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^^"^'^ RISE ANI) P1U)G]U':SS '''"^'

OF TIIK

BLOODY OUTBREAI

HARPER'S FERRY.

I

*=So iucompatiblo aro ilio two systems, tliat every new State makes iLs fir.'it poiit^Til net a rh<>iio
of the ono, and an cxclnsion of tho other, EVKr* at the cost op civil wau, if necessary,
"They who think that it Is nccidentat, unnecessary, tho work of interested or f:in.itii^ il i^'^-it.^fur-,
and therefore ephemeral, mistake tho case altogether. Itis on Irrepressible conflict between •.']>'
posing and enduilng forces, and it means that tho United States must and will, sooner or later,
become entirely a alateholding nation or entirely a freo labor nation /^
Hon. ^YILLIAM II. Srwahd's speech at Rochester,

rUBLISllKI) BY 1>IUKCT10N OK TIIK

a

G) NEW YORK DEMOCUATIO VIGILANT ASSOCIATION. (p
06 —  ¦  ^vv->/r
< JOHN F. TBOW, PlilNTER, 0T9 BROADWAY. Y'vi '

RISE AND PROGRESS

OF THE

BLOODY OUTBREAK

HARPER'S EERRY

"So Incompatible arc tho two systemH, that every now State makes its fir.st political act a choice
of tlioone, nnd an exclusion ofthe uther, evkn at thk cost of civil WAit, If necessary.
"They who think that ic is occidental, unnecessary, the work tif interested or fanatical a^Iti^tors,
and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is nn Irroprcwible conflict between op
posing and enduring forces, and it means that tho United States must and will, sooner or later,
bccomo entirely a slaveholding nation or entirely a free labor nation ."
Hon. WiLUAM II, Seward^s Speech at Rochester,

PUBLISHED BT DIRECTION OF THE
NEW YORK DEMOCRATIC VIGILANT ASSOCIATION.

JOHN F. TEOW. PEINTEB, 879 BROADWAY.

At a mocling of tlic Executive Committro of tho New York Demo
cratic Vigilant Association, held on the 18th inst., a comiiLilleo was
unanimously appointed, on motion of Jlr. Royal Pholps, " to collect
the details of the history of theafHiir at Ilarper's Eerry ; and, if it prove
that there be any connection between the conspirators and any political
body at the North, that  sum of money be appropriated to dis
seminate the facts, and to make known to our Southern brethren our
utter condemnation of tlie instigators of the movement."
In accordance with this resolution, the committee, consisting of
Messrs. Watts Sherman, Royal Phelps and S. L. M. Burlow, submitted,
at a meeting which was convened on the 25th inst., tho following
address to the people for consideration. It was unanimously resolved
that it should be printed in pamphlet form, and in the newspapers, and
extensively cireulated, under the authority of the Democratic Vigilant
Association, whose Executive Committee consists of the following
gentlemen : —

WATTS SHERMAN,
.TAMES LEE,
ALGERNON S. JARVIS,
E. M. WHITLOCK,
CHARLES A. LAMONT,
JOEL WOLFE,
SAJIUEL L. M. BARLOW,
REUBEN WITHERS,
GEORGE J. l''ORREST,
N. W. CIIATER,
ARTHUR LEARY,
GEORGE C. COLLINS,
J.VMES OLWELL,
B. N. FOX,
JOHN MCKESSON, ,

ISAAC TOWK.SEXD,
THOMAS F. YOUNGS,
STEPHEN JOHNSON,
JOEL CONKLIN,
SCHUYLEK LIVINGSTON,
J. T. SOUTTIOR,
BENJAMIN II. FIELD,
MOSES TAYLOK,
ROYAL PHELl'S,
E. K. ALBURTIS,
WILLIAM T. COLEMAN,
JOHN T. AGNEW,
GEORGE GREER,
JOHN AV. CULBERT,
HENRY TELVERTON.

Cb8'2.'2.06'

RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE HARPER'S
FERRY REBELLION.
Felloav-Citizens : — The community was thrown into
consternation, on the I7th instant, by tlie appalling intel
ligence that a formidable outbreak, headed by Korthern
abolitionists, had broken out at Harper's Ferry, in Vir
ginia, with the avowed object of arousing the colored
population of the South to take up arms against their
masters. It resulted in the sacrifice of valuable lives, and
the destruction of private and public property ; but it
foiled of success, and most of those who actively partici
pated in it, Avere slain, or taken prisoners. Had the ex
pectations of its leaders been fulfilled, a portion of the
Southern States would noAv be under the scourge of a
hideous uprising of brutality and ignorance against civili
zation, involving fearful deec],s of blood, rapine and out
rage, which it sickens the imagination to dwell upon.
Short-lived, and contracted in locality, as the Harper's
Ferry rebellion was, such deep and enduring results, for
good or evil, cannot fail to spring from it, that it is essen
tial for every conservative citizen to understand its true
import. "We therefore request a careful perusal of the
foUoAving outline of its history, and that every one Avho
cherishes the peace and welfare of his country, Avill pon
der over the truths it teaches, before voting at the coming

