YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
From the Library of
Simeon E. Baldwin, Y'61

Gift of his children
Helen Baldwin Gilman,
Roger Sherman Baldwin, Y'90
1927

TTfl-I EX-ROYAL FAMILY OF FllANCB.
Prince ile Joinville. DaJte de MontpcnKier. Duke U'Aumale.
Duke tic Ncinouis. Louis Philippe, Ex-Kipg of tlie French. DuchvuS of Orleans.
Count de Paris. Duke tie Chiirtres- Marie Aim-lie, Ex -Queen of the French,

NARKATIYE

or THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

By WALTER K. KELLY.

WITH PORTRAITS AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS.

LONDON:
CHAPMAN AND HALL, 18G STRAND.

MDCCCXLVIH.

\

CONTENTS.

Bo 14, S3

loni»on:
printed ot qe0hob babclav, castle street,
leice8teb 8otabe.

ClIAP. I.  INTEODUCTION

FAOE 1

II. —THE BATTLE FOE BEFOBM . . .40
III. — THE BATTLE FOR A EEPTIBLIC — VICTORY . 78
IV.  BEJECTION OF THE ORLEANS DYNASTY  PROCLA
MATION OF THE REPUBLIC — FLIGHT OF THE
BOYAL FAMILY . . • .81
V. — THE CLAEEMONT VERSION OF THE FEBRUARY
REVOLUTION . • • .123
VI. — RESTORATION OF ORDER . . .131
VII. — THE VOICE OF THE WALL — THE NEWSPAPERS —
THE POLICE OF. PARIS . . .157
VIII.  THE HOTEL DE VILLE  THE PROVISIONAL GO
VERNMENT ..... 174
IX.— FINANCE . . . . .209
X. — PBELIMINAB1ES TO THE ELECTIONS . . 230

V

El

>. X

NARRATIVE

ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE EX-EOYAL FAMILY OF FRANCE
PORTRAIT OF ODILLON BAREOT
,, THIEES

. Frontispiece
. Page 49
. 49

slaughter of the populace at the hotel de3
etrangeres . . . . .75
attack on the palais eoyal . , .80
„ tuileeies . . .84
duchess of orleans and her children at the cham
ber of deputies . . . . .89
portrait of lamartine . - .134
„ GUIZOT ..... 134
THE HOTEL DE VILLE . . . . ] 74
PORTRAIT OF LEDRU ROLLIN . . , .195
„ LOUIS BLANC . .195
„ GARNIER PAGES . . . .211
„ AEMAND MAERAST . . . .211

, vfRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

i *- * ¦• .'
fit '->t

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

AfiTHE Revolution accomplished in Paris on the 24th of
February, 1848, is without a parallel in history. The imme-
;41fl£e ppectators of the wondrous event declare, that when all
Uv&i Over thoy felt like men waking out of a dream, — so quick
¦,antl sweeping had been the changes effected; so dispropor-
^{SdijjRjl the apparent means to the end ; so sudden the bursting
,A ef ,4he< storm, so rapid and entire its subsidence ; so utterly
^trjnsoending all human experience the whole manner, course,
¦*aM*issue of the movement. It was with the same feeling of
1 stupefaction we received the news in England. Narrowly as
|wev had watched of late the conduct and disposition of the
JFferich government and people, and thoroughly convinced as
J|ve;Were that Louis Philippe had sealed the perdition of his
|||wtx.'<iriynasty, jset was there not one amongst us who looked
\%ri the fulfilment of that inevitable doom in such wise -or so
[!§o6ni.{ Even now, though we have recovered from the first
TMiptavof surprise, the event seems to us almost prreterna-
jfefei^ and so must it continue to seem, until it ceases to be
j/what.it now is— the solitary example of a new order of facts.
;. f /.¦ This Revolution, at once the most bloodless and the most
fVXv B

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. I,

X

complete of modern times, was the spontaneous, unpremedi
tated act of the unarmed people of Paris. No long-matured
and widely-ramified conspiracy preceded the outbreak, as in
1830 ; no delegated agents of the middle classes in secret'
goaded, restrained, and, when the moment was come, let loose
the fiery passions of the multitude ; no leaders in fine cloth
organised the rude strength of the men in blouses, put
weapons in their hands, and shewed them where to strike,
and how. Alone the people did it all.
And never was so much work done, and well done, in so
brief a space of time. The Three Days of July, glorious as
they were to the great -hearted victors, resulted in nothing
more than a transposition of the established order of things ;
they shifted the parts in the political drama from one set of
actors to another, but the play remained tho same. The
ree Days of February were days both of destruction and
creation, and produced a fundamental change in the whole
political and social system of the countiy. Between 'tits
ancient France of Louis Philippe and the new-born Republic
there lies the interval of a deluge.
Those who are fond of noting minute coincidences in out
ward things have not failed to remark,. that the two popular
victories of July and February were both achieved on the
same days of the week; that the one was preceded by the
conquest of Algiers, the other by the capture of Abd-el-Kader ;
and both by the freezing of the Seine in. the previous winter,
&c. We leave these facts to' the astrological almanac writers,
who will henceforth adopt it as a canon that Tuesday, Wed
nesday, and Thursday, are favourable days for making revo
lutions. To us it seems far more interesting to remark the
differences between the two events than then- fortuitous coin
cidences, because the former all testify the progress which
public, opinion has made in France since 1 830. We believe
with M. Quetelet, that the surest measure of the amoutat-of
civilisation in any people is the mode in which its revolutions
are accomplished. Admitting this axiom, the following ex-

CHA1». I.]

INTRODUCTION.

< !

tract from the " Charivari" will enable us to apply it to the
case of France : —
" In 1793, the first King that was dethroned inspired un-
• easiness, and he was guillotined. In 1830, the second King
!wht>m the people deposed was escorted to the sea-side, and a
'etridt Watch kept over him until he had set sail from the shores
pf la belle France. In 1848, the people treat the ex-King with
-kiblime disdain-— they give themselves no trouble whatever
• l-COneerfiing him. The King goes whithersoever he will ; no
ftne-' looks after him, no pains are even taken to ascertain
.«£ he does go or not. A few days afterwards some report that
&e is "dead, and the reply is 'Ha!' Others affirm that the
poor devil is very well, and the reply is still ' Ha ! ' No one
cares to be assured whether he be dead or alive. As little un
easiness is felt as if he had never been in existence. Is it pos
sible to suppress a king and a whole dynasty more completely,
for with greater generosity ? Let us trace the steps of the de
clining scale : — The movement of 1789 lasted three years.
Thatewhich resulted in the Restoration lasted three months.
he Revolution of 1830 lasted three days. The Revolution of
848 lasted three hours."
The Throe Days, or the Two Days of February, is a
Tfihrase warranted both by fact and usage, but in one respect
it is a misnomer. The great work was really achieved,
as the " Charivari" asserts, in the space of about three hours
on the 24th. At half-past ten that morning the King was
still confident in his own strength, and his arrogant determi
nation not to make any concession remained unbroken
Before two o'clock the monarchy had ceased to exist, and he
and his family were scattered abroad as hopeless fugitives.
But give this Revolution the longest duration we can assign to
it, from the first challenge on Monday evening, the 21st of
February, when the banquet was prohibited, to the consumma
tion of the people's victory aud the final restoration of order,
and we shall find the whole vast action comprised within
the compass of a week. Louis Philippe fled on Thursday the

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. i. I CHAV- '0

24th of February ; on the following Thursday so little was he
thought of, that his name was not once mentioned in any Paris
paper sent to press on that day. By the 3d of March the
capital had fallen into a complete lull ; there were no longer
any sounds to be heard either of tumult or rejoicing, but .the
thinking and acting faculties of the people were wholly ab
sorbed hi the pursuit of their ordinary occupations, winch the
late crisis had suspended, or in the discharge of the duties
imposed on them by the new state of things. The corre-.
spondent of the " Atlas " newspaper, from whose remarkable
letters the English public have derived so much gratification',
depicts the state of affairs in one striking phrase, — " There is
absolutely no news whatever. Tlie revolution is already old"
Already old! What a world of self-control, resignation!
goodness, and practical wisdom, do those words reveal ! Th^
hungry, ragged, squalid people were absolute masters.; - the-
silken minions, whose opulence had flouted their misery, wer|
at their feet ; the wealth of luxurious Paris was theirs for thl
taking. They were flushed with victory ; the memory of life!
long hardships, oppressions, and indignities burned in theijt
hearts ; the breath in their nostrils was tainted with the reek
of blood —the blood of their slaughtered friends and lundred.
Anarchy iuvited them to indemnify themselves by one sweel,
delirious draught of license and tyranny, for their social
degradation and political serfdom ; nor were evil counsellors
wanting to second the promptings of their own evil passions i
and yell them on to vengeance, havoc, and spoliation. Yet
not one slightest act of violence to person or property sullied
the pure triumph of those heroic men. They were turbulent
and threatening, indeed, at the Chamber of Deputies and the
Hotel de Ville ; but their fierce souls, even in their wildest
mood, were still obedient to the voice of reason and humanity
as it flowed from the eloquent lips of genius. Talk no more
of Cincinnatus quitting the dictatorship to return to the '
plough ; Paris has seen that sublime lesson bettered by scores ,
of thousands of her poorest sons.

INTRODUCTION.

