUton's Works. The relations which France and Spain had contracted with each other by the treaty of St. Ildefonso, ofthe 19th of August, 1796, embraced a guaranty of the dominions of each other both in the old and the new world. Of course, any hostile demonstration against the Spanish colonies, must have led to a general war. 572 OFFICIAL. tre toute la reserve requise dans une affake aussi extraordinaire qu' importante. J'ai I'honneur en outie d'y joinffie un etat de la population, produits, exportation et consommation de I'Ame rique Espagnole, qui etant fait sur des notices les plus exactes, ainsi que les plus recentes, m'a paru meriter votie attention. Avec les sentimens de la plus haute consideration et de I'estime la plus parfaite, j'ai I'honneur d'etie, &c. Francisco de Miranda. TO THOMAS JOHNSON. Philadelphia, 26 AprU, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of — I cannot recol lect what date, because I referred it immeffiately to the secretary of the tieasury, who has under consideration all proposals of that kind. Yours will be carefuUy and impartiaUy attended to with all others. I perceive, by the steadiness and firmness of your hand- Avriting, that you are stUl a young man. Having occasion at present for a Uttle more youth than I possess, I wish you would advise me hoAV to acquke it, or come yourself over to Macedonia and help us with yours. I am a soUtary inffividual of 1774 men. All the rest have departed. I am, however, very steadfastly your friend, John Adams. TO GEORGE AVASHINGTON. PhUadelphia, 22 June, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have this morning received Avith great pleasm-e the letter you ffid me the honor to Avrite me on the 17th of this month.^ Although a visit to the city of Washington woffid give me great pleasra-e, and chiefly for the opportunity it would afford me of paying my respects at Mount Vernon, yet I cannot but 1 Sparks's Washington's Writings, vol. xi. p. 241. OFFICIAL. 573 consider the execution of the plan as very uncertain. I thank you, Sir, for your obUging invitation, and shall certainly wish to spend as much time as possible under the refreshing shade of your vine. The approbatory addresses are very precious to me, as they ffiscover more union among the States, and greater unanimity among the people, than AA'as expected. My administi-ation avUI not certainly be easy to myself; it Avill be happy, hoAvever, if it is honorable. The prosperity of it to the country AviU depend upon Heaven, and very Uttle on any thing in my poAver. I have no quaUfications for the martial part of it, AA'hich is Uke to be the most essential. If the Constitution and your convenience Avould admit of my changing places Avith you, or of my taking my old station, as your Lieutenant CivU, I shoffid have no doubts of the ffitimate prosperity and glory of the country. - In forming an army, Avhenever I raust come to that extremity, I am -at an imraense loss Avhether to caU out all the old generals, or to appoint a young set. If the French corae here, avc must learn to march Avith a quick step, and to attack, for, in that Avay only, they are said to be' vtdnerable. I raust tax you sometimes for advice. We must have your name, if you Avffi, in any case, permit' us to use it. There Avffi be raore efficacy in it than in raany an army. Mrs. Adaras and ALss Smith join with me in presenting our best respects to yourself, ALs. Wash- mgton, and ALss Custis. With the highest esteem, &c., John Adams. TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. / PhUadelphia, 6 July, 1798. Dear Sir, -Wit is my deske that you embrace the fkst opportunity to set out on your journey to Mount Vernon, and Avait on General Washington with the coramission of Lieute nant-General and Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, Avhich, by the advice- and consent of the Senate, has been signed by me. The reasons and motives Avhich prevaUed AA'ith me, to venture 574 OFFICIAL. on such a ^tep as the nomination of this gi-eat and Ulustrious character, "^^hose voluntary resignation alone occasioned my inti-oduction to the office I uoav hold, were too nuraerous to be detaUed in this letter, and^re too obvious and important to escape the observation of any part of Araerica or Europe ; but, as it is a movement of great delicacy, it Avill require all your address to comraunicate the subject in a raanner that shall be inoffensive to Ms feelings, and consistent AA'ith all the respect that is due from me to him. If the General should decline the appointinent, aU the world will be sUent, and respectfuUy acquiesce. If he should accept, all the Avorld, except the enemies of this country, wiU rejoice. If he should come to no decisive determination, but take the subject into consideration, I shaU not appoint any other Lieute nant-General until his conclusion is known. His advice in the formation of a Ust of officers would be extremely deskable to rae. The names of Lincoln, Morgan, Knox, Hamilton, Gates, Pinckney, Lee, Canington, Hand, Muhlenberg, Dayton, Btu-r, Brooks, Cobb, Smith, may be mentioned to hira, and any others that occur to you ; particu larly, I wish to have his opinion of the man most stutable for InspectOT- General, and Adjutant-General, and Quartermaster- General.\ His opinion on aU subjects must have great weight, and I AA'ish you to obtain frora hira as much of his reflections upon the times and service as you can. Wishing you a pleasant journey, and a speedy return in improved health, I am, Avith great esteem,^ &c. John Adams. 1 On the 12th of July Air. AIcHenry wrote to Mr. Adams from Mount A'er- non, expressing his belief that General AV^ashington would accept the appoint ment, with the condition that he was not to be called into active service until his presence should bo absolutely needed. He further says : " He has shown me the copy of a letter he had written to me, and which must have got to Philadelphia the day I left it, in which he treats on several points that will require your attention. I have, therefore, desired it to be delivered to you, and shall obtain from him the jfames of the persons ho, considers tho best cmaUfied f'or his confidential officers^nrf without whom, I think, he would not The'manuscript shows the last sentence to have been added after the letter was completed. General Washington, in his letter of the 16th of September, says, that this was inserted at his desire. Mr. HamUton's letter, hereafter to 1)0 noticed, of which jNlr, McHenry was the bearer, had then been just received. There is no evidence that General Washington ever voluntarily assumed the OFFICIAL. 575 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. PhUadelphia, 7 July, 1798. Dear Sir, — Air. McHenry, the Secretary at War, AviU have the honor to Avait on you in my behalf, to impart to you a step I have ventured to take, and Avhich I should have been happy to have communicated in person, if such a journey had been, at this tirae, in ray poAver.^ As I said, in a former letter, if it had been in my poAver to nominate you to be President of the United States, I should have done it Avith less hesitation and more pleasure. AIy reasons for this measm-e avUI be too AveU knoAvn to need any explanation to the public; every friend and every enemy of America AA'ffi comprehend them at ffist blush. To you. Sir, I OAve all the apologies I can make. The urgent necessity I am in of yom- advice and assistance — indeed, of your conduct and ffirection of the Avar, is aU I can urge, and that is a sufficient satisfaction to myself and the AA'orld. I hope it AviU be so con sidered by yourself AL. AIcHenry avUI have the honor to consult you upon the organization of the array, and upon every thing relating to it. With the highest respect, &c. John Ada;ms. deUcate otEce of dictating to the executive of the Union, He naturaUy desired the selection of such persons for his staff as were agreeable to him and as he could trust, and this he must have had at any rate. All that seems beyond this in his action, was the work of othei-s. See the note to page ,588 of this volume, 1 Air, Adams has been censured for the sudden manner of making this nomi nation. He had wi-itten to General Washington on the 22d of June, intimatinir his intention, and no answer had been received. Congress was on the point of adjournment, and the whole army remained to be organized. General Washington himseff expected it. See his letter to Air. AIcHenry, Sth Julj-, Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. p. 255. Such was the state ofthe popular feeUng that, had it been longer postponed, another species of censure would have arisen from many of the very persons who, as it was, blamed his precipitation. The difficulty seems to have been that he did not wait for the conditions, as it respected other nominations, which were maturing for him, through the agency of General "Washington. Air. Hamilton had been leading to this as early as the 2d of June, when he specified his o-vvn appointment. See his letter to General AVashington of that date. Hamilton's Works, vol vi. p. 294. 576 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. PhUadelphia, 7 July, 1798. The President of the United States requests the Secretary of State to give dk-ections for preparing letters to the Consffi-Gene- ral and all the other consuls and vice-consffis of the French repubUc throughout the United States, revoMng their exequaturs, and a proclamation announcing such revocation to the public ; the proclamation to be published, and the letters expedited, as soon as the laAv shall be passed declaring the treaties and con vention no longer obUgatory.^ John Adams. THE SECRETARY OP WAR TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. Mount Vernon. Subjects respectfully submitted to the consideration of the General of the armies of the United States, by the Secretary of War.2 1. Wffi it be proper that the President should forthAvith proceed to appoint the officers to the array proposed to be immediately raised, by the bUl pending before Congress, "to augment the army of the United States, and for other pur poses?" Or, WUl it be expedient to defer, until the principal part of the troops are enlisted, the appointment of aU the general officers of the said array, excepting the Inspector-General and such staff officers as may be necessary to the formation and discipline of regiments ? Or, Wffi it be better that the whole of the officers be immediately appointed, in order that as little time as possible may be lost in forraing and disciplining both officers and men for actual service, noticing only to those officers, who may not be immediately wanted, that their pay, &c., wffi not commence tUl caUed upon to do duty with the army ? 1 The law was passed on this day, 7th of July, 1798. 2 These queries and a,nswer3 do not seem to have been pubUshed before. OFFICIAL. 577 2. WiU it be expeffient that the President should appoint, as soon as proper characters can be selected, the officers to the ten thousand troops of the provisional array, and that they should be furnished Avitli such insti-uctions and orders as aa'IU enable them to proceed to enlist the men, Avhenever the President shaU declare, by proclamation or otherwise, that the raeasure has become necessary ? 3. May advantages be expected to restdt from the appoint ment of field officers in the respective States to take the com mand of such volunteer companies therein, as may offer their serA'ices to the President and be accepted, as to render such appointments advisable ? GENERAL WASHINGTON S ANSWER. 14 July, 1798. 1st. If the bffi, pending in Congi-ess for augmenting the pre sent force of the United States, should pass into a law, it becomes the duty of the President to carry that law into execu tion promptly. Of cora-se, aU such officers as are necessary for the purpose of recruiting, inspecting the recrffits, supermtendmg thek discipUne, &c., at the scA'eral places of rendezvous, must be appointed without delay. The necessity of appointing the higher grades is not so urgent ; but, in my opinion, the sooner these are also fixed on and thek acceptances known, the better. Not, however, to be caUed out, nor to receive the pay and emoluments of office, untU thek services are requked, which ckcumstances raust decide. 2d. It woffid be inexpedient, I conceive, to appoint, but very proper to fix upon the general and field officers (colonels cora- raandants, at least) for the provisional army, Avithout much delay ; and know Avhether they Avoffid accept the appointments that are announced to them. To proceed further might excite alarm, and give rise to remarks AA'hich woffid be more than a counterpoise to the facffity intended to be ansAvered by it. 3d. If two things coffid be combined, and the evidence thereof pretty weU ascertained, the measure Avould certainly be advan tageous. These are, that the field officers shoffid be coraposed oi proper and_^^ men, and acceptable to the companies ; but, if VOL. VIII. 49 K2 578 OFFICIAL. both cannot be attamed, the ffi-st is most hnportant, and ought to be preferred. George Washington. HENRY KNOX TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.^ Boston, 5 August, 1798. Sir, — I have received your letter, dated on the 25th ffitimo, informing me that the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, had been pleased to appoint me a Major-General in the army. Impressed as I am Avith the conviction that our countiy is about to enter into a contest, in which its existence as an independent nation wUl be involved, I should promptly have accepted the appointment, however inconvenient to my private affaks, had not the foUowing paragraph of your letter pecuUarly arrested my notice. " It may be proper to mention, that the nominations to the Senate, for general officers of the estabUshed and provisional array, Avere presented on the same day, and in the order in AA'hich they appear in the annexed Ust, and that, in registering them in this department, the same order wiU be observed." The names placed before mine in the Ust are those of Generals HamUton and Pinckney. It is to be presuraed that you are not uninformed of the mUi tary precedence I sustained in the late Avar, relatively to those gentlemen. General HamUton Avas a Captain, in the year 1776, in the corps of artffiery which I commanded, and in the latter part of the sarae year I had the rank of Brigaffier- General. In 1777, he was appointed an Aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief, with the incidental rank of Lieutenant- Colonel, Avhich Avas his highest grade. I Avas established a Major-General frora No veraber, 1781. The precise state of General Pinckney's rank is not at present recoUected. He was a Colonel the greater part of the war, and 1 This letter is inserted as essential to a complete view of the much disputed question of rank at this period. OFFICIAL. 579 obtained the rank of Brigadier- General either by actual appoint ment, or by vktue of the general resolve respecting brevet rank, in the year 1783. It is, therefore, important, previously to my ansAA'ciing afffi-ma- tively or negatively, as to an acceptance, that you kiform me on these points. AA^'hether the order of names, as specffied in the Ust, is intended to establish the priority of rank ? Or Avhether the forraer relative rank is intended to govern, according to the heretofore established principles and invariable practice ? Those principles determine expUcitiy that aU appointments, raade in the same grade and on the same day, are to be governed by the former relative rank. It is far from my intention to deny the perfect right of the Supreme Executive to dkect the precedence of aU officers in the same grade, in the manner he shall please. Li such a case, hoAvever, it Avoffid be essentiffi that the priority should be de cideffiy specffied. For, if such specffication shoffid be Avantffig, no mffitary tiibunal woffid consider the order of names as a sufficient cause to desti-oy or reverse the forraer situations. If the rffies for decidkig rank, founded upon the resolves or laws of Congress, under the confederation, and wMch have since continued to operate as a part of the raffitary code, have been repealed or annuUed, it would be acceptable to me to be m- formed by you when and by Avhat authority the repeal Avas effected. K these rffies should be suspended or violated in the present instance, for a special pm-pose, the assertion is ventmed that recomse must be had to them again, as the laAvs Avhereby to decide the raiffis betAveen officers of the same gi-ade, who, under various circumstances of claim, raay be brought into the array about to be raised. Anxiously deskous of endeavoring to serve ray counti-y and its government in a cause altogether pure and just, I shaU ever regret any ckcumstance Avhich may oppose kism-mountable obstacles to the measme, unless upon terms AvMch Avould con stantly excite sensations of pubUc degradation. I have the honor to be, &c. H. Knox. 580 OFFICIAL. TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 14 August, 1798. Sir, — I have received only this morning your letter of the 4th of this month. Its contents are of much importance. I deske that you Avould inforra General Washington, that I consider him in the public service from the date of his appoint ment, and entitled to aU the eraoluments of it. Pie is at liberty to receive all or any part, at Ms discretion ; and is fully author ized to appoint his aids and secretaries, when he shall think fit. One secretary, at least, is indispensable imraeffiately ; ancl he ought to be aUoAved his pay and rations.' CalUng any other general officers into service at present, Avill be attended with ffifficulty, unless the rank AA'ere settled.'^ In ray opinion, as the matter uoav stands, General Knox is legally entitled to rank next to General Washington ; and no other arrangement wUi give satisfaction. If General Washington is of this opinion, and avUI consent to it, you may call him into actual service as soon as you please. The consequence of this will be that Pinckney must rank before Hamilton. If it shaU be consented that the rank shall be Knox, Pinckney, and Hamil ton, you may call the latter, too, into immediate service, when you please. Any other plan wffi occasion long delay and much confusion. You may depend upon it, the five Ncav England States wUl not patiently submit to the humiliation that has been meditated for thera. If North declines the adjutancy, I am prepared to appoint another and a better. I ara, Sk, your most obedient servant. .loHN Adams. 1 This was in answer to General Washington's letter of inquiry, addressed to the Secretary of War, on this point. Sparks's Washington's Writings, vol, xi, p, 277. ~ Mr. AIcHenry, after recapitulating the difficulties of his situation, had said iu his letter : " I hope,^ Sir, after considering this summary view of a part of my business, that you -will give me leave to call effectually to my aid the Inspector-General, and likewise General Knox, and to charge them with particular branches of the service." Colonel Pickering and Air. Wolcott had anticipated Mr. McHenry in the same appUcation as early as the 8th instant. OFFICIAL. 