election. It Avill appear that Northoi-n abolitionists have
long contemplated a Avar of races ; that ])rep!ii-a1ioiis for
it liaA'e l)eeii slowly and dc4ilj(!rately made ; tliat the re
cent iuA'asion of the South Avas not intended to be im
isolated one; that its active agents Avei-e supplied Avith
money and arms from the Kansas Free Soil State fiuid,,
and by sympathizers in the North ; and that the docu
ments exposing their rules of future action, are founded
upon the principles laid down in the speech dcliv(;red l)y
the Hon. William H. ScAvard, at llochester, on the 25th
of October, 18r)8. You Avill be called upon, on the 7th
of Novcnd)er next, to signify by your A^ote, yoni' apj)roval
or I'ejcction of these pernicious principles; and Ave ask you
to reflect, before giving them your endorsement, upon the
calamities Avhich Avould iloAV i'vout tlieir adoption.
It liasbc(!n discovei-ed that a Central Association Avas
organized, some time ago, Avliich adopted the folloAviiig,
plan for the abolition of slavery. Among its founders
Avere Mr. John BroAvn — knoAvn familiarly as " Ossawa-
toniie " BroAvn — ]\Ir. PI. Kagi, Gerrit Smith, and many
others, some of Avhom, as has been revealed, subsequently
established subsidiary associations, in different toAvns aud
cities of the country : —
When a human being is set upon by a robber, ravishor, murderer or tyrant,
of any kind, it is the duty of tho bystanders to go to his or lier rescue, hy
force, if need lie. ,
In general, nothing will excuse mon in tho non-performance of this duty,
except tho pressure of higher duties, (if such there be,) inability to afturd
relief, or too great danger to themselves or others.
This duty being naturally inherent in human relations and ncccspities,
governments and laws aro of no authority in opposition to it. If they inter
pose themselves, they nuist bo trampled under foot witliout ceremony, as we
would trample under foot laws that should forbid us to rescue men from wild
beasts or from burning buildings.
On this principle, it ii the duty of the non-alanelioldera of this country, in
their private capacity as indieiduals — without asking tho permission or wait
ing the movements of the government — to go to the rescue of the slates from
the hands of their oppressors.

This duty is so self-evident and nntm'al a one, (li.'it he wlio ]irelei-.(K lo
doubt It should bo rogardeil eitlier as seeking to evade it, or us Ijiiiij-cir a t-ei-vilc
and igiiorniit slave of oorniiit instiliitioiis or eiistenis.
Jloldinij tlicse, opinioihi, we pro^wKC to iirl. iijion tlicm. And we iii\ite' all
other citizens of the United States to join us in tlie enter|ii'j.-c. Td eiialilo
them to jiid^o of its feasibility, we lay before them tlic following; iji-of^'riuiiiiio
of measures, which, wo think, ought to bo adopted, and would be suc
cessful : —
1. The formation of associations, tliroughout the country, of all jn-rsons
who are willing to pledge themselves publicly to favor tlie enterprise, and
render assistance and support, of any kind, to it.
2. Establishing or sustiiining jinpcrs to advocate the cntcriirisc.
3. Kcfusiiig to vote for auy person, for any civil or military ofiice whatever,
who is not publicly committed to the enterprise.
4. Raising money and military equipments.
6. Forming and disciplining such military companies as may voh.inUcr
for actual service.
6. Detaching the non-slaveholders of the South from all alUance iri>h the
slaveholders, and inducing them to co-operato with us, by appeals to their
safety, interest, honor, justice, and humanity.
7. Informing the slaves (liy eminsnricx to lie sent among than, or tlrrovgh
tjie non-slaveholders ofthe Soiilh) of ihe 2>lan of emancipation, that tliey mny
te prepared lo co-operate at the proper time.
8. To encourage emigration to the South of persons favoring the move
ment. 9. AVhen the preceding preliminaries sh.all h.avo sufliciently prepared tlio
way, then to land military forces {at numerous points at the same time)
in the South, who shall raine the slamlnrd of freedom, and call to it tlic nl'ircs,
and such free. persons as may he willing to join il,
10. If emancipation shall be accomplished only by actual hostilities, tlien,
as all tho laws of war, of nature and of justice, will rccjuiru that tlie cmaiiei-
patod slaves shall bo conipcnsated for their previous wron;j;s, tre aroir it our
purpose to maJce such compensation, so far a.i the -property of the durrltolihrs
and their aiettore can compensate them. And we avow our intenlinn lo
make known this determination to the slaves beforehand, with a view to (_'ivo
them courage and self-respect, to nerve thein to look boldly into tlic eyes of
their tyrants, and to give them tnio ideas of the relations of jn.-tlee existing
between thonisolvcs and their oppressors.
11. To remain in the South, after emancipation, until wo shall Lave estab
lished, or havo seen established, such governments as will secure tho future
freedom of the persons emancipated.
And wo anticipate that tho publio avowal of these measures, and our open
and zealous preparation for them, will have tho efi'ect, within some reason
able time — we trust within a few years at farthest — to detach the govern
ment and the country at large from the interests of the slaveholders ; to
destroy the seewrity and value of slave property ; to annihilate tho commercial

G
credit of the slave-holders, nnd finally to aecom,2dish tho extinction ofslntcry.
We hope it may bo without blood.
If it be objected that this scheme proposes war, we confess the fact. It
docs propose -war— private war, indeal—hut, ncrcrthrlcf.H loar, if that should
prove necessary. And our answer to tho objection is, tliat, in revolutions of
this nature, it is necessary that private individuals should take the first steps.
The tea must be thrown overboard, the Bastile must bo torn down, tho first i
gun must' bo tired, by private persons, before a new governnient can be I
organized, or the old one be forced (for nothing but danger to itself will force |
it) to adopt tho measures whicli tho insurgents havo in view.
If the American governments. State or national, would abolish slavery,
we would leave tho work in their hands. But as they do not, nnd apparently
will not, wo propose to force them to do it, or to do it ourselves in defiance
of them. If any considerable number of the American people will join us, tho work
will bo .in easy and bloodless one ; for slavery can live only in quiet, and in
the sympathy or subjection of all around it.
AVe, tho subscribers, residents of tho town of  in tho county of 
in tho State of  believing in the principles, and approving generally of tbe
measures, set fortli in tho foregoing " Plan for tho Abolition of Slavery," and
in tho accompanying address " To the Non-Slaveholders of the South," hereby
unito ourselves in an association to be called tho League of Freedom, in the
town of  , for the purpose of aiding to carry said plan into effect. And
we hereby severally declare it to be our sincere intention to co-oporato with
each other, and with all other associations within the United States, having tho
same purpose in view, and adopting the same platform of principles and
measures. Together with this general plan of association, the
manner in whicli itsmembers intended to carry out its
objects, Avas drawn up for secret circulation among those
whom it Avas hoped Avould lend it assistance in the South.
It reads as folloAv^s ;
Opk plan, then, is —
1. To make war (openly or secretly, as circumstances may dictate) upon
the property of the slaveholders and their abettors — not for its destruction, if
that can easily bo avoided, bnt to convert it to tho use of the slaves. If it
cannot bo thus converted, then we advise its destruction. Teach the slaves i
to burn their masters' buildings, to kill their cattle and horses, to conceal or
destroy farming utensils, to abandon labor in seed tirae and harvest, and let I
crops perish. Make slavery unprofitable, in this way, if it can be done in no
bther. 3. To make slaveholders objects of derision and contempt, by flogging
them, whenever they shall be guilty of flogging their slaves.