,, This is the light by which we should read the future
•' destinies of France. If the maxim of Montesquieu be true,
' that virtue is the one thing needful for republics, why should
t we look despondingly on the prospects of the young republic ?
1 It may have rough trials to encounter ; internal strife and
I foreign war may prey upon its strength ; but the virtue and
f intelligence of its people will carry it safe through all its
1 struggles. It is not usual, we know, to couple the Words
' France and Virtue together, and many an ear will revolt at so
strange an assortment of sounds. But let us not be deceived
by that figure of speech which puts a part for the whole. The
ruffian turpitude of France has its peculiar habitat in the classes
most favoured by the late monarchy, and there it flourishes
with a luxuriance unsurpassed among the forgats of Toulon
or the convicts of Van Dieman's Land. The moral dry-rot is
confined to the upper orders, and those who minister to their
pride and pleasure ; the great bulk ofthe community, the men
; whom Guizot thought unworthy to be either electors or eligible,
\ are sound to the core. Let us at last be just to those who
* have given such shining proofs of their heroic integrity ; let
us believe in the worth of that people who command the love
and admiration of Beranger. It is not of a reprobate race
that the greatest genius in France, and the most incorruptible
of men, would say, — Le peuple, c'est ma Muse — " My Muse is
the people ! "
Whatever, then, be the troubles through which France may
yet be doomed to pass, before her new constitution is finally
consolidated, sure we are that the right of property will
remain inviolate. The poor will not combine to despoil the
rich : how long have the rich conspired to rob the poor !
" Not for a single instant have we felt alarm," says the
writer in the " Atlas," whom we have already quoted. " There
| has been no one example of the slightest violation or despoil-
i ment of private property. The National Guard has proved to
j the bands of desperate malefactors whom the great political
: convulsion has let loose upon society, that the vigilance of a

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. I.

CHAP. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

hired police can never equal, in energy or power, the efforts of '
men who are bent on defending their own hearths and houses, j
-At this moment the city of Paris presents one of the most ex- '
traordinary spectacles which, perhaps, has ever been afforded
by history for the contemplation and instruction of the human
race. The timorous and weak-minded may call this revolution i
a subversion of order ; but those who seek for proofs of that I
providential- government of the world, in which the best and
wisest of mankind hesitate not to believe, will find in it an
other example of the justice of the Almighty, and of the power
of His divine will. This truth is felt with such intensity by
the whole mass of the population, that the churches are filled
from morning till night, and the Cure of St. Louis d'Antin told
me yesterday, that he was almost worn out with the numbers .
of penitents begging the sacrament, not in fear and trembling,
but in Order to bear witness to the glory of God. The clergy
are busy about the streets carrying hope and consolation
everywhere, and meet on their way with aid and respect from
the people. The Abbe Lacordaire resumed his conferences J
yesterday at Notre Dame, and was listened to with eager in- \
terest by the most crowded audience yet gathered there. At
one period of his discourse, the awe and enthusiasm surpassed «
in intensity any thing I ever witnessed. ' Some of you have
said there is no God ! ' exclaimed he ; ' because there is no
justice on the earth, there can be no God in heaven. Throw
wide the doors this moment and behold — now tell me, if ye
dare, that there is no God.' The doors burst open as if by
magic ; the rays of tlie sun poured into the building and dis
closed to view the whole of the National Guard of the ar
rondissement assembled before the guard-house, opposite the
cathedral, to replace the old flag chosen by Louis Philippe
with the new one of the Republic. The Archbishop of Paris
was just at that moment entering the portal of the Hotel
Dieu, attended by his clergy, to bear help and succour to the '
wounded ; the smoke from the Pont Louis Philippe was still
ascending to the clear blue sky. No words can describe the

impression of that scene, and when the doors were closed
again one loud gushing sob was heard within the edifice, and
in silence and in awe the whole congregation sank upon their
knees— rich and poor mingling together in one prayer of glory
and thanksgiving."
Till " Time is old and hath forgot itself, "the emotions of that
solemn moment will find their response in every conscience.
The world will recognise in the ignominious fall of Louis
Philippe the just punishment of his enormous treachery. He
was a double traitor : first, to the weak, confiding sovereign,
whom he fawned on and cajoled whilst he was plotting his
ruin; secondly, to the nation, which he swindled of the
rights it had purchased with its blood. His reign of seven
teen years and a half was one continuous act of deliberate
perjury. He owed his crown to the free choice of the people,
and the title by which he wore it was expressive of that tenure.
Throwing away the old feudal ideas of a territorial inheritance
and ancient prerogative, his constituents called their new chief
" The King of the French"— a king who reigned by right of
the good will of the people. " He pledged himself that he
> would surround the throne with republican institutions, and
his mot pour le peuple was,— "Henceforth the Charter shall be
a reality." He was liberal indeed of promises, and every pro
mise was a lie. As an illustration of his mendacity, we may
be permitted to relate an anecdote derived from unquestionable
authority. When the Quadruple Treaty between Great Britain,
France, Spain, and Portugal, was concluded, Pozzo di Borgo,
the Russian minister, waited on the King of the French, and
remonstrated against the measure. Louis Philippe jumped
up from his chair, caught the offended diplomatist by both
hands, and earnestly exclaimed, — " I give you my word of
honour, that if I did sign that treaty, it was solely with the
intention of not fulfilling it."
That was exactly the spirit in which he bound himself by
treaty to his new subjects.

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAp. i.

His purpose, from the very first, was to farm the state
only for his own private advantage. All the foreign ambas
sadors in Paris, in July 1830, not excepting Lord Stuart, the
English munster, protested in the names of their respective
Governments against Louis Philippe's usurpation, and threat-
ened him with a new invasion. Terrified by these menaces,
and not anticipating such a display of enthusiasm as was made
m England in favour of the Revolution, he "hastened to
declare, that he had taken no part in the Revolution, and
solemnly promised that, although he had been compelled to
aceept the crown, he would resign it to its rightful owner as
soon as, by his skilful exercise of the royal authority, he had
reduced the people to their former condition of helplessness
and passive obedience. The Due de Montemart, who was the
first person summoned to the Palais Royal by the Duke of
Orleans on his arrival from Neuilly, and who by the last ordi
nances of Charles X. had been appointed President of the
Council, has publicly stated the fact. These promises were
subsequently renewed in his autograph letters written by
the King of the French to William the Fourth, to the Em
perors of Austria and Russia, and to the King of Prussia. fTo
England he further engaged to fulfil the promise of Charles X
to abandon Algiers. Thus, at the beginning of his reign, the
new King had bound himself to govern in opposition to the
principles of the Revolution; and it was with the view of
proving his sincerity that he called into his ministry Casimir
Perner, who had also been appointed Minister by the last
ordinance of the former King, and also Guizot, who had fled
to Ghent during the Hundred Days; who, on his return, was a
vmlent Legitimatist, and, afterwards, went out of place an
equally violent Oppositionist; and who, in the protest of the
Deputies against the violation of the Charter, on the 28th of
July, 1830, had inserted the ordinary formulas of fidelity and
devotion, which were unanimously rejected by all the members
of the Assembly. For the same purpose he sent, as ambas
sador to England (the only countiy which would then receive

DHAP. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

lis envoys) Talleyrand, who had signed 'the treaties of 1814
'and 1815, so disastrous to France."*
The King and his counsellors soon perceived how incom
patible with their designs was the existence of a free press to
expose their wicked practices ; they therefore subjected it to
the most iniquitous system of restraint ever endured in a
country affecting to call itself constitutional. A free press is
the first vital necessity of a free state, and there needs no
stronger proof of the thorough depravity of Louis Philippe's
government, than his intense hatred of that best guardian of
the public liberties. From the beginning of his reign no
means were neglected to corrupt the Parisian press. The
! leading daily papers were literally bought and paid for in
money or in well-remunerated offices ; the rest were gagged by
/ penal laws ; and as a further security against opposition, the
\ caution-money deposited by the proprietors of French news-
i papers was increased, so that the press became again a mono
poly, as it had been under the Restoration. A newspaper
under this system could only be the organ, not even of a party,
, but of a faction of the governing party ; and the Paris press
-. was divided between those factions. The provisions of the in-
, famous laws of September were as follows : —
I " All mention of the King with regard to any political
. measure, except in praise, was prohibited ; all blame directed
against the Government ; all attacks upon any class ; all cen-
" sure against either of the Chambers ; all criticisms of the in
stitutions of the countiy ; all vituperation of any law, however
unjust in principle and injurious in its consequences, were de
clared delits or crimes ; and the penalties extended from 600
'rancs to 50,000, and from six months' to ten years' imprison-
nent ; nay, the judges were empowered to double the maximum
af the penalties, and to sentence to imprisonment for life and
to transportation. To secure the payment of the highest fine,
the caution-money was raised to 100,000 francs, and the re-
* France, her Governmental, Administrative, and Social Organisation.
London : Madden, 1844.