581 F. DE MIRANDA TO JOHN ADAMS. Londres, le 17 Aout, 1798. Monsieur le President, — Permettez moi de vous affi-esser, par triplicata, une copie de ma depeche du 24 Mars, 1798, que AI. Caro, mon compatiiotc, a eu I'honnem- d'envoyer a votie ExceUence, de Fffimouth, le 10 Mai stuvant. L'objet etant de la plus haute importance, et les accidens de la guerre ayant pu contiarier Farrivee des deux premieres, il m'a paru prudent de vous I'adresser de nouveau. Depffis le depart de ma depeche, les ckconstances sont de- venues plus favorables encore. Les evenemens survenus et en Europe et aux Etats Unis rendent merae la separation des coloffies Hispano-Araericaines inffispensable ; d'autant plus qu'eUes sont decidees a ne pas devenk les agens, encore raoins les sujets, de la repubfique Francaise. Des avis, qffi me sont parvenus tout recemraent, tant de la part de nos agens a Maffi-id que de celle des commissaires, raes corapatiiotes, qffi sont partis pour I'Araerique du Sud, me confirm ent dans cette opinion ; et je vols avec plaisk que 1' Angleten-e, sentant enfin que son salut et son bonheur futra- dependent absolument d'une aUiance et d'un attachement intime avec I'Amerique, est resolue, en deposant tout esprit de jalousie et de monopole coraraercial, a cooperer avec vous en favem- de cet important objet, dont le succes assurera non seulement le bonhem- reciproque, mais encore la gloire immorteUe, des ti-ois parties interessees. AL. King, votre digne arabassadem- aupres de Sa Alajeste Britannique, et qui jouit ici a tant de titi-es de I'estime gen&ale, entrant dans tous les detaUs, vous comrauffiquera les renseigne- mens qui vous seront necessakes, tant a I'egard de I'Emope qu' a I'egard de I'Amerique du Sud. Nos interets etant les memes, et mes commettans ayant mis toute leur confiance dans leurs corapatiiotes du Nord, j'ai cru ne pouvok- mieux remplk lem-s desks qu'en agissant d'accord avec lui, sans la plus legere reserve, et avec une confiance mutuelle. Pffisque voti-e reponse doit en quelque sorte decider du sort de I'Amerique meriffionale, et combler tous les souhaits de mes 49* 582 OFFICIAL. compatiiotes, je vous prie. Monsieur le President, de vouloir bien me la fake parvenk le plutot qu'il vous sera possible.^ VeuUlez accepter les assurances, &c., F. DE Miranda. TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 18 August, 1798. Sir, — Since I have been here, his ExceUency the governor of tMs State has inquked of me with some anxiety to knoAV whether the cession of Castle Island is accepted. I refened that act of the legislature of this State to you or the Secretary of State, to prepare an ansAver of acceptance. WiU you be so good as to attend to this subject as soon as possible, and for ward the acceptance to me for my signature and conveyance to the governor, if that is sufficient ? I do not remember that the acceptance of Congress is necessary. Major Jackson, of the artffiery, has applied to me ; says he has not received his commission, and is out of employment. I have received very unpleasant information of the principles and conversation of one of the majors of the hcav corps of artiUerists.^ I wish you would inquke into the character of that Marylander. I Avish to know, also, by what rffie Jackson is placed as the thkd major. What pretensions have Brooks and the other to the precedence ? LoveU shaU be appointed a captain of artffiery in the place of ALtcheU. His forraer rank, his age, his talents, his services ' Mr. Bristed says that this project failed, because Mr. Adams declined to give an immediate answer. See Hints on the National Bankruptcy of Great Britain, pp. 410-418. There can be no doubt that the bare suggestion of this alliance with Great Britain materially contributed to modify the policy towards France, although Mr. Adams was not then informed of the extent of the sympathy which General Miranda had succeeded in enUsting among some leading federaUsts. Miranda had been in the United States previous to the close_ of the revolution, had been inspired there with the desire of effecting the independence of South America, and had estabUshed many friendships in the army, which he continued to cherish with that view. 2 Benjamin Brooks, of Maryland. The charge consisted in a statement made by Bishop CarroU, that ho had expressed himself " in a manner highly disorgan izing and inflammatory," in a local election preceding this time. OFFICIAL, 583 in the famUy of the Commanderin-cMef, his education, his connections, entitie Mm. I am, &c. John Adams, TO INCREASE SUMNER, Quincy, 20 August, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have received the letter yom- ExceUency ffid me the honor to Aviite me, dated the 18th, by imstake I presume, as I am told it AA-as Avritten this mornmg. I have read all the papers, and return them. I think it Avffi be advisable that yom- ExceUency shoffid communicate them to the Attorney-General of the State, and the Distiict- Attorney, AL. Davis, at Boston, that both those gentlemen may Avrite to the attorffies Avho act for the State and the ffistiict ki Alaine. An mvestigation ought to be set on foot ; but I am not alarmed at such information, havmg received much of it in other places, which has not amounted to any thmg serious ki the end.^ ALs. Adams joins me in respects to your ExceUency's lady. She has not been out of her chamber since she first entered it after our anival, and is stffi very weak. With great regard, &c. John Adams. T. PICKERING, secretary OF STATE, TO JOHN ADAMS. Trenton, 21 August, 1798. Sir, — I inclose a letter wMcli I received last evening under cover from AL Peffio Josef Caro, accompanied by a letter from AL. King, intended as an intioduction to M. Caro ; but the lat ter liaA-mg missed a passage to the Uffited States, in the British cutter which saUed from Falmouth to Ncav York on the 20th 1 Governor Sumner's letter gives a curious account of a rumored French \ invasion of the district of Maine, and of the presence of some agent disseminat- / ino- treason. AU this, based upon the deposition of a single person ! It furnishes / a remarkable iUustration of the disturbed condition of the times. /' 584 OFFICIAL. of AprU, and circumstances requking his arrival in South Ame rica with as Uttle delay as possible, he forwarded the packet to me. A copy of the tianslation of his letter to me I have the honor to inclose. Under the same cover to rae Avere inclosed tAA'O letters, one for Colonel HamUton, the other for General Knox, which I for ward by this post to those gentlemen.^ I am, with perfect respect, &c. Timothy Pickering. No. 1. (Inclosed.) PEDRO JOSEF CARO TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. ( Translation.) Fahnouth, 10 May, 1798. Sir, — The annexed letter of the Hon. Mr. King to you Avill serve as a credential in my favor, in presenting myself to you with the important mission it announces. An unforeseen acci dent has frustiated ray voyage hence to your continent in His Majesty's cutter, which sailed for Ncav York on the 20th April last ; and, a combination of circumstances requiring my arrival in South America Avith as little delay as possible, I have received instructions immediately to depart by the shortest route of the leeward islands, and am ordered to communicate it to the government through the medium of you, by ti-ansmitting the paraphlet which I inclose, and Avhich I shoffid have conveyed personaUy. I pray you to be pleased to deliver it into the 1 An extract ofthe letter to General Hamilton is to be found in the Editi- burgh Review, vol. xiU. p. 291. It is quite obvious from the late pubUcation of his works, that he, as well as the members of the cabinet in his confidence, contemplated an offensive war against Spain, both in the West Indies and South America. Hamilton to Gunn, Hamilton's Works, vol. V..4). 184, at the bottom of the page, McHenry to Hamilton, p. 283, and Hamilton to McHenry, same date, same page. HamUton to Otis, vi. 391. Wilkmson's Memoirs of my men Times, vol. i. p. 440. A reniarkable indication of Mr. AIcHenry's acquaintance with these projects is seen in his answer to General Hamilton's letter, recommending General AVilkinson to promotion. Entertaining the suspicion, then common, that that officer was in the interest, if not in the pay of Spain, he declared him not fit to be trusted with the knowledge of any project of attack upon the possessions of that country. McHenry to HamUton, vol. iv. p. 282. OFFICIAL. 585 hands of His ExceUency the President ; and, as eventually some answer may be practicable in so interesting a business, General Francis de Alk-anda, om- compatiiot and principal agent of all Spamsh America in union, a person extremely Avell knoAvn, and in particffiar to the Hon. AL. King, AAffiose intervention is as to both parties safe and secret, Avffi remain in London. I also hope you AAiU have the goodness to receive the ffist tribute of my respects in the Spanish language and style, as I am unable to render it m EngUsh, and that you Avill not confide the secret to interpreters that are not Imowii. Remaiffing AAith the greatest respect, &:c. Pedro Josef Caro. JSTo. 2. (Inclosed.) RUFUS KING TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 26 Febi-uary, 1798. (Extract.) " Tavo points have, AA'ithin a fortnight, been settled in the EngUsh cabinet respecting South America. If Spain is able to prevent the overthroAV of her present government and to escape being brought under the entke control of France, England, between AA'hom and Spain, notwithstanding the Avar, a certain understanffing appears to exist, wffi at present engage in no scheme to deprive Spain of her possessions in South America. But if, as appears probable, the army destmed against Portu gal, and which AA'ffi march through Spain, or any other means AA'hich may be employed by France, shall overtMoAV the Spanish government, and thereby place the resomces of Spain and of her colomes at the disposal of France, England wUl immeffiately commence the execution of a plan, long since digested and prepared, for the complete independence of South America. If England engages in this plan, she wffi propose to the United States to cooperate in its execution. ALranda Avffi be detamed here under one pretence or another, untU events shaU decide the conduct of England. The revolution of Spain is decreed. The attempt A\ffil be made, and its success is scarcely doubtfffi. The President may, therefore, expect the overture of England, and 586 OFFICIAL. wUl, I am persuaded, act upon it under the influence of that wise and comprehensive poUcy Avhich, looldng forward to the destinies of the hcav Avorld, shaU, in the beginning, by great and generous deeds, lay deep and firm the foundations of lasting concord between its rising empires. If possible, I wiU bring together, and seasonably arrange and send to you, such informa tion as I have been able to procure upon this interesting and very consequential subject, having found out and acquked the confidence of certain Jesuits, natives of South America, who, Avith a vicAv to its independence, are, and for several years have been, in the service and pay of England. I have often conversed Avith them, and seen the reports which they have prepared for thek employers. These communications throAV much light upon the popffiation, the revenues, the oppression, and the temper and character of the Spanish Araericans." No. 3. (Inclosed.) RUFUS KING TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. (Extract.) London, 6 April, 1798. " South Araerica must soon pass tMough a revolution. We have an imraense interest in the event, as well as in the manner in which it shall be effected. In a former letter I have com municated to you the views and intentions of England, who will not promote the revolt, in case Spain shall be able to save herself from a revolution and keep the French out of Portugal. And though there seeras Uttle probability that this wUl be the case, England, since the arrival of Miranda here, but without his knowledge, has informed Spain, not only that she will not countenance or assist the Spanish colonies in becoming inde pendent, but that she wffi join her in resisting the endeavors of others to accomplish it, provided that Spain will oppose the views of France against her own dominions, and those of Por tugal. At the sarae time that tMs communication has been made to Spain, an expedition has been prepared, and the cor respondent anangements at Trinidad have been ordered, for the OFFICIAL, 587 purpose of beginning the revolution of South America. In this event, as I have before intimated to you, England AA'iU, at Phi ladelphia, open herself to, and ask the cooperation of, the United States. Alkanda, aa-Iio is impatient AA-ith the delays that he experiences, as Avell as ignorant of the proA'isional decisions of this cabinet, has concluded to send his fi-iend and associate. Air. Caro, to PhUadelphia, with a letter for the President, and I have given hira a letter to identify and intioduce hira to you. Con jecturing the intentions of France and knoAAing Avith precision those of England, Ave shaU be the better able in season to con sider and regffiate the conduct that it shaU be proper for us to pursue."' TO J. MCHENRA', SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 29 August, 1798. Sir, — I have received your letter of August 20th, I believe, though the 0 is obscure. General Knox is gone to the east ward, as I understand, to return in ten or fifteen days. But if he AA'ere in Boston, I could not send Mm either yom- official or private letter, as neither contains sentiments that I can approve.^ ^^ly opimon is and has always been clear, that as the laAV uoav stands, the order of nomination or of recorffing has no weight or effect, but that officers appointed on the sarae day, m Avhat ever order, have a right to rank accorffing to antecedent services. I made the nomination according to the Ust presented to me by you, frora General AVashington, in hopes that rank raight be settled araong thera by agreeraent or acqtuescence, beUcAing at the tirae, and expressing to you that belief, that the noraination and appointment aa'OuM give HamUton no command at aU, nor any rank before any Alaj or- General. TMs is my opimon stffi. I am AAiffing to settle aU decisively at present (and have no fear of the consequences), by dating the commissions, Knox on the first day, Pmckney on the second, and HamUton on the ?. nrst ( k'd^If thkd.'>If this cora-se is not taken, and the comrffissions are aU 1 Air. McHenrj-, in writing these two letters, was merely following the dicta tion of Air. Hamilton, who furnished the draft of one, and suggested the matter for the other. See his letter to Air. McHenry 1 9th August, and the drafl in closed. Hamilton's Works,\o\.\i. p. 338, 339. 588 OFFICIAL, made out on the same day, I tell you my opiffion is clear that HamUton wiU legaUy rank after Hand, and, I fear, even after L^e. ^-^You speak to me of the expeffiency of attempting an altera tion in the rank of the gentlemen in question. You knoAV, Sk, that no rank has ever been settled by me. You knoAV my opinion has always been, as it is now, that the order of names in the nomination and record Avas of no consequence. General Washington has, through the Avhole, conducted with perfect honor and consistency. I said, and I say now, if I could resign to hira the office of President, I woffid do it instantly, and Avith the highest pleasure ; but I never said I Avould hold the office, and be responsible for its exercise, whUe he should execute it. Nor has he ever intimated a desire of the Mnd. He has ahvays in ^.U his letters said, that these points must ultimately depend on the President. The poAver and authority are in the President. I am Aviffing to exert this authority at this moraent, and to be responsible for the exercise of it. All ffifficulties wiU in this way be avoided. But if it is to be referred to General Washington, or to rautual and araicable accommodation among the gentleraen themselves, I foresee it will come to me at last after much altercation and exasperation of passions, and I shall then determine it exactly as I should now, — Knox, Pinckney, and Hamilton. There has been too much intiigue in this business Avith General Washington and me ;^ if I shall ultimately be the dupe of it, I am much raistaken in rayself ¦\ I can sympathize with you in your iU health, and the sickness 1 Mr, McHenry took offence at this, as aimed at himself He sought and obtained a disclaimer. But though not probably meant for him, the facts, as now disclosed, do not entirely acquit him of participation in the censure. The purpose of this note wiU be to show that the remark itself was entirely just ; and to a much greater extent than Mr. Adams himseff had any conception of The proof to sustain each of the following propositions is furnished from the testimony of the parties themselves. Mr. Wolcott, who seems to have had no share in the matter, though by no means partial to Mr. Adams, admits in two successive letters that the difficulty grew out of mismanagement. See the letters in Gibbs's Federal Administra tions, vol. U. pp. 99, 101. The facts appear to be these : 1. That on the 7th of July Mr. Adams addressed to General AVashington a letter, informing him of his appointment to the chief command. See page 575. 2. That he charged Air. McHenry, Secretary of War, with the care of this letter, and with instructions which -svere drawn up and dated on the 6th July. See page 573. OFFICIAL. 589 of your famUy. AIy dear ALs. Adaras has been at the point of death, and, although a Uttle recovered, is still extremely Aveak and Ioav. I am, &c, John Adams. 3. That Air. Pickering, the Secretary of State, knowing what was done on the 6th, and that Air. AIcHenry was not to go tiU the Sth, anticipated the mis sion, by sending a letter, on that very day, the 6th, by the post, to General Washington, urging upon him the selection of Air. Hamilton as second in command, and invoking him to " intimate his opinion " to the President, iu such a way as to force the appointment. See Sparks's Washington, vol, xi. Appendix, p, 530. 4. Mr. Pickering's low estimate of General Washington's mUitary capacity is well undei-stood, and, ff doubted, can be established beyond question. In making this movement, he avowed his purpose to be that Mr. Hamilton should be the vii-tual Commander-in-chief Hamilton's Works, vol. -vi. p. 344. 5. Mr. HamUton came to Philadelphia on the 7th of July, before Air. AIcHenry had left for Mount Vernon. He was then informed by Mr. Pickering of what had been done, and he saw a copy of the secret letter. Hamilton's Works, Pickering to HamUton, vol. vi. p. 325. Also Pickering to Jay, p. 330. 6. Mr. HamUton, instead of expressing any displeasure at this clandestine attempt to control the President, in his favor, wrote a letter on the Sth of July, fortifying the argument of Air. Pickering, and disparaging the judgment of the President, and sent it by the'hands ofthe Presidents own messenger, Mr. Mc Henry, who certainly was cognisant of its purpose. This was, to direct all the appointments to be made by the President. Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. Ap pendix, p, 533, 7. General Washington, although anxious to secure the services of Mr. Ha milton, and (to give him the post he had himself selected in a preceding letter of the 2d of June, that of Inspector-General, did not contemplate making him the second in command. His design had been to make Air. Pinckney second, and Air, Hamilton third in rank, and this for reasons which he explained directly to Air, Pickering, and as deUcately as possible to Air, HamUton himseff. With this last letter Air, Adams was made acquainted, Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 294. Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. pp. 257-260, 263-266. 8. Air. Pickering, on first receiving a report of General Washington's state of mind, from AL. AIcHenry, was disposed to claim for his letter of the 6th the merit of turning the scale for Air. HamUton ; but apparently discouraged for the moment by the contents of General Washington's reply to him, dated the llth, he communicated the substance of it to Air. Hamilton on the 16th, and sounded his disposition to give way. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 325, p. 330. 9. Air. HamUton replied on the 17th, expressing a reluctant assent to the possible priority of Knox, but objecting to the precedence of Pinckney, and concluding with a proposition that the relative rank might be left open for future settlement. This letter, though received by Air. Pickering in season to meet the wishes both of the President and of General Washington, was by him suppressed untU after the Kst of officers, as originally arranged by General AVashintHon, had been sent to the Senate. In that Ust Air. Hamilton's name had been placed first, although it is now clear that General Washington did not mean to settle his rank by the act. Hamilton's Works, vol. yi. pp, 326, 343, The Senate did not, however, know this, when they ratified the nominations. There is reason to beUeve they were left with the impression that he did intend it, 10. General "Washington was prevaUed upon to overcome his " fears of the consequences " of placing HamUton first in his Ust, by the representations made VOL. VIII. 50 590 OFFICIAL. TO JOHN JAY. Quincy, 30 August, 1798. Sir, — I had last night the pleasure to receive the letter your ExceUency did me the honor to AATite me on the 21st instant, to him through the channel of Air. McHenry, that such was " the declared wiU of the federal characters of Congress." This he expressly states in his letters, to General Knox. Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. pp. 268, 282. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. p. 330. 11. General Knox wrote a warm remonstrance. In it, among other things, he says : " I have understood, that when the list was presented to the Senate, some members, from a mere sense of justice, were desirous that the seniority I held the last war should be considered ; but they were silenced by the observa tion, that the Ust was yours, and therefore it could not be altered. To you, it was declared to be the pubhc estimation." Sparks's Washington, vol. xi. Ap pendix, p. 535. 1-2. General Washington, on the 9th of August, sent this letter to Air. Ha milton, with a letter of his own, delicately intimating a disposition favorable to Knox. This hint had the effect of procuring a reluctant acquiescence of Mr. Hamilton " in any arrangement which Washington might deem for the general good." Hamilton's Worlcs, vol. vi. pp. 336-8, 342. 13, The President did not consider the order of nominations to the Senate as in itself deciding the priority of the officers named. And so doubtful was Mr. Pickering of the issue, that it led to a renewal of efforts to rouse General AVashington to interfere, as he was looked to finaUy to control the President. To this end Mr. Pickering wrote, on the 21st of August, to stimulate Mr. Hamil ton " to take such steps with the General, as he might think proper, to fix him in the station which the essential interests of the country require." Hamilton's Worlcs, vol. vi. p. 346. On the other hand Air, Hamilton, on the 29th, wrote to stimulate Air, Pickering to make the General " weU understand that New Fng- land would rather see high command in his hands than in those of General Knox," Vol, vi, p, 355, 14, It is to be noted that Mr, HamUton, in addressing General Knox many months after the decision, endeavored to throw off the responsibiUty of it from himself upon others, " Be persuaded, also," he says, " that the views of others, not my own, have given shape to what has taken place, and that there has been a serious struggle between my respect and attachment for you and the impression of duty." Hdiidlton's Works, vol. vi. p. 403. 15. It likewise appears that Mr. Pickering in a letter of the same date as that last cited, covered the confidential letter of Miranda to Air, Hamilton of the 6th of AprU, announcing the successful progress of his enterprise in England ; and the reply of the latter to Miranda, dated the 22d of August, besides describing a plan of cooperation, announces that " we are raising an army of about twelve thousand men," and that he is " appointed second in command," Miranda's application to the President had been received by him on the 25th of August, lie knew the fact that Mr, HamUton had received a letter, but nothing more, Hamilton's Works, vol, vi, pp, 343, 348. The curious reader is left carefuUy to compare these propositions with the letters quoted to verify them, and then form his own opinion, whether Mr, Adams was right or wrong in saying, " there has been too much intrigue in this business with General "Washington and me," He is, also, to .judge how far the project of Miranda contributed to stimulate the desire of Mr. HamUton and his friends to secure for him the virtual command ofthe army. OFFICIAL, 591 mclosing the resolutions of the senate and assembly of Ncav York, and thek miaffimotis address, I can scarcely imagine any event that coffid do me more honor, or give me greater satisfaction. The unanimity of Ncav Y'ork, of vast importance in the Union, is a happy omen of success and prosperity to this counti-y. I pray you, Sir, to accept of my smcere thaiffis for the affectionate and obliging manner in AA'Mch you have communi cated to me tMs important proceeding of your legislature. AVith great respect. Sir, esteera and affection, John Adams, TO JAMES MCHENRY, SECRETARY OP WAR. Quincy, 3 September, 1798. Sir, — I pray you to put on the Ust of captains of infantiy, Mr. Phffip Church, of Ncav York, Avho is very handsomely recommended by General Hamilton, and aa-Iioih, fi-om a personal acquaintance Avith him, I belicA-e to be aa'cU quaUfied,^ I inclose to you also a letter and documents fi-om his Excel lency Governor Jackson, of Georgia, AAffiich I pray you to con sider and ansAA'er according to those arrangements whieh you have made for the general service. AVe ought to give aU the attention in our poAA-er to Georgia, AA-hich is not only much exposed, but of rauch iraportance in the defence of the nation. Inclosed, also, are recommendations of Aaron Alann, of Pro vidence, and WUUam Hunt, of Alassachusetts. TO ALEXANDER HAAIILTON. Quincy, 4 September, 1798. Sir, — I have received yom- favor of the 22d of August, recommending Colonel Tousard to be Lispeetor of Ai-tffiery. 1 Air. HamUton, in his letter, says of this application in behaff of his nephew: " Under these circumstances, very contrary to the general rules by which I govern myseff, I take the Uberty to request his appointment as a personal favor to myseff, and I venture to undertake for him that he wiU not discredit it. The appointment wUl also lay himseff and aU his friends under a particular obUgation. Let me at the same time beg you to be persuaded, Su-, that I shaU never on any other occasion place a recommendation to office on a similar footing," 592 OFFICIAL. I have no reason to suspect that your entke confidence in his honor and fidelity is misplaced. But as his native counti-y is France, and his speech betiays his origin, I am very apprehen sive that in a French AA'ar neither the army nor the people AVOuld be without thek jealousies and suspicions, which raight be very injurious to the service. I shaU take the subject into consideration, and your judgment AvUl have great Aveight. There has already been so much un easiness expressed on account of the French officers in the artiUery, that I expect rauch ffifficulty. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 4 September, 1798. Sir, — I retm-n you AL. Adams's ^ letters, Nos. 121, 122, and 123, and one not numbered, dated June 5th, together Avith AL-. Pitcairn's of June 1st. I agree with you in opinion^ concerning AL. Adams's idea of a contingent stipffiation with Sweden, respecting neutral ships neutializing the goods on board, and, if the heads of department agree with us, you may send an instruction to that pm-pose. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 10 September, 1798. Sir, — Inclosed is a letter from a Colonel Perldns, Avho has commanded Castle WUliam these dozen years, which, after you have read it, I pray you to give to the Secretary of War, to be minuted and filed among the applications for appointments. I wish to be informed whether you have written an ansAver 1 ,T. Q. Adams. 2 Mr. Pickering had written on the 28tli of August, as foUows : " IMr. Adams's idea of a contingent stipulation with Sweden, respecting neutral ships neutralizing the goods on board, strikes me as very eligible ; and, as ho observes, wUl prevent our becoming the victims to the rule, that/ree ships make free goods, if our enemy does not adhere to it." OFFICIAL. 593 to Ms ExceUency Governor Sumner, accepting the offer of Castle Island; and if you have not, that you Avoffid be so good as to ansAver it as soon as you convenientiy can ; or, if you think it more proper, that you Avould send the papers to me, and I avUI ansAver them. It is high time Ave had an ofiicer and garrison on that island. There are recruits enough in Boston, Marble head, Portiand, and Vermont, as I am informed. The long continued sickness of ALs. Adams disti-esses me very severely. She has been out of her chamber but tMee times since she came home, and then to ride half a mUe only. Your amiable family, I hope, enjoy perfect health. P. S. What is your opinion of Dumouriez's Tableau, specu- latif de V Europe ? Whether a general war or a universal peace should take place in Europe, I think it is plain, that in either case Ave ought to be prepared at all pomts, especiaUy Avith our floating citadels ; for no peace they can make, however universal it may be, can be lastmg. TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 13 September, 1798. Sir, — I have received your favor of the Gth, and approve of your deterraination to make out the comraissions in the order of Knox on the first day, Pinckney on the second, and Hamilton on the thkd. This being done, you may call Generals Knox and HamUton into service as soon as you please. <[fYom- request, to be informed whether I attach any portion of the intiigues, AvMch I aUuded to, if any have been employed, to you, is reasonable ; and I have no scruple to acknowledge that your conduct through the whole toAvards me has been candid. I have suspected, however, that exti-aordinary pains Avere taken Avith you to impress upon your mind that the pubUc opinion and the unanimous wish of the federalists was, that General HamUton might be first, and even Commander-in-chief; that you might express tMs opmion to General WasMngton more forcibly than I shoffid have done; and that this determmed bim 50* l2 594 OFFICIAL. to make the arrangement as he did.^ If this suspicion was weU founded, I doubt not you made the representation Avith integrity. I am not and never was of the opinion that the public opinion demanded General HamUton for the first, and 1 am now clear that it never expected nor desked any such thing.V The question being now settled, the responsibility for Avhicli I take upon myself, I have no hard thoughts concerning your conduct in this business, and I hope you will make your mind easy concerning it. I have the honor, &c. John Adams. TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF WAR. Quincy, 13 September, 1798. Sir, — I have received your favor of the 4th, and return you the blank comraissions signed, and all the papers inclosed in yours. As to Major Brooks, I know not how a man can taUi of fighting " French bloodhounds " who has been capable of saying, since his appointment, that things were going very well before the arrival of the despatches of the envoys, but the publication of those despatches had ruined every thing. He must have a very loose head, if he has an honest heart. I wiU leave it to you and Mr. Stoddert to determine this affair accorffing to your best judgments. The gentleman is to me a total stranger. If 1 A striking confirmation of this suspicion is found in Air. Pickering's letter to Air. Jay, in which he gives Mr. McHenry's report to him of the visit to Alount Vernon. It seems that McHenry admitted that " General AVashington was some time balancing between the priority of Colonel Hamilton and General Pinckney; weighing the high respectabUity and importance of the latter in the three southern States, against the superior talents of the former; the latter finally preponderating," The fact is fuUy established by Washington's own letters since printed, Hamilton's Works, vol. vi, p. 330, Mr, Pickering goes on to claim the decision as the result of his letter of tho Oth, sent in advance of Mr, AIcHenry, which he says General Washington did not mention to that gentleman. But he did not probably know of the secret letter sent by Mr. Hamilton, through AIcHenry himself — a letter, the objects of which McHenry must have understood, and which his desire for Hamilton's success undoubtedly fortified through his conversation. Hence the probabiUty is that the position finaUy taken by General Washington was the result of aU three influences combined. Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. pp. 352, 355. OFFICIAL. 595 you think it safe to ti-ust him, I avUI ; if not, arrange him some other Avay. General North's letter I do not admke. I raean neither to plead, stipulate, nor negotiate Avith him about his acceptance. I had no idea of impressing him into the service. He may accept or reject his appointment as he pleases, unequivocaUy. I shaU give Mm no other command or appointment. Upon his future behavior wffi depend Ms futm-e appointments. I pray you to reply to the corps of horse of Warren county. North CaroUna, accorffing to your OAvn ideas. The others are approved by your humble servant, John Adaais. Quincy, 18 September, 1798. Sir, — I have received your favor of the 6th, and thank you for a letter of creffit on General Lincoln for $766.66, of wMch I shaU receive from time to tirae such suras as I shaU have occasion for, and give receipts, as you propose. My steward is at Trenton ferry, on the Pennsylvania side of the river, at the ferry house. The ffistiess of the poor at PhUadelphia is so great, that I pray you to subscribe and pay for me, under the title of a friend, and to let nobody know but yourself from whom it coraes, five hundred doUars. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 14 September, 1798. Sir, — I return AL. Adams's letter. No. 120, with the inclosure, and Dr. Rush's letter of September 1st, Avhich I received m yours of the 7th of this month. I am not at aU mortified at the delay of the treaties with Prussia or Sweden, having no ardent deske of any tieaties, tffi the crisis in Europe is more decided. 596 OFFICIAL. General MarshaU or Bushrod Washington will succeed Judge Wilson, if you have not some other gentleraan to propose, who in your opinion can better promote the public honor and interest. Marshall is first in age, rank, and pubUc services, probably not second in talents. Although I have an ancient esteem for Judge Rush and the Doctor, it is not sufficient to make any alteration in my judgment in this case. As Vkginia has no judge at present, she is as much entitled as Pennsylvania to attention. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 16 September, 1798. Sir, — I have received your favor of the llth. I wish I under stood better than I do the conduct both of General Pinckney and Mr. Gerry. I shall not be guUty of so much affectation of regard to science, as to be very wUUng to grant passports to Dupont de Nemours or any other French phUosophers, in the present situa tion of our countiy.^ We have had too many French philoso phers already, and I really begin to think, or rather to suspect, that learned academies, not under the immediate inspection and conti-ol of government, have ffisorganized the world, and are incompatible with social order. AL. King judges correctly of the American government, that it has no ffisposition to give any encouragement to the mission of the Directory. I hope he conjectures equally weU of the English. Inclosed is a letter, received last night, from Mr. Higginson, of September 18th, whieh I recommend to the consideration of the heads of department. 1 Air. Pickering had written thus : " Dupont de Nemours and some other French philosophers, " a delegation from the National Institute," had appUed, through Sir Joseph Banks, for passports from the English government, the Lirectory ha-ving given them passports to go to the United States, with the view to improve and extend the sciences. Mr. King understands the intention of the mission is to form an estabUshment high up the Alississippi, out ofthe limits ofthe United States, and within the bound aries of Spain. Mr, King supposes that neither the American nor Enghsh government will be disposed to give any encouragement to this mission of the Directory." OFFICIAL. 597 TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARA' OP STATE. Quincy, 26 September, 1798, I had the honor of yom letter of the 19th, last night, and have read the inclosures. Dr. Rush's letter gives me pleasure, because the nuraber of disappointed candidates is diminished by it by one. AL. Sitgreaves's letter is frank, canffid, and agreeable. But, although this gentleraan has merit and talents held in high esteem by his country as AveU as by me, I cannot help thiffidng that a feAV years of service, in stations less exalted than the bench of the Uffited States, may reasonably be expected from liim. RL. Lee's letter deserves great attention. The narae, the connections, the character, the merit, and abffities of AL. Wash ington ^ are greatly respected. But I stUl tMnk that General AlarshaU ought to be preferred. Of the three envoys, the con duct of MarshaU alone has been entkely satisfactory, and ought to be marked by the most decided approbation of the public. He has raised the American people in thek own esteem, and if the influence of truth and justice, reason and argument, is not lost in Europe, he has raised the consideration of the United States in that quarter of the Avoiid. He is older at the bar than AL. Washington ; and you and I know by experience that semor- ity at the bar is nearly as much regarded as it is in the army. K AL. MarshaU shoffid decUne, I should next think of AL. WasMngton. It is ti-ue that some regard to States ought to be always remembered ; but Pennsylvania has ahvays had a judge, Virginia has had none since the resignation of Mr. Blak. As far as States can have reasonable preten-sions, therefore, those of Vkginia are at least equal to those of Pennsylvania. Thus the subject appears to me. If you are of a ffifferent opinion I pray you to inform me, or if any more meritorious canffidate than AL. MarshaU occurs to you, I hope you wiU mention him to, Sk, &c. John Adams. 