YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
ofthe
ANN S. FARNAM FUND

JONATHAN TRUMBULL

JONATHAN TRUMBULL
GOVERNOR OF CONNECTICUT, 1769-1784
BY HIS GREAT-GREAT-GRANDSON
JONATHAN TRUMBULL

NON-REFEKl

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BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
1919

Copynght, IQ19,
By Little, Brown, and Company

All rights reserved
Published, November, 1919

THE-PLIMPTON-PKESS NORWOOn-MASS.n-S'A

PREFATORY NOTE
THIS life of his great-great-grandfather was
completed by my father before ill health pre
vented his attending to its final publication, and his
death in May of this year made it impossible to
consult him while reading the proof. E. M. T.
September, 1919

PREFACE
SINCE the year 1849, when Isaac W. Stuart
completed his "Life of Jonathan Trumbull,
sen.", no attempt has been made to retell
the story of that busy, useful and significant life.
During the half century and more which has elapsed
since Stuart's day, the history of the men and events
of the American Revolution has been clarified by
the lapse of time and by the labors of many able
and scholarly historians,' so that new views of the
period have been adopted, leading to juster esti
mates of the times in which Governor Trumbull
served his country and of the men of those times.
Many documents which Stuart was obliged to consult
in manuscript are now accessible in the form of well
edited print; and some important documents which
were unknown in his day have since come to light.
Such a family history, too, as the recent genealogy
of the Higley family by Mrs. Johnston throws new
and important light on the family and personal
traits of Governor TrumbuU's mother; and the
Reverend Edward Robinson's sketch of the
descendants of William Robinson does equally
important service in the case of Governor Trum
bull's wife. The statements which have recently
appeared in print regarding Trumbull's connection
with the Conway cabal, and regarding his feelings

viii PREFACE
towards Schuyler require, of course, careful investi
gation and treatment for which there was no neces
sity half a century ago.
These, and many similar considerations con
stitute an apology for a new life of Connecticut's
revolutionary governor. The apology would not
be complete, however, if the writer should fail to
confess that his undertaking is prompted, to a
great degree, by a spirit of reverence for the memory
of a worthy ancestor. Just for this reason, it has
been the aim of the writer to avoid the extravagant
eulogy which abounds in Stuart's work; to tell
the story simply and impartially, and to search
diligently for the truth in this long period of public
service. The attempt has been made to let the
life-story speak for the man, in the full conviction
that in no other way can justice be done him. Rev
erence for his memory leads to the belief that in
no other way would the man himself allow the
story to be told if the telling were within his control.

CONTENTS PAGE
Preface  v
Chapter I. Ancestry — Early Surroundings — At Har
vard College  I
Chapter II. Harvard Graduate — Classmates and Col
lege Mates — Licensed Clergyman — Call to Church
at Colchester — Loss of his Elder Brother — Call
Declined — Beginning of Mercantile Career  15
Chapter III. Home Affairs — Delegate to the General
Assembly — Marriage — The Robinsons  23
Chapter IV. Apprenticeship in Politics — Deputy —
Speaker of the House of Representatives — Assistant
— New and Stirring Times — Lieutenant-Colonel —
Judge — Man of Business  32
Chapter V. Public Duties — Ecclesiastical and Minor
Matters — • Financial and Judicial Affairs — Capture
of Louisburg — Massachusetts Boundary — Impor
tant Conferences  42
Chapter VI. The Case of the Spanish Treasure Ship —
Declines Appointment as Agent to London — Family
and Home Affairs  SS
Chapter VII. Mercantile Affairs — Son Joseph in Lon
don — Difficulties there — New Firm — Continued
Difficulties — Mercantile Failure  64
ix

X CONTENTS
PAGE
Chapter VIII. The Stamp Act — Letters of Joseph
Trumbull from London — Connecticut's Opposition
tothe Act — IngersoU Compelled to Resign — Stamp
Act Congress — Governor Fitch takes the Oath —
Trumbull and Others Refuse to Witness the Cere
mony — Trumbull Elected Deputy Governor —
Pitkin Succeeds Fitch as Governor  73
Chapter IX. Trumbull Elected Governor — The Poli
tical Parties in Connecticut — His Course Regard
ing Writs of Assistance — The Contest for Governor
ship — Campaign Literature  8i
Chapter X. Death of Trumbull's Mother — The
Mohegan Case — Susquehanna Case — Embassy of
William Samuel Johnson — His Correspondence with
the Governors of Connecticut — Johnson's Action in
the Susquehanna Case in London — Trumbull's
Share in this Case  9^
Chapter XI. Connecticut as Viewed in London —
Johnson's Call on Lord Hillsborough — ¦ Petition
Against Revenue Acts • — Bishops in America — The
Five Per Cent. Duty and the New London Affair —
Xhe Duty Repealed — Trumbull's Views on British
Policy and Colonial Independence  104
Chapter XII. War-clouds — Committee of Correspon
dence — Excitement Increases — Town Meetings —
Treatment of Tories — Francis Green — Abijah
Willard — Captain Davis — Doctor Beebe — Re
verend Samuel Peters — The Continental Congress 116
Chapter XIII. 1775 — Trumbull at the Age of Sixty-
five — Preparations for War — • Extra Session of the
General Assembly — ¦ Royal Measures to Prevent a
Second Session of the Continental Congress —
Trumbull's letter to the Earl of Dartmouth  133

CONTENTS

XI
PAGE

Chapter XIV. The Lexington Alarm — Embassy to
General Gage — Treatment of the Ambassadors by
Massachusetts — Differences Settled — Preparations
for War  142
Chapter XV. Ticonderoga — The Council of Safety —
Powder for Bunker Hill — Correspondence with
Washington — The First and Only Misunderstand
ing Between Washington and Trumbull — Sears's
Raid — -The Connecticut "Deserters"  153
Chapter XVI. The Children of the Family — Joseph,
the Commissary General — His Early Death —
Jonathan and His Distinguished Services — David,
the Home Worker — John, the Soldier and Artist —
Faith and Her Sad Death — ¦ Mary and Her Patriotic
Husband  170
Chapter XVII. Renewed Calls for Troops — The New
York Expedition — Washington's Acknowledgments
— More Troops — • The Governor's Proclamation —
Independence — Governor Franklin a Prisoner —
Row-galleys Sent to New York  179
Chapter XVIII. Dark Days — Urgent Calls for Troops
— TrumbuU's Active Measures — Militia Regi
ments Despatched to New York — Demands of the
Northern Army — ¦ Trumbull's Relations to Schuyler
— Supplies and Men Hurried Forward — Sectional
Jealousies  194
Chapter XIX. "The Times that Tried Men's Souls" —
Difficulties in Filling Connecticut's Quota — Tryon's
Raid on Danbury — Trumbull and the Conway
Cabal — The Title "His Excellency" Distasteful
to the Governor  207
Chapter XX. Trumbull's Illness and Message to the
General Assembly — Taxation — Regulating Acts —

xii CONTENTS
PAGE
Confederation — Relief for Valley Forge — Corres
pondence with Tryon — The Errand of the "Spy" t—
Death of Joseph Trumbull  222
Chapter XXI. The Wyoming Massacre — Battle of
Rhode Island — Failure — The Governor's Com
ments — His Son a Volunteer — General Gates En
tertained at Hartford — Naval Successes — Bush-
nell's Torpedo — Finances — Confederation Urged
by Trumbull  235
Chapter XXII. Scarcity of Provisions — Governor
Tryon Again Threatens an Invasion — He Attacks
New Haven, and Burns Fairfield and Norwalk —
Arrest of William Samuel Johnson — His Release —
Financial Affairs — TrumbuU's Correspondence with
Van der Capellan — His Plans for a History of the
Revolution  247
Chapter XXIII. Distressing Conditions of the Country
— Financial Affairs and Measures — Calls on Con
necticut — Death of the Governor's Wife — French
Hussars Quartered at Lebanon and Colchester —
Governor Appointed to Supervise State Finances . . 259
Chapter XXIV. Continued Gloom — Imprisonment of
Colonel John Trumbull — His Release and Retum —
Continued Calls for Provisions for the Army — The
Wethersfield Conference — The Govemor and
Council go to Danbury — The Yorktown Campaign
— The Groton Massacre — The Surrender of Corn
waUis  272
Chapter XXV. Need of Continued War-footing
— Deane's Views — Measures for Defense — Plots
Against the Governor — His Vindication — Final
Decision of the Susquehanna Case — Subsequent
Events in Wyoming  285

CONTENTS xiii
PAGE
Chapter XXVI. Peace Negotiations — A Critical Period
for America — Anti-federalism in Connecticut —
TrumbuU's Federalism — The Society of the Cincin
nati — TrumbuU's Reply to Washington's Address —
The Farewell Address of the Governor, and Its Recep
tion by the General Assembly  298
Chapter XXVII. Governor Griswold Elected — Trum
bull in Private Life — Settlement for Eight Years*
Services — His Own Retrospect — His Pursuits in
Private Life — ¦ Honors Bestowed upon Him —
"Brother Jonathan"  317
Chapter XXVIII. Continued Good Health — Sudden
IUness — Death — His Pastor's Estimate of His
Personal Character — • Washington's Tribute — The
TrumbuU Tomb and Epitaph  333
Bibliography  34^
Index  347

JONATHAN TRUMBULL

CHAPTER I
ANCESTRY  EARLY SURROUNDINGS  AT
HARVARD COLLEGE
THE surnames Turnbull and Trumbull can
only be presumptively traced to a Scotch
peasant who appears on the oflficial record
in the year 13 15 as "Willielmo dicto Turnebull",
to whom King Robert the Bruce grants " a reddendo
of one broad arrow at the feast of the Assumption
of the Virgin Mary." This appears to have been
a grant of land in Philiphaugh, a short distance
west of Rule Water, as a reward for saving the
king from the attack of an infuriated bull in
the forest of Callender, near Sterling. Together
with this estate, a coat of arms was granted this
peasant, with the device of three bulls' heads and
a motto which in the hands of various branches
of the family reads either Audaces fortuna juavt,
Audaci favet fortuna, or Fortuna favet audaci.
It is interesting to read the story as Doctor John
Leyden tells it with a poet's license, in his "Scenes
of Infancy" after nearly five centuries had thrown
their glamour over it:

2 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
"Between red ezlarbanks, that frightful scowl.
Fringed with grey hazel, roars the mining RouH;
Where TurnbuUs once, a race no power could awe.
Lined the rough skirts of stormy Rubieslau.
Bold was the chief from whom their line they drew.
Whose nervous arm the furious bison slew,
The bison, fiercest race of Scotia's breed.
Whose bounding course outstripped the red deer's speed.
By hunters chafed, encircled on the plain.
He frowning shook his yellow lion mane.
Spurned with black hoof in bursting rage the ground.
And fiercely toss'd his moony horns around.
On Scotia's lord he rush'd with Hghtning speed.
Bent his strong neck to toss the startled steed;
His arms robust the hardy hunter flung
Around his bending horns, and upward wrung.
With writhing force his neck retorted round,
And roU'd the panting monster on the ground.
Crushed with enormous strength his bony skull;
And courtiers hailed the man who turned the bull."
Thus the peasant becomes enrolled among the
heroes of a nondescript mythology, of so recent a
date that he has also been made the butt of ridicule.
There is no doubt, however, that from him the once
powerful Scottish clan of Turnbull took its origin,
becoming famed for legitimate warfare, and later
for border reiving and ruffianry in the days when
the cry was steal or starve, with a strong preference
for the former, in which the TurnbuUs kept such
good company as the Murrays, Jardines, Bells,
Lindsays and others. As the clan grew more law
less it was found necessary to send armed forces to
subdue it, by which summary process the Turnbullsji
weakened by the attacks of rival clans, were finally

. ANCESTRY 3
dispersed and broken up, their extinction as a
clan probably dating from 1545, when twelve of
their castles and two of their towns were destroyed
by the English. Some of the survivors were scat
tered through England, and some remained on
their native heath to the close of the seventeenth
century, or longer.
It is hardly probable that a distinct pedigree of
Jonathan Trumbull will ever be traced showing his
descent through all the generations from "the man
who turned the bull" in or about the year 1315.
It can only be said, in the absence of all other clues
to his origin, that the theory of his descent from the
originator of the clan Turnbull is plausible. The
corrupted spelling of the name is accounted for
by the late Doctor J. Hammond Trumbull with
the surmise that the Scotch pronunciation gave
such prominence to the letter r that it first caught
the ear of the scrivener, who in pursuance of the
usual phonetic spelling of the surnames of the day
wrote Trumbull for Turnbull, and even went further
by spelling the last syllable b-l-e, as it is usually
found in the English and American records of the
sixteenth, seventeenth and first half of the eigh
teenth centuries. Scotchmen tell us that the name
is spelled Turnbull and pronounced Trumbull to
this day.
To add to the plausibility of our theory, we shall
find as his career develops that Governor Trum
bull was possessed of traits of character which are
distinctively Scotch. His tenacity of purpose, his
indomitable perseverance, his keen sense of duty.

4 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and the deeply devotional and religious spirit which
animated and informed his whole career are so
conspicuous and so Scottish that they seem to mark
the man and his race. In his diplomacy, too, there
is much that the Scotch would call "canny," though
there is in his self-forgetfulness and in the breadth
of his views much that emancipates him from the
narrow significance of this term which it is so diffi
cult to acclimate in our own country. These lead
ing traits, so plainly marked in his life, were, of
course, modified and adapted to conditions quite
different from those in which they first took root
in their native soil. Then, too, there were, no
doubt, hereditary traits from the maternal side
which modified the more stolid, hard-headed; racial
characteristics in a way to fit him for a career which
called for alertness and promptness of action, in
which he was never found lacking.
Passing over the long hiatus in his pedigree frora
"WilHelmo dicto Turnebull", we come to the year
1635, at which time it is established by the re
searches of Mr. J. Henry Lea that one John Trumble, /
a cooper of Newcastle-on-Tyne, married Ellinor
Chandler, and came to this country in 1639 with
his wife and only surviving child John, an infant
in arms. Cooper though he was, the first American.
Trumbull was town clerk and schoolmaster at
Rowley, Massachusetts, where he settled upon his
arrival. "The hurrying pen of the stripling",
John Alden the pilgrim, also a cooper, showed a
no more clerkly hand than did the pen of the cooper
John Trumbull. By a singular chance it happened

ANCESTRY S
some generations later that the Alden and Trum
bull blood mingled in the marriage of Governor
Jonathan Trumbull and Faith Robinson.
With a father who, besides being a cooper, was
a schoolmaster and town clerk, we may infer that
the educational advantages of the son John were
unusual for the time. In due course of events, he
married Deborah Jackson, and removed to Suffield,
Connecticut, where four sons, named John, Joseph,
Ammi and Benoni, were born to him. John was
the grandfather of the lawyer-poet John Trum
bull, now chiefly remembered as the author of
"McFingal"; Joseph was the father of Governor
Jonathan Trumbull, whose life forms the subject
of this biography; and Benoni was the grandfather
of the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull, whose colonial
history of Connecticut in two large- volumes is
still the standard for that period.
Joseph, in whom as the father of Jonathan Trum
bull c^r interest centers, was born in 1678 at Suffield,
where he passed the first twenty-five years of his
life. Like the young men of his day he learned
farming, and developed a tendency to trade which
stood him in good stead later in life. In 1703 he
removed to Simsbury, attracted thither, no doubt,
by Mistress Hannah Higley, whom he married on
August 31, 1704. Her lineage, passing as it does
into that of Jonathan Trumbull, deserves at least
passing notite.
She was the daughter of John and Hannah
(Drake) Higley, and was born at Simsbury on
April ' 22, 1684. Her grandparents were Jonathan

6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and Katherine (Brewster) Higley, the grandniother
being "clearly of the ancient Brewster family of
England to which belonged 'Elder' William Brew
ster of the Mayflower fame." ^ The story of the
early days of Hannah Higley's father reads like a
romance. Apprenticed to a glover in London at
the age of fifteen, he was given by his hard task
master two days' notice of a whipping in store for
him. Determined to free himself from such thral
dom, he secretly departed before the whipping
fell due, and stowed himself away on board a vessel
bound to America, at the risk of severe and cruel
punishment under the laws then applying to appren
ticeships. Upon discovering himself to the captain
of the vessel, he arranged, for his passage, to sell
his services during his minority to any American
settler who would pay a price satisfactory to the
captain. Fortunately, the vessel was bound to
Windsor, Connecticut, where she arrived some
time in the year 1664, and young John Higley
was then and there bound to the service of John
Drake for a sum satisfactory to the captain. Seven
years later he married the granddaughter of his
former master, and became a man of note in Sims
bury, becoming a justice, a judge of the county
court, a deputy to the General Assemby for many
years, and captain of the Simsbury trainband.
Hannah Drake, whom he married, was of the ancient
and honorable Drake family of England which
includes the sea-king, Sir Francis Drake. Her Amer
ican ancestry dates back to Dorchester, Massa-
' "The Higleys and Their Ancestry", by Mary Coffin Johnson. ^

ANCESTRY 7
chusetts, in 1630, and her English ancestry to the
Norman conquest, or earlier. Her mother was
Hannah Moore, a daughter of Deacon John Moore,
a man of note in Dorchester, who came to Windsor
with the Reverend John Warham, probably with
the ill-fated expedition of 1635.1
Thus the children of Joseph Trumbull, through
the Drakes and Moores, had by inheritance an
earlier claim on New England and Connecticut soil
than he himself had, and through the sterling blood
of the Higleys, Brewsters, Drakes and Moores
took on hereditary qualities which mingled well
with those of the Trumbulls.
The enterprising young couple did not remain
long in Simsbury; for within a year from the time
of their marriage, we find them at Lebanon, a town
which had been recognized by the General As
sembly just five years before, and which in the
same year of their arrival, 1705, had for the first
time reached the dignity of taxation and represen
tation in the General Assembly. If Joseph Trum
bull cannot strictly be called one of the pioneers
of Lebanon, he comes so near that distinction that
it is safe to say that he shared in the inconven
iences, hardships and privations of the first settlers,
and doubtless found work enough for his stalwart
young arms in clearing the land of his first grant
for cultivation. He made no mistake, however,
in casting his lot with this new little community,
for the soil proved rich and productive, and the
location among the peaceful hills and valleys was
charming and attractive.
'"The Higleys and Their Ancestry", by Mary Coffin Johnson.

8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Here, in this same year, was b6rn his eldest son
Joseph, destined to a short career with a sad end
ing; for at the age of twenty-seven, on a foreign
voyage in the interest of his father's growing busi
ness, he was lost at sea, leaving a widow with two
daughters. Doubtless he had become, at this time,
his father's right-hand man, and doubtless, too,
much of the father's success and prosperity were
due to this son.
But the father's energy and confidence in his
location and in his power to win his way laid the
sure foundation of this success and prosperity.
Some three years after settling in Lebanon he
bought the homestead of the Reverend Joseph
Parsons, the first minister of the town, mortgaging
it — as an indication of small means and large
faith for the time — for £340. Here, no doubt,
in the first Lebanon parsonage, Jonathan Trum
bull, with whose career we are chiefly concerned, I
was born, on October 12, 1710. He appeared on
the stage at the beginning of a peaceful and pros
perous time for the little colony of Connecticut
and for the new and fast growing town of his birth.
England, with Queen Anne on the throne, had so
busied and satiated and sickened herself with war
and conquest in the brilliant campaigns of Marl
borough that the American colonies appear to have
been forgotten for the time ; at least, no such inter
ference as had been the rule during the last half
of the previous century occurred. For fifty years
this little colony had been engaged in a struggle
to establish her rights under the charter of 1662;

BIRTH — EARLY SURROUNDINGS 9
and those rights, with some wrongs, were at last
established by the absorption of New Haven, the
downfall of Andros, the discomfiture of Fletcher,
and something like a final decision regarding Con
necticut's boundaries, if we leave the South Sea
out of the question. With the absorbing interest
in home afifairs diverting the Mother Country from
active interference in the affairs of the American
colonies at this time, the little communities of
trading farmers composing the towns of Connecti
cut were left free, for the time being, to direct
their own affairs in frequent town meetings, pro
prietors' meetings and patentees' meetings, with
representation in, and appeal to, the General Court
or Assembly when needed.
One of the most active of these little communi
ties was Trumbull's native town and lifelong home.
As a boy, in the intervals of study, hoeing and
feeding chickens and cattle, he heard, no doubt,
much talk of boundary disputes, of church matters,
of prices of farm produce and live stock, of the
news, some months old, from England; and tried
in a boy's way to understand it all. Here in
Lebanon, too, the meetinghouse war was brewing;
and here, too, as well as elsewhere, the Mohegan
case was brewing, to cause him infinite labor and
solicitude in the days of his governorship some
sixty years later.
Of schools, either public or private, we find no
trace in Lebanon in the days of Trumbull's boy
hood. It is safe to say that the traditions of three
generations on his father's side, and four generations

IO JONATHAN TRUMBULL
on his mother's side, made them both deeply con
scious of the importance of a good education for
their son. And a good education they certainly
gave him — as good as American facilities of the
time afforded. After a course of such elementary
studies as his parents could bestow, there is little
or no doubt that he was grounded in sufficient
Latin and Greek to fit him for college by the Rever
end Samuel Welles. Welles was then pastor of the
village, and his house, fine for the times, with its
quaint frescoes and handmade woodwork, still
stands on Lebanon Green.
If there were any exceptions to the rule of social
equality which existed in the town at this time,
one exception might be found in the case of this
same Reverend Samuel Welles, whose aristocratic
Boston connections had enabled him to build the
handsomest house in Lebanon. After his tutorship
to the boy Trumbull, he removed to Boston, where
he occasionally met his former townsman, Joseph
Trumbull, the father of his pupil, whose business
as farmer and drover sometimes called him to that
city. His recognition of the elder Trumbull was
sometimes cold and sometimes ' altogether lacking,
as, in his farmer's garb, the latter seemed an unfit
acquaintance to introduce among the pastor's city
friends. Pastor Welles made occasional visits to
Lebanon, where he still retained some landed in
terests, and on one of these visits he met the elder
Trumbull and cordially extended his hand to him.
Retaliation then and there ensued, for Trumbull,
refusing the proffered hand, said simply, "No,

HARVARD COLLEGE n
sir; if you don't know me in Boston, I don't know
you in Lebanon." ^
This story, said to be authentic, illustrates, too,
the independence and social equality which existed
in Lebanon in the days of Jonathan Trumbull's
boyhood. The inhabitants were at this time prac
tically all freeholders and all farmers; they had
possessed the land on equal terms, and each man
felt himself as good as his neighbor; every in
habitant was well — perhaps sometimes too well —
acquainted with every other inhabitant, and social
distinctions were practically unknown. It should
be remembered that the formative period of Trum
bull's life was passed in the influence of such a
community. Beyond the inspiring sight of the
frequent evolutions of the trainband on Lebanon
Green, the boy had little diversion in the midst of
the practical, puritanical, and quietly strenuous
life of the day.
At the age of thirteen, he entered Harvard Col
lege, where his enrollment, according to the custom
of the time, placed him twenty-eighth in social
rank among the thirty-seven graduates of his class.*
This order was established during the Freshman
year, and there is little doubt that it was during
this year that he got a taste, at least, of the social
distinction which was so foreign to his native soil.
This custom of enrolling, and probably of granting
privileges to the students, according to rank, pre
vailed at Harvard for the first century and a quarter
' Hines, "Early Lebanon", p. 21.
' Quinquennial Catalogue of Harrard Unirersity, 1900; p. 83, footnote.

12 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
of its existence, as it prevailed at Yale for sixty-
five years, but at last caused so much complaint, as
the democratic sentiment of the country grew,
that it gave place in 1772 to enrollment in alpha
betical order. A system, also, quite similar to the
fagging system of the higher English schools, had
not altogether died out when Trumbull entered
Harvard as a Freshman. There can be no doubt
that the spirit of this lad of thirteen, reared in the
free air of Lebanon's social equality, rebelled against
this fagging system and against the social distinc
tions which the plan of enrollment created. Flog
ging was still publicly administered to students,^
and was perhaps still preceded and followed by
prayer from the president of the college in Trum
bull's day, as in earlier ones. These austerities
and the formalities which ruled at the time may
have given to the young lad a touch of homesick
ness, bred of disgust. We have it on the authority
of his son John, however, that he diligently pursued
the studies of his course, and acquired "a sound
knowledge of the Hebrew, as well as the Greek and
Latin languages, and of all the other studies of
the day", and became, " a distinguished scholar." *
From the diaries of President Leverett and of
President Wadsworth, who succeeded him during
Trumbull's course at Harvard, we get some idea
of the studies pursued at the time. At -morning
prayers, each student of the three upper classes
' Quincey's "History of Harvard University", vol. i, p. 190.
'^ Colonel John TrumbuU's "Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters",
1841; p. 2.

HARVARD COLLEGE 13
was called upon to read a verse out of the Old
Testament from the Hebrew into the Greek, the
Freshmen reading from English into Greek. Presi
dent Wadsworth states in his diary that he ex
pounded the Scriptures to the students, once eleven,
and sometimes eight or nine times in a week. In
the regular curriculum, Tully, Virgil and the Greek
Testament occupied four full days of each week in
the Freshman year; rhetoric one morning, and the
Greek catechism another morning, with disputa
tions on Ramus's Definitions for two mornings
toward the end of the year.
The Sophomores "recited" Logic, continued to
"recite" the classical authors, Heereboord's Mele-
temata, and Wollebius's Divinity, with morning
disputations on Mondays and Tuesdays.
The Juniors continued Heereboord's Meletemata,
Wollebius's Divinity, and the two morning dis
putations, adding Physics, Ethics, Geography and
Metaphysics. The Seniors "recited" Arithmetic, Geometry and
Astronomy, "go over the Arts towards the latter
end of the year, Ames's Medulla on Saturdays,
and dispute once a week."
Thus it will be seen that a course at Harvard
beginning in 1723 was a much nearer approach to
a course in divinity than our present academical
courses afford. It should be added that the Har
vard studies at this time comprised a special course
in Hebrew conducted by Judah Mones, a converted
Jew, whose lectures and exercises were attended
by those upper classes on four days in the week.

14 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The atmosphere was distinctly religious, and
early in his college course we find Trumbull giving
indications of that deeply religious and devotional
spirit which pervaded and informed his entire
public and private life. In his Freshman year he
became a member of a secret religious organiza
tion, whose simple Articles of Association may
still be read, breathing a spirit of deep devotion
and Christian charity.

CHAPTER II
HARVARD GRADUATE  CLASSMATES AND COLLEGE
MATES  LICENSED CLERGYMAN  CALL TO CHURCH
AT COLCHESTER  LOSS OF HIS ELDER BROTHER 
CALL DECLINED  BEGINNING OF MERCANTILE
CAREER
IN 1727, at the age of seventeen, young
Trumbull returned to Lebanon, a full-fledged
Harvard graduate, with the then customary
degree of a.m. In the still small, growing commu
nity of his native town, it is safe to say that he was,
at the time, regarded as a wonder of learning; for
Lebanon was then sending few, if any, of her young
men to college; and a man of collegiate education
had a marked distinction in such a town. He had
acquired a knowledge of Latin, Greek and Hebrew,
as we have seen, with finishing touches of divinity,
geography, arithmetic, geometry and astronomy;
and he had gained experiences and formed associa
tions which were, perhaps, even more important
than all these studies.
Notable among his classmates stands Thomas
Hutchinson, destined for a career quite similar to
Trumbull's in official positions, but diametrically
opposite in political principles, and ending in the
pathetic story of a ruined fortune and a life of
exile. How far Hutchinson's rank of third in social
standing by Harvard registration removed him
15

i6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
from free intercourse with Trumbull in his rank of
twenty-eighth, or how congenial these two lads
may have been to one another, it is impossible to
say. It must be true, however, that the coterie
of about one hundred and fifty undergraduates
of the time should have been, during their college
course, in much closer contact than the great bodies
of undergraduates in our universities of to-day.
Hutchinson was just a year younger than Trum
bull, so it is not necessary to regard the latter as
an infant prodigy because he entered college at
the age of thirteen, which, as far as can be ascer
tained, was about the average of Freshmen at the
time. Another classmate, Benjamin Church, is
erroneously supposed by Stuart to have been the
Doctor Benjamin Church who in 1775 was con
victed of secret correspondence with the enemy,
and was sent, by Washington, to Connecticut for
safe keeping under the direction of the Governor
and his Council of Safety. This Benjamin Church
was of the class of 1754, and had probably never
seen Governor Trumbull.
It is a notable fact that all the other Harvard
students of his time who attained much distinction
were loyalists in Revolutionary times. In the class
below him was Jonathan Belcher, afterwards Chief
Justice of the Superior Court, and Lieutenant
Governor of Nova Scotia, to which land his Tory
principles compelled him to flee. In Belcher's
class, too, we find Edmund Trowbridge, another
Judge of the Superior Court of Massachusetts, a
loyalist who, according to Sabine, was so favorably

CLASSMATES 17
regarded by his countrymen that he remained at
home, unmolested, during the Revolution. In Trum
bull's Senior year, there appeared a Freshman of
thirteen at Harvard, named Peter Oliver, whom
any Senior might send on errands under the fagging
system then prevailing, and who, forty-six years
later, was Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and
obliged to flee to Halifax on account of his loyalty
to King George III. This same Oliver is lampooned
by John Trumbull in his "MacFingal." His brother
Andrew of Stamp Act fame was a Junior when
Trumbull entered Harvard as a Freshman. An
other member of Oliver's class was Eliakim Hutchin
son of Boston, who, though he died in 1775, was
well known to be a loyalist of high social standing,
a member of the Council and Judge of one of the
Courts of Massachusetts. In the same class we
find Thomas Steele of Leicester, Massachusetts, a
town clerk, Representative in the General Assem
bly, and Judge, standing in his class fourth in
social rank, "a man of high respectability of char
acter" who "possessed the confidence of his fellow
citizens, though differing from them in political
sentiments." ^ In this class, too, appears Josiah
Edson, who, in the early days of the Revolution,
gained the odious distinction of a "Rescinder" and
"Mandamus Councillor", suffered mob violence,
fled to Halifax, and died in New York in 1778.
He also is mentioned in John Trumbull's "Mac
Fingal", as "that old simplicity of Edson."
1 Sabine's " Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolu
tion."

i8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
It would almost seem that in Trumbull's day
at Harvard an influence prevailed which nearly
a half century later bred Tories among the sons of
Massachusetts and Whigs among the sons of Con
necticut. A few exceptions may be found, as in the
case of Benjamin Kent, a classmate of Trumbull's,
who is doubtless the man of that name who, with
Samuel Adams and others, addressed the people
of Boston in 1774 at the Old South Meetinghouse
in favor of Committees of Correspondence. In
the class below was Josiah Quincy, Senior, less
noted than his son Josiah, but of whom it is re
corded that there was a plot against his life, and
the life of Benjamin Kent.^ A notable Connecti
cut Whig in the class below Trumbull's was the
Reverend Nathaniel Eells of Stonington, who, at
an advanced age, marched with some of his parish
ioners to the front at the time of the Lexington
alarm. Thus we find that of eleven Harvard students
of Trumbull's day, including himself, seven be
came Massachusetts Tories, two Massachusetts
Whigs and two Connecticut Whigs. The political
sentiments which the other students espoused in
the days of the Revolution are more difficult, per
haps impossible, to determine. Certain it is that
of all the students of his day, identified and uni
dentified, Trumbull's political principles were of
the most pronounced "Whig" character, and that
the public offices which he occupied during the
Revolution and the times which led to it enabled
'Letters and Diary of John Rowe, Boston, 1903; p. 224.

PREPARATION FOR THE MINISTRY 19
him, as we shall see, to do yeoman's service in
the cause of his country. The keynote of the Revo
lution, "no taxation without representation", must
have been instilled in his youthful mind in his boy
hood days;' for we learn from the official reports
of the discomfited Governor Benjamin Fletcher
that this cry was in the air in Connecticut as early
as in the days of William and Mary; and we have
seen, too, that Trumbull's native town of Lebanon
was only admitted to representation in the General
Assembly after presenting its grand list for taxa
tion by that body. This same question of taxa
tion with representation was doubtless discussed
among the Harvard students of his day, and prob
ably the Tory and Whig principles which pronounce
themselves nearly half a century later among the
eleven students just enumerated were espoused by
them at the time.
Upon returning to his home at Lebanon, after
completing his college course, it was decided that
Trumbull should prepare for the ministry. This
was, doubtless, his own choice, in view of the devo
tional and religious character of the young man.
He united in full communion with the church at
Lebanon, and commenced the study of divinity,
in which his college course had already grounded
him, with the Reverend Solomon Williams, his
pastor, a man of prominence among the theolo
gians of his day, who, at a later time, became engaged
in theological controversies with the Reverend An
drew Crosswell, a college mate of Trumbull's, and
with the famous Doctor Jonathan Edwards, Senior.

20 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The course in divinity which Trumbull pursued was
not, as we shall see, to bear fruit in the ministry,
but that it bore some fruit we learn from the follow
ing well-authenticated story — a story which, when
recently told to the Honorable James Bryce,i im
pressed him as a remarkable instance of the social
and religious conditions of the times.
The favorite themes of discussion among the
farm laborers of Lebanon — and Lebanon men were
then practically all farm laborers — were of a theo
logical character. There were times when the
subject was too profound, or provoked too heated
controversies. At such times it was agreed among
the disputants that subjects of this kind should
be referred to Mr. Trumbull. In the haying season
especially, during the noon rest, he would, either
by request or by his own inclination, join the men,
listen to the questions they had reserved for him,
and give them his opinion from the light of his
theological studies. The opinions so given by him
were taken as conclusive, and caused, no doubt,
deep satisfaction in the minds of the men who had
reserved their questions for his decision.
His studies in divinity appear to have occupied
about three years, for on October 13, 1730, he
received the license of the Windham Association,
and the life and profession of a Congregational
clergyman now opened before him.* Not long
after this, his brother Joseph sailed upon a voyage
' By Doctor George P. Fisher.
2 Some of his sermons, in manuscript are in possession of the Connecticut
Historical Society.

A LICENSED CLERGYMAN 21
to London in the interests of the growing business
of his father, with which business the son Jonathan
had also become somewhat familiar. At about
this time he received a call to become pastor of
the church of Colchester. The absence of his brother
caused him, no doubt, to defer the acceptance of
this call, for his father was now a man of fifty-
four, and needed the help of one son in the absence
of the other. But no tidings came from the absent
son or from the vessel in which he sailed, and as
weeks of anxious waiting grew into months, the
sad conclusion that he had been lost at sea was
forced upon the family. With the younger brother,
duty always came before inclination. He reluc
tantly declined the call to Colchester, and took
the place of his elder brother, as the right-hand
man of his stricken father.
Thus the young clergyman of twenty-two be
came the young merchant farmer, embarking upon
a career which he pursued with varying fortunes
for more than thirty years in the midst of active
public duties. The change from the ministry to a
mercantile life was doubtless a sad disappointment
to him, but his keen sense of duty did not allow
him to hesitate, and his faculty for doing with
his might whatever his hands found to do soon led
him to forget his regrets by means of the whole-
somest of all anod5aies, hard work. Of the kind
and conditions of this work it is difficult to speak
with exactness. His father having embarked in
foreign commerce in addition to, or in connection
with, his farming, the office work, correspondence

22 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and more clerkly portions of the business naturally
fell to the lot of the college-bred son. The father
held at this time the military position of Quarter
master "of the Troop in the county of Windham",
a county of six years' standing, comprising eleven
towns, which, at the time of its establishment, con
tained a regiment of troops. This position, no
doubt, during the two years in which he held it,
furnished quite an amount of business in addition
to the regular routine and new enterprises in which
he was engaged.

CHAPTER III
HOME AFFAIRS  DELEGATE TO THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY  MARRIAGE  THE ROBINSONS
THE old epigram, "Man proposes but God
disposes", was most happily exemplified
in the change from the comparative
seclusion of a clergyman's life to the more active
participation in the affairs of his fellowmen to
which Trumbull was now called. It was, as it
had been since his birth, still a time of peace and
prosperity in the colony of Connecticut. The
troubles attending the location of new meeting
houses, and the formation of new ecclesiastical
societies in the various towns formed the nearest
approach to war which these peaceful times afforded.
A truce of more than thirty years had been
declared in the Lebanon "meetinghouse war", so
called, by an agreement between the existing First
Society and the inhabitants of the northern por
tion of its parish to refund money which they had
paid for church rates if they should within a given
time be made a separate ecclesiastical society, as
the southern portion had already been made. In
Guilford, however, a controversy involving the
rejection of the Saybrook Platform by a part of the
congregation of the First Society was at its height
at about this time, the efforts of the General
Assembly having, as usual in such cases, proved
23

24 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
fruitless in reconciling the differences. It is quite
probable that the Reverend Solomon Williams
found the Guilford troubles a useful object lesson
in expounding theology to his young student.
Church and State, we must remember, were prac
tically one in these days, and the attempted settle
ment of difficulties among existing church societies
and the establishing of new societies formed a large
and not always successful part of the business of
the General Assembly. To such an extent was this
legislative control carried that an important quali
fication for a legislator was a thorough knowledge
of the theological tenets of the day, as embodied
in the Cambridge platform, the Saybrook plat
form, the Halfway Covenant, and other accepted
beliefs of the Congregational Church, together with
a knowledge of the code of church government.
We have seen how important these matters were
in the case of the haymakers and others to whom
our young theologian expounded the vexed ques
tions of the day. Thus, in 1733, the attention of
the Lebanon freemen, when they were called to
elect a new delegate to the General Assembly,
was turned to young Jonathan Trumbull as a man
well versed in theology and now, after some mer
cantile experience, conversant with the affairs of
men as well. He was elected a delegate in this
year, thus beginning a public career which he con
tinued almost uninterruptedly for half a century.
In the following year, he failed of a reelection,
if, indeed, he attempted one, and was succeeded by
Ebenezer West, who by the political methods of

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 25
the day, or otherwise, regained the position of dep
uty, of which he had been deprived in the previous
year by the election of Trumbull. In 1736, William
Throop, West's associate, gave place to Trumbull,
from which date the record of his public service
and offices is continuous up to the year 1783 when
he declined the renomination for Governor.
The years 1734 and 1735 were devoted, probably,
to business, with some notable exceptions. We
find him in the latter year commissioned as Lieu
tenant in the "Troop of Horse", thus beginning
his schooling in military life, an important factor
in the public duties to which he was afterwards
called. Far more important and far more en
grossing, no doubt, during this year and perhaps
some previous years, was his courtship of Mistress
Faith Robinson who was in the habit of coming
from her home in Duxbury, Massachusetts, to
visit her sister Mrs. Eliot, wife of Reverend Jacob
Eliot, the pastor of Goshen parish in Lebanon.
The courtship, which is said by some to have been
due to a business visit of Trumbull's to Duxbury,
and by others to have begun in an acquaintance at
Lebanon, resulted in his marriage to Faith Robinson
on December 9, 1 73 S . The marriage was a happy and
suitable one. She was then a girl of seventeen, of
Mayflower stock on her mother's side, and descended
from a great-grandfather Robinson who came to
Dorchester in 1635 or 1636. Her Majrflower descent
was from the pilgrim John Alden, whose daughter
Elizabeth, born in 1625, married William Pabodie
of Duxbury, December 26, 1644. Their daughter

26 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Priscilla married, December lo, 1679, Reverend
Ichabod Wiswall of Duxbury, whose daughter
Hannah married, January 31, 1705, or 1706, Rev
erend John Robinson, the father of Faith Robinson.
As the marriage of TrumbuU's father had given his
children an earlier New England ancestry than
his own, so the marriage of his son linked the family
to a still earlier, and the earliest possible, ancestry
of the kind.
It seems necessary to correct the statement
which has appeared in Stuart's Life of Trumbull
and elsewhere that Faith Robinson was lineally
descended from the Puritan leader, John Robinson
of Leyden. Until this statement was carefully
investigated by the Reverend Edward Robinson
in 1859, it was a cherished belief in the Trumbull
family and in some branches of the Robinson family.
The investigation referred to has resulted in the
discovery of a distinct family tradition traced to
the father of Faith (Robinson) Trumbull, to the
effect "that there was no connection between him
and John Robinson of Leyden." ^
At the time of her marriage with Trumbull,
Faith Robinson had been motherless for thirteen
years, her mother having been drowned at Nan
tasket Beach while on the passage from Duxbury
to Boston in a small coasting vessel; her oldest
sister, Mary, also perished in the same sad disaster.
Thus, at the age of four. Faith was left to the care
'"Memoir of the Reverend William Robinson . . . With Some Account
of His Ancestors in this Country", by his son, Edward Robinson, N. Y., 1859;
p. 62.

THE ROBINSONS 27
of an eccentric father and three older sisters, the
eldest of whom was then fourteen.
A wrong impression would be given of her father
if we characterize him solely as eccentric. He was
a man of marked ability as a preacher, being original
and forceful in his treatment of his subjects. He
had a keen sense of humor and sometimes a forcible
way of expressing himself, as when, after applying
for an increase in salary, he was reminded of a
previous increase besides the improvement of some
thirty acres of upland in Weechertown. "Weecher-
town?" said he, "thirty acres in Weechertown?
Why, if you were to mow it with a razor and rake
it with a fine-tooth comb, you wouldn't get enough
from it to winter a grasshopper." For thirty years
he continued his ministry in Duxbury, until at last
dissensions arose in his flock, leading him to ask for
a dismissal from his pastorate, after having obtained
judgment against the parish for arrearages in the
payment of his salary amounting to £412, los.
6d. He then removed to Lebanon where two of his
married daughters were living and where he bought
of his son-in-law, Jonathan Trumbull, two tracts of
land in Goshen parish. He died in Lebanon on
November 14, 1745, at the age of seventy-four.
The Boston Newsletter of the sixteenth of November
contains a brief sketch of his life, closing with the
following words:
"He was a learned and sound Divine; laborious
and faithful in his Master's Vineyard. In civil
life he was just, generous, of a cheerful and pleasant
Disposition, and a faithful Friend."

28 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
To what extent the character and eccentricities of
John Robinson were inherited by his daughter Faith
it is, of course, impossible to say. Her mother was
evidently a woman of fine character, deeply beloved
by her husband and family, and esteemed most
highly in the community. Her virtues were com
memorated in verse by the Reverend Nathaniel
Pitcher of Scituate, who makes personal mention
of her in the following quaint lines:
"One of the Gowned Tribe and Family,
Of bright descent and Worthy Pedigree;
A charming daughter in our Israel,
In vertuous acts and Deeds seen to excel;
As Mother, Mistress, Neighbor, Wife, most rare;
Should I exceed, to say beyond compare?
Call her the Phoenix, yet you cannot lye,
Whether it be in Prose or Poetry.
For Meekness, Piety and Patience;
Rare Modesty, Unwearied Diligence,
For Gracious Temper, Prudent Conduct, too.
How few of the fair sex could her outdo?
Beloved of all while living, and now dead.
The female Hadadrimmon's lost their head."
The virtues of the mother were certainly re
produced in her daughter Faith. One of many
instances of her faithful motherhood is found in
her unremitting care of her son John in the critical
days of his infancy, when, by her patient, long-
continued care, she saved him from the effects of
malformation of the skull, which, without her con
stant, unwearying attention would have resulted in
early death or prolonged insanity.^ Thus it is that
'Colonel John Trumbull's "Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters."

HIS CHILDREN 29
to her our country owes the brilliant career of Colo
nel John Trumbull, distinguished as a soldier and
still more as a pioneer in American art, of whom
more must be said as we follow the narrative of his
father's life. That the mother inherited some of
the more striking traits of her father we may learn
later from her public contribution of her handsome
scarlet cloak, the gift, it is said, of Rochambeau in
the days of the Revolution,^ and from her brave,
inspiring words to her son, when, as she believed,
she was parting from him forever, as he left his
home in Lebanon to join the army at Cambridge.^
For forty-five years she shared the joys, cares
and sorrows of her husband's life, during which
time she faithfully reared a family of four sons and
two daughters. These children were:
JOSEPH, born March 11, 1737. He was the
first commissary general of the Continental army,
and died on July 23, 1778, from the cares, hard
ships and fatigues of this onerous position. He
married Amelia Dyer, in March, 1777.
JONATHAN, born March 26, 1740. He occupied
the following positions: Deputy Paymaster-general,
1775; first Comptroller of the Treasury, 1778;
secretary and first aide to General Washington,
1780; Representative in the first Congress of the
United States under the Constitution, 1789;
Speaker, House of Representatives, 1791; Senator,
1794; Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut, 1796;
Governor, 1798 to the time of his death, ^ — Aug-
' Stuart's "Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Senior."
2 Colonel John TrumbuU's "Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters."

30 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
ust 7, 1809. He married, March 16, 1767, Eunice
Backus. FAITH, born January 25, 1743 ; married Colonel,
afterwards General Jedediah Huntington. Her solic
itude for the safety of her husband and brothers
brought on mental derangement, resulting in her
death on November 24, 1775.
MARY, born July 16, 1745; married February
14, 1771, William Williams, signer of the Declara
tion of Independence. She died February 9, 1831.
DAVID, born February 5, 1752; married Sarah
Backus. He was actively employed in the State
commissary department and in special service
during the Revolution. He died January 17, 1822.
JOHN, born June 6, 1756; died November 10,
1843. He married an English lady in London. He
was second aide to Washington in 1775; Major
of Brigade, 1776; Adjutant and Quartermaster-
general with the rank of Colonel, 1777. He pursued
the study of art from an early age and became noted
principally as an historical painter.
At the time of the marriage of Faith Robinson
and Jonathan Trumbull the influence of the be
ginning of the Great Awakening had been felt in
Connecticut. The solemn warnings of the great
Jonathan Edwards had already been heard in
Northampton, and had been echoed down the
valley of the Connecticut, to be followed by the
more exciting utterances of Whitefield, Tennent and
Davenport in later years. Just how these warnings
and this renewal of religious emotion, which at
this time seemed dormant, affected young Trum-

HIS CHILDREN 31
bull's mind, we can only conjecture. That the
situation awakened him to deep thought, perhaps
to renewed devotion, there can be no doubt. But,
so far as we can learn, his religious faith, like his
political faith, was always active and needed no
special awakening. To a man so liberal in his
later views of toleration in religious matters and
so imbued as he then and always was with the
principles of political freedom, there can be no
doubt that the Great Awakening which soon fol
lowed broadened and deepened his spiritual life
and strengthened his well-grounded belief in the
righteousness of liberty protected by law.

V-

CHAPTER IV
APPRENTICESHIP IN POLITICS  DEPUTY  SPEAKER
OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES  ASSISTANT —
NEW AND STIRRING TIMES — LIEUTENANT-COLONEL —
JUDGE — MAN OF BUSINESS
IN the October session of 1736, Trumbull re
sumed what we may call his apprenticeship
in political life by taking again the position
of deputy for Lebanon in the General Assembly
of Connecticut. Evidences are not lacking that
in these early years of his public life he paid scru
pulous attention to the duties of his position. Por
tions of his journal are still in existence, minutely
recording the legislative proceedings of the tirae
from the beginning of his first attendance. There
is little in the journals which is of interest to the
general reader, for the times were peaceful, and
the record is purely official, being almost a duplica
tion of the printed records of the colony of Con
necticut for the time. Nothing appears to show his
personal impressions or opinions on the questions
before the house, the humdrum nature of which is
so apparent as to leave little or no room for cora-
ment. The lack of personal opinions or impressions
to be found in his journal and the few meager and
inadequate reports of others regarding the personal
appearance and character of the man leave much
to be desired in the way of direct testimony. We
32

DEPUTY IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY 33
shall learn from later descriptions by his enemies
that his height was five feet, seven inches, and that
he was alert and graceful in his movements. Even
when he had reached an advanced age, this same
minute attention to minor details, which his journal
discloses, made him appear ludicrous to some of the
noblemen of the gay court of Louis XVI, who de
scribe the Connecticut magistrate from the point
of view of the French courtier visiting the America
of Revolutionary days.
On March 11, 1737, his son Joseph was born.
With this beginning of the dignity of fatherhood,
the dignity of special committee work in the General
Assembly was also first assigned to him. The
committee on which he was appointed was in
structed "to ascertain and fix a place" for erecting
a meetinghouse in the New Concord Society of
Norwich, now in Bozrah. It would seem that after
the appointment of this committee the New Con
cord became the New Discord Society; for a re
appointment of the committee became necessary a
year later, owing to the refusal of the owner to
convey to the Society the land selected for the site
of the meetinghouse; and upon the selection of
another site, the Society petitioned for a change of
location, which petition was, in the following year,
referred to a new committee. Thus it will be seen
that the first of Trumbull's numerous attempts at
locating meetinghouses by direction of the General
Assembly was not a successful one, though doubt
less it was fruitful in experience. Perhaps for this
reason, upon the appointment of a new committee

34 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
to settle the New Concord difficulties, he was im
mediately appointed on another committee to locate
a meetinghouse in the North Parish of New London,
which duty appears to have been performed on the
first attempt.
This was in 1739, in which year he was elected
Speaker of the House of Representatives, having
in the previous year occupied, for a short time, the
position of Clerk. Thus the long political appren
ticeship which he was still serving showed marked
progress in this year, in his election to this advanced
position at the age of twenty-nine. It was with him
a year of progress in all directions, for at the October
session we find him commissioned Lieutenant Colonel
of the Twelfth Regiment of the colony. At the
May session, too, he received his second appoint
ment as "Justice of the Peace and Quorum in and
for the county of Windham."
In his home at Lebanon he appears at this time
as one of the promoters of a library company which
formed the nearest approach to a public library
which the times afforded. It bore the classical and
high-sounding title of the Philogrammatican Library,
and its privileges were limited to the use of share
holders who contributed fifty pounds each. The
records of this library are in Trumbull's handwriting,
and show that the purchase of a record book con
sisting of three or four quires of paper, covered with
parchment, was in those days a matter of sufficient
importance to require the vote of the shareholders.
The catalogue includes such titles as "Moody's
Gospel Way of Escaping the Doleful State of the

STIRRING TIMES 35
Damned", with numerous other theological, his
torical, medical and legal works, the nearest ap
proach to light reading being "Lyrick Poems" by
some author now unknown. Among the share
holders associated with Trumbull are to be found
Eleazer Wheelock, founder of Dartmouth College,
Samuel Huntington, signer of the Declaration of
Independence and afterwards Governor of Connec
ticut, Thomas Clap, President of Yale College,
and others almost as notable. This library com
pany had an existence of more than half a century,
and was finally dissolved in 1792.
The year 1740 opened to our young legislator
a new experience, for the peaceful times of his
earlier membership in the General Assembly now
gave place to a formally declared war with Spain,
in which Connecticut was to bear her part. Here
began his long schooling in those warlike measures
which his colony and State of Connecticut was to
pursue almost uninterruptedly for the rest of his
life. The war with Spain was soon to merge itself
into the war with France, hardly interrupted by
the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, and ending
only in the fall of Quebec in 1759 and of Montreal
in the following year.
During all these twenty years the little colony
of Connecticut may be said to have kept herself
on a war footing; and her soldiers were present in
greater or smaller numbers in almost every engage
ment in these long wars. By the irony of fate,
the very services of the colonies, which should have
led the Mother Country to recognize Americans

36 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
as brothers in race as well as brothers in arms, led,
instead, to the War of the Revolution, the clouds
of which began to gather soon after the war with
France, which was not officially ended until the
treaty of Paris in 1763.
The first official announcement of the war with
Spain came to Trumbull's ears, no doubt, as a new
experience, in April, 1740, when the king's procla
mation was sent to the towns in Connecticut by
order of the Governor. One thousand men were
called for from New England for the expedition
against the Spanish West Indies. At the special
session of the General Assembly which was held in
the following July, active preparations were made
for coast defences against incursions of the enemy,
and for sending forward the Connecticut volun
teers who had enlisted for the expedition to the
West Indies. A special issue of £4000 was made for
the payment of bounties to volunteers in this ex
pedition. The colony, with its usual businesslike
and statesmanlike promptness, entered at once into
all the details needed for this sudden call.
This special session in July marks another im
portant advance in TrumbuU's political life; for
we find him now on record for the first time as one
of the twelve Assistants of the Colony, who, with
the Deputy Governor, composed the Governor's
council. Notwithstanding the bicameral system
which had prevailed in the General Assembly since
1698, this was a council in fact as well as in name,
and gave its members the most intimate relations
with the administrative affairs of the colony.

ASSISTANT 37
To Trumbull, as a legislator and member of the
Governor's Council, as a military man, and as a
man of business, the warlike aspect of affairs bore
a threefold significance. We may be sure that with
him personal considerations came last, important
though they were, for his numerous coastwise and
foreign shipments were in danger of seizure by
armed vessels of the enemy, and his mercantile
interests at home and abroad were rendered in
secure by the troublous times now beginning.
Rumors of Spanish war vessels cruising off the
harbor of New London and other Connecticut
ports were rife ; and Connecticut sailors and soldiers
were joining the ill-fated expedition to the West
Indies from which but one in ten returned.
Just what his public duties were at this time,
beyond his assignments on committees, it is im
possible to learn. The sessions of the General
Assembly during the year 1740 were three in number
and the regular sessions unusually long. We find
him on a committee to investigate fraudulent
transfers of real estate, and we find him in con
stant attendance as Deputy in May, and Assistant
in July and October. The year, too, was one of
both loss and gain in his family circle. The birth
of his son Jonathan on the twenty-sixth of March
was followed by the death, by drowning, of his only
remaining brother, David, on the ninth of July,
at the age of seventeen, thus completing the sad
and fateful record of death by drowning of all the
sons of his father's house excepting himself.
The position of Assistant to which he was elected

38 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
at the May session in 1740 was occupied by him
until 1752, when he was again made Speaker of
the House of Representatives, resuming the posi
tion of Assistant in 1754, from which time he held
this office continuously until his election as Deputy
Governor in 1766. In addition to these legislative
duties, he held, for the twenty years beginning in
1746, the position of a Judge of the County Court
of Windham, being also Judge of Probate for the
district for the twenty years beginning in 1747.
In 1766 he was appointed Chief Judge of the Su
perior Courts of the colony, which position he held
until his election as Governor in 1769. During all,
or nearly all, this period of thirty years from 1740
to 1769, he was actively engaged in business, be
coming a prosperous merchant, and trading not
only with the principal cities on the American
coast, but with the West Indies, Ireland, England
and Mediterranean ports. In 1767, however, he
met with reverses from which he never recovered,
though he afterwards attempted various business
enterprises in the hope of retrieving his fortunes.
But all these experiences — political, judicial and
mercantile — were needed to round out his prep
arations for the public life to which he was sub
sequently called in the times which tried men's
souls through the eight dark years of the American
Revolution. And through all this preparatory
period, there is evidence of his scrupulous faithful
ness in his varied duties as legislator, judge, soldier
and merchant. That he had a natural love for
work, which grew and strengthened as he advanced

MAN OF BUSINESS 39
in life, is plainly shown by the testimony of others
and by the growing number of increasingly impor
tant duties assigned to him. And we shall find in
a brief review of his services in the General As
sembly that his business experience and judicial
experience were freely drawn upon and put to
good use, as was his knowledge of theology, which
latter, as we have already surmised, had much to
do with his first election as Deputy.
It must be remembered that it wa« in the atmos
phere and influences which surrounded him from
1740 to 1767 that his most formative experiences
may be found. The problems which confronted
the little colony of Connecticut were many, and
the experience of the legislators in solving them
was a new one. The principles of democratic govern
ment were now tested as they had never been
tested in the peaceful generation which had pre
ceded that of 1740, and in the generations of the
budding commonwealth of still more remote dates.
Here was the problem of a new tenor and old tenor
currency with its delusive issues of paper money
which brought about an indebtedness of £131,000
upon a tax valuation of £900,000 in 1744. Here,
too, was the question of Connecticut's position in
Franklin's plan of uniting the colonies, a plan which,
however the wise philosopher and statesman might
modify it, seemed to strike a death blow to those
charter rights which Connecticut had been strug
gling for ninety long years to defend and maintain.
Here, too, was the difficulty of untangling the mass
of red tape in which the pompous officials of the

40 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Mother Country enveloped the claims of the colony
to the remuneration which had been promised for
expenditures in the war.
All this and much more Trumbull saw, and in a
large part of it he shared. He saw, too, his own
Connecticut general, Lyman, ignored in the official
reports of the battle of Lake George which was won
through his bravery and generalship, and for which
William Johnson of New York was made a baronet.
The inefficiency and even imbecility of such com
manders as Webb, the Earl of Loudoun, and worst
of all, if possible, Abercrombie, were most vividly
brought to his notice, sometimes even in personal
council with the men themselves, as when he served
on a commission to accompany the Governor to
Boston to confer with the Earl of Loudoun on war
measures. On the other hand, the great Pitt and
the chivalrous and brilliant Wolfe called forth his
admiration from afar, so much so that he inserted
in his journal a full copy of one of Pitt's letters
regarding the need for prompt recruiting.
So far as the records and muster rolls show,
TrumbuU's own regiment, the Twelfth, of which
he was made Colonel in 1753, saw but little service
in the war with France. At times men to the number
of fifty or so were drafted or enlisted from the regi- ,
ment for an indefinite term of service; and at one
time two companies of the Twelfth saw service of
fifteen or sixteen days "in the Alarm for the Relief
of fort Wm. Henry And places Adjacent In the
month of August 1757." None of these services
called for the presence of Colonel Trumbull in the

MAN OF BUSINESS 41
field; but we find that the details of men and im
pressment of horses were made by his order; and
the payrolls of various companies show that the
money was received by the soldiers "from Col.
Jonathan Trumble of Lebanon."
By the time when his men were thus irregularly
detached from his regiment for service, and long
before this time, his position as member of the
Governor's Council, as judge, and as legislator
rendered his civil services so important that he
could hardly have been spared, had he been called,
for mUitary service outside of his colony. His con
nection with military affairs was, however, so con
stant, that he became weU versed in tactics, military
usages and organization. It is fortunate, too, that
the duties which kept him at home gave him a
broader view of the stirring political life of the time
than he could ever have gained in the narrower
sphere of military campaigns. To a man of liberal
education, keen perception, and unwearied devo
tion to duty, like himself, there was, in the active,
many-sided life which he was pursuing at this time,
a schooling for still higher duties which can hardly
be overestimated. Among his correspondents at
this time were his Harvard classmate, Thomas
Hutchinson, and his Harvard contemporary, Andrew
Oliver.