3. To risk no general insurrection until we of tho North go to your ,as-,i3-
tance, or you are sure of success without our aid.
4. To cnllivato the friendship aud confidence of the slaves, to rnnsult
with them .is to their rights ainl interests, and the moans of pi-Dincilint; Ihem ;
to show yonr interest in their welfaro and your readiness to assist tliem ; let
them know tlmt thoy liave your sympathy, and it will give tlicm coni-agc,
self-respect and ambition, and make men of them — inlinitoly better men to
live by, .as neighbors .and friends, than the indolent, arrogant, selfish, heart
less, domineering robbers and tyrants who now keep both yourselves and
.the slaves in subjection, and look with contempt upon .all who live by honest
labor. 5. To change your political institutions as soon .as possible ; and, in the
moan time, give never a vote to a slaveholder ; pay no taxes to their govern
ment if you cau either resist or ev.ado them ; as witnesses and jurors, give no
testimony .and no verdicts in su|)|)ort of any .slaveholding claims, ]ierform no
milit.,ary, patrol or police service; mob slavehoMlug coiu'ls, goals, ,and
sheriffs; do nothing, iu short, for sustaining slavery, but every thing you
safely and rightfully can, publicly and privately, for its overthrow.
The document in question continues :
"We are unwilling tb take tho responsibility of advising a gcner.al insur
rection, or any taking of life, until we of the North go down to take part in
it, in such numbers .as to insure a certain and easy victory. We therefore ^
advise Ui.at, for tho present, opor.ations be confined to the seizure of property,
and the ch.astisomout of individii.al slaveholders and their accomplices ; and
that these things bo dono only so far .as they can be done without too great
danger to the actors.
We spcci.ally advise tlio flogging of individual sl.aveholders. This is the '
case where the medical principle, th.at like cures like, will certainly succeed.
Give tho slaveholders, then, a taste of their own whips. Spare their lives,
but not their baeks. The arrogance thoy have acquired by the use of the
lash upon others, will bo soon taken ont of them when tho same scourge sh.all
bo applied to themselves. A band of ton or twenty deterniiued negroes, well
armed, having their rendezvous in the forests, coining out upon tlio planta
tions by d.ay or night, seizing individnal slaveholders, stripping them, and
flogging thom soundly, in tho presence of their own slaves, would soon abolish
slavery over a largo district.
These bands could also do a good work by kidnapping indlvidu.al slave
holders, taking them into the forest, and holding thein as hostages for the
good behaviour of the whites remaining on tho plantations ; compelling thera
also to execute deeds of emancipation, and conveyances of their property to
their slaves. These contracts could probably never afterward bo successfully
disavowed on the ground of duress, (especially after new governments favor
able to liberty shonld be established,) inasmuch as such contracts would be
nothing more than justice; and men may rightfully be coerced to do justice.

8
Such contracts would be intrinsically as v.alid as the treaties by which con
quered nations m.ako satisfaction for the injustice which caused the war.
Tho more bold and resolute slaves should bo encouraged to forra them
selves into bands, build forts in tho forests, and there collect arms, stores,
horses, everything, that will enable them to sustain themselves, and carry on
their warfare upon the slaveholders.
Another iiuportant measure, on the part of the slaves, will bo to disarm
their masters, so far as that is pr.acticable, by seizing and concealing their
weapons, whenever opportunity oflers. They should also kill all slave hunt
ing dogs, and tlio owners too, if that should prove necessary.
AVhenover the slaves on a plantation aro not powerful or courageous enough
to resist, they should be cncourngcd to desert, in a body, tcmiioi'arily, cs-
peci.ally at harvest time, so as to cause the crops to perish for want of h.ands
to gather them.
M.any other ways will suggest themselves to you and the slaves, by which
the slaveholders can be annoyed and injured, without causing any general
outbreak or shedding of blood.
The folloAving extracts from a letter from Mr. Gerritt
Smith, make manifest that the conspiratoi^s fully compre
hended the awful crimes and calamities' — even to the ex
tent of " fire, and rape, and slaughters" — that must result
from the successful progress of their undertaking. Under
date, " Peterboro, August 29, 1859," Mr. Smith writes to
Mr. John Thoraas, of Syracuse, Chairman of the Jerry
Rescuers, as follows :
* * * Much is said .and written ag.ainst tho breaking of human laws.
But they .are entitled to obedience, only so far .as they aro one with thoso
Divine laws which cannot bo broken. "The law of his God," was Daniel's
only law. No friend of God knowa any other law. Apostles answered and
said : " Wo ought to obey God rather than men ; " so, too, " AA'hether it be
right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye."
How senseless and wieked is this declam.ation ag.ainst trampling under foot
these human laws, that are no laws. * * * The invasion of human rights
by government can no moro th.an such invasion by an individual, be law.
The invaders, be they governments or individuals, are the rebels, and they ,
who resist them are the law-abiding. * * '* jt jg^ perh.aps, too lato to'
bring slavery to an end by peaceable means — too lato to vote it down. For
many years I havp feared, and pubhshed my fears, that it must go ott in
"blood. My speech in Congress on tho Nebraska bill was strongly m.arked
with snch fears. These fears have grown into belief. So debauched aro the
white people by slavery, that there is not virtue enough left in them to put it
down. If I do not misinterpret tho words and the looks of the most intelli-