1 Bushrod Washington. 598 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 28 September, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have received your lett.er of September 20th, and retm-n you the commission for a Judge of the Supreme Court, signed, leaving ihe narae and date blank. \"ou AAiU fill the blank Avil h the narae of Marshall, if he will accept it ; if not, with that of Bushrod Washington. I cannot blame the former, if he should decline ; of the latter, I have aLvays heard the most agreeable accounts.^ I have also received yora- letter of the 21st, with its inclosures and the exti-act from General Alarshall's letter. I ara of his opinion, that the world has seldom seen more extiaordinary letters than those of Tallejrrand. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 30 September, 1798. I have received yom- favor of the 24th, and have read care fuUy all the inclosures. Such as ought to remain in your office I return, inclosed in this. There is nothing that requires any remarks from me, because I think aU is avcU considered and well done. It may not, how ever, be amiss to observe to AL. Adams, that he need not be soUcitous about his success in maldng treaties Avith Prussia and SAveden at present; that I ara fully convinced, as he is, that both AviU affect to refuse any treaty upon the terms in his in structions. This wUl not alarm me at all, and if both poAvers finaUy refuse to agree to any stipulations without the articles in / 'Air. Washington was appointed. Air. AlarshaU declined. In his letter to the Secretary of State, dated 28 September, he says : " I pray you to make ray respectful an( 1 grateful acknowledgments to the President for the very favorable sentiments concerning me, which are indicated by his willingness to call me to so honorable and important a station as that of a Judge of the United States. The considerations, which are insurmountable, obUge me to decline the olUcc. I can assure you, that I shaU ever estimate I properly, both the dispositions ot the President, and the poUte and friendly j mannoi- in which you have communicated them." OFFICIAL. 599 contemplation, avc shaU not be very uneasy. Our commerce is of more consequence to them, than theks to us ; and wkh or without treaties Ave shaU have aU avc Avant. But Ave should be very improvident, at the moment of being forced into a Avar, to bind om-selves to permit France and her coloffies to be supplied AAith CA'ery thing, even om oavh produce, in Prussian and SAved ish or Danish ships. John Adams. The Constitution's prize must be ti-ied and fakly deternkned by luAv. I hope and beUeve that care Avffi be taken that no suspicions of plundering any tMng may arise. TO B. STODDERT, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.^ Quincy, 1 October, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have received yom- favors of the 20th, 21st, and 24th of September. I ara sorry that Captain Barry has not fully answered your expectations ; but I hope you Avffi soon send Mm out agam. The hurricanes are now passed, and there is no longer danger from them. We must sweep the West Inffia seas, and get as many of the French seamen, as they are caUed, Avhether they are ItaUans, Spaffiards, Germans, or negroes, as w-e can. Seamen are so scarce that they cannot send out large privateers. I thank you for your humane and Avise dkections to the Navy Agent at Norfolk. The captives ought to have able and honorable counsel, and I rely upon the impartial justice of om- tribunals, for thek honorable acquittal, if the law and the ti-uth requke it. The suppression of sMp's papers is a suspicious fact. If they have cruised and plundered Americans, there cannot be much hesitation. I cannot conceive there can be any difficffity in procm-ing evidence to shoAV clearly the guilt or innocence of the sMp.^ ' The na-vy department had been organized in the month of Alay preceding, and Air. Stoddert of Alaryland, had been made the first secretary. 2 This was a ship of twenty-four guns sent into Hampton roads by Captain 600 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 3 October, 1798. Dear Sir, — Inclosed is a dupUcate of a letter from Alkanda, Avith sorae estimates. Read it and think of it. A number of questions and considerations occur. We are friends with Spain. If Ave Avere enemies, would the project be useful to us ? It Avffi not be in character for me to ansAver the letter. Will any notice of it, in any raanner, be proper ? I shaU send it by AL. Huraphreys with AL. Gerry's papers.^ TO GEORGE AVASHINGTON. Quincy, 9 October, 1798. Sir, — I received, yesterday, the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 25th of September.^ ¦C^ou request to be informed, Avhether my determination to preserve the order of the three major-generals is final; and whether I mean to appoint another adjutant-general Avithout your concurrence. I pre,surae that before this day you have Nicholson, on a suspicion of piracy. Air. Stoddert was inclined to beUeve the vessel filled with French refugees under British protection. In his letter, he sa.ys : "I have vrritten to the Navy Agent at Norfolk, to liberate, on parole, the officers and owners, if they are confined, unless there are stronger reasons than I am informed of, to suspect them of piracy ; and to teU them they have nothing to apprehend, ff innocent. And I have desired liim to recommend them to able and honorable counsel, which I have no doubt will meet with your approbation." 1 On the llth. Air. Pickering acknowledges the reception from Mr. Ham- phreys, of " the despatches of Air. Gerry and others," but he takes no notice of the questions, 2 Sparlcs's Washington's Writings, vol, xi, p, 304, A marked difference is visible in the tone and sentiment of this letter and of that addressed to ]\lr, HamUton oh the 14th of .Tuly, Vol, xi, p, 265, In the latter, General Washington clearly designates Mr, Pinckney as tho next to him in command ; in the former, he sa!ys he intended the rank to bo in the order of the names on his Ust. In the one, he complains of any variation from his Ust as an infrac tion of the condition of his accejjtance, in the other, he distinctly alludes to the President as having a right to use his pleasure in the last resort. One expla nation of this change is to bo found in the gradual action of third persons upon General AVashington, by naming individuals, known to be much dis liked by him, as likely to obtain appointments. OFFICIAL, 601 received information frora the Secretary of AVar, that I sorae time ago signed the three commissions and dated them on the same day, in hopes, siraUar to yom-s, that an amicable adjust ment, or acquiescence, might take place among the gentlemen themselves. But, if these hopes shoffid be disappointed and controversies should arise, they AAiU, of com-se, be submitted to you as Commander-in-chief, and if, after aU, any one shoffid be so obstinate as to appeal to me fi-om the judgment of the Com- _ mander-in-chief, I Avas determined to conffi-m that judgmeni^y^ Because, AA'hatever constiuction raay be put upon the resolu tions of the ancient Congress, which have been appfied to this case, and Avhether they are at all applicable to it or not, there is no doubt to be made that, by the present Constitution of the Umted States, the President has authority to determine the rank of officers. I have been for some tirae prepared in my oaa'u mmd to nomi nate Air. Dayton to be Adjutant- General, in case of the refusal of AL. North. Several others have occurred and been suggested to me, but none A^'ho in point of science or Uterattu-e, poUtical and raffitary merit, or energy of character, appear to be equal to him. L you have any other m contemplation, I pray you to mention him to the Secretary at War, Avho may fiU up Ms commission immediately, in case AL. North declines. I hope your own health and ALs. AVashington's are perfect. ALiie is very kidifferent, and ALs. Adams's extremely Ioav. Confined to the bed of sickness for tAvo raonths, her destiny is stffi very precarious, and mine in consequence of it.^ With great respect, &c. John Adams. 1 This letter was probably the consequence of one addressed to AL, Adams by Mr, Wolcott, on the 1 7th of the preceding month, wherein an earnest effort was made to heal a misunderstanding, which was widening into a breach, between the President and General Washington, On the 19th, Mr, Wolcott wrote to AL-, HamUton, urging him to remain quiet, and expressing the conviction that " the embarrassment might have been entirely avoided," In this Air, Wolcott is doubtiess correct, and by his more skUful tact Mr, Adams was ultimately induced to concede the point. But an unperfect draft of a letter, designed to be a reply to IMr, Wolcott, remains among the papers, which shows how accu rately Air, Adams understood the tme position which General Washington had, at first, intended to occupy, and the uses that had been made of both. As explaining Ms views and feeUngs, the greater part of it is not without interest. Air. Wolcott's letter is printed in fuU in Mr. Gibbs's work, vol. U. pp. 93-99. Quincy, 24 September, 1798. I have received your favor ofthe 17th, and read it over and over again, with VOL. VIII. 51 602 OFFICIAL, TO C. LEE, ATTORNEY-GENERAL. Quincy, 10 October, 1798, The session of Congress approaches faster than I can pre pare for it in the afflicted state of ray family and tottering state of my frame. I request you to consider whether Congress can meet i n PhUadelphia Avith safety to thek persons, and also to all the attention I am master of. The long continued dangerous sickness of g my best friend, and her still precarious destiny, have thrown my mind into a state of depression, agitation, and anxiety, which will not admit of a full discus sion of the various points on which you and I appear to differ in opinion. I wUl lUnt at a few things, which I see in a different light from that in which you have placed them. In the first place, I am under no apprehension at all for the honor, personal influence, or character of the chief of our nation, whether he places General Knox first or General HamUton. If he thought for one moment that both those generals together could hurt his honor, diminish his personal influence, or injure his character, he would resign his office at once. This point, therefore, I hope is settled between you and me forever. You are perfectly correct in your opinion, that General Washington has never disclosed a wish to interfere with any of the jiowcrs constitutionally vested in the President. However perfect the concert between the President and Commander- in-chief, it will remain for time to discover, whether such jealousy, rivalry, and animosity -0011 not be produced by the confUcting passions of powerful indi viduals, as no authority in this country can possibly compose. That is to say, in other words, it is a problem whether our Constitution can possibly command an army and conduct a war. Whether General AVashington was, or was not, nominated to command the armies without any previous consultation or notice, is nothing to the present questions, nor has any one, that I know of, any motive or authority to inquire into this point. I had evidence enough to convince me that he expected it, tliat he wished it, and that he would accept it. Otherwise I iie\'cr would have nominated him. That General Washington formed a list out of names that I had committed to paper to be laid before him, is true ; that after mature deliberation he settled the rank, which, in his judgment, the officers in cjuestion ought to cnjfiy, I do not admit and cannot believe. It was never the advice of General Washington, as I understood it, that the Inspector-General should be the Jirst Alajor-General. He never expressed any such idea to mc. His list contained no such idea. When Mr. Ali'Ilcnry proposed to me to nominate him to the Senate as first Major-(.f the United States, and of the act, further to protect the commerce of the Uffited States, and a blank copy of a bond. I pray you. Sir, to make inquky into this transaction, and to inform the owners of the ships coraplained of, and make report to me, and also to return me the papers, Avhen you have raade the use of them you may have occasion for. As it is my determination to deraand of the British govern ment satisfaction for all insffits and injuries, committed by British subjects on American citizens, natural eqffity as well as sound policy reqffires that I should do aU in my poAver to give satis faction Avhen insults and injm-ies are committed by American citizens on British subjects, by punishing the authors of them. TO J. MCHENRA', SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 19 June, 179:i. Sir, — I return you the selection of tAvo Alajors from North CaroUna, and that of officers for South Carolina and Georgia, with the letters of Generals Pinckney and Washington, with that of RL. Steele. I ara satisfied with these recommendations, and approve the selections. I retm-n the proceedings of the com-t- martial in the cases of the deserters. The absolute necessity of exaraples in such cases as that of Richard Hunt, is very deeply impressed on ray mind, and I shoffid not dare to pardon Mm, if the proceedings are all regffiar. By the Constitution the Presi dent has poAver, by and Avith the advice of the Senate, to appoint officers, and by the sarae Constitution the President shall corarais sion all the officers of the United States. A question occurred to me whether the signature of the commission is not the act of appointment, and Avhether any other evidence of appomtment AA'ill be admitted by the courts of laAV ; in short, Avhether there can be an officer AA'ithout a commission. I pray you to lay the proceeffings of the court-martial and the foregoing consti tutional questions before the heads of department, and request thek opinions. If they are unaniraous, I shaU order the execu tion. I have interlined six Avords in the forra of the Avarrant, which I return. I should be sorry that such an insti-ument should go out of my hands, Avith my signature to it, AAdth any 660 OFFICIAL. interUneations. If you return a fak copy to me, Avith the advice of yom coUeagues, I shaU sign it. TO O. AVOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. Quincy, 21 June, 1799. Sir, — In your letter of the 13th you hint that " attempts are /maMng to draw into question the soUdity of the pubUc credit ; " ' but you have not explained the particffiars, and I am at a loss to conjecture the facts wMch you raay aUude to.^ PubUc creffit can never be steady and really solid Avithout a fixed meffium of coramerce. That we have not such a medium, you know has been my opinion for several years. The fluctua tions of our circffiating medium have comraitted greater depre dations upon the property of honest men, than aU the French piracies. To what greater lengths tMs evU may be carried, I know not. The Massachusetts legislature are authorizing a number of new banks. The cry is, the immense advantage to agriculture. Credit cannot be solid, where a man is liable to be paid a debt, contiacted to-day, by one half the value a year hence. TO J. MCHENRA', SECRETARY AT WAR. Quincy, 24 June, 1799. Sir, — I have received your letter of the 18th, and have read Count Rumford's letter to RL. King. For five or six years past I have been attentive to the character of this gentleraan, and have read sorae of his essays. Frora these I have forraed an esteera for his genius, talents, enterprise, and benevolence, Avhich wUl secure him from rae, in case of his return to his native country, a reception as kind and civU as it may be in my power to give Mm. But you know the difficulties those gentleraen have, who left the counti-y as he ffid, either to give or receive entire satisfaction. I should not scruple, however, to give him any of the appointments you mention ,i and leave it Avith you ' A part of Air. Wolcott's letter is printed in Air. Gibbs's work, vol. ii. p. 242. I Mr. McHenry proposed to offer to Count Rumford a vacant commission of Lieutenant-Colonel and Insjjector of Artillery, or to make him an Engineer and Superintendent ofthe proposed Military Sdiool. OFFICIAL. 661 to make such proposals to him, through RL-. King, Avithin the limits you have drawn in your letter, as you should think fit. I return RL. Iving's letter, and inclose one from Mr. William AYUUams, a very respectable personage, reconimending Rufus Tyler to be an officer in the army. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 2 July, 1799. Sir, — I thank you for the favor of your letter of 24th June, and the copies inclosed of despatches from Stevens and Alait land, which I suppose it is unnecessary for me to retm-n. The necessary alterations in the proclamation ^ AviU, of course, be raade by you, Avith the advice of the heads of departraent. Harraony Avith the EngUsh, in aU this business AAdth St. Domingo, is the thing I have most at heart. The resffit of the whole is, m my mind, problematical and precarious. Toussaint has evidently puzzled MraseLf, the French government, the English cabinet, and the administi-ation of the LTnited States. All the rest of the world know as Uttle what to do with Mm as he knows what to do with hiraself. His example may be foUowed by aU the islands, French, English, Dutch, and Spanish ; and aU -wiU be one day played off against the United States by Euro pean powers. I think aa'C have committed one great mistake in exchangmg prisoners Avith Guadaloupe. We have lent a thou sand men to that island, sorae of Avhom have been taken three times by our crffisers. We shoffid soon exhaust the islands of seamen, if avc brought aU to America. TO B. STODDERT, SECRETARY OF THE NAVA', Quincy, 3 July, 1799, Inclosed is a letter fi-om the president and professor of ffivkuty of our university, recommenffing Wiffiam FrotMngham to be a chaplain on board of some fi-igate. I know not whether the 1 A imstake was made in the proclamation, as to the time of opening the ports of Cape Francois and Port-au-Prince, to vessels saUing from the United States, VOL. viii. 56 662 OFFICIAL. commanders of our ships have given much attention to this subject; but in my humble opinion aa'c shaU be very unskilful politicians, as avcU as bad Christians and uiiAvise men, if Ave neglect this important office in our infant navy. TO J. MCHENRA', SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 7 July, 1799. Sir, — As it is an exceUent principle for every man in public life to magnify his office, and make it honorable, I admire the dexterity AA'ith Avhich you ffignify yours, by representing an army, and raeans adequate to its support, as the first thing necessary to make the nation respected. Genius in a general is oftener an instrument of divine vengeance than a guardian angel. Stoddert, I wan-ant you, instead of representing the navy as the fourth and last article necessary for national respect abiUty, Avould have felt the importance of his office enough to have stated a navy as the first and most indispensable. It Avould not be necessary for rae to decide the contioversy be tween you ; if it should be, I should be at no loss. My answer woffid be ready. I have read the plan for providing and issffing of military supplies, inclosed in your favor of the 29th of June. I suppose I may keep it, in order to recm- to it upon occasion. I wish to be informed whether this is proposed to be adopted by Congress into a laAV-. I presurae the President's authority alone is not adequate to the establishment of it. I wish it to be considered by the Secretary of the Treasury and by yourself, as closely as possible, before it is recoraraended. The discipline of the army, and the national economy, are deeply interested in it. The Secretary of State has had experience which ought to be con sulted upon this occasion.! 