THE IMP OR TA NCR OF THE
REIGN OF QUEEN ANNS IN
ENGLISH CHURCH HIS TOR V

F. W. WILSON

Oxford

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THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN
OF QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH
CHURCH HISTORY.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN
OF QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH
CHURCH HISTORY
THE GLADSTONE MEMORIAL ESSAY
FOR 191 I

BY

FREDERICK WILLIAM WILSON
MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY
EXHIBITIONER OF NEW COLLEGE

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
C. W. C. OMAN
CHICHELE PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY

(Djforfc
B. H. BLACKWELL, BROAD STREET
XonDon
SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & CO. LIMITED
MQMXI,

PREFATORY NOTE.
To deal with a congested period like that
from 1702 — 14 within the statutory limits of
12,500 words is a thankless task. Much has
had to be sacrificed and the present "pamph
let " can have no pretensions to completeness.
It is but a slender outline which may at some
time be elaborated into a larger, more satis
fying volume. My best thanks are due to my
first teacher of history, Prof. T. F. Tout, M.A.,
for characteristic and illuminating hints, and
to Prof. C. W. C. Oman for so kindly ushering
this publication into the world. F. W. W.

INTRODUCTION.
I have always been a believer in the advisability
of publishing the better sort of University Prize
Essays. I do not, of course, mean that all
successful compositions should be consigned
to the press, but I know, as a not infrequent
examiner, of several cases where by non-publi
cation the reading public has been deprived
of a useful little monograph, embodying the
latest results of research on some interesting
subject. But there is another point, which is
still more important. The University Prize
Winners of to-day are in many cases going
to be the writers of history in the coming
generation. No training in serious composition
can be better than that which consists in the
developing of a prize thesis, written under diffi
culties and against time, into a piece of work
which is intended to be complete and per
manent. The printing of his essay gives to
the young historian the chance of learning his
art at an early age : he has done with com-

INTRODUCTION

petition and the temptation to be lively at all
costs in order to catch the examiner's eye, and
is free to turn an essay into a monograph by
leisurely and conscientious revision. I lately
had to act as one of the judges for the Glad
stone Essay, which is no longer, as it used
to be, a mere second prize for the candidate
who just fails to win the Stanhope, but is
an independent composition. Discovering that
the winner was a member of my own old
College, in which I had taught history for
twenty years, and having found the essay
well worth expansion, I was naturally ready
to urge the author to rewrite it and put it into
print. Much has been written about the Church
in the reign of Queen Anne, but readers will
find that this essay is not a mere repetition of
hackneyed information, nor a rediscussion of
the old politico-religious problems of the time,
but a piece of work with an original value of
its own, dealing with some of the aspects of
the time which have often received less notice
than they deserve. C. W. C. OMAN

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN
OF QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH
CHURCH HISTORY.
The purpose of this essay is to extract from
the bewildering detail of the period 1702 —
1714 certain unities which render it important
in the history of the English Church. To
dissociate entirely the history of the Church
from the history of the State is impossible.
An attempt is made to emphasise only move
ments which affect pre-eminently ecclesiastical
history, with two reservations. The history of
the State has never been lost sight of, for
the chief value of the results of ecclesiastical
history is to explain issues otherwise unknown,
and the wider movements of the Church His
tory itself have been dealt with rather than
the many minor peculiarities of the detailed
ecclesiastical life. Controversies especially

10 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
have been avoided ; they have only been con
sidered with reference to their general relation
to the main tendencies of the time.
The reign of Anne is corollary to the Revo
lution of 1688. Its chief unity of movement
follows from the fact that the problems for
which it demanded an answer, the issues
raised in it, and the divisions of its parties
owe their origin to the Revolution. As this
is true of the general history of the -reign so
is it true of the departmental. The same
influences are at the basis of the history of
the Church ; it is only on this foundation that
a successful attempt at the delineation and
the arrangement of the ecclesiastical facts can
be built. Considered primarily in this light
the Church History of the reign will be dealt
with in six sections. Their interconnection
will be indicated, and from the determination
of their relationship generalisations will be
drawn to show the importance of the period.
The first section deals with the years 1702 —
1710. It outlines the main theme of these
eight years, the bitter strife for power between
the High Church or Tory party and the Low
Church or Whig party. The strife is inex-

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY II
tricably entangled with the political history
of the reign ; for when the chief difference
between the two parties was in the main
religious it could not be otherwise. Con
fusion was intensified by the fact that both
parties were led by extremists in political and
ecclesiastical matters alike, whose sole concern
was a selfish desire for power.
This first period has its chief result in the
victory of the Tory and High Church party.
It was a victory due to the predilections ol
of the Queen, the innate Toryism of the mass
of the country, the influence of the Tory
Clergy on the country, and the capture of the
Evangelical movement by the High Church
party. The triumph of the High Church
party represents a combination of political
intrigue with real religious worth and piety.
The High Fliers, the extremists, were com
paratively few. It was only by the most
careful engineering and the many fortunate
mistakes of the Whig party that the moderate
middle portion of the Church, deeply under
the influence of Evangelicalism, was captured
and led.
The relation of the Church in such a con-

12 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
dition with the movement towards Tolerance
must next be considered. Toleration found but
part expression in the Latitudinarianism of the
Low 'Church party. It was altogether incom
patible with the nature of the progressive
movement in the Church. Consequently,
Toleration was rejected by the Church be
cause its existence in the country was opposed
to the High Church party's desired position
as the embodiment of absolutism.
The third division groups together the
various expressions of Evangelicalism. They
were the product of the revived religious spirit
which had been at work previous to 1702, but
which required the favourable conditions of
Anne's reign to acquire maturity. Opposed
to Toleration, but bound close to Evangeli
calism, the Church reached the highest point
of its power during the years 1710 — 1714.
Before the examination of the reasons for
the failure of the High Church party to render
its position permanent, the history of Con
vocation during the reign is examined. Apart
from the all-absorbing Convocation contro
versy, the work of Convocation lends itself to
the same generalisations as are drawn from

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 13
the wider Church History. The fall of the
High Fliers in 1714 has a natural sequel in
the silencing of Convocation in 1717.
At George I.'s accession the High Church
party fell from power. There were two rea
sons, one lay in immediate political facts, and
one was more deep-rooted. The innate leaven
of early Stuart political theory worked suc
cessfully during the reign of the last Stuart
Sovereign and the High Fliers became Jaco
bites. The Tory interest, the moderate middle
portion of the Church, though largely sympa
thetic, refused to follow its leaders. It relapsed
into a moody quietism, only to be prominent
again when Bolingbroke reorganised the party
as the Hanoverian Tories in 1730. The en
thusiasm which had inspired the Evangelical
movement vanished as quickly as it had come.
This Jacobitism of the High Church party and
the consequent effect on the country forms
the fifth division.
The more deep-rooted cause of the failure
of the High Church party lay in the growth
of the movement known as Rationalism. This
represents, in one sense, an assertion of intel
lectual freedom, of demanded tolerance, and in

14 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
another a rebellion against the last attempts
of the Church to establish a hierarchy based
on its old theology. In both senses it was
destructive. Its attack was delivered under
the disguise of philosophy, moral and political.
It was an intellectual revolt, and coupled with
political developments brought about the col
lapse of the High Church party. It was the
English portion of a European movement.
Its effect was to bring England up to date in
theological and intellectual thought, and it
was accomplished at the cost of nearly the
utter loss of Church life and true Christianity.
The lamentable state of the Church in the
eighteenth century was a consequence of the
collapse ofthe Church party in 1714.

I.
The Revolution had made distinct cleavages
in Church and State, which were in the main
commensurate. The High Church and the
Low Church parties were one and the same
with the Tory and the Whig parties. In
deed, purely political differences were few, and

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 15
centred almost entirely round the question of
the French War. The bitterest differences
of the two parties were ecclesiastical ones, and
even their political differences were in some
sense religious.1
The two parties of High and Low Church
were divided by " their different ideas of the
origin, extent and dignity of the episcopal
jurisdiction."2 The High Church Party as
serted that the government of bishops was
of divine origin and were over eager in their
assertion and jealous guard of the privileges
and position of the Church.8 The character
istics of the Low Church party were in the
main their moderate zeal for the episcopal
jurisdiction and a willingness to grant the
name of a Church to a religious body even
though it was not governed by a bishop.4
The High Church party held to its old
theories of divine right and passive obedience
1 See Lord (W. F.), Development of Political Parties during the
Reign of Queen Anne (Transac. Royal Hist. Society, New Series,
Vol. xiv., p. 73-4, London, 1900).
* Mosheim, Ecclesiastical History (Trans. 1811), Vol. vi.
p. 33. Ibid.
1 Somers Collection of Political Tracts, Vol. xii., p. 665. The
Low Church address given here is a good, expression of that
party's views.

l6 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
and did not view favourably the prospect of
the Hanoverian succession. The Low Church
party had denounced the doctrines long dear
to the Church and had bound up their interest
closely with the Protestant succession.
The reign of William represents the ascend
ancy of the latter party. It was the ascend
ancy of a minority. A bargain had been
struck with one of the astutest of monarchs,
and in the face of William's whiggish tenden
cies the mass of the country did their part
sulkily. It was only an imprudent act of an
otherwise careful king which fanned the almost
dead embers of enthusiasm or sympathy with
a foreign war into the flame which comforted
and gratified William's last months. Louis
XIV., on the death of James II. , recognised
his son as King of England, and the English
Parliament at last allowed the country to be
definitely committed to the Grand Alliance.
William had come to England with the
avowed intention of defending the "Protestant
Religion." He found the English Church in
rebellion at the attempts of James II. to con
vert it to the Roman Catholic Religion. He
found its bishops and leading clergy faced

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 17
with the dilemma which had faced Cranmer.1
They were called upon by the dictates of
conscience to repudiate a doctrine they had
incorporated into the theology of the Church
and which they had fervently preached. "The
Lord's anointed" — " the Head of the Church
of England" — had been false to his trust, he
had tried to impose on the country, by illegal
means, a religion which the people detested
and loathed. They had to defend their charges,
to remain true to their ordination vows, and
at the same time to renounce the doctrines ol
divine right and passive obedience.
This attitude and these doctrines were held
by the mass of the clergy, and, because of
the clergy's great influence in the country,
by the mass of the people. William was
accordingly viewed with suspicion. He was
a foreigner and no friend ot the Church. He
would never accept the doctrine of Apostoli
cal succession seriously,2 and his well-meant
desires to unite the English and Dutch

1 Pollard. Cranmer, p. 363-5 and 381. "For good or for
ill he had pinned his faith and allegiance to the State, and
logically he was driven to obey the State.
- Lord, Development of Political Parties, p. 75.

l8 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Churches alienated the body of the former
Church from him. Some of the clergy indeed
never would accept him. They found they
believed in divine hereditary right more than
they feared the Romanist policy of the Stuarts.
They could not accept the " Act of Settle
ment " or the "Abjuration Act," and by
Midsummer 1691 Archbishop Sancroft, five
bishops and about four hundred clergy were
deprived of their position in the established
Church.1 Considering the deep-rooted nature of the
doctrine of divine right and passive obedience
it is remarkable that the Church as a whole
offered no opposition to William. The main
body of the clergy waited patiently for the
accession of a Tory and Stuart Princess and
recognised the futility of opposition. The
more dignified part of the clergy, " the
wearers of the gown and scarlet hood,"2 were
by the careful exercise of preferments made
agreeable to the King. They were Whigs
and sympathised with his enlightened Toler
ation policy as well as his Continental pro-
1 Lathbury, History of the Non-Jurors, pp. 84 and 107.
2 Swift.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY ig
jects. They were Latitudinarians and were
too advanced for the sturdy narrow bigotry
of the body of the clergy. Men like Burnet,
Tillotson and Tenison, the leaders of the
Whig hierarchy of William, were in constant
opposition to and entirely out of sympathy
with the Lower House of Convocation and
the interests that house represented.
The reign of William allowed the passions
raised by the Revolution to settle somewhat,
and by the accession of Anne the parties in
the Church, though still including the sharp
antagonisms of the Revolution, included also
some points of resemblance and sympathy
which tended to widen the basis of the Church
and to leave a body of extremists at either
end almost isolated. The main body of the
clergy were firmly attached to the Church of
their ministry. They were Tories but not
extreme Tories. They would "rather have
a Turk for a king than a Papist." 1 They
were very sensitive to the cry " the Church
in Danger," and were jealous in the extreme
of their privileges and position in the country.
Toleration was viewed by them with feelings
1 Stuart Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., Vol. I., p. 50 (Intro.).

20 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
of indifference or apprehension, and they were
by no means inclined to view with favour
the advanced and premature proposals of
the Whig Episcopacy. They supported the
Protestant succession but wished for the im
possible ideal of a Stuart succession of direct
descent which would be faithful to Coronation
Oaths. The clergy may have been Jacobite
in sympathy and given to wistful yearnings in
the direction of St. Germains, but on the
whole they were closely allied to the best
interests of the Church and State. When
they were purged of their Jacobitism by the
catastrophe of 1714 they developed into the
Hanoverian Tories. They found that tamper
ing with the Pretender meant ruin. They
had to uphold the Protestant succession at all
costs. At one extreme of the clergy, closely
akin to the non-Jurors in their theoretical
basis but not troubled by conscience as they
were, were the "High Fliers."1 Though
Churchmen they were first and foremost poli
ticians. Girt in the doctrines of passive
obedience and divine right, and brandishing
their infallible weapon "The Church is in
1 The name is often used by Oldmixon.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 21
Danger," they bore down on the body of the
clergy, and under cover of the adulation they
showered upon Anne tried to bring about the
Pretender's return. Their chief fear was not
for the Church's danger, but for the Whig
supremacy which they suspected the Hano
verian succession would inaugurate. Through
their clever party tactics, and by a happy
combination of enthusiasm and fortune, they
took the Church with them along a road
marked by such milestones as the Occasional
Conformity Bill of 1702-1703-1705, "The
Church in Danger" debate of 1705, the trial
of Dr. SachevereU, the elections of 1710, the
Occasional Conformity Act of 171 3, and the
Schism Act of 1714. But though the Church
would follow Harley and Swift it would not
follow Bolingbroke and Atterbury. The High
Fliers struggled hard for power, gained the
perilous heights of 1710-14, and because of
the great height, came the greater fall.
The other distinct party of the clergy were
equally extreme. They were the Whigs or
the Low Church party. Their interests were
bound up in the Hanoverian succession, and
their political principles were the formulated

22 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
principles of the Revolution.1 The troubles
of the Revolution, and the great emphasis
laid on Protestantism during that time, led
them to a Catholicity of Protestant feeling
which made them desirous of widening the
doors of the Church of England, or of effect
ing " rapprochements " with Protestants
abroad.2 The bias of these two parties of extremists
was towards political affairs rather than to
wards ecclesiastical. Though they were to a
certain extent leaders of the Church's two
main ways of thought, they were not followed
in an entirety. Rebellions from the autocracy
and headstrong recklessness of party leaders
weie common during the reign, and much
"controversy and intrigue of the politico-eccle
siastical history can be thus grouped. The
intrinsic value of such rebellions is not often
of great value except in so far as pointing to
the growth of power of the moderate feeling
1 Burke, Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Works, Vol.
iv. (1853). The trial of SachevereU was a vindication of these
principles. 2 Burnet says that what his enemies most resented was
that " I had not carried the Church power higher, that I had
owned the foreign Protestant Churches to be true Churches."
Life, by Clarke and Foxcroft, p. 368.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 23
in the country. For the permanent can only
spring from the deep-rooted, and this alone
is important in a period. Though there is
much that is important in the strife between
the High Church and the Low Church parties
for power, yet the greater importance lies in
reasons of the High Church triumph and in
the analysis of its failure even when joined by
the potential movement of Evangelicalism.
The accession of Queen Anne was hailed
by the leaders of the High Church party with
great delight, and public opinion eagerly con
firmed their joy. "The High Church party
soon grew triumphant and thought of nothing
less than carrying all before them,"1 and their
elation was copied by the mob who in various
places in the country showed its piety by
pulling down the meeting-houses.2
Anne's ancestry was sufficient guarantee for
her orthodoxy, and her education had further
confirmed and trained her natural tendencies.8
The first speeches she made to Parliament
plainly showed her interest. "My own princi-
1 Calamy's Life, Vol. 11., p. 460 (Ed. 1829).
» This became the ordinary form of demonstration of Tory
feeling. See Addison, Spectator and Calamy's Abridgement.
» She was educated by Bishop Compton.