10

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. i.

sponsible editor was compelled to be proprietor of one-third oi
that sum. The caution-money had to be made up to its origi
nal amount after eveiy penalty, or the newspaper could not be
published. Nay, more; after two condemnations of a news
paper, the judges could interdict its publication."
Corrupt courts of law and packed juries made acquittals
things of rare occurrence ; but, as a further safeguard, the law
empowered the servile Court of Peers-all appointed by the
King— to judge writers in the papers, or others ; and to en
courage and protect the jurymen and the judges, the news
papers were prohibited from giving their names or reporting
their deliberations ; and, finally, they were prohibited from
opening subscriptions for the payment of the fines, and pub
lishing lists of donations on their own behalf for the same
purpose. This was not all. The printers and booksellers, who were
all under the control of the ministry, could be deprived of
their licenses even without a trial ; so that veiy few of them
durst publish an Opposition paper, or any work in which the
Government was in any way censured.
By means of these atrocious laws, fifty-seven journals
were, during the first sixteen years of the Orleans rule, com
pelled to discontinue publication. Their writers were sen
tenced, in the aggregate, to an imprisonment of 3141 years
and eight months, and their proprietors were fined 7,110,000
francs. Such, says the " Presse," has been the result of 1129 '
prosecutions commanded by tlie King, who inaugurated his
accession to the throne by a formal promise that no prosecu- "
tion should in future be directed against the press.
Let us examine some more of the broken pledges of this
felon king. Civil and religious liberty was the first promise
made by him when he visited the Hotel de Ville, after the
Three Days of July; and when pressed by Lafayette to be
more explicit in his declaration of principles, he immediately
promised that the freedom of the press, the freedom of public
meetings, the freedom of public instruction, and the trial by

tllAP. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

11

jury, should be the basis of the new constitution. Now the
Civil liberty existing in France, before February 1848, was of
this sort : — A Frenchman was liable to arrest and imprisonment
on the order of the mayor or his deputy, or on the denunciation
of any paid spy or of an enemy; and he might be kept without
ajny communication with his family and his friends, without be- ¦,,
ijag taken before the examining justice, for many days, for many
weeks, nay, for many mouths. His examination was always .
s-ecret; lie was not allowed to call witnesses, or even counsel;
lie was not confronted with his accusers, nor allowed to hear
the evidence against him. When his innocence was evident,
vnany days, and in political cases many months, elapsed before
he was set at liberty; and he could obtain no redress for the
injury done to his character or property by his unjust impri
sonment. If he was sent to trial for a political offence, his
acquittal was almost impossible.
Public instruction was a monopoly secured to the Univer
sity, that is, to the Government, by one of the earliest enact
ments of ministerial despotism ; and the spirit in which the
law was devised and administered was soon tested in the case
of the Count de Montalembert, M. de Coux, and the Abbe
Lacordaire, who were indicted and fined 100 francs for open
ing a free school in 1831. Are those who sound M. Guizot's
praises, and boast of what he has done for the cause of educa
tion — are they aware that in 1844 one-half the inhabitants of
France were unable to read or write ; that 7,000,000 could
.read imperfectly, and could not write; that 7,000,000 could
do both, but imperfectly ; and that only 3,000,000 were fully
educated ? This was no very grand result to be obtained by
an annual expenditure of about 380,000i. But another pur
pose was served by the system ; if it kept the poor in igno
rance, it enabled the Government to mingle a large portion
of error with the education given in the superior schools, and
ti keep in pay an army of placemen. Russia, the most back-
1 ard in education of all guosi-civilised nations, has a very
showy, extensive, and costly system of public instruction.

12

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap, i

V

After the events of February, it is unnecessary to say how
far the French were indulged, under the Orleans dynasty!
in the constitutional privilege of meeting to discuss the meai
sures of the Government, or other topics of national or local
interest. Even private meetings of more than twenty per
sons were prohibited, if in any way connected with polities'
Napoleon's law, made more stringent in 1834, has beel
strained to prevent the meeting even of an Anti-Slavery
Society. u
Thus vexation and oppression were the common lot of
the French people, from which none were exempt but tho
servile partisans of the Government, who formed the standing!
army of corruption. " The individual liberty of a French!
citizen," says the able and well-informed author of " France, '\
writing in 1844, " consists in a perpetual vassalage to all the'
delegates and hirelings of the Minister of the Interior and of
his police, and in a perpetual fear of the officials of the
Minister of Justice."
Was there, at least, any good thing to set off against all
this wrong and degradation ? Was the physical condition of
the people improved, or were their pecuniaiy burthens allevil
ated? On the contrary, the expenditure of France has1
increased continually since 1830, and taxation has gone on
increasing in the same proportion. The Government of th<j)
Citizen King wrung from the nation more than the ambition
and the conquests of Napoleon, and more than the aristocracy
and the clergy of the Restoration, had ever cost. The war
estimates during the Empire amounted on an average to
330,000,000 francs. In 1813, when after the disasters pf
the campaign in Russia the whole army was reorganised, the
total expenditure was 420,000,000 francs. The average of
. the expenses of the Ministry of War, under Louis Philippe:,
has been 480,000,000 francs. The same Government tha]t
refused to provide any constitutional safety-valves through
which the high-pressure steam of public opinion might fin«
issue, thought it necessaiy to let the hot blood of France ru

tr*

CHAP. 1.]

INTRODUCTION.

13

« t

to waste on the sands of Africa. The war in Algeria was
purposely protracted to this end, as well as to afford a pretext
for swelling the budget of the War Ministry, which certainly. ,
rendered distinguished services to the king, if not to the
country. Almost all the principal towns of France have been
attacked, captured, and partially pillaged by a French army,
fiir resisting the administrative despotism. Lyons, in the
Short space of three years, was twice besieged and bombarded.
Paris itself has not escaped. In June 1832, and April 1834,
it presented a spectacle of a stormed city; and on many occa
sions was all but in a state of siege.
i • Under the Empire, the budget of the Ministry of the
Interior, in which were included the public works, agriculture,
and commerce, was 15,000,000 francs. In 1847 the same
administration cost 70,000,000 francs.
The total amount of the expenditure for all the services
of the Government, except the army and navy, were, under
Napoleon, 300,000,000 francs a-year. During the last seven
teen years the expenditure for the same services exceeded
900,000,000 francs a-year.
The Revolution of February found France already on the
verge of bankruptcy. The public debt (deducting the sinking
fund), which in January 1841 was 4,267,315,402 francs, had
risen on the 1st of January, 1848, to 5,179,644,730 francs.
The budget, which in 1830 was 1,014,914,000 francs, was
settled for 1847 at 1,712,979,639 francs. And, notwithstand
ing a successive increase of receipts, the budget shewed a consi
derable annual deficit. From 1840 to 1847 the expense out
stripped the receipts by 604,525,000 francs ; in other words,
aii addition of 24,000,000 sterling was made to the national
d4bt in the space of seven years. During the last 268 days
of its existence, the fallen Government expended beyond its
ordinary resources 44,000?. per diem.
i Such a financial system absorbed all the resources of the
' people, and abstracted from them all the means of bettering
Weir coudition, improving in industrial, agricultural, and com-

14

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAp. i

mercial pursuits, and advancing in instruction and morality
"Let it hot be said that the greater proportion of the taxed
bore upon the rich ; it was quite the contrary. Most of them
were almost exclusively paid by the poorer classes and thA
tradespeople. The 750,000,000 produced by the excise, tile
¦ tax on salt, the customs, and the stamp duty, fell entire iy
upon these classes ; which, besides, participated in a due pro
portion in the payment of the other taxes. The fact cannot
be controverted, and official returns, carefully collated, proved
that the total amount of taxes paid by the ruling or govern^
mental class, the 240,000 electors and jurymen, never exi-
ceeded 54,000,000 francs ; that is [less than] the twentieth part
of the whole amount of the contributions levied upon th<js
people. In England, the rich man pays in some degree fo/
the gratification of his pride, of his tastes, for the enjoyi
ment of his pleasure, and for his luxuries : he pays for his
servants/for his carriage, for his horses, for his hounds, for
sporting a coronet, a helmet, a buck's head, or any other
family devices. In France, such taxes were not known ; but
then the beverage of the artisans, the spade of the labourer,/
the axe of the woodman, paid 100 per cent of their value." i
The financial profligacy of the late Government would
have been sufficient, even without the co-operation of other
causes, to produce disruption of the social and political system;
" There are few matters," says a writer in " Tait's Magazine,"
" to which statesmen less readily ascribe revolution than to
finance." If this be so, statesmen and historians are strangely
at variance, for the latter almost invariably find in the bank-
nipt condition of nations the most prominent causes of great
political convulsions. All statesmen profess tp be historiaris,
and to build their theories of government on the broadest bas\s
of experience ; but somehow we find them too often, like M.
Guizot, belying their theories by their practice, reserving the
former for occasions " when there is no need of such vani
ties," and acting on diametrically opposite principles in th,
affairs of real life. " They imagine that, because the e

¦v

X -

I'll

*S

Vhap. i]

INTRODUCTION.

15

penditure of a government is less frequently the object of
complaints in the press than other departments of general
politics, the people are not earnest friends of economy. They
blunder in this business, and the British Government will
(liscover, without the enlightenment of a revolution, that the
friiddle and lower classes of this country are heartily hostile
" jto a large expenditure, and dispirited by the hopeless burden
pf taxation pressing upon them."
1 Living beyond one's means is, for governments as well as
•individuals, the sure road to ruin. The Government of a
Vealthy people might have more slowly reached that inevitable
goal, but the French are not a wealthy people. Property
amongst them is more generally distributed than with us;
Wt there are in France large numbers of persons in extreme
'destitution. The state of the peasant proprietors, as depicted
by Michelet, is one of abject and increasing penury. Capital
and skill, and the needful encouragements to apply them, have
been alike wanting to the agriculture of a nation which yet de
pends mainly on the produce of its soil. The elasticity of its
trading and manufacturing industry has been compressed by
an iron band of privileges and monopolies, and by a system of
Customs that would seem to have been expressly organised for
the utter ruin of the countiy. The calamity that swept over
Europe in 1845, 1846, and partially in 1847, fell heavily on
-France, and sharpened the pangs of her chronic malady. The
¦pressure on the money-market, and the necessity of raising
loans and converting the unfunded into funded debt, compelled
the Public Companies and the Government to reduce, or alto
gether stop, the expenditure on railway and other works. The
Uttle savings of the labourers were gradually exhausted, and
t'iere were no colonies to offer them the employment they
c(j»uld not find at home. The destitute, whose numbers every
passing week augmented, flocked into Paris and other large
towns, filling them with a seething mass of wretchedness and
discontent. The mine being thus charged, it needed but a

,f

16

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[CHAI-. l<i

cr- ap. i.]