CHAPTER V
PUBLIC DUTIES — ECCLESIASTICAL AND MINOR MAT
TERS — FINANCIAL AND JUDICIAL AFFAIRS — CAP
TURE OF LOUISBURG — MASSACHUSETTS BOUNDARY
— IMPORTANT CONFERENCES
IT is to be regretted that the records of the
General Assembly during TrumbuU's career as
Deputy and Assistant give us no intimation
of the debates and discussions which took place
either in the House of Representatives or in the
Governor's Council. Even the very full and almost
garrulous diary of Joshua Hempstead has little or
nothing to say of the proceedings of the General
Assembly of which he was frequently a member at
about these times; so that it seems that for a long
time during the eighteenth century, the sessions
of the General Assembly in the old statehouses
at Hartford and New Haven were behind closed
doors, and the public were only permitted to know
what was determined and accomplished by the
legislators of the time, with no intimation as to the
means by which results were brought about. Thus
we must content ourselves with knowing what
duties were assigned to and performed by the legis
lator in whose career we are chiefly concerned.
These duties began to increase in number and
importance from the time when he was first made
Assistant in 1740. By special legislation this posi-
42

PUBLIC DUTIES 43
tion gave him, in these stirring times, authority as
a magistrate in certain cases; and the Governor's
Council, of which he was now a member, was ex
pected to convene at times when the General As
sembly was not in session, and at such times to act
upon any emergency which might arise.
The record of the General Assembly shows that
ecclesiastical affairs were often referred to him,
either individually or as a member of a committee.
As we have seen, he frequently located new meeting
houses; but other ecclesiastical matters more diffi
cult of adjustment also fell to his lot. Irregularities
in the payment of the salaries of pastors were some
times complained of by the pastors to the General
Assembly, with protests against receiving the de
preciated old tenor money in payment and still
louder protests against receiving no money at all.
Such cases it feU to his lot to arbitrate and adjust,
as it also fell to his lot to investigate applications
for forming new ecclesiastical societies and to at
tempt adjustments of differences in existing ones.
In two or more instances he was instructed to as
sume the position of chairman of meetings of socie
ties called to discuss vexed questions. In 1741, too,
we find him on a committee with Ebenezer Gay of
Lebanon to thank the Reverend Solomon Williams
for a sermon which he had preached to the General
Assembly, — a duty regarded as more important
and requiring more formality than would obtain
in the present day, if the good old custom of preach
ing election sermons were still in existence. Al
though the adjustment of all these ecclesiastical

44 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
matters often required tact as well as a knowledge
of theology, such matters may be classed to-day
among the minor duties which Trumbull was called
upon to perform.
In the same class may be placed numerous duties
of a secular nature in connection with the financial
and legal affairs of the colony, important though
such affairs were. Among such duties entrusted
to him were the revision of the laws of the colony
and the task of preparing these laws for pubhca
tion. He was first appointed on a committee for
the purpose in May, 1742, with Roger Wolcott and
Thomas Fitch as associates. The revision of the
laws and the preparation of the manuscript for
the printer appears to have taken seven years;
for it is not until 1749 that a special act of the
General Assembly empowers Trumbull to buy "three
hundred and sixty-six reams of proper paper" for
printing this edition of the revised statutes of Con
necticut, for which purpose £2200 old tenor is
placed in his hands, forming for us of the present
time a problem as to the value of the paper and
the value of old tenor money in 1749.
One of the devices for floating the new tenor
bills of credit at the time of their issue was to loan
such portions of the issue as were not needed for
immediate use. These loans were made to free
holders in the colony on bond and mortgage, and
in many instances it became necessary to foreclose
the mortgages. Not only in such foreclosure pro
ceedings was Trumbull made the agent of the
colony, but as early as May, 1743, he was appointed

PUBLIC DUTIES 45
on a committee to receive and deliver to the Treas
urer "mortgages not released for the first emission
of loan money, and to adjust loan accounts with the
Treasurer." He was made still more familiar with
the detaUs of the colony's finances by frequent
appointments on committees to audit the Treas
urer's accounts. After much experience in audit
ing, he was appointed in 1754 on a committee
"to inquire into the state of the treasury, and en
deavor to bring the Treasurer's accpunts into good
form"; or, in other words, to establish a new and
improved system of bookkeeping for the Treasurer.
The first instance which the records show of a
bill drawn and presumably introduced by Trum
bull is in the May session of 1743, at a time when
France had already secretly joined in military
operations with Spain, and was soon to become the
open enemy of England by formal declaration of
war. The bill is entitled, "An Act providing Relief
against the evil and dangerous Designs of Foreig
ners and Suspected Persons." After reciting the
dangers to which the colony is exposed from strangers
"endeavoring to sow and spread false and dangerous
doctrines of religion among us, to stir up discord
among the people, to promote seditious designs
against the government, to alienate and estrange
the minds of the Indians from us, or to spy out our
country", the bill goes on to enact that all suspected
persons may be brought before the Governor,
" and such other of the civil authority as his Honor
shall think proper to call to his assistance", who
shall examine such suspected persons, and take

46 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
such measures as may be proper to prevent the
dangers which may arise from them.
This measure was passed, probably as the result
of a report made to the General Assembly by James
Wadsworth, Elihu Chauncey, John Ledyard and
Joseph Blackleach, who had heard startling rumors
regarding the influence which certain foreigners
had exercised over the Indians, estranging them frora
the colonists. The mover of the act evidently suc
ceeded in making it broad enough to cover the case
of the Indians, — and much more.
It is probable that many other measures of which
he was the originator were passed, for the drafts
of reports of committees of which he was a member
are frequently in his handwriting, and almost in
variably include a bill to be introduced to effect
the purposes recommended by the committee.
It appears that when he was sojourning in Boston,
Trumbull did not forget that he was a member of
the General Assembly of Connecticut, and that he
was in honor bound to recognize service to his
native colony in the neighboring colony of Massa
chusetts, as the following extract from the General
Assembly of Connecticut in 1748 will show.
"This Assembly being informed that Jonath.
Trumble Esq', being in Boston when one Isaac
Jones, who was suspected to have been counter
feiting the seven shillings bills of credit on this
Colony, was seized by a person who was exposed to
great danger in doing the same, did as a gratuity
bestow on him the sum of eight pounds old tenour,
supposing it proper to be done for the honor of his

PUBLIC DUTIES 47
government: In consideration whereof, the Treas
urer of this Colony is hereby ordered and directed
to pay out of the publick treasury the aforesaid
sum of eight pounds old tenour to the said Jonathan
Trumble Esq'."
It is difficult, if not impossible to draw a hard and
fast line in his long membership in the General
Assembly between what may be called the minor
duties and the important duties which he was
called upon to perform. The Indian affairs of the
time were more or less perplexing, and gave rise
eventually to a most important suit known as the
Mohegan case, which remained in court for nearly
seventy years, and with the details of which he
became thoroughly familiar. Encroachments of the
reservations at Stonington and Groton granted to
the remnant of the once powerful Pequot tribe of
Indians were also referred to him in 1747, 1749 and
1750. In March, 1744, war was formally declared be
tween England and France. In the following May,
military operations were rather prematurely begun
in America. The French succeeded in capturing
the blockhouse at Canso with its garrison of eighty
men; but the English, with reinforcements from
Boston, succeeded in holding the more important
works at Annapolis.
Early in the following year, Connecticut was
invited to join in the "mad scheme" of Governor
Shirley of Massachusetts for the capture of Louis
burg, the so-called Gibraltar of America, by an
unaided colonial force. At the extra session of the

48 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
General Assembly in February, 1745, Jonathan
Trumbull and Elisha Williams were appointed to
to go to Boston, to meet with commissioners from
Massachusetts and other colonies, with power to
arrange the details and preliminaries for the expe
dition on the part of Connecticut. They proceeded
with all convenient speed, and returned at the ex
piration of nine days, for which service they were
awarded thirty shUlings per day, old tenor. This
was doubtless the most important service which
Trumbull had performed up to this time. Connec
ticut, with her usual promptness, had already pro
vided for the enlistment of five hundred men, and
for the despatch of the colony's sloop. Defence;
and the return of the commissioners from Boston
soon resulted in the embarkation of this mUitary
and naval force, giving Connecticut the distinction
of being one of the three colonies which contributed
to this surprising success in the beginning of King
George's War.
In the following October, Trumbull was again
busied in this affair by his appointment on a com
mittee to ascertain the cost to Connecticut of this
expedition, for reimbursement by the Mother Coun
try; which reimbursement, after much red tape
and repeated revisions of the account, was made four
years later. The award was confined very strictly
to the actual cost in money; and the home govern
ment appears to have avoided quite scrupulously
any honorable mention of the service performed
by Connecticut men. General Pepperrell was, in
deed, made a baronet, and Governor Shirley was

CAPTURE OF LOUISBURG 49
granted a commission; but General Roger Wolcott
of Connecticut, who was second in command, was
ignored. The humble petition of the colony for
a share in the prize money resulting from the ex
pedition was also ignored; and Trumbull, who had
an active share in preparing the accounts and the
petition, saw the services of his colony treated with
such parsimony that at the time he may have
caught his first impressions of the mistaken colonial
policy of Great Britain.
From the time of the capture of Louisburg in
1745, to the time of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
in 1748, Connecticut contributed her full quota —
and more — for the projected but abortive expedi
tions against Quebec and Crown Point, losing many
men by sickness, if not by the bullets of the enemy.
The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle found this colony, in
common with the others, suffering more than her
full share of the effects of the war. The drain upon
her resources of all kinds had been serious. The
young men who had gone to the front, many of
them never to return, could ill be spared in such a
colony as Connecticut was at this time; the treas
ury, too, was depleted, and instead of the progress
which might have been made in peaceful times, the
colony showed little or no advance in population
and worse than no advance in every other respect.
The peace was a nominal peace only, and sur
rendered all the advantages which had been gained
on this continent by handing back to France the
stronghold of Louisburg which Massachusetts, Con
necticut and New Hampshire had captured in the

50 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
masterstroke of the war, and leaving the boundaries
of the English and French in America as indefinite
as they had been before the war.
Even before this nominal and ineffective peace,
Connecticut had on her hands a boundary dispute
with her neighbor Massachusetts, in which Trum
bull bore the part of leading commissioner for his
own colony by four different appointments extend
ing over three years. It was the most important
of the many boundary disputes of its kind, and
afforded to the leading commissioner another rare
opportunity to familiarize himself with the charter
rights of Connecticut, and to gain experience in
negotiations of the greatest interest to his colony.
The story of the dispute is, briefly, as follows :
In 1 71 3, the towns of Woodstock, Enfield, Suffield
and Somers had been transferred to the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts, through a mistaken belief that
they lay within the bounds of that colony, or might
be taken by it as a final compromise of its claim.
A very inadequate compensation was made to
Connecticut at the time by the grant of certain un
settled lands in Massachusetts which were finally
sold for the benefit of Yale College for a sum equal
to about ^2500. These four towns had been so
transferred without their consent and without royal
confirmation of the transaction. After bearing the
taxes and ecclesiastical control of Massachusetts
for thirty-four years, they had recourse to the
arbiter of political affairs, the town meeting; and
addressed a petition to the General Assembly of
Connecticut in May, 1747, for relief through a

MASSACHUSETTS BOUNDARY 51
joint commission or otherwise to determine their
location by charter rights, which, as they justly
claimed, placed them within the jurisdiction of their
original colony. Jonathan TrumbuU, John Bulkley,
Colonel Benjamin Hall and Captain Roger Wolcott
were appointed "Commissioners to meet and confer
with such as may be appointed by the Province
of Massachusetts Bay, at such time and place as
shall be agreed on between them, to hear, consider,
and report to the next Assembly after said meeting
and conference, their opinion on what shaU be
offered in this affair by the Commissioners of said
Province and the inhabitants of said towns."
That these commissioners had no difficulty in
hearing what was "offered in this affair" by the
said towns appears certain. That they were equally
successful with commissioners of Massachusetts does
not appear; for at the October session of 1747, it
is recorded that Woodstock, Enfield, Suffield and
Somers preferred another petition to the General
Assembly of Connecticut, which recites that they
had also petitioned to the General Assembly of
Massachusetts for relief, and had found none. Trum
bull is again appointed at the head of a commission
to confer with Massachusetts and undertake a peace
able settlement of the vexed question. The matter
drags along until May, 1749, when he is once more
instructed to attempt similar negotiations, and this
time provision is made for submitting the question
to his Majesty in case nothing can be done with
Massachusetts, a course hitherto avoided, through
fear of its consequences, which fear had led to the

52 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
unfortunate compromise of 171 3. But, in order to
cut the Gordian knot and strengthen the hands of
the commissioners, it is enacted at the same time
that these four towns are within the charter limits
of Connecticut, the old agreement of 171 3 being
null and void for this reason.
Once more, in October, 1750, he was appointed
to attempt an amicable adjustment, Massachusetts
being then more approachable; but nothing could
be done, and after continuing the controversy with
increasing feebleness and at longer intervals, Mass
achusetts appears to have dropped it in 1804. Her
claim was founded on an old ex -parte survey made
by Woodward and Saffrey in 1642; one of the
results of which is the possession by Massachu
setts of the present city of Springfield which once
belonged to Connecticut. An ugly notch in the
northern boundary of Connecticut still remains a
monument to the surveyors of 1642.
In October, 1755, the foothold of the English
in Nova Scotia, after much border skirmishing and
many attempts to gain the allegiance of the Acadians
to British rule, had been effected by the crushing
decree of exile proclaimed at Grand Pre in the
September previous, by which seven thousand of
these unfortunates were scattered among strangers
in a strange land. In the previous July, Braddock's
disastrous defeat had occurred, compensated in a
measure by Lyman's brilliant victory at Lake
George, for which, as we have seen, General John
son was made Sir William. Once more the "dogs
of war" were let loose, although the ceremony of

IMPORTANT CONFERENCES 53
letting them loose was not proclaimed untU the
following year. The Albany Congress had failed —
Connecticut assisting effectively in the failure to
unite the colonies under a central government;
but Connecticut was none the less willing to unite
in a common cause with the colonies for defense
against the common enemy. For this purpose, in
October, 1755, the General Assembly appointed
"Ebenezer Silliman and Jonathan Trumbull for
and on the behalf of this Colony to meet with such
Commissioners as shall be appointed by his Ma
jesty's other government ... to consider and
represent the general state and circumstances of his
Majesty's Colonies, the encroachments of the French,
and the various transactions and operations hitherto,
and to consult the proper measures to be taken
for the general interest of the common cause, for
his Majesty's service."
Governor Fitch accompanied the two commis
sioners to this conference, which was held in New
York in the following December, and resulted in
adopting a plan of operations for the coming year
practically the same as that of the year then closing.
It is interesting to know that at this time Con
necticut had in active service in the field 3975 men,
as we learn from public records signed by Trum
bull, and that 3075 of these men were in the pay of
the colony.
From this time forward, he was continually
appointed on commissions in connection with war
measures. In January, 1756, with General Phineas
Lyman he went to Boston to arrange, if possible.

54 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
that Connecticut troops for the winter campaign
be paid by the Crown. In the following January
we find him on a commission with the Governor
and others to confer with the incompetent Earl of
Loudoun regarding the coming campaign; again
in October to confer with commissioners from other
colonies on war measures, and again in March,
1758, on a similar commission held at Hartford.

CHAPTER VI
THE CASE OF THE SPANISH TREASURE SHIP  DE
CLINES APPOINTMENT AS AGENT TO LONDON 
FAMILY AND HOME AFFAIRS
THE foregoing examples of the duties which
Trumbull performed are by no means an
enumeration of all that were assigned to
him up to 1758. With one exception they must serve
to show the nature and variety of those duties : that
exception is the case of the Spanish snow San Jose
y Santa Elena, a vessel which, after springing a
leak at sea, put in at New London in distress, on
November 26, 1752, suffering further damage by
striking on a reef just before reaching the harbor.
Thirty-seven chests of Spanish dollars and three
chests of Spanish gold coins, mostly "doubleloons",
as a contemporary account calls them, were landed
on the Sunday of the accident, and placed in Colonel
Gurdon Saltonstall's cellar. The vessel being de
clared unseaworthy, the entire cargo, in which in
digo appears to be the most notable commodity,
was landed soon afterwards, in charge of Mr. Hull,
His Majesty's Collector of Customs. A conflict
of authority between Mr. Hull, acting under the
orders of a court of admiralty, and Colonel Salton
stall, acting under the orders of the Governor,
occurred a month later, in which the constable had
some difficulty in preventing bloodshed between
the armed forces of each party. ss

56 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The ship Nebuchadnezzar was chartered by the
supercargo, Don Jose Miguel de San Juan, to trans
port the cargo and treasure to Cadiz, and duly
appeared at New London in April, 1753, for that
purpose. Upon beginning to reload the cargo,
it was found that it had been tampered with, and
that some of the treasure and some of the indigo
were missing. Don Jose Miguel de San Juan there
upon refused to receive any more of the cargo,
and in the following October presented a petition
to the General Assembly praying for relief, and
requesting that the portion of the cargo already
loaded be relanded and placed in the custody of
Collector Hull. This petition was not granted, the
General Assembly of Connecticut having no juris
diction over His Majesty's Collector of Customs;
and the affair dragged along another year, by which
time it had begun to assume international impor
tance. It was finally arranged that Jonathan
Trumbull and Roger Wolcott, Junior, should go to
New London by appointment of the Governor,
supervise the reshipment of the cargo and treasure,
gather all the evidence and adjust the matter as
weU as possible. Accordingly, two years after the
landing of the cargo, these two commissioners went
to New London, for this purpose.
This matter had now become still more com
plicated by the arrest and imprisonment of seven
of the suspected thieves, who were indicted on the
evidence of one of their number, and who escaped
from jail within a month after their imprisonment,
from which time history is silent regarding them.

THE SPANISH TREASURE SHIP 57
The duties of commissioners Trumbull and Wol
cott in this affair consumed a full month, begin
ning on December 3, 1754, and ending on the
eighth of the following January. They attended
scrupulously to the shipping of the cargo and treas
ure, consulted with the King's counsel in the affair,
collected evidence, and after much diplomacy suc
ceeded in moUifying Don Jose Miguel de San Juan,
as well as Captain Whitnell of the British man-of-war
Triton which was to act as a convoy to the Neb
uchadnezzar. The conduct of the former gentleman
is mentioned in the report of the commissioners as
"in many respects very strange and extraordinary",
and the latter is mentioned in TrumbuU's diary as
"dissatisfied with the treatment he had received",
although "after some conversation he seemed more
easy", and invited the commissioners to dine with
him on the following day on board the Triton.
Two reports of the doings of the commissioners,
the evidence collected, and the history of the affair
were submitted to the General Assembly, showing
quite plainly that the colony was in no way liable
for the losses incurred. These reports were trans
mitted to the home government which had become
quite, concerned regarding the international bear
ings of the affair; and it is not until May, 1756,
that we find the last mention of it in official
correspondence; and even two years later, Jared
IngersoU, agent of Connecticut at London, was
specifically instructed to represent the matter in a
favorable light, if occasion should require. In home
politics, too, it had its effect, being used as polit-

58 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
ical capital by the opponents of Governor Wolcott,
on the ground that during his administration he
had not proceeded with due promptness and vigilance
in the matter.
Although we are mainly concerned with the
manifold public duties which TrumbuU per
formed by appointment, we shall hardly learn the
full trust and confidence which was reposed in him
unless brief mention is made of one appointment
by the General Assembly which, though twice
offered him within two years, he declined to accept.
This was his appointment as agent at London for
Connecticut, and is believed to be the only in
stance of a public duty which he declined to per
form. The first appointment was in March, 1756,
at which time his father had been dead less than a
year, his mother had reached the age of seventy-
three, and his oldest son was but nineteen years
of age. In his letter declining the appointment,
he says:
"I have carefully weighed the matter, and ac
knowledge my obligations in gratitude to serve
my country in whatever lies in my power, consi
dering every relative duty; and as nothing but a
sense of such obligation to duty would be any in
ducement for me to undertake that important and
arduous trust, so a sense of my own insufficiency
for that service pleads my excuse; and when I
consider the duties I owe to my aged mother, whose
dependence is greatly upon me, and aU the circum
stances of the case, I think I may conclude that I
am not negligent or undutiful when I decline the

DECLINES LONDON AGENCY 59
service, and desire the Hon'''^ Assembly to turn their
thoughts on some other person."
Upon his second appointment, in May, 1758, he
declines in the following words :
"On serious and mature consideration — that
I have not had the small pox — that my peculiar
bodily difficulties render my taking it especially
dangerous, and that it is at all times frequent in
London — the circumstances of my family — I think
it fit and reasonable not to accept and undertake
the important Trust of an Agent for this Colony
at the Court of Great Britain, unto which, at this
time, you have done me the honor of an appoint
ment. With a grateful sense of this further ex
pression of your confidence, which I hope never to
forfeit, and an humble reliance on your Candor and
excuse, I shall ever pray for the Blessing and Direc
tion of the Almighty and all-wise God in your
Counsels." Jared IngersoU, of whom we hear further in
Stamp Act times, was appointed in his stead, and
there is no doubt that Governor Fitch, who had
some years before declined a similar appointment,
understood and appreciated TrumbuU's motives
and reasons for declining much better than we,
from a twentieth century point of view, can under
stand them.
TrumbuU's father died on June 16, 1755, at the
age of seventy-seven. For some time previous to
his death he appears to have retired from mercantile
business, having probably disposed of his vested
interest in the business to his son, who appears to

6o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
have been successful to such an extent that, eigh
teen years before his father's death, we find him
conveying to his father-in-law land in Lebanon
to the value of £1500. This was in 1737; and in
1741 he appears in business transactions as "Jona
than Trumble, trader."
At the death of his father he inherited, subject
to his mother's life interest, the family homestead,
a lot of land on "Hog Plain", and twenty-two
acres "in the rear of Dr. WUliams' land", together
with the personal property remaining after one
third had been given to his mother. The value of
this personal property which fell to his share was
£924.13.6 old tenor, or £771.1.2 "lawful money",
which will give us some idea of the values of the
day. In addition to this property, he also inherited
under his father's wUl a share in a mill on Pease's
Brook. In 1756 the family had reached its maximum,
and consisted of Trumbull, his wife and aged mother;
the eldest son Joseph, who graduated from Har
vard CoUege in that year; his brother Jonathan,
a sophomore in the same college; his sister Faith,
a girl of thirteen; Mary, a girl of eleven; David,
a boy of four, and John, a baby born in June of
that year.
It is interesting to note that under the system
of registration according to social rank which still
prevailed at Harvard, the sons far outstripped the
father, who, as we have seen, stood very near the
bottom of the list in 1727. Less than thirty years
gave the son Joseph the rank of second in 1756;

FAMILY AFFAIRS 6i
and two years later, the son Jonathan had at
tained the giddy social height of first in his class.
How far this promotion of the sons above the father
was a recognition of his own attainments and
public position since his graduation it is impossible
to say. It is, however, natural to suppose that
Harvard watched the progress of her small family
of sons quite closely at this time, and stood ready to
grant to TrumbuU's sons the fickle smiles of social
honor which had been denied to the father who
thirty years before had probably been regarded as
a country bumpkin from a little Connecticut town.
The son David was not to share in the honors
which Harvard had to bestow some ten years
later, as his father was unable to send him, but
he was, no doubt, fully prepared for the college
course at Nathan Tisdale's excellent school.
When he had reached this age, the family for
tunes were at their lowest ebb, and bankruptcy
was staring his father grimly in the face, so
that the lad David must needs put his young
hands to the plow or the pen, and become, as
he long continued to be, his father's right-hand
man. This school of Master Nathan Tisdale's of Leb
anon was one which the father had been active
in founding in 1743, and had gained a reputation
second to none in New England, "unless", as
Colonel John Trumbull remarks, "that of Master
Moody in Newburyport, might, in the judgment
of some, have the precedence." ^
' Colonel John TrumbuU's "Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters."

62 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The Indian school founded in Lebanon by the
Reverend Eleazer Wheelock was in these days an
institution in which Trumbull was interested, as
we learn from his correspondence, and from the
fact that in 1763 he was placed by the General
Assembly on a committee authorized to draw on the
Treasurer for the support of this school. Samson
Occum, as is well known, was the most striking
figure in the early history and the development of
the school, which, through the aid and support
of the Earl of Dartmouth, at last became Dart
mouth College in New Hampshire.
Another Lebanon enterprise which engaged Trum
buU's attention at this time was the establishing of
a "Fair and Markett to be put up and kept in the
Town, at proper Times, with y« Privileges and under
such convenient and suitable Regulations agreeable
thereto." ^ For this purpose he was appointed by
vote of a town meeting of Lebanon to apply to
the General Assembly in 1763.
Among his papers a draft of a bill which he pre
sumably introduced for this purpose is to be found,
but the records are silent regarding legislative ac
tion in the matter, so that we must take Trum
buU's biographer as our authority for the state
ment, supported probably by tradition, that such
fairs and markets were established through his inter
vention, to the no small benefit of the town. It
seems quite probable that no legislation was found
to be needed, and that nothing in the laws of the
' Copy of vote attested by William WilUams, Town Clerk. In ms. col
lections of the Conn. Historical Society.

HOME AFFAIRS 63
colony at the time prevented the town from under
taking this enterprise without special legislation.
That Trumbull's interest in his native town was
most active at all times appears from various sources.
In the early days of his public life he was one of
the selectmen, and in later days we find him fre
quently called upon to exercise his functions as
magistrate in various matters, such as licensing a
house to be used for the purpose of inoculating
a number of persons at a time, by the methods of
the day for the prevention of smallpox. His sons,
too, were active in the local affairs of Lebanon, and
held various offices, David especially having been
a "lister", constable and surveyor of highways.

CHAPTER VII
MERCANTILE AFFAIRS  SON JOSEPH IN LONDON —
DIFFICULTIES THERE — NEW FIRM  CONTINUED
DIFFICULTIES  MERCANTILE FAILURE
IN 1760 Trumbull had reached the age of fifty,
having occupied for many years the positions
of Assistant in the General Assembly, Judge
of the County Court, and Judge of Probate. His
home interests had, as we have seen, grown on his
hands, the mercantile business in which he was
engaged having expanded both in home and foreign
commerce. In Boston particularly we find him
dealing with the firms of Bowdoin, Pitts and Flucker,
Benjamin Dolbeare, Henry Johnson, Green and
Walker and others, all of whom reposed such con
fidence in him that they left the affairs of an insol
vent debtor in Lebanon in his hands for settlement
on their account unreservedly, at an earlier date.
In London, his dealings with Samuel Sparrow had
been large; but at the time we are now considering
his principal London connection was with the firm
of Booth and Lane. His connections with Ireland,
the West Indies and other points were also worth
mentioning. His first regularly established firm bore the name
of Williams, Trumble and Pitkin, beginning about
the year 1750 and continuing under this style for
nearly fifteen years, after which a new partnership
was formed under the name of Trumble, Fitch and
64

MERCANTILE AFFAIRS 65
Trumble, the two junior members being Eleazer
Fitch and TrumbuU's eldest son, Joseph, who was,
at the time of forming this new firm, in London
attempting to promote his father's business enter
prises. This firm appears to have continued to
struggle against obstacles and difficulties during the
short period of its existence which ended in 1767.
As early as in 1762, we find TrumbuU's Boston
creditors pressing for the pajmient of money due
on book account and other obligations, which it
seemed impossible for him to meet at the time,
owing to his large holdings of real estate, and the
large amounts due him from various sources which
he was unable to collect. Among his correspondence,
too, we find many begging letters from his unfor
tunate friends and acquaintances and many ac
knowledgments of favors which he appears to have
granted in response to their appeals. Financially
the times were out of joint, for it was a time of
contraction of the currency, — if it could be called
a currency; a transformation from old tenor values
of about sixty shillings to the ounce of silver to
new tenor values of about eight shUlings. Under
the system, or more properly custom, of long credits
of the time, much of the money due Trumbull was
doubtless in old tenor, and much that he owed was
in new tenor. Thus, no doubt, the value of prop
erty,^ owned by him in the heyday of his pros
perity is not overstated by his biographer Stuart,
if it be possible to reach such a thing as accurate '
values in such times of variation and fluctuation.
' £l8,ooo. Stuart's "Life of Jonathan TrumbuU", p. 73.

66 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
During the war, in 1761, he had entered into
some large contracts for supplying the troops of
Connecticut with clothing and provisions. In this
undertaking he associated with himself Hezekiah
Huntington of Norwich, John Ledyard of Hartford,
Eleazer Fitch of Windham, who afterwards became
Trumbull's partner, and William Williams of Le
banon, who afterwards became his son-in-law.
Owing to the state of trade at home and abroad,
and the difficulties in foreign exchanges, the profits
of the transaction proved to be small, especially
when divided among the five sharers.
The peace of Paris in 1763 brought hopes of a
renewal of prosperity to the American colonists;
a renewal sadly needed after the almost continual
strain and drain of war for nearly twenty years.
Early in this year, taking advantage of these
promising conditions, the oldest son, Joseph, was
sent to London for the purpose of extending the busi
ness of the firm in the Mother Country. This was
a notable event in the history of the business in
which his father was engaged, and, of course, a
notable event in the personal history of this son,
now twenty-six years old. After his arrival in
London his correspondence with his father was quite
voluminous, and being addressed personally, leaves
the inference that just at this time the father was
transacting business on his sole account, and that
the firm of Williams, Trumble and Pitkin had been
dissolved. At all events, as early as in November,
1763, Joseph makes mention of his father's proposed
partnership with "Colonel [Eleazer] Fitch."

SON JOSEPH IN LONDON 67
Young Trumbull's business mission to England
was beset with many difficulties, the principal of
which appears to have been the refusal of the old
correspondents of the house to grant further credit
for goods to be bought by the son. We soon find
him writing to his father urging him to borrow
money at home for remittance to London. There
appears to have been a contract of some kind at
Marblehead, Massachusetts, for the shipment to
London of goods of considerable value, which would
assist materially in establishing the credit of Trum
bull in that city, but on January 10, 1764, young
Trumbull writes regarding this to his father :
"I received a letter from my Bro. giving me the
disagreeable news of the Failure of the Contract
at Marblehead which has entirely destroyed all
my Schemes and Prospects of sending you any
Goods this spring. Mess" Booth & Lane have
refus'"* to furnish me with any Goods, & alledge
for Reason that as their Partnership is almost out
they are determined to bring their Affairs and
Connections into as close a Compass as possible.
"... This I look on only as an excuse to put
me off, as I know they have engaged with Mr.
Russell largely."
Going on to speak of the impossibility of arrang
ing a credit with any other house on account of the
faUure of the Marblehead contract, he adds :
"By the foregoing you will see that I must be
in a very uneasy situation here — a Young Man in
character of a Merchant in company with many of
my countrymen all shipping goods, and not able

68 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
to do anything but look on, an idle Spectator, and
like by and by to return home and have it said,
he has been to England to make acquaintances and
connections, but was in so bad credit no one would
make any engagements with him."
"My Bro. says in his letter that you are deter
mined to coUect your old Debts &c. — Indeed I
think it high time for us to take care of ourselves
rather than our Friends, by whom it seems we are
brought to a very low ebb."
This is, indeed, a rather pathetic situation for a
young man going to London in 1763 with high hopes
of success in establishing new and profitable busi
ness. There is no doubt, too, from what he writes,
that colonial merchants without cash in hand were,
at this time, usually accorded a cold reception by
British merchants, who viewed the financial and
political situation and business customs of the col
onists with much suspicion. But the young Leb
anon merchant did not relax his efforts. He had,
certainly, a good friend and counsellor in Rich
ard Jackson, resident agent for Connecticut in
England. And Joseph, too, though sadly harassed
by the difficulties which he encountered, persis
tently kept up his efforts and manfully struggled
on, until we find him, a month after the letter just
quoted, writing that he had made some arrange
ments at Bristol with Stephen Apthorp for goods.
He engages, too, with Edward Dixon of St. Kitts,
to buUd in Connecticut a sloop of sixty tons for the
West India trade, of which sloop Dixon is to own
one third. A snow is also to be built for the Irish

RETURN OF HIS SON 69
trade, and by means of these and other vessels
and the trade in which they are to engage, funds
will be provided to meet obligations in London.
Then, too, the Governor of Grenada, West Indies,
makes young Trumbull's acquaintance, and a proj
ect is formed for framing and collecting materials
for a government hospital at that island.^
All through this time, the proceedings of Parlia
ment were carefully watched and reported to his
father by the young merchant; for on these pro
ceedings depended much of the mercantile interest
of the colonies. Nor did he fail to see the sights
of London and its vicinity, including the king and
queen. Among other things, he busied himself at
the herald's office, where his researches led him to
adopt the present spelling of his surname, which
was also adopted by his father soon after the son's
return. In the fall of 1764, the son returns, having been
absent for about a year, and having, in the face
of many difficulties, succeeded in purchasing goods
from Champion and Haley to the value of about
£1200 on nine months' credit, and of Stephen Ap
thorp to the value of about £1000, on six months'
credit, besides which arrangements had been made
for other business both in Ireland and England, the
West Indies and elsewhere.
On his return he took up his abode in Norwich,
where, no doubt, he superintended the building and
' On May 25, 1764, he writes: "The disappointment I have met with from
Mr. Lane has not discouraged or disheartened me, but rather served to en
courage me, and at the same time make me cautious."

70 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
fitting out of the sloop in which Edward Dixon of
St. Kitts was to have an interest, and the building
of the snow for the Irish trade.
Within two years from the time of Joseph Trum
bull's return, matters have an ominous look in the
business of Trumbull, Fitch and Trumbull. The
Stamp Act disturbances of 1765 had, of course,
unsettled business in the colonies. Collections,
especially of such debts as were due the firm and its
individual members, were difficult, and in many
cases impossible. It appears that in 1766 the firm
was in liquidation, if not regularly dissolved, for
on October 6th of that year we find young Jonathan
Trumbull writing to his father that trouble is brew
ing in Boston, and urging settlement of his father's
partnership accounts and "vigorous collection of
debts due."
It must have been at this time that the business
of Trumbull began to take on an appearance of
hopeless failure. He appears to have been a large
landholder in Lebanon, Torrington and elsewhere,
but at this time land was with difficulty convertible
into ready money; and in less than a year a public
or private sale of the Trumbull real estate for the
benefit of his creditors was seriously discussed.
There may be slight authority for taking the
dramatic view of this failure which has been taken,
and for making the case a parallel, to some extent,
with Shakespeare's "Merchant of Venice." True
it is that TrumbuU's son John, in his autobiography
written at the age of eighty-four, says :
"About this time, when I was nine or ten years

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 71
old, my father's mercantUe failure took place. . . .
In one season, almost every vessel, and all the
property he had upon the ocean, was swept away,
and he was a poor man at so late a period in his
life, as left no hope of retrieving his affairs."
This was an old man's recollection of a boy's
impression of the family disaster, and hardly seems
borne out by the facts. In the first place we find
that Trumbull was always careful to effect marine
insurance, even on small coastwise shipments from
Boston to Norwich. In his letters to his London
creditors he mentions the loss of but one vessel,
which partly owing to the bankruptcy of one of the
insurers resulted in a loss of £630 over and above
the marine insurance effected. The fact remains
that his attempts to meet the claims of his London
creditors by shipments, freights and the sale of
vessels resulted badly. He appears to have been
willing to meet a loss on these transactions, as we
learn by the following letter, written probably to
Lane, Booth & Frazier on the ist of July, 1768.
"In order [to promote trade] laid out for build
ing a small Ship of about 160 Tons to lade Freight
to Ireland with Flaxseed, here or in England to
seU the Ship, and make remittance of the value
of the Ship, her cargo and freight, and hoped to do
it without much loss, but to my astonishment it
turned out extream bad."
After speaking of the loss of the vessel just re
ferred to, he adds that his whaling business had
also resulted in considerable loss.
In this same year, 1768, the son Joseph, who was

72 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
also left penniless by this failure, again goes to Lon
don for the sorry task of adjusting as best he may
the affairs of the firm with its creditors. It seems
quite certain that they were satisfied that every
effort would be made to meet their claims. The
father had already submitted to these creditors a
full and frank statement of his affairs and schedule
of his resources, even to the books in his library
and his salary as Deputy Governor, and had con
veyed to them without any request on their part
such amounts and values as he believed would
eventually satisfy their claims.
The best evidence of the confidence which these
and other creditors felt in his integrity is in the
fact that they refrained from pressing their claims
in court, and remained satisfied with such con
veyances of property as their debtor could equitably
make. No record can be found of any legal pro
ceedings against him, and for years afterwards he
struggled to retrieve his fortunes, but without suc
cess. Meantime he retained his positions in public
life, as Chief Justice of the Superior Court and
Judge of Probate until his election as Governor
in 1769, advancing in 1766 from the position of
Assistant to that of Deputy Governor.
From the time of his failure to the close of his
life, we must remember to look upon him as a man
in reduced financial circumstances, with only his
personal worth to recommend him for the high
public positions to which he was caUed.

CHAPTER VIII
THE STAMP ACT — LETTERS OF JOSEPH TRUMBULL
FROM LONDON  CONNECTICUT'S OPPOSITION TO THE
ACT  INGERSOLL COMPELLED TO RESIGN  STAMP
ACT CONGRESS  GOVERNOR FITCH TAKES THE OATH
 TRUMBULL AND OTHERS REFUSE TO WITNESS THE
CEREMONY  TRUMBULL ELECTED DEPUTY GOVER
NOR  PITKIN SUCCEEDS FITCH AS GOVERNOR
AT the time when the son Joseph made his
first visit to London, the policy of the
Mother Country towards the American
colonies had begun to assume the greatest
importance. In Massachusetts Trumbull's Har
vard classmate. Chief Justice Thomas Hutchinson,
had granted the odious Writs of Assistance on the
application of His Majesty's Collector of Customs,
honestly believing, no doubt, that it was his bounden
duty. In other colonies, the king had begun to
interfere in internal affairs, such as the appointment
of chief justices. Prudent little Connecticut appears
to have been free from such exactions just at this
time^ having in 1762 submitted a very humble
report to the Lords of Trade and Finance, showing
that the resources of the colony were meagre and
the population small.
None the less, however, was Connecticut keenly
alert, watching with untiring interest the policy
of the Mother Country as it applied to other colonies
Ti

74 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and threatened to apply to herself. Of all the pub
lic men in this colony, few if any were more com
petent than TrumbuU to form clear and inteUigent
opinions on the weighty political issues of the day.
Thirty years in public life had famUiarized him
with the charter rights of his colony and the policy
of the home government, whose established errors
in colonial rule were aggravated and increased by
the stupid policy of George III, and his sycophants.
Especially during Joseph Trumbull's first visit
to London was the condition of affairs in Parlia
ment ominous, and he was an interested listener
to the discussions of the day regarding the colonial
policy of England, which discussions he faithfully
reported to his father. The following extract from
his letter of December lo, 1763, will serve as a
specimen :
"They talk of taxing the Colonies for the support
of the Troops to be kept up in America, and that
tax to be laid on the Colonies without any respect
to their charter priviledges, or rather, in such manner
as to sap the foundations of them all. Indeed, our
good Friends, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, Lord
Sandwich, the Duke of Bedford, Earl of Halifax
and some others are of the opinion that aU the
charters in America should be immediately vacated
without ceremony, and that we should be governed
entirely by Governors and Councils appointed by
the King, and those with stated salaries, to make
them independent of the people, and that we should
have no Assembleys.
"When it objected that those charters can't be

LETTERS FROM HIS SON 75
taken away without a tryal for some breach of
those charters, they say they were given in high
Times by the King without consent of Parliament,
and so are void in themselves.
"They also propose a Superintendent over the
whole — and that we shall be prevented making
Bar Iron, and several other barbarous impositions
are proposed to be laid on us, unless the cruel in-
. tentions of those peiople now in power are by some
means prevented."
Later, under date of March 24, 1764, he writes:
"The internal tax is put off, and I hope the
Colony's will make such objections that it may never
be laid on except with our consent — The thing
aimed at is not so much the money to be raised
by the Stamp Duty as a precedent for Future
Times. Was we to give up this point, I dare to
undertake that in four years' Time we should be
governed by King's Governors and Councils with
out a House of Representatives in all America.
They may take away all our charters by the same
Rule they Tax us."
These and other similar communications are
frequently to be found among the letters which the
son wrote to the father in these exciting times.
The putting off of the legislation in Parliament
regarding the taxation of the American colonies
was, as we know, only for a short time — long
enough, however, for opinion to crystallize in the
colonies through the discussions which the news
from England continually incited. In Connecticut
we have the old tradition of the secret debate on

76 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the Stamp Act in the General Assembly, and the
public issue of the pamphlet entitled "Reasons why
the British colonies in America should not be charged
with Internal Taxes by Authority of ParUament;
humbly offered for consideration in behalf of the
Colony of Connecticut." This pamphlet, officially
adopted by the General Assembly, was presented
by Jared IngersoU, the colony's agent, to Lord
GrenviUe, who praised the tone in which it was
written, but declined to concede the force of its
arguments. For reasons which it is hardly to our purpose to
discuss in this connection, the Stamp Act passed
the House of Commons and became a law on March
22, 1765; but through the influence of IngersoU
its enforcement in the colonies was postponed until
the following November. It was impossible for
Benjamin Franklin, as it was impossible for the
British people, to believe that the enforcement of
the Act would be resisted by the colonists. Jared
IngersoU shared in this belief, and accepted, on
Franklin's advice, the office of stamp distributor
for Connecticut; an office which, on his arrival
in the following September, he was compelled to
resign at the demand of about five hundred Sons
of Liberty armed with peeled staves, at Wethersfield.
In this same eventful month of September, Con
necticut, at a special session of the General Assembly,
appoints her delegates to the Stamp Act Congress
to be held in New York. Among the delegates at
first appointed, the name of Jonathan Trumbull
appears; but for some reason he did not serve on

OPPOSITION TO STAMP ACT 77
this commission, and Eliphalet Dyer attended in
his stead, with the two other commissioners, ham
pered to quite an extent by the restrictions which
the General Assembly had laid upon them, yet
doing good service in framing petitions to the
king and to Parliament. In this same September,
too, the Reverend Stephen Johnson of Lyme begins
his anonymous publications in the New London
Gazette, eloquently and forcefully urging resistance
to the Stamp Act.
By these and other influences the people of Con
necticut, like those of other colonies, became unan
imous in the opinion that the Stamp Act was
subversive of the rights of the colonists. Especially
in Connecticut was this true, for a cherished prin
ciple here had long been that no internal taxes
should be levied except by a legislative assembly
in which the colony should be duly represented.
Unanimous though the people were in this opinion,
they were still divided into two parties, of which one
believed that their duty as loyal subjects to the
King of England compelled them to obey any laws,
however odious, which might be enacted by the
king's Parliament; whUe the other party believed
that the rights of the colonists were such that they
were not bound to obey any laws of the Mother
Country which were subversive of those rights.
The one party was led by Thomas Fitch, then
Governor of the colony, a man well versed in law,
careful of the rights of his colony, but believing that
the rights of his king were superior, and that his
mandates, whatever they might be, should be

78 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
obeyed. No outspoken opponent of Governor Fitch
can be found who more nearly matched him in
acquirements and ability than Jonathan Trumbull,
who made no secret of his belief that no mandate
of the king should be obeyed which deprived the
colonists of their rights as British subjects. In
the following November the inevitable clash of these
two parties occurred in the Governor's Council,
of which Trumbull was, as he had been for many
years, a member. A clause in the Stamp Act, which
was to take effect in this month, made it obligatory
upon every governor of the American colonies to
take an oath to cause "all and every of the clauses
[of the Act] to be punctually and bona-fide
observed." This oath Governor Fitch requested
his Council to administer to him at a meeting called
for that purpose.
There is no doubt, from such fragmentary reports
as we get of this memorable meeting of the Gover
nor's Council, that a long and a last heated debate
ensued. It appears from a printed statement of
Governor Fitch, in which he vindicates his own
course, that the Council thought it advisable for
him to offer to take the oath; but it is evident,
although he does not say so, that when he acted
on this suggestion, a majority of the Council re
fused to have anything to do with such a proceeding.
Four members, however, were willing to take part
in the ceremony, and as three were sufficient for
the purpose, Governor Fitch caUed upon them to
administer the oath.
He had argued that the fine of one thousand

DEPUTY GOVERNOR 79
pounds which would, by the Act, be imposed upon
any governor who did not take the oath would
apply equally to each and every member of the
Council who refused to administer it.^ The ma
jority of the Council, to the number of seven, re
mained firm in their opposition to the course of the
Governor. The outspoken protests of Trumbull and
Dyer were, it is said, particularly indignant, but
all to no purpose. The oath was about to be ad
ministered, and the time had arrived when actions
must "speak louder than words." In this belief
the seven protesting members — Trumbull, as Stuart
tells us, at their head — indignantly withdrew from
the council chamber, refusing to witness the hate
ful ceremony.
The taking of the oath to administer the Stamp
Act was fatal to the political career of Thomas
Fitch. After the next election he retired from pub
lic life, and William Pitkin was elected governor in
his stead. Fitch, an able, intelligent and sincere
man, carried with him quite a following, and ap
peared as a candidate for governor on several
subsequent elections, as a supporter of the king.
But popular sentiment was too strongly opposed
to his views, and he passed into history enrolled
among Sabine's "Loyalists of the American Revo
lution." With the election of William Pitkin as Governor
came the election of Jonathan Trumbull as Deputy
Governor. The four members of Governor Fitch's
' Fitch's pamphlet, entitled " Some reasons which influenced the Governor
to take and the CounciUors to administer the oath."

8o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Council who had administered the Stamp Act oath
were, with him, relegated to private life, and men
of the opposing party were chosen in their places.
TrumbuU was soon placed on a committee to assist
the Governor in preparing "an humble, dutiful
and loyal Address to his Majesty expressive of the
filial duty, gratitude and satisfaction of the Gover
nor and Company of this colony on the happy
occasion of the beneficial repeal of the late American
Stamp Act." A general thanksgiving was appointed,
and the prospect, for the moment, seemed bright.
The Declaratory Act, however, coupled with the
repeal of the Stamp Act, asserted England's right
to tax the American colonies, and hung ominously
over them, even in these days of general rejoicing.

CHAPTER IX
TRUMBULL ELECTED GOVERNOR  THE POLITICAL
PARTIES IN CONNECTICUT  HIS COURSE REGARDING
WRITS OF ASSISTANCE  THE CONTEST FOR GOVERN
ORSHIP  CAMPAIGN LITERATURE
THE exciting and interesting times which
we have now reached find Trumbull per
sonally at the lowest ebb of his mer
cantile career and politically nearing the floodtide
of his advancement in public life. There is no
doubt that even an honorable and unavoidable
mercantile failure, such as he experienced in the
second year of his deputy governorship, was, in
his day, more nearly fatal to political advancement
than it might be in our day. Yet in 1768, the year
after his failure, he retained his office of deputy
governor by popular vote, although in the follow
ing year he failed to obtain a majority of the votes
of the freeman, and was reelected by vote of the
General Assembly, which body also elected him
governor, in October of this same year, to fill the
vacancy caused by the death of Governor Pitkin.
Again, in 1770, his reelection as governor was by
the General Assembly, as he again faUed of "a
majority of the votes of the people." ^ From this
time forward, however, his opponents appear to
have given up the contest, and for ten years after-
' Connecticut Courant.
81

82 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
wards his election by the people was, in most in
stances, as good as unanimous.
There is no doubt that during the last year of
his deputy-governorship and the first two years of
his governorship, party lines were quite firmly
drawn, and his opponents used every means in
their power to defeat him. The indications are
that the two parties previously referred to were at
this time quite evenly divided, and that Trum
buU's pronounced views of opposition to the op
pressive measures of the home government were
coupled with his unfortunate financial condition
by his opponents in a way to prejudice voters
against him. In 1768 application had been made to
him as Chief Justice by His Majesty's Collector
of Customs, Duncan Stewart, for Writs of Assis
tance, authorizing the king's officers of the customs
indiscriminately to search private houses for smug
gled goods and for other evidences of violation of
the navigation laws, and to compel any person
upon whom they might call to assist them in such
search. Eight years before this time, Thomas
Hutchinson, as we have seen, had granted such
writs in Massachusetts against the eloquent appeals
of James Otis and against the expressed sentiment
and will of the people.
It is, perhaps, enough to say that, owing to the
stand taken by Trumbull as Chief Justice at this
time and subsequently, such writs were never
granted in Connecticut. The first application for
these writs was, no doubt, an attempt on the part
of the applicants to test the position of Chief Justice

JUDICIAL DECISION 83
Trumbull on the subject. The court record of this
case closes with the following decision, if it may be
so called:
"And no information being made by said Peti
tioners, or otherwise, of any special occasion for
said Writ — this Court is of opinion that it is need
ful to consider on the purport of said Act [of Parlia
ment], and the manner and form of granting such
Writs of Assistance, according to the usages of
his Majesty's Court of Exchequer: Therefore this
Court will further consider and advise thereon."
And thus the matter rested for more than a year,
during which time Trumbull wrote at some length
on the subject to Richard Jackson, the agent of
Connecticut at London, and to William Samuel
Johnson, who was in London as a special agent and
attorney in the then celebrated Mohegan case.
Johnson writes in September, 1769:
"I own / was surprised to find such a Writ in
use in a country so jealous of its liberties, but it
seems it now has custom on its side, and issues quite
of course. I find it has also been adopted in Mas
sachusetts Bay and some other Provinces, and is
said to be grounded on this principle — that the
presence of the Civil Officer is necessary for the
preservation of Peace, as well as to give a proper
Countenance to the Officers of the Revenue."
During the previous April, it seems that Collector
Stewart, after waiting for thirteen months for re
sults of the further consideration and advice which
the Court purposed to take regarding his previous
petition, again applies, more specifically than be-

84 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
fore, for Writs of Assistance, citing a case in which
such a writ was needed. Again Chief Justice Trum
bull replies that "the Court will be further advised",
and that he will lay the case before the General
Assembly which was soon to convene. This body
met a full statement of the matter in its usual con
servative and cautious manner, replying through a
committee "that the Assembly could take no notice
of it, that it belonged to the Superior Court, and
that as individuals, not as members of the Assembly,
they advised the Court not to grant such Warrants,
which seemed to be the universal opinion", as
appears from a letter written by Trumbull to William
Samuel Johnson, June 14, 1769. He also writes as
follows to Johnson in the same letter, referring to
an application from the king's attorney for his
decision, which he does not intend to give until
the next term of the court :
"I have taken care to find what the Courts in
the other Colonies have done, and find no such
Writs have been given by any of the Courts except
in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where they
are given as soon as asked for. I believe the Courts
in all the other Colonies will be as well united, and
as firm in this Matter, as in anything that has yet'
happened between us and Great Britain.
"I have never yet seen any Act of Parliament
authorizing the Court of Exchequer in giving such
Writs as they give, but conceive they have crept
into use by the inattention of the people, and the
bad practices of designing men. We are directed
to give such Writs as the Court of Exchequer are

WRITS OF ASSISTANCE 85
enabled by Act of Parliament to give, which are
very different, as I conceive, from such Writs as
they do give. Our Court will, on all occasions of
Complaint, grant such Warrants as may be neces
sary for promoting his Majesty's service, and at
the same time consistent with the liberty and priv
ilege of the subject, and made returnable to the
Court; but further than that we dare not go, and
they must not expect we shall. I give you my mind
on this subject, as I expect representation will be
made of the conduct of the Court herein, and it
may not be amiss to have you prepared on the
occasion." The letter closes with Trumbull's view of the
failure to intimidate the colonies by sending troops
to awe them into submission, and with the following
significant words:
"Notwithstanding the ill-judged burthens heaped
upon us by a weak and wicked Administration, we
still retain a degree of regard, and even fondness
for Great Britain, and a firm attachment to his
Majesty's person, family, and government, and on
just and equal terms, as children, not as slaves,
should rejoice to remain united with them to the
latest time. But to think of being slaves — we
who so well know the bitterness of it by the in
stances so continually before our eyes, cannot bear
the shocking thought — Nature starts back at the
idea!" Johnson having, as we have seen, already in
formed Trumbull of the readiness with which Writs
of Assistance were granted in England and the

86 JONATHAN TRUMBUIL
legal status of such writs, replies under date of
October i6, 1769, to the above letter, making men
tion of the course of Trumbull :
"The intelligence you have favored me with of
the steps which have been taken relative to writs
of assistance, is very obliging as well as useful to
the purpose you mention. It gives me pleasure to
find that it is so probable that the courts of the other
Colonies wUl be agreed with you on this important
point. Union in this, as in everything else, is of
the last importance. If an united stand is made
upon this occasion, I think it extremely probable
that the capital point will be carried without much
difficulty; and it wUl be a very great satisfaction,
and not a little redound to their honor, that the
Superior Court of Connecticut have taken the lead
in a matter of so much consequence to the liberty,
the property, and the security of the subject."
Thus did one of the most learned and scholarly
of the sons of Connecticut support and commend
the course of Trumbull in this matter. No record
can be found of any further reply to the application
of the King's Attorney, a reply which it may not
have been prudent, at the time, to place on the
records of the Court. The attitude of the Chief
Justice in the matter is plainly shown in his corre
spondence with Johnson.
But there were others — TrumbuU's political op
ponents — who viewed this and similar matters
differently, and who persuaded themselves and
tried to persuade others that such men as Trum
buU, Johnson and all others who were unwilling to

CAMPAIGN LITERATURE 87
submit to the measures and requirements of the
home government were little, if any, better than
anarchists. After the death of Governor Pitkin
in October, 1769, and the appointment of Trum
bull by the General Assembly to fill his unexpired
term, there is no doubt that an active canvass for
the next election of a governor ensued, and that
ex-Governor Fitch, or his friends, or both, used
all the political methods of the day to secure his
reelection by the people. There is no doubt that
these methods included fuU discussions in the
country store, field and fireside, of the merits of
the two candidates Trumbull and Fitch, in which
the course of the former in refusing to witness the
taking of the Stamp Act oath, in refusing to issue
Writs of Assistance, and in denouncing the policy
of the home government were severely criticized by
the conservatives. Even the poet of the day dis
cussed the situation in verse, and has left us as a
result a ballad which is numbered among the curi
osities of American literature. It discloses the fact
that Trumbull's mercantile failure figured, as has
been intimated, among the obstacles in the way of
his political advancement. The ballad consists of
ten verses, each followed by a chorus applying par
ticularly to the governor to whom it refers. The
verses relating to Governors Fitch and Pitkin, and
to the coming election, apply particularly to the
situation at the time, although the ballad refers
to the various governors under the charter, with
the exception of Governor William Leete. In the
following verses "Pitch" means Governor Fitch,

88 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
whose pseudonym is intended to conform to the
nautical cast of the baUad; "WiU" means Governor
Pitkin, and "his Purser", Jonathan TrumbuU, the
opposing candidate. The "Gunners" doubtless
mean such men as Israel Putnam, John Durkee,
and other Sons of Liberty, and the "midshippers"
are their followers.
"Old Captain Pitch commanded next, —
A skillful navigator,
And as good a seaman as ever turned
His hardy face to weather.
When a mutiny on board the Ship,
Fomented by Chaplain and Gunner,
Drove Captain Pitch from the quarter-deck.
And the Ship was most undone. Sir.
"chorus — Now this is what I will maintain.
Let who will it gainsay, Sir, — •
Whene'er the Crew has mutinied
The Chaplain has been in the fray, Sir.
"Our old friend Will next took the Helm,
Who'd cruised for many years, Sir,
And steer'd as well, when the weather was calm.
As any Tar on board, Sir.
His friendly art succeeded now
To accomplish every measure,
By a 'How do you do,' with a decent Bow,
And a shaking of hands forever.
"chorus — Now this is what I will maintain
As the judgment of one Freeman,
That his bowing his head and shaking of hands
Was done to please the Seaman.
"Now Will is dead, and his Purser broke,
I know not who'll come next. Sir;

«

CAMPAIGN LITERATURE 89
The Seamen call for old Pitch again, —
Affairs are sore perplexed, Sir.
But the Gunners and some midshippers
Are making an insurrection,
And would rather the ship should founder quite
Than be saved by Pitch's inspection.
"chorus — But this is what I will maintain.
In spite of Gunners and all, Sir, — :
If Pitch can save the Ship once more,
'Tis best he overhaul her! Amen."
The entire ballad bears the title :
Observations on the several commanders of the
Ship Connecticut. Oct. 10, 1769. by an old decrepid
Seaman who laments the Ship's misfortune.
"To the tune of 'The Vicar of Bray'.
'"Sic transit Gloria Mundi'."
This ballad, like some other campaign literature,
was probably circulated in manuscript. As an
indication of the interest which the candidate felt
in it, a copy was found, long after his death, among
the "Trumbull Papers" which are now in possession
of the Connecticut Historical Society.
Unfortunately for our purpose, the political con
tests of the time made no showing in the pubUc
press, and we are only informed by the Connecticut
Courant, that Trumbull, at the election in May,
1770, did not receive a majority of the votes of the
people, while the records of the General Assembly
contain only the bare statement that he was elected
by the vote of that body, although aU the other

90 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
candidates, for whose offices there was probably
less of a contest, were elected by popular vote.
And thus Governor Fitch passes from sight in
public life, and Governor Trumbull assumes the
position which Fitch reluctantly relinquished.