24 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
pies must always keep me firm to the interests
of the religion of the Church of England, and
will incline me to countenance those who have
the truest zeal to support it."1 She was a
fitting person to receive Tory and High
Church flattery, and was willing to occupy
docilely their pedestal, waiting for any mon
arch who would agree with their theories.
"Her heart," she said, "was entirely Eng
lish,"2 an expression which was thought to
reflect on the late King.3 She managed during
her reign by her sympathy and favour to the
Church to make her people believe in her
boast. She was a dull, easily led person, but
possessed obstinately of certain principles, of
which her love for the Church was the chief.
She was a regular communicant and attender
at church, it being a matter for surprise when
she absented herself.4 She kept a watchful
eye over preferments, and one of her first
acts was to dissolve the Whig Commission of
Bishops appointed by William to look after
1 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 25.
' Ibid., p. 5-
3 Burnet, History of his own Times (Ed. 1833), Vol. vi., p. 3.
' Swift, in his journal to Stella, mentions every time the
Queen is not at chapel.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 25
preferments.1 " 'Tis said that her Majesty
will herself dispose of all ecclesiastical prefer
ments belonging to the crown as they become
vacant."2 Her care for the Church was very real, and
took a lasting and material shape in her grant
ing the revenues arising out of the first fruits
and tenths for the purpose of augmenting the
benefices of the poorer clergy. "We are justly
sensible," the Commons had said, " of your
Majesty's unparalleled goodness."3 Anne was
pleased to call the Tory party the Church
party,4 and though she distrusted the extrem
ists who would have preferred her half-brother,
and though there was never a definite court
interest during the reign, yet Anne's attach
ment to the Church was sufficiently strong to
warrant the clergy's attitude when her ear was
possessed by a Whig Ministry. "The clergy
took great pains to infuse into all people tragi
cal apprehensions of the danger the Church
was in . . . Books were writ and dispersed
over the nation with great industry to possess
1 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. vi., p. 17.
3 Luttrell, Diary, Vol. v., p. 157.
Parliamentary History, Vol. v., 328-30.
4 Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough, p. 124. c

26 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
all people with the apprehension that the
Church was to be given up, that the bishops
were betraying it."1 That was in 1705, and
1 7 10 Burnet again wrote " The clergy pressed
the people to show on this great occasion their
zeal for the Church, and now or never to save
it ; they also told them in what ill the Queen
had been kept, as in captivity, and that it was
a charity, as well as their duty, to free her
from the power the late Ministry exercised
over her."2
Despite Anne's predilections and the energy
and zeal of the clergy, the rise of the High
Church party to power was a difficult uphill
task. Against High Church enthusiasm was
to be placed the wonderful series of successes
the allied arms had achieved under Marl
borough.3 The Tories, as the peace party,
fell into discredit. They were not trusted by
the allies, as they were justly suspected ot
being friends to France.* Their attitude to-
1 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. v., p. 222.
2 Ibid., Vol. vi., p. 16.
3 Oldmixon, History of England under the Stuarts, Vol. 11.,
p. 293.
* Ibid., p. 275. The friendship of the French Kings to
Charles I. and Charles II. was at the bottom of these
suspicions.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 27
wards the war alienated Marlborough and
Godolphin, hitherto ranked as Tories, and as
most people thought with Oldmixon that
" the Duke's victories were the greatest and
most glorious that ever were obtained by the
English arms abroad," 1 and as they " were
everywhere expressing their joy " 2 public
opinion became decidedly Whig. The war
was the dominant interest. The country was
not concerned with keeping a Whig or Tory
Ministry in power. Its sole care was for keep
ing a Ministry in office which would support
Marlborough. It was not till Marlborough's
influence with the Queen was lessening, and
the country was thoroughly alarmed at the
ruinous expenses of the war3- that the bas-
motifs of the Tory party, the doctrines of
High Church and the cry of " The Church in
Danger" began to be heard above the intoxica
ting blare ofthe war trumpets. " Six millions
of supplies and almost fifty millions of debt,"
wrote Swift, "the High Allies have been the
1 Oldmixon, History of England under the Stuarts, Vol. il,
p. 344. 2 Ibid., p. 342.
3 Swift's pamphlet, The Conduct of the Allies, advocated
peace on the grounds of the ruinous expense, and of the war
only benefitting the Allies.

28 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
death of us." 1 These unmistakable signs oi
revulsion to the war were eagerly noticed by
Harley, and were through Abigail Masham
carefully communicated to the Queen. It was
only when Anne was sure that the country had
started on the backward swing of the pendelum
that she dared act directly against the Whig
interest, against Marlborough and his hector
ing wife. The appointment of the two Tory
bishops at the close of 1706 was an augury of
the coming change.2 Marlborough's influence,
though definitely on the decline, was still
powerful enough to purge the Ministry in
February, 1708, of Harley and St. John,
whom he justly suspected of being at the bot
tom of Anne's unwonted independence.3 The
Duke renewed the war in the Netherlands
and decked himself further with the doubtful
glories of the victory of Malplaquet. Harley,
though no longer in office, still kept the con
fidence of the Queen, by means of the back
door influence of Mrs. Masham. The High
Church interest had suffered a temporary
1 Quoted by J. R. Green, Short History of the English People,
p. 718.
2 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. v., p. 335.
3 See Roscoe, Life of Harley, and Leadam, Political History,
p. 125-

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 29
rebuff, but it was still the coming force in the
country. In April, 1709, the Duchess of Marlborough
was finally supplanted in the Queen's favour
by Mrs. Masham. Anne's judgment was always
dictated by the possessor of her ear, and now
her affection for the Church could be freely
played upon. The country, too, was seething
with unrest. The long ascendancy of the Whigs,
their ruinous war policy, their realisation of
the Union with Scotland,1 had produced an
uneasy feeling of suspicion and dissatisfaction.2
These feelings were carefully educated by the
clergy, for the power of the pulpit was great.
"In the character of pastors and teachers you
have an almost irresistible power over us of
your congregations .... circumstances of
education and fortune place the minds of the
people, from age to age, under your direc
tion." 3 This power was used almost entirely
1 The Union was said to endanger the Church of England
by the introduction of Presbyterians into Parliament, and an
Act for the security of the Church was passed (Parliamentary
Debates, Vol. iv., p. 480, Ed. 1741). For an answer to these
fears see Somers, Tracts XII., pp. 510 and 519.
2 The Moderate Tory view is well seen in a pamphlet
attributed to Harley, Faults on both sides (1710).
3 Steele, The Crisis, p. 1 (1713).

30 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
for the Tories. The favourite theme was the
peril the Established Church was in, and it was
illustrated by practically the whole of Whig
legislation and tendencies. The Tory concep
tion of the Church and State being commen
surate was opposed to the Latitudinarianism
of the Whigs. The relations which the Low
Church Churchmen sought to establish with
the Dissenters and with Foreign Protestants
were viewed with horror by the upholders of
absolution.1 Sermons were supplemented by a rapid flow
of inflammatory and embittered pamphlets.2
The height of Tory and Church indignation
was reached in Sacheverell's famous sermon
preached in St. Paul's on the 5th of Novem
ber, 1709. A personal allusion to Godolphin,
which it contained, rather than its fanaticism
and unmeasured abuse, provoked the subse
quent and ill-advised trial. "The foolish prose
cution of Sacheverel! carried party rage to the

1 Overton, Life in the English Church, pp. 348-352. Burnet
was always interested in these movements, History of his own
Times, Vol. v., p. 328.
* See, for instance, the effect of Dr. Drake's pamphlet, The
Memorial of the Church of England.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 31
height,"1 Bolingbroke afterwards wrote. High
Church fanaticism swept the country, and
Somers' prophecy that the trial was likely to
end in the ruin of the Whig party was amply
fulfilled.2 In August, 1710, Godolphin was dismissed
and Harley received ofiice. His moderateness
was swallowed up in the swirl of the high tide
of Tory feeling. He wished for some kind of
coalition government, and did not desire the
Tories to be too numerous.3 But " the fer
ment raised by Dr. Sacheverell's trial . . .
being industriously fomented and propagated
throughout the kingdom in order to influence
elections"4 carried all before it. The Tories
were returned by a great majority, and the
political influence of the Church reached its
zenith.5 These are the main outlines of the politico-
ecclesiastical history of the first period.
Their chief importance lies not so much in
1 Bolingbroke, State of Parties at the Accession of George I.
(Pollard's Political Pamphlets), p. 178.
2 Swift, History of the last four years of the Reign of Queen
Anne, Vol. vi., p. 31 (Edition, 1808).
• Swift, Journal to Stella, Works, ed. Sheridan and Nichol,
Vol. xiv., p. 245.
* Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 916.
* Perry, History of the Church of England, Vol. 11., p. 577.

32 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
the fact of the triumph of one party as in the
reasons underlying this triumph. On the sur
face the great political influence of the Church
seems all important, but this great political
influence owes its existence to basic reasons,
more permanent and therefore more import
ant. The Church was bound up too intimately
with politics ; its greatest media of expression
were found in political life. This expression
is however limited, its seeming breadth and
depth of interest are really narrow. The chief
note appears at first hearing to be the surging
dominance of the triumph of a political party
with its main interests ecclesiastical. This is
far from being true.
The two extremist parties, fundamentally
antagonistic, were dependent on the main
body of public opinion. Success in the politi
cal world could only be obtained through the
adherence of this main element. While this
body was on the whole Tory, and loyally
Church, it was far from being of the nature of
either of its impassioned leaders. The Low
Churchmen had always to recognise the fact
of their being alienated from the nucleus, but
their strong and continual attempts to capture

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 33
it demonstrate clearly that it was equally
alienated from the High Fliers. The opinion
of sober-minded men was the sole referendum
of both parties. It was because the appeal of
the High Fliers to the people was successful
that the elections of 1710 resulted in a Tory
victory. The links of sympathy are to be
found in the similarity of attitude adopted by
both to the two main movements of the day.
Toleration was rejected by both, and the
Evangelical movement became the spiritual
support of the Church. II.
By accepting the Revolution the Church
was unwillingly forced to acquiese in the con
sequent measures towards Toleration. The
common danger Protestantism had suffered
from James's designs had emphasised the
bond of union between the Dissenters and
the Church.1 Both could and did join in
hating Roman Catholicism. It was plain that
some different treatment should be meted
out to Dissenters from that given to Roman
Catholics. This had been ungraciously recog-
1 Macaulay, History of England, Vol. 11., p. 219 (Ed. 1850).

34 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
nised by William's Toleration Act. Though
the measure was introduced by a Tory and
jealous Churchman1 it was not popular with
the Church. When the panic raised in 1688
died down, the Act was openly regretted, and
the comprehension which would in some
degree have completed its work was dropped.
Churchmen of the seventeenth century could
not be convinced that it was possible for a
man to be a bad Churchman yet a good
citizen. The interests of Church and State
were thought to be identical. Any proposals
of toleration had always been checked by the
belief that it was unsafe to entrust any part
of the government of the State, central or
local, to non-members of the Church.2 This
feeling was at the core of the political theory
of the Tory party. Laud and Charles I. were
in some sense its martyrs, and Charles II.
had returned with a tacit recognition of its
impossibility. But the Declaration of Breda
had been followed by the Clarendon Code.
1 Shaftesbury, Clarke and Foxcroft's Life and Letters of the
Marquis of Halifax, Vol. n., pp. 366-378; "Letters to a Dis
senter " ; and "Anatomy of an Equivalent," pp. 426-446.
1 See "The Case of Dissenters, etc.", by a Gentleman
(1703), in Somers Tracts, Vol. xn., p. 227.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 35
Charles II. 's easy indifference had permitted
this view to be once more put upon the
Statute Book. The Revolution and the Whig
leaders — inspired by William — endeavoured
their best to mitigate it somewhat.
The accession of Anne seemed to the
Church to be a pledge that all unclean con
nection with Dissent would cease. The
Church would at last be able to assert trium
phantly its true position ; the obnoxious
Tolerance would at last be divorced from
Church policy. Theoretically, the Church
might recognise some difference between the
Protestant Dissenter and the Papist,1 yet
practically it was a dangerous thing to do.
To this fear was added revulsion felt at the
horrible profanation caused by the Test Act.
By Occasional Conformity, Dissenters could
qualify themselves for office. Communion
was taken by them "not from piety but em
ployments."2 It was unfortunate for Dissent
that there was much truth in the cry raised,
but that really mattered little. The main
1 See the speeches of Tories in the House on the Occa
sional Conformity Bill.
» Swift, Journal to Stella, Works, Vol. xv., p. 188.