1 In transmitting tho plan aUuded to, which was the work of General HamU ton, Air. AIcHenry had ended his letter in this way ; — " Being a nation, and not of the lowest order, there are throe things essential to the maintenance of our proper grade among'the powers of the earth. 1. An army and means adequate to its support. 2. A system calculated to keep its wants regularly su]i|iUeil. 3. Genius in the general who commands it. If we can combine these three things with a navy, and I hope we can, we shall have nothing to fear from without or within." Herein is visible the germ of the difference of opinion between the President OFFICIAL. 663 TO SILAS T.VLBOT. Quincy, 8 July, 1799. Sir, — I have this moment received yom- favor of this day's date by RL. TarbcU, and had before received your note. I can give no ansAver.to any of yom- propositions, nor determine any thing concerning officers or men, untU I knoAV AA'ho is to com mand the Constitution. Your refusal to accept the commission has ruined aU my designs. It AA-as aUogether unexpected to me. I knoAV not the facts at present AA'ith precision enough to decide betAveen your pretensions and those of Captain Truxtun. If I must appoint Captain Little, I must appoint aU his officers, or at least consffit him Avhich of them to take Avith him, and Avhich to remove from the Constitiition. If I should appoint Sever, I must do the same. I knoAV of no other captain at hand. In short, I see no possibiUty of getting the Constitution to sea, unless you go in her, under a fortnight or three weeks, if so soon. If she must remain in harbor so long, it AAdU be better to send the Boston to sea, and complete her crcAV out of the Constitu tion. But in this case I cannot appoint Little to the command of the Constitution. It Avffi be impossible for me to an-ange any tMng AA'ithout a personal conference Avith you. If you woffid accept the commission, altered so as to leave the ques tion of rank undecided, to be determmed hereafter by a council of officers, this shoffid be done. Assurances have been given you, as I understand, by RL. Stoddert, that you should not be ordered to serA-e Avith Truxtun without absolute necessity. These assurances I am Avffiing to confirm. I am, hoAvever, fuUy of opinion that I must see you before I can do any thing. If you cannot come here, I AVoffid meet you anyAvhere ; but it Avill take time and trouble to concert time and place, so that I believe you had better corae here, if you can, to-morroAV morning as early as possible, or next day, or leave it tUl Thurs day. I have this day forAvarded to Captain Little his saUing orders and three of his cabinet directed by Air. HamUton, which made Itself visible at a later period. The former rested upon the navy, the latter upon the army, as the jrrincipal means of defence. Both favored a military school. Hamilton's Works, HamUton to AIcHenry, vol. v. p. 240. AIcHenry to HamUton, p. 401. HamUton to IGng, vol. vl. p. 417. 664 OFFICIAL. and iiistructions, received only this morning from the Secretary of the Navy. If he is completely ready in all other respects, I am AAdlUng to fill up his complement from the Constitution. But the service on Avhich the Constitution is ordered, is at least as pressing, as the other, and perhaps more so. I have the honor to be, Avitli gi-eat esteem, John Adams. TO B. stoddert, SECRETARA' OF THE NAVY. Quincy, 8 July, 1799. Sir, — The Constitution ^ eraploys my thoughts by day and my dreams by night. Captain Talbot has written to you in his letter of the 7th of June, Avhich I return, Ms candid and impartial opinions, according to the information he received. But Beale Avas absent by the advice of his physicians, and Hull was present. I mean no insinuation by this against RL-. Hull, whose character is in ray mind fair, and his conduct irreproach able. No lieutenant in the service stands fairer in my mind.^ But I see no reason for discouraging Beale, by turning him out of the ship, for I believe hira to be equal to HuU in every respect, even in age. I beUeve Beale to have had great injustice done hira by little passions and a miserable caprice, which I will not explain at present, because I shall probably, though not' certainly, consent to Ms removal, more because he, and his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, have been my neigh bors, and to avoid suspicion of partiality for that cause, than for any other reason.-^ Mr. Knox I have made a lieutenant, AA'ith an express condition, that he should not serve on board this ship. AL. Pitt's resignation I have requested Captain Talbot to accept, so that the midshipmen will hoav be according to his mind. I Avould have no great difficulty Avith midshipmen or Ueutenants. There is not one among them I AA'Ould not in stantly remove, if the service could be benefited by it. But the refusal of Talbot to accept his coraraission is a serious affair. It was wholly unexpected to me. I supposed he had his com- ' Frigate. 2 Isaac Hull, afterwards celebrated as tho commander of this sMp. 3 Air. Stoddert had recommended his removal to another vessel, on account of personal difficulties among the officers. OFFICIAL. 665 mission before, and that all Avas settled. You have not laid the papers before me. I can only judge of the pretensions of Truxtun and Talbot, or Talbot and Truxtun, by the general idea I have of the times and ckcumstances of their appointments, in some of which I may be mistaken. Talbot says, there are captains at hand. I knoAA' not to whom he aUudes, unless they are Sever and Little. But the devU has been at Avork Avith his malignant Avhispers about Sever as Avell as about Beale, and the merchants of Boston expect that Little AA'ffi be the Nelson of the United States, and they AviU be very loth to release him. Pardon the impunity 1 of the expression. Talbot is very satisfactory to officers and men, to the merchants and politicians of Boston and the State, and the loss of him will occasion a very serious alarm. I woffid go on board the ship every day and converse with Talbot, but custom requires that the AA'elMn must be Tended, and the Avorld alarmed, if I set my foot on board ; and Talbot cannot leave the ship. As to Dobel, I have not yet found one human being who reports in his favor. I have em ployed as independent and impartial men as the Avorld affords, to sound the opinions of raerchants and others, and not one word of approbation of his appointraent has yet reached rae. Talraan, although he has his appointment of lieutenant, shall not go on board of this ship against the judgment of the officers. His character is respectable, but his talent for command is doubted by others, as weU as those Avho spoke of hira to Talbot. With great anxiety on account of this sMp, I am, &c. John Adams. TO J. MCHENRA-, SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 13 July, 1799. I have received your letter of the Sth of this raonth, and have read the letter frora Alajor-General Harailton, and the proceed ings of the com-t-martial in the case of Joseph Perldns. All ck cumstances considered, I think this instance the least capable of a pardon of any which has been laid before me. I have thought it my duty to sign the warrant for his execution, and retm-n it inclosed with aU the other papers. My own opinion 1 So In the copy, but ob-vlously an error. o6 666 OFFICIAL, is, that a commission is not the exclusive evidence of appoint ments to office ; but as chicanery may start popular objections, if the heads of department have any serious doubt in the case of Richard Hunt, you may submit this to them also.^ TO J. MCHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. Quincy, 19 July, 1799, I agree with you in your opinion, expressed in your favor of the 12th, that both an army and navy establishment are essential to the present and future interests and greatness of the United States, and that we must run the risks which other nations have run. It appeared to me that offices were created, and salaries made necessary, in the plan for supplying the army, which would requke the interposition of Congress. But if the powers akeady given to adrainistiation are sufficient, I am satisfied.^ I wish only that the heads of departraent may be satisfied, and that no embarrassments may be brought upon them, which they are not previously apprised of. > This question was submitted by Mr, McHenry in a long letter addressed to his coUeagues. Air. "Wolcott drew a distinction between civil and miUtary commissions, and thought the members of this court were military officers, without commissions. Air. Pickering thought the appointment of an officer might be complete with out a commission — this being only the best evidence ofit. Mr. Stoddert agreed with Mi-. Pickering in his opinion, but objected to aU the later proceedings in Hunt's case on another account. When the proceedings were first presented to Mr. McHenry, it did not appear on the face of them, that two thirds of the members present had concurred, as required, in a sentence of death, by the Sth article of the appendix to the rules of war. They were returned to General Hamilton, who caused the omission to be supplied by an interUneation in the sentence, and the President of the court, and the judge advocate, added their certificate that more than two thirds of the merabers did concur, and that the omission so to state it was accidental. Mr. Stoddert thought that the President and judge advocate had no right by themselves to assume such an authority. But he thought that the original omission might not vitiate the proceeding, if it had not been the practice esta blished In courl>martials heretofore to Insert the form. The celebrated case of Marbury v. Madison, and the act of Air. .Jefferson iu annuUing the appointment of justices of the peace by withholding their commis sions, will occur to the mind of every reader. 2 See page 654 for Mr. Adams's first letter on this subject. Mr. McHenry thought the powers amply sufficient, but he promised to submit the question to the members of the cabinet, for their mature opinions. None such are to be found among Mr. Adams's papers. OFFICIAL. 667 TO THOMAS MIFFLIN. Quincy, 19 July, 1799. I have received the letter your ExceUency ffid me the honor to AA-nte me on the 5th of this month, Avith the copy of Chief Justice AIcKean's letter to yom- ExceUency, and two letters of RL. Liston. These last I shaU transmit to the Secretary of State, to be restored to the Avriter of them, according to the idea of your ExceUency, Avkh the best apology that the subject avUI admit of, for the freedom Avhich has been improperly taken AA'ith Ms correspondence by opening the letters. The safety and honor of nations is so much concerned in the universal respect that is, or ought to be shown to the despatches of ambassaclors, that it is to be regretted that any of our citizens shoffid have been guUty of the faffit of opening these.i TO J. McHENRY, SECRETARY OF AVAR. ^Quincy, 19 July, 1799. I have received your faA'or of the 12th, and have considered the opinions of the heads of department.^ I Avish that courts- martial may be advised to be as cautious as possible, in all their proceedings, especially in cases of Ufe, because the discipline of the army wffi depend much upon this habit. But the crime of Richard Hunt is of so deep a ffie, that I have not seen my Avay clear to avoid the signature of the Avan-ant for his execution, AvMch is here returned. Yet if you and General HamUton think that one exaraple may suffice for the purposes of public justice, the execution of Hunt or Pierce may be respited.^ 1 Air. Liston's messenger, Isaac Livesey, had been arrested in Bucks County, \ Pennsylvania, on a well grounded charge of horse steaUng. His trunks had been forced, and the letters of Air. Liston opened by the officers, apparently without/'' any IU Intent ^ 2 See page 65G, note, for the substance of these opinions. 3 This suggestion seems to have been adopted by General Hamilton, In the case of Hunt. Hamilton's Works, vol. v. p. 289. 668 OFFICIAL. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 19 July, 1799. I have received your favor of the llth, and have read Mr. Davis's 1 letter inclosed in it, of June 29. My oavh opinion coin ciding Avith yours and his, I have signed, and hoav inclose the pardon of John Scotchler, not hoAA'Cver without some serious apprehensions of the consequences of tenderness, for cases of such dangerous example. TO T. PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. Quincy, 20 July, 1799. Sir, — I have yora- favor of the 13th, received only last night. I sent you lately RL. Liston's two letters, with one from Go vernor Mifflin, and a copy from Chief Justice McKean. I will not comment on the letters of Mr. Liston, nor exaraine Avhether all his sentiments are just or politic.^ But I heartUy reprobate the outiage on the British government, in violating the seals of its accreffited minister to the United States, and am deskous of taking such notice of it, as the respect Ave owe, not only to the government of Great Britain, but to ourselves, demands. I pray you, therefore, to refer this business to the attorney of the distiict, in the absence of the Attorney- General, Avith instiuc tions to raake a diligent inquky, and strictly to prosecute the persons he may find guilty of any breach of the law of nations, or the land. The publication of these letters is a crime in somebody, I know not whoni.^ I am, &c. John Adams. ' John Da-vis, District Attorney of Alassachusetts, afterwards for a long period judge of the district court. 2 They were addressed to Mr. RusseU, president of the British frontier in Upper Canada. They are curious as imputing to the administration a design to encourage the revolt of Toussaint against France, in St. Domingo, when Air. Pickering expressly declares that the President would do no such tiling. Ha milton's Works, vol. vi. p. 399. See page 635, note. Wharton's State Trials, p. 683. 3 Two indictments were dra-tvn, but the grounds being found insufficient, the prosecution was discontinued. OFFICIAL. cm OF TIIE NAVA'. Quincy, 23 July, 1799. Sir, — It ahvaj's gives me pain, when I find myself obUged to ffifler in opinion from any of the heads of department ; i but, as om- understandings are not ahvays in our oavh poAver, every raan must judge for himself. In the case of Captain Talbot, I am perfectly clear, in my oavu mind, that he has been a captain in the navy of the Uffited States from the time of his appointment, in 1794, to this hour; that a legal titie, and an estate in his office, Avas then vested in him ; and that he has never been divested of either. The suspension of his pay and subsistence Avas no deprivation of his office, any more than shaking off the apples is cutting doAvn the tree. The principle is weU known, and estabUshed in a multitude of cases. Sequesti-ation of the uses and profits of lands or tenements, by the acts of the legisla tm-e, is not a destiuction of the title, or a ffivestment of the estate. Suspensions of the functions, are no deprivation of the offices. The Dukes of Norfolk, for ages, were disqualified to discharge their functions on account of their CathoUc reUgion, yet they reraained Dukes of Norfolk, and their titles and offices descended from generation to generation without any degradation of rank. President Washington made the ffistinction at the time, and, instead of discharging or ffismissing Captain Talbot frora his office, or annuUing his appointment, only informed him that, in consequence of an act of Congress, his pay and subsistence must be suspended, or must cease for the present ; but, at the same time, expressed his deske that he Avould stUl stand ready to engage again in the service Avhen he should be caUed. Had President Washington continued in office, he raight haA-e given Talbot the coraraand of a ship, and ordered Mm his pay and subsistence, Avithout a fresh nomination to the Senate, and so might the successor to the office of President. Nothing can be inferred from my nomination of hira, but my deske to give satisfaction to the Senate and the public. Had the Senate ' The opinion of Air. Stoddert, fortified by that of the Attorney-General, had been that, through the reduction ofthe na-vy In 1796, SUas Talbot, one of three officers discharged from service, had lost his right of precedence of Captain Truxtun who had been retained, so that, on his restoration to the service in 1 798, he was to be considered as ajunior captain. 670 OFFICIAL. refused thek advice and consent, I might have desisted from my intention of employing him; but the repetition of thek consent is certainly no diminution of his title. But had Talbot been expressly dismissed, and his appointment annulled, for no fault, by President Washington, it would have made no altera tion in my opiffion. Talbot, upon being called into service again, ought to have his forraer rank, which he held under the same constitution of governraent, and in the sarae department of the public service. Far be it from rae to depreciate the merits, services, or talents of Captain Truxtun. I respect, I esteem, and, especially since his late glorious action, I love the man. His gallant behavior and splendid conquest of the Insurgente have Avon him laurels, Avhieh I hope he avUI Uve to wear for many years after I shall be no more. But this meritorious conduct makes no alteration in ray judgment in the state of this question. It is no more an argu ment for promoting him over Talbot, than it is for promoting him over the heads of Nicholson and Barry, which no man will advocate or propose. If he is to be promoted, as a reward for a great action, his promotion ought to be as irapartial as possible to all other officers. One ought not to be singled out, as a victim to be slight ed and wounded alone. It is impossible to finish this letter, without saying soraething of talents, services, and general raerit. In all these points, in my opinion, Talbot Avill not suffer by a comparison with any naval officer in the service. DeUcate as this subject is, I must Mnt at a few particulars, which appear not to be sufficiently known. Exploits of twenty years' age in history are little attended to by the present generation. Talbot's talents and services in civii life, as a representative in Congress, as an agent for the liberation of our seamen in the West Indies, and even in fitting out our ships lately, are of very respectable character ; but his services, last war, far outweigh all the services which were ever performed by Truxtun, to the United States, during his whole life. I should regret sincerely and extremely the loss of Captain Truxtun to the navy, and to the United States, and I confidently hope and beUeve he avUI not think of a resigna tion. But, if it must corae to such a crisis, that I shoukl be compelled to say which officer I would retain in the service, I should not hesitate a moment to say, it must be Talbot. Trux- OFFICIAL. 