CHAPTER X
DEATH OF Trumbull's mother — the mohegan
CASE  SUSQUEHANNA CASE  EMBASSY OF WIL
LIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON  HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH
THE GOVERNORS OF CONNECTICUT  JOHNSON's AC
tion in the susquehanna case in london 
Trumbull's share in this case
IT should be noted that on November 8, 1768,
Trumbull's mother died at the advanced
age of eighty-five, leaving him, at the age
of fifty-eight, with a new generation of sons and
daughters about him. With his election to the
governorship, his other public offices ceased, and
such personal business as he was engaged in was
gradually relinquished, until, in a few years, it was
entirely given up.
The beginning of Governor Trumbull's term of
office finds the colony of Connecticut with two im
portant and intricate lawsuits on her hands. These
were the Mohegan case and the Susquehanna case,
the responsibilities of which fell at once upon the
chief executive of the colony. His position on the
Governor's Council for many years, and his appoint-l
ment on committees in connection with both thesq
cases, had familiarized him with their merits, and!
prepared him for the more active part which he
was now to take in their prosecution. Far morel
important, however, was the general attitude of
91

92 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Great Britain towards her American colonies at
this time, and the policy to be pursued by the unique
little colony of Connecticut to preserve her liberal
charter rights and the rights of her people as free-
born Englishmen. In aU these matters, corre
spondence and documents have been preserved
which show, quite plainly, Trumbull's various sour
ces of information and the opportunities he enjoyed
for forming a careful and candid opinion not only
on the affairs of his colony, but on the affairs of his
country as well.
First, regarding the Mohegan case: This was, at
the time of his first election as Governor, a case of
sixty-five years' standing ¦ — six years older than
the Governor himself. It had begun in 1704, as the
result of a commission appointed by (^ueeiiAnne
upon the petition of the Mohegan Indians insti
gated by John Mason, a descendant of the hero of
the Pequot War, claiming lands of which they
alleged they had been deprived. Joseph Dudley
of Massachusetts was at the head of this commis
sion. Connecticut, relying on her charter rights,
refused to appear and plead in her own defense, and
the case was decided against her, with costs amount
ing to £573, 12. 8., as it probably would have been
in any event. By this decision, the colony was
called upon to give up to the Mohegan Indians
lands which had been gained by conquest of the
Pequots, by purchase, and by conveyance to the
colony from the first John Mason. An appeal
brought about the appointment of a commission
of review in 1706, but Connecticut, finding herself

THE MOHEGAN CASE 93
able under her charter to manage her own Indian
affairs, never made use of this commission, and it
was not untU 1737 that the case ever appeared in
court again. Meantime the Mohegans were di
vided into two factions, one for and one opposed
to the claim; and their sachems had made grants
of land in . all directions, sometimes conveying the
same piece of land to several different parties. The
Masons, of whom there was now a new generation,
went to England and applied for a new commission
to determine the claims which the General Assembly
of Connecticut had refused to grant them. A
commission was appointed by the Crown, and con
vened at Norwich on June 4, 1738. After a long
hearing, in which it is interesting to watch the course
of the Colony, a decision was given in its favor.
With this decision the Masons, of course, were
dissatisfied, again appealed to the Crown, and
succeeded in getting the decision set aside and a
new commission appointed. This commission met
at Norwich in July, 1743, and by a bare majority
again decided in favor of Connecticut, on the fifth
of the following November. Again the Masons
appealed to the Crown, and upon this appeal, it
was decided that the case should be tried before
"The King's Most Excellent Majesty in CouncU."
This brings us to the year 1766, at which time it
was found necessary for Connecticut to send WiUiam
Samuel Johnson as a special agent to London to
assist Richard Jackson, the resident agent of the
Colony, in preparing the case for defense. A wiser
choice of a special agent could not have been made.

94 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Johnson was well versed in the law, and proved
himself an accomplished courtier and diplomatist.
For the five years during which he waited in England
at great personal sacrifice and inconvenience, for
the trial of the case, his services to his country can
hardly be overestimated. It was fortunate for
Connecticut that the frequent attacks of gout
suffered by the Attorney-general, and the constant
habit of members of the King's Council of betaking
themselves to their country residences during the
recesses and vacations of Parliament, when the
case was set down for trial, kept Johnson in London
waiting from one to another postponement by the
King's Council.
The case itself sinks into insignificance when
compared with the important news which Johnson
was enabled to send to the governors of Connecticut
during his long, enforced exile in London. Of
these letters Doctor Jeremy Belknap says, before
their publication by the Massachusetts Historical
Society, "I have read the letters repeatedly with
delight, and have gained a better idea of the polit
ical system than from all the books published dur
ing that period. . . . The publication of them
would do him honor, as he appears in them to have
been a firm friend to the liberties of his country, and
a faithful, vigilant, discerning agent, detesting the
artifices, evasions and blunders of the British Court,
and giving the best information, advice and cau
tion to his employers."
Now that these letters are in print,^ Doctor
' Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. 9, fifth series.

LETTER FROM HUTCHINSON 95
Belknap's verdict of more than a century ago may
weU be reaffirmed by the reader of to-day.
It was this mass of active correspondence, among
other things, that Trumbull in his positions of
Deputy Governor and Governor discussed and
studied in council and in private; and from this
and other sources that he gained his knowledge
of the mistaken policy of Great Britain towards
her American colonies. He heard the other side,
too; for in November, 1769, we find his Harvard
classmate, Thomas Hutchinson, writing him, after
speaking of the loss of the Warwick patent in the
destruction of his home :
"I have letters from Sir F. Bernard who was as
favorably received as he could wish. . . . The
Parliament would not meet till after Xmas. We
had not provoked them enough the last of Sept.
wholly to lay aside the intention of repealing the
Revenue Acts, or part of them. I wish what we
have done since may not do it. They desire all the
effects of the Merchants' Combination, but resent
the contempt and indignity which they carry with
them. I am sorry your Assembly have publickly
justified them. It is not improbable ours will follow
the example. "Iam "Your most Obed, Humble Serv.*.
"Tho. Hutchinson."!
The monotony of the reports of Johnson regard
ing the delays and heavy expenses in the Mohegan
case is varied, at times, by his reports of the phases
' Unpublished Trumbull papers in Massachusetts Historical Society.

96 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
which it assumed during his five years of waiting
for its trial; and by the important information
which Governor Trumbull sent him regarding the
right and title of Connecticut to the Indian
lands in question. Johnson's alert watchfulness
in the matter discovers that Samson Occum, the
Indian preacher, had returned to London in the
interests of the case, and had held an interview
with Lord HUlsborough regarding it in March,
1768. During the pendency of the case in 1769
Johnson learns that the Indians, through the Mason
party, had presented a petition to the king regarding
it, which irregular proceeding was rumored to have
been by the advice of Lord Hillsborough; where
upon Johnson confronts him with this rumor, and
is met by his denial of any knowledge of such peti
tion, and his acquiescence in Johnson's opinion that
such a proceeding would be unwarrantable. John
son is also obliged to deny a false accusation on the
part of the appellants that the colonial agents had
attempted to delay or prevent the trial by bribing
attorneys. He also watches Mason, and learns
that he went to America for more money and evi
dence in 1769, but was unsuccessful in the quest of
evidence, though his friends furnished him some
money. "He has no fresh grounds of hope," John
son writes, "nor we of fear", the principal grounds
of fear at this time being that the prejudice in
London against the colonies In general might injure
the case for Connecticut. It is at this point that
we learn of Johnson's solicitude for the effects of
an adverse decision upon the charter rights of the

THE MOHEGAN CASE 97
colony; something far more to be dreaded than the
mere success of Mason in establishing his claim.
At this point, too, he acknowledges the receipt of
Trumbull's statement of the entire case, and praises
the just and clear idea which it gives, expressing the
hope and belief that Trumbull's visit to the Mohe
gans by appointment of the General Assembly will
have a good effect. TrumbuU's scrupulous atten
tion to the case is evidenced by Johnson's acknowl
edgment of a genealogical draft from his hands,
showing the pedigree of the Mohegan sachems, a
question which had played an important part in
the earlier hearings. Later, too, Trumbull gives
in full detail the schemes of one Moses Park to
prejudice the case. In short, no detail escapes his
attention which may be of any use to Johnson in
his defense of the rights of his colony, and all these
matters of interest are fully communicated to him,
forming the only known sources of information
which Johnson received from home in the matter
during his long sojourn in England.
The proceedings were varied in 1770 by a motion
on the part of Connecticut to dismiss the appeal.
At last, on June 12, 1770, the case was opened in
Council by the appellants in an address consuming
two days, in which the colony and landholders were
called tyrants and usurpers, to which false accusa
tions the Council were only too ready to listen.
The illness of the Attorney-general, who was to
answer for Connecticut, postponed the trial for
another full year, untU at last we find Johnson
writing that the hearing ended on June 11, 1771,

98 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
at which time the decision was pending. This
decision was at last given practically in favor of
Connecticut, at or about the time when Johnson
gladly returned to his home.
Thus ended a lawsuit of nearly seventy years'
standing, in the course of which Trumbull's share
in the defense of his colony forms an important
part. He it was who prepared a full statement
of the case, and furnished, as we have seen, other
important evidence regarding it. A service of in
estimable value which he performed in connection
with these careful and arduous researches was the
preservation of the only portion of the journal of
the first John Winthrop then known to exist. At
the time of making his investigations this journal was
secured by him among papers furnished by the
Winthrop family. His knowledge and love of the
study of the history of his colony and country led
him to be the first to discover the value of this
important document. The discovery of the second
portion of this journal in the old South Church in
Boston in 1816 completed this contemporary his
tory which has proved so valuable to historians.
In the same connection, too, Trumbull preserved
Lion Gardiner's account of the Pequot War, thus
completing the four contemporary accounts of par
ticipators in this important event.
One of the many unexpected services which
Johnson was able to perform during his stay in
London was in connection with the Susquehanna
case, which the heirs of William Penn undertook
to bring before British tribunals at the time, in

THE SUSQUEHANNA CASE 99
which attempt they were defeated by Johnson's
masterly arguments before the Board of Trade,
to which the case had been referred.
In February, 1769, the first fight or battle in
what is known as the firsX.Pennamite war had taken,
place in the Wyoming Valley, while IrumbuU was
stUl Deputy Governor of Connecticut. At the
session of the General Assembly which appointed
him Governor, the Susquehanna case had assumed
such importance that he was appointed to collect
all possible evidence which might show the rights
of Connecticut in the premises. As brief a statement
as possible of this complicated case will be needed
to show us with what he had to deal.
At the Albany Congress of 1754, a company of
Connecticut men known as the Susquehanna Com
pany bought from the Iroquois Indians a tract of
land in the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania for
£2000. It was believed by this company that the
charter of Connecticut cieariy gave that colony
jurisdiction over this land, and that the Connec
ticut custom of buying and paying for it as Indian
property would do the rest. King Charles II had
first granted the land to Connecticut under her
charter in 1662. In 1681, rivalling the Indians in
their real estate transactions, he granted the same
land to William Penn, leaving the lawyers of a later
date to decide whether a royal grant of land which
had already been granted to others should legally
dispossess the first grantees. In 1762, the Susque
hanna Company sent two hundred men into the
Wyoming Valley to effect a pioneer settlement under

IOO JONATHAN TRUMBULL
their Indian deed and the Connecticut charter.
The settlers fell victims to what may be called
the first Wyoming Massacre, now almost forgotten
in the greater horrors of the second, some sixteen
years later. Twenty of their number were kiUed
by the Delaware Indians, who surprised and over
powered them, wiping out this first settlement.
In 1769, with true Connecticut grit and persis
tence, a new settlement was begun on the site of the
old one, and with it began the Pennamite wars,
so called. From this time on, for two or three
years, the first of these "wars" raged with varying
fortunes, under Colonel Zebulon Butler as the
leader for the Connecticut settlers, and Captain
Amos Ogden for the Penns. Four times was the
settlement of the Susquehanna Company wiped
out, and four times settlers returned to the conflict,
which was carried on even after the battles of
Lexington and Bunker Hill had been fought, when,
at Governor TrumbuU's earnest request, the legal
proceedings were postponed for the sake of harmony
among the colonies, leaving the Connecticut settlers
still in possession of the valley, only to fall victims
to the terrible Wyoming Massacre of 1778, and once
more to return and rebuild their settlement.
The final verdict regarding the claim of Connecti
cut to the Wyoming Valley was at last reached by a
commission appointed by the Continental Congress
of 1782, and the decision was adverse to that plucky
and pertinacious little State which for twenty years
had so bravely maintained her foothold in the
beautiful vaUey which at last she lost, but on which

LAND GRANTS loi
the influence she stamped had a vital effect in the
days of the Revolution, and even down to the
present day. Far more important, however, was
a grant made to Connecticut as a tacit compensa
tion for her loss of Wyoming, being a tract in what
was then the wilderness of Ohio, larger than the
land she could still call her own. Here, in the
Western Reserve, was the basis of her permanent
school fund, and here she sent her sons to transplant
her sterling qualities in the new country, now grow
ing old, which is still so largely peopled by men of
Connecticut ancestry.
Early in his first term of office Governor Trum
bull was appointed with Colonel George Wyllys
as "a committee to make diligent search after all
deeds of conveyance relative to the title of the
lands granted by the Crown to this Colony by the
royal charter", and if not found in America, "write
to the Agent of the Colony in Great Britain to make
diligent search for the aforesaid deeds, and also
the grant to the Duke of York, Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and in general
all other grants that can affect us ... "
It is hardly necessary to read between the lines
in this resolve to discover that the then opening
Pennamite war had something — perhaps every
thing — to do with it. We have seen that Governor
Hutchinson of Massachusetts reported at about this
time to Trumbull, doubtless in reply to an inquiry,
that the original Warwick patent was lost in the
destruction of his home. Trumbull then writes to
Johnson in London, stating that the action of the

I02 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
General Assembly was "occasioned partly by the
Susquehanna Purchase", and asking for the docu
ments in question, also for an investigation of the
legacy of Governor Hopkins of £2000 for educa
tional purposes, and Colonel Fenwick's legacy of
£500 for public uses.
Careful search was made by Johnson for the
papers in question, but he was only successful in
finding a part of them. His advice, given at length,
with reasons and arguments, was to the effect that
Connecticut as a colony should refrain from pressing
her claim to the Wyoming Valley, and should insist
that the controversy then pending should be con
fined strictly to the Susquehanna Company and
the colony of Pennsylvania, or, if possible, the heirs
of William Penn in whom the title to the land rested.
Johnson's solicitude for the safety of the Connecti
cut charter led him to this view; for his obser
vations in London showed him the temper of the~
governing powers towards the most liberal of aU the
colonial charters, and led him to believe, no doubt
quite rightly, that this was no time for the asser
tion of such rights as Connecticut possessed under
that charter. On the other hand, the Penn party,
who were then represented in London, lost no oppor
tunity for urging a hearing of the case as between
the two colonies, and went so far as to sell a con
siderable portion of the land in the Wyoming Valley
to Pennsylvanians in order to give more of a colonial
color to the case. The agents of the Penns at last
succeeded in bringing the case to a hearing before
the Board of Trade, in which Johnson succeeded,

FINAL SETTLEMENT 103
as has been said, in showing that it was an issue
between a corporation and the claimants of pro
prietorship in the land, and as such should fall
under the jurisdiction of the colonial courts of law.
Thus the Susquehanna case was removed from the
British tribunals, after which, in the heat of the
Pennamite wars, and near the opening of the Revo
lution, Connecticut at last asserted her rights by
enacting that the territory in question should form
a part of Litchfield County, admitting it to repre
sentation in the General Assembly, and afterwards
making it a separate county named Westmore
land. In all these affairs, Trumbull, governor of the
colony and State, was of course chiefly concerned.
Johnson's view of the case was carefully considered,
and acted upon so far as action was possible under
the circumstances, until at last it appeared neces
sary to assert jurisdiction as we have seen. Another
elaborate document from TrumbuU's pen is the
statement of this case prepared by him to be sub
mitted to counsel in London, who, to the number of
four, gave an opinion in favor of Connecticut, in
opposition to the opinion which Charles Pratt,
afterwards Lord Camden, had given for the Penns,
whose counsel he was.

CHAPTER XI
CONNECTICUT AS VIEWED IN LONDON  JOHNSOn's
CALL ON LORD HILLSBOROUGH  PETITION AGAINST
REVENUE ACTS  BISHOPS IN AMERICA ¦ — THE FIVE
PER CENT. DUTY AND THE NEW LONDON AFFAIR —
— THE DUTY REPEALED  TRUMBULL's VIEWS ON
BRITISH POLICY AND COLONIAL INDEPENDENCE
DURING Johnson's long sojourn in London,
the policy of Connecticut was marked by
the conservatism which she had practiced
since the days of Andros and before. She was
continually striving to maintain her rights to
the utmost, and to attract as little attention as
possible in so doing. The more insignificant she
appeared to the home government, the better.
The Mohegan case and the Susquehanna case had
both drawn attention to her in London, as a colony
which, if not litigious, was the cause of litigation
in others. These cases had been admirably managed
by Johnson, in a way to show that his colony was
pursuing an honorable defense in one case, and
attempting to avoid litigation in British tribunals
in the other. There is no doubt, however, that
notwithstanding all precautions, Connecticut was
closely and jealously watched by the King's Council
during the five years of Johnson's residence in
London. 104

JOHNSON AND HILLSBOROUGH 105
Early in 1768 Lord Hillsborough was made
Secretary of State for the colonies. Johnson in due
time made a call upon him, congratulating him on
his appointment to this high office. In a long
letter to Governor Pitkin, Johnson fully reports
his interview with Lord Hillsborough, who, it
seems, found some things to criticize regarding the
relations of Connecticut to the Crown, such as the
lack of frequent communication with his Majesty's
Ministers, to which Johnson, in true Connecticut
fashion replied, that "it would be inexcusable to
take up their attention with a detail of no conse
quence." Other complaints and requests he answers
with similar diplomacy. He closes his letter to
Governor Pitkin in the following words :
"This was the substance, or rather these were
the subjects (for I cannot pretend to recite all that
passed) of about two hours' conversation with which
his Lordship indulged me. I must do him the
justice to say, he was very complaisant, candid and
kind, heard with attention, replied without warmth,
seemed willing to know the true state of things in
America, and expressed great desire to do that
country service. But I own, I gave him more
credit for his complaisance than for his sentiments,
and left him not well pleased to find he had enter
tained such ideas, and was in danger of such opinions
as you see, from the tenor of his conversation, must
at least have made some impression upon him, and
been revolving in his mind ever since he was at
the Board of Trade ; nor could I by aU his polite
ness be induced to think him that very cordial

io6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
friend to the Colonies, which he seemed so much to
wish I should esteem him to be."
This important letter of Johnson's covering nearly
twelve large octavo printed pages was, of course,
fully discussed in the Governor's Council of which
Trumbull was a member, and must have been very
useful to that Council in shaping its policy towards
the home government.
Governor Pitkin's letter of the following June
was read before both houses of the General Assembly
of Connecticut, and adopted by vote, presenting to
Johnson the arguments of the colony against the
Townshend revenue acts, in order to fortify him
in his arguments with Lord Hillsborough upon the
petition presented by the colony to the king. This
petition Johnson faithfully argued with Lord Hills
borough, but could not overcome that gentleman's
objections to petitions to the king rather than to
Parliament, and the assertion of colonial rights
rather than commercial or political expediency.
It is impossible in this connection to give more
than a rather vague outline of what was taking
place on both sides of the Atlantic so far as Con
necticut's interests were concerned. Before Trum
bull was made governor his son Joseph received
a letter from Johnson, speaking of certain "in
judicious proceedings" at Lebanon, for which he
had been called to account in London, which pro
ceedings had doubtless something to do with the
action of his Majesty's Collector of Customs in
the enforcement of the revenue acts. Speaking of
other affairs, Johnson writes: "Lord HUlsborough's

INTEREST IN COLONIAL AFFAIRS 107
questions are, I doubt not, many of them insidious
enough, and it wUl be right to meet Ministerial
art with American prudence."
The first letter after his election which Governor
Trumbull writes to Johnson encloses copies of the
answers made by his judicious colony to Lord Hills
borough's insidious questions and letters. After
this time the letters of the Governor to Johnson
give us some insight into the studious care with
which Trumbull watched the interests of the colony
whose chief executive he was; and give us, too,
some expression of his broader views on the general
subject of the relations between the colonies and
the Mother Country.
His watchful interest in minor affairs which might
become major is shown by the following paragraph
from his next letter to Johnson, written December
12, 1769, which treats mostly of the details of the
Mohegan case, but shows that other things were
to be thought of:
"If the motion for a Bishop in the American
Colonies is pushed, I trust you will use your in
fluence to prevent his having authority to exercise
spiritual jurisdiction over such who are not pro
fessors of the Church of England, and secular
powers of any nature or kind whatever."
To which Johnson replies on February 26, 1770:
"It is not intended, at present, to send any
bishops into the American Colonies; had it been,
I should certainly have acquainted you with it;
and should it be done at aU, you may be assured,
it will be in such manner as in no degree to preju-

io8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
dice, nor, if possible, even give the least offence,
to any denomination of Protestants. It has, indeed,
been merely a religious, and in no respect a political
design. As I am myself of the Church of England,
you will not doubt that I have the fullest oppor
tunity to be intimately acquainted with all the
steps that have been ever taken in this affair, and
you may rely upon it that it never was, nor is,
the intention, or even wish, of those who have been
most sanguine in the matter, that American bishops
should have the least degree of secular power . . .
much less any manner of concern, or connection with
Christians of any other denomination, nor even any
power, properly so called over the laity of the Church
of England."
And so the matter of American bishops rested
until the days of Bishop Seabury.
Another matter which threatened more serious
consequences occurred in the early days of Trum
buU's administration. Connecticut, accustomed as
she was to administer her own affairs under the
autonomy granted by her charter, had imposed a tax
or duty of five per cent, upon all goods sold within
her borders by non-resident merchants. The act
imposing this duty proved to be a boomerang for
this independent little State; for whUe she was
respectfully appealing to the Crown for the main
tenance of her rights in the matter of British duties
on imports, it so happened that in the enforcement
of her own five per cent, tax, she was, to aU intents
and purposes, collecting for her own treasury duties
on imports from residents of the British Isles who

THE NEW LONDON AFFAIR 109
made loud complaints of the exaction on the return
of their vessels to their home ports, as Johnson
explained in a letter to Governor Trumbull on
December 5, 1769. A month later we find John
son quite concerned about the matter; for Lord
Hillsborough had laid a complaint on the subject
before the Lords of Trade, who had taken the
matter under advisement. An interview with Lord
Hillsborough was far from satisfactory, and as
Johnson writes, the matter "soon became very
serious", the probable outcome being that the act
might be "declared null and void by the King in
Council, or the Colony be enjoined by a decree of
the Lords of CouncU to repeal it, or finally that it
might be made a ground of an act of Parliament
obliging the Colony in future to send home all their
acts for the royal approbation or disallowance."
At the time of the first complaint regarding this
act, matters were still further complicated by the
report of an "affair at New London", which had
reference, no doubt, to the attempts of his Maj
esty's Collector- of Customs, Duncan Stewart, to
enforce the revenue acts of Parliament without the
aid of Writs of Assistance which Trumbull, as we
have seen, had refused to grant.
On receipt of Johnson's letter reporting these
complications and asking for full information in
both cases, Trumbull replies:
"I have without loss of time procured and en
closed a printed copy of the only act I can think
to be meant. The grounds of it are that many
persons not inhabitants of the Colony transported

IIO JONATHAN TRUMBULL
in small vessels into our harbor, rivers, and creeks,
and others brought in by land, goods and mer
chandise to sell among the inhabitants of the Colony
to the prejudice of our own merchants and shop
keepers, who pay taxes, you know, to the pubHc
in proportion to their gains and returns; when
these people, who reside in the Colony but a short
time, pay nothing, and are thereby enabled to
undersell our own fair dealers; that many such
interlopers are men of little or no integrity, who
often impose on such as purchase of them.
"It is therefore judged that 5 per cent, is not
more than equivalent to the tax paid by our own
dealers, and the risk of imposition run by pur
chasers, and the charge of collecting. You will
see by the terms of the act, that British goods are
not distinguished; indeed. North American and
West India merchandise and wares are equally
liable to the same duty. On the New London
affair, not having in my hands the letters from the
collector of customs on that occasion, can only say
at present it made no great noise here. My son,
going to Hartford, is directed to get and enclose a
copy of it for your use. I fancy the whole will
appear of no great consequence."
The letter also mentions a similar affair at New
Haven, never reported to the Governor in detail,
but believed by him "to be inferior to what hath
been usual in other places, both in that country, or
in this", referring, no doubt, to recent riots in Eng
land over the Wilkes affair and other matters.
A postscript to this letter of TrumbuU's should

THE NEW LONDON AFFAIR m
not pass unnoticed, showing as it does his keen
interest in home affairs and in the results of non
importation. He says, "This paper I write on is
better than British gilt. It is the manufacture of
our own Colony." It was, no doubt, the product
of Christopher Leffingwell's pioneer paper mill;
and we may imagine that it was very gratifying
to the Governor to find that when Great Britain
imposed a tax on paper Connecticut could avoid
paying the tax by manufacturing paper of her own.
Johnson, no doubt, reported to Lord Hillsborough
the substance of Trumbull's letter regarding the
New London affair, and it is to be hoped that he
succeeded in persuading him that it was no worse
than, if as bad as, sundry riots and demonstrations
which were continually taking place in England
at the time. In the more important matter of the
five per cent, duty, he succeeded in persuading
Hillsborough to postpone his design of laying it
before the king in Council until the General As
sembly of Connecticut should have time to correct
it in their own way, or repeal it should they see
fit. With its customary prudence, the General
Assembly promptly repealed the act at its next
session, in May, 1770, thus removing a danger
which threatened those charter rights which had
been so often defended and protected by this staunch,
conservative little State. The matter had been,
no doubt, laid before the Governor's Council by
Trumbull, on receipt of Johnson's letter.
Beyond these matters, there was little in Lord
Hillsborough's watchful scrutiny which brought

112 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Connecticut directly before the home government,
either for counsel or reproof. He took occasion
to condemn the course of the colony in acting on
the circular letter of Massachusetts by sending a
petition to the king asking the repeal of the revenue
acts ; and it was probably with no little satisfaction
that Trumbull had learned from a previous letter
that HiUsborough's peremptory order to Massa
chusetts to rescind her circular letter had been met
by criticism and ridicule in Parliament.
This same British Parliament as a legislative
assembly during the years of Johnson's stay in
London yields the most interesting feature of his
many and faithful letters to Governors Pitkin and
Trumbull, and yields, too, a study of an inside
view of the vacillating and prejudiced policy of
that Parliament towards the American colonies,
resulting, as such a policy could not faU to result,
in the war of the American Revolution. The public
threats of annulling the charters of all the colonies,
the proposed restriction of American manufac
tures, the exclusion of the colonists from the whale
fisheries, the revival of the defunct statute of Henry
VIII regarding alleged treason committed abroad,
the sacrifice of colonial interests to political maneu
vering, the quartering of British troops on the
colonists, — all these matters and many more of
almost equal importance, Johnson heard discussed
in a Parliament containing a few of the greatest
statesmen that England ever called her own, and
a majority whose subservience to a narrow-minded,
self-willed king completely defeated such wise meas-

COLONIAL AFFAIRS 113
ures as these great statesmen proposed. All these
matters he faithfully and fully reports to the gover
nors of Connecticut, giving to Trumbull, the sur
viving one at the close of the correspondence, a
view of the vacillating and mistaken policy of
the Mother Country, which he never could have
gained from any other source. On learning of
TrumbuU's election as governor, Johnson writes
on February 5, 1770:
"I have now the honor of yours of the 8th of
November, and beg leave to repeat my hearty con
dolence with you on the loss the Colony has sus
tained in the death of our late very worthy Gover
nor, and to rejoice sincerely with you and the Colony
in your elevation to the chief command, and the
happy supply of the vacancies occasioned thereby,
in consequence of which, I doubt not, the affairs
of the government will be well and wisely admin
istered." Some of the results of British legislation Trum
bull saw more particularly in the neighboring colony
of Massachusetts before Johnson's return, for before
that time the affair of the sloop Liberty, and the
Boston Massacre had occurred. We have seen
already in a letter quoted in a previous chapter
regarding the granting of Writs of Assistance,
what were his views on the attitude of the colonists
toward Great Britain. ^ As time went on these
views began to assume still more definite form as
the result, to a great extent, of the Johnson corre
spondence. And that the definite form which these
• Pages 84 and 85.

114 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
views assumed looked to the independence of the
colonies more than five years before the first shot
of the war was fired at Lexington, may be as plainly
learned from the following extracts of his letter
to Johnson on January 29, 1770, as it is learned
in the case of Samuel Adams from his personal
statement a year or so earlier.
Speaking of Johnson's letter of September 18,
Trumbull says:
"This shows us the fluctuating, distracted state
the nation [EnglandJ is in; the difficulties and em
barrassments men always bring on themselves when
ever they forsake the old paths of justice and equity
and attempt to establish despotism; the danger of
embarking deeply with any party while both are
desirous to render the Colonies effectually useful
and subordinate to that country, that they may
reap all the fruits of our labors, and conduct all our
affairs solely with a view to their own emolument.
Mutual interests alone can bind the Colonies to
the mother country. When those interests are
separated, each side must assuredly pursue their
own; and that side can use but one fair, honest and
effectual way to prevent detriment from this, —
which is to maintain our mutual connection in
interest, to encourage our raising such growth, and
making such manufactures, as wiU not prejudice
their own in any degree equal to the advantage they
bring. When any such commodities are raised
or made, they ought to be taken off our hands, or
the best markets pointed out to us, and the people
ought not to be forced to find out other markets

LETTER TO JOHNSON 115
by stealth; nor the trade loaded with duties and
encumbered with officers to seek out our vital
blood, with no other benefit to the mother country
or to this than that of taking off some of their de-
dependent, wretched sycophants and their detestable
tools. This country has long been accustomed to
industry and frugality, and when they see others
reap the largest fruits of their labors to uphold
domination over them, and live away in luxury
among them, it is an unsupportable burden. The
old path is the safest, and change cannot be made
without the utmost danger. The people of all the
Colonies, excepting officers and their dependents,
so far as I can find, are firmly united for the main
tenance and support of their rights and privileges,
— unwilling to be taxed internally or commercially
by any legislature but their own, or to have any
Commissioners of the Customs to lord it over them,
or drain off their earnings."
Going on to speak of the Mohegan case and other
matters, he resumes:
" It is hard to break connections with the Mother
Country; but when she tries to enslave us, and
turn all our labors barely to her own emolument,
without considering us her own sons and free-born
fellow subjects, the strictest union must be dis
solved. This is our consolation, the All-wise Director
of all events will bring to pass his own designs and
works, — to whom we may look for direction in this
our critical situation."

CHAPTER XII
WAR CLOUDS — COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE —
EXCITEMENT INCREASES  TOWN MEETINGS  TREAT
MENT OF TORIES  FRANCIS GREEN  ABIJAH
WILLARD  CAPTAIN DAVIS  DOCTOR BEEBE —
REVEREND SAMUEL PETERS  THE CONTINENTAL
CONGRESS
THE war clouds of the American Revolution
gathered no less ominously or surely in Con
necticut than in those neighboring colonies
in which they showed more frequent electric flashes,
as in the affair of the schooner Gaspee in Rhode Island,
and in the memorable, epoch-making Boston Tea
Party in Massachusetts. The British revenue sloop
miscalled the Liberty cruised off the Connecticut
coast, detained and examined many merchantmen,
and was called a pirate for her pains by Nathaniel
Shaw of New London ; ^ but conservatism appears
to have satisfied itself with opprobrious epithets in
private correspondence in this instance, with doubt
less less provocation to more violent measures than
in the case of the Gaspee. This same conservatism,
however, stood the colony in good stead, by making
her the least suspected and best prepared of any of
the colonies when the time came for facing the stern
realities of war. Her scrupulous adherence to the
'Miss Caulkins' "History of New London", p. 483. (The author appears
to have mistaken the sloop Liberty for the schooner Gaspee.)
116

WAR CLOUDS 117
non-importation agreement had, as we have seen,
encouraged and established manufactures within her
borders, in which fact we have seen Governor
Trumbull expressing his satisfaction by letter to
WUliam Samuel Johnson. There is evidence in his
business correspondence, too, that the natural re
sources and manufacturing possibilities of his colony
were subjects of much concern to him, and that no
man realized more fully than he the disastrous effects
of British legislation upon these vital interests ; first
by the proposed restriction of manufactures, and
then by the removal of duties on British products
which competed with the colonial products which
the Townshend Act especiallv had called into exis
tence. It was, no doubt, with great satisfaction
that the Governor signed the bill allowing to Chris
topher Leffingwell a bounty of "twopence the quire"
on writing paper and one penny on other paper of
his manufacture in his pioneer mill. The Salisbury
iron mine and furnace, too, form another important
item of interest to the General Assembly, and meas
ures were taken to keep the control of this important
industiy within the limits of the colony. These
and similar matters engaged much of the Governor's
time and attention in this anxious period.
StUl, affairs moved on in apparent quiet, but
every movement towards securing or protecting the
liberties of the country received the hearty and
prompt support of Connecticut. At the May
session of 1773, the General Assembly appoints a
standing "Committee of Correspondence and En
quiry", at the suggestion of Virginia. Governor

ii8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
TrumbuU's eldest son, Joseph, appears as one of the
nine members of this committee, thus enabling
him to keep his father constantly informed of the
important matters on which the colonies were then
in correspondence.
It should be remembered that a potent influence
was at work in Connecticut at this time which did
not exist in the other American colonies of Great
Britain, and that just for this reason we find in
Connecticut fewer outbreaks of violence and quieter
and more effective measures of preparation for the
coming struggle than in the other colonies. The
influence which brought about these results was
the firm, unswerving and outspoken adherence to
the principles of American liberty and the rights of
American citizens which Governor Trumbull so
freely and fully manifested. In every other colony
the revolutionary struggle presented a twofold strife:
first, against a royal or loyalist governor, and second,
against the oppressive measures of King George III
and his Parliament. This state of affairs was typified
in the three colonies adjoining Connecticut. Massa
chusetts presents to view a pronounced Loyalist or
Tory in the case of Governor Thomas Hutchinson,
and a Governor sent over by royal commission in
the case of Thomas Gage, who succeeded him. In
Rhode Island, Joseph Wanton, elected like Trum
bull to the governorship in 1769, proved himself so
plainly a Tory that it became necessary at first
to suspend, and at last to depose him, notwith
standing his personal popularity. In New York we
find in William Tryon a governor who was not a son

WAR CLOUDS 119
of the soil, and whose position as a royal governor
and afterwards a raider on Connecticut soil won
for him a hatred which has become so traditional
that it is difficult to give a hearing to a recently
published defense of his previous severe measures
in North Carolina. In all the other colonies similar
conditions prevailed, so that Connecticut, through
her patriot governor, occupies at this period one of
those unique positions which, for other reasons, she
previously and subsequently occupied in history.
The year 1774 was a busy and exciting one for
the Governor and his CouncU. It opens with an
adjourned session of the General Assembly on the
twelfth of January, at which much legislation was
in progress; and places upon the Governor and a
committee appointed to assist him the new and
onerous duty of adjusting individual claims to
lands included in the Susquehanna claim in and
about the newly made Connecticut town of West
moreland, now in Pennsylvania. The object of
this adjourned session appears to have been to dis
pose of as much unfinished business as possible,
in order to leave the way clear for such action as
might be needed in view of the alarming state of
affairs about Boston, where Thomas Gage was soon
to take the position of governor by royal appoint
ment, and where he was soon to attempt to enforce
the famous Port Bill. In the following May Gov
ernor Trumbull receives from Governor Gage a
formal announcement of his appointment, in which
he gives assurances of his readiness to cooperate
with Governor Trumbull "in all matters that con-

I20 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
cern the good of his Majesty's service and the wel
fare of his subjects." ^
As time goes on in this ominous year 1774, we
find the sentiment and spirit of the people of Con
necticut asserting itself in bolder public utterances,
and sometimes even in personal threats and violence
whenever a luckless Tory dares to give utterance to
political views within the borders of the colony.
The May session of the General Assembly opens
with a series of resolutions in the House of Repre
sentatives, which, while declaring allegiance to
George III, declare also the rights of the colony in
very plain and unequivocal terms; denying the
right of the British Parliament to levy taxes in the
colonies for revenue, and asserting that "The
only lawful representatives of the freemen of this
colony are the persons they elect to serve as members
of the General Assembly thereof." With this clause
as a keynote, the resolutions take up the Boston
Port Bill, the revival of the obsolete law of Henry
VIII for transporting colonists to England for trial
on certain charges, and assert that all legal pro
ceedings are only within the jurisdiction of . the
courts of the colony itself. These resolutions are
finally admitted by the Upper House or Gover
nor's Council of the General Assembly to form a
part of the public record of the session. This ac
tion shows quite plainly that conservatism is on
the wane in Connecticut; for we may look, but
in vain, among the records of other colonies for
any bolder declaration of rights.
' Force's American Archives, 4th series, vol. i, p. 344.

TOWN MEETINGS 121
The town meetings, too, begin at this time to speak
with no uncertain sound. In Farmington, the Port
BUl is solemnly burned with appropriate cere
monies and resolutions. In Norwich, the town
meeting adjourns to the church for more room, and
with the Governor's son Joseph as secretary, reso
lutions of sympathy and aid are sent to Boston,
followed by droves of sheep to the number of three
hundred and ninety-one and other supplies. In
the Governor's native town of Lebanon, when the
Port BUl took effect on the first of June, the bell
tolled during the day, and the "Town house" was
draped in mourning. In Windham, the town meet
ing closes by denouncing the citizens of Marble
head who had presented a "fawning address" to
Governor Hutchinson when he retired from office.
The General Association of Congregational Ministers
of Connecticut presents at this time a devout and
stirring address to the Congregational clergy of
Boston, assuring them of sympathy and support.
These growing sentiments could not fail, at such
a time, to bring about a few instances of the treat
ment which Tories might expect whenever they had
the hardihood to utter their unpopular views, or
even to cross the Connecticut border from other
colonies. The first recorded instance is that of
Francis Green, a merchant from Boston, well known
as one of the signers of an "adulatory address to
strengthen the hands of that parricidal tool of
depotism", Thomas Hutchinson. Green, coming on
a business visit to Connecticut, had no sooner reached
the town of Windham than he found a warm recep-

122 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
tion on the fourth of July, which two years later
was to become the Glorious Fourth. Threatened
with violence, he left the town on the fifth, at the
urgent request of the townsmen, and reaching Nor
wich was not permitted to remain there. On his
return to Boston, he offered a reward of one hundred
dollars for such information as would lead the
offenders to be convicted within the province of
Massachusetts. Green's proclamation caused no
small mirth, and was published with appropriate
comments in the ney^spapers and posted in the
public highways.
The sequel to this case which most concerns us
is a communication from Governor Gage to Gover
nor Trumbull, transmitting affidavits, and requesting
that the guilty parties in Windham and Nor
wich be speedily brought to justice, to which Gov
ernor Trumbull replies that others "put a very
different face on the transaction", and calls Gage's
attention to the fact that "full provision is made by
law for such offences, and Mr. Green may there
obtain the satisfaction his cause may merit." ^
The expedient of referring such complainants to
existing courts of law proved to be in this as in
many subsequent cases a most useful one, even
though there appears in it to us, and possibly ap
peared to the Governor, a touch of humor if not
of irony. At the same time, such a course was no
evasion of the issue, but rather the only legal means
of meeting it. Engaged as he was at this time in
engrossing public duties, he needs no excuse for such
' Stuart's "Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen.", p. 152.

TREATMENT OF TORIES 123
treatment of private complaints; though the spec
tacle of Mr. Green returning to Connecticut for a
trial of his case in the courts of law is, in imag
ination, quite ludicrous, in view of his previous re
ception. Another gentleman from Boston whose polit
ical principles led him to share, or more than share,
the fate of Mr. Green, was Colonel Abijah WUlard,
a member of Governor Gage's new council, who,
as a contemporary account^ relates, came to the
town of Union for the purpose of attending to some
legal business. He was met there by two of his
attorneys from Windham, who "publickly renounced
him and his cause, and refused to assist him any
more, as they looked upon him as a traitor to his
country." He was thereupon carried to Brimfield
in Massachusetts, where, from about four hundred
people, a council was formed which summarily
decreed that he should be taken to Simsbury, and
there confined in the Newgate prison, so called.
After proceeding about six miles in that direction,
he agreed to take an oath, expressing his regret at
his official position, and promising to serve no
longer on Governor Gage's council, whereupon he
was released; but one Captain Davis of Brimfield,
who protested against the proceedings, was stripped
and given "the new fashion dress of tar and feathers."
In the same month of September we find General
Joseph Spencer writing to Governor Trumbull a
letter borne to him by Doctor Beebe of East Had
dam, to whom the "new fashion dress of tar and
'Force's American Archives, 4th series, vol. i, p. 731.

124 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
feathers" had also been applied. Doctor Beebe
had applied to General Spencer "to grant a surety
of the peace against a few of the ringleaders in
the affair", which Spencer declined to grant, upon
which Doctor Beebe goes to Governor Trumbull
"for advice as to the necessity or expediency of
his prosecuting in this case." Spencer also asks
the Governor's advice as to his own duty as a magis
trate in the matter, and informs him that if he
should issue warrants it would be impossible in the
state of affairs then existing to execute them, al
though the violent treatment of Doctor Beebe
was something of which he did not approve. It
is well known from later proclamations that Gov
ernor Trumbull also strongly condemned such acts
of violence, though he well knew, in view of the
temper of the people, that it was impossible to
punish them. We are only left to imagine that
he advised Doctor Beebe to refrain from irritating
the people by exhibiting his political doctrines, and
showed him that an attempt to prosecute the offen
ders would probably only result in renewed vio
lence, which he, of course, deprecated, and wished
to do all in his power to prevent.
Thus it will be seen that even the day of fasting,
humUiation and prayer which, by the Governor's
solemn and devout proclamation had been appointed
for and observed on the thirty-first of August,
failed to humble the spirits of some of the people
who were under the irritating influence of Tory
utterances. This same month of September wit
nessed in another portion of Connecticut a scene

REVEREND SAMUEL PETERS 125
which, by means of the vivid mendacity of the
Reverend Samuel Peters, has become historic, and
which in the nature of the case formed the most
important of the numerous violent proceedings of
the time. Regarding Peters himself Doctor J.
Hammond Trumbull, one of the most accurate and
scholarly of investigators, says :
"The best excuse that can be made for him is,
that he was a victim of pseudomania; that his ab
horrence of truth was in fact a disease, and that he
was not morally responsible for its outbreaks." '
Peters was a clergyman of the Church of Eng
land, a native of Hebron, Connecticut, but strongly
opposed to the prevailing sentiments of the time,
and, according to his own story, the man of all
others who by his eloquence in town meeting per
suaded the people of Hebron to vote by a large
majority against sending aid or supplies to Boston
at the time of the attempted enforcement of the
Port Bill. This town meeting was, according to
Peters' account, called at the instigation of Gov
ernor Trumbull, who "sent his circular to every
clergyman in the colony, requiring it to be read on
the Sabbath-day to their respective congregations,
and to urge the selectmen to warn town meetings
to appoint a general contribution for the support
of the poor people in Boston, shut up to starve
by General Gage and Admiral Graves." ^ There
may be a shadow of truth in this statement, for we
»The True Blue Laws of New Haven and Connecticut, p. 31.
2 "The Reverend Samuel Peters, LL.D. General History of Connecticut."
Edition of 1877, p. z6z.

126 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
find among the Trumbull papers a printed form
of town vote for the relief of Boston, Mai-ch 8,
1775 — some six months after the attack on Peters
— with a form of subscription in Governor Trum
buU's handwriting, to be used by the people of
Lebanon. That the Governor "required" his cir
cular — if he ever issued one — to be read by every
clergyman in the colony to their congregations we
may well doubt.
Peters then goes on to state that Hartford, follow
ing Hebron, "unanimously negatived to vote for
a general collection, which put a stop to the town
meetings in Connecticut, to the disappointment and
mortification of Governor Trumbull, who laid the
blame on the influence of Dr. Peters, the Episcopal
clergyman of these two towns.
"Hence the Governor spread the report that
Doctor Peters was a dangerous enemy to America,
by his correspondence with Lord North and the
bishops of England, and ought to be driven out
of his native country for the safety of it. Gov
ernor Trumbull began and effected this by his
Windham mobs, and the mobs of the tea-destroyers
in Boston harbor."
This extract is taken from a manuscript of Peters's,
now printed in an appendix to his "History of
Connecticut" in the edition of 1877. It is given
partly as a specimen of Peters's romantic statements.
The visits of the "Windham mobs" on Peters
were two, the first being on the fourteenth of August
and the other on the sixth of September, 1774.
At the first visit a committee of ten waited on him,

REVEREND SAMUEL PETERS 127
and requested his papers. This committee after
wards signed an affirmation to the effect that they
had received these papers, with the written as
surance from Peters that he had not corresponded
and would not correspond with his English friends
regarding the existing state of affairs. They left
him without injuring him in any way, and received
his thanks for their treatment of him.
Certain statements over the signatures of John
Grou and John Peters regarding this visit of August
fourteenth, bear such unmistakable marks of the
literary style of the Reverend Samuel Peters that it
must be inferred that, if Grou and John Peters were
not men of straw, the statement published over
their names was composed for them by the Reverend
Samuel, and is entitled to the same credit as other
works of his authorship.
The second visit to Peters on the sixth of Sep
tember came much nearer to serious results. The
Bolton Committee of Correspondence had caused
his so-caUed "Resolves of the Town of Hebron",
to which the committee of August had caused him
to affix his name, to be published in the New London
Gazette. These Resolves were of a kind hardly to
be tolerated at the time; and a long argument
which he held with the committee on this second
visit, and subsequently with the entire assembly,
served to demonstrate the foolishness of preaching
to which he was so prone. But a moving cause of
disturbance was the discharge of firearms, during
his harangue, in Peters's house, which upon examin
ation proved to be well stocked with firearms, am-

128 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
munition, swords and clubs, though he had as
sured the committee "that he had no arms in the
house, except one or two old guns out of repair."
Notwithstanding the provocation, the inventory
of damage by the mob appears to have been the
breaking of one window sash, one punch bowl and
glass, and the tearing of Mr. Peters's gown and
shirt in the course of the disturbance, which was
at last quieted by the signing of a paper which the
people had prepared for him, whereupon he was
released from the custody of the mob, and departed
amidst their cheers, accompanied perhaps by jeers.
Peters's own account of the affair reports his
rescue from the mob, of whom he says Governor
Trumbull's son David was one of the leaders, by
"three bold troopers" of Hebron, who said to the
"commander" of the mob, "We have to come to
kill you, or deliver Doctor Peters. Resign him or
die!" — placing their pistols at the commander's
breast. They said, "Take him away and be sUent. "
They then instantly led him away.
The only account we have of his visit to Governor
Trumbull on the following day is from Peters's
own hand, and in a strain quite similar to his ac
count of his rescue from a mob of three hundred
incensed men by three bold troopers of Hebron.
He seems, for some reason, to be particularly bitter
in his mention of the Governor and his son David,
so much so that seven years later there was published
in London a "History of Jonathan Trumbull, the
Rebel Governor", which Doctor J. Hammond Trum
buU says is "evidently from the pen of Peters."^
• True Blue Laws of Connecticut and New Haven, p. 32.

REVEREND SAMUEL PETERS 129
After his unpleasant encounters with "Windham
mobs", Peters soon came to the conclusion that
Connecticut was too hot to hold him, and fled
to Boston, where through marvellous escapes from
his pursuers, which rival the exploits of Mun
chausen, he sets sail for the more congenial clime
of England, where he is enabled to pursue for the
rest of his life his lying fulminations and his fairy
stories regarding his native land.
The publication in London, to which reference
has been made, appeared in The Political Maga
zine for January, 1781, and is of such a virulent
personal character that a few extracts must be
made from it both as a further illustration of such
utterances as those of Peters and as a specimen of
the calumnies to which the Governor was subject
at about this time. The article is entitled "His
tory of Jonathan Trumbull, the present Rebel
Governor of Connecticut, from his Birth, early
in this Century, to the present Day."
After describing the ancestry, birth and early
life of the Governor as only Peters could describe
them, the article goes on to treat of his marriage in
the following words:
"No sooner had Jonathan taken his degree,
than he became a preacher in an independent way,
and was esteemed to be a man of grace; but having
a bad delivery, he could not obtain a parish. How
ever, his politeness, apparent goodness, and address,
recommended him to Miss Robinson, a descendant
of the famous Reverend Mr. Robinson, head of a
Sect both in Old and New England. His marriage

I30 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
with this Lady, whose father was a burning and
shining light among the independents and children
of the regicides, who settled in New England,
raised him from obscurity to a state of nobility,
for all who had any blood in their veins of the first
settlers, or of the regicides, are considered in New
England as of the rank of the Noblesse. Mr. Jona
than's matrimonial connection giving him the pros
pect of preferment in civil life, he bid adieu to the
pulpit, and commenced merchant."
After accusing him of dishonesty in business,
and intolerance in religion, the four and a half
closely printed pages contain the following personal
description : —
"Jonathan TrumbuU, the Rebel Governor of
Connecticut, a man of desperate fortune, with an
abundant share of cunning, is about five feet, seven
inches high, has dark eyes, a Roman nose, sallow
countenance, long chin, prominent forehead, high
and broad cheek bones, hollow cheeks and short
neck — in person of a handsome figure and very
active — now [1781] between 70 and 80 years of
age. He is morose in his natural temper, reserved
in his speech, vain and covetous, envious and
spiteful to a great degree, never forgiving or for
getting an affront. He is at the same time very
artful; he will smile in the face of those he hates,
and court their friendship at the very moment he is
endeavoring by every means in his power to effect
their ruin. As to justice, he never had an idea of
it ; at least he never showed any in practice ; always
judging according to a party spirit, which ever
domineered in his merciless soul."

DELEGATES TO CONGRESS 131
There is reason to believe that the description
of the Governor's personal appearance is more
accurate than most of Peters's utterances, for the
reason that a price had been set on the Governor's
head, which price Peters was particularly anxious
that some enterprising detective might earn.
In the following December, Governor Trumbull
issued a proclamation in which he refers to the
affair of Doctor Peters, and prohibits violent pro
ceedings such as we have noted in this and similar
cases, not forgetting to speak of "the threatening
aspect of Divine Providence on the rights and
liberties of the People." In view of the possible
effect of the report which Peters might make in
England of his own treatment and of the rebellious
attitude of the colony, the Governor prepared a
full statement of the case, doubtless for transmission
to the agent of Connecticut: residing in London.
This statement closes with the following paragraph:
"Mr. Peters's religious sentiments, his being a
member of the Church of England and a clergy
man, were not the reasons of these transactions.
Some men who were present were of the same de
nomination, and dissatisfied with him as well as the
others. Had he been of any other denomination
in religious sentiments, his treatment would doubt
less have been the same."
It should be noted that the Committee of Cor
respondence had met at New London, in July
of this year, and by authority of the General As
sembly had appointed SUas Deane, Eliphalet Dyer
and Roger Sherman delegates to the first Continental

132 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Congress, a proceeding vitally interesting to the
Governor, as appears by his correspondence with
these delegates during the session. The fact that
his son Joseph had been appointed an alternate in
this Congress for Roger Sherman, who was able to
act as a delegate, added to the Governor's interest
in this memorable body, and showed the confidence
of the people in him and his family.

CHAPTER XIII
1775 — TRUMBULL AT THE AGE OF SIXTY-FIVE 
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR  EXTRA SESSION OF THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY  ROYAL MEASURES TO PRE
VENT A SECOND SESSION OF THE CONTINENTAL
CONGRESS — Trumbull's letter to the earl of
DARTMOUTH
GOVERNOR TRUMBULL, now a man of
sixty-five, enters at this advanced stage
of his life upon the supreme period of
his career. Instead of relaxing his energies, as
might be expected, he redoubles them, devoting
to the cause of American freedom in self-forgetful
and self-sacrificing patriotism the wise experience
gained in forty years of public life. This experience
is made effective by the inbred Puritan vigor of
his ripe manhood. Puritan principles underlie and
inform his actions. His intelligence and benevolence
carry him far beyond the narrow bounds of bigotry
and intolerance. His views of government look
constantly to the great, wise and just provisions of
the Supreme Ruler, whose laws and ways of govern
ment have been the constant study of his life.
Such infraction of those laws and ways as he has
seen for ten years or more in the vacillating, but
always unjust and oppressive policy of Great Britain
towards her American colonies fill him with grow
ing abhorrence. His sole belief and sole trust is
133

134 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
in the righteousness of his country's cause. This
abiding principle, animated and actuated by his
inbred and inborn love of country, forrned the in
spiration for his course; and we are now to see how
he worked under this inspiration.
The year 1775 shows at its beginning active prep
arations for the military organization and equip
ment of Connecticut. The Governor's son Joseph
writes from Windham to his father on December 30,
1774, urging the immediate purchase of ammuni
tion before the harbors of the coast are blockaded
with British vessels to prevent the landing of it.
The Governor at once calls his Council together at
Hartford, where it is voted on the fourth of Jan
uary to direct the Treasurer of the colony to pro
cure three hundred barrels of gunpowder, fifteen
tons of lead, and sixty thousand good flints. On
the fifth a proclamation is issued from the councU
chamber appointing a fast on the first day of the
coming February. Thus did the Governor show his
trust in Divine Providence and his belief in our
present-day aphorism, "God helps those who help
themselves." Roger Sherman in the following month
procures a portion of this ammunition from New
York; and measures are taken to import powder,
some of which arrived at New London in the follow
ing April. The towns had been ordered, too, by
the General Assembly at the October session of
1774 to provide double the quantity of powder,
balls and flints which, up to that time, had been re
quired by law.
This same October session had adjourned untU

EXTRA SESSION OF ASSEMBLY 135
such time as the Governor "should see cause to
call it to meet again." In the following March
he evidently saw cause, for a session was caUed at
New Haven for that month "by adjournment and
special order of the Governor." Many mihtary
commissions are granted, new military companies
formed, and some naval affairs regulated. The
docket is also cleared of civil business. Other
business of a kind new to this Assembly figures
prominently in this session. It is evident that the
Governor, in his earnest desire to prevent such
violent treatment of Tories as we have seen in the
previous year, had determined to refer all com
plaints and information regarding them to the
General Assembly, to be legally and regularly dealt
with. The wisdom of this course is evident from the
fact that but one report can be found during this
momentous year of a case in which the people
took matters into their own hands, and this cannot
be caUed a case in which personal violence was used.
At the same time, after the ajournment of the first
Continental Congress in October, 1774, the Tory
element in the western parts of Connecticut pro
nounced itself in such a way as to cause, perhaps,
some concern, and certainly much indignation.
The individual cases of Abraham Blackslee of
New Haven, captain of a military company; of
Isaac Quintard and FUer Dibble of Stamford, also
captains, are duly referred to committees with
instructions to report at the next session regarding
the charges of Toryism against them.

136 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The town of Ridgefield, little dreaming that in
two years one of the fiercest fights of the Revolu
tion within the borders of Connecticut would take
place on her soil, voted in town meeting on the
sixth of February, among other things, "That it
would be dangerous and hurtful to the inhabitants
of this Town to adopt said [Continental] Con
gress's measures, and we hereby publickly disap
prove of, and protest against said Congress, and
the measures by them directed, as unconstitutional,
as subversive of our real liberties, and as countenanc
ing licentiousness." Newtown soon after adopted
similar resolutions. With these two cases the
General Assembly thus deals :
"It being represented to this House, that the
towns of Ridgefield and Newtown have come into and
published certain resolutions injurious to the rights
of this Colony, in direct opposition to the reported
resolves of this House, and of dangerous tendency:
"Resolved; that Colo. Joseph Piatt Cook, and
Colo. John Read be a committee to enquire into the
truth of said representation, and how far any person
or persons holding commissions under the govern
ment have been any ways active or concerned in
promoting the measures taken by said towns; and
report make of what they shall find to the General
Assembly to be held at Hartford May next."
The records are silent regarding the reports of
this committee, nor was any action apparently taken
regarding resolutions published later in Rivington's
Gazette by the Reading Association, and still later
by New Milford, all denouncing the Continental

ROYAL MEASURES 137
Congress. Before the May session at which the
committee was to report, the Lexington alarm had
spread through Connecticut, and was far more
effective than any legislation in exterminating such
sporadic cases of Toryism as those just referred to.
In the meantime, the Earl of Dartmouth by
command of the king had issued to each colonial
governor in America the royal mandate by which
it was expected that a second Continental Congress
would be prevented, enjoining upon Trumbull, as
on all the governors, to use his utmost endeavors
"to prevent the appointment of deputies, and to
exhort all persons to desist from such an unjusti
fiable proceeding."
This order was doubtless summarily disposed of
in the Governor's council. Certain it is that no
thought of complying with it existed in the mind of
the Governor or of any member of this body, and
certain it is that Connecticut sent her full quota
of representatives to the second, as to the first
Continental Congress. The time had come, how
ever, to inform the Earl of Dartmouth of the posi
tion of Connecticut in the then existing critical
state of affairs, and upon Governor Trumbull fell
the duty of addressing a letter to the noble Earl.
This letter was sent by vote of the General Assembly,
having been regularly approved by vote of both
houses, with the request that it be transmitted
"to his Lordship as soon as opportunity will permit."
The only inference to be drawn from the records
regarding it is that the Governor, finding it a matter
of official courtesy to write to the Earl of Dart-

138 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
mouth, found the matter of such importance that
he deemed it necessary to submit the draft of his
letter to the General Assembly, in accordance with
a long established custom. This letter forms such
a striking example of the Governor's official cor
respondence that it seems best to reproduce it
here in full, although it is to be found in print in
numerous publications: "New Haven, March, 1775.
"My Lord: I duly received your Lordship's letter
of the IGth of December last, enclosing his Most
Gracious Majesty's speech to his Parliament and
the addresses in answer thereunto, which I have
taken the earliest opportunity to lay before the
General Assembly of the Colony, and am now to
return you their thanks for this communication.
"It is, my Lord, with the deepest concern and
anxiety that we contemplate the unhappy dissen
sions which have taken place between the Colonies
and Great Britain, which must be attended with
the most fatal consequences to both, unless speedily
terminated. We consider the interests of the two
countries as inseparable, and are shocked at the
idea of any disunion between them. We wish for
nothing so much as a speedy and happy settlement
upon constitutional grounds, and cannot apprehend
why it might not be effected if proper steps were
taken. It is certainly an object of that importance
as to merit the attention of every wise and good
man, and the accomplishment of it would add
lustre to the first character upon earth.