36 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
body of the Church, except for the few en
lightened spirits, was definitely set against
Toleration. It was an attitude of mind
necessary to the establishment of a hierarchy
— and it was an attitude of mind produced
by a dull, faithful and rather stupid love for
the Church.1
The attempt of the Church to smother
Dissent took the shape of the Occasional
Conformity Bill. The preamble to the Bill
stated the principle of the co-extensiveness
of Church and State in no indefinite terms,
and the doctrine was reiterated equally clearly
in the House of Commons. " That the intent
of this Bill for preventing Occasional Con
formity is only to restrain, to put a stop to,ta
very scandalous practice, which, as a reproach
to religion, gives offence to all good Chris
tians "2 was merely a nominal reason was
generally recognised. Other reasons were put
forward as being at the bottom of the Bill.
It was thought " to be a measure to raise
such quarrels and distractions among us as
would so embroil us at home, that our allies
1 SachevereU' s Sermon, p. 15.
2 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 73.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 37
might see they could not depend on us,"1 to
be " without further design than to expose the
Dissenters and show what rogues they were."2
Whig partisans said that it proceeded from
the hatred the High Church party bore the
Dissenters for their zeal for the Protestant
succession.3 Serious minded men were actu
ated probably by the argument that it was
a Bill "to prevent hypocrisy,"4 and that the
very existence of the National Church was in
peril when its chief bulwark, the Sacramental
Test, was rendered ineffective.5 But most
people were led by a lingering, long-hidden
sense of revenge, which was most attractively
expressed in the general desire to exalt the
Church and to guard her from all attacks,
open or insidious. De Foe's pamphlet — The
Shortest Way with the Dissenters — was inter
preted and considered as excellent advice by
many, his satire was dangerously true.
While this was the attitude of the majority
1 Burnet, History of His Own Times, Vol. v., p. 52.
2 Ibid., p. 49, Dartmouth's Note.
3 Oldmixon, p. 296.
4 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 52.
5 Nicholson, Letters on Various Subjects, Sect. 9, p. 473 (1717),
and Swift, Letters Concerning the Sacramental Test, Works,
Vol. in., p. 139 i1!0^)-

38 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
it must not be forgotten that Toleration and
the ideas held about it progressed considerably.
The mass of the people reluctantly gave up
the thought of granting Toleration to the Dis
senters at the call of the High Church leaders.
They lent too ready an ear to the alarmists
because their horror at the suggested profan
ation of the Sacrament was real. But the
levelling influences of daily life had brought
them to regard the Dissenters with kindlier
feelings than did their leaders. A speech of
the Queen early in the reign expressed this
attitude well. " I hope," she had said, " that
such of my subjects as have the misfortune to
dissent from the Church of England will rest
secure and satisfied in the Act of Toleration."1
Excluding the periodical ebullitions of High
Church fanaticism, Dissent and Establishment
had followed this cue and lived together on
very good terms. Presbyterianism, the most
influential of Dissenting bodies, was fervently
loyal and represented no great difference of
doctrine.2 Communion had been taken by
1 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 144.
2 For Presbyterians see Nottingham's Memorial of the
State of England, 1705, in Somers Tracts, Vol. xii., pp. 539-545.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 39
Presbyterians and members of other bodies
at the parish church,1 and the basis of estab
lishment had been considerably broadened.
This had been going on ever since 1662,
directed by "some of the most eminent of
our ministers with a design to show their
charity towards that Church (of England),
notwithstanding they apprehended themselves
bound in conscience ordinarily to separate
from it."2 The Church was strengthened in
proportion as Nonconformity was weakened.
This was widely recognised, and in both the
Houses of Parliament and in the country at
large the advantages of Toleration were
praised. " The Toleration hath had such
visible and good effects, hath contributed so
much to the security and reputation of the
Church of England, and produced so good
a temper amongst the Dissenters that the
Lords are unwilling to give the least dis
credit to that Act, being sensible that liberty
of conscience and gentle measures are most
proper and have been most effectual towards
1 See Nottingham's Memorial of the State of England, 1705,
in Somers Tracts, Vol. xn., p. 553.
2 Calamy's Life, Vol. 1., p. 473.

40 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
increasing the Church and diminishing the
number of Dissenters."1
Before this body of opinion the Occasional
Conformity Bill succumbed. The High Fliers
made great efforts to force the Lords to pass
it. Their last attempt was to try and tack it
to a Money Bill. They were forced to with
draw the measure, for the influence of Marl
borough in 1705 was omnipotent, and he had
( declared no mercy to the supporters of "the
tack."2 The Tories incurred much discredit
by their relentless hostility to the Dissenters.
Toleration slowly gained ground with the
gradual transformation of the Tory Ministry
of Anne's first Parliament to the Whig Minis
try she dissolved in 1710. But the more
Toleration was identified with the Whig party
the more it fell into public disfavour. It sup
plied a forcible argument to the cry, "The
Church in Danger," and it became the most
unpopular of a series of unpopular policies.
When the High Church party was returned to
power it revenged the defeat it had formerly
suffered, and passed the Occasional Conform-
1 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., pp. 77-8.
\ 2 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. v., p. 464.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 41
ity Act of 171 1 and the Schism Act of 1713.
Toleration was rejected by the hierarchical
High Fliers, but it was not dead. It lived in
a dormant state in the moderate portion of
the Church, but when the position of 1 710-14
became untenable, Toleration once more
flourished. Under the influence of Rational
ism Toleration relapsed into the quietism and
unenlightened indifference of the eighteenth
century.

III.
The chief strength of the High Church
position lay in its democratical nature. The
age of Anne witnessed a spiritual revival,
which in combination with the political activi
ties of the Church was all powerful. The
moderate portion of the Church, distinct from
both parties, was occupied in the Evangelical
movement, an activity at first alien to the
main activities in the Church, but afterwards
swept up in them, wholly incorporated and
reinvigorated. Synchronous with all the "un
seemly wrangling"1 of the reigns of William
1 Hutton, History of English Church, p. 304.

42 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
and of Anne there was an earnest attempt to
vivify religion, to bring it in touch with men
and affairs, and to try to lessen the reproach
offered by the many obvious gaps in the
Church's work. The attempt was made at
first independent of the battles of the High
Church and Low Church parties. The all-
pervading desire for the exaltation of the
Church, which characterised the High Church
men, and the desire for true religion in the
Church, which characterised the Evangelists,
soon became identified. Evangelicalism
balanced fanaticism, and became the main
support of the High Church party.
The origins and antecedents of the Evan
gelical movement can be traced far back. In
a sense it is a child of Puritanism, and its
history can be made co-terminous with that
movement. But in the form with which it has
to be dealt with here it is a distinct product of
the Revolution. "It is certain that a vigorous
moral reaction within, accompanied that ex
terior dynastic revolution." 1 The form which
the reaction took was dictated by previous
and similar efforts. In the reign of Charles II.
1 Mark Pattison, Essays, Vol. n. p. 311.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 43
societies of young men had clustered round
the ministry of some eminent divine.1
These societies stood as a reproach to the
moral depravity which had been shamelessly
flaunted before the country by the court of the
restored King. This influence for evil did not
penetrate far ; it was superficial for the most
part, and takes its most enduring form in the
drama of the age. But it was scandalous and
public. The indignation and disgust roused
by the prevalence of vice in high places,
coupled with the fear and alarm consequent
on the discoveries of Titus Oates, were the
immediate causes of the societies, which came
into existence somewhere about 1678. 2 Their
object was mutual edification and help in de
votion and works of piety. They survived
through the perilous times of James II. by
remaining in quiet and silence. By Anne's
reign, though they had degenerated into mere
Church societies, they had outlived the pre
judices they had at first suffered from, and
1 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. vi., p. 17, and Wood
ward, Account of the Religious Societies, p. 75 (1701).
2 Burnet says that formerly such organisations were only run
by Dissenters, and originated from fear of Popery (History of
his own Times, Vol. vi., p. 18).

44 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
they could count on the support of the leaders
of the churches and of most of the men of
piety in that age.
These societies are clearly indicative that
zeal for reform and desire to make religion
real were not wanting in the Church. They
represent, however, individual effort, and, in a
sense, selfish effort. It is a distinct step in
advance when philanthropy becomes an actu
ating motive of organisation. The formation
of societies for the Reformation of Manners
shows the result of the good the preparatory
religious associations had done, and also the
acuter recognition of obligations. These
societies were established to help the carrying
out of the proclamation of William in 1692
against immorality and vice.1 They wished
to bring home the terror of the law to evil
doers. Their authorities for action were Royal
Proclamations, Acts of Parliament against
profanity and impious and unclean books,
censures and representations of Convocations
on the state of manners, and outspoken attacks
1 In Wilkins' Concilia, Vol. iv., pp. 615, 617, 626, are speci
mens of other proclamations.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 45
on flagrant immorality, as Jeremy Collier's
" Short view of the Immorality and Profane
ness of the English Stage." They showed
great activity, and in forty-two years of exis
tence the London Branch could proudly point
to the prosecution of 100,650 persons.1 The
leaders were for the most part laymen, yet the
society's work received the support and assis-»
tance of many of the eminent clergy.2 The
work was recommended in provincial and,
diocesan addresses, and branches were formed
in the various towns and additional lectures
were established. Dissent as well as Estab
lishment joined in this matter of the common
weal.3 The reports of the main society are
eloquent of the extent of the nature of the
work they were doing, but they also show the
weak point of their attack on the current cor
ruption of manners.
1 Report of the London Society for the Reformation of Man
ners, 1736. There is a typical casein Luttrell, Vol. vi., p. 102:
"The Society for the Reformation of Manners have brought
an indictment against twenty-four actors in the playhouse for
immorality and prophanesse upon which they are to be tried
this term."
2 Compton published in 1704 "Report of nth Conference
with his clergy, held in the years 1699 and I7oouponthe King's
Proclamation for preventing Immorality and Prophanesse."
3 It was for this reason that they were condemned by Arch
bishop Sharp. See his Life, Vol. 1., pp. 174-183.

46 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
To enforce the vigour of the law of the
country against vice was the object of these
societies ; as yet there had been few attempts
to display the attractiveness of the law of the
Church. Philanthropic effort was as yet mis
guided and to a great extent wasted. In the
Society for the Propagation of Christian
Knowledge there were combined all the good
intentions of previous societies with a distinctly
new object. This society attempted to teach,
to educate, and to edify. The guiding spirit
of the society was Dr. Thomas Bray, whose
personal history and ambitions are an essential
part ofthe philanthropic efforts ofthe reign.
Dr. Bray1 in 1696 had been appointed Com
missary of the Bishop of London in Maryland.
He found the colonies almost destitute of
clergy, and without provision for their rapidly
growing needs. In selecting assistants he was
faced with the additional difficulty that many
clergymen were too poor to buy the books
necessary for ordinary study. This had led
him to form an association for founding libra
ries. These temporary endeavours took a
finished and permanent form in the new
1 See D.N.B.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 47
society. The society first met on March 8th,
1699, and consisted of five members, of whom
four were laymen.1 Their object was " to
meet together as often as we can conveniently
to consult, under the conduct of the Divine
providence and assistance, how we may be
able by due and lawful methods to promote
Christian Knowledge."3 These methods were
the establishment of charity schools and the
circulation of libraries of religious books. The
first object was doubtless an attempt to emu
late the Dissenters, who were much ahead of
the Church in educational organisation.3 The
second object and the third, afterwards added
— of missionary effort — were the favourite
schemes of Bray.
The Charity Schools were " for the educa
tion of poor children in reading and writing,
and more especially in the principles of the
Christian religion."4 They were a great suc
cess, and in about eight years nearly five
hundred were established.5 It is interesting
1 Overton, Life in English Church, p. 216.
2 Secretan, Life and Times of Nelson, p. 100 (Ed. i860).
5 Lecky, History of England, Vol. 1., pp. 118, 119.
* History ofthe S.P.C.K., 1698-1898.
5 Secretan, Life and Times of Nelson, pp. 1 18-134, and Overton,
pp. 226-227.

48 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
to recall the fact that in Germany almost at
the same time August Hermann Francke
was starting his great work of school founda
tion and improvement.1 The English move
ment was a great source of strength to the
Church. Church teaching was insisted upon
and the catechising of children was organised
and largely adopted by the clergy.2
Through the influence of the society daily
prayer and monthly communions were ren
dered a prominent feature of Church life.
Tracts were distributed and the problem of
the navy's religious condition seriously
tackled.3 A pleasing feature of the Society
was the manner in which it sought for the
counsels of all parties.4 Non-jurors and sus
pected deists sunk their differences in its
work. As a result there is a refreshing
1 Special Reports on Educational Subjects, Vol. xx., p. 10,
issued by Board of Education; The Teaching of Classics in
Secondary Schools in Germany, 1910.
3 Burnet frequently conducted the catechising of Salisbury
(Pattison, Vol. 11., p. 236). See Luttrell, vi., p. 309— "This
day the children of the several Charity Schools in the city
and suburbs, all new clothed, being about 4,000, went to St.
Sepulchre's Church, where Dr. Mosse preached upon the
occasion." 8 For work of the Society see Jubilee Tract of 1849.
* Overton, p. 217.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 49
breadth of originality about the designs of
the society. Insular prejudices were under
mined by its willing co-operation with foreign
Protestants working towards similar ends.1
" The reformation of manners ... so good
in itself and so necessary for the welfare of
the community,"2 made great progress to
wards realisation.
In its work of providing missionaries for the
colonies, the society found that it was getting
beyond its depth. Missionary effort was too
great for its limitations, and accordingly on
January 16th, 1701, a charter was granted
incorporating the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Its promoters
were actuated by a consideration of the state
of the lands over the sea — "by their want of
the administration of God's Word and Sacra
ments," and by " their abandonment to
atheism and infidelity."3 The title these
men adopted was no new one. Cromwell
and Clarendon had both used a similar name

1 Anderson, History of the Colonial Church, Vol., n., p. 409.
2 Nelson, Life of Bull, p. 312.
8 See Charter of the Society, p. 15; collection of papers
printed by order of the S.P.G. (1702).

50 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
for societies they had promoted.1 The task
they proposed to attempt called for imme
diate attention. Religion was of a lax, lifeless
kind in the colonies, and Christianity had,
with few exceptions, never been preached to
the heathen. The only attempts heretofore
had been those of enterprising Jesuits. Pro
testantism seemed a delicate plant which
refused to flower outside parts of Europe.
The pure Church of England seemed to defy
attempts of transplantation. Where Christi
anity flourished at all in the colonies it had
taken the form of a scattered, tyrannical
independency. The traditions of the New
England Colonies were too strong and divided
to view the propagation of the Church of
Laud with any favour. Clergy were few —
mostly of an inferior kind and altogether
without direction or guidance.2
The position was to all appearances hope
less, but the enthusiasm of the Evangelical
movement viewed it only as a glorious oppor-
1 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the
Indians and others in N. America, pp. 5 and 6 (1787-1887).
Boston, 1887.
2 Hawkins, Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of
England in the North American Colonies, p. 166.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 51
tunity. As Archbishop Laud1 had been the
first to recognise the responsibility of the
Church, so the re-invigorated Church of
Anne's reign made the first sound organised
attempts to fulfil her obligations. In the
interval of nearly seventy years there had
been a considerable amount of scattered and
individual effort. It was the last and per
haps the greatest of these that was merged
into the society. The labours and writings
of Dr. Bray directed public attention to the
state of affairs and called for union of effort.
His Memorial of the State of Religion in
America, published in January, 1701, was
followed by the foundation of the new society
in June. It met with ready support, and
funds were quickly gathered together for the
maintenance of orthodox clergy who were to
minister to the needs of colonists and natives
alike.2 America bestirred itself and Virginia
1 See Life of Laud, by Heylin (1668), Part ii., Liber iv.,
pp. 274-276.
2 Evelyn, Memoirs, Vol. 11., p. 77 (Ed. 1819), 3rd May, 1702.
" Being elected a member of the Society lately incorporated
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, subscribed
£10 per annum towards the carrying it on. We agreed that
every Missioner, beside the £20 to set him forth, should have
£50 per annum out of the stock of the Corporation till his
settlement was worth to him £100 per annum. We sent a
young Divine to New York."