gent and noblo of tho black men who fall in my way, they bave como to
desjiair of tho accomplishment of this work by tho white peoiilo. The feeling
I among tho blacks th.at tlio^_miist deliver thoinselvos, gains strength with fear-
Iful rapidity. * * * jj \vill^~17rtTio'^nd7befoiind to be as vain as it is
inconsistent, to oppose the extension of slavery into the free States while
upholding it in tho Slave States. Governor Seward was right in saying
that the States must ultimately all be soourod to freedom or given up to
sl.avery. * » *
No wonder, then, is it that in this st.ato of facts which I havo sketched,
intelligent black men in the States and Canada, should see no hope for their
race in the pr.actico and policy of white men. No wonder they aro brought
to tho conclusion that no resource is left to them but in God and insurrections.
For insurrections, then, wo may look any year, any month, any day. A
terrible remedy for a terrible wrong. But come it must, unless anticipated
by repentance and tho putting away of tho terrible wrong.
It will be said that these insurrections will be failures ; that thoy will be
put down. Yes, but will not slavery, nevertheless, bo put down by them ;
for what portions aro thero of the South that will cling to .slavery after twol
I or three considerable insurrections sh.all havo filled the whole South with!
horror. And is it entirely certain that these insurrections will bo put down
promptly, and before they can havo spread far? AVill telcgraiihs and railro.ads
bo too swift for even tho swiftest insurrections? Remember that telcgr.aphs
and railro.ads can be rendered useless in an hour. Kcmember, too, that many,
who would be glad to face the insurgents, would be busy in transporting their
wives and d.aiightors to ])l<aces where they would be safe from that worst fate
which husbands and fathers can imagine for their wives and daughters. I
adrait th.at, but for this erabarrassraent. Southern men would laugli .at the idea
of an insurrection, and would quickly dispose of one. But trembling as thoy
would for their beloved ones, I know of no part of the world where, so much
as in the South, men would be like, in a formidable insurrection, to lose the
most important time, and be distracted and panic stricken.
IVhen tlie day of her calamity shall liave come to the South, and fire and
rape and slamhters sliall be filling up the -measure of her a^tcJion, theiTwill
"ttieNortlThave two reasons for remorse —
First, That she was not willing (whatever the attitude of tho South at this
point) to share with her in tho expense and loss of an immediato .and universal
emancip.ation. Second, That sho was not willing to vote slavery out of existence.
Vague rumors were in circulation, as early as July
last, that an invasion of the South by Northern abolition
ists was intended, and that insurrections of slaves were
impending. They, unfortunately, received no credence,.
or the loss of life by the recent outbreak might have been
prevented. The following is a copy of an anonymous

10
letter upon the subject, Avhich was received by OoA'ci-nor
Floyd in Augiist : " CiNriNNATi, AilKllHt 20, ISTjQ,
" Sir — I have Lately received inform.ation of a indveineiit of so fjiral, iin-
portaiioe th.at I feel it to be ray duty to impart it to you witliout delay. I
have discovered tho existence ofa secret .association, having for its olijiil tlic
libor.atiou of the slaves at the South by a general insurrection, 'ihc learler
of tho movement is old .Tohn Brown, lato of Kansas, lie has been in C'an.ada
during tho winter, drilling the negroes thero, and they aro only wailing his
word to start for tho South to assist tho slaves. Thoy have one of their lead
ing mon, a white man, in an armory in Maryland ; where it is situated I
have not been .able to learn. As soon as every thing is ready, those of their
number who are in tho Northern States and Canada aro to como in sniall
comp.anies to their rendezvous, whicli is in tho mountains in Virgini.a. They
will pass down through Pennsylvania and Maryland, and enter Virginia at
Harper's Ferry. Brown left the North about three or four weeks ago, and
will arm the negroes aud strike the blow in a few weeks, so that whatever
is done must bo done at once. They have a large quantity of arms at their
rendezvous, and are probably distributing them .already. As I .am not fully
in their confidence, this is all the information I can give you. I daro not
sign my name to this, but trust that you will not disregard the warning on
that account."The papers and documents which were seized upon
the persons of the Harper's Ferry ringleaders, and the
CA'-idence given by prisoners taken by Colonel Lee, shoAv,
moreover, that the conspiracy was hatched over a year
ago; that it had an extensive organization in various
States, and that leading men of the North, East, and
West were implicated in it. Letters Avritten by a J\lr.
Forbes, of this city, prove that republican Senators of
the United States, were made cognizant of the invasion
intended, but concealed the secret within their oavu
breasts, and refrained from divulging it to the j)ublic au
thorities. The names used by the parties engaged to
designate the movement are in most instances fictitious.
o
It is variously characterized in their correspondence,
" mining operations," " missionary work," " stock opera
tions," and, by Gerritt Smith and others, " Kansas work."
Thus Mr. Smith writes :