LETTER TO EARL OF DARTMOUTH 139
"The origin and progress of these unhappy dis
putes we need not point out to you: they are
perfectly known to your Lordship. From apprehen
sions on one side, and jealousies, fears and dis
tresses on the other, fomented and increased by the
representations of artful and designing men, un
friendly to the liberties of America, they have
risen to that alarming height at which we now see
them, threatening the most essential prejudice, if
not entire ruin, to the whole Empire. On the one
hand, we do assure your Lordship that we do not
wish to weaken or impair the authority of the
British Parliament in any matters essential to the
welfare and happiness of the whole Empire. On
the other, it will be admitted that it is our duty,
and that we should be even highly culpable, if we
should not claim and maintain the constitutional
rights and liberties derived to us as men and English
men; as the descendants of Britons and members of
an Empire whose fundamental principle is the
liberty and security of the subject. British suprem
acy and American liberty are not incompatible
with each other. They have been seen to exist
and flourish together for more than a century.
What now renders them inconsistent.? Or, if any
thing be further necessary to ascertain the one and
limit the other, why may it not be amicably ad
justed, every occasion and ground of future con
troversy be removed, and all that has unfortunately
passed be buried in perpetual oblivion?
"The good people of this Colony, my Lord, are
unfeignedly loyal and firmly attached to his Maj-

I40 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
esty's person, family and government. They are
willing and ready freely as they have formerly
most cheerfuUy done upon every requisition made
to them, to contribute to the utmost of their abUi
ties to the support of his Majesty's government,
and to devote their lives and fortunes to his serv
ice,; and in the last war did actually expend in
his Majesty's service more than four hundred
thousand pounds sterling beyond what they re
ceived any compensation for. But the unlimited
powers lately claimed by the British Parliament
drove them to the borders of despair. These powers,
carried into execution, will deprive them of all
property, and are incompatible with every idea of
civil liverty. They must hold all they possess
at the wiU of others, and will have no property
which they can, voluntarily and as freemen, lay
at the foot of the throne as a mark of their affec
tion and devotion to his Majesty's service.
"Why, my Lord, should our fellow-subjects in
Great Britain alone enjoy the high honor and satis
faction of presenting their free gifts to their Sover
eign .? Or if this be a distinction in which they will
permit none to participate with them, yet, in point
of honour, it should be founded on the gift of their
own property, and not of that of their fellow-sub
jects in the more distant parts of the Empire.
"It is with particular concern and anxiety that
we see the unhappy situation of our feUow-sub jects
in the town of Boston in the Province of Massa
chusetts Bay, where we behold many thousands
of his Majesty's virtuous and loyal subjects re-

LETTER TO EARL OF DARTMOUTH 141
duced to the utmost distress by the operation of
the Port Act, and the whole Province thrown into
a state of anarchy and confusion by the Act for
changing the constitution of the Province and
depriving them of some of their charter rights. We
are at a loss to conceive how the destruction of the
East India Company's tea could be a just or rea
sonable ground for punishing so severely thousands
of innocent people who had no hand in that transac
tion, and that even without giving them any op
portunity to be heard in their own defence.
"Give us leave to recommend to your Lordship's
most serious and candid attention the unhappy
case of that distressed people, and in effect of aU
the Colonies, whose fate seems to be involved in
theirs, and who are therefore most anxiously dis
tressed for them. Permit us to hope that by your
Lordship's kind and benevolent interposition, some
wise and happy plan wUl be devised, which may
relieve us from our present anxieties and restore
that harmony ' between Great Britain and the
Colonies which we all most ardently wish for, and
which alone can render us truly happy.
"I am, my Lord, in behalf of the Governor and
Company of Connecticut, my Lord, your Lord
ship's most obedient and humble servant."
Thus, in earnest endeavor honorably, reasonably
and peacefully to regain the rights of his people,
did the Governor labor to the utmost, hoping that
success might attend his efforts.

CHAPTER XIV
THE LEXINGTON ALARM  EMBASSY TO GENERAL
GAGE — TREATMENT OF THE AMBASSADORS BY MASSA
CHUSETTS  DIFFERENCES SETTLED  PREPARA
TIONS FOR WAR
THE extra session of the General Assembly
adjourned on the tenth of March, to meet
again on the thirteenth of April "unless
the Governor, or in his absence the Deputy
Governor shall see cause to give notice that the
public business of the Colony does not require the
convention of the Assembly at that time." Such
notice the Governor must have given, to be fol
lowed by an entirely different notice but a few
days later, when the Lexington alarm reached
Connecticut, spreading like wildfire from town to
town, and reaching the Governor on the twentieth.
Just how or where it reached him, it is impos
sible to say in the absence of contemporary
records and in the presence of many conflicting
accounts, all apparently based on varying tradi
tions or theories. There is no doubt that the news
of the Lexington fight reached him promptly,
either carried to him by Israel Putnam from
Brooklyn to Lebanon, or by some other swift
rider reaching Norwich, where one account says
the Governor received the news. Connecticut men
hurried at once to the front on receipt of the news,
142

THE LEXINGTON ALARM 143
in companies and squads, without organization, and
without waiting for orders; to return in a few days
to join or give place to the organized force for which
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts was call
ing. News comes from Putnam under date of the
twenty-first that six thousand men are expected
from Connecticut "to be at Cambridge as speedily as
possible." The Governor calls a special meeting
of the General Assembly for the twenty-sixth of
April, which was doubtless as soon as a full session
could convene at Hartford in those days of slow
communication and transportation.
What may have been the message or address of
the Governor to this session we shall probably never
know. That it was a message unswerving in its
adherence to the rights of the people, and that
its words were the words of patriotism tempered
by vi^isdom, we may be sure.
The first action of the session, after some unim
portant mUitary regulations, and the more im
portant placing of an embargo upon the exportation
of provisions needed for the army, was to appoint
William Samuel Johnson and Erastus Wolcott to
"wait upon his Excellency Governor Gage with the
letter written to him by his honour our Governor
by the desire of this Assembly, and confer with
him on the subject contained in said letter and re
quest his answer."
This action was probably upon the motion of
Roger Sherman, as the resolve is in his handwriting.
How far the Governor may have been instrumental
in this movement it is impossible to say. His letter

144 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
of the previous month to the Earl of Dartmouth
so far met the approval of the General Assembly
that the policy of appeal to the highest authorities
seemed still the proper policy for Connecticut, in
which colony there still lingered that traditional
conservatism which was soon to disappear in work
for the common cause. Governor Trumbull's letter
to Gage reads as follows: "Hartford, April 28, 1775.
"Sir: The alarming situation of publick affairs
in this country, and the late unfortunate transac
tions in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay,
have induced the General Assembly of this Colony,
now sitting in this place, to appoint a committee
of their body to wait upon your Excellency, and
to desire me, in their name, to write to you rela
tive to those very interesting matters.
"The inhabitants of this Colony are intimately
connected with the people of your Province, and
esteem themselves bound by the strongest ties of
friendship, as well as of common interest, to regard
with attention whatever concerns them. You wiU
not, therefore, be surprised that your first arrival
at Boston with a body of his Majesty's troops, for
the declared purpose of carrying into execution
certain acts of Parliament, which, in their apprehen
sion, were unconstitutional and oppressive, should
have given the good people of this Colony a very
just and general alarm. Your subsequent proceed
ings in fortifying the town of Boston, and other
mUtary preparations, greatly increased their ap-

LETTER TO GENERAL GAGE 145
prehensions for the safety of their friends and breth
ren. They could not be unconcerned spectators
of their sufferings in what they esteemed the common
cause of this country; but the late hostile and
secret inroads of some of the troops under your
command into the heart of the country, and the
violences they have committed, have driven them
almost to a state of desperation. They feel now,
not only for their friends, but for themselves and
their dearest interest and connections.
"We wish not to exaggerate: we are not sure of
every part of our information, but by the best in
telligence that we have yet been able to obtain,
the late transaction was a most unprovoked attack
upon the lives and property of his Majesty's sub
jects; and it is represented to us that such out
rages have been committed as would disgrace even
barbarians, and much more Britons, so highly
famed for humanity as well as bravery.
"It is feared, therefore, that we are devoted to
destruction, and that you have it in command and
intention to ravage and desolate the country.
If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have
these outrages been committed.? Why is the town
of Boston now shut up.? To what end are all the
hostile preparations that are daily making.? And
why do we continually hear of fresh destinations
of troops to this country .? The people of this Colony,
you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of taking up
arms against the troops of their sovereign, and
dread nothing so much as the horrors of a civil war.
But, sir, at the same time, we beg leave to assure your

146 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Excellency, that as they apprehend themselves
justified by the principle of self defence, they are
most firmly resolved to defend their rights and
privileges to the last extremity; nor will they be
restrained from giving aid to their brethren if any
unjustifiable attack is made upon them.
"Be so good, therefore, as to explain yourself
upon this most important subject, so far as is con
sistent with your duty to our common sovereign.
Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute
from coming to extremities .? Is there no alternative
but absolute submission, or the desolations of war?
By that humanity which constitutes so amiable a
part of your character, arid for the honour of our
sovereign and the glory of the British empire, we
entreat you to prevent it if possible. Surely it is
to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the
Empire might even yet find expedients to restore
peace, that so all parts of the empire may enjoy
their particular rights, honours and immunities.
Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be
wished; and will it not be consistent with your
duties to suspend the operations of war on your
part, and enable us on ours to quiet the minds of
the people, at least till the result of some further
deliberations may be known.
"The importance of the occasion wUl no doubt
sufficiently apologize for the earnestness with which
we address you, and any seeming impropriety which
may attend it, as well as induce you to give us
the most explicit and favorable answer in your
power.

HARSH TREATMENT OF EMBASSY 147
"I am, with great esteem and respect, in behalf
of the General Assembly,
"Sir, your most obedient servant.
"To his Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq."
Pursuant to the resolve of the General Assembly,
Johnson and Wolcott undertook their embassy to
General Gage, against Johnson's advice and in
clinations, if not against Wolcott's. They found
Gage in Boston with some difficulty, and obtained
an interview with him and a reply to the Governor's
letter. Upon their return, they found their horses
missing, and found themselves in the hands of a
sheriff who haled them before the Provincial Con
gress of Massachusetts, where Johnson was re
quested to open and read the letter of General
Gage, which he declined to do, as it was addressed
to Governor Trumbull. Schooled in the diplomacy of
his five years in London, Johnson handed the letter,
sealed, to the President of the Provincial Congress,
saying to him that the Connecticut committee were
in his power, and that he could open the letter if
he thought he had a right to do so, at the same time
reminding him that Connecticut was not under the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. Intercolonial courtesy
prevailed, and after a delay of some two hours, the
letter was returned to Johnson unopened, and the
Connecticut ambassadors were allowed to proceed
to their homes.
This rather high-handed proceeding appears to
have been the result of information volunteered to
the Massachusetts Congress by General Israel Put-

148 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
nam and Colonel Elisha Porter. We are left to
imagine from Putnam's previous proceedings that
anything like negotiations for peace would be dis
tasteful to him, and that he improved the oppor
tunity for showing to the Connecticut ambassadors
the temper of the Massachusetts Congress.
The letter which Gage sent in reply to the Gov
ernor's queries was, of course, a vindication of the
policy which he had pursued and intended to pur
sue. A few extracts from the letter will show how
the more important of the Governor's questions were
answered, so far as they were answered at all.^
"You ask, why is the town of Boston now shut
up? I can only refer you for an answer to those
bodies of armed men who now surround the town
and prevent all access to it. The hostile prepara
tions you mention are such as the conduct of the
people of this Province has rendered it prudent to
make, for the defence of those under my com
mand 
"You inquire, is there no way to prevent this
unhappy dispute from coming to extremities? Is
there no alternative except by absolute submission
or the desolations of war? I answer, I hope there
is. The King and Parliament seem ready to hold
out terms of reconciliation, consistent with the
honor and interest of Great Britain and the rights
and privileges of the Colonies. They have mutually
declared their readiness to attend to any real griev
ances of the Colonies, and to afford them any just
' The letter in full may be found in Colonial Records of Connecticut, vol.
14, p. 443, and in Force's American Archives, 4th series, vol. 2, p. 482.

LETTER FROM GENERAL GAGE 149
and reasonable indulgence which shall, in a dutiful
and constitutional manner, be laid before them;
and his Majesty adds, it is his ardent wish that this
disposition may have a happy effect on the temper
and conduct of his subjects in America. I must
add, likewise, the Resolution of the 27th of Febru
ary, on the grand dispute of taxation and revenue,
leaving it to the Colonies to tax themselves, under
certain conditions. Here is surely a foundation for
an accommodation, to people who wish a reconcilia
tion rather than a destructive war between countries
so nearly connected by the ties of blood and inter
est : but I fear the leaders of this Province have been,
and still are, intent only on shedding blood. . . .
"You ask whether it will not be consistent with
my duty to suspend the operations of war on my
part ? I have commenced no operations of war but
defensive; such you cannot wish me to suspend,
while I am surrounded by an armed country, who
have already begun, and threaten further to prose
cute an offensive war, and are now violently de
priving me, the King's troops, and many others of
the King's subjects under my immediate protec
tion, of all the conveniences and necessaries of
life, with which the country abounds. But it must
quiet the minds of all reasonable people when I
assure you that I have no disposition to injure or
molest quiet and peaceable subjects; but on the
contrary shall esteem it my greatest happiness
to defend and protect them against every species
of violence and oppression."
The General Assembly had adjourned on the

ISO JONATHAN TRUMBULL
sixth of May without waiting to hear the report
of Johnson and Wolcott on their embassy to General
Gage, and so his reply must have been delivered
to Governor Trumbull personally at Hartford. It
was soon followed by an official letter from the
Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, under date
of May second, enclosing depositions regarding the
battle of Lexington, warning Connecticut to place
no confidence in General Gage and closing with these
words :
"It is evidently the business of the general, to
subjugate these and the other Colonies; and, we
think, there are the most convincing proofs that,
in order to effect it, he is constantly aiming to sus
pend their preparations for defence, until his rein
forcements shall arrive; but, although we have
been under great apprehension with respect to the
advantages which the conference of Connecticut
with General Gage might give our enemies, yet
we have the greatest confidence in the wisdom and
vigilance of your respectable assembly and colony,
as well as of our other sister colonies; and have
reason to hope, that, while he fails in his intentions
to lull and deceive this continent, he can never
accomplish his designs to conquer it."
In the meantime a committee from Massachusetts
had been sent to Connecticut, as to some of the
other colonies, to hasten preparations for war, if
they should need hastening, and to this committee
a much more argumentative letter was sent con
cerning the embassy to General Gage. Much time
of the Governor and his council was doubtless spent

DIFFERENCES SETTLED i^i
with this committee, which consisted of Jedediah
Foster, Timothy Danielson and John Bliss. A
greater than these appears to have been in Connec
ticut at or about the same time in the person of
John Adams, who writes to his wife on the thirtieth
of April, from Hartford :
"The Assembly of this Colony is now sitting at
Hartford. We are treated with great tenderness,
sympathy and respect. Everything is doing by
this Colony that can be done by men, both for New
York and Boston. . . ."
Governor Trumbull replies to the official letter
of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts
promptly, on the fourth of May, saying :
"Your letter of the 2d of May instant is received.
You need not fear our firmness, deliberation and
unanimity, to pursue the measures which appear
best for our common defence and safety, and in
no degree to relax our vigilant preparations for
that end, and to act in union and concert with our
sister colonies. We shall be cautious of trusting
promises which it may be in the power of any one to
evade. We hope no ill consequences will attend our
embassy to General Gage. We should be glad to
be furnished with the evidence, duly authenticated,
concerning the attack, on the 19th of April last,
at Lexington, which it is presumed you have taken.
Although we are at a distance from the most dis
tressing scenes before your eyes, yet we are most
sensibly affected with the alarming relations of
them." Thus closed this little episode. It appears, from

152 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the correspondence of others regarding it, to have
been a surprise to Connecticut that Massachusetts
should take exception to her action in the matter,
and it was generally believed that she misunder
stood the temper and spirit in which the embassy
was undertaken. At all events, the two colonies
settled such differences as existed at the time in a
perfectly amicable and satisfactory way, thanks,
in great measure, to the temperate and conciliatory
attitude of Governor Trumbull, who might have
gone into a vindication of the course of Connecticut
had he seen fit, and had he fully concurred in that
course, of which there must always exist some doubt.
It is hardly necessary to say that the visit of the
Massachusetts committee was not needed for the
purpose of creating patriotic sentiment in Con
necticut. Every action of the General Assembly at
its special session in April looked to the mUitary
organization of the colony, and the forwarding of
the six regiments for which Massachusetts had asked.
With her usual prudence Connecticut saw weU to
the equipment of these troops. Captain Joseph
Trumbull, the Governor's eldest son, is appointed
Commissary General for the colony. Bills of credit
are issued to the sum of fifty thousand pounds, with
taxes laid to meet the issue at maturity.
With the Governor it was a time of stress and
strain. His position officially was that of " Captain
General and Governor in Chief", involving the
direction of the military forces of the colony in
addition to his other official duties, to which was
added that of Chief Naval Officer of the colony.

CHAPTER XV
TICONDEROGA — THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY  POWDER
FOR BUNKER HILL — CORRESPONDENCE WITH WASH
INGTON — THE FIRST AND ONLY MISUNDERSTANDING
BETWEEN WASHINGTON AND TRUMBULL — SEARS's
RAID  THE CONNECTICUT "DESERTERS "
WHILE Connecticut was undertaking in
dependent negotiations with General
Gage, the sole result of which appears
to have been needless alarm in Massachusetts,
the General Assembly of Connecticut had, as
we have seen, mobilized the troops of the colony
for the assistance of her neighbors. There
was, too, even before the letter to General Gage
was despatched, a secret movement in progress
for the first offensive military operation of the
Revolution, the capture of Fort Ticonderoga. Thus
this unique colony, under the leadership of Trum
bull, exhausted every resource which was available
under the circumstances ; by negotiations for peace,
preparations for war, and the first aggressive act
of the American Revolution. The capture of Fort
Ticonderoga on the tenth of May of this year was
due entirely to Connecticut enterprise and energy,
even though the force which effected the capture
was composed largely of "Green Mountain boys",
under the leadership of Ethan AUen of Connecticut
birth, solely because it was imprudent to march a
IS3

154 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
force from Hartford to Ticonderoga owing to the
need of secrecy in the expedition. The treasury of
Connecticut furnished the money for the enterprise,
upon the individual obligations of its projectors;
and an important factor in the success was the
sanction and counsel of the Governor and his Council,
of which there is ample proof in contemporary
documents.^ It needs no stretch of the imagination to reach
the conclusion that this expedition was in every
way promoted by the Governor, and that he re
joiced in its success. His views of the matter may
best be learned from the following extract from his
letter of May twenty-fifth to the Provincial Con
gress of Massachusetts, congratulating that body
on this important capture.
"The necessity of securing and maintaining the
posts on the lakes for the defence of the frontiers
becomes daily more evident from the iterated
intelligence we receive of the plan formed by our
enemies to distress us by inroads of Canadians and
savages from the Province of Quebec upon the ad
jacent settlements. The enclosed copy of a letter
from our delegates attending at New York, to
communicate measures with the Provincial Con
gress in that city, throws an additional light on
this subject, and is thought worthy to be commu
nicated to you; and whilst the designs ofour enemies
against us fill with concern, we cannot omit to
observe the smiles of Providence upon us in reveal
ing their wicked plans, and hitherto prospering the
' Force's American Archives, 4th series, vol. 2, pp. 507, 558.

TICONDEROGA 155
attempts of the colonies to frustrate them. With
a humble reliance on the continuance of divine favor
and protection in the cause of the justice of which
a doubt cannot be entertained, the General As
sembly of this Colony are ready to co-operate with
the other colonies for their common defence, and to
contribute their proportion of men and other nec
essaries for maintaining the posts on the frontiers,
or defending or repelling invasions in any other
quarter, agreeable to the advice of the Continental
Congress." Captain Edward Mott of Preston, Connecticut,
had been despatched to Philadelphia by the Gov
ernor with the news of the capture of Ticonderoga,
in which he had held the position of a leader, issuing
to Ethan Allen his warrant for holding the fort
after its bloodless capture, "agreeable to the power
and authority to us given by the Colony of Con
necticut", while awaiting orders from that colony
or from the Continental Congress. This second
Congress, it will be remembered, opened its session
in Philadelphia on the morning of the capture, and
although Allen may have been a little premature
in demanding the surrender in the name of the Con
tinental Congress, then to sit for the second time,
the session and the capture must have occurred
within a few hours of each other.
The constant demands upon the Governor's time
and attention were seen to be so urgent as to re
quire a specially constituted council to assist him
in his arduous and important duties. The regularly
constituted councU could not be convened promptly

iS6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
enough from various portions of the State to meet
the sudden and imperative caUs which were con
tinually arising. For this reason, the General As
sembly, at its May session of 1775, appointed
Matthew Griswold, Eliphalet Dyer, Jabez Hunting
ton, Samuel Huntington, William WUUams,
Nathaniel Wales, Junior, Jedediah Elderkin, Joshua
West and Benjamin Huntington, "a Committee to
assist the Governor when the Assembly is not
sitting, to order and direct the marches and stations
of the inhabitants inlisted and assembled for the
especial defence of the Colony, or any part or parts
of them, as they shall judge necessary, and to give
order from time to time for furnishing and supplying
said inhabitants with every matter and thing that
may be needful to render the defence of the Colony
effectual." This act evidently contemplated that the meetings
of this committee should be held at Lebanon, three
of its members besides the Governor being residents
of that town, and the other members, with the excep
tion of Deputy Governor Griswold, being residents
of the then adjoining towns of Norwich and Wind
ham. This committee soon became known as the
Council of Safety, and was continued during the
entire war, holding at Lebanon alone nearly twelve
hundred meetings during that period. The little
building in which these meetings were held, and
which was Governor TrumbuU's store and office, is
known to this day as the War Office, and stands,
repaired and restored to its original condition, under

THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY 1^7
tlie ownership of the Connecticut Society of Sons
of the American Revolution. The Governor's native
town of Lebanon was in these days a place of no
small importance, standing on the direct road to
Boston, and ranking fourteenth in population,
eleventh in taxable property and third in the number
of men who responded to the Lexington alarm.
Notwithstanding the numerous special sessions of
the General Assembly, it is hardly too much to say
that the proceedings within the walls of the humble
little gambrel-roofed War Office were of equal if
not of greater importance to those of the Assembly
itself. The times brought continually emergencies
and sudden demands, and the Council of Safety
alone could supply them. The records of the body
may be rather prosaic in their matter-of-fact state
ments of routine and action; but taken in connec
tion with the correspondence and events of the
time, they are at times little short of dramatic.
The first meeting of the Council of Safety was
held on the seventh of June, just a week after the
adjournment of the General Assembly, to act upon
the urgent calls from Massachusetts for powder,
which the Governor presented to the Council. As
a result of this meeting, fifty barrels of one hundred
and eight pounds each were ordered to be forwarded
at once from the stores of this provident colony,
which furnished more than one half the entire
supply of powder which was used by the Americans
ten days later at the battle of Bunker Hill.
Although WiUiam Williams, the Governor's son-in
law, was appointed clerk of the Council, and

is8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
although the official record of this meeting is in his
handwriting, it is a noteworthy fact that loose
leaves of the records for the first two months of its
sessions are in Governor TrumbuU's handwriting
differing only slightly in phraseology, but not in
substance. At this same memorable first meeting of the
Council of Safety, "it was moved by his Honor the
Governor" that the whole or a part of Colonel
Samuel Holden Parsons's regiment, then stationed
at New London, be ordered to march at once to
the front, to join the forces under command of
General Spencer. Although this regiment had been
stationed at New London for the defense of Con
necticut, two companies were sent forward in time
to take part in the then impending battle of Bunker
Hill ; and on the very day of the battle the remain
ing six companies were ordered to join the other
two at the seat of war.
The news of the battle reached Lebanon at about
ten o'clock on the evening of the eighteenth of
June, and the Council of Safety convened at once
on the nineteenth. Measures were taken not only
to perfect the organization of the Connecticut
troops in the field, but to bring them under the
immediate command of the Commander in Chief,
for the time being, General Artemas Ward. Orders
were issued by vote of the Council, and doubtless
upon motion or suggestion of the Governor, com
manding all Connecticut generals to subject them
selves to the command of General Ward. So con
cerned had the colony now become for the general

LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 159
welfare that the neighboring colonies of Rhode
Island and New Hampshire were urged to issue
similar orders.
The short command of General Ward was soon
to cease, for Congress had already appointed Wash
ington Commander in Chief of the Continental
Army, and he was at the time on his way to Cam
bridge to assume his command. It is barely possible
that Governor Trumbull had met him nineteen years
before when, in 1756, he passed through Connec
ticut as a young colonel with his retinue after his
conference with Governor Shirley at Boston. How
ever this may be, a correspondence and personal ac
quaintance were now to begin which formed a factor
second to none in the active prosecution of the
war of the Revolution. The correspondence begins
on the thirteenth of July when, at a meeting of the
Council of Safety, the Governor presents for ap
proval two letters which he has addressed to Wash
ington ; the first of which congratulates him on his
appointment, and the second refers to dissatis
faction of Connecticut generals over the appoint
ments made by the Continental Congress, which
degraded General Spencer and General Wooster
from the rank they had each held under their pro
vincial commissions, and advanced General Putnam
above both of them, though he had up to that time
been below them in provincial rank. On this same
thirteenth of July, General Spencer had reached
Lebanon with loud complaints of his treatment by
Congress, and was with much difficulty "persuaded
to return to the army, and not at present quit the

i6o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
service as he proposed." He is made the bearer of
these two important letters to Washington. After
congratulating him on his appointment by Congress,
Trumbull writes:
"They have with united voice appointed you to
the high station you possess. The Supreme Director
of all events hath caused a wonderful union of
hearts and counsels to subsist among us. Now,
therefore, be strong and very courageous. May the
God of the Armies of Israel shower down the blessings
of his divine providence on you; give you wisdom
and fortitude ; cover your head in the day of battle
and danger; add success; convince our enemies of
their mistaken measures ; and that all their attempts
to deprive these Colonies of their inestimable con
stitutional rights and liberties are injurious and
vain." Thus the Governor at the age of sixty-five writes
to the Commander in Chief of the age of forty-
three. There is little or no doubt that Washington
had been present at the session of Congress where
by unanimous order that body expressed to Gov
ernor Trumbull "the high sense they have of [his]
your important services to the United Colonies at
this important crisis." To his letter of congratula
tion Washington replies, thanking him, and adding:
"As the cause of our common country calls us
both to active and dangerous duty, I trust that
Divine Providence, which wisely orders the affairs
of men, will enable us to discharge it with fidelity
and success. The uncorrupted choice of a brave
and free people had raised you to deserved eminence.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR i6i
That the blessing of health, and the stUl greater
blessings of long continuing to govern such a people
may be yours is the sincere wish. Sir, of your" etc.
Regarding the dissatisfaction of General Spencer
and others with appointments by the Continental
Congress he writes, and there is no doubt that
Trumbull agrees with him :
"As the Army is upon a general establishment,
their right to supersede and contract a Provincial
one must be unquestionable, and in such a cause I
should hope every post would be deemed honourable
which gave a man an opportunity to serve his
country." From this time forward, the correspondence begins
to be quite active. Powder is needed, and supplied
from Connecticut. The Middletown lead mines
are exploited as a source of supply for bullets, and
the stations and marches of newly raised levies of
troops are designated. At first it seemed best to
retain these troops in Connecticut, where their drill
and organization could be perfected, and where
they could be ordered to repel any advance of the
enemy on New York, which then appeared to be
threatened. On the fifth of September Trumbull wrote to
Washington in reply to his letter of the second in
forming him of the apparent need of these troops
to protect the coast towns of Connecticut, and ex
plaining that, for this reason, he was detaining them
for a time. Washington's letter of the second had
referred to the danger from the British fleet, which,
however, he considered as past, and had positively

i62 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
directed that the new levies be sent forward im
mediately to fill the place of troops then destined for
Canada. The letter of Trumbull in reply appears to have
led to the only shadow of a misunderstanding which
occurred between him and Washington during their
long and active corrrespondence. Washington sent
on the eighth a peremptory order to Trumbull to
send these troops forward, without regard to the
movements of the enemy, informing him that the
reasons for detaining them in Connecticut no longer
existed, and that they were needed to fill the places
of other continentals who were to leave in two days
from that time. He also informs Trumbull that
"by a resolution of Congress the troops on the Con
tinental establishment were not to be employed
for the defence of the coasts, or of any particular
province, the mUitia being deemed competent for
that service."
Trumbull's sensitiveness to real or supposed affront
is manifested in his reply, in which, after explaining
the delay in receiving the letter, and speaking of
stationing the troops on the Connecticut coast by
Washington's earlier orders he adds :
"I am surprised that mine of the 5th inst. was
not received, or not judged worthy of notice, as no
mention is made of it.
"Stonington has been attacked, and severely
cannonaded, but by Divine Providence marvel
lously protected.
"New London and Norwich are still sp menaced
by the ministerial ships and troops, that the mUitia

TEMPORARY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 163
cannot be thought sufficient for their security, and
it is necessary to throw up some intrenchments.
We are obliged actually to raise more men for their
security, and for the towns of New Haven and
Lyme. I hoped some of the new levies might have
been left here tUl these dangers here were over,
without injury to your operations. I own that it
must be left to your judgment. Yet it would have
given me pleasure to have been acquainted that you
did consider it. I thank Divine Providence and
you for this early warning to great care and watch
fulness, that so the union of the colonies may be
settled on a permanent and happy basis.
"I have before me your more acceptable letter
of the 9th instant. The necessities of the Colony
to supply our two armed vessels, to furnish the men
necessarily raised for the defence of our seaports
and coasts, and to raise the lead ore, which appears
very promising, prevent our being able to spare more
than half a ton [of powder], which is ordered for
ward with expedition. Before the necessity for
raising more men appeared, we intended to send a
ton. "You may depend on our utmost exertions for
the defence and security of the constitutional rights
and liberty of the Colonies, and of our own in par
ticular. None has shown greater forwardness, and
thereby rendered itself more the object of minis
terial vengeance.
"I am, with great esteem and regard for your
personal character," etc.
To this letter Washington replies:

i64 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
"Cambridge, 21 September, 1775.
"Sir, "It gives me real concern to observe by yours of
the 15 th instant, that you should think it necessary
to distinguish between my personal and public charac
ter, and confine your esteem to the former. Upon a
reperusal of mine of the 8th instant, I cannot think
the construction you have made one ; ' and unless
it was that I should have hoped that the respect I
really have, and which I flattered myself I had mani
fested to you, would have called for the most favor
able. In the disposition of the Continental troops,
I have long been sensible that it would be impossible
to please, not individuals merely, but particular
provinces, whose partial necessities would occasion
ally call for assistance. . . . You may be assured.
Sir, nothing was intended that might be construed
into disrespect; and at so interesting a period,
nothing less ought to disturb the harmony so neces
sary for the happy success of our public operations.
"The omission of acknowledging, in precise terms,
the receipt of your favor ofthe 5th instant was purely
accidental. The subject was not so new to me as to
require long consideration. I had had occasion
fully to deliberate upon it, in consequence of ap
plications for troops from Cape Ann, Machias, New
Hampshire and Long Island, where the same neces
sity was as strongly pleaded, and, in the last two
instances, the most peremptory orders were neces-
1 Sparks gives this sentence in the following words: "I cannot think it
bears the construction you have put upon it", which is probably not an au
thentic copy from the original.

THE EPISODE CLOSED 165
sary to prevent the troops from being detained.
I foresaw the same difficulty here. I am by no
means insensible to the situation of the people on
the coast. I wish I could extend protection to all;
but the numerous detachments necessary to remedy
the evil, would amount to a dissolution of the army,
or make the most important operations of the cam
paign depend upon the piratical expeditions of two
or three men-of-war and transports.
"The spirit and zeal of the colony of Connecticut
are unquestionable; and whatever may be the
hostile intentions of the men-of-war, I hope their
utmost efforts can do little more than alarm the
coast. " I am, with great esteem and regard for both your
personal and public character. Sir", etc.
Trumbull's reply assures Washington that the
unpleasant episode is ended, and that he is "per
suaded that no such difficulty will any more happen."
He deprecates jealousies and disputes between the
colonies, and shows, as he has repeatedly shown, his
earnest desire to promote the welfare of their com
mon cause.
The result of this episode shows clearly, in the
light of future correspondence, that these two men,
on whom so much depended, understood each other
fully from this time forward, and worked long and
earnestly together in perfect confidence and har
mony. The early days of the organization of the
Continental Army were days fraught with diffi
culties which it is sometimes hard to understand at
this distance of time. As an example of these

i66 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
difficulties, we have seen how Trumbull and his
CouncU appeased General Spencer, and later, in the
broad-minded spirit of true patriotism, how Trum
bull and Washington quickly cleared away the
only and slight cloud of misunderstanding which
ever came between them.
The time had now come when the Tories or
Loyalists were regarded as internal foes. That war
had begun there could be no doubt. In November
of this momentous year it happened that the Gov
ernor's native colony undertook the suppression of
the Tory press of James Rivington of New York,
whose utterances through his Gazette found wide
circulation and ready sympathy among the Tories
in that city and the vicinity. The expedition for
silencing this publication was planned by Isaac
Sears, of New York, who recruited a force of some
eighty men in New Haven and the vicinity for
the purpose. IncidentaUy, they captured at West
chester the Reverend (afterwards Bishop) Samuel
Seabury, Judge Jonathan Fowler and "Lord" Na
thaniel Underbill. At Mamaroneck they burned a
small British sloop, and on the following day pro
ceeded to New York, where they drew up with
fixed bayonets at Rivington's printing house, and
seized his types and other printing materials, which
rather radical censorship of his press prevented
him from making further issue of his mischievous
publications for nearly two years.
The General Committee of the City and County
of New York found its dignity rather insulted by
these violent proceedings, and addressed a letter

SEARS'S RAID 167
to Governor Trumbull requesting that Rivington's
property be returned to the Chairman of this General
Committee. The Governor's previous experience in
the case of the Tory, Francis Green of Boston, ap
pears to have stood him in good stead in this in
stance. Solemn as was the good Governor's face
under the weighty cares and responsibilities of the
time, it is difficult to imagine how he could have
penned his decorous and courteous reply without
at least a twinkle in those calm eyes, if not some
muscular contractions suggestive of a chuckle. "The
proper resort for a private injury," he replies, "must
be to the courts of law, which are the only juris
dictions that can take notice of violences of this
kind." He also calls the attention of the General
Committee to the fact that Sears is a respectable
member of their own city and congress, and is
therefore amenable to their jurisdiction alone. The
Governor's correspondents had already gravely acted
on this suggestion by citing Sears and others to
appear before the Committee "to answer for their
conduct in entering the City this day [November
23d] with a number of Horse, in a hostile manner",
which, with true Dutch dignity, the mover of the
summons asserts that he considers " a breach of the
Association." History is sUent regarding Sears's obedience to
this summons. There is certainly no reason to be
lieve that Rivington's types were ever returned to
him; for, untU the British occupied New York,
and for some time later, his Gazette was conspicuous
by its absence from the publications of the day.

i68 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The year 1775 closed with a very unhappy mili
tary experience for Connecticut which gave the
Governor much concern, even though it bore no
serious results. The Connecticut troops had en
listed in May and June for six months, and, as
Washington writes, under date of December second,
"they were requested and ordered to remain, as
the time of most of them would not be out until the
loth, when they would be relieved." Some of these
men, however, left for their homes without obtain
ing a regular discharge. Their officers had, as they
supposed, persuaded them to wait until new re
cruits could fill their places, and had represented to
Washington that the men would remain. The
men who left thus summarily met with only scorn
and ridicule on their way home and on their arrival,
and were only too glad to hide their faces or return
to camp. Washington, in his letter of the second,
speaks of them as deserters, the CouncU of Safety
uses the same term, but declines to deal with them
as such, owing to the critical state of the times and
the immediate need for new recruits.
The Governor writes to Washington expressing
"grief, surprise and indignation" at the conduct of
these men, which he can only excuse by a custom of
the French war by which soldiers were considered
free to leave the service when their terms of enlist
ment expired. He asks for any suggestions or even
commands from Washington regarding these men,
and closes by saying :
"Your candor and goodness will suggest to your
consideration that the conduct of our troops is not

CASE OF THE DESERTERS 169
a rule whereby to judge of the temper and spirit
of our Colony."
Washington declines to offer any suggestion to
the Governor regarding this disagreeable affair,
which, though it created much concern and indig
nation at the time, appears to have been due to
only a small number of men. At a later date, the
General Assembly voted, in some instances, full
pay to men who left the army at this time in the
belief that they had a right to do so.

CHAPTER XVI
THE CHILDREN OF THE FAMILY — JOSEPH, THE COM
MISSARY GENERAL  HIS EARLY DEATH — JONA
THAN AND HIS DISTINGUISHED SERVICES — DAVID,
THE HOME WORKER  JOHN, THE SOLDIER AND ARTIST
 FAITH AND HER SAD DEATH — MARY AND HER
PATRIOTIC HUSBAND
UNDER the home influences by which they
were surrounded, it naturally follows that
Governor TrumbuU's four sons became
actively engaged in the service of their country,
from the beginning of the Revolution, and that his
two daughters became the wives of two distin
guished patriots.
The eldest son, Joseph, had barely time to begin
his duties in the field as Commissary General of
Connecticut when the attention of Washington was
drawn to the need of a Commissary General for
the Continental Army. His keen insight found
Connecticut better equipped in her commissariat
than any of the other colonies, and on the tenth of
July, he writes, in his first letter from Cambridge
to the Continental Congress :
"I esteem it, therefore, my duty to represent
the inconvenience which must unavoidably ensue
from a dependence on a number of persons for
supplies, and submit it to the consideration of the
Congress, whether the publick service will not be
170

JOSEPH, COMMISSARY GENERAL 171
best promoted by appointing a Commissary-General
for these purposes. We have a striking instance of
the preference of such a mode in the establishment
of Connecticut, as their Troops are extremely well
furnished under the direction of Mr. Trumbull, and
he has at different times assisted others with various
articles. Should my sentiments happily coincide
with those of your Honours on this subject, I beg
leave to recommend Mr. Trumbull as a very proper
person for this department."
This recommendation appears to have been made
entirely on Washington's observation of Joseph
Trumbull's personal merits. The appointment was
immediately made by Congress, and the new Com
missary General, whose entire life seems to have been
a struggle against misfortunes and difficulties, com
menced a career whose cares, worries and fatigues
brought him to an early grave in three years. The
record of the difficulties he encountered is too long
to tell here, and has never been fully told.^ The
difficulty of buying provisions without money; the
reconciling of jealousies among various other com
missaries, some appointed by Congress, and others
by their own colonies; the difficulties of transpor
tation of supplies; the interference of Congress in
the organization of the department, — all these and
many more troubles confronted him from the
beginning to the end of his brief career. The in
scription on his tombstone in Lebanon truly recites
'In "New London County Historical Society's Records and Papers", vol.
2, p. 329, will be found a brief sketch of the career of the first Commissary
General.

172 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the "he feU a victim" to the "perpetual cares and
fatigues" of his office. His toilsome career was
inconspicuous and soon forgotten, but he died for
his country as truly and heroically as the soldier
who falls in the forefront of battle. His death at
the age of forty-two proved to be one of his father's
saddest losses for his country's cause.
The life of Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, the next
son, resulted in more distinguished public services
and offices than that of any of his brothers. His
first appointment was that of Deputy Paymaster-
general for the Northern Department of the Con
tinental Army, a position which he held from July
28, 1775, until the death of his brother Joseph in
1778. In November of that year he was appointed
Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States,
which, under Roger Sherman's plan of organization,
placed him at the head of this department. In
1780, he was appointed first aide and secretary to
Washington, a position which he held until the close
of the war. He afterwards held the positions of
Representative and Senator from Connecticut in
the Congress of the United States, from 1789 to
1796, when he resigned his senatorship to take the
position of Deputy Governor of his native State,
becoming Governor in 1798, and remaining in this
office until his death in 1809.
The third son, David, performed services for his
country which are less conspicuous in the public
records, but were continuous and arduous, from the
beginning to the end of the war. It fell to his lot
to remain at home, where he appears to have been

JOHN, SOLDIER AND ARTIST 173
most needed in the absence of his brothers; but
as early as in August, 1775, we find that he is credited
with "going express three times to the army" to
superintend the transportation of provisions and
to deliver despatches. He was active also in col
lecting arms and ammunition, and succeeded in
having a large number of old muskets repaired
and made serviceable — a much more important
service in the days of the Revolution than it might
be now. He was also employed in securing pro
visions under contract both for the commissary and
quartermasters' departments. He has left behind
him a mass of accounts and correspondence which
show, to some extent, the nature and constancy of
his services.^
The career of the youngest son, John, is described
in full in his autobiography and in other publica
tions drawn from that work. It was a career more
striking and perhaps more brilliant than that of
any of his brothers, due to the spirited character
of the man, and to his inborn taste for art. He
himself forbids us to call this genius, for he says, "I
am disposed to doubt the existence of such a prin
ciple in the human mind." However this may be,
he is remembered to-day, principally if not solely,
as a pioneer in American art.
His taste for drawing developed at so early an age,
that during his college course it gave much concern
to President William Kneeland of Harvard. In a
letter to Governor Trumbull he says, after speaking
highly of the young man: "I find he has a natural
' Manuscript collections of the Connecticut Historical Society.

174 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
talent for limning. As a knowledge of that art
will probably be of no use to him, I submit to your
consideration whether it would not be best to en
deavor to give him a turn to the study of perspec
tive, the knowledge of which will at least be a genteel
accomplishment, and may be greatly useful in future
life." To this the Governor readily assents, having al
ready formed and expressed to his son a similar
opinion. And even after the Revolution was over,
and the young man is urged by his father to take
up the study and practice of law, the father listens
to his arguments for the life of an artist and with
his characteristic grave humor reminds him that
"Connecticut is not Athens", — and never again
attempts to influence the choice of his career.
He commenced his military life as an aide to
General Joseph Spencer in the First Regiment of
Connecticut troops, which, as he tells us, "started
into view as by magic, and was on its march for
Boston before the ist of May" [1775]. Washing
ton's attention is attracted to him from a plan of
the enemy's works, which — thanks to his talent
for drawing — he had made by stealth as oppor
tunity offered. He is appointed second aide to
the Commander in Chief, and remains with the
army untU after the evacuation of Boston, which
event he describes as an eye-witness. In June,
1776, he is promoted to the position of adjutant
to General Horatio Gates, and performs some im
portant service in the Northern Department, es
pecially in showing that an enemy occupying Mount

JOHN RETURNS COMMISSION 175
Defiance could render Fort Ticonderoga untenable,
a fact which he proved by experiment, and General
Burgoyne by actual practice, in a way to cause the
speedy evacuation of Ticonderoga by St. Clair.
Young TrumbuU had been appointed adjutant
with the rank of colonel by General Gates, who
was authorized to make the appointment. Con
gress was slow in issuing the commission, and when
it reached the young officer it was found to be dated
some three months later than the appointment by
Gates. This he regarded as "an insuperable bar"
to accepting it, and he returned the commission in a
curt letter to the Honorable John Hancock, Presi
dent of Congress, informing him that "a soldier's
honor forbids the idea of giving up the least preten
sion to rank." This terminated his regular con
nection with the army, although he volunteered in
the following year as an aide in the unsuccessful
attempt to regain Newport, Rhode Island, from the
British. Judging from his father's frequently ex
pressed sentiments in similar cases, we must con
clude that he did not regard his young son of
twenty-one as justified in his resignation.
This decision of the spirited young man left him
free to resume the study and practice of his favorite
art of painting, into which he entered with zeal.
Finding but little encouragement and few advan
tages for perfecting himself in the art in Lebanon,
or even in Boston, he went in 1780 to London, with
letters of introduction to Benjamin West, under
whose auspices he was much helped and encouraged
in the pursuit of his chosen profession.

\

176 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
With varying fortunes and through interruptions
and obstacles, he continued his career to the close
of his long life. Foremost among his numerous
works are his paintings representing the men and
scenes of the American Revolution, some of which
are in the Capitol at Washington, and others, to a
large number, in the Yale Art Gallery. His work
is recognized to-day as an important contribution to
American art.
The early death of Faith, the eldest daughter
of Governor Trumbull, forms one of the saddest
features of the family history. In May, 1766, she
married Colonel (afterwards General) Jedediah Hunt
ington, who served faithfully and with distinction
through the entire war. At the time of the battle
of Bunker Hill she was visiting the army near
Boston, with a party of young friends, awaiting
the arrival of her husband, whose regiment was
then on its march. The consequences and scenes
of the battle so alarmed her sensitive nature,
through solicitude for the fate of her husband and
brothers, that she became deranged, in which con
dition she lingered with some hopes of recovery
until the following November, when, in one of
her more acute attacks, she committed suicide.
This was indeed a sad blow to her husband and
family, and the letters of Governor Trumbull to his
bereaved son-in-law show the affection in which he
held her, and his grief at her loss in these trying
times. On February 26, 1776, he writes:
"The world, after all, is a little pitiful thing, not
performing any one promise it makes us, and every

THE YOUNGEST DAUGHTER 177
day taking away and annulling the joys of the past.
A few days ago I had a dear affectionate daughter
Faithy. Alas! she is no more with us. Let us
comfort one another, and if possible study to add as
much goodness, love, and friendship to each other
as death has deprived us of in her."
Mary, the Governor's fourth child and youngest
daughter, married William Williams, a steadfast
and noted patriot, and a signer of the Declaration
of Independence. He was a man of radical views,
both in politics and religion, a firm believer in the
justice of his country's cause, and fully convinced
that any disaster to our arms could be attributed
to the wrathful punishments of the Supreme Ruler,
as the following quotation from his letter of Septem
ber 20, 1776, to his father-in-law regarding the
evacuation of New York by the Americans will
show: "These Events, however signal advantage gained
by our oppressors, and the distress to which our
Army and Country are and must be subjected in
consequence of them, are loud speaking Testi
monies of the Displeasure and Anger of Almighty
God against a sinful People, louder than Sevenfold
Thunder. Is it possible that the most obdurate
and stupid of the Children of America should not
hear and tremble?"
As an instance of his outspoken patriotism, it
is recorded of him that when he spoke of having
incurred the penalty of hanging by signing the
Declaration of Independence, one of his neighbors
replied that no such penalty was in store for him,

178 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
as he had not entered the service of his country.
"Then, sir," said Williams, "you deserve to be
hanged for not doing your duty."
There is no doubt that the married life of WUliam
Williams and Mary Trumbull was a happy one,
for they were in accord on the great questions of
the day, and contributed much to the comfort of
their parents in Lebanon, which was their lifelong
place of residence.
Meantime, it should be remembered that during
nearly all of the dark days of the Revolution, the
faithful, devoted mother was at her post in Lebanon,
with her brave, inspiring farewells to her sons who
had gone to the front, her kind and friendly aid
to her neighbors, and her sympathetic and helpful
share in the weighty burden of cares and responsi
bilities under which her husband labored. Spared
to him through forty-five years of married life, she
did not live to rejoice with him in the final triumph
of the cause to which he had devoted himself, but
lived to share in its sternest and hardest tasks
with him, as his helpmeet and comfort.
Thus it was that Governor Trumbull became the
head of a family of stanch patriots, every one of
whom contributed materially to the cause of Amer
ican liberty and independence. It seems best to
group them here, though their careers are, to a great
extent, connected with the events which we are
still briefly to consider.

CHAPTER XVII
RENEWED CALLS FOR TROOPS  THE NEW YORK
EXPEDITION — Washington's acknowledgments —
MORE TROOPS  THE GOVERNOR'S PROCLAMATION 
independence — GOVERNOR FRANKLIN A PRISONER
 ROW-GALLEYS SENT TO NEW YORK
THE year 1776 opened with calls for seven
regiments from Connecticut; and within
a fortnight we find Governor Trumbull
issuing four different proclamations for recruit
ing these regiments. Of these, two were wanted
for special service in New York, under General
Charles Lee; one for Canada, and four for the
camp near Boston. These regiments were promptly
furnished by reenlistments and new enlistments,
five of the six which were raised in the previous
April being reorganized at once.
The special service of the two newly raised regi
ments for New York is worthy of passing notice,
if only to show the promptness with which they were
raised, and the contributory incompetence of the
Continental Congress and General Charles Lee in
making their services of little or no avail. The
special service for which they were destined was
the military occupation of New York. Lee, in
whom there was so much misplaced confidence at
the time, represented to Washington and to Gov
ernor Trumbull the need of an attack upon the
179

i8o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Tories of Long Island, and of formal possession of
New York City, as imperative. Washington's good
judgment led him to consult John Adams as to the
jurisdiction of the Commander in Chief in the
matter, and the advisabUity of the expedition.
Fortified by Adams' plainly expressed views, he
proceeded to call on Governor Trumbull, early in
January of this year, for two regiments, while the
Continental Congress called on New Jersey for
minute men, and ordered an attack on the Tories
of Long Island. Colonel Waterbury's Connecticut
regiment, which appeared promptly, was ordered by
Congress to Oyster Bay to cooperate with New
Jersey troops for this expedition, but the order was
countermanded almost as soon as given, and was
understood by Lee, if he reports himself truly, to
be an order for this regiment to disband. But,
Lee reports to Washington, "Governor Trumbull,
like a man of sense and spirit, ordered it to be re
assembled." Waterbury then marched his regi
ment to New York, where he found some difficulty
in getting winter quarters, which he rather peremp
torily occupied.
And as if the Continental Congress had not given
the Governor and Council trouble enough, Lee
proceeds to send home the other Connecticut regi
ment — Colonel Andrew Ward's — because, for
sooth, he understood that the Provincial Congress
of New York had authority over this regiment
which superseded his own. No sooner had Colonel
Ward with his regiment reached the disbanding
point than Lee writes to Governor Trumbull to

MORE TROOPS SUPPLIED i8i
reorganize it if disbanded and send it forward at
once, the little misunderstanding regarding the
authority of the Provincial Congress of New York
having been satisfactorily arranged or explained
away by a committee from the Continental Congress
which arrived on the scene.
The principal recorded result of the whole ex
pedition appears to have been that Lee was given
an opportunity to indulge in gasconading to an
extent which must have satisfied even him for the
time being, and that he was enabled to pose as a
hero by being borne on a litter from Stamford to
New York while suffering from an attack of gout.
Some fortifications were built about the city and its
approaches by his direction, and the Connecticut
regiments had some share in the work, but the serious
work in New York for Connecticut and other troops
was to come, as events proved, seven months later.
The promptness of Connecticut in meeting the
requests of Washington for men, through his corre
spondence with Governor Trumbull, is best shown
by the following extract from a letter written by
Washington on January 20, 1776. Speaking of the
regiment furnished by Connecticut for service in
Canada, he says:
"The early attention which you and your honour
able Council have paid to this Important business,
has anticipated my requisition and claims, in a
particular manner, the thanks of every well-wishing
American." That it was not only in furnishing men but in
furnishing materials that Connecticut was active.

i82 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
may be learned from a few more extracts from
Washington's letters. All requests and requisitions
which he made upon Connecticut were addressed
to Governor Trumbull, while in the case of other
colonies such requests were usually addressed to
their general assemblies, or provincial congresses.
Writing to Governor Trumbull of the lack of
powder for the army before Boston, which, with
the lack of men, rendered an aggressive movement
unwise, Washington says :
"This matter is mentioned to you in confidence.
Your zeal, activity and attachment to the cause,
renders it unnecessary to conceal it from you.
Our real stock of powder, which, after furnishing the
Militia, (unfortunately coming in without, and will
require upwards of fifty barrels,) and completing
our other troops to twenty-four rounds a man,
(which are less, by one-half, than the Regulars
have,) and having a few rounds of cannon-cart
ridges fitted for immediate use, will leave us not
more than one hundred barrels in store for the
greatest emergency. ..."
Here again Washington finds that Governor Trum
bull has anticipated his wants, for three days later
he writes to the Governor:
"I have just received a letter from J. Huntington,
Esq., with the agreeable news of his having for
warded two tons of powder to this camp, by your
order. Accept, sir, of my thanks for this seasonable
supply." The bloodless victory of the following March,
resulting in the evacuation of Boston by the British,

EVACUATION OF BOSTON 183
called for less of Washington's scant supply of
powder than was expected; nevertheless, quite a
quantity of Connecticut powder must have been
burned in the frequent cannonades which disguised
the real movements of the Continental Army under
the superb generalship of Washington. Of Trum
bull's rejoicing in this victory — the last of such
rejoicing in this memorable year — we learn by the
following extracts from his letter of March twenty-
fifth to Washington :
"I do most heartily congratulate you on your
success, that, after a long, incessant, and persever
ing fatigue, you have happUy caused our enemies
to evacuate the town of Boston, to leave that strong
fortress they built when they trampled on the prop
erties of the inhabitants of that distressed town,
profaned the sacred places dedicated to divine wor
ship and service, and designed the ruin of the lives,
properties, and liberties of our whole country.
The lustre of the British arms is tarnished. By a
shameful and ignominious retreat they have lost
their honour, — indeed, none could be maintained or
gained in so wicked and scandalous a cause."
From Boston the scene of military operations soon
changes to New York, and after some correspon
dence with Trumbull, resulting in the sending of
two regiments of Connecticut militia to the new
field of operations, Washington himself goes to this
field, by way of Norwich, Connecticut. In this
town the two patriots meet on the thirteenth of
April at the house of General Jabez Huntington,
and here they discuss matters of importance re-

i84 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
garding the coming campaign. Lead in the form
of bullets is wanted from the Middletown mines,
arms repaired under the direction of the Governor's
son David are urgently needed, and more than aU,
men are needed to make up the deficiencies in the
Continental Army from which men had been quite
freely drawn to serve in the northern campaign.
All these matters receive the careful and prompt
attention of the Governor and his Council, and soon
afterwards the May session of the General Assembly
of Connecticut convenes.
This session is a memorable one if only for the
reason that its record omits the time-honored
Latin heading designating the year of the reign of
the sovereign of Great Britain, whose arms no
longer embellish the public acts of the session. His
Majesty's name no longer appears upon the legal
writs issued from this time forth, but in its stead
appears the authority of the Governor and Company
of the Colony of Connecticut, soon to be called the
State of Connecticut.
No respite is given the busy Governor during the
short interval between the regular May session of
this year and the special session which he called on
the fourteenth of the following June. During this
interval the Council of Safety remains at Hartford
holding frequent meetings to audit accounts, to
provide for naval affairs, and to discuss various
matters of public interest. Naval affairs especially
occupy much of the time and attention of the
Council. Privateers are fitted out, the buUding
of a man-of-war is being hurried forward at Say-

PLANS FOR INDEPENDENCE 185
brook, and the row-galleys built at Norwich and
Haddam are christened respectively the Shark and
the Crane, and made ready for the service to which
in a few months they will be called on the Hudson
River. The special June session of the General Assembly
lost no time in instructing the Connecticut dele
gates to the Continental Congress to declare for
independence. On the first day of the session,
after a preamble of no uncertain sound, it was
"Resolved unanimously by this Assembly, That
the Delegates of this Colony in General Congress
be and they are hereby instructed to propose to
that respectable body, to declare the United States,
absolved from all allegiance to the King of Great
Britain, and to give the assent of this Colony to
such declaration when they shall judge it expedient
and best, and to whatever measures may be thought
proper and necessary by the Congress for forming
foreign alliances, or any plan of operation for neces
sary and mutual defence. ..."
Immediately following this resolve, is an act for
raising two battalions to join the Continental Army
in Canada, and for raising seven battalions for New
York, showing, as usual, that deeds, not words,
constituted the motto of Connecticut under the
inspiration of her Governor. To give force to these
acts, a proclamation was issued on the eighteenth of
June which, by no great straining of definition, has
been caUed Connecticut's Declaration of Indepen
dence, and which, singularly enough, did not re
appear in print from the time when it was pub-

i86 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
lished as a broadside in 1776 until 1890, when it was
published in the Colonial Records of Connecticut
by Doctor Charles J. Hoadley. It seems well to
give it in full here as a specimen of one of the most
urgent and, for the time, impressive of the Gover
nor's proclamations which have been preserved to
us: "By the Honorable Jonathan Trumbull Esq;
Governor and Commander in Chief of the English
Colony of Connecticut in New England.
"A PROCLAMATION
"The Race of Mankind was made in a State of
Innocence and Freedom, subjected only to the laws
of GOD THE CREATOR, and through his rich Goodness,
designed for virtuous Liberty and Happiness here
and forever; and when moral Evil was introduced
into the World, and Man had corrupted his ways
before god, Vice and Iniquity came in like a Flood,
and Mankind became exposed, and a prey to the
Violence, Injustice and Oppression of one another.
God, in his great Mercy, inclined his People to form
themselves into Society, and to set up and establish
civil Government for the Protection and Security
of their Lives and Properties from the Invasion of
wicked Men : But through Pride and Ambition, the
Kings and Princes of the World, appointed by the
People the Guardians of their Lives and Liberties,
early and almost universally degenerated into
Tyrants, and by Fraud or Force betrayed and
wrested out of their Hands the very Rights and
Properties they were appointed to protect and

A PROCLAMATION 187
defend. But a small part of the Human Race
maintained and enjoyed any tolerable degree of
Freedom. Among these happy Few the Nation of
Great Britain was distinguished, by a Constitution
of Government wisely framed and modelled, to
support the Dignity and Power of the Prince, for
the protection of the Rights of the People; and
under which that Country in long Succession,
enjoyed great Tranquility and Peace, though not
unattended with repeated and powerful Efforts,
by many of it's haughty Kings, to destroy the
constitutional Rights of the People, and establish
arbitrary Power and Dominion. In one of those
convulsive struggles, our Forefathers having suffered
in that, their native Country, great and variety
of Injustice and Oppression, left their dear Connec
tions and Enjoyments, and fled to this then in
hospitable Land, to secure a lasting Retreat from
civil and religious Tyranny.
"The GOD of Heaven favored and prospered
their Undertaking — made Room for their Settle
ment — increased and multiplied them to a very
numerous People, and inclined succeeding King's
to indulge them and their ChUdren for many Years,
the unmolested Enjoyment of the Freedom and
Liberty they fled to inherit: But, an unnatural
King has risen up — violated his sacred Obligations,
and by the Advice of evil Counsellors, attempted to
wrest from us, their Children, the sacred Rights
we justly claim, and which have been ratified and
established by solemn Compact with, and recog
nized by, his Predecessors and Fathers, King's of

i88 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Great Britain — laid upon us Burdens too heavy
and grievous to be born, and issued many cruel
and oppressive Edicts, depriving us of our natural,
lawful, and most important Rights, and subjecting
us to the absolute Power and Control of himself,
and the British Legislature, against which we have
sought Relief by humble, earnest and dutiful Com
plaints and Petitions: But instead of obtaining
Redress, our Petitions have been treated with
Scorn and Contempt, and fresh Injuries heaped
upon us, whUe hostile Armies and Ships are sent to
destroy and lay waste our Country. In this dis
tressing Dilemma, having no Alternative but ab
solute Slavery, or successful Resistance; this, and
the United American Colonies, have been constrained
by the over-ruling Laws of Self-Preservation, to
take up Arms for the Defence of all that is sacred
and dear to Freemen, and make their solemn Appeal
to Heaven for the Justice of their Cause, and resist
Force by Force.
"God ALMIGHTY has been pleased, of his infinite
Mercy, to succeed our Attempts, and give us many
Instances of signal Success and Deliverance; but
the Wrath of the King is still increasing, and not
content with before employing all the Force which
can be sent from his own Kingdom to execute his
cruel Purposes, has procured, and is sending all the
Mercenaries he can obtain from foreign Countries,
to assist in extirpating the Rights of America, and
with their's, almost all the Liberty remaining among
Mankind. "In this most critical and alarming Situation,

A PROCLAMATION 189
this, and all the Colonies, are called upon, and
earnestly pressed, by the Honorable CONGRESS
of the American Colonies, united for mutual De
fence, to raise a large additional Number of their
MUitia and able Men, to be furnished and equipped
with all possible Expedition, for defence against the
soon expected Attack and Invasion of those who
are our Enemies without a Cause. In chearful
Compliance with which Request, and urged by
Motives the most cogent and important that can
affect the human Mind, the General Assembly of
this Colony have freely and unanimously agreed
and resolved, that upwards of Seven Thousand
able and effective Men be immediately raised,
furnished and equipped, for the great and interesting
Purposes aforesaid. And not Desirous that any
should go to a Warfare at their own Charges, (though
equally interested with others) for Defence of the
great and all-important Cause for which we are
engaged, have granted large and liberal Pay and
Encouragements, to all who shall voluntarily under
take for the Defence of themselves and their Country,
as by their Acts may appear.
"I DO THEREFORE, by and with the Advice of
the Council, and at the desire of the Representatives
in General Court assembled, issue this PROCLA
MATION, and make the solemn Appeal of said
Assembly to the Virtue and public Spirit of the
good People of this Colony. Affairs are hastening
fast to a Crisis, and the approaching Campaign
wUl, in all Probability, determine forever the fate
of America. If this should be successful on our

igo JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Side, there is little to fear on Account of any other.
Be exhorted to rise, therefore, to superior Exertions
on this great Occasion; and let all that are able and
necessary, shew themselves ready in Behalf of
their injured and oppressed Country, and come
forth to the Help of the lord against the Mighty,
and convince the unrelenting Tyrant of Britain
that they are resolved to be free. Let them step
forth to defend their Wives, their little Ones, their
Liberty, and everything they hold sacred and dear,
to defend the cause of their Country, their Religion
and their god. Let every one to the utmost of their
Power, lend a helping Hand to promote and forward
a Design on which the Salvation of America now
evidently depends. Nor need any be dismayed:
the Cause is certainly a just and glorious one.
God is able to save us in such Way and Manner as
he pleases, and to humble our proud Oppressors,
The Cause is that of Truth and Justice: he has
already shown his Power in our behalf, and for
the Destruction of many of our Enemies. Our
Fathers trusted in him and were delivered. Let us
all repent, and thoroughly amend our Ways, and
turn to him, put all our Trust and Confidence in
him — in his Name go forth, and in his Name set
up our Banners, and he will save us with temporal
and eternal Salvation. And while our Armies are
abroad, jeoparding their Lives in the high Places
of the Field, let all who remain at Home, cry mightily
to god for the Protection of his Providence, to
shield and defend their lives from Death, and to
crown them with Victory and Success. And in the

INDEPENDENCE 191
Name of the said General Assembly, I do hereby
earnestly recommend it to all, both Ministers and
People, frequently to meet together for social
Prayer to almighty god, for the out-pouring of his
blessed Spirit upon this guilty Land — that he
would awaken his People to Righteousness and
Repentance — bless our Councils — prosper our
Arms, and succeed the measures using for our
necessary Self-Defence — disappoint the evil and
cruel Devices of our Enemies — preserve our pre
cious Rights and Liberties — lengthen out our Tran
quility, and make us a People of his Praise, and
blessed of the lord, as long as the Sun and Moon
shall endure.
And all the Ministers of the Gospel in this Colony,
are directed and desired to publish this Procla
mation in their several Churches and Congrega
tions, and to enforce the Exhortations thereof by
their own pious Example and public Instructions.
"GIVEN under my hand, at the Council Chamber in
Hartford, the i8th day of June, Anno Domini lyjd.
"JONATHAN TRUMBULL."
On the twelfth of the following July the news of
the adoption of the Declaration of Independence
was officially 'received by the Council of Safety.
It was "largely discoursed" by that body, but it
was decided to postpone action regarding it until
the next regular session of the General Assembly.
The Governor evidently took its adoption as a
matter of course, after the resolutions adopted re
garding it at the May session, and the course pur-

192 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
sued by that session in ignoring the sovereign of
England for the first time. He therefore did not
see fit to call an extra session simply for proclaiming
officially something which had been already prac
tically proclaimed and adopted.
This same Fourth of July, 1776, was made memor
able to the Governor and Council of Safety by the
appearance before them of Governor William Frank
lin of New Jersey, who had been sent by the Con
tinental Congress "under guard to Governor Trum
bull, who is desired to take his parole ; and if Mr.
Wm. Franklin refuse to give his parole, that Gover
nor Trumbull be desired to treat him agreeable to
the resolutions of Congress respecting prisoners."
He had been described by the Convention of New
Jersey as "a virulent enemy to this country", and
after several changes of residence under parole, he
was at last placed in confinement, owing to his
attempts to circulate Lord Howe's olive-branch
proclamations and various simUar proceedings. After
an enforced residence in Connecticut for about two
years, he was at last exchanged; and from the time
of his exchange he ceased to be a political factor in
the American Revolution, warned, no doubt, by
his experience in Connecticut.
Meantime, the seven battalions for New York
are being raised and equipped under the inspiration
of the Governor's proclamation, and seven well
organized regiments of Connecticut militia are sent
to New York for service under Washington, and
at his special request. It is a busy time, too, in
naval affairs. The row-galleys Whiting and Crane,

NAVAL AFFAIRS 193
soon to be followed by the Shark, are sent to New
York to make trouble for the British fleet on the
Hudson. Captain Harding, with his brig Defence,
reports sundry prizes taken to Boston to avoid
recapture; and Long Island Sound is as thoroughly
patrolled as possible by the odd craft of the im
provised Connecticut navy, resulting in the capture
of quantities of provisions intended for the enemy,
all of which is faithfully reported by the Governor
to his constant correspondent, Washington. So
important had this matter become, both from the
capture of merchant vessels by the enemy, and the
Ulicit trade carried on by "evU minded persons",
that the Governor issued orders at this time for the
detention of all vessels laden with provisions until
proper examination could be made, or the Con
tinental Congress or the provincial Congresses having
jurisdiction should be notified of the hazard of
capture by the enemy, and give their orders to the
vessels under their control.