INTRODUCTION.

17

spark to shiver into dust the monstrous fabric of imposture and
tyranny so elaborately reared by the Citizen King.
The enormous sums extorted from France by the house of
Orleans went partly to fill the family coffers, partly to defray
the expenses of family jobs, such as the Spanish marriages; the
rest was employed in corrupting and enslaving the nationi
Besides his belt of fortresses round Paris and his military]
force of 400,000 men, Louis Philippe had another, and far more!
efficient, standing army of placemen and expectants. In 1847;
the number of persons employed in the civil service, by the]
Government of England, was estimated at 25,000, with salaries!
Something under three millions in the aggregate ; the regisi
tered electors of the kingdom being about 1,000,000. In
France, in the same year, whilst the registered electors numl
bered only 240,000 or thereabouts, the civil offices held at.
Ministerial pleasure were 628,000, or almost thrice the num--
ber of the electors, at a cost often millions sterling annually.'
The main end of this system, though by no means the solo
one, was to enable the Government to secure a majority in the',
Chamber of Deputies, and this it effected with the utmost"
facility. The Chamber of Deputies consisted of 459 members ; 300
would, therefore, constitute an excellent working majority for
the Government. The means of supply exceeded the demand*
for there were 350 poor electoral arrondissements, the total numl
ber of electors in which was at most 100,000. Sixty thousand)
places granted to as many electors of those arrondissements!
would give the Minister of the day a majority of 20,000 votes
in the colleges. These being secured, the large towns, the
industrial and enlightened departments, might vote as they
pleased ; it was a matter of perfect indifference. Such w^is
the electoral science professed and openly practised by tlie
Doctrinaires. The Minister of the Interior, the grand elector
of France, had nothing to do, in order to insure a subservient
Chamber, but to issue his orders to the Prefects and SulV

1

X

Prefects. If the Ministerial candidates were defeated, out
went those two functionaries and all their subordinates in every
branch of the public administration.
In order to make assurance doubly, sure, the Minister.
of course took care to pack the Chamber with placemen.
M. Guizot had at the beginning of tins year a majority of 78,
a .d nearly two-thirds of his supporters were persons holding
of ice. Is it wonderful that the country should have insisted
o i a reform of such monstrous abuses ? A very moderate con
cession would have satisfied the Opposition ; they only asked
for a reduction of the two hundred officials forming the Minis
terial majority, and the paltry addition of 20,000 electors to
the 240,000 already on the lists. The ex-King and his
Ministers, in tlie roj-al speech, attributed these very modest
demands to "blind and hostile passions." The Peers almost
unanimously, and the Deputies by a large majority, re-echoed
the royal insult; and eight days had hardly elapsed when
King, Peers, and Deputies, had disappeared without leaving a
trace, except the blood which was running in the streets of
Paris. And what a time was chosen by these forcible-feebles for
refusing so insignificant a concession to equity and public
opinion ! — the very moment when all France w.;s filled with
indignation and disgust at the proved infamy of the Court, the
Government, and the classes that basked in the sunshine of
royal favour. The Teste and Cubieres affair had afforded
judicial proof of that venality and corruption in high places,
which the public voice had never ceased to denounce through
out the whole reign of Louis Philippe. The murder of his
wife by a member of the aristocracy, and a friend of the Or
leans family, his subsequent suicide and the exposure of
his, numerous immoralities, had cast, whether justly or not,
a J'oul stigma on the whole Court and Aristocracy.
" The Spanish marriages, devised for family and selfish
Ciiffe — prosecuted with an utter disregard of good feeling, ac
coMiplished by the basest means, employed for base motives —

rs

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap'.

rendered the agents and the principals unpopular even \n
France. The boast of M. Guizot from the tribune of the
Chambers— that by concealing truth he had cheated the Brit
ish Minister — destroyed the influence that he had acquired
with moderate men, as the presumed representative of the
English alliance; and left himself with a character that,
though common to diplomatists, should not be avowed. T' e
political part of the Spanish transaction was less damaging
than the rumours regarding private services by the late Coult
Bresson and the Queen-Mother of Spain ; imposing on tile
Queen a hateful arrangement, calculated to ensure the suc
cession to the throne in the expected grandchildren of Loi.|s
Philippe, or to leave material for impugning the character aid
honour of Queen Isabella, if that should seem to be a conve
nient course, and their anticipations be disappointed. The
suicide of Count Bresson at Naples, confirmed the popular
feeling that his conscience was uneasy under the remembrance
of dishonourable actions insufficiently rewarded. The unfor
tunate insanity of Count Mortier manifesting itself publicly at
the same time, confirmed the general impression that Louis
Philippe chose singular agents to foreign courts, and subjected
them to strange discipline. Amongst the intelligent classes
of Paris who accounted for these calamities from ordinary
causes, the painful impression remained that Louis Philippe
would sacrifice the happiness, the freedom, the interests, and
the independence of nations, for the aggrandisement of an in
dividual — if that individual were his son — and that M. Guizot
was his flexible instiument in the most disgraceful jobs. The
affair of Cracow confirmed the impression ; and it was believed
in Paris, that the influence of France was sold to the Northern
Powers for the benefit ofthe Orleans family; that any inroad
on the independence of continental nations would be permitted
by the late rulers of France, or protested against iri feeble Mid
undignified terms, never to be consolidated by acts.
" The effort made by the Queen of Spain to escape from ;he
surveillance of French agents, to assert her own and her lriii g-

IX

x
m's ii:

INTRODUCTION..

19

doms independence, and to overthrow the unpopular and anti-
national party planted by Louis Philippe, around not only her
tlnrone but her bedchamber — existing not merely in the shape
of) statesmen, but also in the form of waiting-maids and girls of
alll-work — excited admiration amongst the informed and chi-
valric portion of the Parisians. The despatch of Narvaez from
Paris to assume the functions of Premier — the return of the
queen-Mother to Madrid — the expenditure of half a million
sterling in accomplishing anew the revolution of the bed
chambers in the Escurial — disgusted all sound and proper
¦ feeling; and men said, Why is half a million of our money ex
pended to endow an unborn child with a throne ? while women
added, A child that never may be born; although it has not
been proved, but suspected only, that the great bribery fund
T-as national money, and not taken from the private estate.
i " The Napoleon of Peace, heedless, or ignorant of these
complaints, followed the example of the Napoleon of War, in
consulting family interests and placing the members of his
house. Algiers needed a Viceroy, and Bugeaud was recalled,
that a young and inexperienced Prince might be installed on ,
the shadow of a throne. The incident of Abd-el-Kader's sur- -
render followed, and the conditions made by the Arab priest
and warrior, accepted by the Viceroy of Algiers — broken by
the Government of France — clung to the minds of honourable
men in that nation ; and they said, Are disgrace and falsehood
to be heaped over avarice and oppression in our name 2
" The affair of Switzerland arose. France sympathised
with the Diet. The Court and the Cabinet aided the Sonder-
bund. France would have helped the Swiss to independence
and nationality. The Court or the Cabinet sold muskets to
the Seven Cantons, and encouraged then- attitude of defiance.
Intervention was proposed; and the firmness of Viscount
Palmerston alone saved Switzerland from degradation, after
the Diet had vindicated its authority and restored order.
The fact was known in France; and Frenchmen felt their
cotatrv and themselves humiliated by the fact. They saw the

20

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap

progress of transactions which made them the tools, of the
arbitrary powers, who, in repayment of these services, were to
tolerate the new family in the regal circles of Europe. Jealcius
of England, they felt, notwithstanding, that constitutional
freedom in Europe leant on her arm alone for its support, arid
that France had become a broken reed, with sharp and rugged
ends. Italy followed Switzerland— -Italy, that should havje
turned in difficulty to France for support, avoided the snarti.
* *¦ # The French people * * # were grossly incensed to finjd
their nation distrusted even by the Pope, when he neede/d
some friendly help in accomplishing particles of reform. The
demand by the Sicilians for an English guarantee of their
constitution was still more humiliating. The people of France
feel a greater interest in foreign politics than those of Britain;
and they found out that their Government was higgling and
bargaining with despotism, when it should have been, on thfeir
principles, generously aiding freedom : but the Government7 of
Guizot was despotic." * \
The worst wrong inflicted on France by the late Gck
vernment was the moral depravity it engendered in a very
numerous portion ofthe upper and middle classes, by the
system of patronage we have already described. The effect of
that system was to divide the nation into two hostile camps ; on
the one side, a dominant caste of 600,000 single men, or heads
of families ; on the other, nearly 34,000,000 of helots. It
was a system essentially the same as that of Russia, with all
its loathsome baseness, knavery, and rapacity ; and it has be
queathed to the Republic the most perilous evil against which
the young constitution has to wrestle. Under the Orleans
regime, all who were not employed by the Government, whether
they were nobles or plebeians, were equally crushed under the
administrative despotism, and equally helpless in defending
either public or private rights against the encroachments of
the Government. The holders of office, on the other hand,

* Tait's Magazine, March 1848.