52 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
attempted self-reorganisation.1 The idea of
the See of Canterbury as a patriarchate over
many Sees was a possible ideal, and a scheme
for the endowment of four bishoprics in
America was in progress when Anne died.2
In the ensuing complications enthusiasm for
such work in England almost disappeared.
The colonies did not absorb the whole in
terest of the new movement. The missionary
spirit roused lived up to its motto — "Go, teach
all nations." In 1710 it was determined by the
society that in future its main work would be
the "conversion of heathen and infidels."3
Missions were sent to the American Indians
and to the West Indies.4 Work in India was
not undertaken till much later. The great
difficulty was to obtain volunteers for mission
service and to secure bishops to supervise
their labours. Foreign Missions in the present
sense of the term were a too advanced state
of philanthropy to meet with much encourage-
1 Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies, for 1700,
p. 244. "Bill for establishing Religion ordered to be com
mitted to the care of Dr. Bray to be sent to England.
2 Hawkins, pp. 380-3.
3 See History of S.P.C.K., 1698-1898.
4 Report of the Bicentenary Celebrations of the S.P.G., 1900-1
(pp. 29-31).

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 53
ment. They were a repellingly arduous task,
and prominent men excused the indifference
ofthe Church towards the subject by suggest
ing that supernatural powers were needed for
such work.1 Still the germ of missions was
there, and some kind of foundation had been
laid for the subsequent rapid and wonderful
progress. These societies are the more definitely
organised forms which the Evangelical move
ment took. They were supplemented and
accompanied by a more diffused interest in
the Church's life and aim and in the con
dition of the clergy themselves. The desire
for a better standard of morals was quickened
by the establishment and success of periodical
literature. One of the objects of such papers
as the Spectator and the Tatler is distinctly in
this category. The hypocrisies of society life,
the extremes of opinion, and the faults and
foibles of the average man were subjected to
the lash of satirical criticism which, in many
cases, was so much more cutting because it
was so refined and polished. The drinking
1 Abbey, The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800,
Vol. 1., p. 88.

54 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
in the clubs, coffee-houses and city taverns,
the vice of gaming,1 and the popularity of the
sports of cock-fighting and bear-baiting were
satirised in the light of an advanced spirit.
These attempts at inculcating a higher tone
had a decidedly good effect.
But something more than satire was re
quired when the problem of the clergy was
examined. There is abundant evidence prov
ing the poverty of the clergy and their low
social status. Restoration drama, for instance,
is full of sneers and hits at the clergy.2 Their
learning, too, was despised — " His learning is
much of a size with his birth and education,
no more of either than what a poor hungry
servitor can be expected to bring with him
from his college."3 The small income of
many benefices was but poorly compensated
by the practice of pluralities. A more uncer
tain source of income was found in private
benevolence, which often took the form of
domestic chaplaincies.4 This poverty, along
1 Luttrell notices (Vol.vi.,p. 282), "A prosecution for gaming
on Sundays.''
¦' Cf. Vanburgh's The Provoked Wife.
8 Swift's Considerations on two Bills relating to the Clergy of
Ireland, 1731, Vol. vm., p. 424.
' See Calamy's Life, pp. 217-219.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 55
with the existing confusion of Church and
State, was the cause of the widely practised
art of preferment hunting. The most temp
ting baits were offered for the services of a
clever divine. Swift, despite his real rooted
affection for the Church, was always dominated
by the thought of the mitre that one day was
to be his. The ideal country clergyman of
Herbert may have existed, but by far the
commoner type was the poor chaplain Swift
has described, and the poor amiable Tory
Churchmen Addison has pictured in the
Spectator.1
Macaulay, in a famous passage, has emphas
ised this side of the Church.2 Following
" Eachred'1 's Complaint, he has dwelt over much
on the clergy's poverty, ignorance, and despised
social position. This view has been relaxed
somewhat on closer study, and Macaulay's
exaggerations have been toned down to sober
facts.3 But even then there is a strong case

1 Addison, Spectator, p. 106.
2 History, Vol. 1. (Ed. 1861), Chap, iii., pp. 326-334
3 Mr. Babington has carefully examined the facts of the
case, and though he has shewn that Macaulay has relied too
much on Eachred, he has not destroyed the main lines of
Macaulay's position.

56 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
to be be made out against the clergy. It was
this disadvantage which prevented them from
becoming dictators in the country. Poor they
were — the establishment of Queen Anne's
bounty among other things shows that, —
ignorant they were on the whole- — Dr. Bray's
library scheme proves the need of reform in
this direction, but influential the country
clergy were to a wonderful degree. The
quickening spirit of controversy and strife
precipitated a loyalty to the Church which
gained them ever a respectful hearing and on
which they were not slow to improve.
This strong clerical influence manifested
itself in strict ecclesiastical work. The age
of Anne was a time of much church-building
and restoration. In London the need for
churches was great, and a scheme for the
building of fifty was inaugurated, besides the
completion of Wren's great work — St. Paul's
Cathedral.1 Parliament voted ^350,000 for
the churches, but the money was got through
before more than twelve were built. Parlia
ment also announced that the applications of
1 St. Paul's was finished in 1710— in which year also the
Act of Parliament for the churches was passed.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 57
the clergy in Convocation would be received
with particular regard.1 But their invitation
met with little response. Besides the activi
ties mentioned above, the clergy exhibited so
petulant and trivial a spirit when their party
was in power, that they went far to undermine
their own predominance. In one department,
however, they exhibited great activity. De
votional exercises flourished and were a
notable feature of the Church history of
the reign. Sermons were popular in the
extreme, and those of well-known divines
when published ran into many editions.2 Pure
devotional works, like those of Nelson, Framp
ton and Hickes, speak well for the piety of the
non-jurors and testify to the loss the Church
sustained through that schism.
It is the full workings of this powerful re
vival that brought about the High Church
triumph of 1710. The religious life of the
country — its philanthropic effort — its spiritu
ality — definitely committed itself to the High
Church and Tory interest. The seeming
contrast between the sharp controversial spirit
1 Parliamentary History, Vol. vi., p. 1005.
2 Funeral sermons were common at this time, and some
very famous eulogies were delivered.

58 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
of the High Fliers and the wealth of religious
effort in the country is really non-existant.
They are but different expressions of the same
progressive spirit. The movement was to
wards the establishment of a strong hierarchy
based on the democratised High Church
party. The whole trend of affairs since the
martyrdom of the blessed Charles had been
to grapple the Church and the people together
with almost indissoluble bonds. Under the
favourable conditions of Anne's reign this
close contact became alarmingly apparent.
Authority and orthodoxy triumphed over dis
sent and schism. The religious and dynastic
settlements of the revolution were threatened,
when these seemingly all-powerful movements
collapsed and a new set of tendencies took up
the race.

IV.
Before the reasons for this collapse are
examined, the history of Convocation must
be glanced at, as completing the history of the
struggle for power between the two parties.
In the history of the clerical assembly we find

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 59
reflected and intensified the tendencies of the
country. The smaller surface makes the main
lines stand out clearer, and the detail and
complexity of the whole is reduced to a wel
come lucidity. Convocation had, in 1664,
given up their old time privilege of taxing
themselves and agreed to being included in
the Money Bills of the House of Commons.1
They had thus lost their chief claim to inde
pendence, for their performance of business
had, since the Act of Submission, rested solely
on royal licence. James 1 1., in view of his
antagonistic policy to the Church, had taken
care to prevent any corporate criticism. Wil
liam had empowered Convocation at the
beginning of his reign to revise the Prayer
Book, but as the purpose was the " Compre
hension " of Presbyterians, the Lower House
of Convocation had proved unruly and had
been dissolved. William had been careful not
to provoke another rebuff, and Convocation
had met and adjourned till 1701.
In 1697 "A letter to a Convocation Man"
asserted from a High Church and Jacobite
point of view the rights, powers and privileges
1 Lathbury, History of Convocation, p. 308.

60 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
of Convocation. The plagues which "fol
lowed the wind that blew from Holland " were
taken as justifying the attitude adopted.1
Infidelity, Socinianism and anti-Trinitarianism
were rapidly growing stronger. The chief
claim of the pamphlet was that Convocation
and Parliament, while both assembled by
royal writ, were possessed exactly of the
same privileges.2 It was answered by Dr.
Wake in The Authority of Christian Princes
over their Ecclesiastical Synods asserted. From
this beginning the Convocation controversy
assumed great dimensions. Much antiquarian-
ism was wasted in the probing of obscure
points, and much bitterness was instilled into
the already sharp divisions of the Church.
In the reign of Queen Anne, the practical
result of this dispute was the intense antagon
ism of the two Houses. The Lower House,
strongly Tory and High Church, wished to
elevate their proceedings and to use their right
of assembly as an effective weapon in the
propagation of their opinions. Naturally
1 " Letter to a Convocation Man," Somers Tracts, Vol. ix.,
p. 412.
2 Ibid., pp. 421-422.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 6l
enough the Whig Bishops sought for some
means of silencing them. This was found
in the right of Prorogation at will which the
Archbishop claimed to possess. The claim
provoked another series of pamphlets, and the
quarrel grew apace.
The history of Convocation must be briefly
sketched with reference to the main lines in
the period. In the first sitting of the new
Convocation, in November, 1702, the Lower
House, provoked by Archbishop Tenison's re
assertion of his right of Prorogation, asked that
the question be submitted to the Queen.1 J
The bishops asked the Lower House not to
forget the episcopal nature of the Church and
the reverence due to them. Meanwhile the
Tory House of Commons resolved that they
would " on all occasions assert the just rights
and privileges of the Lower House of Convo
cation."2 Following this triumph, the Lower
House asked the bishops to give their appro
val to a resolution they had passed declaring
that the order of bishops was of divine
apostolical institution, and calling upon them
1 Calamy, Vol. 1., pp. 635-637.
2 Quoted by Hutton, History of English Church, Vol. vi.

62 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
to condemn Arian and Erastian opinion.1
The bishops were in a difficult position, " For
if they complied with the Lower House they
gained their point, and if they refused it they
resolved to make them who would not come
up to such a positive definition pass for secret
favourers of Presbytery."2 The point was
eluded by the Archbishop declaring that they
had no authority to make such a declaration
without royal licence.
In the first session the Lower House had
complained of the licentiousness of the press,
and in another paper of the inefficiency of the
laws as to Church rates. In the second session
in the spring of 1703, they complained in a
long paper of the canons, of remissness in
presentation of children for baptism, of irregu
larities in marriages, and other defects in the
spiritual life of the Church.3 This was the
occasion, Burnet says, that "they took care to
mention none of those greater ones of which
so many among themselves are eminently
1 This may have been done by the Lower House to give
the lie to the slander that they were enemies of episcopacy.
Atterbury's Memoirs and Correspondence, Vol. n., pp. 29-30.
2 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. v., pp. 80-9.
5 Lathbury, p. 384.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 63
guilty, such as pluralities, non-residence, the
neglect of their cures, and the irregularities in
the lives of the clergy which were too visible."1
Their complaints were noticed by the bishops
and used in visitations.2
Convocation met for the third time with
Parliament in the Autumn of 1704 and the old
disputes were continued. The Lower House
complained of the little benefit derived from
its meetings, and rightly assigned the cause to
the want of harmony existing between the two
Houses. The Lower House also complained
of some reflections Burnet had made on it in
a Visitation Charge.3 In the Convocation of
October, 1705, the Lower House refused to
concur in the Upper House's Address to the
Queen.4 In the recess a protest against the
proceedings of the Lower House was signed by
more than fifty members.5 The next session
was characterised by a letter from the Queen
1 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. v., p. 140.
2 Lathbury, p. 385.
* Lathbury, p. 394.
4 Burnet speaks of the clergy on this occasion " as soured
beyond what could be imagined possible," and says that " the
generality of the clergy were not only ill-principled but ill-
tempered." Vol. v., p. 139.
5 Beeching, Life of Atterbury, pp. in, 112.

64 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
on the difficulties of the situation. The Lower
House also drew up a long letter to the bishops
complaining of certain books and writings.
Some periodicals were condemned and the
theatre was censured for immoral practices.
The meeting of Unitarians was thought omni-
ous, as were the proposals for foreign adoption
of the British Liturgy, while a sermon of Ben
jamin Hoadley was called dishonourable to the
Church, containing as it did positions contrary
to the doctrines of the Church as expressed
in the homily against disobedience and wilful
rebellion.1 In 1707 both Houses joined in acknow
ledging the safety the Church enjoyed under
Anne's rule, but as the Government appre
hended opposition to their Scotch Union Bill
a prorogation followed.2 In their next session
this was protested against in such vehement
terms and was accompanied by such antag
onism that Convocation was not allowed the
Royal License to transact business at the next
meeting of Parliament.3
In November, 1709, Dr. SachevereU preached
1 Wilkins, Concilia, Vol. iv., pp. 633-4.
* Luttt ell's Diary, Vol. vi., p. 115.
8 Lathbury, p. 402.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 65
his famous sermon, and a few months after
the Tories were borne by public favour into
power. The Queen's Letter of Business to
the new Convocation of 1710 amounted to a
liberal invitation to do their best for the
Church.1 Little was done. The Lower House
occupied itself under Atterbury as Prolocutor
with censuring the works of Whiston, as being
" directly opposite to the fundamental articles
of the Christian Church."2
Whether this condemnation was possible or
no occupied their attention, and except the
projects for church building3 the Convocation
did nothing remarkable. In 171 1 Atterbury
created a deadlock by claiming the full force
that could be given to a prorogation of Con
vocation by analogy from the prorogation of
the Commons.4
In 1 7 14 there was a dispute over the Ad
dress, though Atterbury, the leading figure of
the former disputes, had now a place in the
1 Wilkins, Concilia, Vol. iv., p. 638.
2 Ibid., pp. 646, et seq.
8 Atterbury, Correspondence, Vol. 11., pp. 312-314, and History
of Parliament and Convocation, pp. 134-138 (1711).
4 Lathbury, p. 418, and "The Mitre and the Crown,"
Somers Tracts, Vol. xii., p. 602.

66 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Upper House.1 The Houses made their Ad
dresses separately and then proceeded to the
discussion of matters named in the Queen's
Letter of 1 7 1 1 . The question of Trinitarianism
was occupying their attention, and more especi
ally Samuel Clarke's work, when Anne died.2
In the following reign the Tory nature of the
Lower House so alarmed the Whigs that
they prorogued it indefinitely and its meetings
lapsed until modern times. Occupied in
academic strife the revived Convocation of
Anne exhibited in an unmistakable way the
evils of the connection between Church and
State. Its sole good work had been of an
incidental nature, and even then had been in
no way constructive. Protests and censures
had occupied Convocation's time.
V.
The doctrines of divine right and passive
obedience had never been surrendered by the
Church. The revolution settlement had been
acquiesced in, but the non-juror schism had
been formed and the story of the Old Preten-
1 Lathbury, p. 424.
2 Wilkins, Concilia, Vol. iv., pp. 651-659.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 67
der's fictitious birth formulated. The Church
did not accept William as King de jure, and
the process of the de facto right growing into
the de jure one broke down at the accession of
Anne. She, at least, was of the proper stock
even though her half-brother had a better title.
The strictest upholders of direct hereditary
succession, the non-jurors, viewed her with
favour, and, encouraged by her supposed favour
to the pretensions of the young Prince, "began
to look out of their quiet nooks to see what
this gleam of sunshine might promise." x Anne,
indeed, was only prevented from recognising
the Pretender because she was never allowed
to forget that he was a papist and an enemy
to the Church she loved. The mass of the
country had no such conscience soothers as j
the Whig Bishops were to the Queen, and •'
they drifted far along this stream in the wake
of the Jacobite High Churchmen.
These High Fliers, actuated mainly by the
fear of the Whig supremacy which would
follow the Hanoverian succession, began to
plot for a Jacobite restoration. It was a
design not widely known, Jacobitism itself was
1 Life of Ken, by a Layman, p. 695.