CHAPTER XVIII
DARK DAYS  URGENT CALLS FOR TROOPS — TRUM-
BULl's active MEASURES  MILITIA REGIMENTS DE
SPATCHED TO NEW YORK  DEMANDS OF THE NORTH
ERN ARMY — Trumbull's relations to schuyler
 SUPPLIES AND MEN HURRIED FORWARD — SEC
TIONAL JEALOUSIES
FROM the time we are now considering, the
darkest days of the American Revolution
begin. The anxious patriots are looking
forward with a solicitude which in the light of
subsequent events it is difficult for us to under
stand, to the general engagement impending at
New York. We have seen by the Governor's procla
mation of June eighteenth that it was then believed
that the coming campaign would "in all probabil
ity determine the fate of America." This belief was
the result of correspondence with Washington and
with Congress, a correspondence in which the
urgent need of men was set forth in the most im
pressive terms.
Again the active exertions of the Govei^nor in
raising troops and forwarding them to the front
anticipate Washington's urgent demands. His
promptness and activity are best explained in his
own words in a letter to Washington written on
July 6, 1776: 194

LETTER TO WASHINGTON 195
"Sir: I wrote this day to the Continental Congress
that the ancient laws of this Colony enable the
Colonels of the Militia to call out their respective
regiments upon any alarm, invasion, or appearance
of the enemy, by sea or land, giving notice to the
Captain-General or Commander-in-Chief for the
time being, of the occasion thereof. This, with a
general order to them to call out their regiments
upon notice from General Washington, or the Com
mander-in-Chief for the time being, to march to his
assistance, may supersede the necessity of any new
regulation in respect to the Militia, at least until
the next Assembly, as it is very inconvenient for
them to come together at this busy season."
In accordance with this " ancient law ofthe Colony"
which the Governor fits to the occasion, he issues
general orders to the commanding officers of the
five Connecticut regiments stationed nearest to the
New York border to hold themselves in readiness
to move as Washington may direct. The regiments
of Connecticut "Lighthorse" are also reported to
be "moving on fast" towards New York, where
upon their arrival it is found necessary to disband
them, owing to the absence of forage and the un
wiUingness of the men and officers to serve without
their horses.
Before Washington had received the letter in
forming him of the orders given to the five regiments
of mUitia, he had, on the seventh of July, written
Governor Trumbull, giving the latest intelligence
received from the enemy, which showed that their
force already assembled and daily expected would

196 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
be more formidable than it was at first supposed to
be, and adding:
"The interests of America are now in the balance,
and it behooves all attached to her sacred cause,
and the rights of humanity, to hold forth their ut
most and most speedy aid. I am convinced nothing
will be wanting in your power to effect."
Within a month from this time the situation be
came still more alarming. Washington writes to
Governor Trumbull on the seventh of August that
the British forces concentrating at New York by
the most reliable accounts reached the number of
thirty thousand, whUe the number of American
soldiers fit for duty was 10,514 men, mostly raw
troops, scattered over a distance of some fifteen mUes.
To this alarming letter Trumbull replies :
"Your favor of the 7th instant by Mr. Root, and
the intelligence it contains, has given me great
concern and anxiety. The soon-expected strength
of the enemy and the weakness of your army were
equally unforeseen and surprising. . . .
"Immediately upon receipt of your letter I
summoned my Council of Safety and ordered nine
regiments of our militia, in addition to the five
Western regiments, fourteen in the whole, to march
without loss of time and join you, under the com
mand of Oliver Wolcott, Esq., colonel of the Nine
teenth Regiment, as their brigadier-general, who
is appointed and commissioned to that office. These
orders are accompanied with the most pressing
recommendation of speedily carrying them into
execution. . . .

CONNECTICUT TROOPS 197

"1

'I have likewise proposed that companies of
volunteers, consisting of able-bodied men not in
the mUitia, should associate and march to your
assistance under officers they should choose, and
have promised them like wages and allowance of
provisions, etc., as the Continental Army receive.
Some such companies are formed, and expect more
wiU be. Whatever their number may be, they will
be ordered to join some one of our militia regiments,
and submit themselves to the command of their
field officers while they continue in service.
"Colonel Ward's regiment is on the march to
join. I am far from trusting merely in the justice
of our cause; I consider that as a just ground to hope
for the smUes of Heaven on our exertions, which
ought to be the greatest in our power."
From all the correspondence with Washington,
it appears that twenty-one regiments of Connecticut
militia were sent forward to New York, in addition
to the Continental troops of the State already in
the service. The old Connecticut hero, Putnam,
is placed in command at the disastrous battle of
Long Island, in which the Americans were out
numbered two to one. The services of Connecticut
men in this battle, in the masterly retreat from
Brooklyn Heights, and in the subsequent retreat
through New York and New Jersey, were active and
important. History cannot forget the brave Knowl
ton who fell at the head of his gallant band in the
battle of Harlem Heights and the sacrifice of Nathan
Hale will always form an example of the purest,
self-forgetting patriotism which history records.

198 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
All this important and engrossing service formed,
however, only a portion of the weighty cares and
responsibilities under which the veteran Governor
of Connecticut labored at this time. The demands
which the northern army under General Schuyler
was making upon him through the gloomy and
anxious northern campaign of 1776 were constant
and of vital importance. The enlistment of Con
necticut men for this campaign was sadly impeded
by the prevalence of smaUpox in the northern army,
and much of TrumbuU's correspondence with Wash
ington and Schuyler refers to the prevention of this
scourge by the process of inoculation, and by separat
ing the infected from the immunes and disinfected.
Trumbull writes to Schuyler on the fifth of July
of this year: "The smallpox in our northern army
carries with it much greater dread than our enemies."
He sends Doctor Ely to consult with Schuyler's
doctors, and to report upon the real state of affairs,
in the hope that one so well acquainted with the
disease and its treatment may be able to reassure
the timid on his return, and to advise means of
protection in camp.
At this time the relations between Trumbull and
Schuyler appear to be quite intimate. Ship car
penters are needed for the seemingly impossible
task of building a navy from the forests of New
York and Vermont, and are promptly sent forward
from Connecticut upon Schuyler's request to the
Governor. Axes are needed to fell the trees of these
forests, and one thousand good axes "ground and
helved" are sent from Connecticut within a month

TRUMBULL AND SCHUYLER 199
from the date of Schuyler's letter asking for them.
In this letter he says to Governor Trumbull :
"Your Honor's goodness, and the despatch with
which everything comes from you, will expose you
to much trouble, and many applications, but as I
know where your consolation lies, I do not hesitate
to beg your assistance on this occasion."
These axes doubtless did good service in felling
the trees from which an improvised navy was
built, and a year later, after the gallant resistance
by this little navy under Arnold, at Lake Champlain,
did equally good, or more efficient service, in felling
the trees which reduced the speed of Burgoyne's
advance to twenty miles in twenty days at a time
when speed was his only salvation. Sailors are
soon wanted for the improvised navy, and upon
Schuyler's request Governor Trumbull commissions
Captains Seth Warner, David Hawley and Frederick
Chappell each to raise a company of seamen, at
the same time asking Washington to allow some of
these men to be taken from the Connecticut militia
then in service in New York. The northern fleet
on Lake Champlain is also further equipped with
cannons and balls from the Salisbury furnace, whose
operations Governor Trumbull and his Council are
continually watching and directing. SaU cloth and
cordage are also sent from Middletown under Gov
ernor Trumbull's supervision.
Not only in supplying materials, but in the use
of his influence and diplomatic tact, are the Gov
ernor's services called into request. One of the
greatest and most insidious difficulties with which

200 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the chivalrous Schuyler had to contend was local
jealousy. He occupied the unenviable position of
a New York general commanding forces of which
a large majority were from New England. They
were suspicious of him, and were only too ready to
believe any false reports regarding him which were
spread abroad by his enemies and by the common
enemy. The spirit of discord entered into the army,
at first manifesting itself only by rumors and dis
sensions, but gradually gaining ground, as the
schemer Gates appeared on the scene. On the
thirteenth of July we find Schuyler writing to
Governor Trumbull as follows :
"Numerous and formidable as our enemies are,
I cannot despair of success against them, provided
we are unanimous. I mention this because of the
unhappy dissensions in the Northern Army, where
some unfriendly or unthinking people have set up
Colonial distinctions. I have always deprecated
every attempt to divide us, by that or any other
means; and when I was last at Crown-Point, I
convened the commanding officer of every corps,
and pointed out, in the most forcible manner I was
capable of, the danger of such distinctions, and how
much and how justly the enemy would exult to learn
it. The goodness of your heart, my dear sir, and
your zeal for our cause, will induce you to give me
all the assistance in your power to eradicate this
evil. But whilst I entreat you to recommend to the
troops from your colony to cultivate harmony, I
would not wish to be understood that they have
been the promoters or principal supporters of the

LETTER TO SCHUYLER 201
unhappy dissensions; on the contrary, I have
reason to believe them as little culpable as any."
To this letter Governor Trumbull replies on the
thirty-first of July, as follows :
"It gives me great concern to hear that dissen
sions prevail in the Northern Army, and that they
are inflamed and kept up by Colonial distinctions.
I have, agreeable to your request, recommended
to the troops from this Government to cultivate
harmony and a good understanding with the troops
from other States as well as among themselves, and
have pressed it upon them with all the earnestness
the nature and importance of the subject requires.
I shall be very happy to find anything I have done,
or can do, may contribute towards eradicating this
evU." Notwithstanding the Governor's good offices in
the matter, the trouble continued. Reports were
circulated throughout New England reflecting seri
ously on Schuyler's loyalty to the cause of his coun
try, and causing him to write again to Governor
Trumbull on the twentieth of August :
"I am informed that forces that went from hence
to Connecticut are doing all in their power to in
crease the jealousies that so unjustly prevail against
me in different parts of the country. Conscious
of the rectitude of my conduct, I should pass by in
sUent contempt every infamous traduction, did I
not apprehend that silence would be construed as
a tacit avowal of my guilt. I have therefore en
treated Congress for a minute inquiry into my
conduct. ..."

202 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
To this Governor Trumbull replies on the twenty-
eighth of August :
"Your assiduous attention to the great concerns
of the publick at this important period is, in the
minds of the considerate, a most undissembled
declaration of your hearty attachment to the interest
of the United States of America. Whatever reports
may have been spread by the disaffected, or opin
ions had by the mistaken or Ul-informed, I hope
neither your character nor the cause of our country
will eventually suffer thereby. As to Tories, no
very good offices to one in your place can be ex
pected from them. I flatter myself that no misrep
resentations of theirs will have credit enough in
this State greatly to wound your character or
prevent your usefulness. It requires the wisdom
of a Solomon and the patience of a Job to endure
traduction, or regard a slander with the contempt
it deserves. I heartily wish the injury may not
give too much anxiety to a mind possessed of a
conscious rectitude of intention."
The Governor's son Jonathan had already warned
Schuyler that the false reports of treason, embezzle
ment, etc., had reached Connecticut, where, as his
correspondents inform Trumbull, these reports did
not have "their designed effect." The veteran
Putnam also writes that "the late reports were
raised by people notoriously inimical to this country,
and that it was done with a view of dividing us."
He expresses the confidence of himself and his col
leagues in Schuyler's patriotism, zeal and honesty.
Unfortunately, the official relations between Schuy-

CONFLICT OF AUTHORITY 203
ler and one of Governor Trumbull's sons — Joseph,
the Commissary General of the Continental Army
— were strained at this time to such an extent as
to result in an open rupture between them. The
other two sons, Jonathan and John, who were both
in the northern army at this time, appear to have
been on the best terms with Schuyler. The merits
of the dispute between Commissary General Trum
buU and General Schuyler hardly concern us in
this connection; but as the matter may be cited as
a moving cause for Governor Trumbull to regard
Schuyler unkindly, it is well to state the case briefly.
Upon Schuyler's appointment to the command of
the northern army, he was clothed with vague, but
sweeping authority by Congress to provide every
thing necessary for the army. This authority
might easUy be construed to extend to the Com
missary Department. Walter Livingston was ap
pointed by Congress as a commissary in or for the
northern army. Upon his arrival in New York,
Commissary General Trumbull found himself re
sponsible for furnishing the northern army as well
as the army under Washington's command, and
sent his deputy, Mr. Elisha Avery, to take charge
of matters in the northern department for which
Schuyler was furnishing money to his commissary,
Livingston. Schuyler refused to recognize Avery in
the matter, even after Washington had informed
Schuyler that Congress had decided that the sole
right of furnishing the northern army should rest
with the Commissary General. Gates is said to
have cajoled Avery, and doubtless espoused his side

204 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
of the quarrel, though he managed to conceal his
cloven foot in the matter more successfully than
in some of his later intrigues. At all events, the
correspondence between General Gates and Com
missary General Trumbull grows active at this
time, and some intercepted letters form the basis
of an investigation which Schuyler demands of
Congress. They form, too, the only product of
Commissary Trumbull's pen, which we may regard
with regret in his sad, short and arduous career.
The conflict of authority between Commissary
General TrumbuU and General Schuyler lasted with
apparent bitterness for two months, at the end of
which time Deputy Commissary Avery was with
drawn from the northern army by the Commissary
General, who reports to Congress requesting to be
relieved from further connection with the northern
army, as General Schuyler had not only refused to
furnish money to Avery at a time when he was
officially authorized to receive it, but had forbidden
him to purchase provisions, and had given him
orders conflicting with those of the Commissary
General, to whom alone he was accountable. Upon
this. Commissary Livingston resigns, and Congress
sustains the action of the Commissary General.
It has been asserted that all the Trumbulls had an
"intense dislike and jealousy of Schuyler and the
New York influence generally." ^ The official quarrel
between one of the Trumbulls — Joseph — which
is indicated above, appears to be the only ground
^ Year book Connecticut Society Sons of the American Revolution. 189J —
1896, p. 185.

SECTIONAL JEALOUSIES 205
for such a statement. Schuyler's relations with two
brothers of Joseph Trumbull appear to have been
of the most amicable kind, so much so that he had
been warned by one of these brothers against the
false reports which had been circulated regarding
him, and that he had recommended the other
brother for promotion. So far as Governor Trum
bull is concerned, there is stUl to be found an iota
of proof of his "intense dislike and jealousy of
Schuyler." In the quarrel just referred to, it is
natural that he might side with his son, who appears
to have been in the right, and unfortunately carried
his enmity too far. There is but one slight indica
tion, in a letter to his son-in-law, William Williams,
that Governor Trumbull had a poor opinion of
Schuyler's generalship. In this letter he says:
"It is justly to be expected that General Gates
is discontented with his situation, finding himself
limited and removed from the command, to be a
wretched spectator of the ruin of the army, without
the power of attempting to save them." This of
course was long after the trouble between his son and
Schuyler and was written when the fall of Ticonderoga
had cast a gloom over all New England ; and when loud
complaints were made of St. Clair's movements by
people ignorant of the mUitary situation.
It seems evident that Schuyler had the utmost
regard for Governor Trumbull, writing as he did,
on the fifteenth of September: "Your attentions,
sir, to supply the army merits the warmest acknowl
edgments of every friend of his country. You have
mine most unfeignedly."

2o6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
And through the whole course of official corre
spondence in this campaign, mutual sentiments of
personal regard and esteem are exchanged in a way
which would leave either or both of these patriots
open to the charge of hypocrisy if they had not a
high opinion of each other. Certain it is that they
worked in the utmost harmony for the common
cause, and that they both strove with unswerving
fidelity to do everything in their power to remove
the disastrous effects of sectional jealousy from
which Schuyler so unjustly suffered.
Their official relations continued to be active
through the entire period of Schuyler's command,
involving conflicts of opinion regarding the delicate
subject of Connecticut's embargo and its effect on
New York. This matter of conflicting interests
between two newly born States was discussed most
temperately and courteously by Schuyler and Trum
bull, and everything in the power of the latter that
could be done to reconcile differences of opinion was
done. There is hardly to be found a more striking
instance of TrumbuU's broad spirit of harmony in
the common cause than in his relations with Schuyler.
If he cherished that "intense dislike and jealousy"
of which he had been suspected, his course is all
the more to his credit for preventing his personal
feelings from injuring the common cause. And if,
as seems to be the case, he appreciated the ad
mirable character of Schuyler at its true worth,
he must be credited with a soundness and keen
ness of judgment which few, if any. New England
men exhibited in the case at the time.

CHAPTER XIX
"the times that tried men's souls"  DIFFI
CULTIES IN FILLING Connecticut's quota — tryon's
RAID ON DANBURY  TRUMBULL AND THE CONWAY
TITLE "his EXCELLENC
FUL TO THE GOVERNOR

CABAL — THE TITLE "hIS EXCELLENCY" DISTASTE-

THE gloom cast upon the nation by the
success of the British in occupying New
York, and by the retreat of Washington
through New Jersey with his dwindling army,
was in a measure relieved by his wonderful gen
eralship in the battles of Trenton and Princeton.
Had these master strokes been fully appreciated
in New England, a far more hopeful view of the
situation would have prevailed in that important
section, and the recruits so sorely needed doubtless
would have poured in to relieve the sad lack of men
which prevented Washington from following up his
advantages. In view of subsequent revelations,
it is almost ludicrous to read even Governor Trum
buU's condolences to Washington on the capture
of the traitor. General Charles Lee. Such condo
lences reflect the general view of this affair at the
time, and show that it was regarded as a calamity
which did much to offset the cheering news of
Trenton and Princeton.
But four days before the battle of Trenton,
Washington had written an urgent letter to Trum-
207

2o8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
bull, informing him that Lee's men, who should
have been on the scene weeks before, had not re-
enlisted, as Washington had "been taught to be
lieve", and that the militia of New Jersey afforded
no aid. "It is easier," he writes, "to conceive
than describe the situation I am in, — left, or shaU
be in a very few days, with only a few Southern
regiments (reduced almost to nothing) to oppose
Howe's main army, already posted in such a manner
as to throw in his whole force upon us so soon as the
frost affords him a passage over the Delaware, and
our numbers such as to give no effectual opposition."
Under these circumstances, he asks that two regi
ments of Connecticut militia which had been ordered
home should be sent back at once.
In the northern army, too, affairs were in a condi
tion far from satisfactory. Men and cannon were
much needed, and the old jealousy of New England
men, with its disastrous results, continued as before
to render Schuyler's position difficult in the extreme.
We find Gates at this time absenting himself from
the battle of Trenton for the purpose of carrying
on his intrigues in Congress whereby he finally
succeeded in supplanting Schuyler, and reaping
credit for mUitary successes which were due entirely
to others.
The drain of the previous two years on the Con
necticut treasury had now grown to be a serious
matter, so much so that one great difficulty in
enlisting men to fill the continental quota lay in lack
of funds to pay bounties. Another serious difficulty,
too, was the lack of arms and ammunition. Added

DIFFICULT TIMES 209
to all these obstacles was an undefined but un
mistakable feeling of discouragement and weariness
on the part of the people, which could not be ignored
even in Connecticut. These were, as Tom Paine
well said, "the times that tried men's souls." But
the soul of Connecticut's Governor was equal to
the occasion. With every fresh difficulty he re
doubled his exertions, in the midst of increasing
cares, burdens and anxieties. The treatment of
prisoners by the British becomes a source of serious
concern to him, and a subject of much correspon
dence between himself and Washington. The main
difficulty in Connecticut, as in all the other States,
was the impossibility of filling the quotas under the
new establishment of the Continental Army. Three
years or the war was a term of enlistment difficult
to accomplish among a people whose sole means of
livelihood was in the home life on the farm.
By March 6, 1777, the situation had become so
serious that Washington writes for two regiments
to be sent at once to Peekskill to reinforce the army
whUe waiting for the various States to fill their
quotas. These two regiments were at once drafted
from ten of the regiments of militia; but a month
later Washington writes that only eight hundred
of the men had reached Peekskill. At the time
when he called for them he wrote urging that men
be sent forward for the regular army as fast as
enlisted, as the army then consisted of only about
five hundred Virginians and parts of two or three
regiments — "all very weak." He adds: "I almost
tax myself with imprudence in committing the

2IO JONATHAN TRUMBULL
secret to paper; not that I distrust you, of whose
inviolable attachment I have had so many proofs,
but for fear this letter should by any accident fall
into other hands, than those for which it is intended."
Later, while still urging for men to complete
Connecticut's quota, and prevent the enemy from
going up the Hudson, he writes:
"I mark with peculiar satisfaction and thanks your
constant and unwearied assiduity in giving the
service every aid in your power."
Washington and Trumbull were in full accord as
to the need of long enlistments, and everything that
could be done at this time was done towards filling
Connecticut's quota.
About this time occurred the first invasion of
Connecticut soil by the British under Tryon. Land
ing on April 25, 1777, his forces proceeded to Dan
bury where, on the following night, they destroyed
large quantities of military stores which had been
deposited in that town by order of the General
Assembly. The invaders, to the number of two
thousand or more, met with a much warmer re
ception than they expected on their return march
to their ships, and barely escaped capture, after a
severe fight at Ridgefield and harassing attacks by
the fast gathering militia under Wooster, Arnold
and Silliman, in which Wooster lost his life.
Tryon's invasion was reported by Trumbull to
Washington on the fourth of May, and a request
was made for two battalions of Continentals to
be stationed in Connecticut, as the Continental
Congress had provided, or allowed. Washington

RAID ON DANBURY 211
found himself obliged to reply that he could not
scatter his forces in such a way, as the entire New
England coast had the same right to protection,
which it was impossible to grant. He explains the
situation fully to Trumbull, who readily acquiesces,
though the people were clamorous for such pro
tection, and much interrupted in their important
work of farming, so necessary to furnish supplies
for their homes and for the army.
Within a month from the time of Tryon's Dan
bury raid. Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs made
his famous whaleboat raid on Sag Harbor, then a
British depository of military stores, and accom
plished in twenty-five hours, with one hundred and
sixty men and without the loss of a man, very
nearly the same result in the destruction of military
stores which Tryon with two thousand men took
three days to accomplish at Danbury, and with a
heavy loss and narrow escape.
Washington's belief that in view of these results
the enemy would bc more cautious in future was
fully confirmed, and for more than two years Con
necticut soil was free from British invasion.
Discouraging news soon followed from the northern
army. The evacuation of Fort Ticonderoga brought
about a distrust of the commanding officers which
made enlistments more difficult than ever in Con
necticut, thus adding to the difficulties which the
Governor was constantly obliged to face and fight.
Not one whit does the gloom which the news from
the north cast over the country abate the Gov
ernor's zeal or his faith. "The Lord reigns!" he

212 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
writes Washington — " Let us rejoice with thank
fulness beforehand for the mercies we have received,
and with hope of those we stand in need of."
And so, through the dark months which followed,
he continues to urge enlistments and to take every
means to help the common cause, until at last affairs
in the north take on a brighter look, through the
battles of Oriskany and Bennington; and the tide
of the campaign in this department turns, untU
two months later it culminates in the surrender of
Burgoyne. The air of the northern department is
now full of victory, the credit of which does not
go where it is deserved. Gates, by means of in
triguing, had superseded Schuyler, and reaped the
laurels which he never earned.
In the more southern campaign affairs wore a
different aspect. Washington, with an army whose
weakness he dares not disclose, is here facing an
enemy far superior in numbers and discipline, per
plexed by their vacillating movements, so contrary
to sound military principles. The battles of Brandy-
wine and Germantown follow, and though bravely
contested under the utmost disadvantages, do not
result as everyone in New England is now expecting
battles to result, with the defeat of Burgoyne already
almost assured. The occupation of PhUadelphia by
the enemy is also regarded as a dire disaster by the
large majority of people, who could not see the
sense as well as the humor of Benjamin Franklin's
remark, when on being told that the British had
taken PhUadelphia, he drily responded that Phila
delphia had taken the British.

THE CONWAY CABAL 213
The result of the good fortune of one general and
the ill fortune of his commander made the times
ripe for the miserable intrigue which bears the name
of the Conway cabal. It would be unnecessary to
mention this affair, were it not for the fact that
statements have appeared in print which connect
Governor Trumbull with the plots to remove Wash
ington from the command of the army at this
time.i The most careful search possible for the
authority on which such statements rest has been
made, without finding a trace of any word of Gov
ernor Trumbull's, either in print or in manuscript,
which would tend to such a conclusion.
It is believed by some historians that the move
ment known as the Conway cabal had a wider
scope than it has been generally supposed to have
had. Some of the best and greatest statesmen of
the time, actuated by true patriotism and love of
country, thought of the possibility of a successor
for Washington at the time of his appointment
to the command of the army, in case of his removal
by death or capture, or his inability by reason of
sickness or any of the chances of war. How far
this possibility was provided for in the councils
of such statesmen, we have yet to learn. But it
seems obvious to historians who are well qualified
to judge that the intriguers of the Conway cabal
used this perfectly legitimate view of certain states
men as the key for their miserable plot when they
• p. L. Ford. Ada-ntic Monthly, 75: 633; "The True George Washington",
p. 256. L. C. Hatch. "The Administration of the American Revolutionary
Army", p. 25.

214 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
believed the time to be ripe for it. How far Trum
buU's counsels were sought and given even in the
legitimate side of this movement it is impossible
to learn. That he was in any way connected with
the intriguing side of it seems too absurd to believe.
Such an inference might, however, be drawn from
some statements that have been made, even though
it was not intended, in making them, that this view
should be taken.
At the time of the plot itself no one had better
opportunities for taking an impartial view of the
case than Governor TrumbuU. His correspondence
with Washington at the time was constant, and of
a nature to show him all the difficulties which the
Commander in Chief had _ to encounter. At the
same time, with Washington at headquarters we
find Trumbull's son-in-law. General Jedediah Hunt
ington, from whose letter to Trumbull we will
quote a few lines :
November lo, 1777. "I do most heartily pity
General Washington. It is impossible for him to
operate with vigor; he bears his disappointments
with the greatest equanimity, and is anxious to do
the best he can in the circumstances. I could give
you information that would astonish you."
November 18. "Our army wastes fast; we can
raise no recruits for money because it ceases to be
of any consideration."
December 14. "Congress, I dare say, think us
paltroons for not engaging Mr. Howe the other day
at White Marsh. The Committee of Congress who
were there, I am told, were pleased to say as much.

THE CONWAY CABAL 215
An attack would undoubtedly have been the ruin
of this army. General Washington is under strong
necessity of hazarding an action for the sake of
gratifying the opinions of those who ought not, and
cannot indeed, judge him, that is, they cannot
know the circumstances, or do not always under
stand the principles upon which the fate of battles
depends. The country might in some measure be
satisfied for our inactivity, if it would do to let
them into the knowledge of our numbers. I wish
the General was as strong in the field as he is in the
newspapers. A little knowledge of military history
will inform any one that an army in one campaign
scarcely ever fought two battles so general as those
of Brandywine and Germantown. They were not
decisive, it is true, and for good reason beside those
which have been given to the publick. Gen^ Wash
ington had not more than about 10,000 at Brandy-
wine, (the militia I don't count) nor has he more
than that number of effectives after the junction
of the Northern reinforcements (I hardly dare speak
the truth). We have very authentick accounts of
Howe's exceeding him in numbers, in discipline we
know he does. . . . Never I believe did an army
want to fight more than ours on our own or equal
ground, and the inferior officers & soldiers would
cheerfully have gone to their ground had they
been ordered, confiding in the wisdom of their
superiours." January 9, 1778. "I hope the situation of our
mUitary affairs will not be seen through any false
mirrour. They (N. England) must not depend too

2i6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
much upon their sister States ; nor confine themselves
to the lines of proportion or equality."
So much for the information received by Gover
nor Trumbull from his son-in-law, General Hunting
ton. It is quoted merely as a specimen of this corre
spondence, and must have been allowed by such a
man as Trumbull to carry the weight of information
from an original and authoritative source.
On the other hand the Governor's son Jonathan
was, during all this time, in the northern army,
petted by Gates, who appreciated the importance
of the assistance of Connecticut. The letters of the
younger Jonathan Trumbull to his father evidently
bear the flavor of his surroundings in the mUitary
family of Gates, and reflect the opinions which were
doubtless quite freely expressed in this family. A
few specimens of these letters must suffice :
Albany, December i, 1777. "Is it not astonish
ing that two months have now nearly passed at
the southward since anything had been done?
What can be the cause of their lingering inac
tivity? they have before this had large reinforce
ments from this army. If nothing is done with the
whole united Continental force, will there not be
reason for complaint? I fear all is not right. I
wish they had the same harmony & unanimity as
has prevailed in this quarter. . . .
"We are told that the Adams's have followed Mr.
H. home. Is the confederation compleated? A
rope of sand cannot be strong."
Albany, December 4, 1777. "Mr. Pierce re
turned from Congress two days since, with various

THE CONWAY CABAL 217
letters, the purport of which you will know when
I can reach Lebanon. His news is rather very dis
agreeable, informg that Gen' Varnum had evacuated
Red Bank Fort, without waitg the attack of Lord
CornwaUis, who was on his march for that purpose,
and while Gen' Green was on his way, with his
division, to sustain the Fort. Reasons — none
assigned." Going on to give particulars of other reports of
military movements, he adds :
"Other reports prevail, which I shall not men
tion. I fear things are bad eno' below, that the
enemy will probably have safe & good winter quarters
in the city, & leave our army to shurk for themselves
where they can find covering."
These extracts from letters from General Jedediah
Huntington on one hand and Jonathan Trumbull,
Junior, on the other, give as full an idea as possible
of the information which these two correspondents
of the Governor's thought it prudent to commit to
paper. Between these two correspondents stands William
Williams, then in Congress, apparently more con
cerned with interpreting any reverses of our army
as a display of the wrath of the Almighty against a
sinful people than in criticizing generalship; as
after an elaborate description of the battle of Chad's
Ford, he adds, writing from Congress :
"It is an awful frown of Divine Providence, but
we are not at all humbled under it; a sad sign that
more dreadful evUs await us."
It cannot be denied that any connection of Trum-

2i8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
bull with the councils which considered a substitute
for Washington in case of need, or with the plots
which were formed for removing him from office
would be difficult to discover from documentary
evidence after this lapse of one hundred and twenty-
eight years. The most that can be said in the way
of indicating his connection with the matter is that
he had at the time a high opinion of Gates, as most
New England men had, and that Gates did every
thing in his power to foster this opinion. But this
is far from proving anything, and yet it is as far
as we can go. And there seems to be no doubt that
he had, after his year and more of active corre
spondence with Washington, the highest possible
opinion of that great man. Some indications of
Trumbull's regard for Washington may be gathered
from the following extract from a letter which he
wrote him on March 21, 1777:
"I have been greatly alarmed with an account of
your iU state of health, but had the pleasure yes
terday to hear you was mending. May God pre
serve your life and restore your health, for the sake
of your country as well as your friends and your
own, is the sincere wish of
"Sir, with highest esteem and regard,
"Your obedient, humble servant,
"Jon*'' Trumbull."
Again, on January 14, 1778, he writes to Washing
ton, speaking of his wish to fill Connecticut's quota,
and adding:
"Our inveterate foes will strain every nerve in
the manner you mention, which should excite us

THE CONWAY CABAL 219
to be beforehand with them to strike a home blow
before they can be reinforced. It is my most ardent
desire that every necessary preparation be made.
Such a stroke will best relieve the sufferings of the
army. For them I have very tender feelings. At
the same time, sir, I feel most cordially for the
weight and burdens that lie on your Excellency."
It seems useless to pursue this subject further.
The whole situation seems adverse to any view which
would connect Trumbull with the plot of Conway
and Gates to supersede Washington. TrumbuU's
entire record shows that he busied himself with
other and more practical affairs. Though he con
stantly watched the progress of military movements,
he is rarely, if ever, to be found outside the limits
of his stanch little State, where he constantly toiled
and hoped and prayed for the success of the righteous
cause to which he was committed, heart and soul.
It should be remembered, too, that he was at this
time a man of sixty-seven, with a large experience
in judicial matters and a calm, impartial judgment of
men and affairs. If any of the family were connected
with the Conway cabal, it might have been his son
Jonathan, who, with less mature judgment, was
under the immediate influence of Gates and his
military family, the same family which received
Lafayette's toast to the Commander in Chief so
coldly and awkwardly on a certain festive occasion.
But we lack proof that young Trumbull yielded
to these influences. It should be remembered, too,
that his position as Paymaster of the northern
department was, at the time, of a character to give

220 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
him but little, if any, influence in Congress, the
only body whose acts were worth anything to the
plotters. At the May session of the General Assembly of
Connecticut in 1777, the title "His Excellency"
was adopted by vote, as "the stile, title or appella
tion of the Governor or Commander in Chief"
This was distasteful to the Governor; and as it
appears to be the only trace we can find of his own
view of his personal distinction, it is important,
in estimating his character, that we should study
his own words on the subject, addressed to the
General Assembly. A full year had elapsed since
the enactment of that body had burdened him with
this title, and it appears that it continued to dis
turb him to such an extent that he is moved to
address them in the following words :
"An act of this Assembly made and passed this
time twelve months ordered the stile of His Ex
cellency to be given the Governor of this State.
This savouring too much of High Titles, and not
beneficial, may it not honorably be repealed? It
passed without previous knowledge, expectation or
desire. Asking pardon from you and from my
successors, I do sincerely request its repeal. It
is Honor and Happiness enough to meet the Ap
probation of Heaven, of my conscience, and of my
Brethren." Mindful, perhaps, of the mischief made in the
army particularly by jealousies caused by the ap
pointments of Congress, and by some appointments
in the civil service, he adds:

DISLIKE OF TITLES 221
"High sounding Titles intoxicate the mind, in
generate envy, breed disorders in a commonwealth,
and ought therefore to be avoided. The true gran
deur and solid glory do not consist in high Titles,
splendour, pomp, and magnificence, nor in reverence
and exterior honor paid to their Governors and
Rulers, but in the real and solid advantages derived
therefrom." There were sticklers for rank, for position and
empty honors, in the days of the Revolution, from
John Hancock down, but Governor Trumbull was
not one of them.

CHAPTER XX
Trumbull's illness and message to the general
assembly  taxation — regulating acts — con
federation  relief for valley forge — corre
spondence with tryon — the errand of the
"spy" — DEATH OF JOSEPH TRUMBULL
UP to the time of the adjourned session of
the General Assembly in February, 1778,
Governor TrumbuU appears to have been
present at every session during the nine years
of his incumbency. His health had been remark
able for a man of his years and burdens; but
in February we find him sending the following mes
sage to the General Assembly:
"Gentlemen ofthe Council, and Gentlemen ofthe
House of Representatives :
"It having pleased Providence to detain me by
indisposition from a personal attendance with you,
I am to take this method of addressing you on the
present important occasion. The papers relative
to the business which will come under your atten
tion accompany this, — and any letters under ad
dress to me, which may be received in my absence.
His Honor the Deputy Governor will open and
communicate. "The Articles of Confederation of the United
States call first for your attention, and as this

MESSAGE TO THE ASSEMBLY 223
business was well nigh completed during your late
sessions, I hope it will be speedily finish'd.
"The necessity of immediate large Taxation was
next considered, and I trust wUl now occupy your
serious attention. For my own part, I am more
fully convinced that this is the only effectual and
safe method of extricating ourselves from our
present difficulties and of giving value to our cur
rency, and that this time is the most proper for
adopting this remedy, is almost self-evident. Our
debts must be paid, and all men will allow that it is
more easy to pay a nominal sum, when money is
plenty and cheaply earned, than when it is the
scarcest, and consequently the dearest article.
"The doings of the convention at New Haven,
in the regulation of prices, &c., will likewise come
before you, and will demand your very serious con
sideration. As it is a matter of particular concern
to the whole body of the people, will it not be ad
visable to defer your determination therein, until
it can be referr'd to and considered by them in
their town meetings? At least, it is not, in my
opinion, safe to attempt the regulation of those
articles, which are immediately necessary for the
support of the army. We may, it is true, avail
ourselves of whatever is at present on hand — but
meantime, if we affix a low price to provisions and
articles of importation, we shall find that the farmer
will cease to tUl the ground for more than is necessary
for his 'own subsistence — and the merchant to
risque his fortune on a small and precarious prospect
of gain. These things I trust will be carefully

224 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
attended to, and those measures adopted which wiU
best promote the public good."
In accordance with these recommendations, the
Articles of Confederation were adopted at this
session, and a tax of two shillings on the pound was
laid, one half to be paid by the following June and
the other half by the following November. This
tax was to meet the payment of ^600,000 appor
tioned to Connecticut by Congress in a call on the
thirteen States for $5,000,000.
In the matter of the regulation of prices, the
General Assembly and the Governor could not
agree. A measure was quite promptly passed at
this session in accordance with the recommendation
of Congress "for the regulation of prices of labour,
produce, manufactures and commodities within this
state", and was followed by an enactment that
no person could "commence or maintain any suit
either in law or equity within this state" untU he
should take solemn oath that he had not violated
any provision of the act regulating prices.
From TrumbuU's later correspondence with Wash
ington, we learn that he was utterly opposed to the
legislation, and that it caused him much concern.
That he was right in his belief we may see from the
fact that in the following May the regulating act
was suspended, and in the following October re
pealed, no doubt in the light of rather bitter expe
rience which the Governor alone appears to have
foreseen. It was during the Governor's illness that a letter
from Washington under date of February sixth came

AN ALARMING SITUATION 225
to Hartford and was, no doubt, opened by Deputy
Governor Griswold, and by him communicated
to the General Assembly, in accordance with Gov
ernor TrumbuU's general instructions at the open
ing of the session. This letter informs the Governor
that the army at Valley Forge must disband, "un
less more constant, regular and larger supplies of
the meat kind are furnished than have been for
some time past." Washington adds:
"I must therefore, sir, entreat you in the most
earnest terms, and by that zeal which has so em
inently distinguished your character in the present
arduous struggle, to give every countenance to the
person or persons employed in the purchasing line
in your State, and to urge them to the most vig-
ourous efforts to forward supplies of cattle from
time to time; and thereby prevent such a melan
choly and alarming catastrophe. As I observed
before, this subject is rather out of your province,
yet I know your wishes to promote the service
in every possible degree will render an apology
unnecessary. . . ."
This alarming situation appears to have been
provided for by the Governor and Council of Safety
in the previous month of January by the appoint
ment of Colonel Henry Champion, "a gentleman
of great judgment, capacity and experience in the
business of procuring and purchasing fat cattle,
especially beyond any other person in this State,
and of most unexceptionable honor and integrity," ^
as purchaser of cattle, to be driven to such places
' Public Records of the State of Connecticut, i : SU) SI2.

226 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
"as may be directed by the commissary general of
issues or other proper authority."
Colonel Champion's objections to serving under
the rules of the then disorganized Commissary
Department were overcome, and he entered at once
into this important service, with the sum of $200,000
placed in his hands and in the hands of Peter Colt,
Deputy Commissary General of purchases. A later
vote of the Council of Safety provides an additional
sum of $200,000 for the same purpose.
The first drove of cattle, to the number of three
hundred, was driven by Colonel Champion and his
son Epaphroditus to the starving army at Valley
Forge, where in five days, according to the testi
mony of the younger Champion, they were devoured
so eagerly that "you might have made a knife out
of every bone." Colonel Champion and Commissary
Jeremiah Wadsworth continued their efforts by re
quest and direction of Governor Trumbull and his
Council of Safety; and it is hardly too much to say
that the distressing condition of the army was more
effectively relieved by Connecticut at this time
than by any other one State. As late as the fifth of
May Governor Trumbull writes to Washington:
"The activities and abUities of Mr. Wadsworth
and Champion will doubtless be exerted to the
utmost, and I hope will not faU of success."
Wadsworth was at this time Commissary General
of the Continental Army. The utterly absurd
course of Congress in reorganizing, or, more prop
erly, disorganizing the Commissary Department
had, more than any other cause, led to the situation

GOVERNOR TRYON 227
at Valley Forge, as it had previously led to the
resignation of Commissary General Joseph Trum
bull, who very properly declined to serve in a posi
tion where the control of the department was taken
from him and the responsibilities only left. Having
succeeded to an alarming extent in starving the
army as the result of criminally foolish legislation.
Congress, in AprU of this year, had practically
reestablished the former organization of the Com
missary Department, and had persuaded Jeremiah
Wadsworth to take charge of it.
Joseph Trumbull was now at his home in Lebanon,
suffering from a fatal illness brought on by the
cares, anxieties and fatigues of his office. In this
same month of April an interesting correspondence
began between Governor William Tryon and Gov
ernor Trumbull. Tryon had at this time received
from Lord George Germaine the draft of two bills
which had been read in Parliament on the nine
teenth of the previous February, with "his Maj
esty's command that they be printed and dispersed "
throughout the American colonies. One of these
bills was for the abolition of internal taxation in
the American colonies by the government of Great
Britain, and the other "to enable his Majesty
to appoint Commissioners with sufficient Powers
to treat, consult and agree upon the means of quiet
ing the Disorders now subsisting in certain of the
Colonies, Plantations and Provinces of North Amer
ica." It can only be remarked in passing that
the year 1778 was not as favorable for such nego
tiations as the year 1775 would have been.

228 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
On April 17, 1778, Tryon writes to Governor
Trumbull as follows:-
" Sir, — Having been honored with the King's
commands to circulate the enclosures to the people
at large, I take the liberty to offer them to you for
your candid consideration, and to recommend that
through your means the inhabitants within your
Province may be acquainted with the same, as
also the other Provinces to the eastward.
"I am. Sir, your obedient servant,
"W- Tryon."
The reception which this communication met at
the hands of the Governor can best be shown by
quoting his reply in full :
"Lebanon, 23'' April, 1778.
"Sir, — Your letter of the 17th instant from New
York is received with its enclosures, and the several
simUar packets of various addresses with which it
was accompanied.
"Propositions of peace are usually made from
the supreme authority of one contending power to
the similar authority of the other; and the present
is the first instance within my recollections where
a vague, half blank, and very indefinite draft of a
bill once only read before one of three bodies of the
legislature of a nation has ever been addressed to the
people at large of an opposite power, as an overture
of reconciliation. There was a day when even this
step from our then acknowledged parent state might
have been accepted with joy and gratitude. But
that day, Sir, is passed irrevocably. The repeated
insolent rejection of our sincere and sufficiently

LETTER TO TRYON 229
humble petitions, the unprovoked commencement
of hostilities, the barbarous inhumanity which has
marked the prosecution of the war on your part
in its several stages, the insolence which displays
itself on every petty advantage, the cruelty which
has been exhausted on those unhappy men whom
the fortune of war has thrown into your hands, —
all these are insuperable and eternal bars to the
very idea of concluding a peace with Great Britain
on any other conditions than the most absolute and
perfect independency.
"To the Congress ofthe United States of America,
therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad
dressed. And you must give me leave, Sir, to say
that the present mode bears too much the marks
of an insidious design to disunite the people, and
to lull us into a state of quietude and negligence of
the necessary preparations for the approaching
campaign. "If this be its real design it is fruitless. If peace
be really the object let your proposals be addressed
properly to the proper power, and your negotia
tions honorably conducted, and we shall then
have some prospect of (what is the most ardent
wish of every honest American) a lasting and honor
able peace. The British nation may then, perhaps,
find us as affectionate and valuable friends as we
are now determined and fatal enemies, and derive
from that friendship more solid and real advantage
than the most sanguine can expect from conquest."
"I am. Sir, your obedient servant,
"Jon*'' Trumbull."

230 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The correspondence was renewed six months
later by the transmission by Tryon to Trumbull
of "several printed copies of the King's Commis
sioners' Manifesto and Proclamation." These docu
ments appear to have been sent to the Congress of
the United States, which course Trumbull commends
as the proper one in his reply to Tryon, though he
deprecates the motive which seems to underlie
the "proclamation and manifesto." At this time,
the bills abolishing internal taxes and appointing
commissioners to treat with the colonists had
passed by vote of Parliament. It was a vote to
give up, practically, everything for which Great
Britain had been contending; and, in view of the
French alliance which had been completed, the
action of the Mother Country was very much like
locking the stable door after the horse had been
stolen. At the time of Trumbull's reply to Tryon's first
communication, news of the passage of these bills
had not reached America. UsuaUy such important
matters as this letter of the Governor's were sub
mitted to the General Assembly for its approval,
but this body was not in session at the time, and
the records of the Council of Safety make no men
tion of the affair. Later the Connecticut delegates
to the Continental Congress informed the Governor
that his "late correspondence with General Tryon
meets with universal approval." General Gates,
to whom a copy of this correspondence was sent,
failed to mention it in his frequent letters to the
Governor. Gates joined with the traitor, Charles

AN IMPORTANT DUTY 231
Lee, in favoring negotiations with the British com

missioners.^

One of the most important duties assigned to the
Governor in this year was the sending to our
ambassadors to France a copy of the treaty of
alliance ratified by the Continental Congress. The
letter transmitting this document to the Governor
reads thus:
"Your Excellency having been requested by the
Marine Committee to have a packet boat in readi
ness to carry important dispatches to France,
we have now sent such to your care, conditionally,
which we desire you to give in charge to a trusty
Captain, to deliver with his own hands to our Com
missioners at Paris. Your wisdom will dictate
pointed orders for conveying the packets without
injury, w*'' secresy & with dispatch; but, for sink
ing them in case the vessel should be unfortunately
taken. "We are respectfully
"Your Excellency's humble servants,
" Richard Henry Lee,
"James LoveU.
"York Town, May 19th, 1778
"Governour TrumbuU"
In compliance with this request, the little schooner
Spy, of fifty tons' burden, under command of Cap
tain Robert Niles, was selected for this important
service. Of the six vessels separately despatched
for this purpose, the Spy was the only one which
'Lecky. "England in the l8th Century." Vol. 4, p. 85.

232 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
escaped capture. She was a fleet little schooner,
under an able and trustworthy captain, and it
is to be supposed that the wisdom of the Governor
and Council in making the selection lay partly in
the fact that it would seem impossible to the enemy
that so small a craft would cross the Atlantic as
an American war vessel. The passage from Stoning
ton to Brest was made in twenty-one days, and
Captain Niles had the honor of delivering into the
hands of Benjamin Franklin at Paris his mail con
taining this precious document, "being", as the
records of the Council of Safety state, "the first
account he had received of that event, which was
greatly satisfactory to him and the French ministry
and nation in general", etc.
On July 23, 1778, the Governor suffered a sad
bereavement in the death of his eldest son, Joseph,
whose career as a young merchant and later as
Commissary General has been outlined in several
previous chapters. Informing Washington of his
loss, the Governor writes, onthe twenty-fifth of July:
"I very sincerely thank your Excellency for your
friendly and affectionate good will and wishes towards
my late dear son, whom it pleased the sovereign
Arbiter of life and death to remove from this world
about sunrising of the 23'' instant.
"This is a heavy and sore breach upon me; but
it is my duty to be still and know that God has
done it, who has a right to dispose of all His crea
tures as He pleaseth, and ever exercises that right
in perfect consistence with holiness, justice and
goodness."

DEATH OF JOSEPH TRUMBULL 233
To this intelligence Washington replies on the
twenty-eighth :
"I sincerely condole with you on the death of
your worthy son. Colonel Joseph Trumbull, whose
exertions in the cause of his country, while he con
tinued in a public character, will reflect honor upon
his memory; and for whom, when living, I enter
tained a most cordial regard."
Joseph Trumbull had been married a little more
than a year to Amelia, daughter of Eliphalet Dyer.
He left no children. The settlement of his estate
was a most complicated undertaking, and devolved
mainly upon his father and his brother Jonathan.
Unsettled accounts with the Continental Congress
formed, of course, the chief difficulty. On the
sixth of October, the Governor writes to his good
friend Henry Laurens, President of the Continental
Congress, presenting a memorial to Congress re
garding the unsettled claims of his son Joseph.
One paragraph in this letter is so characteristic that
it must be quoted :
"I am little apt, and always unwiUing to speak
advantageously of myself or my children; but as
after all some justice is due to one's self and to
them, as weU as to others, I beg leave to represent
that the attachment of myself, of this son of mine,
and my whole family, to the American cause and
independency was always unshaken, our endeavors
to promote the same unwearied. That his prin
ciples were honest and honorable, his doings in his
department to the satisfaction of the General, of
the officers, and of the army. That he had, and his

234 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
relict and heirs have, a common claim to a just and
reasonable reward for his services."
President Laurens' reply, speaking of the delayed
action of Congress regarding this claim, says :
"The best influence on that occasion was to assure
my friends who were unacquainted with the merits
of the late Mr. Joseph Trumbull, that he had been
one of the best servants of Congress, that I was
persuaded had he been continued in the office of
Commissary upon his own terms the public would
have saved five millions of dollars or more, and
many hundreds of soldiers. To prove this to the
satisfaction of every reasonable person wiU not
be difficult to me. It requires only a retrospect to
the circumstances of our army at Valley Forge
during the last winter, and to the amazing advance
of every species of provision immediately after the
stores which he had amassed were consumed."
After much correspondence, and as the result
of a long sojourn in Philadelphia by the Governor's
son Jonathan, who acted as the administrator of
his brother Joseph's estate, the accounts of the late
Commissary General were finally settled by Con
gress by an allowance of one half per cent, on all
money received, and two and one half per cent.
on all money expended in purchases. These al
lowances were accompanied by resolutions of Con
gress highly commending the services of the late
Commissary General.