11 rjBTr.iinor.o', Jano 4, IS'9.
Oapt. John Bkown : —
Mt Dkau FniRND — I wrote you a week ago, directing my letter to the
caro of Mr. Kearney. IFo replied, informing mo that he had forwarded it to
Washington. Bnt as 'Mr. Morton received last evening a leiter from ]\[r.
Sanborn, saying your address would bo your son's homo — viz : AVest Andover
— I therefore write you v/ithout delay, and direct my letter to yonr son. I
havo dono what I could thus far for Kans.as, and what I could to keep you at
your Kansas work. Losses by endorsement and otherwise, have broughl. mc
under ho.avy ciubarr.assineiit tho l.ast two years. But I must novertlieless
continue to do, in order to keep you at your Kansas work. I send you here
with my draft for two hundred dollars. Let me hoar from you on tbe receipt
of this letter. You live in our hearts, and our prayer to God is that you m.ay
have strength to continue in your Kansas work. My wife joins me in aflfec-
tionate regard to you, dear John, whora we both hold in very high esteera.
I suppose you put tho AVhitra.an noto into Mr. Kearney's hands. It will bo a
great Bhaino if Mr. AVhitraan does not pay it. AVhat a noblo man is Mr. Kear
ney ; how liberally ho has contributed to keep you iu your Kansas work.
Your friend, GEPvPJT SMITH.
The following letter, from a son of OssaAvatomic
Brown, makes it appear that the Hon Joshua 11. Gid
dings Avas among the accessories before the fact of the in
vasion : AfxsT AtrooTEB, Abhtathtla Countt, Onio, I
Suturday, Oct. 1, 1S59. f
Friend IlENmii: — Since I received Isaac's and yours of Sept. 20, I h.avo
been making every effort to raise stock, and am succeeding well. Yesterday
I sont a draft of $15 to J. M. B., of Chatham, with wh.oh to get on another
liaiid. Shall soon havo enough to send again. Yesterday I returned from a
trip to Jcfiierson and Ashtabul.a, wlioro I met with some success. Our old
friend J. R. G. took stock to the amount of $300, and as ho was just start
ing for Ravenna, said ho wonld form an association there. Jtonday next I
shall start for Cleveland. Hope to fiud a letter frora you at Mrs. Sturte-
vant's. You may depend upon it I have been, and am yet, " straining every
norvo " in furtherance of our cause. (Two phonographic characters which
might be made to road Parker Pillsbury) is bore, and actually working in be
half of tho mining operation.
You will havo me with you just as soon as I am satisfied I can do more
and be of more use thero than whore I am.
Nothing new of special interest. All well. In haste. ' Yours,
JOHN SMITH.
i
A coinversation has been published between Mr. Val-
landigham and Brown, since he was taken prisoner, which
confinns the testimony in the above letter with regard to

12
the knoAA'ledge of the conspiracy of this Nestor of the
black i-epublican party in Congress.
Jlr. VAixANDiGitAM — Did you see anything of Joshua R. Giddings?
Mr. Bnowx — I did meet him.
Mr. VAi.i.ANDioriAM — Did you converse with hira ?
Mr. BitowN— I did. I would not toll you, of courso, any thing that would
unplicato Mr. Giddings : bnt I certainly met with him, and had conversations
with him.
Mr. VAi.r.ANDiGnAjr — About that rescue case ?
Mr. BnowN — Yes, I did ; I Iioard him express his opinions upon it very
freely and frankly.
Mr. Vallandioifam — Justifying it ?
Mr. BnowN — Yes, sir ; I do not compromiso him, certainly, in saying
that. Mr. Vallasdioiiam — Will you answer this: Did you talk with Giddings
about your expedition here ?
Mr. Beown — No, I won't answer that, because a denial of it I would
not make, and to make any affirmation of it I should be a great dunce.
Mr. VAi-t.ANDiGnAM — Have you had any correspondence with parties at
the North on the subject of this movement?
Mr. BitowN — I have had correspondence.
Persons in Ncav York, Ncav Hampshire, Ohio, j\Iis-
souri, Canada, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, loAva, and
Michigan are known, by documentary evidence, to have
lent aid to the movement, and the prisoners testify that
the Kansas aid fund paid for the vast amount of ammu
nition and firearms with which they were supplied. The
conspirators had power to appoint officers of various
grades, and were governed by a regular constitution and
laws. The following is a copy of one of the commissions
issued by Mr. John Brown, previous to the rebellion :
IlKAnqtrAiiTEns Wxn DEPAnTUisT, 1
Near Habpbu's Ferht. f
'Whereas, Jere G. Anderson has been nominated a Captain in the Army,
established under the " provisional Oonstitution,"
Now, therefore, in pursuance of the authority vested in us by said Con
stitution, we do hereby appoint and commission the said Jere G. Anderson a
Captain. Given at the oflSce of the Secretary of War, this day, Oct. 15, 1859.
JOHN BRO'WN, Commander in Chief.
H. Kagi, Secretary of "War.

13
Mr. BroAvn made his first appearance! in ITnrper's
Feriy more than a yetvr .ago, ac("nm]).anie(l by liis two
sons, all tliree of them tissmiiing thenaiiu! of Siuilli. TTo
made inquii'ies about land in the vicinity, and, ;ifte!- a
short sojourn, dis.apjieared. He returned .again, in Jtdy
last, and liired a residence, in the midst of a tliiekly
settled n(!ig]d)orhood,five miles and a half from tlie town,
commonly knoAvii as Kennedy's farra. He resided there
with four other men, Avho Avore subsequently joined by
others. They had no settled business, 1>ut Avere in tlie
constant receipt of large numbers of boxes by railroad,
whicli have since been proved to have contained !Miiiie
rifles, percussion caps, stores and ammunition of all kin<ls,
field spy-glasses, picks and shovels for throAvlng up tem
porary fortifications, boatsAvain's Avhistles and other
materials of war. The rifles Avere furnished liy the I\Las-
sachusetts Aid Society. Fifteen hundred poles, pointed
Avith sharp iron bowie knives, Avere provided for the use
of the negroes. Blankets, boots, shoes, clothes and tents,
were also received in large quantities.
There seems to have been an abundance of pecuniary
means. The Avhite prisoners have testified that they
were " to be Avell paid for their time and trouble," and a
negro from Gettysburgh Avas oflfered twenty dollars a
month to join the insurgents. He refused ; and but one
slave, a man named Gains, is said to have taken a A^olun-
tary j)art in the conspiracy. The party finally consisted
of twenty-tAvo men, seventeen of whom were whites, and
but five colored. They paid in cash for every thing they
wanted, and professed to pass the greater part of their
time in hunting. In reality, they were preparing the
minds of slaves, in the neighborhood, for a reA'-olt, and
finally imagined, probably, that they had succeeded in
alienating their affections from their masters and securing
tbeir co-operation.