68 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
widely diffused, but for the most part it was
of the sentimental, romantic type, with such
favourite expressions as drinking to the King
over the water and toasting the "little black
gentleman." With the clergy, the commonest
form Jacobitism had taken was the careful
observance of such dates as the 30th January,
the 7th September, the birthday of Queen
Elizabeth, and the 5th of November.1 In
flammatory sermons were preached on these
occasions, and the opportunity was taken of
further emphasising the danger the Church
was in from all Whig counsels. In reality,
Jacobitism was an atmosphere rather than a
potential reality. The Jacobite plot at the
end of the reign was an unformed thing in the
dark. There was never anything more on the
part of the general public than a vague feeling
of dislike to the Hanoverian party. Even to
some prominent men of the Tory party the
plot was unknown. Swift, for instance, knew
nothing of the design and wrote against it.2
1 Sacheverell's Sermon was a 5th of November one.
2 The pamphlet Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State
of Affairs shows clearly that he himself was no Jacobite and
had little sympathy with and apparently no knowledge of the
Jacobite plot. Also in No. 16 of the Examiner he strongly
denounced the hints Whig papers made that the Tories were
supporting the Pretender. Vol. iv., pp. 35-38.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 69
But with Bolingbroke, Ormond and Atter
bury, it was otherwise. As leaders of the
extreme Tory party they cast about in despair
for the prolonging of their power. They saw
no hope of this from Hanover, and so they
staked all on a Stuart restoration. They
glossed over insurmountable difficulties. In
171 1 an English Jacobite wrote to a friend
as follows: "Anything that tends towards
Jacobitism sounds ill in the ears of those who
are always used to tack popery, slavery, and
arbitrary government together, and have no
other notion of a popish king but that of a
bigot tyrant."1 The days of James II. could
never be forgotten. The religion of the Pre
tender was sufficient to make him odious to
the country: coupled with his repudiation of
the national debt, inter alia, it made his chance
hopeless.2 Addison's epigram was well merited
by these men, " The Church of England will
always be in danger till it has a popish king
for its defender."3 Bolingbroke, it is true, tried
to get James to grant more than " reasonable
security" for the Protestant religion, but failed
1 Macpherson, Original Papers, Vol. 11., p. 122.
2 Stuart MSS., Vol. I., Introduction, pp. liv., lv.
3 Freeholder, 14.

70 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
to get his signature to a document renouncing
his Church.1 That was in the autumn of 1713.
In June, 1714, Bolingbroke was willing to
accept James without any conditions.2
What might have happened if the Jacobite
plot had matured is beyond speculation. One
thing is certain, the Church could not have
accepted the Pretender on the conditions he
offered, even if Anne had felt bound to recog
nise his claims. As it was the Church party
was sufficiently compromised to fall into entire
disfavour with the new dynasty. The impeach
ment of the Tory ministers in 171 5 and the
flight of the prominent Jacobites meant the ruin
of the Tory party. The country acquiesced in
George's accession, and James was content
with publishing a Declaration claiming the
three kingdoms.3
This Jacobitism of the Tory leaders is the
immediate cause of the failure of the High
Church party to prolong its position of 1710-14.
It is the last attempt of the Church of Laud
to establish as a permanence the favourable
1 Stuart MSS., Introduction, pp. liii., liv.
2 Ibid. For James' refusal to change his religion see Mac
pherson, Original Papers, V0L11., p. 525,
8 Stuart Papers, Vol. 1., p. 333.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 71
conditions of the policy of Strafford. The
Church of Anne failed in its attempt to rule
the country solely in the interests of the
Church. The force of constitutional govern
ment was too strong. The Cabinet, not the
Church, was to be all-important in the future.
In a like manner the intellectual and theologi
cal despotism of the Church was overthrown
by a philosophy which appealed to reason, not
to dogma.

VI.
Rationalism was a convenient label given to
the movements against the claim to exercise
a despotic control over the intellect of the indi
vidual which the old intellectual systems had
hitherto exerted. "Whatever is lost by Catholi
cism is gained by Rationalism," and the origins
of the rebellion can be traced to the Reforma
tion. The English Church settlement followed
the old lines of theological thought, which put
forth its last efforts at supremacy during Anne's
reign. To do this it had for the time being
arrested the development of Tolerance and

72 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
discredited the mitigating influence of Lati-
tudinarianism. Locke in his "Essay on the
Reasonableness of Christianity" led the attack
on the system of theology adopted by the
Church, and like Nietzche, in a later age,
questioned what had formerly been considered
axiomatic. The philosophy inaugurated by Locke
wished to test— by the application of pure
reason — doctrines which had been immune
from such enquiry owing to the sacredness in
which they were veiled.1 Rationalism was an
atmospheric condition rather than a scholastic.
Unconsciously everybody attempted the justi
fication of the doctrines they held by the
criterion of reason. The criterion of reason
was not opposed to revealed religion and
sought to distinguish carefully between the
natural and supernatural in religion. There
was a slavish adherence to the text of the
Bible — the quarrel Rationalism had was with
Creeds. Dr. Thomas Gurnel's Archaeologiae
Philosophicae, which treated the account of
Adam and Eve and Paradise as Eastern fables
teaching moral truths was considered by the
1 See Locke's Essay, passim.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 73
age as being a far greater heresy than defying
the Trinity or mutilating the Creeds.1
The attempt at first was made to shew that
the old doctrines were based on reason. " No
thing is revealed in Christianity," was the
thesis, "which is opposed to reason." Later the
drift of thought was to test and examine criti
cally the story of the New Testament. The
divisions in Rationalism correspond roughly to
the two halves of the century.2 In the first
half writers were occupied with the internal
study of Christianity: and the controversies
which centred round the points raised, formed
the portion of Rationalism which overthrew
the foundation of the High Church party.
Evangelicalism was in a sense a rebellion
against the philosophic spirit, but the Evan
gelical movement succumbed. It was only
when released from dogma that Evangelicalism
flourished, and even the Wesleyan revival was
forced to acquiesce somewhat in the century's
trend of thought.
The dominant controversy of the reign of
Anne was that of the Deists. It was by no
1 Hunt, Religious Thought in England, Vol. 11., p. 223.
¦ Pattison, Essays, Vol. 11., p. 47.

74 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
means confined to that reign, it was all-
absorbing during the whole of the first half of
the century, reaching its height just before
Hume contributed to it his Treatise of Human
Nature (1736). This controversy examined
the question of how far was natural religion
sufficient. Natural religion, according to the
Deists, was the result of a closely reasoned
and logical process. This was the basis
adopted by all theologians. Christians, how
ever, declared that reason, in addition to de
tecting this natural religion, could also pass
on to detect the truths of revealed religion
by an extension of the same process. Natural
law, the Deists said, was all-sufficient. To-
land's book, Christianity not Mysterious1 and
Chubb's Enquiry into the Foundation of Re
ligion,2 stripped Christianity of anything holy
or impressive. It was useless to advance
the mystical element in religion against such
works, for mystery is not open to reason, and
is far from logical. This undue application of
reason resulted again in the work of Shaftes-
1 For Toland see Leslie Stephen, History of English
Thought in iSth century, Vol. I., pp. 101-119.
2 Ibid, pp. 161-165.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 75
bury, who, in his Characteristics, assailed all
positive doctrine and delared himself opposed
to all enthusiasm. He laid emphasis on dis
interested morality, existing independent of
creed, and prior to revealed Christianity. In
this view Christianity became nothing more
than a re-issue of the moral law. The ques
tion Shaftesbury raised attracted some atten
tion, and it was the subject of contention
between Atterbury and Hoadley.
More speculative theology possessed similar
characteristics. King's book on the Origin of
Evil, and his sermon on Predestination are
good examples. He applied reason to these
problems, and came to the conclusion that the
old Calvinistic doctrines of the wisdom and
foreknowledge of God could only be described
" by way of resemblance and analogy." x The
principles of Collins' essay on the Use of
Reason were later elaborated into his Discourse
on Free-thinking : that Reason is the gift of
God, and anything irrational cannot come
from God is his principle, and he unhesitat
ingly applies it to all Christianity. The Free
thinker — the man who uses his reason to its
1 History of English Thought in iSth Century, Vol. 1., p. 114.

76 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
full advantage — is the worst enemy of In
fidelity.1 Their solicitude for the Church and
Religion was the most dangerous weapon that
the Deists had.
They did not wholly confine their attacks
to the theology of the Church. The attacks
of the Deists on the clergy were led by
Collins. In his Rights of the Church vindicated
against Romish and other Priests (1706) and his
Priestcraft in Perfection2 were embodied de
nunciations of the position and pretensions
of the clergy. Similar accusations are found
in Sir R. Howard's History of Religion as
managed by Priestcraft and in Toland's Letters
to Serena and the Tribe of Levi. The lead was
well followed, and the cry of priestcraft was
taken up by numerous pamphleteers. The
Deists clung tenaciously to their positions, but
it was in vain. There were no real grounds
for the accusation of priestcraft against the
mass of the clergy.
In a brief review it is impossible to do the
Deists full justice. Only the barest facts can
1 Hunt, Religious Thought in England, Vol. n., p. 374.
2 Somers Tracts, Vol. xn., p. 159 and Vol. ix., p. 590, Reflec
tions on a late pamphlet entitled Priestcraft and Perfection.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 77
be stated and only the broadest generalisa
tions offered. It is sufficient for the purpose
here to have indicated the " newness " of the
revolutionary element of this controversy.
Often sheltering within the folds of the
Church, for many Deists called themselves
Christian Deists,1 these writers attacked the
core of Christianity. They demoralised by
their philosophy the old theology. Faith was
tabooed, enthusiasm was suspected, reason
alone held sway. Deism was undoubtedly the
most successful form of Rationalism.
The second controversy in which the first
half of the Rationalistic movement found ex
pression is known as the Arian controversy.
It was led by such men as Emlyn, Whiston
and Clarke. Whiston's book was An Histori
cal Preface to Primitive Christianity Reviewed.
He was an able mathematician of Cambridge,
who was led into manifest Arianism by his
desire to place the theories about the Trinity
before men in a plain and understandable
fashion. " For these tenets he was censured
at Cambridge and expelled the University.
Upon that he wrote a vindication of himself
1 Toland and Collins called themselves Christian Deists.

78 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
and his doctrine and dedicated it to Convo
cation." 1 Convocation censured his book.
Whiston, who held, in his own opinion, no
position antagonistic to the Church, submitted.
But he was afterwards forced to resign his
professorship at Cambridge and to leave the
Church. Emlyn's faith in the accepted doctrine of
the Trinity was shaken by reading, soon
after his ordination, Dr. Sherlock's book on
the Trinity. His ministry in Dublin was
characterised by no definite teaching of creeds.
His orthodoxy was suspected and he was
pressed to resign his position.2 He then
published A Humble Enquiry into the Deity of
Jesus Christ, in which he asserted that the
supreme God is above Jesus Christ. For
this he was convicted of blasphemy, im
prisoned and fined. His books called forth
a crowd of answering works. The first direct
refutation was the work of a Dublin pastor,
Joseph Boyse.
Samuel Clarke's work was wide and com
prehensive, though not possessed of much
1 Burnet, History of his own Times, Vol. vi., p. 49.
2 Hunt, Vol. 11., p. 325.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 79
originality.1 He was greatly concerned in
constructing a theology from first principles
on strict logical lines. His metaphysical deity
was what he called nature — sometimes distinct
from both God and man. From this position
he fell into fundamental errors on the Trinity
and exemplified the Rationalism of his age in
his treatment of this doctrine. The case of
Clarke and his works was pending the decision
of the Houses of Convocation when Anne
died.2 It is interesting to note that these three
leading Arians arrived at their positions inde
pendently and differed in other views consider
ably. They were the product of Rationalism,
and took up their respective attitudes to Chris
tian theology mainly under its influence. A
crowd of writers fought them, and the contro
versy raged far and wide. Most refutations
are as Rationalistic as the provocations. It
was dangerous to deny the efficacy of reason,
for that would have been to deny what was to
the eighteenth century the basis of all things.3
1 LesUe Stephen, History of English Thought in the Eighteenth
Century, Vol. 1., p. 119.
2 Wilkins' Concilia, Vol. iv., pp. 657-659.
3 The application of reason for the purpose of ridicule is to
be found in " A New Catechism with Dr. Hicks' Thirty-nine
Articles" in Somers Tracts, Vol. xm., p. 176.

80 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
One smaller heresy falls to be mentioned as
showing the direct contact of High Church
theology and the principles of Rationalism.
The controversy of lay baptism1 coincided
with the fear of the High Church party that
the Presbyterians and Latitudinarians were
conspiring against the Church. Henry Dod-
well raised the question as to the necessity for
the re-baptism of Dissenters. Re-baptism was
declared by the bishops to be unnecessary. At
this declaration the High Church party took
alarm, and they opposed the principle, going
so far as to urge the repetition of the rite even
when administered by laymen. The position
was one incompatible with reason or tolera
tion, and one only possible of adoption by a
strong Church with all the tendencies of the
age in its favour.
That the English Church had not the ten
dencies of the age in her favour has been made
plain. Anne's reign, like all periods of history,
is one of transition. In the political life of the
country it meant the birth of the party system
1 See Bingham, Scholastical History of Lay Baptism (Works,
Ed. 1712), Vol. xi., especially Part ii., which contains "The
State of the Present Controversy."