CHAPTER XXI
THE WYOMING MASSACRE — BATTLE OF RHODE ISLAND
— FAILURE  THE GOVERNOR'S COMMENTS  HIS
SON A VOLUNTEER — GENERAL GATES ENTERTAINED
AT HARTFORD  NAVAL SUCCESSES  BUSHNELl's
TORPEDO — FINANCES  CONFEDERATION URGED BY
TRUMBULL
ADDED to the sorrows and anxieties of this
sad summer, the news of the terrible
Wyoming massacre reached the Governor
at about the time of his son's death. We
have seen his interest in Connecticut's right to
the territory where this tragedy occurred in the
able statement which he made of the Susquehanna
case, so called. At this time — July, 1778 — ^the
Wyoming valley was Connecticut soil both by
charter rights and legislative enactment; for it
lay in the County of Westmoreland, having pre
viously been a part of Litchfield County, and sent its
deputies to the General Assembly of Connecticut.
Although the State with this far-off addition was a
geographical absurdity, the claim was in force, and
the population was largely composed of people from
the Connecticut of New England who had settled
in the beautiful valley under the auspices of the
Susquehanna Company.
The horrors of this massacre are too well known
to every reader of American history to need recital
23s

236 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
here. All the vindictiveness of evicted Tories was
added to the savage instincts of their Indian allies,
aroused to the full by the victory of an overwhelm
ing force over a little band of brave defenders of their
homes. The only safety for the survivors lay in
flight through a strange and sometimes trackless
country. Of these survivors but few men were left ;
and women, children and aged men made up the
bulk of this crowd of hapless refugees. They reached
their old Connecticut homes after untold sufferings
and hardships. Their story was told to Governor
Trumbull by "Messrs Jenkins, Gallup and Harding,
persons of integrity who removed from the eastern
part of this State, and settled at said Westmoreland,
and had the good fortune to escape the carnage." '
As a result of the Governor's request to Congress
and his correspondence with Washington, three
regiments, with a part of Morgan's rifle corps, were
sent to Wyoming. These forces were, as Washing
ton writes, "of considerable service", enabling the
Connecticut settlers to return to their former homes
and secure crops which had escaped destruction.
The Cherry Valley massacre, which occurred in
the following November, made it necessary that
more active measures should be taken to prevent
such barbarous raids as were made at Wyoming
and Cherry Valley. Sullivan's Indian campaign was
organized and undertaken in the following July.
This plan was contemplated soon after the Wyoming
horror, but the military situation was such at that
time that it was necessary to wait before taking
1 Letter of Governor Trumbull to General Washington, August 27, 1778.

MILITARY MEASURES 237
this measure, the results of which the Governor
had the satisfaction of learning. With true Con
necticut grit and perseverance the Wyoming settlers
now returned, and renewed their industries in that
beautiful valley in comparative security. In 1782,
by decree of a council appointed by Congress,
Connecticut was deprived of all jurisdiction in this
section where for so many years her sons had settled,
so that their claims for indemnity for their losses
in war could not be recognized by the State govern
ment under which they had settled, or by the State
of Pennsylvania to which later jurisdiction was.^
given. In the midst of the grief and anxieties occasioned
by the illness and death of his son, and by the
Wyoming massacre, an important military move
ment almost at the doors of Connecticut called for
the most arduous and prompt measures on the part
of the Governor and his Council. This was the
attempt, with the aid of the French fleet under
Admiral D'Estaing, to dislodge the enemy from their
stronghold at Newport and to drive them out of
Rhode Island, the only place on New England soil
where they still retained a foothold. In July letters
came pouring in upon the Governor from Washing
ton and from President Laurens, urging every
possible attention on the part of Connecticut to
the wants of the French fleet, and reinforce
ments for General SuUivan in command at Rhode
Island; from Governor Greene, to the same effect;
and from Sullivan, expecting an attack on Provi
dence and calling most earnestly for men from Con-

238 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
necticut. In response to these requests, seven com
panies of infantry and one matross company were
immediately sent, notwithstanding the heavy drains
made upon the State for keeping up its quota in
the main army. Fifty barrels of beef and one
hundred barrels of pork were also forwarded from
Connecticut's commissary's stores at Boston by
direction of the Governor to meet an emergency
call from General Sullivan; and during this short
campaign two hundred barrels of powder were
sent, at Governor Greene's request, to replace
ammunition destroyed by the severe and unpre
cedented rainstorm of August. Water boats were
fitted out at New London by Washington's request
to supply the French fleet, and pilots were in readi
ness to meet this fleet on its arrival.
In July, everything appeared auspicious, and
Connecticut patriots were already rejoicing in im
agination at the prospect of a signal victory. Proc
lamations of a hopeful and encouraging tone,
calling for volunteers in addition to the quota,
were issued by the Governor. The French alliance
was regarded as an "interposition of Providence",
the first fruits of which were to be gathered near
a town of that name in Rhode Island. But this
was not to be. A tremendous storm arose at the
time when the French fleet was maneuvering to
engage the British fleet, and scattered the ships,
dismasting some of them. On returning to New
port, Admiral D'Estaing, in spite of earnest protests
from Sullivan and others, insisted on sailing for
Boston to refit, and the American forces, largely

BATTLE OF RHODE ISLAND 239
outnumbered, were left without their expected naval
support, and obliged to retire. On this subject
Governor Trumbull writes Washington, on the
twenty-seventh of August :
"Thus are our raised expectations from an ex
pedition, which had all the appearance of success,
damped. This shows us that we ought not to
place our dependence too much on foreign aid ; —
but may such disappointment teach us to place
our trust and confidence in that Supreme Being
who governs the universe, and can, with infinite
ease, turn those things which we are ready to con
clude are against us, eventually to our advantage,
in whose allwise disposals may we cheerfully ac
quiesce, and rest satisfied that whatever He doth is
right." The anxiety of the Governor regarding this short
campaign was greatly heightened by the fact that
his youngest son, John, had volunteered as an aide
to General Sullivan, and was in the thick of the
fight of the twenty-ninth of August, being obliged
to carry Sullivan's orders from one division to
another at great personal risk from the showers of
musket balls, grapeshot, and round shot through
which he passed on horseback, in performance of his
duties. He fortunately escaped injury, and says
in his reminiscences:
"It becomes me to say with the Psalmist, *I
thank thee, O thou Most High, for thou hast covered
my head in the day of battle.' For never was aide
de camp exposed to more danger than I was during
that entire day, from daylight to dusk."

240 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
His son's participation in this battle formed a
new bond of sympathy between the Governor and
President Laurens, for on the fifth of the following
October we find the former writing to the latter:
"With great sincerity and satisfaction I beg leave
to congratulate your Excellency on the happy
escape from danger of your son in the late attempt
on Rhode Island, and on the honor he has very
justly obtained from the share he bore in the events
of that expedition, particularly in the memorable
battle fought on that island.
"With much gratitude to the disposer of events
I also acknowledge the safety of my youngest son,
who voluntarily, and without my approbation,
shared the like dangers in the same expedition."
To this President Laurens replies on November lo:
"I perceive. Sir, we were in equal danger on the
28 August, and that we have each of us particular
cause for thankfulness for the escape of our children
from dangers to which their love of country had
exposed them. My own inform me what were your
feelings while the event of the day remained un
known to us, and I am persuaded that we have
both learned in all cases, under the severest pangs
arising from apprehensions, such as I confess I felt,
on that occasion, and in deep distress from real
misfortunes, to say, — 'Thy will be done.'"
The brilliant military career of President Laurens'
son John here referred to lasted throughout the war,
and was brought to a sad end, in a little skirmish in
1782, in which he fell, mortally wounded, at the
head of his troops.

NAVAL SUCCESSES 241
The equally distinguished and more varied career
of Colonel John Trumbull was destined to last
more than half a century beyond the career of the
brave Colonel John Laurens.
It was during the month of October in this year
that General Gates, with his staff, was much more
royally entertained at Hartford than he deserved
to be. He stood high in popular favor at this time,
since the magnanimous Washington had kept his
share in the Conway cabal as profound a secret as
possible, and the bubble of his military reputation
was yet to burst by means of his blundering cam
paign in the South. The sum of £500 was appro
priated by the General Assembly for the reception
given to him at Hartford, thirteen toasts were
drunk, among them one to "General Washington
and the American Army", in which it is hoped he
responded more warmly than to a similar toast
proposed by Lafayette on a previous occasion.
Another of these toasts was "The American Navy",
which touched Connecticut quite closely at this
time in view of the recent capture of the British
warships Admiral Keppel and Cyrus ^ by the Con
necticut warships Oliver Cromwell and Defence.
These were valuable prizes, as the following extract
from a letter of Samuel Eliot, Junior, Connecticut's
agent at Boston, goes to show:
" It is with great pleasure that I am able to inform
your Excellency, that the Kepple and Cyrus prizes
turn out so well as not only to pay the moneys
' The name of this vessel is given in unofficial papers as the Cygnus. New
London Co-mpany Hist. Soc. Records and papers, vol. i, pt. 4, p. 38.

242 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
advanc'd for the Defence and Cromwell, but that
I shall be able to remit a very large sum to the
State." This sum was expected to reach at least £5,000.
These were said to be the most important prizes
captured by Connecticut vessels during the war.
During the previous year the aggregate of prize
money was larger, and the losses of American vessels
fewer, the value of prizes for that year being esti
mated at £200,000. As a matter of fact, the naval
service of the State in the Revolution has never
received from historians the notice which it de
served. It is safe to say that during the war no
fewer than two hundred and fifty armed vessels
of various kinds and classes were fitted out in this
little State for naval service; and the position ofthe
Governor as commander in chief of the naval as
well as the mUitary forces of Connecticut added
largely to his burdens and responsibUities. The
British soon learned that such a thing as an American
war vessel was neither an impossibility nor a farce,
and the moral effect of Connecticut's motley fleet
was a much more important factor than it is gener
ally supposed to be. This moral effect, too, was
much enhanced by the invention made by David
Bushnell of Saybrook. This is said to have been
the first marine torpedo known to history. The
Governor was much interested in this invention
which, though it did not actually do much damage,
gave to the British that sense of the unknown risks
which might be encountered at anchor which was
extremely annoying, and probably prevented some

FINANCIAL PROBLEMS 243
coastwise movements which might have been under
taken if this risk had not stood in the way. Bush-
neU's machine also inspired the pen of Francis
Hopkinson, whose "Battle of the Kegs" appeared
at a time when the enemy were much alarmed by
amazing submarine explosions in the vicinity of
their fleet, and added ridicule to their alarm.
Bushnell appeared before the Governor and Coun
cil with models of his machine, and was given every
facility which the State could afford for carrying
on his enterprise. He was also recommended to
Congress, in the hope that Federal aid would be
granted him; and in 1779 he was warmly recom
mended by Governor Trumbull to Washington, who
granted him the positon of Captain in his corps of
sappers and miners, which did good service at
Yorktown. By no means the least of the cares and anxieties
which beset the Governor during this eventful year
1778 was the money problem. Connecticut's policy
since 1776 had been, at his earnest recommendation,
to issue no more State bUls of credit, but to meet
expenses by direct taxation. The expedients of
Congress for raising money through State loan
offices, lotteries, and other devices failed to accom
plish their object; and in 1778 Congress resorted to
Connecticut's simple and sound expedient of taxa
tion. The sum of $5,000,000 was apportioned
among the thirteen States, the share of Connecticut
being $600,000, which, although far beyond her
just proportion, Connecticut promptly assumed and
promptly provided for by laying a tax to raise the

244 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
money. The correspondence of the Governor with
the Connecticut delegates to the Continental Con
gress and with President Laurens is full of recom
mendations, discussions and suggestions on this
all-important subject of the finances of the country,
in the hope that some uniform and sound plan might
be adopted by which the thirteen States might
work together in harmony for the common good.
In November, 1778, the Governor's son Jonathan
was unanimously appointed Comptroller of the
Treasury of the United States, a position which,
as Roger Sherman says, placed him at the head of
this department.
The newly appointed Comptroller had been in
Philadelphia for some time, endeavoring to arrange
with Congress for a settlement of the accounts of
his late brother Joseph, and no doubt had shown his
financial ability in a way to recommend him to this
office. Sherman at this time had been the means of
reorganizing the Treasury Department, and doubt
less favored the appointment of the Comptroller.
This position, during the time he held it, enabled
him to give valuable information to his father
regarding the state of the national finances.
In addition to his solicitude for the finances of
the country, Trumbull was also deeply solicitous
regarding the Articles of Confederation, to which
some of the States were so slow to agree. His
correspondence with the Connecticut delegates makes
frequent mention of the need of confederation, as,
for example, on the twenty-fifth of August:
"I am exceedingly anxious to see our confedera-

CONFEDERATION URGED 245
tion compleated. The four States — how long
must the others wait for them? If they are not
like to comply soon, should we not confederate
without them?"
And again, on the eighth of December:
"A foreign loan taken upon proper principles
appears to me much more eligible. There is no
doubt it may be obtained when Confederation
is settled, and funds for it can be laid. Why are
not the Articles of Confederation concluded? Is
it not needful this and the affair of our finances
be finally settled before the enemy leave us? Will
not these things left for an after-settlement breed
internal differences ? "
In view of subsequent events, there was something
prophetic in these questions of Connecticut's patri
otic Governor.
In the midst of this solicitude for the general
good, it is rarely that we get even the slightest
personal reflection. The documents he has left
us are for the most part of a public and impersonal
character, continually informed and inspired by an
abiding religious faith which was so much a part
of his public life that it frequently appears in his
correspondence and official utterances. We may
catch something of his view of his own life, in con
nection with his broad view of public affairs, from
the following extract from a letter which he wrote
to Silas Deane, with whom he was then on intimate
terms on October 6, 1778. Speaking of the death
of his son, he says :
"The treatment he met, without thanks or re-

246 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
ward for more than two years' indefatigable labours
and risque, grieved him to the heart, brought on and
increased his bodily disorders, preyed on his con
stitution, exhausted his spirits, wore them out, and
finished his days. Mine are nearly terminated;
may afflictions wean me from a fondness for life,
and quicken my preparations for an exchange of
worlds. The curtain is thin, yet perfectly dark,
save what is revealed by the Lord. We live by
faith and not by sight. We are in the latter end of
the last days. The marvellous events of Providence
seem to open to our view a rising empire in this
western world, to enlarge our Redeemer's kingdom
and to pull down the Papacy. Another, the Russian,
is rising in the north quarters to subdue the Otto
man, to dry up the waters of the River Euphrates,
to prepare the way for the kings of the east.
"A commonwealth is the most rational and
equitable form of government; it grows and flourishes
where virtue is its object ; it decays and sinks where
luxury, the source of corruption, prevails and in
creaseth. "May these States become free and independent,
union and harmony be established, virtue encouraged
and maintained, and peace restored and confirmed
with all the world."
Within a week from the time of writing this
letter Governor Trumbull had completed his sixty-
eighth year.

CHAPTER XXII
SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS  GOVERNOR, TRYON AGAIN
THREATENS AN INVASION  HE ATTACKS NEW HAVEN
AND BURNS FAIRFIELD AND NORWALK  ARREST OF
WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON  HIS RELEASE  FINAN
CIAL AFFAIRS — Trumbull's correspondence with
VAN DER CAPELLAN  HIS PLANS FOR A HISTORY
OF THE REVOLUTION
THE continued and incessant drain upon
Connecticut began to be more keenly felt
than ever before at the opening of the
year 1779. Hay reached the price of two
hundred dollars per ton at about this time, and
Commissary General Wadsworth speaks feelingly
of the difficulties of his situation in a letter to Gov
ernor Trumbull dated April sixth, telling how he has
scoured the country for flour especially, and finds
little or none to be had. He expresses fears that
the troops at New London are at that moment
without bread, and speaks of the absurdity of
seizing flour under the law in the following words :
" If it were possible to obtain bread for the army
by the present law, the expense is so great that the
Treasury of the United States is not sufficient to
pay for it."
He encloses a statement of the cost of thirty-
four "casks" of flour, containing about the quantity
which our present barrels contain, and costing by
247

248 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the process of seizure and appraisal the sum of
£1412, IS. 8d.
In the earlier days of this year, Yale College
was dismissed some three weeks earlier than usual,
and the winter vacation extended two weeks beyond
the usual time, because it was impossible for the
steward to procure flour "to uphold Commons in
the HaU."' On the second of February we find
President Stiles writing to Governor Trumbull ask
ing for an order on the Commissary General for
fifty or sixty barrels of flour for the use of the college.
About this time the soul of the Governor is vexed
by a communication from Governor Tryon of New
York, again apparently attempting pacification by
mail, and to that end sending "some publications
of the loyal city of New York" and asking for
newspapers from Connecticut; at the same time
assuring the Governor that he has nothing to conceal
"but our military operations; and we should be
happy if a prudent and sensible moderation on your
side would give us occasion to make them unneces
sary." To this communication no reply appears
on record. Immediate measures, however, were
taken by the Governor, on his own initiative, to
strengthen the defenses of New London, which
town it was believed would soon be attacked by
Tryon. The Governor's course was promptly ap
proved by the Council of Safety, and reinforce
ments were ordered to New London to such an
extent that the cautious Tryon refrained from making
the expected attack.
1 Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D., LL.D., vol. 2, pp. 315, 316, 320, 32I.

RAID ON NEW HAVEN 249
For three months and more from this time,
Tryon appears to have been watching for a vulner
able point on the Connecticut coast; and early in
July made a demonstration towards Norwalk and
Fairfield, in which such portion of his forces as
were engaged were repulsed by the brave home
guard of these two towns. This was, perhaps, a
reconnoitering expedition, or a feint on Tryon's
part, as the entire force engaged in this demonstra
tion was reported to Governor Trumbull to be
about two hundred men, with six vessels
carrying in all about twenty guns. In the previous
February, Tryon had made a border raid at Horse-
neck, destroying the salt works there, and giving
the occasion for Putnam's famous ride to Stratford,
in which he exceeded the eulogy on his tombstone
by daring to lead where no one dared to follow.
Tryon's demonstration at Norwalk and Fairfield
was the signal for a series of raids on defenseless
Connecticut towns. On the morning of Monday,
the fifth of July, as the people of New Haven were
preparing to celebrate the third anniversary of
American independence, a fleet of forty vessels
under the naval command of Sir George Collier
and the military command of William Tryon and
General George Garth appeared off West Haven,
where about one thousand men under Garth were
landed, and later at East Haven, where about
twelve hundred men under Tryon landed with the
purpose of joining Garth at New Haven. Both
these divisions met with gallant opposition from
the hastily gathered defenders, among whom were

250 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
a number of Yale students together with the vener
able President of Yale, Doctor Naphtali Daggett.
Having entered New Haven, a scene of plunder,
murder and rapine took place which goes far to
blacken the record of the British and Hessian
soldiers of the Revolution. The approach of four
regiments of militia under General Andrew Ward
caused Tryon and his men to make a hasty retreat
to their ships on the following morning. The news
of this raid was reported to Governor Trumbull by
General Ward from his military point of view, and
in fuller detail by Peter Colt.
The raid on New Haven was followed by a similar
attack on Fairfield on the eighth of July. Un
fortunately, no organized plan for meeting this
attack could be made; and though the handful
of men who were able to oppose the invaders stood
their ground bravely, the work of destruction was
quickly carried out, and practically the whole
town, with some of the outlying parishes, perished
in the flames. Here, as at New Haven, a proclama
tion was read or published, offering indemnity to
those who peacefully occupied their homes during
the invasion, and to civil and military officers who
"give proof of their penitence and voluntary sub
mission." Before this proclamation had reached
those to whom it was addressed, one half the town
of Fairfield was in flames, and the other half doomed.
Quickly withdrawing from Fairfield, under a
harassing fire, the fleet crossed to Huntington,
Long Island, where it remained until the tenth,
taking in supplies. Norwalk was the next victim.

NORWALK DESTROYED 251
Early in the morning of July eleventh a landing was
effected, and Garth and Tryon approached the
fated town by two different routes. Although a
force of seven hundred militia had been despatched
to Norwalk by the Governor's orders, under General
Oliver Wolcott, and a small force of Continentals
under General Samuel H. Parsons was also present,
but little opposition to the invaders was made,
and Norwalk was also burned to the ground.
This ended Tryon's series of raids on Connecticut.
To reinforce the raw militia under General Wolcott,
Washington had now ordered two Connecticut
brigades, under General William Heath, to march
from their headquarters in the Highlands "towards
Bedford." Having learned of the raids on New
Haven, Fairfield and Norwalk, Heath marched his
two brigades towards Stamford, which town ap
peared to be threatened by Tryon, whose caution
caused him to refrain from the proposed attack
in view of the American force now opposed to him.
The situation in Connecticut was now serious and
alarming, and the Governor and Council of Safety
busied themselves in providing as fuUy as possible
for the defense of New London and other important
towns along the coast which might be in danger of
an attack. These raids of Tryon's resulted, of
course, in great hardships to the people of New
Haven, Fairfield and Norwalk, the last two towns
being practically wiped out of existence, and the
first having suffered from the brutal outrages,
plundering, murders and rapine to which all three
were subjected.

252 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
In connection with the alarm and indignation of
the sufferers and their neighbors, an episode oc
curred which placed Governor Trumbull in a very
delicate and disagreeable position. This was the
arrest of William Samuel Johnson, whose letters
from England and whose excellent service as agent
for Connecticut some ten years before this time have
been fully referred to in some of the earlier chapters.
At the outbreak of the Revolution — or, more
properly, from the time of his fruitless embassy to
General Gage at Boston — Johnson had retired
to private life in his native town of Stratford, be
lieving that independence could never be achieved
by his young and feeble country through war with
the mighty Mother Country. He had, however,
remained strictly neutral. At the time of Tryon's
raids, the people of Stratford were panic-stricken.
Knowing Johnson to be well acquainted with Tryon,
they insisted that he should intercede with him to
save their town from destruction. Johnson plainly
said to them that such intercession would be use
less. A town meeting was then called, at which
resolutions were passed that Johnson and others
should undertake this mission; upon which, be
lieving himself legally bound as a townsman to
obey the instructions of this all-potent assembly,
he consented to do what he could, and drew up a
paper to be signed by leading townsmen, who made
the request in writing, and promised support and
indemnity to himself and those who acted with him.
News of this proceeding was at once communi
cated to General Oliver Wolcott, who despatched

ARREST OF JOHNSON 253
Lieutenant Colonel Jonathan Dimon to Stratford.
He summoned Johnson and others before him and
subjected them to a rigid examination. It was
reported to General Wolcott that though Johnson's
words "were smoother than oil, yet they were very
swords" in his replies to the questions of his exam
iners, as may well be imagined in view of his
diplomatic experiences of ten years before in London^^
On receiving Colonel Dimon's report of the
examination, General Wolcott ordered that Doctor
Johnson be sent "under guard or otherwise" to
the town of Farmington, to be delivered "to the
care and custody of the civU authority of that
town" to be kept "under such proper restraints as
to prevent his having any correspondence with the
enemy." Johnson was thus, to all intents and
purposes, made a prisoner. He was, however,
allowed to proceed to Farmington without a guard,
on giving his word of honor that he would at once
give himself up to the selectmen. On his arrival,
these authorities found, on consultation among
themselves, that they had no reason for detaining
him. Johnson, though agreeing with them, proposed
that he should be allowed to proceed under parole
to the Governor and Council of Safety and, after
stating his case, abide by their decision. Thus,
probably for the first time in the four years of the
war, Governor Trumbull met and doubtless enter
tained his old friend and correspondent. Doctor
Johnson, under circumstances very different from
' See Wolcott papers in Connecticut Historical Society's manuscript col
lections.

254 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
those under which he had been accustomed to meet
and correspond with him. Knowing Johnson's char
acter as he did, there is no doubt that he placed
implicit confidence in his statement, and regarded
him in the same friendly light as in former times.
The meeting of the Council of Safety, by a bare
majority, failed to agree with the legislative Council
which voted to release Johnson. On the following day,
July twenty-ninth, the Council of Safety met again.
The Governor laid before the Council the papers
in the case. Doctor Johnson appeared and was
granted a hearing, and was at last allowed to re
turn to his home at Stratford, with a letter to the
civil authorities written by the Governor, stating
that he was allowed to return by and with the advice
of the Legislative Council and the CouncU of Safety.
From this time forward Doctor Johnson remained
peacefully at his home in Stratford, carrying on his
favorite literary pursuits until called upon to act
as counsel for Connecticut in the Susquehanna case
in 1782. In the critical times which followed, his
native State could not dispense with his services,
and his record as a delegate to the Constitutional
Convention of 1787 completes his long and honor
able service to Connecticut in a way which honors
his name.
The financial condition of the country continued,
in the year 1779, to grow from bad to worse. In
May the Continental Congress called upon the
thirteen States to contribute the sum of forty-
five million dollars to the general war fund. The
amount apportioned to Connecticut was $5,100,000

FINANCIAL AFFAIRS zss
whUe Massachusetts had but $6,000,000 as her
share. During the entire year, it is stated that
Congress caUed on Connecticut for the sum of
$8,500,000.' It is difficult to determine the exact
amount which the State paid under these calls;
but we have it on the official statement of Governor
Trumbull that during the year 1779 "this State
raised nine millions eight hundred & sixteen thou
sand and fifty-six & one third dollars for Con
tinental and State purposes." ^ Taxes were laid
at the May session of the General Assembly to the
extent of nineteen shillings to the pound, payable
at three fixed dates. And owing to the rapid de
crease in the value of paper money, higher rates
were yet in prospect. To Trumbull, as to other
statesmen of the day, the urgent need of a foreign
loan was apparent. But the difficulty in negotiat
ing a loan from a foreign country with no security
but the justice of our cause and the good faith of
the people was a serious difficulty indeed. Of all
foreign nations HoUand appeared the most eligible
for this purpose, for reasons which need hardly be
discussed here.
And of all the good friends of America in that
resourceful little country, John Derk, Baron Van
der Capellan, appeared best suited to advance her
interest in HoUand. His views in home politics
were so liberal as to exclude him for four years
from his seat in the Assembly, owing to his advocacy
' Stuart. "Life of TrumbuU", p. 452.
''Letter to Samuel Huntington, in Massachusetts Historical Society Col
lections, 7th series, vol. 3, p. 62.

2S6' JONATHAN TRUMBULL
of the rights of the people of Holland, and his at
tempts to relieve them from feudal oppression.
This nobleman was an intimate friend of Governor
TrumbuU's, and the correspondence between them
had for some time been frequent. Among other
suggestions, the good Baron had requested that the
Governor should prepare and send to him, "a
description of the present state and advantages of
America ; of the forms of government in its different
republics; of the facility with which strangers can
establish themselves, and find subsistence; of the
price of lands both cultivated and unimproved; of
cattle, provisions, etc.; with a succinct history of
the present war, and the cruelties committed by the
English. This," says the Baron, "would excite
astonishment in a country where Ariierica is known
but through the medium of gazettes."
Notwithstanding the constant and engrossing
cares which his official duties imposed upon the
Governor, he at once undertook the task of drawing
up such a statement as the Baron Van der Capellan
had suggested; and within a month had prepared
a letter which a century and more later filled thirty
large octavo pages in the printed Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. This docu
ment was duly forwarded to the Baron Van der
CapeUan by the Governor's good friend. President
Henry Laurens. It was in due time received in
HoUand, and its contents carefully made known to
the Baron's most influential acquaintances, result
ing in liberal subscriptions by himself, his kinsmen
and others to a loan to the United States of America.

LITERARY PLANS 257
In this connection, it is interesting to note that
Governor Trumbull had in mind at about this time
a plan for writing a history of the American Revolu
tion, which for some reason he never carried to
completion. Perhaps he contented himself at this
advanced period of his life with leaving the work
to be embodied in the more extended plan of a
"General History of the United States of America"
which his cousin, the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull,
undertook to write at a later date, but which he
did not live long enough to complete. In this under
taking Governor Trumbull urged his cousin to
cover the entire period from the discovery of America
to the close of the Revolution. But one volume of
the three contemplated in this plan ever reached
the printer. In view of the success attending the
Governor's correspondence with the Baron Van der
Capellan, he was doubtless impressed with the
importance of acquainting distinguished foreigners
with the true state of affairs in America. Probably
with that motive he loaned to the Chevalier Anne-
Cesar de la Luzerne, minister from France to the
United States, a manuscript which the Chevalier
caUs in his correspondence " a plan of the history of
America." It appears, however, from mention
made of this manuscript by the Marquis Francois
Jean de Chastellux in his "Voyages dans I'Amerique
septentrionale", quoting the Governor's own men
tion of it, that it was only the introduction to a
history of the American Revolution, — "only a
historical resume, quite superficial, and not lacking
in partiality in the manner in which the events of

258 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the war are represented." It is not surprising that
to this criticism of the Governor's historical writings
this nobleman of the gay court of Louis XVI. should
have added the following personal description:
"He is over seventy years old, his entire life is
devoted to affairs, which he loves with a passion,
whether they be great or small; or, rather, there
are none for him of this latter class."
Although the military operations of importance
were now confined to the southern States, there
were calls upon Connecticut to fill her quota of
men, and active measures were taken to comply with
these calls and to keep up the coast guard and local
militia which might be needed at any time to defend
the State from such invasions as she had suffered
from during the year.

CHAPTER XXIII
DISTRESSING CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY  FINAN
CIAL AFFAIRS AND MEASURES  CALLS ON CONNEC
TICUT — DEATH OF THE GOVERNOR'S WIFE — FRENCH
HUSSARS QUARTERED AT LEBANON AND COLCHESTER —
GOVERNOR APPOINTED TO SUPERVISE STATE FINANCES
DURING the year 1779 the calls on Con
necticut for money and provisions for the
Continental Army had been most urgent.
Rhode Island, too, owing to the presence of an army
within her narrow confines, had been reduced to the
verge of famine, and much relief had been given her
by her more fortunate neighbor. But the greater and
carefully husbanded resources of Connecticut felt
the strain, so that the most active measures of
embargo and prevention of illicit trade were put
in force. In money matters the State had found a
slight, but temporary relief from the proceeds of
prize vessels and cargoes brought in by State pri
vateers and other war vessels; but this relief was
only a drop in an empty bucket.
Early in 1780, distressing letters began to come
from General Washington telling of a starving
army on the verge of mutiny for lack of food and
pay. Governor Trumbull found a new difficulty
to contend with in his earnest attempts to afford
relief. The farmers who had been selling cattle and
provisions to the United States under contracts
2S9

26o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
with its commissaries had not received any pay
ments for a year or more ; and if they should receive
the amounts now due them the value of the money
would be less than half the sums their contracts
called for, owing to the rapidly declining rates for
continental bills. For this reason, the large dealers
upon whom the commissaries depended were un
able to replenish their stocks by purchases from the
smaller farms, and were unwilling to run the risk
of such delays in payment as they had already ex
perienced. This situation was explained to Wash
ington by Trumbull as fully and clearly as possible,
with the added assurance that "whatever is in the
power of this small State to effect for the salvation
ofthe country wiU be executed with earnest pleasure."
And now begins an urgent correspondence of the
Governor with the Connecticut delegates to Con
gress and with President Samuel Huntington, urg
ing that measures be taken to pay the amounts due
under commissaries' contracts, and suggesting to
the delegates measures for "introducing a stable
currency and medium of commerce", on the sound
basis of contributions by taxation from the different
States. The delays in the action of Congress in the
important measures of supplying the army also
bring out something more than suggestions from
the Governor to the delegates and President. There
was, no doubt, a complete agreement of opinion
on the part of Trumbull with Washington when,
at a later date, the latter wrote him :
"As I always speak to your Excellency in the
confidence of friendship, I shall not scruple to con-

FINANCIAL MEASURES 261
fess that the prevailing politics, for considerable
time past, have filled me with inexpressible anxiety
and apprehension, and have uniformly appeared
to me to threaten the subversion of our indepen
dence. I hope a period to them is now arrived,
and that a change of measures will save us from
ruin." '
It seems safe to say that a more formidable
enemy than the British army at the beginning of
the year 1780 was the continental paper money,
which during the previous year had been issued to
the extent of nearly $150,000,000,^ and was now so
rapidly declining in purchasing power that Washing
ton's statement was hardly an exaggeration when
he said that a cartload of money was needed to buy
a cartload of provisions. His statement that the
financial condition of the country was "the only
hope, the last resource of the enemy" need hardly
be questioned here, though the financial condition
of Great Britain was, at the same time, a matter
of grave concern to her statesmen.
To meet the alarming crisis, the Continental
Congress resorted to the expedient of a contraction
of the currency by calling in and destroying the
old issues, and by issuing new bills for one twentieth
of the amount destroyed, these new bills having
six years to run, and being payable, with interest
at five per cent., in specie. To accomplish this
measure, it became necessary to caU upon the
1 Washington to Trumbull, June 27, 1780. In Collections of Massachusetts
Historical Society, vol. 10, sth series.
^^140,052,480. Bronson, "Connecticut Currency", p. 114.

262 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
States for contributions of fifteen mUlion dollars
monthly in old Continental money for thirteen
months. The measure was, to some extent, in ac
cordance with Governor Trumbull's views, and he
promptly laid the matter before the General As
sembly at its AprU session. The delegates in Con
gress had written him, both officially and personally,
urging that legislation be promptly had by Con
necticut to carry out this measure. Appreciating,
no doubt, the importance of relief by any measure
on which Congress could agree, and fully informed
by the Governor of the situation as stated by
the Connecticut delegates, the General Assembly
promptly passed "An Act for the Establishment
of Public Credit, and to Provide for the Exigencies
of this State", which provided unequivocally for
meeting the requirements of Congress. So en
couraging was the example of Connecticut in this
time of gloom and despondency that Oliver Ells
worth writes to the Governor, under date of May
ninth :
"I thought it my duty to read in Congress the
accounts I had received from Connecticut, & was
kept in countenance by their just approbation."
A month later he writes reporting encouraging
progress by various States in adopting measures
similar to those of Connecticut. It is hardly neces
sary to add that Connecticut provided for her
share in this new measure by laying taxes, as usual
in such cases.
The exigencies of the times were such the Con
gress thought it necessary to call upon the States

DRASTIC MEASURES 263
for provisions at fixed values in addition to the
money called for. The share of Connecticut in
this call was 78,400 hundredweight of beef, loii
bushels of salt, 68,558 gallons of rum, and 500 tons
of hay. Measures were duly enacted to supply
these provisions. The share of the State in the
money caUed for was $1,700,000, monthly in con
tinental money, or at the rate of one dollar in specie
to forty dollars of continental money. This was
one ninth of the whole amount called for by Con
gress, — a large proportion for a small State. The
payment of this amount entitled the State to issue
bills to the extent of one twentieth of the continental
money contributed, which bills were to be guaran
teed by the United States, and were payable, with
interest at five per cent, at the expiration of six
years, in Spanish milled dollars. So slow, however,
were the officials in the mechanical part of this
undertaking that Connecticut could not wait for
the guarantee of the United States, and issued bills
of a simUar kind on the sole credit of the State,
leaving the new continental guarantee for future
adjustment. Thus, for the first time since 1776,
and for the last time during the war, was paper
money issued by the State, and provided for, as
usual, by taxation.
In this time of stress, news comes to the Governor
by a letter from the Chevalier de la Luzerne, which
is in one way joyous news and in another way
grievous. On the seventeenth of May, the Chevalier
writes to the Governor that a fleet is nearly due
from France, bringing a large body of French troops

264 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
to reinforce the Americans and that Connecticut is ex
pected to furnish fresh provisions for them. The terms
of purchase, however, form a pleasing contrast to
the custom of delayed payments which the United
States had established; for the agent for France
comes furnished with good bills of exchange to the
extent of about $16,000, and with authority to
provide cash payment or bills of exchange for any
balance which this first installment does not cover.
At the same time comes a letter from Washington,
urging the Governor to prompt compliance with
this request, so that our allies may find on arrival
that every exertion has been made to meet their
needs. One thousand oxen and twelve hundred
sheep form the first requisition for the allies, in
addition to which three hundred good horses are
also wanted. These animals were collected as fast
as possible, and held in pasture near the coast,
awaiting the arrival of the French troops from
Newport, on their way through Connecticut.
Although this comparatively small purchase was
made on a cash basis, it was found necessary, in
the following July, to lend to the French commis
sioner, Louis Dominique Ethis de Corny, the sum of
£20,000 in the new bUls of Connecticut, to be re
placed on the arrival of funds from France, which
subsequently proved to be very slow in coming.
In addition to this new call on the State for
money and provisions, demands of all kinds from
all quarters are constantly pressing upon the Gov
ernor. Even transportation for such supplies as
Quartermaster-general Greene has ready to send

HEAVY REQUISITIONS 265
to the front cannot be had for lack of money and
lack of credit; and the Governor is earnestly ap
pealed to by General Greene to furnish money for
this purpose, with which request he complies, at
a cost of £1020. A month later, and Washington,
expecting an attack on West Point, urges for a
supply of salted provisions and live cattle to be
immediately sent forward to that important strong
hold, to provide against a siege. Within a week
from the receipt of this letter the provisions are on
the way. A week later two thousand men are
drafted from the militia of Connecticut, and ordered
forward as a reinforcement for West Point, at
Washington's request.
Added to this particular and promptly rendered
service come calls from Baron Steuben for arms,
and from other quarters for ammunition and cloth
ing. And throughout all this time of strain and
anxiety, the Governor and Council of Safety were
continually confronted with the fact that enlist
ments were more difficult than ever before, not
withstanding bounties which seemed princely to the
plain farmers and others.
The war had now been actively waged for five
years. Discouraging news was coming from the
south; Charleston had fallen, and it was supposed
by Washington that Sir Henry Clinton, flushed with
victory, would soon appear before West Point, as
good generalship would lead him to do. Fortunately,
he did not seize this golden opportunity, and later
even the treachery of Arnold failed to place this
important stronghold in his grasp. But with the

266 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
continual disasters in the southern campaign, re
sulting from the utter inefficiency of Gates, who had
been placed in command by Congress, the gloom
continued; and with the blockading of the French
allies at Newport soon after their arrival, and of the
second installment at Brest before leaving France,
the aid from that powerful ally was, for the time
being, neutralized, and the apathy of despair seemed
to settle upon the people.
But in the time when everything seemed darkest,
no tinge of despair is to be found in Governor Trum
buU's letters to Washington and others. On the
contrary, these letters breathe the utmost hope
fulness, telling of good stores of supplies to be drawn
from the old Provision State, and of the belief that
its quota of men for the army will soon be com
pleted; and reiterating the abiding religious faith
which sustains him in every time of need. At the
same time, no details of useful expedients for carry
ing on the good fight are disregarded, and he sug
gests concerted and systematic action by the New
England States in forwarding supplies. These meas
ures formed the principal business of the Boston
convention of August, 1780, and the Hartford con
vention of the November following.
In the midst of the harassing and perplexing
cares of this year, a sad bereavement was added to
the gloom of political and mUitary affairs. On
May 29, 1780, the Governor's wife. Faith, died.
Thus was severed a marriage tie of forty-five years,
during which time he had enjoyed the love and
sympathy of this devoted wife. Her health had

DEATH OF MRS. TRUMBULL 267
been feeble for some years. Two years and more
before her death, we find her son Jonathan Junior
writing to his father at Hartford:
"24th Feb. 1778. . . . My mother has been
exceeding lame, occasioned I suppose by cold,
could scarcely move yesterday; is somewhat better."
Although apparently for some years an invalid,
it is to be believed from all we can learn of her firm
and devoted character that she bore up bravely
under her sufferings, and never lost sight of her
duties as wife and mother. A sketch of her parent
age and ancestry, with some mention of her personal
character, has been given in an early chapter of this
biography. To Washington and to Gates, Trum
bull wrote conveying the sad news of his loss, and
from Washington he received the following con
dolence in prompt response :
"I most sincerely condole with your Excellency
on the late severe stroke which you have met with
in your family. Although calamities of this kind
are what we should all be prepared to expect, yet
few, upon their arrival, are able to bear them with
becoming fortitude. Your determination, however,
to seek assistance from the Great Disposer of all
human events is highly laudable, and is the source
from whence the truest consolation is to be drawn.
"I am, with greatest affection, respect and esteem.
Dear sir, "Your most obedient and humble servant,
"G- Washington."
Many tributes were paid in the public press and

268 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
elsewhere to her patriotism, benevolence, and Chris
tian virtues.
On the stone marking her burial place in the
family tomb at Lebanon, the following inscription
may stUl be read :
"Sacred to the memory of Madam Faith Trum
bull, the amiable lady of Gov. Trumbull. Born at
Duxbury, Mass., a.d. 1718. Happy and beloved
in her connubial state, she lived a virtuous, charita
ble and Christian life at Lebanon, in Connecticut,
and died lamented by numerous friends, a.d. 1780,
aged 62 years."
Towards the close of this gloomy year it was
found necessary to call upon Connecticut for winter
quarters for the French hussars of Lauzun's legion,
since the exorbitant prices of forage and other
supplies at Newport made this step necessary.
Quarters were provided at Lebanon and Colchester,
and the Governor's son David, with Jeremiah Wads
worth and Jedediah Elderkin, were appointed to
provide barracks for these troops. The feelings
of the gay Due de Lauzun on changing from the
congenial surroundings of Newport to the strange
surroundings of Lebanon are described, with all the
extravagance of a Frenchman of the eighteenth
century, in the memoirs of the Duke himself. He
says: "I left for Lebanon on the loth of November.
We had not yet had letters from France. Siberia
alone can be compared to Lebanon, which is only
composed of cabins scattered through immense
forests."

THE FRENCH IN CONNECTICUT 269
The presence of these French troops at Lebanon
was no doubt a matter of great social importance
to that little town, and has been so gracefully and
impressively mentioned by Donald G. Mitchell,
that a quotation from him wiU best describe the
scene and the men :
"And what a contrast it is, this gay young noble
man, carved out, as it were, from the dissolute age
of Louis XV., who had sauntered under the colon
nades of the Trianon, and had kissed the hand of the
Pompadour, now strutting among the staid dames
of Norwich and Lebanon! How they must have
looked at him and his fine troopers from under their
knitted hoods! You know, I suppose, his after
history; how he went back to Paris, and among the
wits there was wont to mimic the way in which the
stiff old Connecticut Governor had said grace at
his table. Ah, he did not know that in Governor
Trumbull, and in all such men, is the material to
found an enduring State; and in himself, and all
such men, only the inflammable material to burn one
down: There is a life written of Governor Trum
bull, and there is a life written of the Marquis of
Lauzun. The first is full of deeds of quiet heroism,
ending with a tranquil and triumphant death; the
other is full of rankest gallantries, and ends with a
little spurt of blood under the knife of the guillo
tine upon the gay Place de la Concorde." '
Governor TrumbuU's acquaintance with distin
guished Frenchmen did not begin at Lebanon on
1 Address at the bi-centennial celebration of the settlement of Norwich,
Connecticut.

270 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
the arrival of the Due de Lauzun; for in the pre
vious September he had met Count Rochambeau,
Admiral Ternay and Lafayette at Hartford, in the
first conference which they held with Washington,
Knox and others. Their reception at Hartford was
a brilliant affair for these stringent times, though
Quartermaster Nehemiah Hubbard was obliged to
apply to the Governor for funds to meet the ex
penses of the entertainment, which amounted to
£345, a sum which the Council of Safety readily
granted, to meet the requisition which the Governor
had issued. The conference at Hartford had no
particular effect upon the military campaign at this
time, although it gave an opportunity for an ex
change of views between the military leaders, in
which, no doubt. Governor Trumbull contributed
valuable information and advice.
An important duty entrusted to the Governor
by the General Assembly towards the close of this
year 1780 was the supervision of the financial
affairs of the State. In order to show what was
expected of him, it seems necessary to quote the
resolution adopted regarding this matter at the
session of November 29th :
"Resolved: That his Excellency the Governor
be, and he is hereby empowered and requested to
superintend the subject of finance in this State
untU the sessions of the Assembly in May next;
to examine into the state of the public debts and
credits, to make the proper estimates of the amount
of public expenditures made and wanted, and of the
ways and means already provided, and what will be

SUPERVISES STATE FINANCES 271
raised by the same, and to superintend and direct
the treasury, that effectual measures may be forth
with taken, that all arrearages of public taxes
from the respective towns be forthwith paid up and
settled; also to superintend the Pay Table, and
find out the true state of the public accounts therein,
so that a true state of the public finances may be
fairly, truly and plainly laid before the Assembly at
said sessions."
In addition to this he was also empowered to
employ assistants, and to negotiate a loan on the
credit of the State in Europe or America, not ex
ceeding £200,000, for seven to twenty years at
six per cent, interest.

CHAPTER XXIV
CONTINUED GLOOM  IMPRISONMENT OF COLONEL
JOHN TRUMBULL  HIS RELEASE AND RETURN —
CONTINUED CALLS FOR PROVISIONS FOR THE ARMY —
THE WETHERSFIELD CONFERENCE  THE GOVERNOR
AND COUNCIL GO TO DANBURY  THE YORKTOWN
CAMPAIGN — THE GROTON MASSACRE  THE SUR
RENDER OF CORNWALLIS
IF the dark days of 1776 and 1777 were the
"times that tried men's souls", the days of
1780 were no less dark, after four years more
of the stress and strain of war, during a series of
reverses and defeats under the miserably incom
petent management of Gates at the south, where the
only active military campaign of the year was in
progress. Arnold's treason had added to the gloom
of the year, and only an abiding faith in the right
eousness of his country's cause sustained the vener
able Governor of Connecticut in these dark days,
through which he constantly toiled and hoped and
prayed as ever.
The year 1781 opened in the thickest gloom.
A starving army, ill-clad and unpaid, began the
year with mutiny. Two Pennsylvania regiments
left camp in January to demand from Congress a
redress of their wrongs. The affair resulted in the
kiUing of two of their officers who attempted to
control them, and in rioting and bloodshed. How
272

ARREST OF JOHN TRUMBULL 273
far the mutiny might extend among other troops
was a serious question. Never before had such
urgently repeated calls come from Washington to
Governor Trumbull for money to pay the soldiers;
for food and for clothing. These urgent calls were
continued almost incessantly for the first six months
of the year, and longer. General Knox was sent
by Washington to New England in January, and
visited Governor Trumbull and his Council in
person, explaining to them more effectively than
even the letters of Washington could explain the
dire need of provisions and supplies of all kinds.
While this most alarming situation was calling
for the utmost exertions on the part of the Governor,
and was causing him the greatest anxiety and per
plexity, a personal anxiety was also constantly
staring him in the face. In November, 1780, his
son John, while pursuing his art studies in London,
was arrested and imprisoned under charge of "the
crime of high treason." He had been assured of
protection against such procedure by Lord George
Germaine; the sole precaution being that he must
shun the smallest indiscretion, and avoid "political
intervention." But on November 15, 1780, the
news of the execution of Andre had reached London ;
and owing to Colonel TrumbuU's previous rank of
Deputy Adjutant General in the American army,
it seemed, as he says in his autobiography, that he
would "make a perfect pendant", Andre having
been Deputy Adjutant General in the British army.
The arrest was made at the instigation of Benjamin
Thompson, afterwards Count Rumford.

274 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
The news of this arrest probably reached Gov
ernor Trumbull in the following January, 1781.
Although the proceeding was in direct violation
of the proclamation made by his Majesty's Com
missioners in America in 1778, there was much cause
for anxiety as well as indignation. For nearly
seven months Colonel Trumbull was imprisoned;
and it was only after repeated efforts on the part
of Benjamin West, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Charles
James Fox, Edmund Burke, and others of equal
or greater influence, that he was at last released.
An appeal to law was out of the question, owing to
the suspension of the habeas corpus act; and thus
the indignity of imprisonment had to be borne for
this long time as best he could bear it. From cer
tain indications of his pride and force of character
in other instances we may well imagine that he
chafed under the treatment, though he continued
to pursue his studies in art with unabated zeal.
From letters of Messrs. John de NeufviUe and
Sons of Amsterdam, his father seems to have re
ceived the fullest particulars regarding his im
prisonment and the, prospects of his release. It
was not, however, an unconditional release when it
came, for it carried with it the condition that he
should depart from Qreat Britain within thirty
days, and should not return until peace should be
declared. Benjamin West and John Singleton Copley
became his sureties in a bond for two hundred
pounds for carrying out this condition. He was
thus enabled to go at once to Amsterdam, where
nnder the auspices of the friendly mercantile house

RETURN OF JOHN TRUMBULL 275
of John de NeufviUe and Son he endeavored to
assist his father in negotiating a loan of £200,000
for the State of Connecticut. From this place long
letters to his father give interesting accounts of
the political situation in Holland, and show quite
plainly that the time was unfavorable for effecting
a loan. John Adams happened to be in Amster
dam at the time, and from him Colonel Trumbull
learned that he had met with no success in nego
tiating a loan for the United States, and believed
it useless to make any further attempts in Holland.
Following his example. Colonel Trumbull gave up
the attempt, and soon embarked for his native
land, which he reached in January, 1782, after a
narrow escape from shipwreck, reimbarking at
Bilboa. Thus the Governor had the disappointment of
learning that the attempt which the General As
sembly had authorized him to make for a foreign
loan of £200,000 was unsuccessful and impossible;
and that the injustice done to his son had seriously
affected the young man's progress in the pursuit
of his chosen profession. A severe illness followed
after his arrival at his home in Lebanon, after re
covering from which the necessities of the case
obliged him to join his brother in supervising con
tracts for the commissary department of the army.
After peace was declared he again took up his life
work as an artist, the decision being reached after
a consultation with his father which he describes
as follows :
"My father again urged the law, as a profession

276 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
which in a republic leads to all emolument and dis
tinction, and for which my early education had
well prepared me. My reply was, that so far as I
understood the question, law was rendered neces
sary by the vices of mankind — that I had already
seen too much of them, willingly to devote my life
to a profession which would keep me perpetually
involved, either in the defense of innocence against
fraud and injustice, or (what was much more revolt
ing to an ingenuous mind) to the protection of
guilt against just and merited punishment. In short,
I pined for the arts, and entered into an elaborate
defense of my predilection, and again dwelt upon
the honors paid to artists in the glorious days of
Greece and Athens. My father listened patiently,
and when I had finished, he complimented me on
the able manner in which I had defended what to
him still appeared to be a bad cause. 'I had con
firmed his opinion,' he said, that with proper study
I should make a respectable lawyer; 'but,' added
he, 'you must give me leave to say that you appear
to have overlooked, or forgotten, one important
point in your case.' 'Pray sir,' I rejoined, 'what was
that?' 'You appear to forget, sir, that Connecticut
is not Athens'; and with this pithy remark, he
bowed and withdrew, and never more opened his
lips on the subject."
Among the urgent letters sent by Washington
during the first half of the year 178 1 is a letter of the
tenth of May in which he says :
"From the post of Saratoga to that of Dobbs'
Ferry inclusive I believe there is not (by the returns

WETHERSFIELD CONFERENCE 277
and reports made to me) at this moment one day's
supply of meat for the army on hand. . . .
"I have now only to repeat the alternative which
has been so often urged, that supplies, particularly
of beef cattle, must be speedily and regularly pro
vided, or our posts cannot be maintained, nor the
army kept in the field much longer."
Two weeks after this alarming letter the famous
Wethersfield conference is held. The plan of cam
paign agreed upon at the house of Joseph Webb in
Wethersfield makes this probably the most im
portant conference held during the war. It appears
to have been entirely a military conference, in
which Washington and Rochambeau were respec
tively the American and French leaders, conferring
with Generals Knox and Duportail and the Marquis
de Chastellux.
Washington at once writes Trumbull, telling the
result of this conference, which was at the time
solely a plan for the reduction and occupation of
New York, where the British forces were then
weakened by sending much needed reinforcements
to the south to retrieve, if possible, the losses oc
casioned by the superb generalship of Greene.
Even Washington, conscious as he was of Greene's
military genius, could not foresee the far-reaching
results of the campaign which that great general
was so brilliantly and successfully conducting.
The plan of the Wethersfield conference called
urgently for men from Connecticut to be in the
field by the first of July, in order to cooperate with
the French troops in the taking of New York,

278 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
before the possible return of the British from the
south, which return did not take place, since Greene
kept them actively employed. By the ninth of
July we find Governor Trumbull at Lebanon, from
which place he writes Washington :
"... I intend to remain at home till the troops
are forwarded from hence, then to remove to Hart
ford to promote the hastening on the fresh beef and
other supplies; and should it appear necessary and
expedient, shall remove further westward with an
Executive Council about me to promote every
thing needful that is in our power. My great object
is to forward our troops, and by the most strenuous
exertions to feed the army that they be not reduced
to any disagreeable necessities."
In order to be nearer to the scene of military
operations, and to expedite the payment of the
soldiers. Governor Trumbull in the following month
of August set out for Danbury, thus carrying out a
plan already suggested by Washington of holding
the meetings of his Council near the scene of action,
and encouraging the troops by his presence, and
by the welcome payment of a portion, at least, of
their much needed wages. According to the meager
entries in the Governor's diary at this time, we
learn that his sojourn at Danbury partook of the
nature of a military encampment. Guards were
set at night, owing, no doubt, to threats of personal
violence to the Governor, which he himself records
in his diary in the following words :
"At Newtown one said he would kill me as quick
as he would a Rattle Snake."

SUCCESSES IN THE SOUTH 279
The sudden change of plan in military opera
tions prevented a visit of the Governor to Washing
ton at headquarters, in acceptance of an invitation
from the latter before the arrival of the Gov
ernor and his Council at Danbury. The stay at
this place occupied about a fortnight in the month
of August, during which time the plan of the great
and glorious Yorktown campaign developed. On
the twenty-second of August a circular letter was
issued by Washington disclosing to the various
governors of the eastern States the plan of campaign,
and urging that the quotas of these States be im
mediately filled to reinforce General Heath, who
had been left in command of the forces before New
York. The gloom with which the year opened was soon
to be transformed to brilliancy through the com
bined efforts of the two great generals, Washington
and Greene; for on the very day when Washington
was issuing the circular letter just referred to,
Greene had begun the march which resulted in the
battle of Eutaw Springs, the effect of which was
to keep the British cooped up in Charleston to the
end of the war. Long before this, the slow means of
communication had brought the news of the glorious
victory of January seventeenth at Cowpens, of March
fifteenth at Guilford Court House, and of the evacua
tion of Camden by the British on the tenth of
May. It is not to be supposed that these victories,
important as they were, could be fully appreciated
in distant New England at the time. Cheering
though the news may have been, it formed only

28o JONATHAN TRUMBULL
a slight relief to the gloom in which New England
was shrouded.
On the twenty-second of August, as we have
seen, the Yorktown campaign had been fully planned,
and the "old continentals in their ragged regi
mentals" were joining with the gorgeously uni
formed French troops in the swift and brilliant
march towards Yorktown, the result of which was
to end, two years later, the long, weary struggle of
eight years. So swift and so boldly and brilliantly
planned was this movement that Sir Henry Clinton
was entirely hoodwinked, and did not open his eyes
to the situation until it was far too late to attempt to
intercept Washington. Racking his brains to plan
a counter-movement of some kind, he decided upon
an attack on the Connecticut coast, though even
he must have known that such a movement could
not possibly divert Washington from the plan of the
Yorktown campaign, which had already progressed
farther and more successfully than Clinton himself
was aware of in those days of slow communication.
In pursuance of his plan, Clinton placed under
command of the traitor Arnold an expedition des
tined for New London, whose spacious harbor was
defended by a small battery on the New London
side known as Fort Trumbull, and a much more
formidable fort on the Groton side known as Fort
Griswold. The garrison of the New London battery,
consisting of twenty-three men, after firing a broad
side at Arnold's forces, spiked their guns, and re
treated in boats across the harbor to reinforce the
small garrison of Fort Griswold. Against this fort

THE GROTON MASSACRE 281
a body of some eight hundred of the British, hav
ing landed on the Groton side of the harbor, marched
with the expectation of an easy victory.
After passing Fort Trumbull, Arnold proceeded
with about one thousand men to the more thickly
settled portion of New London, where about one
hundred and twenty-five buildings were quickly
reduced to ashes. At Fort Griswold, on the opposite
side, about one hundred and fifty determined men
had gathered. Unconditional surrender was de
manded by the British commander. Colonel Eyre,
accompanied by the threat that if this demand was
not complied with, "martial law" would be put in
force, meaning that no quarter would be given to
the survivors after the fort was taken. To this
Colonel William Ledyard sent the prompt reply,
"We will not surrender, let the consequences be
what they may." The British, to the number of'
eight hundred or more, immediately advanced to
take the fort by storm, but were met by a brave
and stubborn resistance on the part of the hundred
and fifty men who had hastily gathered for the
defense, and who held the fort for nearly an hour,
inflicting severe losses upon the enemy. At last
a breach was made, and the British came pouring
in on the east side of the fort. Colonel Ledyard,
seeing that further resistance was useless, ordered
his men to lay down their arms. On presenting
his own sword as a token of surrender to the British
officer supposed to be in command, the brute seized
the weapon and plunged it in the breast of the brave
Ledyard. This appeared to be a signal for indis-

282 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
criminate butchery of the defenseless men who had
laid down their arms. Of this brave little band but
eight or ten escaped unhurt.
After burning the village of Groton, the British
hastily took to their ships, as the militia began to
gather from adjoining and near-by towns. An
official return shows that they reembarked with
two hundred and twenty men killed, wounded or
missing, a loss caused by one hundred and fifty
determined defenders of Fort Griswold.
Comment on this brutal massacre seems hardly
necessary. It is doubtless true that the survival
of a medieval custom stiU made it a part of the code
of European warfare that no quarter should be
given to the garrison of a captured stronghold;
and it is true that the British commander had
warned the Americans that this custom would be
enforced. The code had, however, always been
"honored in the breach" by the Americans, as
in the case of Stony Point, and both European and
American civilization were, or should have been,
far beyond observing it. It cannot fail to stand as
a blot on the record of British warfare in the Revolu
tion which has hardly a parallel in the history of
the war.
At the time of this massacre Governor Trumbull
was at Hartford, where he received the news. He
promptly ordered General Spencer to the scene
with such troops as could be mustered, and
sent at once to General Heath at headquarters to
obtain such detailed information of the affair as
could be procured. This information he at once

SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS 283
communicated to General Washington. He cor
responded with Governor Greene of Rhode Island,
urging cooperation to resist further attacks of the
enemy on the shores of the two States. Measures
were also taken for the relief of the inhabitants of
Groton and New London, many of whom had lost
all they possessed. The condition of many widowed
mothers and fatherless children called for speedier
help than the slow mxovements of the General
Assembly could give, and a "brief" was issued for
charitable donations to relieve their immediate
wants. Governor Trumbull also applied to Wash
ington for a detachment of the French fleet to
protect the coast of Connecticut, but the application
came too late, as the fleet had left the country.
During these anxious days cheering news was
reaching the Governor through letters from his son
Jonathan, who was at this time at Yorktown in
the capacity of secretary to General Washington.
He had been appointed to this position on the
sixteenth of the previous April, succeeding Colonel
Robert Hanson Harrison, who had served in that
capacity since 1776.' The letters of the son to his
father report in some detail the operations in prog
ress at Yorktown from the twenty-third of Sep
tember to the nineteenth of October, the day after
the final surrender of CornwaUis. This glorious
news was the culmination of many cheering re
ports from the younger Jonathan, in which he men-
' Stuart's statement that he succeeded Alexander Hamilton appears to be
incorrect. See Letter of Washington appointing Trumbull, April i6. Sparks,
8,14.