671 tun is a ncAV man in the sei-A-ice of the United States. Tallxk. has served thera verv lonsj. There ai-e Iavo prmciples AvMch produce a tenaciousness of rank. One is a sense of honor and consciousness of dignity, AA-hich cannot bear disgrace or degradation ; the other is a selfish vanity and aspking ambition, AvMeh is desirous of rising at any rate, and leaping OA-er the heads of aU others Avho are higher. Talbot is, in my opmion, undoubtedly in the fust case, and I sincerely hope Truxtun wiU not prove himself in the last. Tal bot cannot descend AA'ithout ffisgi-ace, and loss of reputation, and confidence in the Avorld. Truxtun stands on safe ground, and AA'UI lose no character or confidence by not rising. He has not even a colorable or plausible pretence for rising, AA-hatever an unthinkkig, rmffiserimkiatkig popularity may say. I aa-IU not be the dupe of that popffiarity. I promised you some hints of Talbot's sei-A-ices. Li Alay, 1775, he AA-as elected a captain of a corapany by the legislature of Rhode Island, when he raised a fuU company, and inarched to the camp near Boston, Avhere he contmued until the enemy AA'ere ffi-iA-en aA\-ay in 1776. He then marched with the army for New A'ork ; but upon his arrival at Ncaa' London AA-ith the armv. he AA'as ffi-afted AA-ith tAA'o hunffi-ed men to man Commo dore Hopkms"s squadron, Avliich had just arrived there from a cruise. The ffi-aft was made to help the fleet, bound from New London to NcAA-port, the better to defend the ships, in case they shordd faU in, as Avas expected, with tiA'o British twenty gun sMps, cruismg ofi" NcAvport. The squaffion an-ived AA-ithout see- ino- an enemy at Newport, Avhen he left the fleet and embarked in a sniaU vessel, with his soldiers, and landed in the city of New A'ork. Li the com-se of the campaign of 1776, some ffi-e ships AA-ere eqffipped at New York AAith the view of endeavormg to desti-oy tiie British fleet and array, lying then at a particular place. AA'hen they were ready for serA-ice, the Conimander-in-cMef sent for Talbot, and requested him to take charge of a combustible brig, to which he readUy ecmsented, though it Avas considered so hazardous an undertakkig that it Avas Avkh gi-eat ffifficulty that others could be procured to command the rest. John Thoraas, Talbot's ensign, foUoAved his exaraple, and took charge of a second, and was burned to death m the flames of his vessel. 672 OFFICIAL. Talbot did not receive orders to execute the design of his ship, untU three of the British ships of war moved up the North River, seven miles above the city. In the night preceding the battle of Haerlem, he received directions to run doAvn upon the ships of Avar in the North River, and destroy them, if possible, Avhich Avere promptly attempted to be put in execution an hour before daylight, by getting the fire ship under way, and running down and boarffing the Asia on her starboard bo\A', when he set fire to her, and, Avith the greatest difficulty, raade his escape through the flaraes into the boat, Avliere his men had been placed to take him off. The fire ship Avas grappled to the Asia for some time ; but, at length, by the activity, address, and inti-epidity of British seamen, Avas disengaged, so that the Asia Avas not burned. But the attempt thrcAV the ship's crew into such con fusion, and alarmed thera so rauch, that aU the ships of war and their attendants in the North River cut and ran down to their old station, below the city. The morning after this, the battle of Haerlem Avas fought, and as the enemy had not those ships to cover their left flank, as had been intended, WasMngton gained the advantage of that day. After leaving the fire ship, Talbot raade his escape to the Jersey shore in a boat, receiving the fire of aU the ships as he passed them. In escaping through the flames, his clothes Avere aU burned, and his body, too, to that degree that he did not see the light for fourteen days. Congress, on a representation of this service, thought proper to grant him a commission as major in the array of the United States, and to raake him a grant of a sura of raoney as a com pensation for the clothes which were burned on Ms back. Rapid promotions and splendid rcAvards AA'ere not so easily obtained in those days, you see, as they have been in sorae instances of late years. At the latter end of the siege of Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island, whieh was always aUowed to have been weU defended, Talbot was second in coraraand, and, in the afternoon previous to the evening of its evacuation, when the cannonade and fire of musketry were very severe, he received a musket ball through his left wrist, the pain of which must have been to raost raen insupportable ; he bound it up, and continued at his post till sunset, Avhen he Avas shot doAvn by another ball, AA'hich entered near his left hip, and yet remains in his left groin. OFFICIAL, G73 In 177S, at the battle of Rhode Island, under General Suffi- van, he commanded in the light advanced corps, and coninienced the action of that day in person ; and such Avas his conduct durmg the battle, and actiA-ity in procuring boats for landkig the army on the island, previous to the battle, that Sffilivau mentioned him very honorably to Congress in the communica tion of the events of that expeffition. Li the same year, after the expeffition before aUuded to, the British stationed a large gaUey ki the passage between Rhode Island and the maki, mounting eight twelve -pounders, Avhich cannon had been taken out of the Flora fi-igate, that was sunk ill the harbor, and Avere marked Avith her name. As this gaUey totaUy stopped aU suppUes for the array by water, and prcA'cnted aU om- navigation from Providence and Taunton rivers, AvMch AA'as A-ery considerable, and annoyed aU vessels bound to those places, Talbot determkied to reraove her, if possible, and accord ingly requested of General Suffivan, who coraraanded the array, fifty men to be ffi-afted for the pm-pose. The General, after some hesitation, compUed. Talbot embarked these on board a smaU sloop at ProA'idence, caUed the HaAvk, AvMcli mounted offiy two three-pounders, cut away the boardkig nettings, ffi-ove the enemy from their quarters, and took possession, sAvord in hand, of the gaUey, AvMch was commanded by a British Ueute- nant of the navy with forty-eight men. After this, Talbot Aveighed her anchors, ran out of the harbor, and canied her safe to Connecticut, where he landed the prisoners before dark the next day. For tMs serA-ice, the legislatm-e of Rhode Island passed a law that a sAvord shoffid be presented to him at the expense of that State, and Congi-ess thought proper, as a rcAvard for the same service, to promote hku to the rank, and to give him a commission, of Lieutenant- Colonel in the service of the Uffited States. The British never posted any other armed vessel ki the passage, which remained open and fr-ee ever after. Some time after this, Talbot made arrangements, and saUed tAA-ice fi-om ProAudence AA-ith tMee hunffi-ed men, on board a large merchant sMp, mounted on a stage above her deck, for the purpose of boarding a sLxty-fom- gun sMp, that lay in the bay. But the Avind at both tknes faked Mm, and it became so calm that he was obUged to retm-n Avithout effecting his purpose. As the enemy always got information of Ms movements, they Avere, VOL. VIII. 57 Q2 674 OFFICIAL, after this, so much afraid of being boarded, that they took a regiment on board from the Island, and kept thera until they learned that his j^lan aa'us laid aside. In 1779, Congress directed General Gates, Avho succeeded General SulUvan, to provide an armed vessel for the protection of the bays and coast about Rhode Island. Accordingly, a sloop was equipped, named the Argo, mounting ten six-pounders ; but as this sloop, Avhen equipped, could not be manned. General Gates requested Talbot to take the command of her, as he Avas at that time popular AA'ith the seamen. At first he declined, because the command of a small sloop Avas not equal to that Avhicli a lieutenant-colonel ought to expect. But he Avas, at length, prevaUed on by the General, as it Avas desirable to have the sloop manned. General Gates can certify the raost import ant services performed by the Argo, AvhUe under his command. The number of cannon which he took in the several prizes, is said to have amounted to ninety-six, tAventy of thera twelve- pounders, the rest sixes and fours. Some of the privateers he took Avere double his oaa'ii force, and all of them of superior force. In a battle fought Avith the privateer ship Dragon, of fourteen guns, Avhicli continued four hours and a half, AA'ith great vigor on both sides, the ship ffid not sra-render until her main mast was shot away just above the deck, and tumbled into the sea. In this battle he had twenty-one men killed and Avounded, and, when the enemy sun-endered, the Argo Avas on the point of sinMiig, the Avater in her hold being above the gun-room floor. Congress, as a rcAvard for his services in this action, and five others, fought in the Argo, some of thera not much less severe, thought proper to appoint hira a captain in the navy ; for, while he commanded the Ai-go, he was furnished with no other than a lieutenant-colonel's commission. Thus I have given some intimations of the principles and facts, Avliich I have taken pains to collect, on which I have acted in giving Talbot a com mission, to take rank from the day of his appointment as a captain in the navy, in 1794, Avhich AA'ords, here underscored, I pray you to insert in his commission in your office, as they are the only alteration I have made in it. After all, human events are all uncertain. Truxtun may resign, Avhich I sincerely hope he Avill not, and, upon my honor, I think he ought not, and Talbot may be unfortunate ; conse- OFFICIAL (J7;- quent censures aa'UI, probably, be freely cast upon me. I am prepared to meet thera, let them etmie as thick as they may. HoAvever I may regi-et thera, I shaU never repent of the measure that produced them, because it has been the result of mature deliberation, irapartial consideration of the Avhole subject, and conscientious opinion that it is right. After a detention of nine days by contrary AA'inds, the Con stitution took the advantage of a brisk breeze, and Avent out of the harbor and out of sight this forenoon, making a beautiful and noble figure amidst the joy and good Avishes of many thousands of good federafists.^ I have the honor, ice, John Ada:ms. P. S. Although this letter is committed to yom- ffiscretion, prudence wiU ffictate that sorae parts of it be considered as confidential. ' Air. .Stoddert replied to this letter; — " The alteration cUrected shaU be made in the register of Captain Talbot's commission ; and, I beg leave to add, without any regrets arising from my opinion on that subject being overruled. I never doubted that Talbot had merit equal to any man in our service, &c., &c. I believe the world T\iU think the deter- minataon a proper one. It shaU not be my fault, if any inconvenience to the service is produced by it," APPENDIX. (A.) No. I. AVILLLAM A'AXS MUERAA' TO JOHN ADAJIS.l The Hague, 1 July, 1798. Dear Sir, — The papers, some of which I have received as late as Sth Alay, and one of 26th Alay, have, after so long a pause of uncertainty, thrown me into a tumult of feelings, almost to tears. I see, with a pride sustained by active domestic sources of greatness, the rising energies of America spreading over that surface of the public mind which reflection had matured, into a mass of stabiUty, fit to support aU the passions that are generous and lofty. Among the causes of exultation, the addresses are certainly all Important. I circulate them here, and they open the eyes of even the -mlful as to the long-told tale and inve terate error, that the people and the Executive are at variance. The prospects which these things open upon this government, give them infinite solicitude. Their ally is deaf to their sufferings, and. If war openly comes on, I verUj"- beUeve they do not know whether they are to share In It or not. They wiU struggle, complain, argue, and remonstrate against joining France, both because they hate her and rejoice at our energy, and because It wIU put almost a last stroke to their commerce, perhaps colonies. Knowing the absolute power of France over aU their means, and foreseeing a period when the question might be decided against their neutraUty respecting the United States, aU my -ndshes have been bent towards the preparation of a state of things Internally here, that might eventuaUy drive the French out of this country. In this wish, the theories of the old and the new governments are not at aU taken Into view, nor are their merits among the motives I have felt to do this ; It Is my duty which makes It becoming In me. Sir, to teU you I have conversed with some of the im portant men among the moderates in the month of Alay. As soon as I knew verv secretly that they intended through General Daendcls to overturn the 1 It is material to an accurate Imowledge of events during tliis criticaf period, to record the date of reception of these letters. Tlus aud the succeeding one were received by Mr. Adams at Quincy, on the 9th of October, 1708. Being written partly in the cipher of the Department of State, ol^ which Jh-. A. had no l^ey, he sent them on the 10th to Philadelphia to be deciphered, with a charge to IMr. Pickering to " keep theu- contents within his own bosom." llr. P.'retumed them deciphered ou the ISth, with a letter, spealdng of the inst as "in different points of -view, very interesting." The efi'ect on Mr. Adams's own innid is expressed in his reply, 'iOth October, 1798, page 615. --. * o7 678 j\.PPENDIX. Directory and CouncUs, if they could get the leave of France, I discovered that their object ultimately was to get possession of power, new organize the whole country in its pubhc men, and, if possible, In any lucky concurrence of external things, liberate the country from the French, whom they abhor. I wrote to Air. liing, stating the views to which I thought these men, if successful in oversetting the usurpers of 22d January, might be brought. Aly object in writing was this. In all their solicitude against France, the principal obstruc tion to a radical concert was the fear of the interference of Great Britain to restore the Stadtholder. That fear removed, and external events concurring, [and they seemed coming, as war on the Khine, Internal convulsions in France, ruptures in Italy] they seemed to be in a fair course to oven success. I staled to him that, whUe the parties here (and one hundred and fifty thousand men voted f'or the C'onstitution) were afraid of this interference, all their mea sures for independence would be checked, and they would remain absolutely French ; that if great Britain could by some means settle that fear, and the moderates succeeded (as they did on the 12th June), and other events that seemed probable occurred, the government which would be formed among the moderates, would do all in their power to so prepare things that they might suc cessfuUy avaU themselves of opportunity. My letters arrived safely, and nothing was hazarded ou my part. On the 22d of Alay, I was called upon by the second man in the parly. A conversation the preceding ciening at a ball of the French minister was the proximate cause, for I had enjoyed with him some confidential conversations before. In this interview, this gentleman, after teUing me that ho wished to converse fully with me in confidence, and that what I should hear from him should not go further than to you. Sir, the Secretary of State, and Air, King, opened himself fuUy. He told me that if Daeudels succeeded (he went the 17th at night) they meant to overturn the present men, whom he represented as peculators, and as men who exhausted every thing in enormous bribes, to arrange their internal affairs, aud tho first moment in their power to drive out the French ;, that opportunities would occur in the war, if it was renewed, and that they meant to embroil parties in France, if there was a chance of convulsion there, but that the great obstacle was the temper of Eng land towards them ; that this apprehension once settled by a secret understancUng, the}- could join her and the United States against France ; that this under standing ought to take placc soon, because they would then work all their means to the grand object frora the start of the new administration, which he hoped would be formed in a little time, I then read to him part of my letter to ]\Ir, King from a press-copy, on this subject. He said that was all he wished. In many jjarts of his conversation he was excessively moved by mournful and indignant feelings, I told him I should write to Mr, King, That we were so distant, I did not see the necessity of writing to the President, A'ou wUl see, Sir, that I have not overrated this Interview, when I tell you that the gentle man was the name which you wUl find at tho bottom of this page.