I VP. I

INTRODUCTION.

, 21

<:

-.)

<

welre the virtual aristocracy of the countiy, and had good pay
for, doing little or nothing. The consequence was, that all
thes heads of families paying yearly in direct taxes 200
frshics (8/.), and who were thereby constituted electors, instead
of directing the studies and inclinations of their sons towards
tL,e exercise of an independent but laborious calling, thought
of nothing hut enabling them to fill some office under Govern
ment. Great as was the number oi employes, that ofthe candi
dates for place was many times greater, and hence the depraved
morality of tlie former class became the standard of excellence
for a large portion of the youth of France. Injuries to men's
material interests are the least of the evils wrought by des
potism ; its deadliest curse is that which it lays on the souls
of its victims. Never was degradation more rapid and complete
than which was accomplished in the character of the in
fluential classes of France under the monarchy of July.
Sordid self-interest was their only motive ; boundless, unscru
pulous subserviency to power usurped the place of conscience;
and lying, cheating, bullying, and eavesdropping were the
arts most sedulously cultivated, as infallibly conducting their
accomplished votaries to fortune and honours.
" Most of the employes of the several administrations,"
says the author of " France " — himself a Frenchman, and long
the confidential friend of Louis Philippe — " most of the em
ployes were compelled to perform the office of spies, and to
report to their superiors on the conduct, principles, opinions,
and connexions, not only of their colleagues, but also of their
own relatives and friends ; and for that purpose they were
allowed, and even induced to frequent, the company of either
Legitimatists or Liberals, to profess apparently the same
opinions, and to be of some service to them, if necessary to
gain their confidence." The police were, of course, engaged
even more assiduously upon the same dirty work ; and even
ladies were not exempt from their vile scrutiny. Besides the
general police, there was also a secret police surveillance, which
was exercised over the higher classes in the departments by

22

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap, k

confidential agents of the Ministry of the Interior, who corta
sponded with the Minister himself. Indeed, the chief business
of the latter was to direct all the ramifications of this or
ganised rascality, and apply its results. " In order," saVs
our authority, " to shew in all its turpitude the working W
this secret police, I translate one of the accounts transmitted
during the administration of Thiers, and which was kindily
communicated to me, as I happened to be a friend of the
party alluded to. /
" ' M. de * * * persists in his sarcastic opposition, and, las
a leader, is the more dangerous, as he possesses a large
fortune, and an uncontrollable spirit. He has long patronised
the Canal of  : let him sink there his property, while die
coquetry of Madame de * * ¦:=, skilfully managed, will soon
bring about a, fracas, and turn the laughers on our side. Her
lover has chosen me for his confidant : he has not succeeded,
but I give him hopes, and he assiduously continues his
courtship. You shall know the results.'
" Thanks to the benevolent indiscretion of an employe, the
results were the flight of the ministerial spy, after a sound
castigation; but how many others have succeeded in their
plans ? One principle of the Government of July, proclaimed
and put in practice immediately after its establishment, was to
mm or dishonour those who declared against it ; and the re
velations of the police, on the affairs of men in business, have
reduced many to bankruptcy and beggary. The men who had
taken the principal part in the Revolution, Audrey de Puy-
raveau and Laffitte, when they would no longer lend themselves
to the anti-national system of the King, were reduced to sell
all their property and wind up their concerns. The King
himself set the example of slander. Benjamin Constant was
poor, and had debts : his lady had prevailed on him to ac
cept about 6000*. offered to her by the Queen, in the name of
the King, as a mark of respect for his disinterestedness, and
patriotism. Benjamin Constant was the first to oppose'i tho
political direction ofthe new dynasty ; and, notwithstanding

i „

>

N3

CHA*. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

23

the /assurance of secrecy which had accompanied the gift, the
King, incensed at his opposition, divulged the fact, and repre
sented it as a bargain. The poor patriot could not bear up
nuclei' the feeling of degradation, and died five weeks after
wards, saying to his friends, ' That bad man has lulled

me

\ Well might the abashed and contrite Laftitte publicly and
solemnly beg pardon of God and his countiy for the sin he
had committed in raising such a man as Louis Philippe to the
throne of France !
The personal character ofthe ex-King is curiously illustrated
in a letter to the " Atlas," dated Paris, Feb. 3, 1848. " Public
anxiety," says the writer, " is beginning to be appeased con
cerning the health of the King. During the early part of the
week, the various reports which were afloat became of serious
injury to commerce, no business being done for several days
anywhere except at the Bourse. ' The King is ill ;' ' He is
better;1 ' He is worse ;' ' He is dying,' were all so many magic
words which had power to raise or depress the fimds at
pleasure, occasioning in some instances the greatest confusion
and loss. For several days, those who had money invested in
the public securities scarcely knew for an hour together the
value of their fortunes. None could tell for a while whence
sprang these contradictory rumours. It was only known too
well, that if they were productive of loss to some, they must
occasion enormous gains to others ; but who the gainers were
remained a mystery for some time, until it was perceived that
the agent of a high personage always managed to be on the
safe side, buying and selling a propos, and realising enormous
profits. No sooner was this discovered, than a report spread
like wildfire that the rumours originated at the Tuileries, and
sprang from the fertile brain of the high personage himself.
' Here is scandal ! — here is base invention, indeed ! Who can
believe such calumny as tliis ? How does party spirit blind
us, to be sure ! An enemy has surely done this thing ! ' said
I to myself, as, weary and disgusted with such baseness, I

24

jraENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHa1p.

esohed to listen no more, to read no moi^wsp^sK
to fly to books for relief, resolving that even these should mot
he modern ones, for I felt disgusted at our own times, and
thoroughly ashamed ofthe vile detraction of the age we £ve
in. Chance, fortunately, threw in my w a volume of ihe
\Sp,™~u8l"Xo^ correspondence between two friendsU
MilorAll-EyeandMilor All-Ear; an amusing book enougili
and. which has become of late years rather rare. I turned |t
over with indifference, when my eye fell upon an interestiiig
chapter, which I thought might be likely to illustrate the
case, and serve to refute the calumnies which have crept
abroad. Milor All-Eye dates his letter August 3, 1 782 :—
"I have just returned,' says he, ' from Passy, where I have
been paying a visit to the Duke of Orleans, and was intro
duced by him to his family. His Royal Highness himself is
ii vulgar, good-natured man, something like an English farmer
m manners nnd appearance, and received me with a cordial
greeting m the garden. We entered a saloon on the ground-
floor, where the Duchess, who had been informed of my visit
hastened to join us. She is a most remarkable woman, com
bining the lofty manners of the court with the liberal notions
last gaining ground among us. After awhile, as I had ex
pressed a wish to pay my respects to the young Due de
Chartres, we repaired together to his apartment. He is a
fine lad, just about thirteen. We found him busily employed
in practising various tricks of sleight-of-hand which he had
learnt from a juggler—one Lecamus— a pastime of which he
is passionately fond. Some of them are marvellous, indeed
and he played them for our amusement with great delight to
himself. The Duke of Orleans laughed heartily at his son's
dexterity, but the Duchess looked grave, and condemned the
amusement as suspicious and unworthy.'
" Somehow the chapter gave me subject of reflection, and
I Hung the book aside to follow the advice of Lindley Murray
—' When you meet in reading with an observation tiiat strikes
you, digest it well and examine it in all its bearings.' " >

CHAW. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

25

rta*^ *v«

^

This "cutpurse ofthe empire and the rule " has verified
the ^prediction of his governess, Madame de Genlis, that the
qualities for which he would be most conspicuous through life
were avarice and perfidy. In the spirit of insatiable avarice,
anci with all the artifices of consummate perfidy, he reared the
co' 3ssal fortunes of his liouse on the shame and woe of millions.
His avarice and perfidy have undone him, and smitten down
in, sudden and irretrievable ruin the laborious work of four-
and-thirty years. The good-natured world has been pleased
to ascribe all sorts of virtues to this man. Their actual sum is
soon told, and makes but a poor set-off against his monstrous
wickedness. He was thrifty and frugal, except in disposing
of what was not his own ; wary and sagacious, until unparal-
elled prosperity, and the absorbing passions of his old age,
extinguished his wonted prudence. He was a good family-
man, and he wheedled and cheated, begged, filched, and robbed,
with exemplary diligence, for the benefit of his young ones.
He was not conspicuous for moral courage, but he hod more
personal intrepidity than his father. He was not a libertine,
like Philippe Egalite or the Regent Orleans, but he was as
unscrupulous as either — nay, even more so than the latter—
where his own interests were concerned. Money was the
standard by which he estimated alike things physical, moral,
and spiritual ; and he knew too well the money value of a fair
reputation to risk it upon any light grounds. No wayward
caprice could ever have tempted him to perpetrate any un
profitable villany ; but from the pursuit of a lucrative object
he was not to be diverted by any sense of honour or honesty,
any touch of pity or remorse. The Regent Orleans patronised
Law's prodigious swindle, partly because he was duped by
the gorgeous promises of the Scotch financier, partly because
he was delighted with a scheme that so well aided his favourite
plan of stifling in universal corruption all opposition to his
government. But Philippe was too proud to dabble in tlie
filthy flood with which he deluged his country ; his own hands
remained clean, and not a sou found its way from the Rue