284 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
tions also Greene's brilliant victories at the south.
In the meager diary of the Governor in which during
his busy days he briefly jots down leading events,
we read :
" Friday, October 26th. About 7 o'clo. in the
eveg rec^ the hand Bill from D. Govr Bower, of the
surrender of Ld CornwaUis & his army — 9000
men, seamen included — quantity of Warlike Stores
— one 40 gun ship — i frigate — about one hundred
Transports. Praised be the Lord of Hosts!"

CHAPTER XXV
NEED OF CONTINUED WAR-FOOTING  DEANE's VIEWS
— MEASURES FOR DEFENSE  PLOTS AGAINST THE
GOVERNOR  HIS VINDICATION  FINAL DECISION OF
THE SUSQUEHANNA CASE  SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN
WYOMING
THE rejoicing of the Governor which has
just been quoted from his diary is unique
as an entry in that very slight journal
which he was doubtless too busy to make more
elaborate. To Washington he wrote, sending his
warmest congratulations, speaking of the victory
at Yorktown as "an event which cannot fail to
strengthen the impressions of European powers in
favor of the great and good cause, in which you
have so long and successfully contended, and go far
to convince the haughty King of Great Britain,
that it is in vain to persevere in his cruel and in
famous purpose of enslaving a people, who can boast
of Generals and armies that neither fear to meet
his veterans in the high places of the field, or pursue
them to the strongholds of security, and for whose
help the arm of the Almighty has been made bare,
and his salvation rendered gloriously conspicuous;
— an event which will hasten the wished-for happy
period, when your Excellency may retire to and
securely possess the sweets of domestic felicity and
28s

286 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
glorious rest from the toils of war, surrounded by
the universal applause of a free, grateful and happy
people." To these sentiments Washington replied under
date of the twenty-eighth of November :
"I most earnestly hope that this event may be
productive of all those happy consequences which
your Excellency mentions; and I think that its
good effects cannot faU to be very extensive, unless
from a mistaken idea of the magnitude of this
success unhappily a spirit of remissness should
seize the minds of the States, and they should
set themselves down in quiet with a delusive
hope of the contest being brought to a close. I hope
this may not be the case. To prevent so great
an evU shall be the study of my winter's endeavor;
and I cannot but flatter myself that the States,
instead of relaxing in their exertions, will be
stimulated to the most vigorous preparations for
another active, glorious, and decisive campaign,
which if properly prosecuted will, I trust, under
the smiles of Heaven, bring us to the end of this
long and tedious war, and sit us down in the
full security of the great object of our toUs, —
the complete establishment of peace, liberty, and
independence." To Rochambeau Governor Trumbull also wrote,
expressing his gratitude for the assistance which
France had rendered in achieving this glorious vic
tory. This letter was promptly acknowledged,
with expressions of high esteem.
Quite different was a correspondence with Silas

THE REPLY TO DEANE 287
Deane into which the Governor found himself
obliged to enter, owing to Deane's request that his
views should be submitted to the General Assembly
of Connecticut. The long letter which he wrote in
explanation of these views was dated at Ghent
on the twenty-first of October. Briefly stated, it
was the presentation of arguments for the United
States to make peace with Great Britain, regardless
of the treaty of aUiance with France, which nation
Deane believed to be gaining a position in which she
could oppress us more grievously than the Mother
Country ever had done or would do. This letter
came at a most inopportune time for accomplishing
its purpose. When it reached its destination the
country was rejoicing over the surrender of Corn
waUis, and was filled with gratitude to our French
allies for making that surrender possible. Governor
Trumbull's reply, temperate yet decisive in tone,
was unanimously adopted by both houses of the
General Assembly, and duly forwarded to Deane,
who was regarded with suspicion at the time. Reply
ing to his suggestions of disregarding the treaty
with France, and stopping the burdensome expen
ditures of our country by bringing the war to a
close through negotiations with Great Britain, the
Governor says :
"No, I wUl sooner consent to load myself, my
constituents, my posterity with a debt equal to the
whole property of the country than consent to a
measure so detestably infamous, and I doubt not
but my countrymen in general will choose with me
to preserve their liberties with the reputation and

288 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
consciousness of preserving virtue, even tho' poverty
be the consequence." ^
With the views of Washington to keep up the
army until peace should be definitely determined.
Governor Trumbull fully agreed, and exerted him
self, as he had in the darkest days, to bring up the
quota of Connecticut to its maximum. It appears
by the records of the January session of 1782 that
the quota was reported to the General Assembly as
filled, and that measures were taken for the defense
of the Connecticut coast and the towns bordering
on New York.
During the two previous years, Trumbull had
experienced a taste of the ingratitude of a budding
republic by failing to receive a majority of the
votes of the people. In 1780 the popular vote was
3598 in his favor and 3668 in favor of other candi
dates. The General Assembly, as provided by law,
promptly elected him Governor by a vote of 107 in
his favor to nine against him. In the following year,
the vote of the General Assembly is thus recorded:
Trumbull, 104; William Pitkin, 7; Oliver Wolcott,
5 ; Samuel Huntington, 5 ; Richard Law, i .
If the newspapers of the day had been in the
habit of discussing the political situations and
tactics of State campaigns as they do at the present
time, we should doubtless be able to explain fully
the opposition to Governor TrumbuU's reelection
• Although this letter was generally approved by members of Congress and
by Washington, it was later hoped that no answer would be sent to Deane,
as silence would appear more dignified and afford less opportunity for miscon
struction. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 7th series, vol. 3, p.
365-

REELECTION OPPOSED 289
and the methods and arguments of this opposition.
The small weekly newspapers of the day are pro
vokingly silent on this subject, so that the almost
secret political methods employed lack the descrip
tion and explanation which would be most satis
factory in the present instance. But if there were
no "yellow journals" to malign him publicly, the
tavern-haunters and tavern scandal-mongers an
swered this purpose in his time as effectively as the
"yellow journals" serve simUar purposes in the
present time.
The schemes for removing Trumbull from the
governorship of Connecticut were believed, at the
time, to be the work of the enemy. The lies which
were circulated regarding him were mainly in con
nection with that same illicit trade with the enemy
which he, of all men, had done everything in his
power to punish and prevent. There can be no
doubt, too, that his steadfast and unwearied at
tempts to provide for the needs of the army, and
his policy of meeting the heavy and burdensome
expenses of his State by taxation had caused criti
cisms at least, from those who felt the burden most
keenly. Then, too, the aspirations of other candi
dates for an office which Trumbull had held for
thirteen years doubtless had something to do with
the opposition which had developed. Thus, from
a position where, after overcoming the early opposi
tion to his candidacy, he had so established himself
in the hearts of the freemen of Connecticut that it
became "a rare thing to see a counting of votes" ^
' Hartford Courant, April 2, 1782.

290 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
for Governor, we find him, at the advanced age of
seventy-three, the victim of slander and of jealousy
and political ferment as a reward for his tireless,
single-hearted, patriotic services.
Legitimate, outspoken opposition, if it existed,
was something he was ready and willing to meet
with his usual candor and calmness ; but the methods
of the slanderer and traducer were so galling to
him that he at last took measures to expose them
to the light of day. Among these methods were the
exposing in public in New York of cases of goods,
supposed to contain articles of illicit trade, plainly
marked with his name, . . . "and they have been
frequently seen to send them on board vessels
bound eastward, in so much that our officers in
captivity among them have been induced to believe
his Excellency was actually concerned, and many
were not undeceived, till they were exchanged, and
came out, and enquired into the truth ofthe matter."'
Proceedings of this kind were supplemented by
the appearance of a "stranger from Middletown"
at Enfield, where, in a tavern, in the presence of a
number of people, he made the statement that "a
vessel which belonged to his Excellency the Gover
nor, and which was employed in carrying on illicit
trade, had lately been taken coming from the enemy
loaded with goods, and that she was brought into
one of the ports of Connecticut for condemnation." ^
The story of course spread and grew as such stories
will, and at last reached the notice of the Governor
' Hartford Courant, April 2, 1783.
"¦ Stuart, "Life of TrumbuU", p. 566.

PLOT AGAINST TRUMBULL 291
himself, through a correspondent. He lost no time
in addressing the General Assembly on the subject,
under date of January 29, 1782. It seems necessary
to quote this address in full, as showing his attitude:
"To the Honorable General Assembly now sitting:
"A member of the honorable House of Repre
sentatives handed to me a letter of the 21=* inst,
which is herewith offered for your Observation,
and opens the occasion of this address.
"Perhaps no person in the United States was
earlier apprised than myself of the origin and in
sidious design of our enemies to set on foot and
carry on a trade and commerce with this and the
other States for the manufactures and merchandise
of their country, or more deeply sensible of its
dangerous and pernicious effects — and I am per
suaded that no one has been or could be more active
and vigilant to prevent the execution of that en
snaring and ruinous project; and during my ad
ministration my whole time has been devoted to
and intent upon the Salvation of my Country, and
the defence of its inestimable rights against the open
force and more dangerous secret fraud of our im
placable and restless enemy. My character and
conduct in these respects, I am happy to believe,
meets the approbation of all the true Friends in this
State in proportion to their knowledge and ac
quaintance with them, and are not unknown through
out aU these States, and in Europe. Pardon me.
Gentlemen, I am far from boasting; I have not
done more, but less than my duty, and it is my
highest temporal wish to do much more good to

292 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
my State and Country, and to see its Liberty and
Independence established on a firm and immovable
basis. " But who can stand against the secret and malig
nant whispers of envy and falsehood, which like
the pestilence walk in darkness? My Character is
dearer to me than all worldly instruments, or the
remains of a life so far spent and exhausted in the
service of my country. For several years past,
accumulated and increasing slanders, similar to the
present, have been whispered and directly spread
and propagated concerning me by the radical
Enemies of our Country's cause, by deceived or
malicious persons, or all, as I must believe. Con
scious innocence and integrity have enabled me
calmly to bear them ; — and in my circumstances
I have not thought it prudent to seek a legal re
dress, although in some instances, I could easily
have traced the Slanders to their Authors — and
my neglecting to seek such redress has to my knowl
edge been construed as an acknowledgment of
Guilt. If indeed I am guilty or have any connec
tions with a conduct so contrary to the Laws and
interests of my Country, and which I profess from
my heart to detest and abhor, is it not high time it
was known, and for me to be spurned from your
confidence and trust? The author of the present
report may be brought to your View — the way is
open for it.
"Permit me to ask, if I am and have been thus
guilty, whether your honor, wisdom, and integrity,
or all are not also affected, while by your suffrages

HIS VINDICATION 293
I hold a station too important for even a suspected
person to fill — whether under all the circumstances,
it may not become the honor and dignity of this
Virtuous Assembly to inquire into and investigate
the truth or falsehood of the facts alledged, and
let my guUt, if it appears, be fully exposed? It is
my wish — but it is cheerfully submitted to the
Wisdom and justice of the Honorable Assembly
by their faithful, obedient, humble servant,
"Jonathan Trumbull.
"Hartford, January 29th, 1782."
The General Assembly, in compliance with the
Governor's wish, at once appointed a committee
to investigate the matter. This committee con
sisted of four members of the Lower House, with
Oliver Wolcott of the Upper House as chairman.
After a full investigation they reported "that all
reports of that kind respecting his Excellency are
false, slanderous and altogether groundless, and
that they most probably originate from the Par
tisans and Emissaries of the Enemy that are secretly
among the people, and that those kind of Reports,
tho' intended to injure his Excellency's private
character, are designed principally to embarrass
Government, and sow the seeds of Jealousy and
Distress in the minds of the people, with a View to
remove out of the way a Character that is so firmly
opposed to every Measure that is favorable to the
enemy. And tho' we have not been able to discover
the Author of this slanderous Report, we are inclined
to believe him to be an Emissary of the Enemy."

294 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
In the following election of May, 1782, Governor
Trumbull was once more chosen by the vote of the
people. It was, as we shall see, by his own choice,
the last year but one of his long, arduous and faith
ful public service; and his reelection by popular
vote left him the satisfaction of the most complete
vindication. Although no fighting of any consequence ensued
after the surrender of CornwaUis, the year after
that event was one of solicitude, anxiety and con
tinued hard work for the Governor and his CouncU.
The importance of maintaining a war footing was
something which it seemed next to impossible to
impress upon the people. Though the General
Assembly was informed that the quota of Con
necticut was filled, the returns from the army as
reported by Washington to Trumbull showed, as
in the cases of other States, a considerable lack of a
quota in the service. In the meantime rumors of
negotiations for peace were actively circulated by
the enemy and eagerly received by the people, to
such an extent as to create strong suspicions that
such rumors were intended to prevent enlistments,
with a view, on the part of the enemy, to new mili
tary movements.
Soon after the adoption of the Articles of Con
federation in 1 78 1, Pennsylvania availed herself of
the provisions of these articles by applying to
Congress to appoint a court to decide the long
contested Susquehanna case. Allowing no time for
Connecticut to send to England for important
papers applying to this case, as requested by her

SUSQUEHANNA CASE CLOSED 295
counsel, Congress granted the request of Pennsyl
vania, and appointed commissioners to act in the
matter. Once more Governor Trumbull had to
review this case, and to conduct an active corre
spondence with the Connecticut delegates regarding
it; and once more Connecticut called on WUliam
Samuel Johnson to act as one of the attorneys in
the case.' The hearing occupied forty-one days,
and was held at Trenton, New Jersey, and the
decision, no reasons for which have ever seen the
light, was "unanimous" in denying the claim of
Connecticut to the Wyoming Valley.
Of the subsequent legislative proceedings to which
this very peculiar decision gave rise it is hardly
necessary to speak in this connection. Conjecture
alone can suggest how far Governor Trumbull may
have been informed of the prospect of a grant of
land in Ohio, which after his death was called the
Western Reserve, as a tacit compensation for the
loss of Wyoming. That the decision of the Susque
hanna case did not coincide with his views of ju
dicial procedure we may still more easily imagine.
But the hardships and sufferings which Con
necticut settlers in the beautiful Wyoming Valley
experienced were by no means ended by the de
cision of the Susquehanna case. Fierce local jealousy
was engendered among the Pennsylvanians by the
mere fact that Connecticut Yankees were peaceably
occupying land which they had a perfect right to
occupy under the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania.
This local jealousy led, in the early spring of 1784,
1 The other attorneys were Eliphalet Dyer and Jesse Root.

296 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
to brutal outrages on the part of Pennsylvania
troops which were almost a parallel to the Wyoming
horror of 1778, or at least to the flight of the Con
necticut settlers at that time.
In March, 1784, after a winter of unusual severity,
the Wyoming Valley was devastated by floods which
carried away many of the dwellings and covered
the fertile fields with gravel. Famine was staring
the settlers in the face, as their provisions had been
carried away by the flood. The Pennsylvania
Legislature was deaf to the petitions of Connecticut
Yankees for relief; but under pretense of preventing
contentions between them and the Pennsylvanians,
sent an armed force in command of Justice Patter
son to prevent alleged troubles which did not exist.
Finding that no disorders caUing for military inter
ference existed, the brutal and vindictive Patterson
proceeded to create disorders by allowing his soldiers
to steal the scanty supplies of the settlers, insult the
women, and drive the men at the point of the bayonet.
He also barricaded the roads, and forbade the
farmers to hunt, fish, or even draw water from their
own wells. Construing their protests and resistance
as disorderly, he drove one hundred and fifty families
from their homes, and ordered them out of the
country by forsaken and impassable routes. More
than five hundred men, women and children were
thus driven into the wilderness, and many of them
died from exposure and fatigue.
The authorities at Philadelphia, on learning of
Patterson's brutal measures, issued orders dismiss
ing him and his men. These orders he defied, and

WYOMING VALLEY 297
continued his hostile measures against settlers who
had returned under the utterly inadequate pro
tection of the sheriff of Northumberland and his
posse. The substitute sent by the authorities of
Pennsylvania to fill Patterson's place at a time
when the settlers were besieging him was a match
for Patterson in brutality.
This was General Armstrong, who arrived on the
scene with four hundred mUitia. Pledging his faith
as a soldier and his honor as a gentleman that, if
the settlers would lay down their arms, Patterson's
men should also be disarmed, he duped the settlers
into surrender by his worthless pledge, and marched
seventy-six of them to jail as prisoners. Fortunately
that august and somnolent body peculiarly known
to the government of Pennsylvania as the Council
of Censors, which met once in seven years, was now
in session, and with some difficulty settled the
matter by compelling the Legislature to restore the
Connecticut settlers to the full possession of their
property in the valley.'
Governor Trumbull lived to learn the full par
ticulars of these outrages, and there is no doubt
that he was more deeply than ever impressed by
them with the need of concerted action among the
States, and the mischief of local jealousies.
1 A full and interesting account of these troubles may be found in Professor
McMaster's "History of the People of the U.S. from the Revolution to the
Civil War", vol. i, pp. 211-216.

CHAPTER XXVI
peace negotiations — a critical period for
america — anti-federalism in connecticut —
Trumbull's federalism — the society of the
CINCINNATI ¦ — • Trumbull's reply to Washington's
address — the farewell address of the gov
ernor, AND ITS RECEPTION BY THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY
IF the Atlantic cable could have been in opera
tion in 1782 and 1783, it may well be imagined
that political affairs in the United States might
have assumed a different aspect. At the same time,
it may also be imagined that the use which the
incompetent Continental Congress might have made
of this same cable would have done more than
ever to hamper the actions of those wonderfully
successful and able ambassadors, Jay, Franklin and
Adams. The year found England involved in the most
intricate of political difficulties at home and polit
ical complications abroad. The short-lived ministry
of Rockingham, followed by the equally short-lived
but more efficient ministry of Shelburne, sufficed
to establish terms of peace with the United States,
which terms were finally ratified by the definite
treaty of September 3, 1784. During this time,
in the midst of changing ministries and political
298

A CRITICAL PERIOD 299
turmoU, England had before her the added task of
making peace with Holland, France and Spain.
The details of the peace negotiations with his
own country were most carefully watched by the
Governor of Connecticut. His satisfaction at the
final cessation of hostilities on the eighth anni
versary of the battle of Lexington may well be
imagined. The victory for which he had hoped and
toiled and prayed was now won; the stress and
strain of war was over, and a new era which he had
done much to inaugurate was now dawning upon
his native land.
The long eighteen months following the surrender
of CornwaUis had been months of uncertainty and
anxiety, as we have seen; and that a stUl more
critical period in the history of his country was to
follow, Trumbull could see as plainly as any of the
men of his time. That sharply defined lines were
drawn in Connecticut between federalism and State
rights at and before this time is evident, if only
from the fact that in the May session of 1782 the
General Assembly passed an act empowering Con
gress to collect duties on imports in the State, pro
vided that no part of the money so collected should
be applied to the half-pay of officers in the army.
It was upon this question of half-pay that the
greatest difficulties and dangers of the time began.
The Governor well knew that the measure had been
urged by the great Washington five years before,
as essential for keeping together the remnant of an
army so nearly wiped out of existence by the terrible
winter at Valley Forge. In 1780, the General

300 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Assembly of Connecticut had instructed the dele
gates to Congress to oppose the measure; and their
correspondence with the Governor shows that such
opposition accorded with their personal views.'
Though there is nothing on record at this time to
show the views of the Governor on this question,
there is no doubt that his subsequent outspoken
views in favor of union and a strong central govern
ment were the result of careful deliberation, and
opinions well grounded in experience. Such views
placed him at variance with a large portion of the
people; so that, at the annual election in May,
1783, he again lacked a majority of the popular
vote. So strong, however, was the regard in which
he was held by the General Assembly that this body
elected him to the governorship.
This was to be the last term of his public services ;
and a stormy term it was, in its political aspects.
Nowhere was the opposition to the granting of half-
pay for life to retiring officers of the army stronger
than in Connecticut; and the compromise or sub
stitute of commutation, allowing full pay for five
years, did not in any way help matters. The prej
udice against officers of the army grew as the people
found them accepting the grants of Congress, and
they were looked upon as a favored class, forming the
elements of an aristocracy in a democratic country.
But little was needed to bring this feeling to a white
heat; and that little soon appeared in the formation
of the politically harmless and honorably fraternal
' Letter of Samuel Huntington to Governor Trumbull, October 26, 1780.
In Massachusetts Historical Society Collection, 7th series, vol. 3, p. 153.

WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS 301
society, the Cincinnati. This society, as is well
known, established a bond of brotherhood among the
commissioned officers of the army, with no more
harmful public influence than providing relief for
the widows and orphans of such officers. But the
malcontents, whose name was legion, scented danger
in this perfectly harmless and honorable society,
and the alarmists spread the tidings through the
land that it was a secret organization which en
dangered the liberties of the country, and positively
established an aristocracy with the purpose of
taking the reins of government.
If anything could have had the effect of allaying
the ferment, the masterly address of Washington.
to the governors of the various States would have
done this. This address was presented to the
General Assembly of Connecticut in June, 1783.
It was met with resolutions expressing high regard
for the great Commander in Chief, but carefully
avoiding mention of the political sentiments which
he expressed in his earnest, statesmanlike endeavor
to bring about concerted action among the States,
and loyalty to the needed form of general govern
ment. In transmitting this resolve to Washington,
Governor Trumbull is not satisfied to make it
merely an official communication, but is evidently
so impressed with the situation that he is moved to
add the following personal words:
"Permit me to address your Excellency on the
pathetic manner you take leave of myself, and the
State over which I have the honor to preside; to
assure you how great pleasure and satisfaction we

302 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
have enjoyed, in the wisdom, magnanimity, and
skill shown in forming, disciplining and conducting
the army of the United States to so glorious an
event; and also in the patriotic virtue displayed in
this last address, which exhibits the foundation
principles so necessary to be freely and fully in
culcated, and appear to be the interest of all to
agree in and pursue, — to maintain and support
an indissoluble union of the States, under one
federal head, a sacred regard to public justice, a
proper peace establishment, and a pacific and
friendly disposition among the people of the United
States; to exhibit and maintain a good character
for wisdom, honesty, firmness and benevolence.
How pleasing the national prospect! How critical
the present moments! Moderation, patience, and
diligence are required to calm the public mind so
variously agitated by prejudice, passion, and popular
sinister designs. We have the consolation. That
the Lord reigns. Tranquillity and happiness will
be disturbed during the tumult. God grant that
it may soon subside !
"In your retirement, my earnest prayer is that
every temporal and heavenly blessing may attend
you. I cannot persuade myself that the calls of the
country will suffer so exalted a character and benevo
lent mind to withdraw from employment for the
public good; although it is your wish."
The tumult which the Governor deprecates in
this letter was at its height at this time, and had
been brought to its height by the formation of the
Society of the Cincinnati, with the Governor's son

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 303
Jonathan as a charter member, soon to be followed
by his brother John. The first name in the list of
honorary members in this society in Connecticut is
that of the Governor himself, who was elected to
that honor on March 17, 1784. The fact that he
did not bear a Continental commission disqualified
him for regular membership, but under the rules of
the order an honorary member was an active life
member, lacking only the power to transmit his
membership to his successors. In accepting this
honorary membership, he showed his sympathy
with the great Washington, the first President-
General of the society, and accepted a well-deserved
honor; as members of this class were only such as
had distinguished themselves in the service of their
country. There can be no doubt that in accepting this
honorary membership in the Society of the Cin
cinnati, Governor Trumbull placed himself in a
position in which he stood opposed to a majority
of the freemen of Connecticut. This, with his pro
nounced views in favor of federalism, caused him
much concern and anxiety for the cause he had done
so much to save, and made the last year of his long
term of public service a year which brought but
little enjoyment of the blessings of peace.
Governor Trumbull had now reached the age of
seventy-three. Added to the political turmoil of
the time was the fact that the treaty of peace brought
him once more face to face with his indebtedness
to British merchants; for this treaty validated all
claims which British subjects might have against

304 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
people of the United States. In April, 1783, we
find Governor Trumbull offering to Frazier, Cham
pion and Hawley of London payment of their claim
in money of the United States.' In view of the
then depreciated condition of this currency, they
preferred to retain the security which Trumbull
had given them before the war. Even at his ad
vanced age he appears to hope for some means of
retrieving his fortune, and with this end in view he
writes to his friends De NeufviUe and Sons and
others regarding the prospects of future business.
But the long habit of active business and polit
ical life, the will to persevere in his activities could
not prevent him from realizing that the infirmities
of age had begun to take their hold upon him, and
the weariness of a long strife had had its effect.
Impressed at last with his physical disabilities, and
longing for the rest and retirement which his friend
the great Washington also craved, he presents to
the General Assembly at its October session of
1783 the following farewell address:
"To the Honorable the Council and House of
Representatives in General Court convened, Oct.
1783.
"Gentlemen: "A few days will bring me to the anniversary of
my birth; seventy-three years of my life will then
have been completed; and next May fifty-one years
will have passed since I was first honored with the
' This was doubtless in anticipation of the settlement of his accounts, as
he had expressed the intention of using the money due him from the State
to pay his foreign creditors.

FAREWELL ADDRESS 305
confidence of the people in a public character.
During this period, in different capacities, it has
been my lot to be called to public service, almost
without interruption. Fourteen years I have had
the honor to fill the chief seat of government. With
what carefulness, with what zeal and attention to
your welfare, I have discharged the duties of my
several stations, some few of you of equal age with
myself, can witness for me from the beginning.
During the latter period, none of you are ignorant
of the manner in which my public life has been
occupied. The watchful cares and solicitudes of
an eight years' distressing and unusual war, have
also fallen to my share, and have employed many
anxious moments of my latest time; which have
been cheerfully devoted to the service of my country.
Happy am I to find that all these cares, anxieties,
and solicitudes, are compensated by the noblest
prospect which now opens to my fellow-citizens,
of a happy establishment (if we are but wise to
improve the precious opportunity) in peace, tran
quUlity, and national independence. With sincere
and lively gratitude to Almighty God, our Great
Protector and Deliverer, and with most hearty
congratulations to all our citizens, I felicitate you,
gentlemen, the other freemen, and all the good
people of the State, in this glorious prospect.
"Impressed with these sentiments of gratitude
and felicitation — reviewing the long course of
years in which, through various events, I have had
the pleasure to serve the State — contemplating,
with pleasing wonder and satisfaction, at the close

3o6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
of an arduous contest, the noble and enlarged
scenes which now present themselves to my coun
try's view — and reflecting at the same time on
my advanced stage of life — a life worn out almost
in the constant cares of office — I think it my duty
to retire from the busy concerns of public affairs;
that at the evening of my days, I may sweeten their
decline, by devoting myself with less avocation,
and more attention, to the duties of religion, the
service of my God, and preparation for a future
happier state of existence; in which pleasing em
ployment, I shall not cease to remember my country,
and to make it my ardent prayer that heaven will
not fail to bless her with its choicest favors.
"At this auspicious moment, therefore, of my
country's happiness — when she has just reached
the goal of her wishes, and obtained the object for
which she has so long contended and so nobly
struggled, I have to request the favor from you,
gentlemen, and through you from all the freemen of
the State, that, after May next, I may be excused
from any further service in public life, and that,
from this time, I may no longer be considered as an
object of your suffrages for any public employment
in the State. The reasonableness of my request
will, I am persuaded, be questioned by no one.
The length of time I have devoted to their service,
with my declining state of vigor and activity, wUl,
I please myself, form for me a sufficient and un
failing excuse with my fellow-citizens.
"At this parting address, you will suffer me,
gentlemen, to thank you, and all the worthy members

FAREWELL ADDRESS 307
of preceding assemblies, with whom I have had the
honor to act, for all that assistance, counsel, aid,
and support, which I have ever experienced during
my administration of government; and in the
warmth of gratitude to assure you, that, till my
latest moments, all your kindness to me shall be
remembered ; — and that my constant prayer shall
be employed with Heaven, to invoke the Divine
Guidance and protection in your future councils
and government.
"Age and experience dictate to me — and the
zeal with which I have been known to serve the
public through a long course of years, will, I trust,
recommend to the attention of the people, some few
thoughts which I shall offer to their consideration
on this occasion, as my last advisory legacy.
"I would in the first place entreat my country
men, as they value their own internal welfare, and
the good of posterity, that they maintain inviolate,
by a strict adherence to its original principles,
the happy constitution under which we have so
long subsisted as a corporation; that for the pur
poses of national happiness and glory, they will
support and strengthen the federal union by every
constitutional means in their power. The existence
of a Congress, vested with powers competent to the
great national purposes for which that body was
instituted, is essential to our national security,
establishment, and independence. Whether Con
gress is already vested with such powers, is a
question, worthy, in my opinion, of most serious,
candid, and dispassionate consideration of this leg-

3o8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
islature, and those of all the other confederated
States. For my own part, I do not hesitate to
pronounce that, in my opinion, that body is not
possessed of those powers which are absolutely
necessary to the best management and direction of
the general weal, or the fulfilment of our own ex
pectations. This defect in our federal constitution
I have already lamented as the cause of many in
conveniences which we have experienced; and un
less wisely remedied will, I foresee, be productive
of evils, disastrous, if not fatal, to our future union
and confederation. In my idea, a Congress invested
with full and sufficient authorities, is absolutely
necessary for the great purposes of our confederate
union, as our legislature is for the support of our
internal order, regulation, and government in the
State. Both bodies should be intrusted with powers
fully sufficient to answer the designs of their several
institutions. These powers should be distinct, they
should be clearly defined, ascertained, and under
stood. They should be carefully adhered to, they
should be watched over with a wakeful and dis
tinguished attention of the people. But this watch
fulness is far different from that excess of jealousy,
which, from a mistaken fear of abuse, witholds the
necessary powers, and denies the means which are
essential to the end expected. Just as ridiculous is
this latter disposition, as would be the practice
of a farmer, who should deprive the laboring man
of the tools necessary for his business, lest he should
hurt himself or injure his employer, and yet expects
his work to be accomplished. This kind of ex-

FAREWELL ADDRESS 309
cessive jealousy is, in my view, too prevalent at
this day; and will, I fear, if not abated, prove a
principal means of preventing the enjoyment of our
national independence and glory, in that extent
and perfection which the aspect of our affairs
(were we to be so wise,) so pleasingly promises to
us. My Countrymen! suffer me to ask, who are
the objects of this jealousy? Who, my fellow
citizens, are the men we have to fear? Not
strangers who have no connection with our welfare !
— no, they are men of your own choice, from among
ourselves ; — a choice (if we are faithful to our
selves,) dictated by the most perfect freedom of elec
tion; and that election repeated as often as you
could wish, or is consistent with the good of the
people. They are our brethren — acting for them
selves as well as for us — and sharers with us in all
the general burthens and benefits. They are men,
who from interest, affection, and every social tie,
have the same attachment to our constitution and
government as ourselves. Why therefore should we
fear them with this unreasonable jealousy? In
our present temper of mind, are we not rather to
fear ourselves ? — to fear the propriety of our own
elections ? — or rather to fear, that from this excess
of jealousy and mistrust, each are cautious of his
neighbor's love of power, and fearing lest if he be
trusted, he would misuse it, we should lose all con
fidence and government, and everything lend to
anarchy and confusion? from whose horrid womb,
should we plunge into it, wiU spring a government
that may justly make us all to tremble.

3 ID JONATHAN TRUMBULL
"I would also beg, that, for the support of the
national faith and honor, as well as domestic tran
quillity, they would pay the strictest attention to
all the sacred rules of justice and equity, by a faith
ful observance and fulfillment of all public as well
as private engagements. Public expenses are un
avoidable : — and those of the late war, although
they fall far short of what might have been expected,
when compared with the magnitude of the object
for which we contended, the length of the contest,
with our unprepared situation and peculiarity of
circumstances, yet could not fail to be great ; —
but great as they may appear to be, when, for the
defence of our invaluable rights and liberties, the
support of our government, and our national exis
tence, they have been incurred and allowed by
those to whom, by your own choice, you have
delegated the power, and assigned the duty, of
watching over the common weal, and guarding your
interests, their public engagements are as binding
on the people, as your own private contracts; and
are to be discharged with the same good faith and
punctuality. "I most earnestly request my fellow citizens,
that they revere and practice virtue in all its lovely
forms — this being the surest and best establish
ment of national, as well as private felicity and
prosperity — That, disniissing as well all local and
confined prejudices, as unreasonable and excessive
jealousies and suspicions, they study peace and
harmony with each other, and with the several
parts of the confederated Republic — That they

FAREWELL ADDRESS 311
pay an orderly and respectful regard to the laws and
regulations of government ; and that, making a judi
cious use of that freedom and frequency of election,
which is the great security and palladium of their
rights, they will place confidence in the public officers,
and submit their public concerns, with cheerfulness
and readiness, to the decisions and determinations
of Congress and their own legislatures; whose col
lected and united wisdom the people will find to be
a much more sure dependence than the uncertain
voice of popular clamor, which most frequently,
is excited and blown about by the artful and de
signing part of the community, to effect particular
and oftentimes sinister purposes. At such times, the
steady good sense of the virtuous public, wisely
exercised in a judicious choice of their representa
tives, and a punctual observance of their collected
counsels, is the surest guide to national interest,
happiness, and security.
"Finally, my fellow-citizens, I exhort you to
love one another: let each one study the good of
his neighbor and of the community, as his own : —
hate strifes, contentions, jealousies, envy, avarice,
and every evil work, and ground yourselves in this
faithful and sure axiom, that virtue exalteth a na
tion, but that sin and evil workings are the de
struction of a people.
"I commend you, gentlemen, and the good people
of the State, with earnestness and ardor, to the
blessing, the protection, the counsel and direction of
the great Counsellor and Director, whose wisdom
and power is sufficient to establish you as a great

312 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and happy people; and wishing you the favour of
this divine benediction, in my public character —
I bid you a long — a happy adieu. "I am, gentlemen,
"Your most obedient, humble servant
"Jon*'' TrumbuU."
Like the address of Washington to the governors
of the thirteen States, this farewell address of
Governor Trumbull was respectfully received. To
say that it had the effect of pouring oU upon the
troubled waters of Connecticut politics, however,
would be to say too much. We may imagine that it
provoked much discussion, and that probably words
regarding the political situation, even though they
were the words of the great Washington, could not
carry more weight with the people of Connecticut
than this same address just quoted in full. To
such men as Roger Sherman, Oliver Ellsworth,
William Samuel Johnson, Matthew Griswold, the
Huntingtons and many others among the prom
inent men of the State the arguments and political
statements of the address were clear. Such men
were already convinced that Washington and Trum
bull were right in their views. But a majority of
the rank and file, with some prominent leaders,
clung to the narrower view of the situation which
had been inbred among them through generation
after generation of Connecticut conservatism and
autonomy. Congress had already been driven from
Philadelphia by a mutinous mob of unpaid soldiers ;
the incendiary address to the army at Newburgh
had been, by Washington's unfailing tact, turned

RECEPTION OF ADDRESS 313
against the intriguers who circulated it; but such
events carried no lessons with them for the anti-
federalist party. Sober second thought after the
fruitless Middletown convention of the following
December was needed ; the failure of credit abroad,
and the demonstrations of the inability of Congress
to adopt any legislation which could be of any
effect, — all these bitter experiences were needed,
together with the gradually growing federalism
among former anti-federalists in other States, to
bring the people into full accord with the political
sentiments so freely expressed in the Governor's
address. In the General Assembly something of an official
kind had to be done regarding this address. Here
was a Governor who had safely carried his State
through this terrible struggle of eight years, whose
personal character commanded their respect, whose
advanced age and long, arduous service certainly
called for recognition. His address is before the
House, but contains certain political doctrines which
are not even recognized by the majority as whole
some, if bitter medicine, and which are by some
regarded as poison. The situation is delicate, and
for that reason the address is referred to that last
resort of procrastination, — a committee. In due
time the committee reports, recommending certain
guarded resolutions, which may possibly be con
strued as the adoption of the Governor's political
views by the General Assembly. To this the Lower
House objects, and votes to refer the report and
resolutions to the next General Assembly, to con-

314 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
vene six months later. To this the Senate dissents.
A committee of conference of the two Houses finally
agrees upon amended resolutions, shorn of all
political character, which resolutions were readily
passed by both houses, and read as follows:
"Whereas his Excellency Jonathan Trumbull Es
quire, Governor and Commander-in-chief in and
over the State of Connecticut, has signified in
an address to the General Assembly, to be communi
cated to their constituents, his desire that he might
not, considering his advanced Age, be considered
by the freemen of this State as an object of their
choice at the next general election; as the Governor
has declared his wish to retire, after the expiration
of his present appointment, from the cares and
business of government :
"Resolved by this Assembly, That they consider
it as their duty in behalf of their constituents, to
express in terms of the most sincere gratitude, the
highest respect for his Excellency Governor Trum
bull, for the great and eminent services he has
rendered this State during his long and prosperous
administration; more especially for that display
of wisdom, justice, fortitude and magnanimity,
joined with the most unremitting attention and
perseverance, which he has manifested during the
late successful though distressing war; which must
place the chief magistrate of this State in the rank
of those great and worthy patriots, who have em
inently distinguished themselves as the defenders
of the rights of mankind.
"And that this Assembly consider it a most

REPLY TO THE ADDRESS 315
gracious dispensation of Divine Providence, that
a life of so much usefulness has been prolonged to
such an advanced age, with unimpaired vigor and
activity of mind.
"But if the freemen of this State shaU think
proper to comply with his Excellency's request, it
wiU be the wish of this Assembly, that his successor
in office may possess those eminent public and
private virtues, which gave so much lustre to the
character of him who has in the most honorable
manner so long presided over this State.
"It is further Resolved — That the Secretary
present to Governor Trumbull an authentic copy
of this act, as a testimony of the respect and esteem
of the Legislature of this State. And the Secre
tary is further directed, that, as soon as he shall
be furnished with such copy, he cause the same
to be printed, together with this act."
Thus the General Assembly testified to an ap
preciation of the Governor's past services, though
the majority were unwilling to endorse his political
views. Not so, however, was Washington. A copy
of the Governor's farewell address was sent him by
the Governor's son Jonathan, and met with the
following comment from the Father of his Country :
"I sincerely thank you for the copy of the Address
of Governor Trumbull to the General Assembly and
freemen of your State. The sentiments contained
in it are such as would do honor to a patriot of
any age or nation; at least they are too coincident
with my own, not to meet with my warmest appro
bation. Be so good as to present my cordial respects

3i6 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
to the Governor, and let him know that it is my
wish, that the mutual friendship and esteem, which
have been planted and fostered in the tumult of
public life, may not wither and die in the serenity
of retirement. Tell him that we should rather amuse
the evening hours of our life in cultivating the
tender plants, and bringing them to perfection,
before they are transplanted to a happier clime."
But six months now remained before the retire
ment of the Governor from public life. During this
time the political turmoil began to subside. The
Middletown convention held one or two sessions
and adopted resolutions which failed to fulminate
throughout the State, and inflammatory addresses
to the freemen which faUed to inflame. How much
of this subsidence of the political turmoil was due
to the Governor's unflinching stand on political
matters, it is of course impossible to say; but we
may safely accord to his influence a good share of
the brighter political prospect which was then
beginning to dawn.

CHAPTER XXVII
governor griswold elected  trumbull in
private life  settlement for eight years'
services  his own retrospect  his pursuits
in private life  honors bestowed upon him —
"brother Jonathan"
THE May election of 1784 resulted in the
choice of Matthew Griswold for Gov
ernor. He was not elected by vote of the
freemen,' owing, no doubt, to the fact that he had so
openly espoused the political views of Governor
Trumbull. The views of the General Assembly,
however, had so materially changed since the fare
well address of the Governor six months before that
Griswold was readily elected by that body. It is
said that Governor Trumbull had been strongly
urged to continue as a candidate for the position he
had so long held; but however this may be, he
remained firm in his determination to retire from
public life.
On the twenty-first of May he retired to his home
in Lebanon. He had listened to the customary
election sermon, delivered on this impressive oc
casion by the Reverend Doctor Joseph Huntington
of Coventry. He had received from the General
' The popular vote was declared, Griswold 2192, Pitkin 1698, Huntington
1 177, Oliver Wolcott, 1053, scattering 742. Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. 3, p.
120. 317

3i8 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
Assembly a brief but appropriate parting tribute,
his reply to which his biographer, Stuart, is good
enough to supply from his own vivid imagination ; •
and as a crowning gratification had seen on the
twentieth of May an act passed by the General
Assembly, by a large majority, unconditionally
favoring the collection by Congress of duties or
"imposts" on imported goods. This measure was
a tacit consent to the half-pay and commutation
acts of that body, and thus showed that the retiring
Governor had only been a little in advance of his
day in advocating such legislation,^ or, at least, the
keeping the contract which such legislation involved.
The retiring Governor had now an opportunity
to look into his own affairs and condition. For
eight years he had given up all attempts to engage
in business, having previously resigned the various
positions as judge and magistrate which he held
when first elected to the governorship, and having
devoted himself exclusively to the arduous duties
of that office. We have seen, from intimations in
his farewell address, that he felt conscious that
the infirmities of age were beginning to affect him,
and that but a very few years at most would bring
his earthly pilgrimage to its end. It was a time, at
last, to set his house in order. Added to his con
sciousness of the infirmities of age was the con
sciousness that his financial affairs were at their
lowest ebb. His salary as Governor had been regu
larly voted by the General Assembly, but we learn
' Life of Trumbull, p. 650.
^ See ante, p. 299.

PERSONAL ACCOUNTS 319
from a letter which he wrote on April 29, 1785, to
his son John that he had "received but two half
years' salaries since the beginning of our contest
with Great Britain."
In presenting his accounts to the General As
sembly he says that rather than to have called
upon the State even for his pittance of £300 per
year during the exigencies of war he would have lost
the amount "forever." It is difficult to discover
just what his means of subsistence were during those
trying times; but as the Governor's share in naval
prize money was quite liberal, though not so much
as at previous times, we must imagine that from
this source added to the meager product of the
farm, he eked out his humble, unostentatious liveli
hood. His claim upon the State for his salary, dis
bursements and extra services in the Susquehanna
case and other matters was readily allowed, amount
ing to three thousand and sixteen pounds, eleven
shillings and fourpence, and was liquidated by
three notes bearing interest and redeemable re
spectively in five, six and seven years. Thus was
a bankrupt Governor paid by a bankrupt State in
the times when both had exhausted their resources
in a righteous and at last successful cause.
With this settlement of his accounts with his
State, Governor Trumbull's public record ends.
It was a year after his retirement from office that the
allowance of his accounts was passed by vote of
the General Assembly; so that, at the time, he
was nearing the completion of the seventy-fifth

320 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
year of his life. More than a year before this time
he had written to his friend Washington, doubtless
in recognition of the message already quoted which
the latter had sent him through his son Jonathan :
"I felcitate you. Sir, with great cordiality, on
your having already reached the goal of your wishes,
and most devoutly invoke the Divine benediction
on your enjoyments and pursuits. A month more,
I trust, will bring me to the haven of retirement;
in the tranquillity of which I hope to have leisure
to attend to and cultivate those seeds of private
friendship, which have been planted during the
tumults of war, and in the cultivation of which I
promise myself to reap much pleasure.
"Indulging in these prospects, I am induced
to wish, and even to hope, that the correspondence
between you and me, which commenced under
the pressure of disagreeable circumstances, may
not wholly cease when we find ourselves in a happier
situation. Although enveloped in the shades of
retirement, the busy mind cannot suppress its
activity, but will be seeking some employment,
which will indeed be necessary to dispel the langour
which a scene of inactivity would be apt to produce.
Subjects will not be wanting; far different, and
more agreeable, I trust, than those we have been
accustomed to dwell upon; and occasions may
present which will serve to beguile a lingering hour,
and afford some pleasing amusement, or instruc
tive information. Let not the disparity of age, or
the idea of a correspondent seventy-three years
advanced on his journey through life, chill your

LETTER FROM WASHINGTON -^21
expectations from this proposal. I promise you
my best endeavors, and when you perceive, as
too soon, alas! you may, that your returns are not
proportional to your disbursements, you have only
to cease your correspondence; I shall submit."
To this Washington replies under date of May
fifteenth :
"It was with great pleasure and thankfulness I
received a recognisance of your friendship, in your
letter of the 20th of last month.
"It is indeed a pleasure, from the walks of private
life to view in retrospect all the meanderings of our
past labors, the difficulties through which we have
waded, and the happy haven to which the ship
has been brought. Is it possible, after this, that
it should founder? Will not the All-wise and All-
powerful Director of human events preserve it?
I think he will. He may, however, (for some wise
purpose of his own,) suffer our indiscretions and
folly to place our national character low in the
political scale, and this, unless more wisdom and
less prejudice take the lead in our government, wUl
most certainly happen.
"Believe me, my dear Sir, there is no disparity
in our ways of thinking and acting, though there
may happen to be a little in the years we have
lived, which places the advantage of the corre
spondence on my side, as I shall profit by your
experience and observations; and that no corre
spondence can be more pleasing to me than that
which originates from similar sentiments and simUar
conduct through (though not a long war, the im-

322 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
portance of it and attainments considered,) a pain
ful contest. I pray you, therefore, to continue me
among the number of your friends, and to favor me
with such observations and sentiments as may
occur." How far this intention of exchanging friendly
letters was carried out, it is impossible to say.
From the published letters of Washington we learn
that he unexpectedly found himself flooded with
correspondence and with callers at about this time
to such an extent that it seriously affected his
personal affairs, and even threatened his health.
Governor Trumbull, too, was occupied very fully
with his own personal affairs for more than a year
after the correspondence just quoted. It seems
doubtful, therefore, if there was much opportunity
for such active personal correspondence as these
two patriots had promised themselves. If any
letters were exchanged, they were not of an official
character, and for that reason would not have been as
carefully preserved as the mass of official letters
during the war. However this may be, the letter
of Governor Trumbull and the reply of Washington
just quoted give as good indication of the regard
in which they held one another as any number of
personal letters could give.
The settlement with the State having been effected,
as we have seen, the ex-Governor had, of course,
more time to devoted to his private affairs and to
his favorite pursuits. He had time, too, which had
not till then been granted him, to take an old man's
retrospect of the scenes through which he had

PERSONAL AFFAIRS 323
passed, and of the busy, useful life which was now
fast drawing to a close. From his memorial to the
General Assembly in presenting his accounts, we
find that he alludes to his personal experiences and
sacrifices for the first time; "to the busy and dis
tressing scenes which followed for a succession of
about eight years, the burden of which, in this
State, in a peculiar manner fell and centered on
him — a period during which, at home or abroad,
he had scarcely time to eat his necessary food —
and many sleepless nights — to the singularly ob
noxious light in which he stood with the enemy —
to the price that was set upon his head — and add
to these the large expenses of attending, besides the
stated, fourteen special assemblies — and other ex
penses abroad. But it is impossible, without the
experience, for anyone to realize or form an ade
quate idea of the multiplicity, weight and burden
which lay upon him during that trying scene." '
This statement, it should be remembered, is
in support of — almost in apology for — claims for
extra services, which it was customary for the
General Assembly to allow the Governor, as shown
by precedents which he cites, in which more liberal
allowance had been made than he claims in this
instance. The statement that a price had been set on his
head comes in the form of documentary evidence
for the first time in this memorial. We know him
'This extract is from a manuscript copy of the memorial which is not in
Govemor Trumbull's handwriting, and may possibly differ in phraseology
from the original.

324 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
well enough to know that he would not make such
a statement except upon good authority. Tradi
tion tells of a visit made by a stranger, whose ap
pearance was suspicious, at the Governor's house
at Lebanon at a time when he was ill and in bed.
This stranger so persistently demanded an inter
view with the Governor that his housekeeper, Mrs.
Hyde, at last armed herself with shovel and tongs,
and drove the intruder from the house, doubtless
giving, at the same time, an alarm to the neigh
borhood which made Lebanon too hot to hold him.
In the early days of the war, too. Governor Trum
bull was known in England as the "rebel governor",
all the other governors being loyalists. It is quite
probable, too, that the article in the Political Mag
azine of London, which has been attributed to the
Reverend Samuel Peters, was written in full knowl
edge that it might serve the turn of some enter
prising enemy who aspired to reap the reward which
was set on the Governor's head. For that reason
the personal description which it gives is more
reliable than the majority of the statements of
Peters. It seems that the Governor's expectations of a
retired life were but partially fulfilled during the
year 1784, for on February 15, 1785, we find him
writing to Lane, Son and Fraser of London :
"It is my intention to put over my affairs of
business in a Trading way into the Hands of my
two sons as soon as I can, and live, myself, in a
manner freer from Encumbrances than I do at
present — 'tis in your power to direct and help

STUDIES IN THEOLOGY 325
me forward, or to put me and my sons under great
Disadvantages." There is no doubt, however, that he was able to
some extent to carry out the intentions expressed
in his farewell address ; for we learn from his pastor,
the Reverend Zebulon Ely, that "This recess from
public employment a little before his decease,
afforded him a golden opportunity for his beloved
sacred duty. This he diligently and delightfully
improved." ' This was probably his principal and
favorite study; for from the same source we learn
that even in the busy days of the war he devoted
every moment he could spare to the study of the
Scriptures in the original Hebrew, in which language
he was "expert."
His correspondence with Doctor Ezra Stiles,
President of Yale College, shows that at this time
Trumbull had returned to the pursuit of his chosen
profession of more than fifty years before, employing
much of his time in writing sermons which he sub
mitted to Doctor Stiles. This he did, no doubt,
with a view to assist his own studies in theology.
Although this was his principal study, his fond
ness for some secular studies, and the natural ac
tivity of a mind which could not brook an idle
moment, led him, no doubt, to some reading in
history, jurisprudence and other literature.
In recognition of his scholastic acquirements and
statesmanship, he received from Yale College in
.1779 2 the honorary degree of LL.D., and the same
1 Funeral sermon, August 19, 1785.
2 October 27, 1779. Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. 2, p. 332.

326 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
degree also from the University of Edinburgh in
1785. In 1782, he was elected a Fellow of the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences. These
honors all came to him unsought, so much so that,
in the case of the American Academy it became
necessary for his friend Doctor Stiles to remind
him to acknowledge the honor and accept the elec
tion nearly a year after its date.
Of all the honors which attach to his name none
is so cherished by Connecticut men especially as
the title "Brother Jonathan", which tradition tells
us that Washington bestowed upon him in the days
of the Revolution, and which, it is generally be
lieved, came to be adopted, for this reason, as the
household name of the American nation. Until
recently, this version of the origin of our national
sobriquet has never been questioned so far as can be
learned; but in 1902 an elaborate pamphlet of
thirty-four pages was published by Mr. Albert
Matthews of Boston,' discrediting the title as
acquired by Governor Trumbull in this way, and
thus, of course, discarding him as the source
of our national nickname.
It hardly serves our purpose to go into the elab
orate treatment which Mr. Matthews has given
to this subject, investigating, as he has, the use of
the forename Jonathan from the seventeenth century
down, as a term of derision or mild pleasantry.
Like most attempts to break down traditions, Mr.
Matthews' paper gives no positive proof that- the
' " Brother Jonathan, by Albert Matthews; reprinted from the publica
tions of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts. Cambridge, 1902."

"BROTHER JONATHAN" 327
tradition is groundless; and, by implication, at
least, calls for positive proof that it is founded on
fact. It is safe to say that positive proof, either in
denial or affirmation of the tradition, is out of the
question. The earliest affirmation to be found in
print is in 1846, and the only denial is that of Mr.
Matthews, fifty-six years later.
The affirmation of the tradition appears in the
Norwich [Conn.] Evening Courier of November 12,
1846, and reads thus:
"The following account of the Origin of the term
'Brother Jonathan,' as applied to the United States,
wiU, no doubt, gratify the curiosity of a multitude
of minds, no less than it has done our own. It is
the first and only account we have ever seen of the
origin of a term which has come into universal use.'
It comes to us through a friend in this city, from
one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling
Whigs of Connecticut — a gentleman now upwards
of 80 years of age — himself an active participator
in the scenes of the Revolution. — Ed. Courier."
"'brother Jonathan' — origin of the term
as applied to the united states.
"When General Washington, after being ap
pointed Commander of the Army of the Revo
lutionary war, came to Massachusetts to organize
it, and make preparation for the defense of the
Country, he found great destitution of ammunition
'A letter once in possession of the late Charles C. Johnson of Norwich,
in reply to an inquiry made by his father to an old citizen in the vicinity, states
that this old citizen had talked with men of Revolutionary times, who told
him positively that the title was in general use and originated with Washing
ton.

328 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
and other means, necessary to meet the powerful
foe he had to contend with, and great difficulty to
obtain them. If attacked in such condition, the
cause at once might be hopeless. On one occasion
at that anxious period, a consultation of the officers
and others was had, when it seemed no way could
be devised to make such preparation as was neces
sary. His Excellency Jonathan Trumbull the elder,
was then Governor of the State of Connecticut, on
whose judgment and aid the General placed the
greatest reliance, and remarked. We must consult
'Brother Jonathan' on the subject. The General
did so, and the Governor was successful in supply
ing many of the wants of the Army. When diffi
culties after arose, and the army was spread over
the Country, it became a by-word, 'we must consult
Brother Jonathan.' The term Yankee is still ap
plied to a portion, but, 'Brother Jonathan' has
now become a designation of the whole country,
as John Bull has, for England."
This story Mr. Matthews characterizes as "a
newspaper story pure and simple; a story unsup
ported by one iota of corroborating evidence."
With him it is a question of etymology with which
historians and biographers have to deal. If we
could imagine Governor Trumbull on trial for his
life, on the charge of the capital crime of having
been called Brother Jonathan by General Washing
ton, it must be admitted that no court could convict
him on the evidence as reported in the Norwich
Evening Courier. But the case of establishing a
tradition is hardly similar; and it must be said that

"BROTHER JONATHAN" 329
Mr. Matthews was hardly in a receptive mood for
"corroborating evidence" at the time of writing
his paper. His aim is to propound a theory in an
impartial spirit, of course, as all theories are be
lieved by their authors to be propounded. He
looks for some allusion to the designation in the
Reverend Zebulon Ely's "Sermon preached at the
Funeral Solemnity of His Excellency Jonathan
Trumbull Esq. LL.D.," and utterly ignores the
mention in that sermon relating to Washington's
supposed reception of the news of the death of
"his brother and companion in the late struggles",
perhaps for the reason that a funeral sermon does
not use the precise term Brother Jonathan for the
benefit of future etymologists. It is certainly
hardly dignified enough for use in a funeral sermon,
or in the punctilious official correspondence of such
a man as Washington. But why should this term
brother be ignored when used by a contemporary
as a fitting term by which to designate the relations
between Washington and Trumbull?
Again, when the term in full is found in use at
an early period in the Revolution, this very fact
is used to discredit its application. This occurs in
the "Literary Diary of Ezra StUes, D.D., LL.D.,"
edited by Doctor Franklin B. Dexter. On March
21, 1776, Doctor Stiles, then at Dighton, recording
the evacuation of Boston by the British, writes:
"They left Bunker Hill Sdsday Morning 17th
at Eight o'clock, leaving Images of Hay dressed
like Sentries standing, with a Label on the Breast
of one, inscribed 'Welcome, Brother Jonathan.'"