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 8l
with its inter-dependence on the Protestant
Succession. In the religious life it was a
passing from the old to the new, with the new
as yet unrecognisable and dim. It was an age
of disillusionment, which was not suffered to
pass without protest.
The gravest evil the Church suffered from
was that of Establishment. The interests of
Church and State were held to be the same.
The Church was a political force, and strove
after power in a manner unworthy of its pro
fessions. In the reign of Anne this political
cancer of the Church became malignant.
Following on the divisions raised by the Revo
lution, the High Churchmen of Anne's reign
made a last splendid attempt to perpetuate
their old-time power. They had great odds to
contend against, but they had a great ally.
Against the Whig dominance of William's
reign the Tories and High Churchmen did
little. In the struggle they showed themselves
in their worst light, fanatical party intriguers.
Opposed to Toleration, hating the Dissenter
with only a little less hatred than the Papist,
the conduct of the High Church party during
the reign of Queen Anne is the last and blackest

82 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
article in a long indictment against the connec
tion of Church and State. The connection of
the two led to corruption, decay and failure.
But while the Church put forth its might
along the lines of absolutism and hierarchy,
she was joined by an unexpected ally of great
power. This was the revival of religion.
Evangelicalism was full of good and noble
works. Coupled with the political activity and
power of the Church it was invincible. It
supplied the necessary enthusiasm which poli
tics could never give. It carried with it the
great moderate element of the Church and the
men who viewed the two parties of extremists
with equal distaste. It was this combination
of forces which represented the last attempt of
the Church at establishing herself on the lines
of her old theological and political theory.
The reign of Anne witnesses both the
triumph and the failure of this attempt. The
political energies of the Church degenerated
into an impossible Jacobitism. The accepted
mystical theology of the Church was attacked
and discredited by Rationalism. Its enthu-
siam dying out the Church relapsed into the
state in which it dragged out a dreary existence

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 83
in the eighteenth century. It was falling
before the force of a general movement.
Everywhere rebellion was made against au
thority. It is significant that Voltaire's visit
to England was in the year 1724, when the
Deistical controversy was at its height.
In France Jansenism relapsed, under the
influence of the Spanish mysticism of St.
Theresa, into quietism or gave way to Atheism
or Infidelity. So the English Church, on the
ruins of political disgrace and before the
successful attack of the Zeitgeist, relapsed
into the dead and soulless condition which
was almost its only characteristic during a
large portion of the eighteenth century. The
quickening spirit of religious revival could not,
after the catastrophe of 1714, find a satis
factory outlet for its energies within the pale
of Establishment. Yet the followers of Wesley,
while effecting a schism, reacted strongly on
the Church. The Evangelical party in the
Church was further strengthened by the re
action following the French Revolution. Reli
gious life grew steadily deeper and more real,
and in the Oxford Movement of the early
nineteenth century can be seen the true heir

84 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
of the High Church revival of Queen Anne's
reign. But the Oxford Movement was more
than a century after the reign of Anne. It
might have been far otherwise. Evangeli
calism could have been an augury of the
religion of the future. The Church could
have looked upon Anne's reign as a clearing
house in which were left a series of shattered
illusions and false hopes. The way would
have been plain. Divorced from politics,
purged of party spirit, with a theology in
sympathy with the age, yet keeping a true pro
portion between the old mysterious elements
and the new logical force of reason, she could
have gone on her path with renewed youth.
Democratised and knowing how to bind the
people closer by a true Evangelicalism, not
shirking her duty abroad, the Church gained,
partially yet invaluably, from a political and
temporary rebuff. The full harvest was de
ferred. That the ideal, at least, was rendered
possible, that the way was cleared, that sundry
dead and rotten branches were swept away, is
the sum importance of the reign of Queen
Anne in English Church History.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 85

APPENDIX.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Section "A" contains a list of contemporary authorities
for the period 1702 — 14.
Addison, Joseph, Works, ed. R. Hurd, Bishop of Worcester,
6 vols. London, 1854-6.
Anne, Queen, Memoirs of, by — Gibson. London, 1729.
Arbuthnot, John, Works, 2 vols. Glasgow, 1751.
Ashmole, Elias, Memoirs of, etc., by way of Diary. London, 1757.
 The Way to Bliss. In Three Books. London, 1658.
Athenae Cantabrigienses, from Cole MSS. in British Museum.
Addit. MSS. 5862-85, 5954, 5955.
Athenae Oxoniensis, Antony a Wood, new ed. with additions and a
continuation by P. Bliss, 4 vols. London, 1813-20.
Athenian Oracle, 4 vols. London, 1728.
Atterbury, Francis, Bishop of Rochester, Memoirs and Correspon-
pondence of, ed. G. Folkestone Williams, 2 vols. 1869.
 Sermons, 3 vols. London, 8th ed., 1706.
[For Bibliography of his works see Life, by Canon Beeching,
pp. xv. -xviii.]
Bath, Marquis of. Longleat MSS. Hist. MSS. Report XV.
London, 1904. Vol. 1., 1904, vol. 11., 1907, vol. in.,
1908.
Berwick, Duke of, Memoirs. 2 vols. "En Suisse," 1778. Coll.
Petitot, vols, lxv-vi.
Bingham, Joseph, Works, r2 vols. London, 1712.
Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount, Philosophical Works, ed.
with Life, by David Mallet. London, 1754.
 Letters and Correspondence with State Papers, ed. Gilbert
Parke. London, 1798.
Boyer, Abel, History of Queen Anne. London, 1735.
[This is based on " The Annals of Queen Anne " (1703-13), re
named in 1713 " The Political state of Great Britain "] .
Buccleuch and Queensbury, Duke of, Manuscripts, Hist. MSS.
Commission Report XV. App. 8, 1897, Report XV.
MSS. at Montague House, Vol. 1., 1899. Vol. 11., Pt.
1 (1903). Vol. 11., Pt. 2 (1903). At Drumlanrig
House, Vol. 11. (1903).

86 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Bull, George, Bishop of St. David's, Works, collected and
revised by Rev. Ed. Burton, 7 vols, in 8. Oxford,
1827.
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, History of His Own Time,
6 vols. Oxford, 1833.
[For Bibliography of Burnet's Works see Life, by Clarke and
Foxcroft, pp. 522-560] .
Calamy, Edmund, Thirteen Sermons. London, 1722.
 A Defence of Moderate Nonconformity, 3 vols. London,
1703-5.
 An Abridgement of Mr. Baxter's History, 2 vols. London,
 Account of My Own Life, 2 vols. London, 1829.
Chamberlayne, E. and J. C, Anglia Notitia. The 21st edition
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Coke Papers. Earl Cowper's MSS., Vol. III. Hist. MSS. Com
mission Report XII. App. Pt. 3. London, 1889.
Collier, Jeremy, Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain, new ed. by
F. Burham. 8vo. London, 1840-1.
 Essays (three parts, 1698-1705). London.
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English Stage. London, 1698.
Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, The Life of [? byN. Salmon].
London, undated.
Dartmouth, Earl of, Hist. MSS. Commission Report XI. App.
Pt. 5. London, 1887.
Dawes, Sir William, Archbishop of York, Works, with a Preface
and a Life of the Author, 3 vols. London, 1733.
Defoe, Daniel, Miscellaneous Works, ed. J. S. Kelie. Edin
burgh, 1869.
Dodwell, Henry, Works, abridged, with an Account of his Life,
by Francis Brokesby, 2 vols. London, 1723.
Dunton, John, Life and Errors of John Dunton, Citizen of London,
ed. by John Nichols, 2 vols. London, 1818.
Eachard, John, Works, 3 vols. London, 1773-4.
Ellis, Sir Henry, Original Letters, with notes and illustrations by
H. E. First, second and third series, n vols. London,
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Evelyn, John, Memoirs, comprising his diary from the year 1641-
1705-6, and a selection of his familiar letters, ed. by
W. Bray, 2 vols. London, 1818.
 — History of Religion, with Notes by R. M. Evanson, 2 vols.
London, 1850.
Fortescue, J. B. Hist. MSS. Commission Report XIII, Pt. 3, Vol.
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Frampton, Robert, Bishop of Gloucester, The Life of, deprived as a
Non Juror, 1689, ed. by T. S. Evans. London, 1876.
Gibson, Edmund, Bishop of London, Codex juris Ecclesiastici
Anglicani, 2 vols. Oxford, 1761.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 87
Grenvelle, Denis, Dean of Durham, Remains of, Surtees Society,
37 and 47. Durham, 1865.
Halifax, Marquis of [Sir George Savile, Bart.], The Life and
Letters of, with a new edition of his works, collected
and revised by H. C. Foxcroft, 2 vols. London, i8g8.
Hearne, Thomas, Life of, in Lives of Leland, Hearne and Wood,
ed. by Warton and Huddesford. Oxford, 1772.
Henry, Matthew, Rev., Miscellaneous Works. London, 1830.
Heywood, Oliver, Life, by J. Fawcett, 1796?, Ewood Hall, near
Halifax.
 Life, by Richard Slate, in Works, r825-7. London.
Hickes, George, titular Bishop of Thetford, unfinished Life to 1689,
followed by a complete list of works in Bodleian MS.
Engl Misc. e. 4.
Higgons, Bevill, Historical Works, 2 vols, 1736.
Hodgkin, J. E., Hist. MSS. Commission Report XV. App. Pt. 2.
London, 1897.
Hooper, George, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Works, 2 vols.
Oxford, 1858.
 A short Character of, from Hist's Journal. London, 1730.
Howe, John, Whole Works, with a. Memoir of the Author, 8 vols.
London, 1822.
Johnson, John, of Cranbrook, Life, by T. Brett. London, 1748.
 Theological Works, 2 vols. Oxford, 1847.
 The Clergyman's Vade Mecum, 2 vols. London, 1731.
Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Works. London, 1721.
 Prose Works, collected by J. H. Round. London, 1838.
Kennet, White, Bishop of Peterborough, Complete History of
England (Vol. III.), 3 vols. London, r7ig.
 Ecclesiastical Synods and Parliamentary Convocations.
London, r70i.
 Life ofthe Right Rev. Dr. White-Kennett. London, 1730.
Kettlewell, John, B.D., Works, 2 vols. London, 1719.
[Vol. 1. includes Life by Dr. Francis Lee] .
Lake, Edward, D D., Sixteen Sermons Preached upon Several
Occasions. London, 1705.
Leland, John, D.D., A Defence of Christianity, 2 vols, London, 1753.
 A View ofthe Principal Deistical Writers, and an Introduc
tion, London, r837.
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Le Neve, John, The Lives and Characters of all the Protestant
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 Monumenta Anglicana, 8 vols. London, 1717^9.
Leslie, Charles, Theological Works, 7 vols. Oxford, r832.
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Locke, John, Works, tenth edition, 10 vols London, i8or.
Lucas, Edmund, Practical Christianity. London, T700.
 An Enquiry after Happiness, in three parts, 2 vols. London,
1764.

88 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Lucas, Edward, Sermons Preached on Several Occasions, * vols
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London, 1722.
Luttrell, Narcissus, Brief Relation of State Affairs, 6 vols.
Oxford, 1857.
Macpherson, James, Original Papers, 2 vols. London, 1775.
[And see English Historical Review, xiii., 534 (1898)].
 History of Great Britain (r66o-r7i4). London, ^75.
Marlborough, Duke of, Memoirs and Correspondence, 3 vols., ed.
W. Coxe. London, 1818-9. New edition by J. Wade.
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Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, Private Correspondence, 2 vols.
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Mar and Kellie, Earl of, Hist. MSS. Commission Report, XVI.
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Melmoth, William, The Great Importance of a Religious Life
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Miseries and Great Hardships of the Inferior Clergy, published
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Mosheim, J. L., Ecclesiastical History, Translated by Archibald
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see above.
Nicolson, William, Archbishop of Cashel, Letters on Various
Subjects, ed. by John Nichols, 2 vols. London, 1809.
Noble, Rev. Mark, A Biographical History of England from the
Revolution ... in continuation of Granger, 3 vols.
London, 1806.
Norris, John, M A., A Collection of Miscellanies, London, 1692.
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Mysteries of Christianity. London, 1697.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 89
North, Roger, Examen, or, an Enquiry into the Credit and
Veracity of a Pretended Compleat History of England
[Bishop White-Kennet] . London, 1740.
Oldmixon, John, History of the Reign of Queen Anne. London,
1739-
Parkhurst, Nath., The Life of the Rev. William Burkitt. London,
1704.
Parliamentary History, Vol. vi (1702-14). London, 1809.
Paterson, James, Pietas Londinensis. London, ^14.
Patrick, Simon, Bishop of Ely, Mensa mystica, etc. London, r702.
 Consolatory Discourses, edit. ^83.
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Pepys, Samuel, Diary and Correspondence, ed. Lord Braybrook,
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Prior, Matthew, Poems, ed. H. R. Waller, 2 vols. Cambridge,
i9°5-7-
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Sherlock, William, Dean of St. Paul's, Sermons, 2 vols. London,
1719.

go THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Sherlock, Thomas, Bishop of London, Works, with some Account
of his Life, by the Rev. T. S. Hughes, 5 vols. Lon
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Shrewsbury, Duke of, Correspondence of, to 1707, ed. Archdeacon
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Smalridge, George, Bishop of Bristol, Miscellanies. London, 1715.
 Twelve Sermons. Oxford, 1717.
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Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The Minutes for
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Somerset, Duke of, MSS., with those of the Marquis of Ailesbury,
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¦  The Character of the Reverend and Learned Dr. Robert
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Spectator, The, ed. C. G. Smith. London, 1897. Digest Index
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Spinckes, N., The Sick Man Visited, with a Short Account of the
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 A Collection of Meditations and Devotions. London, 1717.
State Papers, ed. Earl of Hardwicke, Vol. n., pp. 457 et seq. Lon
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State Papers for America and the West Indies, 1699-1701, ed. by
C. Headlam, 3 vols. London, 1908.
State Trials, Complete Collection, ed. by T. B.. Howell and T. J.
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Statutes ofthe Realm, Vols. viii. and ix. London, 1822.
Steele, SirR., Correspondence. London, 1787.
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Thoresby, Ralph, Diary, 1677 — 1724, ed. Rev. Joseph Hunter, 2
vols. London, 1830.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY gi
Tillotson, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, Works, etc., 12 vols.
London, 1757.
 Life of, by Dr. T. Birch, 2nd edition. London, 1753,
Toland, John, Collection of Several Pieces, with Memoirs, 2 vols.
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Trelawny Papers, Camden Miscellany, Vol. 11. London, 1853.
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London, 1717-22.
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[A pamphlet attributed to Walpole] .
Ward, John, Vicar of Stratford-on-Avon, Diary, arranged by C.
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Watts, Isaac, Works, 9 vols. London, 1812.
 Nine Sermons. Oxford, 1812.
Wells, Edward, Treatises, etc. Oxford, 1707.
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Lord Raby, created Earl of Stafford, ed. J. J. Cart
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Wilhams, John, Bishop of Chichester, Twelve Sermons. London,
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 The Boyle Lectures of 1710. London, 1712.

Section " B " contains a list of secondary authorities for
the period.
Abbey, C. J., and J. H. Overton, The English Church in the 17th
Century. London, 1904.
 The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800.
London, 1887.