26

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[ciu

Quincampoix to his private coffers. In his place, LJmis
Philippe would have been too knowing for the Scotchman;
but he would have used him up to a certain point, as he ldid
the St. Simonians, and then turned him over to the attorney-
general: meanwhile he would have swept . half the fortunes
in France into his own bags. He loved corruption as muclvas
the Regent, but money more. The latter, blackguard as lie
was, would have shrunk with abhorrence from the namele;,ss
abomination practised upon the unhappy Queen of Spain.
He was nobly true to his trust as guardian ofthe young King,
and tenderly cherished the frail life interposed between him
self and the throne. Louis Philippe conspired for selfish ends
against his confiding kindred, and repaid every trust reposed
in him with treachery.
Oh, what a model of decorum and domestic virtue was
that King, in whose family Christina and her guardsman, and
Sophy Dawes, were welcome and honoured guests ! We will
lay before our readers the liistoiy of those foul transactions, in
which tlie interests of the last-named of these wretches were
mixed up with those of the house of Orleans. Our narrative
is a condensation of that which Louis Blanc has founded on a
careful scrutiny of official and other authentic documents.
La Baroune de Feucheres was by birth an Englishwoman,
one Sophy Dawes. She appeared at Covent Garden, which
she quitted to become the mistress of an opulent foreigner,
with whom she lived at Turnham Green. The Baron de
Feucheres subsequently married her, and his name served for
some time to cover the scandal of her adulterous amours with
the Due de Bourbon, last of the Condes. Her power over
the Duke was omnipotent ; he loved and dreaded her. Gifted
with rare beauty and grace, fascinating and imperious, tender
and haughty, by turns, she had considerable cleverness and
no principle. The Duke had settled on her the domains of
St. Leu and Boissy and about a million of francs (40,000fjjj in
money. She desired more, and was presented with the forest
of Enghien. But a secret uneasiness tormented her ; she

cha^. i.]

INTRODUCTION.

27

i

* 8 '¦-

> -K

r

dreaded lest the Prince's heirs should take legal proceedings
and despoil her'of all she had so dexterously acquired. She,
therefore, conceived the bold plan of making the Duke adopt
the! Duo d'Aumale, son of Louis Philippe, as his heir. The
P»iof of this is in the following letter, ofthe year 1827, from
file Duchess of Orleans to the Baroness de Feucheres :—
( " I am very much touched, madame, by your solicitude to
bkng about that result which you regard as likely to fulfil the
wishes of M. le Due de Bourbon ; and believe me, if I have
the happiness to find my son become his adopted child, you
will receive from us at all times, and in all circumstances,
that protection for you and yours which you demand, of which
"a mother's gratitude will be for you a sure guarantee."
It must have been a sore trial for such a woman as the
Duchesse d'Orleans to associate her maternal hopes with
such very equivocal advocacy. The Due d'Orleans, on the
2d of May, 1829, learned from Madame de Feucheres that
she had, in an urgent and impassioned letter, proposed to her
lover to adopt the Due d'Aumale ; on this information he ad
dressed himself directly to the Due de Bourbon, giving him
to understand how grateful he was to Madame de Feucheres,
and how proud he should be to see one of Iris sons bear the-glo-
rious name of Conde. At this unexpected blow, the Due de Bour
bon was overwhelmed with anxiety. He had never liked the
Due d'Orleans. He had stood godfather to the Due d'Aumale,
but never thought of him' as his heir. Yet how could he,
without insult, now refuse that which they assumed him to be
so anxious to bestow ? Above all, how resist the entreaties
and violent importunities of Madame de Feucheres ? Harassed
and terrified, the Due de Bourbon consented to an interview
¦with the Due d'Orleans. Nothing positive was concluded ; but
the latter believed his hopes so well founded that he ordered
M. Dupin to prepare a will in favour of the Due d'Aumale.
< The Baroness became more and more urgent, aud the
Prince gave vent to his anger in bitter reproaches. He had
had no rest since tliis fatal plan was proposed to him; he

28

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [ch

CHAP. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

29

could not sleep at night, and the day was embittered byVio-
lent quarrels. More than once incautious expressions betraW
the agitation' of his mind: "My death is all they havef in
view," he exclaimed one day in a fit of despair. Anotfor-
time he forgot himself so far as to say to M. de Surval, " Orice
let them obtain what they desire, and my days are numbered."
At last, in a desperate attempt to escape from Madame pie
Feucheres, lie threw himself on the generosity of the Dsic
d'Orleans himself. "The affair which now occupies us," he
wrote, on the 20th of August, 1829, " begun unknown to me
and somewhat thoughtlessly hy Madame de Feucheres, is in
finitely distressing to me, as you may have observed ;" and he
entreated the Duke to interfere and prevail on Madame to re
linquish her projects, promising at the same time a certain
public testimony of his affection for the Due d'Aumale. Re
sponding to this singular appeal, Orleans went to Madame,
and, in presence of a witness specially provided for the occa
sion, he begged her to abandon her project. She was inflex
ible; and so the Due d'Orleans, without at all compromising
his son's prospects, had the credit of making an honourable
and disinterested attempt.
This state of things was too forced not to end in some
violent explosion. Ou the 29th August, 1829, the Due de
Bourbon was at Paris, and in the billiard-room of the palace :
M. de Surval, who was in the passage, heard loud cries for
help ; he rushed in, and beheld the Prince in a frightful pas
sion. " Only see in what a passion Monseigneur puts him
self!" said Madame de Feucheres ; " and without a cause ! Try
and calm him." " Yes, madame," cried the old man, " it is
horrible, atrocious, thus to put a knife to my throat to make
me consent to a deed you know I so abhor ! " and seizing her
hand he added, with a significant gesture, "Well, then,
plunge the knife in at once— plunge it !" The next day the
Prmce signed the deed, which made the Due d'Aumale his
heir and secured the Baroness a legacy of 40.000J.
The Revolution of July burst forth ; the Due d'Orleans

-» I

became Louis Philippe. The Prince de Conde was intensely
ahumied, but the restoration of tranquillity and the safe em
barkation of his exiled kinsmen put an end to his fears. Still
his- melancholy remained, and a remarkable change was ob
served in his demeanour with regard to Madame de Feucheres.
Her name uttered in his presence sometimes brought a cloud
over his face; his fondness for her, though always prodigal
_ inWticipatiug her least wishes, yet seemed mixed with terror.
He communicated in confidence to M. de Choulot, and Ma-
nouiy his valet, his intention of making a long journey, whieh
was to be kept a profound secret from Madame de Feucheres ;
at the same time dark rumours circulated about the chateau.
On the morning of the llth of August the Prince was found
with his eye bleeding, which he accounted for to Manoury by
saying he had struck it against the night-table. The valet
. venturing to reply, " The table is not so high as the bed,"
the Duke remained silent and embarrassed. Some minutes
afterwards, as Manouiy was spreading a carpet in the dressing-
room, he found a letter under the door next the back stair
case and brought it to the Prince. The latter was exceedingly
disturbed on reading it, and said, " I am not a good story
teller ; I said I hurt myself in my sleep. The truth is, that
on opening the door I fell, and struck my temple against the
corner." It is worthy of remark, that the Prince afterwards
wished Manouiy to sleep by the door of his bedchamber, and
that when the latter suggested that this would look strange,
and that it would be more in course for Lecomte, his valet-
de-chambre de service, to do this, the Prince replied, " Oh,
no ! that must not be." Lecomte had been introduced into
the chateau by Madame de Feucheres.
The • preparations for the journey were nearly completed.
For three days the Prince had resumed his usual amusements.
vAfter a cheerful dinner, at which M. de Cosse Brissac was
present, they played at whist. The Prince was gayer than
usual, lost some money, and abstained from paying it, saying,
" To-morrow." He rose, and crossed the ante-room to pro-

30

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[CH-i

ceed to his bedchamber, and in passing made a friendly ges
ture to his servants, which seemed like an adieu. Was jthis
one of those farewell tokens in which the thought of approach
ing death betrays itself? Or had it reference to his projected
journey and exile ? I
He ordered them to call him at eight o'clock next motn-
ing, and they left him for the night. It is necessary to rin-
derstand distinctly the situation of the Prince's bedroom. )lt
was connected by a short passage with a waiting-room, which
opened on one side into a dressing-room, having issue upon
the great corridor of the chateau ; on the other side the wait
ing-room opened upon a back staircase, ending at the landing-
place, where were the apartments of Madame de Feucheres
and of Madame de Flassans, her niece. The back staircase
led from this landing-place to the vestibule ; and by au inter
mediate landing, on the entresol, it communicated with a se
cond corridor, along which were the chambers of l'Abbe Briant,
of Lachassiue, the femme-de-chambre of the Baroness, and of
the Dupres, husband and wife, attached to her service. The
room of the latter was immediately under that of the Prince,
so that they could hear when there was talking above their
heads. This night (the 26th) the park-rangers went their accus
tomed rounds. Lecomte had locked the door of the dressing-
room and taken away the key. Why was this precaution
taken ? The Prince constantly left tlie door of his room un
bolted. Madame de Flassans sat up till two in the morning,
occupied with writing: she heard no noise, neither did the
Dupres. All night the chateau was perfectly still.
At eight the next morning Lecomte knocked lit the
Prince's door. It was bolted : the Prince made uo reply.
Lecomte retired, and returned afterwards with M. Bonnie :
both knocked without receiving a reply. In much alarm, they
went down to Madame de Feucheres. " I will come at once,"
she said; "when he hears my voice, he will answer." She
hurried from her room but half-dressed, and reaching that of