330 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
It is admitted by Mr. Matthews that the dis
covery of this extract modifies certain statements
previously made, but "does not appear to affect
the conclusions in this paper." Beyond this, it
only seems necessary to him to quote Doctor Dexter's
editoral footnote, which reads thus :
"The use of this phrase by the British at this
date seems to prove that the common explanation
of its origin (with reference to Washington's con
sultations with Governor Jonathan Trumbull) can
not be the correct one."
It should be remembered that Doctor Stiles
records this statement apparently from hearsay;
and if his information was not correct, or if his
memory was at fault, he was at the time so familiar
with the term "Brother Jonathan" that he had no
hesitation in adopting it. Assuming, however, that
the information he records, at a distance of thirty-
six miles from the scene, was correct, why should
Doctor Dexter, seconded by Mr. Matthews, assert
that the date of the use of this term by the British,
"seems to prove that the common explanation of
its origin cannot be the correct one?" In the first
place, how do we know that the British placed the
figures at Bunker Hill ; and if they did, how do we
know that they placed the inscription "Welcome,
Brother Jonathan" on one of them? As a specimen
of British humor this proceeding of the badly out
generaled British in this instance is not particularly
striking. The inscription would be more appro
priate as a specimen of exultant Yankee irony.
But even admitting that the British themselves were

"BROTHER JONATHAN" 331
the authors of this stupendous joke, why does that
fact discredit our Connecticut tradition? Going
back to our much derided newspaper item of 1846,
we find it stated that it was precisely at this time,
when Washington had found TrumbuU's assistance
so valuable, that he applied to him this much dis
cussed sobriquet. The two men had been in active
correspondence for nine months at the time when
Doctor Stiles records the incident; and it was a
gratifying fact to the Americans, and doubtless a
notorious fact to the British, that men and muni
tions of war had been pouring in from Connecticut
under direction of her rebel Governor — the only
colonial Governor who had dared to be a rebel. Even
before Washington assumed command, he well knew
that Ticonderoga had been captured by an expedi
tion planned in Connecticut ; and that of the sixty-
three half-barrels of powder which the Americans used
at Bunker Hill, thirty-six half-barrels had been sent
from the provident little State with a rebel Governor.
The time of the evacuation of Boston was none too
early for Washington to feel assured that he had in
Connecticut a Brother Jonathan on whom he could
rely in time of need.
The intimate and confidential nature of the rela
tions between Washington and Trumbull are not
discussed by Mr. Matthews, probably because they
form only presumptive evidence of the possibility
that Washingten might have used the term brother
in its fuU significance in speaking of Trumbull.
Certain it is that in a letter of condolence Washing
ton signs himself, "Yours, with esteem and affec-

332 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
tion." But references to such relations partake
of the "unscientific" method which Mr. Matthews
deplores, and the temptation to discuss his view
of the case has led us already further than we had
intended to go. If we are to insist upon direct
evidence of every event in history, throwing aside
tradition as worthless, many incidents of Connec
ticut history must certainly be discredited; as, for
example, the Charter Oak episode, the, silencing
of Governor Benjamin Fletcher by beating the
drums; or the secret debate on the Stamp Act;
for these incidents rest solely on tradition. And
if we extend our researches to history in general,
we should probably find it alarming to know how
small a portion of its statements can be proved by
direct evidence, such as seems to be called for to
prove the authenticity of our Brother Jonathan
tradition. From a merely cold, logical view, it is unimportant
to assert this tradition. Governor TrumbuU's record
stands unchanged whether Washington did or did
not call him Brother Jonathan. And yet, from a
sentimental, unscientific point of view, the title
bears with it an honor which is worth far more to
such an American as Trumbull than any order of
knighthood ever bestowed by royal accolade. Let
us be sentimental, then. The Declaration of Inde
pendence is a very sentimental document, and
patriotism itself is a sentiment, pure and simple,
and "unscientific."

CHAPTER XXVIII
CONTINUED GOOD HEALTH  SUDDEN ILLNESS —
DEATH — HIS pastor's ESTIMATE OF HIS PERSONAL
CHARACTER — WASHINGTON'S TRIBUTE  THE TRUM
BULL TOMB AND EPITAPH
THERE is but little left to add to the story
of this long, busy, useful life. In his
retirement it must be believed that this
good old man found much comfort. He had and
improved, first of all, the opportunity which he
craved for calm and delightful religious medita
tion and study. Notwithstanding the tremen
dous strain of the eight years of war, his mental
faculties continued unimpaired, and his bodily health
remarkably good for a man of his years and burdens.
If he allowed public affairs to occupy his mind to
any great extent, as he could hardly fail to do, it
must have been with grave concern that he regarded
the still uncertain condition of the national govern
ment. We have seen his eagerness for the adoption
of the articles of confederation during the war;
and we have seen his strong and unqualified plea
for a suitable federation of the victorious States.
Thus we may well imagine that he longed to see the
victory made effective by the adoption of a federal
constitution such as he advocated.
But this was not to be : he did not live to see the
333

334 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
victory of our arms, which he had done so much to
promote, crowned by the establishing of a stable
form of republican government. He had only an
abiding faith, as had Washington, that this would
come in due time, and this was his consolation for
the deferred hope of the adoption of a federal con
stitution. Early in August, 1785, he was prostrated by a
fever which soon assumed what was then called a
malignant form. For twelve days the toil-worn
body resisted the fatal stroke of the disease. At
last complications developed, and on the seventeenth
of August he reached the peaceful end of his life.
It is recorded in the family Bible by his son
Jonathan that his death was "easy, quiet and calm",
and that he was "in possession of Reason to the
last, as far as could be discovered."
It was a fitting end to such a life : no gradual loss
of the faculties, no apparent decline even of the
physical powers. The active mind remained ap
parently active to the last, and jthe^worn body was
spared the long wasting procfess which so often
renders the last years of life a burden to the aged
sufferer. He felt and knew that his life /work was
done; and for more than a year, he had been calmly
waiting and preparing for the eh4^^ /
At his funeral, on the nineteenth of August, his
pastor, the Reverend Zebulon Ely, |jreached an
impressive sermon, from the text, ^~^~-~^^^
"So Moses, the servant of the Lord, died there in
the land of Moab, according to the word of the
Lord" (Deut. 34:5).

HIS PASTOR'S APPRECIATION 335
The long eulogy, after the manner of the time,
has the ring of sincerity, and furnishes the fullest
description of his personal character which can be
found in print. After an eloquent eulogy on his
public character and record. Pastor Ely says:
"As a man, he wonderfully possessed the amiable
grace of condescending with dignity; the charac
teristic of true greatness. He knew how to adapt
himself to persons of the greatest diversity of cir
cumstances and conditions of life, having learned
to please all with whom he conversed to their edifica
tion. There was nothing of that magisterial loftiness
and ostentatious parade, too often attendant on men
of rank and elevated stations of life. We may with
good reason conclude he became so eminent and
amiable in this respect, by daily contemplating
the perfect deportment of his Divine Master; who
hath, with singular propriety, directed us to learn
of him being meek and lowly.
"His temper was uncommonly mild, serene, and
cheerful; his words weighty and instructive; his
speech rather low, and his whole carriage graceful
and worthy. His constant seasonable attendance
on Divine worship, and his unaffected devotion in
the House of god, were most beautiful.
"As a parent, he was affectionate, venerable,
and endearing, by precept and example carefully
forming the minds and manners of his offspring.
As a neighbor he was kind and obliging.
"As a student, he was exceedingly careful of
precious time, dUigent and indefatigable in his
researches after truth, 'till the close of his life. His

336 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
acquaintance with history was very extensive, and
his accuracy in chronology unparallel'd.
"But his chief glory (as must be that of every
man) ariseth from his truly religious and pious
character. What would it avail that we view him
as filling the most dignified office in the republic,
receiving the applause of his country, and that we
hear his fame echoed from European shores, could
not we also view him as the servant of the lord,
born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh nor
of the will of man, but of god. What would it avail
us that we view him as one accomplished in human
erudition, famous as a linguist, a theologian, a
politician, an historian and chronologist ; could we
not also contemplate him, as one who gloried in the
cross of CHRIST, depending alone on his merits for
salvation, acknowledging all that to which he had
attained to be wholly of grace, and accounting them
excellent above what eye hath seen, ear heard, or the
heart of man conceived!"
We may well imagine that the Iqss of such a man
in the little community of Lebanon was most deeply
felt. Many are said to have borne testimony to his
kindly, neighborly ministrations in time of need;
and all, of high or low degree, must have felt for
him an esteem mingled with real affection.
It is, of course, natural to turn from the genial,
kindly record of his private life to the more impor
tant and imposing record of his public life. No
more fitting testimonial to his public and private
life can be found than in the words of Washington
in reply to a letter from TrumbuU's son Jonathan

WASHINGTON'S REGARD 337
in which he had announced the death of his
father: "Mount Vernon, Oct. ist, 1785.
"My Dear Sir: It so happened that your letter of
the first of last month did not reach me until Satur
day's post.
"You know too well the sincere respect and
regard I entertained for your venerable father's
public and private cfiaracter, to require assurance
of the concern I felt for his death ; or of that sym
pathy in your feelings, for the loss of him, which is
prompted by friendship. Under this loss, however,
great as your feelings must have been at the first
shock, you have everything to console you.
"A long and well-spent life in the service of his
country places Governor Trumbull among the first
of patriots. In the social duties he yielded to no
one; and his lamp, from the common course of
nature, being nearly extinguished, worn down with
age and cares, yet retaining his mental faculties in
perfection, are blessings which rarely attend ad
vanced life. All these combined, have secured to
his memory unusual respect and love here, and,
no doubt, unmeasurable happiness hereafter.
"I am sensible that none of these observations
can have escaped you, that I "can offer nothing
which your own reason has not already suggested
upon the occasion; and being of Sterne's opinion,
that 'before an affliction is digested, consolation
comes too soon, and after it is digested it comes too
late, there is but a mark between these two, al
most as fine as a hair, for a comforter to take aim

338 JONATHAN TRUMBULL
at,' I rarely attempt it, nor should I add more on
this subject to you, as it will be a renewal of sorrow,
by calling afresh to your remembrance things that
had better be forgotten.
"My principal pursuits are of a rural nature, in
which I have great delight, especially as I am blessed
with the enjoyment of good health. Mrs. Washing
ton, on the contrary, is hardly ever well ; but thank
ful for your kind remembrance of her, joins me in
every good wish for you, Mrs. Trumbull, and your
family. "Be assured that with sentiments of the purest
esteem, "I am. Dear Sir,
"Your affectionate friend
"and obedient servant
"G" Washington."
The pilgrim to our historic towns, when visiting
the town of Lebanon, will find among its beautiful
hills and valleys an old burial ground located by the
side of the main thoroughfare. Prominent in this
burial ground is the Trumbull family tomb, where
the hero and patriot whose life-story has been
attempted in these pages was laid to rest a century
and a quarter ago. The tomb is surmounted by
a broken shaft, on the pedestal of which may still
be read, in small and slowly perishing letters, the
following inscription:
"Sacred to the memory of Jonathan trumbull,
Esq., who, unaided by birth or powerful connections,
but blessed with a noble and virtuous mind, arrived
to the highest station in government. His patriot-

A CLEAN RECORD 339
ism and firmness during 50 years' employment in
public life, and particularly in the very important
part he acted in the American Revolution, as Gov
ernor of Connecticut, the faithful page of History
wiU record.
"Full of years and honors, rich in benevolence,
and firm in the faith and hopes of Christianity,
he died August 17th, 1785, Statis 75."
We may search "the faithful page of History" in
vain for the record of a man who in utter self-
forgetfulness, in earnest, patriotic devotion, toiled
less for personal distinction and more for the good
of a righteous cause than did he. Omitting the
customary biographer's summing up of a career
and estimate of a character, one thing may be said :
he gained the supreme political honor of the present
time and all time — a clean record. And if our
poets are doing anything more than singing a
melodious song to the words "The path of duty
is the way to glory", there is glory enough at the
end of such a life as his whose epitaph we read on the
old tombstone at Lebanon; for, in a high official
position, in the days of storm and stress, he never
swerved from the path of duty.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
The following list includes only books and documents
from which information has been derived and used,
but does not include general histories of the United
States, the American Revolution, and the State of
Connecticut, all of which have been freely consulted,
mainly with reference to the plan of this biography.
Beardsley, E. Edwards. Life of WiUiam Samuel
Johnson, LL.D., 1876.
Borland, Robert. Border Raids and Reivers.
Bouton, Nathaniel. Historical Discourse in Com
memoration of the Two-hundredth Anniversary
of the Settlement of Norwalk, Conn., in 165 1.
N. Y., 185 1.
Bronson, Henry. A Historical Account of Connec
ticut Currency, Continental Money, and the
Finances of the Revolution. In Papers of the
New Haven Colony Historical Society, Vol. i.
Brown, William Garrott. Life of Oliver EUsworth.
N. Y., 1905.
Caulkins, Frances M. History of New London.
New London (reprinted), 1895.
History of Norwich. 1866.
Chastellux, Francois Jean de. Voyages dans I'Amer
ique Septentrionale dans les Annees 1780, 1781,
& 1782. 2 Vols. Paris, 1786.
Connecticut Historical Society. Collections. Vols.
I, 2, 7, 8, 9. 341

/

342 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Manuscript collections :
Correspondence of Jonathan Trumbull.
Correspondence of Jonathan Trumbull, Junior.
Correspondence of Joseph Trumbull.
Connecticut — Secretary of State. State Records of
Connecticut, from 1 782-1 785. (Original record
books, not yet printed.)
Contributions to the ecclesiastical history of Con
necticut, prepared under the direction of the
General Association. New Haven, 1861.
Ely, Reverend Zebulon. A Sermon Preached at the
Funeral Solemnity of his Excellency Jonathan
Trumbull Esq., LL. D., Late Governor of the
State of Connecticut, August 19, 1785. Hart
ford, 1786.
Fisher, Sydney George. The Making of Pennsyl
vania. Philadelphia, 1896.
Fitch, Thomas. Some Reasons which Influenced
the Governor to Take and the Councillors to
Administer the Oath Required by Act of
Parliament, Commonly Called the Stamp Act;
Humbly Submitted to the Consideration of the
Public. Hartford, 1766.
Force, Peter. American Archives, 4th & 5th series.
9 Vols.
Ford, Worthington. The Writings of Washington.
14 Vols. N. Y., 1893.
Gilbert, G. A. The Connecticut Loyalists. In
American Historical Review, 4:273.
Harvard University. Quinquennial Catalogue of
the Officers and Graduates, 1636-1900.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 343
Hatch, Louis Clinton. The Administration of the
American Revolutionary Army. N. Y., 1904.
Hempstead, Joshua. Diary, 1711-1758. (Col
lections of the New London County Historical
Society, Vol. i.)
Hine, Orlo D. Early Lebanon; an Historical Ad
dress Delivered in Lebanon, Connecticut. . . .
July 4, 1876, With an Appendix of Historical
Notes by Nathaniel H. Morgan, of Hartford,
Conn. Hartford, 1880. Historical Magazine
and Notes and Series. Vol. 2. N. Y., 1858.
Hoadly, Charles J., Ed. Colonial Records of Con
necticut. State Records of Connecticut.
Hunt, Agnes. The Provincial Committees of Safety
of the American Revolution. Cleveland, Ohio.,
1904.
Johnson, Mary Coffin. The Higleys and Their
Ancestry. N. Y., 1896.
Lea, J. Henry. Contributions to a Trumbull Gene
alogy from Gleanings in English Fields. [Re
printed from the New England Historical and
Genealogical Register. ^ Boston, 1895.
Lecky, W. E. H. A History of England in the
Eighteenth Century. Vols. 3 and 4.
Lincoln, William, Ed. Journals of each Provincial
Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775,
and of the Committee of Safety. Boston, 1838.
Livingston, WUliam Farrand. Israel Putnam, Pio
neer, Ranger and Major General. 1718-1790.
N. Y., 1901.
McMasters, J. B. History of the People of the

344 BIBLIOGRAPHY
United States from the Revolution to the CivU
War. Vol. I.
Massachusetts Historical Society. Collections: 5th
series, vols. 9 and 10; 7th series, vols. 2 and
3. (Trumbull papers.) Also unpublished Trum
bull papers.
Matthews, Albert. Brother Jonathan. (In Publi
cations ofthe Colonial Society of Massachusetts,
vol. 7.) 1902.
Mathews, Alfred. Ohio and Her Western Reserve.
N. Y., 1902.
New London County Historical Society. Records
and Papers. Vol. i, 1890; vol. 2, 1904.
Palfrey, John Gorham. History of New England.
Vols. 4 and 5.
Parkman, F. A Half-century of Conflict. 2 Vols.
Boston, 1893.
PauUin, Charles Oscar. The Navy of the American
Revolution. Cleveland, 1906.
Peters, Samuel. General History of Connecticut
... to which is added, additions to the appen
dix, notes and extracts from letters, verifying
many important statements made by the author,
by Samuel Jarvis McCormick. N. Y., 1877.
Quincy, Josiah. History of Harvard University.
2 Vols. Cambridge, Mass., 1840.
Robinson, Edward. Memoir of the Reverend
William Robinson, Formerly Pastor of the
Congregational Church in Southington, Conn.,
with Some Account of his Ancestors in this
Country. Privately printed. N. Y., 1859.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 345
Rowe, John. Letters and Diary, 1759-1762; 1764-
1779. Boston, 1903.
Sabine, Lorenzo. Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of
the American Revolution. 2 Vols. Boston, 1864.
Sparks, Jared. The Writings of George Washing
ton. 12 Vols. Boston, 1837.
Stiles, Ezra. Literary Diary, 3 vols. N. Y., 1901.
Stuart, Isaac W. Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen.,
Governor of Connecticut. Boston, 1849.
Townshend, Charles Hervey. British Invasion of
New Haven, Connecticut, together with Some
Account of their Landing and Burning the
Towns of Fairfield and Norwalk, July, 1779.
New Haven, 1879.
Trumbull, Benjamin, D. D. Complete History of
Connecticut, Civil and Ecclesiastical ... to
the year 1764. 2 Vols.
Trumbull, James Hammond. The True-blue Laws
of Connecticut and New Haven, and the False
Blue-laws Invented by the Reverend Samuel
Peters. Hartford, 1876.
Trumbull, Colonel John. Autobiography, Reminis
cences and Letters. 1841.
Trumbull, Jonathan. Joseph Trumbull, the First
Commissary-general of the Continental Army.
In Records and Papers of the New London
County Historical Society. Vol. 2, p. 329.
The Conflicting Accounts of Tryon's Invasion of
Norwalk. In Magazine of History. Vol. 3, p. 18.
Trumbull, Jonathan, Ed. The Lebanon War Office.
Hartford, 1891.

346 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tuckerman, Bayard. Life of General Philip Schuy
ler. 1733-1804. N. Y., 1904.
Weir, John F. John Trumbull; a Brief Sketch of
his Life, to Which is Added a Catalogue of his
Works. N. Y., 1901.
Windham, Conn., District of. Probate Records.

INDEX

INDEX

Acadians, exile of, 52.
"Act for the Establishment of
Public Credit and to Provide for
the Exigencies of this State," 262.
Adams, John, consulted by Washing
ton, 180; in Amsterdam, 275;
letter quoted, iji.
Adams, Samuel, 114.
Admiral Keppel, capture of, 241.
Albany Congress, 99; failure of, 53.
Alden, Ehzabeth, 25.
Alden, John, 25.
Allen, Ethan, leader of Green Moun
tain boys, 153, 155.
American Academy of Arts and
Sciences, 326.
Andre, execution of, 273.
Apthorp, Stephen, merchant (Bristol,
England), 69.
Armstrong, General, brutality against
Connecticut settlers, 297.
Arnold, Benedict, treachery of, 265,
272; leads expedition for New
London, 280-282.
Articles of Confederation, 245;
adopted, 224, 294.
Avery, Elisha, Deputy Commissary,
203, 204.
Backus, Eunice, 30.
Baron Van der Capellan. See Derk.
"Battle ofthe Kegs," 243.
Belcher, Jonathan, Chief Justice of
Superior Court, 16.
Belknap, Doctor Jeremy, quoted, 94.
Bennington, battle of, 212.
Blackslee, Abraham, of New Haven
(Tory), 135.

Bliss, John, 151.
Booth and Lane (London merchants),
64.
Boston, convention at, 266; evacua
tion of, 183.
Boston Massacre, 113.
Boston Port Bill, 119, 120, 121.
Boston Tea Party, 116.
Bowdoin, Pitts and Flucker (Boston
merchants), 64.
Braddock, General, defeat of, 52.
Brandjrwine, battle of, 212.
Brewster family, 6, 7.
British and Hessian soldiers in
Revolution, 250.
British use of term "Brother Jona
than," 329, 330.
British warfare, blot on, 282.
Brooklyn Heights, retreat from, 197.
" Brother Jonathan," legend of origin,
326-332.
Buckley, John, 51-
Bunker Hill, battle of, 158.
Burgoyne, defeat of, 212; surrender
of, 212.
Burke, Edmund, 274.
Bushnell, David (of Saybrook), in
vention of, 242-243; made cap
tain, 243.
Butler, Colonel Zebulon, 100.
Camden evacuated, 279.
Chad's Ford, battle of, 217.
Champion, Colonel Henry, appointed
purchaser of cattle, 225-226.
Chandler, Ellinor, 4.
Charleston, British cooped in, 279;
fall of, 265.

349

3 so

INDEX

Chastellux, Marquis de, 277; quoted,
258.
Cherry Valley massacre, 236.
Church, Benjamin, classmate of Gov
ernor Trumbull, 16.
Cincinnati, Society of, 300-301, 303.
Clap, Thomas, President of Yale, 35.
CUnton, Sir Henry, 265; hoodwinked,
280.
Colchester provides winter quarters
for French Hussars, 268.
Collection of Massachusetts Historical
Society, 256.
Colonial Records of Connecticut, 185.
Colt, Peter, Deputy Commissary
General, 226; at New Haven, 250.
Commissary Department, disorgan
ized, 226, 227; failure to pay, 260.
Committee of Correspondence and
Enquiry appointed, 117; sends
delegates to First Continental
Congress, 131.
Connecticut Courant, 89.
Connecticut, Colony of, activities in
Revolution, 181-182; alarming
situation in, 251; attitude in Rev
olution, 153-154; boundary dis
putes with Massachusetts, 50-52;
called State, 184; calls for money,
259; capture of British ships, 241,
242; church government in, 23-24;
clergy of, 121; conditions in, 23;
conservatism of, 116-117; contri
bution to French War, 49; con
tribution to Revolution, 331; course
taken with Massachusetts, 143-151;
court records quoted, 83-85; dan
ger to, from sedition, 45-46; Decla
ration of Independence of, 185;
Declaration quoted, 186-191; dele
gates to Second Continental Con
gress, 137; desertion of soldiers,
168-169; difficulty in filling quo
tas, 209; drain on treasury, 208;
encounter with Pennsylvanians,

296-297; enlistments difficult, 265;
enlistments impeded by smallpox,
198; episodes in history of, 332;
equips northern fleet on Lake
Champlain, 199; Federalism and
State Rights, 299, 312, 313; first
aggressive act of Revolution, 153;
first invasion by British, 210;
furnishes men in Revolution, 158;
161, 181; furnishes powder in
Revolution, 157; Indian affairs, 47;
influences at work in, 118; issues
bills of credit, 152; issues paper
money, 263; joins in capture of
Louisburg, 48; lawsuits, 91-103;
lays taxes, 243-244, 262; letter to
Provincial Congress of Massachu
setts, 154-155; levies troops, 161,
179; "Lighthorse" regiment dis
banded, 195; loan to French
commissioner, 264; locating meet
inghouses, 33; men in service, 53;
method of raising money, 44-45;
military preparations, 134-135;
money problems, 243, 247-248;
naval aff'airs in, 184-185, 192-193;
naval service, 242; on war footing,
3S> 36, 37; opens negotiations with
General Gage, 153; parties in, 77-
78, 86-87; party lines in, 82; pays
Governor Trumbull, 3 19; policy of,
104, 106; prize money, 242; prob
lems of, 39; provides winter
quarters for French hussars, 268;
question of officers' half pay, 299,
300,318; quota lacking, 294; quota
maintained at maximum, 288; raises
nine battalions, 185; reimbursed by
England, 48, 49; relations with
England, 73; relieved of army, 226;
religious awakening, 30-31; re
sources of, 259; response to Massa
chusetts' call, 142-143, 152; req
uisitions for French allies, 264;
revision of statutes, 44; sends aid

INDEX

3SI

Connecticut, Colony of, {.continued)
to Rhode Island, 238; sends seven
regiments of militia to New York,
192; sends ships' carpenters and
supplies to New York and Ver
mont, 198-199; sends troops to Wy
oming, 236; services in New York
campaign, 197; settlers in Wyoming
Valley, 235, 236, 237; share in pro
visions and money for Revolution,
263; spirit of, 120, 124; struggle
to establish rights, 8-9; Susque
hanna Case, 98, 100-103, 237,
294-295; taxed by Congress, 224;
taxes imposed by, 108-109; Tory
element in, 135-137; town meetings
in, 121; Twenty-first Regiment
sent to New York, 197; unhappy
military experience, 168-169; uni
que position of, 119; unpaid
farmers, 259-260; wins Mohegan
Case, 98; wins Western Reserve,
101.
"Connecticut Currency," 261 note.
Continental Army, 209, 211; address
to, at Newburgh, 312-313; com
missary appointed, 171; deficiencies
in, 184; early days of, 165; in
Canada, 185; march on Yorktown,
280; munitions, 272-273; on verge
of mutiny, 259; pay of officers in,
299-300; reinforced by French
troops, 264; smallpox in, 198;
starving, 272; term of enlistment,
209.
Continental Congress, advances Gen
eral Putnara, 159; appoints com
missioners in Susquehanna Case,
295; appoints Joseph Trumbull
commissary general, 171; appoints
Washington commander-in-chief,
159; calls for provisions, 263; calls
on New Jersey for Minute Men,
180; contraction of currency, 261-
262; degrades Generals Spencer

and Wooster, 159; driven from
Philadelphia, 312; First, 131, 135;
incompetence of, 179, 180, 299,
313; opens, 155; ratifies treaty
alliance with France, 231; reorgan
izes Commissary Department, 226-
227; Second, 137; sends Governor
FrankUn to Governor Trumbull for
parole, 192.
Continental money, decline in value,
261.
Convention of New Jersey, 192.
Conway cabal, 213-219, 241.
Copley, John Singleton, 275.
CornwaUis, surrender of, 283, 294, 298.
Comy, Louis Dominique Ethis de,
loan to, 264.
Council of Censors of Pennsylvania,
297.
Council of Safety, discusses Declara
tion of Independence, 191; fur
nishes supplies to Valley Forge,
225-226; grants money for entei^
tainment, 270; importance of, 157;
meetings, 156, 157, 158, 184;
members of, 156; orders powder
forwarded to Massachusetts, 157;
paroles Doctor Johnson, 254; rec
ords of, 157-158; strengthens
defence of New London, 251.
Cowpens, victory at, 279.
Crane, row-galley, 185; built at
Haddum, 192.
Currency, change in, 65.
Cyrus, capture of, 241.
Dagget, Doctor Naphtali (Presi
dent of Yale), 250.
Danbury, awarded by British, 210,
211; miUtary camp at, 278.
Danielson, Timothy, 151.
Dartmouth College, 62.
Dartmouth, Earl of, issues mandate,
I37> 138; Governor Trumbull's
letter to, 138-141.

352

INDEX

Davis, Captain (of Brimfield), tarred
and feathered, 123.
Deane, Silas, delegate to first Con
tinental Congress, 131; corre
spondence with Governor Trum
bull, 245-246, 287-288.
Declaration of Independence, 191.
Declaratory Act, 80.
Defence, Connecticut brig, 48, 193,
241.
Derk, John (Baron Van der Capellan),
25s; a friend of America, 255;
correspondence with Governor
Trumbull, 256, 257; secures loan
to America, 256.
D'Estaing, Admiral, at Rhode Island,
237. 238.
Dexter, Doctor Franklin, editor, 329,
330.
Dibble, Filer, of Stamford (Tory),
I3S-
Dixon, Edward, of St. Kitts, England,
69,70.
Dolbeare, Benjamin (Boston mer
chant), 64.
Dorchester, Massachusetts, 6, 7.
Drake family, 6, 7.
Dudley, Joseph, 92.
Duportail, General, at Weathersfield
conference, 277.
Dyer, Amelia, married Joseph Trum
bull, 29, 233.
Dyer, Eliphalet, 77, 156; delegate to
First Continental Congress, 131.
Edson, Josiah, fate of, 17.
Edwards, Jonathan, warnings of, 30.
Eels, Reverend Nathaniel, at Lexing
ton, 18.
Elderkin, Jedediah, 156; appointed
to provide barracks, 268.
EUot, Samuel, Jr., letter quoted, 241-
242.
Ellsworth, Oliver, 312; writes to
Govemor Trumbull, 262.

Ely, Reverend Zebulon, 198; quoted,
325.
Enfield, transferred to Massachusetts,
50. Si-
England, financial condition of, 261;
policy towards America, 49, V3-76,
92, 95, 102, H2-113, 227, 230; task
of making peace, 299. See also
British.
Eutaw Springs, battle of, 279.
Evening Courier (Norwich), quoted,
327-328.
Eyre, Colonel, at Fort Griswold, 281.
Fairfield, raid on, 249, 250, 252.
Farmington, burns Port BiU, 121.
Fenwick, Colonel, legacy of, 102.
Fitch, Colonel Eleazer, Govemor
Trumbull's partner, 65, 66.
Fitch, Governor Thomas, 44, 53, 59,
77-78, 79, 87, 90.
Flour, cost of, 247-248.
Fort Griswold, massacre at, 280-282.
Fort Ticonderoga, capture of, 153,
^SS'j evacuation of, 211; proved
untenable, 175.
Fort Trumbull, retreat from, 280.
Foster, Jedediah, on Massachusetts
committee, 151.
Fowler, Judge Jonathan (Tory), 166.
Fox, Charles James, 274.
France, war with, 35, 36, 40, 47, 52,
66.
Franklin, Benjamin, 76, 232; remark
of, 212.
Franklin, Governor WiUiam, case of,
192.
Frazier, Champion and Hawley, 304.
French aUies, blockaded at Brest,
266; blockaded at Newport, 266.
Gage, Governor Thomas (Tory),
118, 119, 122, 147; correspondence
with Governor Trumbull, 144-147,
148-150.

INDEX

353

Garth, General George, in raid on
New Haven, 249; in raid on Nor
walk, 251.
Gaspee, affair of schooner, 1 16.
Gates, General, entertainment at
Hartford, 241; inefficiency of,
> 266, 272; influence on Jonathan
Trumbull, Jr., 216; intrigues of,
208; scheme against Schuyler, 200;
share in Conway cabal, 241; supei^
sedes Schuyler, 212.
Gay, Ebenezer, on committee, 43.
Gazette (Rivington's), 137; sup
pressed, 166-167.
General Assembly of Connecticut,
act on Governor's farewell address,
313-314; action in regulation of
prices, 224; action on Boston Port
Bill, 120; action on Writs of Assist
ance, 84; adopts Articles of Con
federation, 224; adopts Governor
TrumbuU's letter to Silas Deane,
287; adopts title of "His Excel
lency" for Governor, 220; appoints
Committee of Correspondence and
Enquiry, 117; appoints Council
of Safety, 156; appoints meeting
houses, 33; discussion of Stamp Act,
75-76; elects Griswold govemor,
317; elects Trumbull govemor, 81,
86, 89, 288, 300; instructions to dele
gates at Congress, 300; instructs
delegates to declare for independ
ence, 185; investigation of story
against Governor Trumbull, 293;
mobilizes troops, 153; passes act
favoring collection of imposts, 318;
passes act for establishment of pub
lic credit, 262; passes act regard
ing duties on imports, 299; peti
tions to, 50, 51, 56; places embargo
on exportations, 143; preparations
for war, 36, 134, 152; quoted,
46-47, 53; records of, 184, 185;
repeals tax, 1 1 1 ; resolutions quoted.

314-315, 270-271; seeks charter
rights, 101-102; sends delegates to
Stamp Act Congress, 76; sessions
of, 42, 43; special act of, 44; taxes
laid, 255.
General Committee of City and
County of New York, 167-168.
Germaine, Lord George, 227, 273.
Germantown, battle of, 212.
Governor of Grenada, West Indies, 69.
Governor's Council, policy toward
home government, 106; resolu
tions adopted, 120; TrumbuU
elected to, 36 ; votes to provide
supplies, 134.
Great Awakening in Connecticut,
30-31-
Green, Francis (Tory), 167; treat
ment of, 121-122.
Green, Thomas (Tory), anecdote of,
121-123.
Green and Walker (Boston mer
chants), 64.
Greene, General, 278; appeals for
money, 265; march to Eutaw
Springs, 279; military genius of,
277; victories in South, 284.
Greene, Governor, asks aid, 237, 238.
Groton, burning of, 282; relief of
inhabitants, 283.
Griswold, Matthew, Deputy Gov
ernor, 156, 225, 312; elected
governor, 317.
Guilford, controversy in, 23.
Guilford Court House, victory at, 279.
Hay, price of, 247.
Hale, Nathan, patriotism of, 197.
Hall, Colonel Benjamin, appointed
commissioner, 51.
Harlem Heights, battle of, 197.
Hartford, convention at, 266, 270.
Harvard, courses at, 13; influence of,
18; registration custom at, 11-12,
60, 61.

354

INDEX

Heath, General WiUiam, 251, 282; in
New York, 279.
Hempstead, Joshua, diary of, 42.
Higley, Hannah (raother of Govemor
TrumbuU), lineage, 5-7, 60; death,
91-
Higley, Hannah (Drake) (grand
mother of Governor TrumbuU),
5-6; ancestry of, 6-y.
Higley, John, 5; early days of, 6.
" History of Connecticut," 126.
"History of Jonathan Trumbull, the
Rebel Govemor", 128, 129; quoted,
129-130.
"History of New England," by Miss
Caulkins, 116 note.
"History of the People of the United
States from the Revolution to the
Civil War," 297.
HiUsborough, Lord, 106, 107, 109,
111, 112; in Mohegan Case, 96;
made Secretary of State, 104.
Hpadley, Doctor Charles J., 186.
Holland, loan to America, 255-256.
Hopkins, Governor, legacy of, 102.
Horseneck, salt works at, 249.
Hubbard, Nehemiah, quartermaster,
270.
Hull, Mr., Collector of Customs, 55,
56, 73-
Huntington, Benjamin, 156.
Huntington, Jabez, 156.
Huntington, General Jedediah, letter
to Governor Trumbull, 214-216.
Huntington, Hezekiah, of Nor
wich, 66.
Huntington, Joseph, Reverend, elec
tion sermon, 317.
Huntington, Governor Samuel, 35,
156.
Huntington, Long Island, English
fleet at, 250.
Hutchinson, Judge Eliakim, at Hai^
vard, 17.
Hutchinson, Thomas (Chief Justice),

41, 101; grants Writs of Assistance,
41, 73, 82; letter quoted, 95;
rank in Harvard, 15-16; Tory
sympathies, 118, 121.
Indian School at Lebanon, 62.
IngersoU, Jared, Connecticut agent
at London, 57, 59, 76.
Jackson, Richard, Connecticut agent
in England, 68, 83, 93.
Johnson, Henry (Boston merchant),
64.
Johnson, Reverend Stephen, of Lyme,
77-
Johnson, WiUiara Samuel, ambassador
to General Gage, 147, 252; arrest
of, 252, 253; attorney in Mohegan
Case, 93-98, 102, 103, 104, 105,
112, 143; counsel in Susquehanna
Case, 254; delegate to constitu
tional convention, 254; examina
tion by Lieutenant Colonel Dimon,
253; intercession with General
Tryon, 252; letters quoted, 83,
86, 96, 105-106, 106-107, 107-108,
109, 113, 29s, 312; meets Govemor
Trumbull, 253-254; neutral in
Revolution, 252; paroled, 253, 254.
Kent, Benjamin, classmate of Gov
ernor TrumbuU, 18.
Kneeland, William, President of Har
vard, letter to Govemor TrumbuU,
173-174.
Knowlton, death of, 197.
Knox, General, at Weathersfield con
ference, 277; sent to New England,
273.
Lafayette, Marquis de, reception
to, 270.
Lake Champlain, navy at, 199.
Lane, Booth and Frazier, Govemor
Trumbull's letter to, 71.
Lane, Son and Fraser, Govemor
TrumbuU's letter to, 324-325.

INDEX

355

Laurens, Henry, President of Con
tinental Congress, 256; corre
spondence with Governor TrumbuU,
233-234, 237, 240, 244.
Laurens, Colonel John, 240, 241.
Lauzun, Due de, memoirs of, 268.
Lea, J. Henry, researches of, 4.
Lebanon, Connecticut, attitude
towards Port Bill, 121; Council of
Safety meeting in, 156-157; elects
Jonathan Trumbull delegate to
General Assembly, 24, 32; fair
and market in, 62; French troops
in, 268-269; growth of, 8; home
of Governor Trumbull, 15; im
portance of, 157; Indian school at,
62; lack of schools in, 9; library
in, 34-35; meetinghouse war in,
9, 23; recognized by General
Assembly, 7, 19; social equality in,
II, 12; themes of discussion in,
20; Tisdale school in, 61; Trum
buU faraily settles in, 7; Trumbull
family tomb in, 338-339; Trum
bull (Governor's) interest in, 63.
Ledyard, John, of Hartford, 66.
Ledyard, Colonel WUliam, death at
Fort Griswold, 281.
Lee, General Charles, 180, 181, 231;
capture of, 207; incompetence of,
179, 180.
Leeter, Governor WiUiara, 87.
Leffingwell, Christopher, paper mill
of. III, 117.
Leverett, President (of Harvard), 12.
Lexington, fight at, 114, 142.
Leyden, Doctor John, quoted, 2.
Liberty, British revenue sloop, 1 13,
116.
"Life of Trumbull," 225 note.
"Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D.,
LL.D." quoted, 329, 330.
Livingston, Walter, commissary of
northern army, 203, 204.
Long Island, battle at, 197.

Long Island Sound patroUed, 193.
Loudoun, Earl of, 54.
Louisburg, capture of, 47, 49.
Loyalist Party, 166.
" Loyalists of American Revolution,"
79-
Luzerne, Chevalier Anne-Cesar de la,
rainister frora France to United
States, 257; letter to Governor
Trumbull, 263.
Lyman, General Phineas, 40, 53;
victory of, 52.
Massachusetts, boundary disputes
with Connecticut, 50-52; letter
to Connecticut, 150; political par
ties in, 118; Loyalists, 166; (Tories,
166); Provincial Congress of, 143,
147; sends committee to Connec
ticut, 150.
Mason family (in Mohegan Case), 92,
93, 96, 97-
Matthews, Albert, pamphlet of, 326-
327, 328, 329, 330, 331.
"McFingal," 5, 17.
Meetinghouse war, 9; truce in, 23.
Meigs, Colonel Return Jonathan,
raid on Sag Harbor, 211.
Middletown, convention in, 313, 316;
lead mines in, 161, 184; sail cloth
and cordage from, 199.
MitcheU, Donald G., quoted, 269.
Mohegan Case, 9, 47, 83, 91, 92-98,
104.
Money, value of Continental, 261.
Moore, Hannah, 7.
Moore, Deacon John, 7.
Moore family, 7.
Morgan's rifle corps at Wyoming, 236.
Mott, Captain Edward of Preston,
ISS-
Nebuchadnezzar, ship, 56, 57.
NeufviUe, John de, and Sons, of
Amsterdam, 274, 275, 304.

356

INDEX

Newcastle-on-Tyne, 4.
New Haven, raid on, 249-250, 251.
New London, 238; Arnold's expedi
tion against, 280; relief of inhabi
tants, 283.
New London Gazette, 77, 127.
Newton, resolution of, 136.
New York, military operations in,
183, 194, 197; political parties in,
118-119.
Niles, Robert, captain of the Spy,
231-232.
Norwalk, raid on, 249, 250-251, 252.
Norwich, 121; attitude towards Port
Bill, 121.
"Observations on the Several
Commanders of the Ship Con
necticut," ballad, 88-89.
Occum, Samson, Indian preacher, 62,
96.
Ogden, Captain Araos, 100.
Oliver, Andrew, 4, 17.
Oliver, Peter, Chief Justice of Massa
chusetts, 17.
Oliver Cro-mwell, warship, 241.
Oriskany, battle of, 212.
Otis, James, 82.
Oyster Bay, 180.

Pepperrell, General, made baronet,
48.
Pequot War, Lion Gardiner's account
of, 98.
Peters, Reverend Samuel, 324; action
on Port BUl, 125-126; case of,
125-128, 129, 131; flees to England,
129; pubUshed "History of Jona
than TrumbuU," 128, 129; visited
by Windham mobs, 126-129.
Philadelphia, occupation by British,
212.
PhUagrararaatican Library at Leb
anon, 34.
Philiphaugh, Scotland, 1.
Pitcher, Reverend Nathaniel, quoted,
28.
Pitkin, Govemor, 79, 81, 87; letter
of, 106; letter to, 105-106.
Political Magazine, 129, 324.
Porter, Colonel Elisha, 148.
Princeton, battle of, 207.
Providence, Rhode Island, 237.
Provincial Congress of New York,
authority of, 180-181.
Putnara General Israel, 142, 147-
148, 203; at battle of Long Island,
197; famous ride to Stratford, 249;
promoted, 159.

Pabodie, Priscilla, 26.
Pabodie, William, 25.
Parliament, British, 112; colonial
policy of, 74-75; oppressive mea
sures, 118; passes bill abolishing
taxes, 230.
Parsons, Reverend Joseph, 8.
Parsons, General Sarauel, 158, 251.
Patterson, Justice, brutaUty against
Connecticut settlers, 296-297.
Penn, Williara, heirs of, 98-99, 102.
Pennamite Wars (in Wyoming VaUey),
99, 100, 101, 103.
Pennsylvania troops, outrages of,
296-297.

Quincy, Sr., Josiah, 18.
Quintard, Isaac (Tory, of Stamford),
135-
" Resolves of the Town of
Hebron," 127.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 274.
Rhode Island, famine in, 259; poli
tical parties in, 118.
Ridgefield, Connecticut, fight at,
136, 210; vote of, 136.
Rivington, James, paper of, sup
pressed, 166-167.
Robinson, Faith, 60; ancestry, 25-26;
death, 266; character, 28-29, 178,

INDEX

357

Robinson, Faith (continued)
266; father of, 27-28; inscription
on tombstone, 268; marriage to
Governor Trumbull, 5, 25; mother
of, 26, 28.
Robinson, John, 26; character of, 27.
Rochambeau, General, at Weathers
field conference, 277; reception to,
270.
Rowley, Massachusetts, 4.
Rule Water, Scotland, 1.
Sag Harbor, raid on, 211.
Salisbury iron raine, 117, 199.
SaltonstaU, Colonel Gurdon, 55, 56.
San Jose y Santa Elena, Case of, 55.
San Juan, Don Jose Miguel de, 56, 57.
Saybrook, raan-of-war built at, 184.
Schuyler, General, authority of, 203;
correspondence with Governor
Trumbull, 198-199, 200-201, 201-
202, 205; demands on Govemor
Trumbull, 198; Gates' scheming
against, 200, 203, 204; local
jealousy of, 200, 201, 206; position
of, 208; relations with Governor
Trumbull, 198, 204, 205; super
seded, 212.
Seabury, Bishop Samuel, 108, 166.
Sears, Isaac, expedition to suppress
The Gazette, 166-167.
Shark, row-galley built at Norwich,
184, 193.
Shaw, Nathaniel, of New London,
116.
Sherraan, Roger, 312; delegate to
Continental Congress, 131; re
organizes Treasury Department,
244; secures ammunition, 134.
Shirley, Governor, of Massachusetts,
scheme to capture Louisburg, 47,
48-49.
Simsbury, 5, 6, 7.
Somers, Massachusetts, 50, 51.
Sons of Liberty," 76, 88.

Spain, war with, 35, 36.
Sparrow, Samuel, London raerchant,
64.
Spencer, General Joseph, 158, 166;
degraded by Congress, 159; letter
to Governor Trumbull, 123-124;
ordered to New London, 282.
Springfield, Massachusetts, 52.
Spy, schooner, carries treaty to
France, 231-232.
Stamp Act, disturbances concerning,
70, 76-80; pamphlet about, 76.
Steele, Judge Thomas, 17.
Steuben, Baron, calls for arms, 265.
Stewart, Duncan, Collector of Cus
toms, 75, 82, 83, 106, 109.
Stiles, President (Yale), 326, 330, 331;
asks for flour, 248; correspondence
with Governor Trumbull, 325.
Suffield, 5; transferred to Massa
chusetts, 50, 51.
Sullivan, General, in Rhode Island
campaign, 237, 238, 239.
Sullivan's Indian carapaign, 236.
Susquehanna Case, 91, 98-103, 104,
23s, 237, 294-295.
Ternay, Admiral, reception to, 270.
Thompson, Benjamin (Count Rum
ford), 273.
Throop, William, 25.
Tisdale, Nathan, school of, 6r.
Tories, 166; in Wyoming Massacre,
236; treatment of, 121, 135.
Town meetings begin, 121.
Townshend revenue acts, ip6, 117.
Treaty of Peace (England and
United States), 303-304.
Trenton, battle of, 207, 208.
Triton, man-of-war, 57.
Trowbridge, Edmund, Judge of Su
perior Court of Massachusetts, 16-
17-
Trurable, Fitch and Trumble, 64-65;
firm dissolved, 70.

358

INDEX

TrumbuU, Rev, Benjamin (historian),
5. 257-
TrumbuU, Benoni, 5.
Trumbull, David (brother of Govern
or TrumbuU), death of, 37.
Trumbull, David (son of Governor
Trumbull), 30, 60; appointed to
provide barracks, 268; education,
61; in Windham mobs, 128; posi
tion in Lebanon, 63; services in
Revolution, 172-173, 184.
Trurabull, Faith (daughter of Gov
ernor TrumbuU), 30; death of, 176;
married General Jedediah Hunting
ton, 30, 176.
Trurabull, Faith Robinson (wife of
Governor Trumbull). See Robin
son.
Trumbull, Doctor J. Hammond, 3;
quoted, 125, 128.
Trumbull, John, first American, 4, 5.
Trurabull, John (lawyer-poet), 5.
Trumbull, Colonel John (son of
Governor Trumbull), 29, 30; aide
to General Sullivan, 239; arrested
in London, 273-274; atterapts to
negotiate loan, 275; autobiography
quoted, 61, 70-77, 239, 273, 275-
276; birth, 33, 60; career, 176,
241; charter member of the Cincin
nati, 303; embarks for home, 275;
encouraged by Benjamin West, 175;
goes to London, 175; important
services, 174-175; in commissary
department, 275; raiUtary life,
174-175; paintings, 176; relations
with General Schuyler, 203, 205;
released from arrest and goes to
Amsterdam, 274; resumes career
as artist, 275; serious iUness, 275;
taste for drawing, 173-174.
Trumbull, Jonathan, Governor, ac
quaintance with Frenchmen, 269-
270; activity in Revolution, 134,
182, 184, 194; address to General

Assembly quoted, 220-221, 291-293,
304-312; adjustment of ecclesias
tical affairs, 43; admiration of
Pitt and Wolfe, 40; ancestry, 1-8;
appearance, 33, 130-13 1; ap
pointed Justice of Peace, 34; ap
pointed to special committee, 33,
34; arrest of son John, 273-274;
at Danbury, 278, 279; attendance
at General Assembly, 222; ballad
about, 87-89; becomes merchant
farmer, 21; birth, 8; boyhood,
9-11; business ventures, 38, 64-
72, 81; cares and responsibilities,
198; character, 3-4, 38, 39, 219,
220; Chief Justice of Superior
Courts, 38; Chief Naval Officer of
Connecticut, 152; children, 29, 30;
chosen profession, 325; clash with
Governor Fitch, 78-79; classmates,
15-18; comfort in private life, 333;
coraraissioned Lieutenant Colonel,
34, Lieutenant in Troop of Horse,
25; commissioner on Spanish ship
controversy, 56-57, on boundary
comraittee, 51; conderans violence,
124, 135; condolences to, 207, 267;
correspondence with Baron Van der
CapeUan, 256, 257, with Connec
ticut delegates, 244, 245-246, 260,
with Deane (Silas), 245-246, 287-
288, with Huntington (Samuel),
260, with Laurens (Henry), 233-
234, 237, 240, 244, with Schuyler
(General), 198-199, 200-201, 201-
202, 205, with Tryon (Govemor),
227-230, with Washington (Gen
eral), 159, 160-161, 162-165, 168-
169, 181, 182-183, 193, 195. 196,
207-208, 209-210, 212, 218-219,
224, 225, 232-233, 236, 239, 259,
260-261, 264, 267, 276-277, 278,
285-286, 301-302, 320-322; death
of, 334; death of father, 59, 60;
death of mother, 91; death of son

INDEX

359

Trumbull, Jonathan, Gov. (continued)
Joseph, 233, 235, 237; death of
wife, 266; declines appointment to
London, 58; declines call to Col
chester church, 21; degrees re
ceived, 325-326; delicate situation
regarding Doctor Johnson, 252,
253; delegate to General As
serably, 24, 25, 32, to Stamp Act
Congress, 76, to Massachusetts, 48;
demands on, 264-265; Deputy
Governor, 38, 79, 81; diplomacy,
199; disapproves of title, 219-221;
docuraents left, 245; draws first
biU, 45-46; education, 9-10, 12-13;
effect on political turmoil, 316;
elected Assistant, 38, governor,
39, 72, 294, Speaker of House of
Representatives, 34, 38; end of
public record, 319; enters Harvard,
11; financial affairs, 318, 270-271,
304 (see also business ventures);
first firm, 64; foreign connections,
64, 65, 69, 77; funeral sermon,
quoted, 334, 33S-336; graduates
from Harvard, 15; health, 222,
224, 227, 333, 334; honorary
member of the Cincinnati, 303;
hopefulness, 266; ingratitude of
pubhc toward, 288-290; inheri
tance, 60; interest in home in
dustries, 117; interest in Lebanon,
62-63; journals, 32; Judge of
Probate, 38; Judge of Windham
County Court, 38; known as
"rebel governor," 324, 331; last
year of office, 303 ; letters to credi
tors, 71, to Earl of Dartmouth,
138-141, 144, to Gage (General),
144-147, to Huntington (General),
176-177, to General Assembly,
58-59, to Johnson (WiUiam Sam
uel), 84-85, 107, 109-110, 111,
to Lane, Son and Frazier, 324-325
(see also correspondence), to Pro

vincial Congress of Massachusetts,
151; legislative duties, 37; licensed
to preach, 20; loans manuscripts to
Chevalier de Luzerne, 257; marriage
to Faith Robinson, 25; message to
General Assembly, 222, 224; mili
tary service, 41; on Governor's
Council, 36; on war commissions,
53-54; opinion of Washington,
218; orders detention of vessels,
193, 194, 195-197; plans to write his
tory of Revolution, 257; political
duties, 42-43; political moveraent
against, 288-290; political prin
ciples, 18-19; preparation for min
istry, 19; preparation for war, 134-
135; prepares stateraent for Baron
Van der Capellan, 256, statement
of Peters Case, 131; presents
accounts to General Assembly, 3 19;
meraorial to Congress, 233-234;
price set on head, 323; proclama
tion of, 186-191, 194; proraotes
library in Lebanon, 34; quoted,
114-115, 117, 278, 284; receives
news of Lexington fight, 142, news
of surrender of CornwaUis, 283;
recommends Bushnell to Washing
ton, 243; records- of, 339; refuses
to grant Writs of Assistance, 82-85;
regiment of, 40; relations with
General Schuyler, 198-204, 205,
with General Washington, 162, 165;
322; religious spirit, 14; reply to
General Comraittee of New York,
167; reports from son Jonathan,
283; requests Continental troops
for Connecticut, 211; retires frora
public Hfe, 316, 317; retrospect on
personal sacrifices during Revolu
tion, 323; reviews Susquehanna
Case, 295; revision of laws, 44;
salary unpaid, 318-319; Scotch
characteristics, 4; second firm,
64-65, 70; sends copy of ratified

36o

INDEX

TrumbuU, Jonathan, Gov. (continued)
treaty to France, 231; sends troops
to New London and Groton, 283
sensitiveness, 162; services of
faraily in Revolution, 170-178;
settlement of son's estate, 233-234;
solicitous about Articles of Con
federation, 244; story against, 290-
291; strengthens defences of New
London, 248, 251; subsistence
during Revolution, 319; supreme
period of career, 133-134; threats
of personal violence against, 278;
title of "Brother Jonathan," 326-
332; treatment of private com
plaints, 122-123; tribute frora
General Asserably, 318; troop
contracts, 66; unsuccessful in pro
curing foreign loan, 275; urges
enhstraents, 212, stable currency,
260; views on officers' half pay,
300, on relations with England,
107-115, 117, 118, 119; visit frora
a stranger, 324; Washington's
testiraonial to, 337-338.
Trumbull, Jonathan (son of Govemor
Trumbull), 29; administration ot
brother's estate, 233—234, 244; aide
to Washington, 172; at Harvard,
61; birth, 37; charter raember of
the Cincinnati, 303; Comptroller
of Treasury, 172, 244; Deputy
Governor of Connecticut, 172;
Governor of Connecticut, 172;
letters to father, 216-217, 283-284;
married Eunice Backus, 30, 60;
Paymaster in Northern Departraent
of Continental Army, 176, 216, 219;
relations with General Schuyler,
203, 205; representative and sena
tor from Connecticut, 172; secre
tary to General Washington, 283.
Trumbull, Joseph (brother of Gov
ernor Trumbull), birth, 8; death,
8, 21.

TrumbuU, Joseph (father of Govei^
nor Trumbull), 5; birth and death
of son Joseph, 8; buys homestead,
8; death, 59; marries Hannah
Higley, 5; quartermaster of Wind
ham Troop, 22; removal to Leb
anon, 7, to Simsbury, 5.
Trumbull, Joseph (son of Govemor
Trurabull), 29, 60, 106; appointed
commissary general, 152, 171; Con
gress sustains action of, 204; cor
respondence with General Gates,
204, with General Schuyler, 203-
204; death, 172, 233, 235, 237;
delegate to First Continental Con
gress, 132; difficulties as commis
sary, 171-172; engages to build
sloop, 68, 69-70; enters father's
firm, 65; first visit to London, 73;
in London, 65, 66-69, 72; inscrip
tion on tombstone, 172; letter to
father, 69 note; letters quoted,
67-68, 74, 75; marries Amelia
Dyer, 29, 233; member of "Com
mittee of Correspondence," 118;
resigns frora coramissary, 227;
secretary at Norwich, 121; settle
ment of estate, 233-234; services
commended by Congress, 234;
urges purchase of amraunition,
134-
Trumbull, Mary (daughter of Gov
ernor Trurabull), raarried to William
WilUams, 30, 60, 177.
Trumbull faraily, clan of, 2; coat of
arms, i; connection with Alden
family, 5; founder of, i; in America
4-8, 29-30, 60; services in Revo
lution, 170-178; torab in Lebanon,
338-339-
Trumbull name, derivation of, 1-2, 3.
"Trurabull Papers," 89, 126.
Tryon, Govemor William, Tory, 118-
1 19; correspondence with Govemor
Trumbull, 227-230, 248; force of.

INDEX

361

Tryon, Govemor William (continued)
249; invasion of Connecticut, 210,
211; raid on Connecticut towns,
249-250, 252.
Underhill, "Lord" Nathaniel,
166.
University of Edinburgh, 326.
Valley Forge, army at, 225, 226;
situation at, 225, 227; sufferings at,
299-
"Voyages dans I'Amerique septen
trionale," 257.
Wadsworth, Jeremiah (President of
Harvard), 12; appointed commis
sary, 226, 227; letter to Govemor
TrumbuU, 247.
Wales, Nathaniel, Jr., 156.
Wanton, Governor Joseph (Tory),
118.
Waterbury, Colonel, 180.
Ward, General Andrew, l8o; at New
Haven, 250
Ward, General Artemas, Comraander
in chief, 158-159.
War Office in Lebanon, 156, 157.
War of Revolution, 36; darkest days
of, 194, 266; lack of food in, 247;
needs of army in, 184, 259; number
of forces in New York in, 195-196;
scarcity of powder in, 182-183;
threatened, 112, 116; twofold strife
in, 1 1 8.
Warwick patent lost, 95, loi.
Washington, George, address to gov-
emors, 301, 312; asks for men
and provisions, 180, 265, 273; at
Weathersfield conference, 277; com
ments on Governor Trumbull's
farewell address, 315-316; corre
spondence with Govemor Trum
bull, 159, 160-161, 162-165, 168-
169, 181, 182-183, 193, 195, 196,

207-208, 209-210, 212, 218-219,
224, 225, 232, 233, 236, 239, 259,
260-261, 264, 267, 276-277, 278,
285-286, 301-302, 320-322; goes
to New York, 183; in southem
campaign, 212; intrigue against,
213-219; issues circular letter, 277;
raeets Govemor Trurabull, 183-
184; raember of the Cincinnati,
303; orders reinforcements to Gen
eral Wolcott, 251; refuses troops
to Governor Trumbull, 211; re
treat through New Jersey, 207;
urges reinforcements for army,
209-210.
Weathersfield conference held, 277-
278.
Welles, Reverend Samuel, tutor to
Govemor Trumbull, 10; anecdote
of, 10-11.
West, Benjamin (painter), 175, 274.
West, Ebenezer, defeats Governor
TrumbuU, 24-25.
Western Reserve, 295.
Westmoreland County, 235; forming
of, 103, 119.
Wheelock, Eleazer, founder of Dart
raouth, 35, 62.
Whiting, row-galley, 192.
Whitnell, Captain, 57.
WiUard, Colonel Abijah, treatraent
of, 123.
Williaras, Elisha, 48.
WiUiaras, WiUiam (son-in-law of
Govemor Trumbull), 66, 156, 157;
character of, 177; letter to Gov
ernor Trumbull, 177, 217; marries
Mary TrumbuU, 30, 60, 177;
married life, 178.
Williams, Reverend Solomon, tutor
to Governor Trumbull, 19, 24;
controversies with Doctor Coggs-
weU and Doctor Edwards, Sr., 19.
WiUiaras, Trumble and Pitkin (firm
name), 64, 66.

362

INDEX

"Windham mobs," 126-129.
Windham, attitude towards Port
BiU, 121.
Windsor, 6, 7.
Winthrop, John, joumal of, 98.
Wiswall, Hannah, 26.
Wiswall, Reverend Ichabod, 26.
Wolcott, Erastus, 143; ambassador
to General Gage, 147.
Wolcott, General Oliver, .252, 293;
at Norwalk, 251.
Wolcott papers, 253 note.
Wolcott, General Roger, 44, 49, 51, 58.
Wolcott, Roger, Jr., 56, 57.
Woodstock, Massachusetts, 50, 51.

Wooster, General, degraded, 159;
death of, 210.
Writs of Assistance, 109, 113; granted,
41, 73, 82; refused, 82-85.
Wyoming Massacres, 100, 235-236,
237-
Wyoming Valley, 99, 100, 102, 235,
236, 295, 296.
Wyllys, Colonel George, 101.
Yale College, 50, 325; early closing
at, 248; students defend New
Haven, 250.
Yorktown, campaign of, 243, 279,
280, 283, 285.

3700

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