u
On Sunday, the IGth of Octoliej-, the Avliule of tlio
twenty-two raen marched stealthily into Harper's I'Y'it}-,
seized ui)ou the governnient armory, and made two
wealthy slave-OAvners — Colonel Wasliington and Mr.
Alstadt — as Avell as scA^eral other citizens, prisoners, and
held thein as hostages. The bridge across the Pi^tomac
Avas taken possession of and guarded, and a guard Avas
also placed at all the aA^enues. The inhabitants of the
toAvn found themselves, in the raorning, the pi'isoners of
tweuty-tAVO men, aided by some, sliives Avhom the con
spirators h.ad forced during the night to joui them. A
colored railroad porter, naraed HayAvard, Avas killed for
I'efusing to aid the movement.
As day advanced, the ncAVS spread, and people came
into the Ferry. The first demonstrations of resistance Averc
made against the insurrectionists, and, after slaughtering
another unoffending citizen of a neighboring toAvn, named
Joseph Barley, and shooting the Mayor of the toAA^i, i\Ir.
Fountain Beckham, avIio Avas unarmed, they Avithdrew
into the armory. Immediately afterAvards, they shot
dead Mr. Samuel P. Young, a graduate of West Point,
and greatly respected for his high ch.aractcr and noble
qualities. At about noon of Monday, hoAvever, militia
from CharlcstoAvn, Shepherdstown, and Martinslmrg,
arrived, and, in the course of the aftei-noon, drove the
rebels into the engine-house of the Armory buildings,
killino- several of their nuraber. When night set in, oj)e-
rations ceased, , but guards were placed around the armory
to prevent escapes.
The Monday night train from Baltimore, brought
marines and military, under the command of Colonel
Lee, of the United States Army, Avho had been deputized
by tbe War Department to put an end to the outbreak.
His own communication is nearly all that is necessary to

complete that portion of our narrative Avhich has become
knoAvn in greater detail through the newsjiaper press.
IlAErEu's Ferut, Oct. 1". 1S;!>.
To THE Hon. SEOUETAnv of AVar —
I havo tho honor to report that at seven, A. M., I summoned the rioters
that had taken refuge in the Armory building to surrender, promising to
hold them iu security till the pleasure of tho President of tho United States
was known. The summons was presented by Lieut. Stew.art, First cavalry,
and declined. A strong p.arty, under cominand of Lieut. Green, of the ma
rines, had been jireviously posted near the building, and at a concerted sign.ol,
broke down the door and captured the party.
Two of the m.arinos wero wounded, one mortally I fear, the other slight
ly. Two ofthe rioters wore killed and tvvo wounded, Ossawatomie Brown,
the leader of the p.arty, mortally. Ono prisoner, and five negroes, said to be
slaves, and freed from their home; Mr. Lewis AVashington; Mr. Dangcrfield,
Paymaster's Clerk ; Mr. Ball, Master Machinist ; Mr. Mills, M.aster Armorer ;
Dr. Murphy, Paymaster ; Mr. Kiltymeiller, Superintendent's Clerk ; Mr.
Donohue, a railroad clerk, captured by the rioters and held as prisoners, were
released unhurt. It was tho safety of these gentlemen that made me endeavor
to get tho rioters to surrender. I await your instructions.
Very respectfully, R. LEE, Colonel Commandant.
Of the original party of tAventy-tAvo insurgents, fifteen
were killed and two mortally wounded. Tavo remained
unhurt, and three escaped during the night of j\Ionday.
The purpose of tlie invaders Avas entirely foiled. They
had expected to be joined at once by scA^eral thousand
slaves, Avhile, in truth, they Avere as little sympathized
with by the negroes as by their masters. The Avild fanat
icism of abolitionism, which has convulsed the Union in
different shapes, for so many years, seems to have been
the only actuating motive of these misguided, guilty
tools, of more subtle and dangerous men. That they
neither needed nor sought for plunder, is proved l^iy their
baAang left untouched the large sum Avhich had been de
posited, a day before, in the Paymaster's office. To a cor
respondent of the New York Times Brown stated, after
he was captured, that " he had only intended to make