CHAPl. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

31

S

the Prince, knocked, and called out, " Open, open ! Mon
seigneur, it is I." No answer. The alarm spread. Manouiy,
Leclerc, l'Abbe Briant, Mery-Lafontaine; ran to the spot.
The room was burst open : the shutters were closed, and the
room dark. A single waxlight was burning on the mantel
piece, but behind a screen, which sent the light upwards
towards the ceiling. By this feeble light the head of the
'^Prince was seen close to the shutter of the north window.
He seemed like a man in the act of listening intently to
soriiething outside. The east window being opened, the light
fell upon a horrible spectacle. The Due de Bourbon was
hanging, or rather hooked on, to the fastening of the window-
sash. Every one rushed in except Madame de Feucheres,
who sank groaning and shuddering on a fauteuil in the dress
ing-room; and the cry, "Monseigneur is dead!" resounded
throughout the chateau.
The Duke was attached to the window-bolt by means of
two handkerchiefs, passed one within the other : one of these
formed a flattened and elongated ring ; the other au oval, the
base of which supported the lower jaw, whilst the apex lay
against the upper and back part of the head. This handker
chief was not tied with a slip-knot, nor did it press upon the
uindpipe; it left the nape of the neck uncovered, and was
.found so loose that several of the persons present could easily
pass their fingers betwixt it and the neck. The head of the
deceased drooped upon his breast; the face was pale; the
tongue was not thrust out of the mouth, it only pushed up
the lips; the hands were closed, the knees bent, and the
points of the toes touched the carpet ; so that in the acute
sufferings which accompany the last efforts of life, the Prince
would only have had to stand upright upon his feet, leaning
against the window, to have escaped death. All these obvious
circumstances were strongly at variance with the supposition
of suicide : they struck most of the beholders with surprise.
The authorities arrived; the state and position of tlie
corpse were noted down; an inquest was held, in which it

r

32

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. I.

CHAP.. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

33

was concluded that the Duke had strangled himself. Indeed,
the fact that the door was bolted on the inside seemed to put
the idea of assassination out of the question. In spite of
many contradictions, it was believed that the Duke had com
mitted suicide.
Nevertheless, this belief gradually died away in every
mind, aud even before it was. ascertained that the holt co'kld
be very easily moved backwards and forwards from outsiie.
The age of the Prince, his want of energy, his well-known re
ligious sentiments, the horror he had always testified at death,
his known opinion of suicide as cowardly, the serenity of his
latter days, and his project of flight,— these all tended to throw
a doubt on his suicide. His watch was found on the mantel
piece, wound up as usual ; and under the bolster there was.
a handkerchief, with a knot on it— his custom when he wished
to remind himself of any thing on the morrow. Besides, tlie
body was not in a state of suspension. The valet de pied, Ro-
manzo, who had travelled in Turkey and Egypt, and his com
panion, Fife, an Irishman, had both seen many people hanged.
They declared that the faces of the hanged were blackish, and
not of a dull white ; that their eyes were open and bloodshot ;
and the tongue protruding from the mouth : all which signs
were quite contrary to those observed in the corpse of the
Prince. When they detached the body, Romanzo undid the
knot of the handkerchief fastened to the window-bolt ; and it
was with very great difficulty he did so, so skilfully and
strongly was it tied. Now, there was not one of the Prince's
servants but knew that his awkwardness was extreme; that
he could not even tie the strings of his shoes ; that although,
indeed, he could tie the bow of his cravat, he was obliged to
have the two ends brought round from behind by his valet ;
that he had received a sabre cut in his right hand, and had
had his left collar-bone broken ; so that he could not lift his
left hand above his head, and that he could only ascend.t.the
stairs with the double assistance of his cane and the banisters.
Certain other suspicious circumstances began to be com-

_. ment ed on. The slippers, which the Prince rarely used, were
always at the foot of the chair in which he was undressed ;
was it the old man's hand that on that fatal night had placed
them at the foot of the bed ? The Prince could only get out
of bed by turning in a manner upon himself; and he pressed
so on the edge of the bed as he slept, that they were obliged
~ v to double the covering four times to prevent his falling out.
H >w was it that they found the middle of the bed pressed
down, and the sides, on the contrary, raised up ? It was the
custom of those who made the bed to push it to the bottom of
the alcove; this custom had not been departed from on the
26th. Who, then, had moved the bed a foot and a half from
its usual place? There were two wax lights extinguished,
_. - but not burnt out, on the chimin;} jiiece : who could have ex
tinguished them ? The Prince ? Had he then voluntarily
left himself in the dark when setting about such complicated
arrangements for self-destruction ?
y Madame de Feucheres supported the hypothesis of suicide,
and seemed to think that the accident of the llth had been
but an abortive attempt of the sort. She trembled when the
Duke's travelling project was spoken of; and hearing Ma
nouiy talk freely on the subject, " Take care," she said; " such
language may seriously compromise you with the King." But
*s it seemed strange to all the attendants of the Prince that,
when on the point of accomplishing so awful a deed, he had
left no written intimation of his design, no mark of affection
for those to whom he always had been so kind, and whose zeal
he had always recognised and recompensed. This was a moral
suicide, less explicable thau the other. An unexpected dis
covery put a climax to all these uncertainties.
Towards evening on the 27th, M. Guillaume, secretaiy to
the King, perceived, on passing by the chimney, some scraps
of paper which lay scattered on the dark ground of the grate.
Stooping down, he saw on these fragments, which lay on the
remains of others burnt to ashes, the words, — " Roi . . .
Vincennes . . . infortune fils." The Procureur-General.

34  FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [ch|ap. x.
M. Bernand, having arrived at St. Leu, the pieces of jiaper
were put into his hands, along with others which Lecomte,
the valet, had picked up. " The truth is here," he exclailmed,
and having put the fragments together, he made out the two
following sets of line : —
" Saint-Leu appartient au roi \
Philippene pilles, ni ne brules . k
le chateau ni le village
ne faites de mal a personne
ni a mes amis, ni a mes
gens. On vous a egares
sur mon compte, je n'ai urir en aiant
coeur le peuple
et l'espoir du,
bonheur de ma patrie."
" Saint-Leu et ses depend
appartiennent a votre roi
Philippe : ne pilles, ni ne brules
*e le village
lle mal a personne
m es amis, ni a mes gens.
On vous a egares sur mon compte. Je u'ai qu'a mourir en
souhaitant bonheur et prosperity au peuple Francais et ii
ma patrie. Adieu pour toujours.
" L. H. J. de Bodebon, Prince de Conde.
" P.S. Je demande a etre enterre a Vincennes, pres de
mon infortune fils."*
* The second document, of which the first would seem to be a rourii
draft, is to tins cftect :-•< St. Leu and its depend . . . belong to your king,
Philippe: do not pillage nor bum the . . .the village nor . . . harm to
any one, neither . . y friends, nor to my- people. You have been
S^J, rX "l \° rae" * ha™ ouly t0 dfe wish!nS "W^ss and pro-
spei ity to the I reach people and to my country. Adieu for ever. 7
<<pc t ^ ,. . T" L' ,Hl J' "E Bourdon, Prince de Conde.
tunate son " m that * may be buried at Vincennes, near my urjfor-

INTRODUCTION.

35

s*xr X

•*s*

CHAPi I.]
I u these strange admonitions, many thought they saw a
proof of suicide. Others, more suspicious, could not conceive
that 'these were the farewell words of a prince about to quit
life, j The fear of a pillage of St. Leu seemed incompatible
with /that disgust of all things which precedes suicide. It was,
motfiover, little likely that the Prince should have experienced
such a fear on the night of the 26th, the night after the fete
of.(St. Louis, wherein he had received veiy flattering testi
monies of affection on the part of the surrounding population.
It was also inexplicable how the Prince could write dawn
Louis Philippe as the proprietor of St. Leu, which he knew
did not belong to him. There was great surprise felt, that,
having taken up his pen in the midst of preparations for
suicide, ho had said nothing precise respecting his design, and
thus saved his faithful servants from a frightful suspicion.
The very mode in which the papers were discovered was in
conceivable. How came it that these papers, so easily per
ceived on the evening of the 27th, escaped the diligent search of
liomanzo, Choulot, and Manoury, and all those who that day
visited every corner of the room, chimney included ? Was it
not very likely they were thrown there by some hand in
terested in corroborating the belief of suicide ? These things led
to a conjecture that the document was of some anterior date,
-and that it was no more than a proclamation of the Prince during
the first days of the month of August, when the revolutionary
storm was still muttering. This hypothesis was strengthened
by some who remembered that the Prince had, indeed, con
ceived the idea of a proclamation. For our own part, we in
cline to look upon the paper as a forgery. It could hardly
have been a proclamation, from the veiy form of it ; and the
same objection before advanced, of the Prince's attributing
St. Leu to the King, when in reality it belonged to the Prince,
applies also to this case. Besides, a critical inspection of
the words remaining, and of their arrangement, leads to a
suspicion of forgery: they are too consecutive for a burnt
letter.

36

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chAp.

CHAP,. I.]

INTRODUCTION.