92 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Addison, Joseph, Life of, by Lucy Aikin, 2 vols. London, 1843.
Anderson, J. S. M., History of the Colonial Church, 3 vols. Lon
don, 1856.
Anne, Queen, Life of, by Herbert Paul. London, 1906.
Arbuthnot, John, Life of, by G. A. Aitken. London, 1892.
Atterbury, Francis, Life of, by Dean Beeching. London, igog.
Babington, C , Criticism of Macaulay's Character of the Clergy.
London, i84g.
Bolingbroke, Viscount, Life of, by Oliver Goldsmith, new edition.
London, i8og.
— ¦  and his Times, by W. Sichel. London, 1901.
 by R. Harrop. London, 1884.
Brosch, Moritz, Bolingbroke und die Whigs und Tories seiner
Zeit. Frankfort, 1883.
Buckle, H. T., History of Civilisation in England, new ed., 3 vols.
London, 1872.
Burnet, Bishop, Life of, by Clarke and Foxcroft. Cambridge, 1907.
Burton, J. H., History of the Reign of Queen Anne, 3 vols. Lon
don, 1880.
Campagnac, E. T., The Cambridge Platonists. Oxford, 1901.
Coleridge, S. T., Notes on English Divines, ed. D. Coleridge, 2
vols. London, 1853.
Conway, B. K., History of English Philanthropy. London, 1905.
Debary, T., History ofthe Church of England from 1685 to 1717.
London, i860.
Godolphin, Sidney, Earl of, Life, by H. Elliott. London, 1888.
Hallam, Henry, Constitutional History of England. London, 1827.
Harley, Robert, Earl of Oxford, Life, by E. S. Roscoe. London,
1902.
Hawkins, Ernest, Historical Notices of Missions. London, 1845.
Head, F. W., The Fallen Stuarts. Cambridge, 1901.
Hook, W. F., Dean of Chichester, Lives of the Archbishops of
Canterbury, 12 vols. London, 1860-84.
Howe, John, Life and Character of, by H. Rogers, new ed. Lon
don, 1863.
Hunt, John, Religious Thought in England from the Reformation
to the End of the Last Century, 2 vols. London,
1870-1.
Hunter, J., Rise of the Old Dissent, Exemplified in the Life of
O. H. London, 1842.
Hutton, W. H., The English Church, 1625-1714. London, 1903.
Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Life of, by the Rev.
W. L. Bowles, 2 vols. London, 1830-31.
 Life of, by a Layman. London, 1851.
Klopp, Onno, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, 14 vols. Vienna, 1875-88.
Lathbury, Thomas, History of the Convocation of the Church of
England. London, 1842.
 History of the Non-Jurors. London, 1845.
Leadam, I. S. Political History of England, 1702-1760. London,
1909.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 93
Lecky, W. E. H. History of England in the 18th Century (Vol. 1.).
London, 1897.
 History of Rationalism, cheap edition. London, 1910.
Mc'Arthy, Justin, History of the Reign of Queen Anne. London,
1905-
Macaulay, Lord, Essays, Vol. v-vm. of Works, 1866 edition. London,
1866.
 History of England, 5 vols. London, 1850.
Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, Life, by Mrs. Arthur Colville.
London, 1904.
Miall, J. G. Congregationalism in Yorkshire. London, 1868.
Overton, J. H., Wil iam Law, Nonjuror and Mystic, his Life.
London, 1881.
 Life in the English Church, 1660-1714. London, 1885. /--
 The Nonjurors. London, 1902.
Overton, J. H. and F. Relton, The English Church, 1714-1800.
London, igo6.
Palin, William, History of the English Church, from the Revolu
tion to the last act of Convocation. London, 1851.
Palmer, Rev. Simon, Nonconformist's Memorial, 2 vols. London,
1775-
Pascoe, C. F., Two Hundred Years of the S. P. G. [1701-igoo].
London, igoi.
Pattison, Mark, Essays, 2 vols. Oxford, i88g.
Perry, Canon, History of the Church of England, 3 vols. London,
1 861.
Ranke, Leopold Von, History of England, Principally in the
Seventeenth Century, 6 vols. Oxford, 1875.
Schlosser, F. C, History of the 18th Century. Translated by
D. Davison (Vol. I.). London, 1843.
Secretan, C. F., Life of Robert Nelson. London, i860.
Sewell, William, History ofthe Quakers, 2 vols. London, 1795. y
Simon, J. S. Revival of Religion in England in the 18th Century.
London, igo7.
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Past and Present
(i6g8-i86i). London, 1861.
Somerville, Thomas, History of Great Britain during the Reign of
Queen Anne. London, I7g8.
Stanhope, Philip Henry, Earl, History of the Reign of Queen
Anne. London, 1872.
Steele, Sir Richard, Life of, by G. A. Aitken. London, 1889.
Stoughton, J. Religion in England, 1702-1800, Vol. 1. London,
1878.
Strickland, Miss A., Lives of the Queens of England (Vol. 12).
London, 1849.
 Lives of the Seven Bishops. London, 1866.
Swift, Jonathan, Dean of St. Patrick's, Life, by Sir H. Craik,
2 vols. London, 1894.
 Life of, by Thomas Sheridan. London, 1784.
 Life of, by Leslie Stephen. London, 1882.

94 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Swift, Lecture on, in English Humourists of the 18th Century, by
W. M. Thackeray.
Teal, W. H., Lives of English Laymen. London, 1842.
Tulloch, John, National Theology and Christian Philosophy in
the 17th Century, 2 vols. London, i8g2.
Waddington, J., Congregational History, 1567-1700. London,
1874.
Ward, A. W., History of Dramatic Literature in the Reign of
Queen Anne. 1878.
Warneck, S., History of the Protestant Missions, translated by
S. Robson. Edinburgh and London, 1906.
Wren, Sir Christopher, and his times, by J. Elmer. London,
1852.
Wyon, F. W., History of Great Britain under Queen Anne, 2 vols.
London, 1876.
[See also for the chief men of the period the Dictionary of
National Biography] .

Under the next six heads an attempt has been made to
classify some of the pamphlet literature bearing on
the subject of the Essay. The Collection used is in
the main that of the Ryland's Library, Manchester.
Section " C " indicates the pamphlets useful for the
first portion of the Essay.
The Glorious Memory of a Faithful Prince. J. J. Caesar. Lon
don, 1702.
Tom Double returned out of the Country [by Charles Davenant] .
London, 1702.
The New Association. Written by Charles Leslie, 3rd ed. Lon
don, 1702.
The Old and Modern Whig. London, 1702.
A Debate between Three Ministers of State. London, 1702.
Division our Destruction. [Defoe?]. London, 1702.
Reflections upon a late Paper. London, 1702.
The Quaker, no Occasional Conformist. London, 1703.
Some Remarks on the late Letter. By Rev. John Sage. 1703.
The Exorbitant Grants of William III. 2nd ed. London, 1705.
A Sermon. By Ofspring Blackall. London, 1704.
Helter-Skelter, or The Devil between Two Sticks. London, 1703.
A Hymn to Victory. Defoe. London, 1704.
A Letter from a. Member of Parliament. By Sir H. Mackworth.
London, 1704.
True State of the Controversy between the Present Bishop and
Dean of Carlisle. London, 1704.
•  2nd edition, to which is added A Letter from the South.
London, 1705.
Cassandra [by Charles Leslie]. 2 parts in 1. London, 1704-5.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 95
Mr. Sacheverell's Assize Sermon . . . Examined. London, 1704.
Letter to a Friend concerning the new distinction of High and Low
Church. London, 1704.
An Elegy on the Burning of the Church Memorial. 1705.
Daniel the Prophet no Conjuror. London, 1705.
Memorial of the State of England. London, 1705.
Memorial of the Church of England. London, 1705.
Letter to the Author of the Memorial of the State. London, 1705.
The New Association. Part 2, 2nd ed. London, 1705.
The Reduction of Scotland by Arms. London, 1705.
Letter to the Author of the Memorial . . . Answered. London, 1706.
Articles of the Treaty of Union. London, 1706.
A Short Letter to the Glasgow Men. 1706.
The Lord Beilhaven's Speech. 1706.
Journal of the Commissioners in the Treaty of Union. Edinburgh,
1706.
A Warning for the Church of England. London, 1706.
Sermon ... at the Mercat-Cross. London, 1707.
A Sermon. By the Bishop of Oxford, on May 1st, 1707. London,
1707.
A Thanksgiving Sermon. By Daniel Williams. London, 1707.
Two Great Questions considered. 1707.
A Sermon of Thanksgiving before the Queen. By Burnet. Lon
don, 1707.
One Nation, and one King. By John Edwards. London, 1707.
A Sermon. By John Ollyffe. London, 1707.
A Thanksgiving Sermon. By Giles Dent. London, 1707.
A Sermon. By Richard Allen. London, 1707.
A Sermon. By T. Manningham. London, 1707.
A Thanksgiving Sermon. By J. Bates. London, 1707.
A Sermon. By Joseph Stennett. London, 1707.
The Blessings of the Sixth Year. By the Bishop of Carlisle. Edin
burgh, 1707.
A Thanksgiving Sermon. By Chr. Taylor. London, 1707.
An Answer to Dr. Sacheverell's Sermon. By White Kennett.
London, 1709.
The Peril of being Zealously Afflicted, but not Well. London, 1709.
Blenheim, A Poem. London, 1709.
Remarks on Dr. Sach  's Sermon. W. Bisset. London, 1709.
The Whigs have lost their Smell. [London, 1710.]
The History of Resistance as practised by the Church of England.
John Withers. London, 1710.
True, Genuine, Tory Address [by B. Hoadly] . [London] 1710.
Thoughts of an Honest Tory [by Benj. Hoadly] . London, 1710.
Remarks on . . . the Bishop of Salisbury's Speech. Notting
ham, 1710.
Serious Advice to the Good People of England [by B. Hoadly] .
[London] 1710.
Reflections on Dr. Sacheverell's Answer. London, 1710.
The Secret History of Arius. [London] 1710.

96 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Reasons for a Total Change of a Certain Ministry]. London, [1710].
The Playhouse Scuffle. London, 1710.
Priestcraft in Perfection [by Anthony Collings]. London, 1710.
The Impartial, Secret History of Arius. 1710.
A Letter concerning Allegiance [by B. Hoadly?] . London, 1710.
A Caveat against the Whigs [by Charles Hornby] . London, 1710.
Diologue betwixt Whig and Tory. London, 1710.
A Seasonable and Modest Apology. London, 1710.
True Passive Obedience Restored. London, 1710.
Refutation of Doctrine of Passive Obedience. London, 1710.
Tbe Mobb's Address to my Lord M — . 1710.
The French King's Thanks to the Tories [by B. Hoadley]. [Lon
don] 1710.
The Fears and Sentiments of all True Britains [by B. Hoadly].
London, 1710.
Faults on Both Sides. London, 1710.
Faults on Both Sides [by Richard Harley] , by way of Answer to
The Thoughts of an Honest Tory. London, 1710.
The Good Old Cause or Lying in Truth. By Misodolus. London, 1710.
Serious Enquiry into the present state of the Church of England
[by Benj. Hoadly]. London, 1711.
The Thoughts of a Church of England Divine. London, 1711.
Answer to a Letter to Mr. Hoadly entitled Faith and Obedience.
London, 1711.
Eleven Opinions about Mr. Harley. London, 171 1.
No Queen, or No General. London, 1712.
Law is a Bottomless Pit. London, 1712.
Complete Key to Law is . London, 1712.
Salt for the Leach 2nd ed. London, 1712.
The Life of the Reverend and Learned Mr. John Sage [by John
Gillan] . London, 1714.
A Sermon . . . before the House of Commons. T. Sherlock.
London, 1714.
The Mourning Prophet. By E [dward] W [ard] . London, 1714.
Vindication of the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Norwich
[by John Lewis] . London, 1714.
A Vindication of the Earl of Oxford, i-, 15.
An Account of the Conduct of Robert, Earl of Oxford [by D.
Defoe?]. London, 1715.
The Trial of Robert, Earl of Harley. London, 1717.

Section "D" indicates the pamphlets useful for the
second portion of the Essay.
TOLERATION, etc.
Enquiry into the Occasional Conformity of Dissenters. By Daniel
Defoe. London, 1697.
Letter to a Member of Parliament, shewing that a restraint of the
Press . . 1698.
A Third Narrative. By George Keith. London, 1698.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 97
An Epistle to the People called Quakers. Everard Margaret.
London, 1699.
Some Remarks on . . Mr. Henry Cornish. By White Kennett.
London, 1699.
A Profession of Faith. By E. S. London, 1700.
A List of the Monasterys, Nunnerys and Colleges. London, 1700.
Letter to the Reverend Lord Bishops of his Province, concerning
the late Act against Popery. London, 1700.
Answer to some Queries fb)- Henry Gandy] . London, 1700.
Appeal to all Protestant Kings. London, 1700.
A Tract concerning Schism and Schismatics. By J. Hales. Lon
don, 1700.
Letter in Vindication of the Answer to the Queries [by Henry
Gandy]. London, 1701.
A Bill . . . for Preventing Occasional Conformity. London, 1702.
An Account of the Proceedings of the Lords. London, 1702.
Three Questions. London, 1702.
The Danger of Priestcraft. London, 1702.
The Case fairly stated. London 1702.
The Case of Toleration recognized. London, 1702.
An Enquiry into Occasional Conformity. London, 1702.
Present Danger of Popery in England. London, 1703.
Reflections upon . . . a . . . Pamphlet entitul'd The Shortest Way
with the Dissenters (with the said Pamphlet entire) . Lon
don, 1703.
Draught of an Act for Toleration. 1703.
Contra Torrentem Brachia. London, 1703.
Meldrum — Sermon preached in Edinburgh. 1703.
The Reduction of Episcopacy. Edinburgh, 1703.
A few Brief and Modest Reflections. 1703.
A Full and Final Answer. Edinburgh, 1703.
A Vindication and Defence. Edinburgh, 1703.
The Fox with his Firebrand Unkennell'd. London, 1703.
A Defence of the Dissenters' Education. By Samuel Palmer.
London, 1703.
The Interest of England considered. 2nd ed. London, 1703.
A Defence of the Letter concerning the Education of Dissenters.
By Samuel Wesley. London, 1704.
The Orator Displayed. London, 1704.
Expostulatory Letters. London, 1704.
A Letter from a Country Divine . . . concerning the Education of
the Dissenters. By S. Wesley. 2nd ed. London, 1704.
The Wolf Stript. 4th ed. London, 1704.
The Bishop of Salisbury's Proper Defence. London, 1704.
A Vindication of the Learning . . of the Dissenters. By Samuel
Palmer. London, 1705.
Review of the Dangers of the Church. [A pamphlet by J. Drake
and H. Pooley]. London, 1705.
An Essay towards a Proposal for Catholic Communion . . .
Answered. By Nath. Spinckes. London, 1705.

98 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Reasons why several of the Clergy . . [London ? 1705] .
Occasional Thoughts upon the Memorial of the Church of England.
London, 1705.
Moderation Vindicated. London, 1705.
The Devil upon Dun. [London] 1705.
The Sequel. London, 1705.
The Countryman's Remembrances. London, 1705.
The Experiment. London, 1705.
The Covenant to be the Lord's People. By Joseph Jacobs. Lon
don. 1706.
The Danger of the Church of England. London, 1706.
Ecclesiae versae, non eversae. London, 1707.
Answer to a late pamphlet entitled "The Experiment." London,
1707.
An Account of the Government of the Church of Scotland. Lon
don, 1708.
Annus Secundus Mirabilis. London, 1708.
Remarks on the Rehearsal. London, 1708.
Danger of Moderation. London, 1708.
The Scot's Narrative Examined. London, 1709.
The Modern Fanatic. By W. Bisset. London, 1710.
Disputes Review'd. By Matthew Henry. London, 1710.
The Counter-Queries, Queried again. 1710.
Enquiry into the Present Duty of a Low Churchman [by James
Peirce] . London, 1712.
Sermon to the Societies for Reformation of Manners. Lon
don, 1712.
Popery and Spiritual Tyranny [by Matthew Henry] . London, 1712.
A Humble Address to the Princes and States of Europe. W. Whis
ton. London, 1714.
The Interest of England in Relation to Protestant Dissenters. Lon
don, 1714.
Letter from a Layman [by J. S. Barrington, Viscount]. London,
1714.
Dr. Brett's Vindication. London, 1715.