V

10
tbe first deraonstration at H;ir[)er's l^'erry, Avhe.n lie ex
pected to receive a r.apid increase of allies from abolition
ists, suflieient to take possession of Ixith tlu; States of
Maryland and Virginia, Avith all ofthe negroes they could
capture." He said he had "purposed a general South-
Avest course through Virginia, varying as circumstances
dictated or required."
The Harper's Ferry rebellion is ended. Most of those
who participated in it actively are dead, and the remain
der will probably suffer the penalty, Avhich the laAvs im
pose, for murder and treason. Perhaps a fcAV, Avho haA-e
been accessories before the fact, of the criraes perpetrated,
may also be punished ; but those avIio have soAvn the
seed of evil in the hearts of these fanatics, can only be
reached by the voice of the people, raised in condemna
tion of incendiary doctrines Avliich have produced such
deplorable results. The principle upon AAdiich John
BroAvn and his allies acted, is the sarae Avhich lias been
proclaimed by nearly all tho leaders of the llepublican
party, and Avhich inspired the Hon. William H. Seward
to utter the folloAving Avoi-ds : — ¦
Our couutry is a theatre whioh exhibits in full operation, two radically differ
ent political systems — the one resting ou the basis of servile or slave labor ; tho
other on the basis of voluntary labor of freemen. Tho laborers who are en
slaved are al! negroes, or persons moro or less purely of African derivation.
But this is only accidoiiLal. Tho principle of the system is, that labor, in
every society, by whomsoever performed, is necessarily uniutcllcctunl, grovel
ling and base, and that the laborer, equally for his own good .and for the wel
fare of the State, ought to be enslaved. The white laboring man, whether na
tive or foreigner, is not enslaved, only because ho cannot, as yet, bo reduced
tobond.age. h ***** -h *
Tho slave system is not only intolerant, unjust, and inhuman tow.ards the
laborer, whora, only because ho is a Laborer, it loads down with chains, and
converts into merchandise, but scarcely less so to the freeman, to whom, only
becanse he is -a laborer from necessity, it denies facilities for employment, and
whom it expels from the commuiiity because it cannot enslave and convert in
to merchandise also. « * ? * * * *

11
The slave system is ono of constant danger, distrust, siisi>irion and watch
fulness. It debases those whoso toil alone can produro wealth and resources
for defence, to tho lowest degree of which human nature is ca|i,able, to guard
against mutiny and insurrection, and thus w.astes energies which otherwise
might bo employed in n.ation.al develo]iment .and a^'granilizoment. * "
Tho two systems aro .at onco perceived to bo incongruous. But they are
more than incongruon.s — they are iucomp.atible. They have never existed
perraauontly together in ono couutry, and they never can. * *
Indeed, so incompatible .are the two systems, th.at every now St.ato whieh
is organized within our ever extending domain, makes its first political act a
choice of the ono, and an exclusion of the other, even at tlio cost of civil war,
if necessary. The slave States, without law, at the Last national cleetion, for
bade, within their own limits, even the casting of votes for a candidate for
President of the Uiiilcil Stales, supposed lo bo fiiviu'ablo to tho estiililislimcnt
of the free labor system in l.lio new iStiilcH. * * ? +
'I'lius these aniiigonislie Hystems are contimially cmiiing into closi'r ennluel,
and collision results. Shall 1 tell you what this eollision menus? Tliey wlio
think that it is .accidental, unnecessary, tho work of interested or fanatical
agitators, and t^ieroforo eidicmoral, mistake the case .altogether. It is an ir
repressible couliict between op[)osing .and enduring forces, and it means th.at
the United States must .and will, sooner or later, become entirely a slavehold
ing n.ation, or entirely a free labor, n.ation. _ Either the cotton and rice fields
of South Carolina and the sug.ar iilantations of Louisiana will ultim.ately bo
tilled with freo labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for
legitimate merchandize alone, or else the ryo fields and wheat fields of Massa
chusetts and Now Y'ork, must again bo surrendered by their farmers to slave
culture and to tho production of slaves, and Boston and New Y''ork become,
onco more, markets for trade iu the bodies and souls of men.
Carefully examine the signification of these porten
tous sentences. Compare them thoughtfully Avith the
plan of organization for the abolition of slavery upon our
previous pages, and you cannot fail to see clearly that
John Brown has only practised what William H. SeAvard
preaches. A recent orator spoke upon this point as fol
lows:
Is it true, do you think, that that insurrection was occasioned by the prin
ciples enunciated by AVm. H. Seward? AVhat can bo a more natural con
sequence from an adequate cause than that dreadful and atrocious efiect ? If
I should here declare that, after having left this stand, I would march to the
other side of the river this evening, and would enter my friend and neigh
bor's house, and sack it, and destroy it, and murder its inmates, and apply to
it the torch ; and if in the morning papers you should learn that such events

18
have occurred, would you s.ay that thoso events were not the natural sc-
quenco of my anuounccmont here that they would oecur? Ko. Yon would
hold me accountable for the .acts, and properly, too : and so would any court
of Law or any jury of twelve men in all tho Land. And so, when yoii lieard
tho procl.amation at Rochester of the great captain of this irrepressil.lo con
flict (already develoiied in insurrection) tli.at it must go on — tlint it must go
on until tho whole country shiill become either wholly slave or wLolly free,
and when you see upon the heels of th.at .announcement — insurrection, blood
shed — a whole village placed under martial law, and men murdered in tho
streets, twelve honest jurors t.aken from the body of the country woiilil pro
nounce all these events — the insurrection — tho bloodshed and martial law —
the natural sequence and effect of the principle announced by the very Vctru-
vius of this uiipandlolcd .atrocity. Now, fellow-citizens, .although our re
publican friends discl.aim the act, they approve the treason; altlion;.'li thoy
denounce tbe traitor, thoy approve the treason. They jiroclaim tli.at Ossa
watomie Brown is no friend of theirs — he belongs not to their communion
— but yet one of their principal organs iu the city of New York, upon the
arrival of tho news that Ossawatomie Brown h.ad perpetrated the outr.a^'c,
virtually proiiosed its justification, when .seeking its excuse in the charge,
that tho democratic p.arty h.ad iicrpetratcd similar outrages iu K.an.-as, and
that this was but their natural requital.
The black republican press of the country, in fact,
either openly justifies or lukeAvarmly condemns tlie fi'auds,
atrocities, and murders connected Avith the Haiper's Ferry
invasion. The Ncav York Indcpemhnt defends, as fol-
loAvs, the principles upon Avhich John BroAvn acted :
That the slaves of the South, whenever they sh.all have the intelligence
to [llan, and the skill .and strength and cour.age to achieve, a revolution for
their own em.aiicip.ation, would be justilied in this, no Yirsinian ean deny who
respects tho memory of Thomas Jefferson and P.atrick Henry, or the bro.ad
seal of bis own State. Deprived of those " inalien.able rights " to " life, lib
erty, aud tho pursuit of happiness," with whicli " .all men aro cudo\\ed by
the Creator," subjected to every cruelty of oppression, would it bo strange if
soino bold, earnest spirit among them should catch tho lingering echo of
Patrick Henry's voice, crying, "Give me liberty, or give me death!"' and
should teach Virginia the meaning of her own motto, S'lc semper iyraniiis?
The slaves of the South have tho same right to assert their freedom .against
their m.asters, whenever their strength and resources shall give them a rea
sonable hope of success, which tho Greeks had to assert their liberties against
Turkey, or the Italians now^ h.ave against Austria. The American who would
deny this had better first burn the Declaration of Indcpeudencc. If ever
that day sball como, as come it will whenever tho Union is dissolved, woe
to the cherished institntions and tho boasted power of the South.