* His name I have not informed Mr. King of, nor any one. * To enable you. Sir, to burn the name, I have put it on a piece of paper, separate. [It was Admiral de AVinter.] APPEXDIX, 679 Could this nation be once roused, and drive the French out, the spirit of revolt from her would spread over aU the afiihatcd countries, and the most important events succeed. As to the restoration of the Stadtholder, that is in my mind a secondary consideration, and for themselves ; and it is not improbable that his restoration would take place. The expulsion of tho French must be the groundwork of every measure, whether for his restoration, or any thing else, and would be highly important to tho United States, I mention this to )'ou, Sir, because I think it my duty to te-ll you every thing of consequence, which I cannot and ought not to trust to the inspection of so many men (above a hundred), who claim the privilege of inspecting the despatches in the office, and I think it important enough to ti-ouble you with, because it is a hkeness ofthe men now in power, and, I believe, a h-ue view of their wishes. But Great Britain wiU not give up the Stadtholder, I do not know that she need. The question, however, is, i\hether she would see this whole country eventually divided by France, or in the fuU possession of France, or so placed as that it might either have a constitution different from its old form, and probabl}- also the Stadtholder, taking him back upon terms of their own after the French should be dispossessed, and without her Interference. Prussia woiUd take care also of this restoration, it is probable, though now she abandons aU her friends, and Great Britain, by her project last summer, in fact gave him up. I apprehend that the war will break out again. Aye know nothing of Bona parte and his fleet, that can be deemed authentic, except that they are near Alalia. The rupture between Genoa and the court of Turin is a thing- intended bv our great ally, and wiU lead to the speedy downfaU of Sardinia, who, in the latter end of AprU, actuaUy set on foot a negotiation at Paris to obtain a handsome retreat, if it was the declared intention of France to revolu tionize his countrj'. France tries to avoid such appearances with an aUy, and though a miserable substitute for a manly and noble resistance, yet it had some poUcy in it, for it brought her to renounce openly her design, aud enabled him to defeat the Insurgents, who had been stimulated by France, and who for a month thought themselves deserted. It is singiUar, but he will join France, if war comes on with the Emperor. Such is lus abject state, h-s-ing with a cer- taintv of being cut up, if the French repubUc exists a year. Some part of the subject of this letter, which wUl be, I fear. Sir, very toil some to vou, may reqiure a vindication. ]My own opinion is, that the evil ones of the world have a decided superiorUy over the good, by that Jacobinical and secret Intrio-ue, by which vast plots are ripened in the dark, and because tiie good wUl not go into the dark to work. I beUeve that an enemy is to be op posed in the recesses of the mine, which Is ready to heave into an- the fortress, as weU as on the open plain in broad day, and that their mode of fighting must furnish the model by which the fashion of resistance is to be adopted. In fact. Sir, that a diplomat of strict honor, and with views the most correct, in the present scenes in Europe, must counterwork In the manner that they work. That to resist this horrible Ulumlnlsm. this darkness visible, he must himself, if possible, be an illumine. I submit this deUcate question to you. Sir, who have vourself worked in the nUdst of difliculties the greatest, I trust that I feel the fuU force ofthe truth that there is something in honest Intentions, and in true simplicity 680 APPENDIX, of design, that without cunning excels It ; yet the experience at this day of c^ cry horrible scene that has occurred for ten years past, from the first step of revolution to the last, convinces me that this truth is appUcable in sound Inter pretation to the principles and intentions of a system, and that though bad means arc not sanctified by a good end, yet that no good means wiU equal bad means, conducted by immense combination, without they are combined and excited in a manner resembling that in which the bad are. This for my -vindication, should I have appeared to you to be doing something secretly, which I have mentioned in this letter. I have the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Adams was weU on 23d June. I Lave the honor to be, with my felicitations among the crowd who address you, and the most sincere respect and most perfect esteem, dear Sir, j-our most obedient servant. W. V. AIUEEAA'. Xo. H. ¦\\'ILLI.\M A'AXS MURRAY TO JOIIN AD.VMS. The Hague, 17 July, 1798. Dear Sir, — In a late despatch in June to the Secretary of State, I men tioned Air. Pichon, late Secretary to Genet and Fauchet, last a Secretary in the bureau of foreign afliairs, on the American side of the oflice, at Paris, and now French Secretary of legation here. I promised this gentieman in the third interview, about three weeks since (for I wished to make him talk freely, knowing that his opinions have helped to mislead the French government) , that his name should not be mentioned in any way that might be known to the world, at his own request. Since that I have not seen him tUl to-day. I this morning received a note from him, informing mc that he had some intelUgence to communicate exceedingly interesting to both of us, and wished an hour to be named. I gave him the time. Before the hour (one), the Charge des Affaires, Champigny, drove up, and was with me, loosely talking about Kastadt, and the war which is now again bursting forth between France and Germany. After his departure, the visit as to time being perfectiy out of course, AIi-. Pichon came. For a fortnight before I had expected that they would probably attempt to use me as a vehicle of overtures to be made to the government, for the purpose of distracting and dividing, and of reviving that hope which has so much been our disease. I am not much out in my expectations. Air. Pichon, after some time, detaUed to me the substance ofthe inclosed paper as InteUigence respect ing Air. Gerrj', lamenting the unhappy quarrel, &c., &c., and endeavoring to precUspose mo to Air. TaUej-rand, assuring mo that he was soUcitous for accom modation. Tho conversation was long, and made up, on my part, of the gross insults which we had too long borne, and tho Injustice which wo had suU'ered, and of the spirit which now animates the councils and the nation of America, and the current of opinions that bore down every art and obstacle ; on his part, of conceding to much I said, of lamenting the rest, of praises of the instructions, for their profound wisdom, and conciliatory and magnanimous tone. In fine, I APPENDIX. ,;S1 considered tiiis interview as probably bringing into motion part of their iilan respecting my humble seW. In about two hours, he told me that he had, as he before informed me, b-anslated the instructions which I lent to him, sent them to Air. TaUejTandwIth remarks, and had this morning received ^Ir. TaUe^-rand's answer, which, if I pleased, he would read. It was, he said, a cop\-. "l per ceived It was in Air. Pichon's own hand, which I know. After Ms readiii- ofit, and b-acing with much concern tiio point m which all negotiation must stop hi put It into my hands. I asked hUn If I might keep It, because I could not read French as fluently as he repeated It. He assented. This was probably also what he wished. I told him that we were now armed and arming; that tiie biUs for the sortie of oui- cruisers aud for suspension of mtercourse, which I had news paper copies of in my pocket, and which I lent to hUn, had passed without debate or opposition, so mature was the pubUc mind on these points ; that I regretted AU-. Gerry's stay at Paris, because, I added, that this might divide the°pubUc mind as to the chance of honorable acconunodation, and, of coui-se, might delay those vigorous measures which became our government after such moderation, lest theii- patience might be misconstrued, as the internal parties of America had been ; that we were so very far ofi", it was now impossible for us to be kept In a wavering state, and that, from the decided tone of the government, supported throughout by the nation, it would be no very easy matter ; that the conduct of government and the people, notwithstanding iMr. Geriy's stay, was a proof that nothing now but acts of justice could restore harmony ; that as to the mode, I was no judge ; that my government could alone judge. I carefully avoided cb-opping a word that, in the most distant manner, held up an idea of communicating this paper, or of treating It In any way but as an afli"air of mere conversation and for my private perusal. Nothing was said to prevent my communicating it. He repeated his wishes, that whatever had passed might not reach the public. I assm-ed him it should not ; that I remembered my promise to him ; that with him I lamented the state Into which the two nations appeared approaching, but saw no way out of It at present ; that you had done aU that became the dignity and independence which you watched over ; that I person aUy had the honor of kno-wing the perfect sincerity of your heart upon the endeavor to adjust, but that I was no judge of the mode to be pursued, and that I hoped we should stUl be armed and prepared, and protect our commerce by defensive measures. He said we were right in placing every thing in a state of defence, and of protecting our commerce, and of preventing their or any pri- vateei-3 from molesting our waters and limits. But his regret was that, just as things began to take a turn, such as he knew Air. TaUeyrand wished, there should be nobody at Paris to treat. I again recurred to the patience of the envoys, and the impropriety (so I thought it) of Air. Gerry's stay. He recurred then to the powers, "joint and several," and said that our government broke off the negotiation, though a man appointed by It, Air. Gerrj-, was competent to treat, and on the spot, before it knew the result. I then caUed his recoUection to AIi-. TaUe-\'rand's note in Alarch, which begins by criminating the American govern ment, charging Insincerity, and absolutely dismissing the majority of the envoys, thouo-h aU there, when once in Paris, were alone one commission ; and that "joint and several " meant to guard against contingencies of death In any one or more in so distant a scene and vo-sage. 682 APPENDIX, As I saw his drift was to lead me into such opinions as might induce mo to write to government, that a new expectation might bo excited, the motive of which, I do not hesitate to declare, I believe to bo merely to divide and bewilder, and to relax our energy, and as I wished to show him that I had no hopes myself of adjustment, — on his lamenting the present crisis, and wishing that it could yet be averted, I obsi-rvcd to him that while I regretted that this crisis was imposed upon us in defence of our honor, independence, and commercial interests, I saw no means, in the present state of things, by which this could be accomplished ; that his go\crnment ought to have reflected, last Alarch, upon one tiling in particular, which would always, if not attended to, render after-thought embarrassing, if not useless, in any nation in Europe that had a delicate negotiation with America, It was the distance of America (U, S.) from France, That when a negotiation so situated had been, after mature cfliirls on our part, broken off, aud the ministers gone, it was not possible to intimate any fresh ideas to the Aineiican government, as they could to au)- government in Europe, by couriers in ten d;iys, and hence a radical breach of negotiation with Amci-ica must, from the policy of America arising from that distance, always pro duce those decisive measures there, which had from self-preservation been lately adopted ; that the moment it was announced by you. Sir, that all hopes had ccaseil, the government and nation rose up to a point infinitely beyond tiie lethargy of hope, and took ground that changed the subject-matter for negotia tion ; that the United States had not declared war that I knew of, but that she had taken her ground, S;c,, &c. He tallced about parties ; that France could not hurt us, but that our parties might, I told him that that was the error which could not be explained, if fiicts, acts, and laws, had not already explained it. Permit me now, Sir, shortly to state what I believe to be the real object of this whole interview, France, alarmed at our attitude, war bursting out again, wishing to amuse America with a new chime of bells, has fi.xed on this Secretary, because he knew mc in Philadelphia, as the instrument to try the pulse, and me as the vehicle of her wretched policy. Nothing has ever come from me to lead he I- to suppose that lam her man — that much, at least, I may permit myself to boast to you, Sir — but still she thinks that on that account she could get mo into au informal negotiation, and impose upon me so far as to credit these airs of tenderness, and induce mc by these means to hazard a few hopes in favor of amicable adjustment, that two opinions might yet rise in the United States ; and that, at all events, some ground would be prepared for the impressions which she trusts i\Ir, Gerry may make on his return, if nothing more, JMr, Gerry acts wisely in resisting entering into negotiation, or affecting to assume the power ; yet they and the French Americans at Paris will try e\er}- art to impress the public mind in America that every thing could be done by any man with powers; that Air, Talleyrand has at last brought the Directory into a temper to treat, &c,, &c, I could not refuse a member of our corps an interview he asked for in a note ; and, indeed, I was curious to see the advances of proud and conscious debility. As I was determined that I -would not write at all upon the subject to govern ment, nor to any one but to }0u, Sir, ontircl}- for yourself, and he will never know that I lia\i' -iirltten, I would not give this visit any importance in Mr. Pichon's eyes by any hesitation, and I thought I might get something; what, I APPENDIX. 683 did not know, nor expect precisely, I have not dared, at such a time, Sir, to step between your measures and their object, nor need you fear that I shall. If this aff'air takes a more formal attempt, 1 shall listen but to get what I can, aud then declare myself incompetent, and tliat,haviug no power, and not having any security, I shall not dare to meddle nor to write to government upon the subject; that they are competent to acts of justice and sincerity without negotiation, I am well aware of the consequence of my doing any thing like Ustening to for mal proposals without this declaration on my part, because it would lead them, perhaps, to -write to America that great hopes were entertained of an amicable adjustment, and mention the overtures to which I should have listened. The use, Sir, It has struck me, in this interview, is in this fact (If it be true that the copy is reaUy from ]\Ir, TaUeyrand), that the sending of Air, Pichon here is a measure of soUcitude, for he is a useful aud active Secretary on American affairs at Paris ; and, above all, this Interview and the letter of Air, TaUeyrand, and Air, Pichon giving It to me, prove that they are deeply alarmed, that ener getic measures have stunned them, and that the steady and dignified pursuit of them wUl attain their great cud. From letters which I receive to-day from Paris, of the 1 1th, and from three other letters to t-n-o others, which I have heard read to-day, of the 12th, stating In fact the, substance of the inclosed, and Mr, TaUcyrand's advances, I have no doubt that Ihey wUl exert themselves to show how amicable they are, how hasty we are ; but I thank God, Sir, that nature has worked to her proper issues in America, and that these tricks wUl be straws against a storm. It is my misfortune. Sir, to trouble you w;ith long letters, and iu a toUsome character. One thing more. Sir, and I cease to lengthen this. BeUeve me to be deeply impressed, first, v.'iih. a sense of duty that shows me I have no right to meddle on this subject, and, secondly, that in sending the inclosed with my remarks, solely, Sir, to you, and to no other man in the world, I hazard no false inferences from what I do, no dangerous effects from the transmission, and that I do It to prove, should it be necessary, to you, that this mode of proceeding is amono- the arts which they will doubtless practice in various shapes, and that you ought to know the fact ; as It wiU console you to have proof that, though they have no sincerity that can be depended on one moment, they are in some deo-ree humbled. Ton wUl perceive. Sir, that I do not mention this even to the Secretary of State ; for, in his office, some men go occasionally to read des- ijatchcs, who might, from good or bad motives, use this paper to foolish or wicked ends. General Joubert, who commands the French army here, -was last night or dered to depart for Mayence. Hatry comes here, as the French expect to begin active and offensive operations against Germany. The negotiation at Seltz between Ex-Director Neufchateau and Count Cobenzel ended in heat ; they separated hostilely even. The Congress at Rastadt, It is understood, must be by this time broken up, and the campaign is expected. "WhUe Germany has been dozing at Eastadt, the French have accomphshed -what a brilliant campaign could hardlv have effected ; for the papacy has been overtm-ned, Switzeriand possessed, the kingdom of Sardinia put Into their hands, and Malta taken, Bonaparte, it is beUeved, must be on his route to Leghorn, if Nelson does not secure him. On the other hand, Switzeriand is unqmet, and -ivIU seize any 684 APPENDIX. moment favorable to resist ; this country Is wretched, and would, I believe, resist, if Great Britain would remove her fears. Her fears, however, are excited now by a suspicion that France may either throw her Into departments, or par tition her with Prussia, who, as far as I can learn, is not yet a party to the coaUtion. The name which I lately had the honor to communicate in another long let ter, on a separate piece of paper, was not put into any public despatch, because of my fears that it might somehow leak out, and would be rapidly borne here to the death of the person and of others. I beg you to excuse the laborious length of this letter, and of that, and to believe me to be, with the most perfect respect and attachment, &c. AV, V. AIurray, (Inclosed,) C, M, TALLEYRAND TO M, PICHON. 21 Alcssidor, An, G (9 July 1798). J'ai re(ju, Citoyen, votre lettre du 8 de ce mois, avec la copie des Instructions donnies au nom du President des Etats Unis a les envoy^s. Je suis surpris comme vous que leur conduite ct leur memoire du 28 Nivose, ayent cadr6 si peu avec cette piece. Je n'y vols que deu.x clauses imperatives, — ne permettre aucun secours pendant la guerre — n'teiger et ne faire aucune soumission sur les proc6d6s reprochfes de part et d'autre. Des hommes vraiment concilians eus sent leves ces cUfficult^s. Notre intention est toujours de mettre un terme a un etat de choses si contraire aux inttrets des deux pays. Vous savez que le rapprochement eut et6 effeotufe de bonne heure, si des mesures irrltantes de la part des Etats Unis n'eussent constamment suscit6 des obstacles. J'ai fait le 30 Prairealci M. Gerry des pro positions qui n'avaient 6t6 suspendues que par la connoissance des ^tranges com munications de PhUadelphie. Je lui ai successivement remis des notes sur chacune des questions de detail qui doivent 6tre rfesolues. Je n'ai cess6 de manlfester le d6sir d'activer la negociation, et les doutes seules de M. Gerry sur la vaUditfe de ses pouvoirs ont entraints des lenteurs. C'est au moment ou je me flattals d'avoir fait des progris, que le Directoire apprend de PhUadelphie la publication d'un acte Intitule, " Acte tendant k protfegor efficacement le com merce et les cotes des Etats Unis." Cette piece que vous verrez dans les papiers publics vous expliquera la sensation qu'eUe a produite. C'est ainsi que d'inci- dens en incidens, et toujours par le fait du gouvernement des Etats Unis, les deux nations s'eloignent lorsqu'il parait qu'elles vont se rapprocher. M. Gerry d'un autre cote n'avance rien. II 61ude les discussions sur les notes que je lui remets ; U persiste i retourner dans les Etats Unis, et laisse gonjecturer qu'il u'attend aucune autorisation pour traitcr definitivement. Je pense que si le gouvernement Am6ricain a les intentions qu'il professe ostensiblement, 11 doit s'abstenir de toute provocation nouveUe, et envoyer un plenipotentiaire favorable- ment connu en France. Nous serons peut-6tre plutot d'accord que les Anglais ne se I'miaginent. APPENDIX. (is.'