Section "E" indicates the pamphlets useful for the
third portion of the Essay.
EVANGELICALISM, etc.
Advice to the Clergy of the Diocese of Lincoln. J. Gardiner,
Bishop of Lincoln. London, 1697
A Plain Man's Essay for England's Prosperity. London, 1698.
A Persuasive to Frequent Communion. By John, late Archbishop
of Canterbury. London, 1698.
A Sermon concerning Reformation of Manners. By S. Wesley.
London, 169S.
Letter to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishops of his Province.
T. Tenison. London, i6gg.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY 99
Discourse concerning Meekness. By Matthew Henry. Lon
don, i6gg.
Sermon on Acts xxviii., 22. By Matthew Henry. London, 1699.
The Poor Man's Plea. Defoe. London, 1700.
Essays concerning Excommunication. Ed. Hickeringhall. Lon
don [1700 ?] .
An Account of the Societies for Reformation of Manners. Lon
don, 1700.
Letter from a Clergyman in the Diocese of Bath and Wells.
[London] 1701.
A Sermon preach'd at . . . Sarum. By T. Naish. London, 1701.
Reasonableness of the Augmentation of Poor Vicarages [by Thomas
Breck], Cambridge, 1702.
Some Expedients without which . . London, 1703.
The Form of Dedication and Consecration of a Church, etc. Lon
don, 1703.
Articles concerning Matters Ecclesiastical. J. Gardiner, Bishop of
Lincoln. London, 1703.
The Resolution of a Case of Conscience [by Samuel Grascome] .
London, 1703.
A Sermon. Auchinleck. Edinburgh, 1704.
Principle of the Protestant Reformation. London, 1704.
A Sermon concerning the right Managements of Friendly Visits.
By Matthew Henry. London, 1704.
A Church in the House. By Matthew Henry. London, 1704.
Plain English. 5th ed. London, 1704.
A Disswasive from Gaming. London, 1704.
Eleventh Conference with his Clergy. H. Compton, Bishop of
London. London, 1704.
The Case of Impropriations. White Kennett. London, 1704.
An Account of the Methods whereby Charity Schools . . . Lon
don, 1705.
A Vindication of the Apostles. London, 1705.
An Earnest Perswasive to the Serious Observance of the Lord's
Day. 1705.
A Short Answer to the Objections. 1705.
A Disswasive from the horrid and beastly Sin of Drunkenness.
London, 1705.
A Short Disswasive from the Sin of Uncleanness. London, 1705.
A Kind Caution to Prophane Swearers. London, 1705.
Sermon, Judges v., 8 [Soe. Ref. Manners]. By W. Nicolson,
Archbishop of Cashel. London, 1706.
M. J., Presbyter of the Church of England: A Humble Proposal.
London, 1706.
The Excellency of the Duty of Religious Unity. London, 1706.
A Sermon ... at the Funeral of the Rev. Mr. James Owen. By
Matthew Henry. London, 1706.
The Case of the Curate of Penrith. London, 1707.
An Answer . . to the Case of the Curate of Penrith. Hugh Todd.
London, 1707.

100 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Charge to the Clergy of his Diocese. By W. Wake. London, 1707.
A Sermon preached at the Funeral of William, Duke of Devonshire.
White Kennett. London, 1708.
St. James's Park. A Satyr. London, i7og.
The Case of the Indigent Poor considered. John Bellers. [Lon
don] 1709.
Articles of Visitation. William Wake, Archbishop of Canterbury.
[London] 1709.
Letter to the Clergy of his Diocese. William Wake. [London,
1709].
Remarks upon . . . Dr. Edward's Preacher. Robert Lightfoot.
London, 1709.
A Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Norwich.
Charles Trimnell. London, 1710.
A Sermon concerning the Work . . of the Ministry. By M.
Henry. London, 1710.
Dr. Edward's Vindication consider'd. Robert Lightfoot. Lon
don, 1710.
A Sermon preach'd before the House of Commons. Andrew
Snape. London, 1711.
Her Majesties Most Gracious Letter to the Archbishop of Canter
bury. London [1711] .
Charge to the Clergy of his Diocese [by Chas. Trimnell. Bp. of
Worcester] . London, 1712.
Ecclesiastical Self-Seeking: A Visitation Sermon. Edward Sym-
mons. London, 1712.
The Poor Vicar's Plea against his Glebes. London, 1712.
Articles of Visitation and Enquiry exhibited to Ministers, etc.
T. Tenison. [London] 1713.
A Funeral Sermon upon Mr. Noble. London, 1713.
A Scripture Catechism. By Matthew Henry. London, 1714.
A Church of England Man's Serious Thoughts upon the Bill
Against Dissenting Schoolmasters. [Signed H. B.] Lon
don, 1714.
A Funeral Sermon . on Rev. John Russell. By J. Nesbitt.
London, 1714.
Funeral Sermon on Mr. Henry. [By J. Reynolds. London, 1714.
 By D. Williams. London, 1714.
¦  By W. Tong. London, 1714.
 On Mr. Billio and Mr. Henry. By J. Bates London, 1714.
 On . . John Hoskyns. By John Sprint. London, 1714.
Charge, at his Primary Visitation. By George Smalridge.
Oxford, 1716.
Of Visitations, Parochial and General. By Ed. Gibson. London,
1717.
The Standing Orders and Resolutions of the S. P. C.K. London, 1717.
See the British Museum Catalogue under London, p. 286 — 293,
for publications relating to the Religious Societies.
For Dr. T. Bray see British Museum Catalogue, "Brav —
Bretz, p. 11 — 13.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY TOI
Section " F " indicates the pamphlets useful for the
fourth portion of the Essay.
CONVOCATION.
Reflections on a Book entitled, " The Rights . . " By Gilbert,
Bishop of Sarum. London, 1700.
The Power of the Lower House of Convocation to adjourn itself
[by Francis Atterbury] . London, 1701.
Narrative of the Proceedings of the Lower House [by Henry
Aldrich]. London, 1701.
Principles of Mr. Atterbury's Book [by Richard West], London,
1701.
The Right of the Archbishop . Asserted in a Second Letter.
London, 1701.
The Schedule Review'd [by Ed. Gibson] . London, 1702.
Vindicius Liberius, or Mr. Toland's Defence. London, 1702.
Present State of Convocation London, 1702.
The Marks of a Defenceless Cause [by Ed. Gibson] . London, 1703.
The Pretended Independence of the Lower House [by Ed. Gibson] .
London, 1703.
Short State of some Present Questions in Convocation [by Ed.
Gibson] . London, 1703.
A New Danger of Presbytery. London, 1703.
An Account of the Proceedings between the Two Houses [by
Charles Trimnell] . London, 1704.
A Representation made by the Lower House of Convocation.
London, 1705.
The Complainer Reproved [by Ed. Gibson] . London, 1705.
The Complainer Further Reproved [by Ed. Gibson] . London,
. ^QS-
Collection of Papers concerning . Convocation. London, 1705.
Proceedings in the Present Convocation. London, 1706.
An Account of the Proceedings in the Convocation which began
Oct. 25, 1705. London, 1706.
An Account and Defence of the Protestation made by the Lower
House. London, 1707.
Circular Letter to the . . Bishops of his Province. T. Tenison.
London, 1707.
An Account of the Convocation's Proceedings with relation to Mr.
Whiston. London, 1711.
Case of the Present Convocation Consider'd [by W. Wotton] .
London, 1711.
Representation of the Present State of Religion. London, 1711.
The Nation Vindicated [by Matthew Tindal] . London, 1711 — 12
The Doctrine of Remission of Sins . . . Vindicated. By Thomas.
Brett. London, 1712.
An Account of the Two Motions made in . . . Convocation Con
cerning the Power of Remitting Sins. London, 1712.
A Speech to the Upper House of Convocation. George Smalridge.
London, 1714.

102 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE REIGN OF
Section " G " indicates the pamphlets useful for the
fifth portion of the Essay.
JACOBITISM.
The Present State of Jacobitism Considered. By D. F. [i.e. D.
Defoe]. London, 1 70 1.
An Argument showing that the Prince of Wales .... London, 1701
A Letter to a Minister of State. London, 1701.
Animadversions on the Two Last 30th of January Sermons. 1702.
England's Black Tribunal. 4th ed. London, 1703.
An Impartial Enquiry into the Causes of Rebellion ... in this
Kingdom. London, 1704.
A Discourse of a Cavalier Gentleman. By Don A. B. London,
1706.
A Sermon. By William, Bishop of Lincoln. London, 1708.
The Reasons of the Absenting Clergy. London, 1710.
The Jacobitism, Perjury and Popery of High Church Priests [J.
Toland]. London, T710.
Reasons Against Receiving the Pretender [by B. Hoadly] . Lon
don, 1710.
The Jacobite's Hopes Reviv'd [by B. Hoadly]. London, 1710.
The Several Declarations made in Council . . . concerning the
Birth of the Prince of Wales. London [171 1] .
Observations on the Depositions concerning the Birth of the Prince
of Wales. London, 191 1.
Old Stories which were the Forerunners of the Revolution in '88
Reviv'd. London, 1711.
The Scotch Medal Decipher'd. London, 1711.
Scotch Loyalty Exemplify'd. London, 1711.
The Pretender, an Imposter. London, 1711.
Full Answer to the Depositions concerning the Birth. [London]
1711.
Some Queries Proposed. London, 1712.
Character of a Popish Successour [by Elkanah Settle] . London,
1712.
The French King's Promise to the Pretender. London, 1712.
The Pretender's Declaration Abstracted from Two Anonymous
Pamphlets. [John Asgill] . London, 1713.
A Letter to the Lord Bishop of Carlisle. By W. K. [i.e.. White
Kennet. London, 1713.
Some New Proofs. London, 1713.
The Pretender's Declaration. By Mr. Asgill. London, 1713.
More Memoirs on The Pretender. London, 1713.
The Reason and Necessity of the Duke of Cambridge's coming
to . . . Great Britain. London, 1714.
Detection of the Sophistry ... of . . the Secret History. Lon
don, 1714.
Memoirs of John, Duke of Melfort. 1714.
The Revolution and Anti-Revolution Principles. London, 1714.

QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY I03
Remarks on Mr. Steele's Crisis. London, 1714.
Britain's Alarm to all True Protestants. London, 1714.
Considerations upon the Secret History of the White Staff. Lon
don [1714] .
Seasonable Queries relating to the Birth . . of a certain Person
[The Pretender] . London, 1714.
Hannibal not at our Gates. London, 1714.
A Letter from the Earl of Mar to the King. By Sir Richard
Steele. London, 1715.
The Case of the Lord Bolingbroke. 1715.
A Declaration of the Archbishop of Canterbury. London, 1715.
A Defence of the Church of England and the Clergy. London,
I7J5-
Remarks on The Pretender's Declaration. London, 1715.
A Full and Authentic Narrative of the . . . Conspiracy and In
vasion. London, 1715.
A View of the Scot's Rebellion. London, 1715.

Section " H " indicates the pamphlets useful for the
sixth portion of the Essay.
RATIONALISM, etc
Christianity not Mysterious. J. Toland. London, 1695.
Animadversions on a late book entituled "The Reasonableness of
Christianity as Delivered in the Scriptures. ' ' Oxford , 1697.
Defence of Mr. Toland, in a Letter to Himself. London, 1697.
Remarks upon an Essay concerning Human Understanding. By
W. Hayley. London, 1697.
A Sermon Preached at Cambridge. By Francis Hutchinson. Cam
bridge, 1698.
An Argument proving that Man may be Translated from
hence into that Eternal Life without passing through
Death. [London ?] 1700.
Morosophomisos. London, 1701.
Reflections upon Mr. Toland's book. 2nd ed. London, 1701.
Letter to Mr. Fleetwood [by Benj. Hoadley] . London, 1702.
Defence of The Right Reverend Lord Bishop of Sarum [by Benj.
Hoadley] . London, 1703.
My Lord of Sarum's Exposition. London, 1703.
A Philosophical Discourse of the Nature of Rational and Irrational
Souls. London, 1704.
Sermon by Henry Walker. Edinburgh, 1706.
An Essay concerning the Use of Reason in Propositions. London,
1707.
A Sermon. By Tho. Knaggs. London, 1708.
A Short View of the Pretended Spirit of Prophecy. Loudon, 1708.
A Philosophical Discourse concerning the Natural Immortality of
the Soul. London, 1708.

IO4 QUEEN ANNE IN ENGLISH CHURCH HISTORY
A Reply to Mr. Clark's Defence of his Letter to Mr. Dodwell. By
Anthony Collins. London, 1709.
A Letter to the learned Dodwell By Anthony Collins. London,
1709.
Essay concerning the Use of Reason in Propositions, the Evidence
whereof Depends upon Human Testimony [by Anthony
Collins] . London, 1709.
Reply to Mr. Clark's Defence [by Anthony Collins] . London,
1709.
Letter to the learned Mr. Dodwell [by Anthony Collins] . London,
1909.
Misodolos. The Good Old Cause. 2 parts in 1 vol. London, 1710.
New Pretenders to Prophecy examined [by Nath. Spruckes] , Lon
don, 1710.
Reflections on Mr. Clark's Second Defence [by Anthony Collins],
London, 1711.
Answer to Mr. Clark's Third Defence [by Anthony Collins]. Lon
don, 1711.
A Defence of the Proceedings against Jane Wenham. Francis
Bragge. London, 1712.
A Discourse for the Vindication of Christianity. By Dean Prideaux.
London, 1712.
Witchcraft further Displayed. By F. B. London, 1712.
Answer to that Part of Dr. Brett's Sermon which relates to the
Incapacity of Persons not Episcopally Ordain 'd to Ad
minister Christian Baptism [by Arthur Ashley Sykes] .
London, 1712.
The Impossibility of Witchcraft. London, 1712.
Case of the Hertfordshire Witchcraft Considered. London, 1712.
Divine Origin and Incomparable Excellence [Boyle Lectures] . By
J. Woodward. London, 1712.
Full Confutation of Witchcraft. London, 1712.
A Full and Impartial Account of the Discovery of Sorcery and
Witchcraft [by Francis Bragge] . London, 1712.
The Clergyman's Thanks to Phileleutherus. London, 1713.
Discourse of Freethinking [by Anthony Collins] . London, 1713.
Directions . for the Preserving of Unity in the Church , . .
concerning the Holy Trinity. London, 1714.
Difficulties . . . which Attend the Study of the Scriptures [by
Francis Hare] . London, 1714.

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