10
The Ncav York Trilntne thus expresses its sympathy
for those Avho Avere engaged in the movement :
There will bo euough to heap execration on tho memory of these mis
taken men. AVe leave this work to the fit hands and tongues of tlio^o who
regard the fuudamcut.al axioms of the Declaration of Independence as "glit
tering generalities." Believing that the way lo universal cmaneipation lies
not through insurrection, civil war and bloodshed, but through jieaei', discus
sion, aud the quiet diffusion of .scnlinicnts of huinanity. and justice, we deeply
regret this outbreak; but, remembering (hat, if their fault was grievous, grie
vously have they answered it, wo will not, by ono reproachful word, disturb
the bloody shrouds wherein John Brown .and his coinp.atriots aro slee|iing.
They dared and died for what tbey felt to be the right, though in a manner
which seems to us fatally wrong. Let their epitaphs remain umrritlen until
the not distaniday, when no slave shall clanJc his chains in the shades of 2Ionti-
eello or hy the groves of Mount 'Vernon.
The New York JEvening Post casts the blame of the
Northern raids upon Southern territory on the slave
holders themselves. It says :
In nearly all the Southern States, the negroes greatly preponderate in
number; many of tbem, it is true, arc too ignorant and stupid to take .any
effective part in an insurrection ; others, too, aro profoundly attached to their
masters or their families ; but, those excciited, there aro yet thousands .able
and willing to strike for their emancip.ation. It has been impossible to keep
them in entire ignorance of the blessings of freedom, and of tho ]iossibility
of obtaining it by force of arm.s. Tho fugitive slaves of tbe Xortli h.avo
found means of cominunicating with their old comr.adcs ; the .abolitionists
havo spoken to them by pictures, if not by language; Democratic or.ators
have told them falsely tb.at the entire North was engaged in a crusade against
the South for tbe sake of tho slaves ; .and, as servants in the cities, tliey havo
heard tbe t.alk ofthe parlor and the barrooms, and, in innumerablo other w.ays,
havo been mado to think and to desire. AVhen the hour comes, therefore,
they will not bo found either so incapable or so docile as tho slaveholders
seem to suppose.
But what a condition of society is th.at in which one-half the popul.ation
constantly menaces the other half with civil war and murder — in which the
leading classes go to sloop every night, carelessly, it may bo, over tbe crater
of a volcano, and in whicli tho dangers do not lessen, .as in other societies,
with time, bnt grow with its growth, until an explosion becomes as inevitable
as the eruptions of Etna or Vesuvius! AVhat a condition of society, to be
'extended over the virgin territories of the AVest— the seat of our future em-
plfg  and for which politicians should clamor and sear their conscience, aud
desperadoes should fight.

20
The Albany Evening Jourual considers such out
breaks' "inevitable," and adds: "If a raan builds liis
house OA'cr a volcano, it is not those wlio Av.nrn him of his
danger th.at .are to blame fin- its erujitions."
Thus are I'espectable tmd otherwise estiniahlc joui'nals,
blinded by political partizanship to the enormity of crimes,
AA'hieh, under oi'diuary circumstfuices, they Avould ]je the
most zealous to denounce. It is this melancholy s]ieetacle
Avhich h.as made it our duty to lay bcvfore yon an um^iir-
nished statement of facts, Avhich otherAvise might not 1)C
correctly presented to you. We have displayed to you
au abyss, in which, Avithout your aid, not only the pros
perity, but the very existence of this Union may be en-
gulphed. The wild record you have read of an associa
tion Avhose ramifications extend throughout the Northern
States, to blot out slavery by means of civil and servile
war, is not draAvn from imagination — it is a terrible his
torical reality. It is for you to decide Avhether you aa-IU
sanction the overthrow of the federal government, or
whether you will aid in saving it by your suffrages.
FelloAv-citizens, Ave implore you to reflect, before casting
your votes at the coming State election, Avhether you Avill
act p.'itriotically, Avisely, for the interests of yonr Avivcs,
children, sistei's, and of posterity, in aiding to elevate to
poAver candidates for office aa'Ijo are either directly or in
directly pledged to the support of the doctiine that there
is an " irrepressible conflict " betAveen the North and the
Sonth, and that " slavery must go out in fire, rape, and
slaughters." And, remember, that the endorsement of such
' disunion theories by the State of Ncav York, may pos
sibly elevate some individual to the Presidency, the prin
ciples of whose administration Avould forbid the suppres
sion of outrages simihvr to those Avhich luive tiikeiiNplace
at Harper's Ferry, aud by Avhose misnde the future Avelb
being of this now happy country inight be destroyed.

\-^