^ No. ;;. ¦WILLIA5I VAXS MURRAY TO JOHN ADAJIS.l The Hague, 22 July, 1798, Dear Sir, — I had tlus evening avisit from (the name is on a loose paper '¦'). After Informing me of the exertions of AL-. Schimmelpenninck and AdnUral de AVinter at Paris, the agentsof this government, to recall France to a just respect for the commercial interests of this country, he told me, from a letter from the latter, which he showed me, that France had not commanded the commissary of Marine at Flushing to embargo our ships at that port, (there are none, I think, there,) though the embargo is certain all through the French ports ; that this intel Ugence would please our government, because It pronUsed some respect to trade In this country. Ho asked my opinion of some parts of the letter, which he read in French, as it was In Dutch, in which the Achniral mentions Mr. TaUeyrand's soUcitude to conciUate the United States. I told him not to rely a moment upon these professions, begging him on the conti-ary to bend aU his force to show France that it is her interest to let HoUand bo at peace with the United States. He said that should be done, and had been endeavored ; that they were absolutely ruined, if they should be in the war. I told him that I had -written a few sheets on that question, wluch I would send him; which I shall do privately. Were It kno-wn to come from me, though not a treatise, it would work the other way -with France. The reason of my caution in folding up the name is because of what I shaU now mention. He graduaUy led me to the subject of my letter to you, Su-, of 17th July ,2 in which I mention that a personage had caUed on me and proposed to mc to -write to Air. King on the/oUo-wIng proposition; namely, that if Great Britain would declare that she would not Interfere wifh the Internal o-overnment here, they (his party) would drive the French out of the country, provided that the war that was probable were renewed and any chance pre sented itself. He spoke expUcitiy of the name which I mentioned, connected -with the interview In Alay, and which I find certainly that I have not overrated in mentioning it, Sir, to you. After some time he told me I need not conceal any thing on that subject, that he knew aU, and was a party to the plan, and then named one other, a man of the very first talents, I think, in this country, and a man of high and exceUent principles, and said, we aU are of the same views. I then spoke -with absolute freedom to him, and told him what I had -written to All-. Eng, and that I had communicated to you, Sir, in confidence, even the name. He seemed a Uttie alarmed. I told him It would be perfectly safe -with you, and that It was on a loose paper, and that In case of accidents, as death. It would stUl be sacred. He avowed the highest respect for you, and mentioned that his friends (the moderates, many of whom had the pleasure of kno-n-mg you personaUy) were much attached to you. I told him that not hav ing seen the person with whom I had the Interview In Alay since, I could not * Spooi-s, President of the Directory. _ , ^ j ,„.., rv * i * j 1 This letter was ti-ausmitted bv Jb- Pickering m a letter dated 19th October, two days after Nos. 1 and 2 had been sent deciphered. - lih-. Murray mistakes the date. It was his letter of the 1st. VOL. VIII. 58 686 APPENDIX. communicate the result of my correspondence, but that I now would, fo him ; and told him that I suspected that Great Britain would not give the pledge required. He at last said he thought she might yet, if a fiiir occasion offered. Iu fact, Sir, I now know that the men who overturned the Directory on the 12th June, did it partly with this view, and principally. They have, with some hazard, Uberated the arrested members of 22d January, in doing which they risked the suspicions of France ; but they have so managed as to have her con sent and yet her confidence. Tremendous wiU be the blow. If she discover a thread of this affair ! I hear nothing more from Mr. Pichon. Air. Gerry is yet at Paris, and great pains are taken to circulate into merchants' counting houses here information pretended to bedra-nn from him, that if he had power he could treat to advantage. In the mean time no act on their part assures us of sincerity ; on the contrary, every act of government is a contradiction to this sort of news, namely, a very strict embargo on our vessels in aU the French ports, since about the 10th instant, when from private inteUigence I heard of it, by letters ofthe 9th from Paris. I would pray, Sir, for every gentleness towards this nation, consistent with the honor of the American government. They are, government and all, charmed with our spirit and energy, and, in fact, consider it secretly as a common cause, in which they are Interested that we should succeed. I have requested Mr. Bourne to give notice of the law for suspending inter course, though I am not officiaUy informed. If I find that my inteUigence, that the bUl passed 1st June, is not a law, and it came to me through various chan nels that it is a law, I shaU take on myself the imstake by publishing notice that the unofficial intelUgence (which I now beUeve stUl to be true) is premature, so as to prevent any consequences from Mr. Bourne's notice. I have the honor to be, &c. ^Y. V. Murray. P. S. 23 July. I have just received letters from several correspondents, which lead me to doubt whether the biU for suspending intercourse be passed Into a law ; and have written to Mr. Bourne lo stop the notice. That measure I resolved on, after a belief that it had passed, because of the endeavors made here and from Paris to lead our trade into a disbeUef of the Embargo, which I knew had taken place In the French ports, and because some vessels here of the United States wished to go both to France and her islands. No. 4. WILLIAM VAN.^ MURRAY TO JOmST ADAMS.l The Hague, 3 August, 1798. Dear Sir, — I have the honor to inclose you a dupUcate, and to Inform you that the same language has been held to me since, and that this government 1 A portion of this letter has never been deciphered. Neither is there any record of its date of reception. Probably it was about the middle of November, before Mr. Adams left Quincy. APPENDIX. 687 have assured me of their conviction tiiat the letter inclosed in this Leyden paper, marked x, may be considered as evidence of an amicable dispositiou,' as they say they have taken jiains to ascertain that point from motives of self-interest. These motives I beUeve, Sir, 57 1, 1070, them, I do not believe iu 03G since 539. 1175 of this letter. iMr. Gerry's answer I have not yet seen. Mr. TaUcy rand's reply to it I have in manuscript, in the same way, as the inclosed may show. The answer, 1 hear, demanded a retraction of the arrelis against our trade. The reply avoids aU of that irritating language which is scattered -with a supercUIous air In the letter, though in a degree and manner more humble, and it announces an amicable spirit, a determination to remain tranqiul, and that orders had been given to the privateers in tho "\\'est Lidies to act within the limits of the lairs. This order ilr. T. considers as a, pledge of amity, without saying any thing ofthe laws themselves. It renounces all demands of loaus, and assures i\Ir. Gerry of a dispositiou to treat on fair terms. In a manner the most direct, and in a tone infinitely below any thing which they have used to any nation. All this I 526 as merely arts hoping to 709. 2-10. negotiation to 759. 977. your 1152. 659. 924 and 839. 955. with England. Then- privateers iu the mean time are, I understand, to act as usual in Europe against us, because they do so against the vessels of other nations. I hear that Air. Gerry has left Paris for America. From the tenor of these letters, I presume that the French consider him as charged to deUver them and perhaps more. It is because I presume that he does not so consider himself, that I ti-ouble you. Sir, -with this communication, that you may be as early as possible apprised of these lettei-s which I 526. 1467. as a pubUc mode of 948. 712. 1182. Pichon admits that, as a proof of their sincerity, an American war would be highly unpopular in France ; and that the colonies are in danger, U" it come on. I stated the preference which you would give to great aud soUd acts oi justice rather than to promises of amity, and a course of proceeding in which they twice had the offer of the hand of amity. Letters wUl come from Paris to America, as they do hither, full of absolute falsities, of demands by Air. G. and concessions on their part. Happening to have seen the 1137. 600. of AI. TaUevTand, I have been enabled to contradict part of the misstatements. The haste in which I am obUged to -ivrite I beg you. Sir, to accept as some apology for the very great freedom In blots, &c. W. V. AIURRAY. 1 Inclosed with this came a number of the NouveUes Politiques, of the 3d of August, published at Leyden, containing the letter of M. T.alleyrand to Mr. Gerry, of the 21 Messi- dor (12 July), -which had been published at Paris on the 2.?th, with introductory remarks betraying a sense that the French government had gone too far in permitting the negotia tion to be broken off. The follo\vmg passage is underlined in ink ; — " n est certain, que notre gouvernement paroit avoir mis autant d'empressement a omnr des n<:'crooiations amicales iivec le troisierae Envoye Americain, qu'il a t^moign(5 d'mdif- f0l-ence° ou meme de froideur, avant le depart de ses deux coUegiies, Messrs, 1 inokney et Marshall," 688 APPENDIX, No. 5. WILLIAM VANS JIURRAY TO JOHN ADAMS. The Hague, 20 August, 1798. Dear Sir, — i . ... The inclosed paper was given to me this morning by Air. Vander Goes, the Alinister of foreign affairs. It is authentic, though not authenticated, and proves that the Dutch minister at Paris has acted as I stated lately to the Secretary of State. He made a verbal appUcation to know If his government could not be Instrumental In acting as the intermediary between the United States and France, now that aU diplomatic communication had ended. In a day or two after, Air. TaUeyrand gave him the inclosed written answer. This proves a soU citude to which the energy of the American government, sustained by union among the people, has given birth. It wUl be In the power of the government to take a wide survey ofthe question, and to make a very dignified use of the subject-matter of this paper. The subject-matter has been published in the papers here. Tliis proceeded, I beUeve, from France. 2 I have the honor to be, &c. W. V. Murray. (Inclosed.) COMMUNICATION CONFIDENTIELLE. fl Le Ministre des relations exterieures a communique officiellement au ministre Batave, Schimmelpenninck, que le Directoire de la KepubUque Francaise a re(ju avec satisfaction I'off're de mediation entre la Kepublique et les Etats Unis. Lc Alinistre des relations exterieures ajoute a cette communication que le Directoire a t6moign6 recemment, de la maniere la plus 6clatante, ses dispositions concIUa- tolres ; qu'U ne croyait pas qu'elles seroient plus longtemps m^connucs A PhUa delphie ; et qu'U attendait que I'opinion 6clairee des Americains, repondant aux voeux qu'U a manifeste, provoqueroit a son tour une explication definitive et des arrangemens convenables. No. 6. WILLIAM VANS MURRAY TO JOHN ADAMS.3 The Hague, 7 October, 1798. Dear Sir, ¦ — The Inclosed is from M. Talleyrand to M. Pichon, who left this place the 24th September for Paris. In many interviews which this gentleman 1 The first portion of this letter relates to a matter of no public interest. 2 Indorsed on the cover of this letter in the handwriting of Mr. Adams. " Eeceived from the post Jan. 21, 1799." The reason why this date is important may be gathered by comparing the charge of Mr. Pickering, based upon Mr. Adams's implied approbation of all the sentiments of his report of the 18th of the same month. See Pickering's Eeview, p. 136. 3 There is no date of reception marked on this letter ; but it must have been received by the early part of February, as the inclosure, which accompanied it, made the basis of the nomination of Mr. Murray to the Senate on the 18th of that month. Jlr. Joel Barlow's .\|'pi;ndix. lis;) sought with me, with much solicitude, I had repelled the idea that " the assur ances - declared by you. Sir, in your mes.snge in June, had been given in any of :Mr. TaUeyrand's letters tiiat I had seen. To this I added, among main- otiier remarks, that nothing but a f"ornial and explicit assurance of rcspeclt'ul reception, wordiy the minister of a free, independent, and powerful nation, would, in m,\ oijlnlon, as an unauthorized iudividual, be considered by you, Sir, as " the a.- surances," which you had spoken of; that I did not know any tiling ofthe iuten- tions of government in the future, but tiiat it was an error in his government tn flatter itself with the Idea that you would accept assurances by iinpUcation, (ir any of any sort which were blended with any kind of indication of the poUtical complexion of envoys, or any advice or hint upon the choice. That I did not know whether. If assurances were given, they would produce negotiation ; but that, without them, there would be no negotiation certainly. That " the assur ances,-' if given, would not be a favor, but only an assurance that rights, -ndiich had l>cen twice refused, should be enjoyed. That an explicit declaration could never bo necessary upon such a point, except In cases where the right had been expressly refused. That this right, ImpUed among aU equal powers, had been t-wice expressly denied, and that, of course, an explicit declaration announcing it, became necessary to the dignity of the American government and nation. He appeared, at last, to faU In with these ideas ; and in the next Inter-^iew, which was the second week iu September, he told me he had stated my remarks to Air. TaUeyrand, but that he did not see how this declaration could be made, to -whom, and through whom. I told him that I would communicate to you. Sir, anj' such declaration, if formally and officiaUy made, though I w-as unauthorized to open my lips on the subject, and knew that It was taking on myself great hazard, and Incurring a risk of being open to the imputation of meddling at such a crisis. Before he went away from the Hague, It struck me I ought to guard myself by a written note on the point of being unauthorized. I therefore wrote the inclosed, with the remarks respecting " the assurances." Unless the purity aud disinterestedness of my motives are appreciated by you, Sir, I shaU consider these informal endeavors to cooperate in what I thought to be your plan and consistent with your poUcy, as the greatest errors of my life ! I thought that some point, honorable to the go\-crnment over wluch j-ou preside, might \>c gained, nothing hazarded. Before Air. Pichon went to Paris, he told me that he daily expected an answer upon the points of our conversation on the 7th and Sth instant (September) ; namely, on '-the assurances." To-night I received from the hands ofthe French mUitary postmaster here the original of the inclosed, under cover from one si . ¦ p(Hisc relate le tidor,-^ I'Ules mo donncnt lieu d'etre de plus en plus satisfait du 1 Tt is due to Sfr, j\Inn-:iy to say that the language of all tlu'^e letters may suffer from impei-rri-t iiiid pei-haps ini>taken deciphering, 2 SIh and lytli S.-ptembcr, APPENDLS, G91 No, do la divi parti que vous avez pris di' me rendre compto dc vos conversa- siou ei-dessiis ., ' ,-,,,, indiqu(!o. "O"^ ''•^'^'^ lU, Murray, Ces conversations, d abord purcment amicales, ont pris un caractere par I'approbatlou que je vous ai transmise lo 11 Fructidor, Je no regrctc pas quo vous a}-ez coufie vine copie de ma lettre a I'honneur do AI, iMurray. Cette piece, qui n'etait destinee quo pour vous seul, lie contient rien qui ne soit conforme a la pcuscc du gouvernement. Je suis intimement eonvaincu, que si une fois les e.xphcations s'ctablissent avec confiance entre les deux cabinets, Firritatloii ccssera, une foule de mal-entendus disparai- tront, et les noeuds de I'amitie se resserreront d'autant plus solidement, que de part ct d'autre on reconnaitra la main qui a voulu les dissoudre. Alais je no vous cache pas que vos lettres des 2 et 3 Vendemiairc, queje recjois a i'instant, me surprennent beaucoup. Ce dont AI. Alurray doute encore, a ete declare tres explicitemeiit avant m^me que le message du President au congres du 3 Alessidor ' dernier, fut connu en France. Je I'avais ecrit ti AI. Gcrrj-, no- tamment le 24 Alessidor et 4 Thermidor ; je le lui ai rcpete avant son depart. Un paragraphe entier de la lettre que vous a-\cz regu de moi eu date du 11 Fructidor, et dont la copie est entre les mains dc Mr. Alurray, est consacre a developper da^'antage la determination fixe du gouvernement fran^als. D'upres ces bases, vous avez eu raison d'avancer que tout plenipotentiaire que le gou vernement des Etats Unis cnverra en France, pour terminer les differends qui subsistent entre les deux pays, serait incontestablcment recu avec les 6gards dus au repi-esentant d'une nation libre, independante, et puissante.2 Jo ne puis me persuader, Citoyen, que le gouvernement Americain ait besoin dc declarations ulterieures de notre part pour se determiner a prendre, afin de renouer les negociations, les mesures que lui suggercra son desir d'acheminer les differends vers un terme pacifique. Si des mal-entendus de part et d'autre, ont empeche les explications, qui ont eu lieu, d'arriver a ce terme, il faut croire que ces mal-entendus cUssipes, rion n'opposera desormais d'obstacles aux dispo sitions reciproques. Les instructions du President a ses envoyes a Paris, dont je n'ai eu connoissance que par la copie que -lOus en a remis M. Murray, et que j'ai reyu le 21 Alessidor,^ aunoncent, si elles contienncnt toute la pensee du gouvernement Americain, des dispositions qm n'ont pu qu'ajoutcr a celles ou u, toujours ete le Directoire ; ct malgre les actes ulterieures de ce gouverne ment, malgre les mesures irrltantes ct presque hostiles, auxquellcs il s'est porte, le Directoire a nioutre qu'il persistait dans les sentimens qui sont consigne's, tant dans ma correspondance avec AI. Gerry, que dans la lettre que je vous ai ecrite le 11 Fructidor, et que j'ai repetcs plus haut, d'une maniere on ne peut plus explicite. Portez done, Citoyen, a Sir. Alurray ces expressions positives, pour le convaincre de notre sincerite, et engagcz le ^ les transmettre a son gouvernement. Je presume, Citoyen, que cette lettre vous trouvera a la Ilaj-e, Dans le cas contraire, je demande qu'eUe vous soit renvoyee a Paris, Salut et Fraternitc, Ch, AIau. Talleyr.\nd, 2 A Meraltemslatiou of Mr, Adams's noted declaration of the 21st of June, 1798. - 3 9th July. END OF VULUMI-: \nL YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 01283 3647