37

Two parties formed opposite opinions, and maintained
them with equal warmth. Those who believed in the Dike's
suicide, alleged in favour of their opinion the inquest a the
melancholy of the Prince since 1830; his Royalist termors;
the act of charity which he had confided, on the 26 th, t<\ the
care of Manouiy, for fear of not being able to accomplis'ii it
himself; his mute adieu to his attendants; the state of ihe
body, which presented no traces of violence except some ex
coriations quite compatible with tlie supposition of suicide ;
the condition of his clothes, on which no soil had been ob
served ; the bolt closed from within ; the physical presump
tions against the notion of assassination ; and the impossibi
lity of saying, with any degree of certainty, — There are the
murderers !
To these arguments, the defenders of the dead man's
memory replied by words and acts of powerful effect. One of
them, M. Mery Lafontaine, suspended himself at the fatal
window-sash in a manner precisely the same as that in which
the Prince had been found, and the experiment was perfectly
harmless ! Another endeavoured, by means of a small riband,
to shoot the bolt into its staple from the outside, and the trial was
completely successful. It was related that Lecomte, when in
the chapel where the body was exposed, cried out in anguish,
" I have a weight upon my heart." M. Bonnie, contradicting the
formal assertions of Lecomte, affirmed that, on the morning of
tlie 27th, the bolt of the back staircase was not closed ; and
that, in order to hide this fatal circumstance, Madame
tie Feucheres, instead of taking the shorter route, had gone
to the chamber of death by the longer way, that of the grand
staircase !
On the 4th of September, the Prince's heart was carried to
Chantilly. L'Abbe Pelier, almoner to the Prince, directed
the funeral service. He carried the heart of the victim in a
silver casket, and opened his lips to utter the last farewell.
Deep silence prevailed, and prodigious was the impression
when the sacred orator solemnly pronounced these words,—-

s,

XT

"The Prince is innocent of his death in the sight of God!"
,Tlius ended the great race of Conde.
Madame de Feucheres hastily quitted St. Leu, and went
to the Palais Bourbon. For a fortnight she made l'Abbe
Brif.nt sleep in her library, and Madame Flassans in her bed
room, as if dreading to be alone. But soon mastering her
em. itiou, she seemed as bold and unembarrassed as ever. She
resumed her speculations at the Bourse, gained considerable
sums, and laughed at her enemies. But she could not stifle
the murmurs which arose on all sides. The Prince de Rohan
made every preparation both for a civil and a criminal suit.
At Chantilly and St. Leu there were few who believed in the
suicide; at Paris, the boldest conjectures found vent; the
highest names in the kingdom were not spared. Tlie King's
name was coupled with that of Madame de Feucheres, and
furnished political enemies with a weapon they were not
scrupulous in using. With malicious sagacity they remarked
that, from the 27th, the Court had by its trusty agents taken
possession of the theatre of the catastrophe ; that the Almoner
of the Prince, although on the spot, had not been called on to
take part in drawing up the procrs-rerbaux ; and that the
Prince's physician, M. Geuriu, was not called in to the post
mortem examination, which was entrusted to three physicians,
two of whom, MM. Marc and Pasquier, were on terms ofthe
closest intimacy with the Court. It was asked, with a sar
castic show of surprise, Why had the Due de Broglie pre
vented the insertion in the "Moniteur" of the oration of
M. Pelier at Chantilly?
A decisive and honourable means was open to the King,
to stifle rumours that did not spare even the throne. To
repudiate a succession so clouded with black suspicions, would
have silenced his enemies and done honour to lrimself. But
the head of the Orleans family had early shewn that indiffer
ence to money was not the virtue he aspired to. On the eve
of passing to a throne he hastily consigned his personal pro
perry to his children, in order that he might not unite it with

38

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [ch\ap. i.

the State property, in accordance with the ancient law ojf the
monarchy. Instead, therefore, of relinquishing his son's Ilaim
to the heritage of the Prince de Conde, he invited Mauame
de Feucheres to Court, where she met with a reception that
immediately became the talk and the amazement of all ^tis.
Ihe loud voice of public opinion rendered an inquiry inevit
able ; but nothing was left untried to hush up the affair. The
conscdlem-rapponcur, M. de la Huproie, shewed a determina
tion to get at the truth; he was suddenly superannuated, arid
the place of judge, which he had long desired for his son-in-law
was at once accorded to him. The depositions passed into
other hands.
At length, however, the action brought by the family of
the Rohans to invalidate the will ofthe Due de Bourbon in
favour of the Due d'Aumale, was tried. The proceedings
excited intense interest. M. Hennequin, in a speech full
of striking facts and inferences, presented a picture of the vio
lences and artifices by which the old Due de Bourbon had been
hurried into a consent to the will. From the well-known senti
ments of the Prince, M. Hennequin argued that the will
was not his voluntary act, but had been extorted from him-
and m the impossibility of suicide, he saw proof of assassin
ation. The younger M. Dupin replied with great dexterity.
But it was a matter of general remark, that he parried pre
cise facts and specific accusations with vague recriminations
and tortuous explanations. He pretended that this action
was nothing but a plot laid by the Legitimatists— an attempt
at vengeance, which he called upon all friends of the Revolu
tion of 1830 to resent. The interest of the Legitimatists in the
affair was evident; but to combat an imposing mass of testi
mony, something more was necessary than a brawling appeal
to the popular recollections of July. The Rohans lost their
cause before the jury, but they gained it before the tribunal of
public opinion.
Whatever may be the conclusion arrived at by the reader
respecting this mysterious affair, there can be but one senti-

r

; -«.

%/

X

CHAP.lI.]

INTRODUCTION.

39

ment as regards a part of the conduet of Louis Philippe. De
cency would have suggested that such a woman as the Ba-
ronne de Feucheres should not be welcomed at the Court, espe
cially when such terrible suspicions were hanging over her.
Decency would have suggested that the public should have
full and ample conviction of the sincerity with which the
causes of the Prince's death were investigated. Oui1 own
belief is tliis : The Prince de Conde was murdered, and Louis
Philippe might have brought the murderer to justice, but
would not. And there are Englishmen who deem it an
honour to press the hand polluted by a booty so won, — the
hand that has been held out in venal friendship to Sophy
Dawes ! !

TO A THAITOK.
Thy lying heart, and not thy vanquisht arms,
Degrade thee, vilest of earth's vilest race !
On France descends her glory with fresh charms,
On thee thy infamy with fresh disgrace.
'Twas not enough to seat beside thy queen
A harlot reeking with thy kinsman's blood ;
'Twos not enough to lick the spoil obscene
Which that low lozel cast before thy brood ;
But thou must pilfer the poor pittance thrown
To those who carved for thee the royal feast.
Off! off! let France stand upright, stand alone,
From Austria, Guizot, Philippe, fraud, releast.
Wai/feb Savage Landok-

40

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [0I

AP. II.

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

41

CHAPTER II.

THE BATTLE FOB KEFOHM.

We have seen what abundant reason there was to justify the
cry for Parliamentary Reform that rang throughout France in
the summer and autumn of 1847. The general feeling was
illustrated and enforced by no fewer than sixty-two Reform
Banquets, which were held in different towns, and attended by
the leading Oppositionists in and out of the Chambers. The
omission of the King's health from the list of toasts, on
almost all these occasions, was a circumstance that gave
peculiar poignancy to the irritation with which such displays
were regarded by the Government. But what put the climax
to its indignation was the announcement, that soon after the
opening of the session the Opposition would crown their
audacity by holding a Monster Banquet in the capital itself.
The King aud his Ministers forthwith resolved to put down
these insolent contemners of royalty, these " everlasting foes
of order." Military preparations were made on a most ex
tensive scale; guns were mounted on all the fortresses round
Pans ; large stores of ammunition were provided, and nothing
seemed wanting to enable the Government to crash any chi
merical attempt at insurrection on the part of the Parisians.
These arrangements being made, the King prepared to meet
the Chambers with a bold front, in the full assurance that he
was once more about to signalise the triumph of might over
right. The appearance of the old man on the last occasion
he was ever to meet his parliament is worth recording, and

r

^V"

V

\

again we have recourse to our clever friend of the " Atlas,"
who thus writes on the 30th of December, 1847 : —
" The political year is closed at length, and the new one
began yesterday with the King's Speech and the openuig of
the Chambers. Hope is once more tailing the place of disap
pointment and despair, in those whose memories serve them
not with faith. The whole ceremony of yesterday reminded
us, indeed, most strangely, of the same exhibition under the
expiriug Bourbons. The same pomp and circumstance — the
same red velvet cushions — and the same gilded chair — the
same old broken promises to sustain the same old tottering
throne — nay, one could really have imagined that the veiy
actors in that scene were all the same. The Queen personified
' Madame,' the Duchess of Orleans seemed the younger hope,
' Madame ' de Berri — nay, the very ' child of miracle ' was not
wanting, and looked out from the front of the royal box with
the same fair young face I so well remember in former days
breathing hope and peace to all — hope which we know to
have been false and treacherous— peace which exists nowhere,
save in his own pure and childish bosom. The King looked
not ill, but wearied and dispirited ; and his voice, which on
former occasions has ever been remarked for the richness of
its modulation, was weak and inaudible. His ' most hearty
congratulations' upon the happiness and prosperity of the
nation were uttered in a low tone, and received in silence.
It was like the voice of the dying discoursing to the dead.
Louis Philippe, as he stood trembling before his stern judges,
reminded me of the man in one of Hoffman's wildest phan
tasies, who was condemned to hold up the falling rock with
his grandmother's knitting needle, which bends and bends
in spite of the old man's frantic efforts until he stands beneath
the mass, and knows that it must crush him in another
moment. " The whole scene was sad, and it caused a painful emo
tion to hear his Majesty talk of congratulation upon the
prosperous events of the past year, when he knows, as well as

42

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [Lhap. ii.

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

43

as we, that it has been marked by a singular and Aminous
fatality. It is the year of Teste and Cubieres, of Beauvallon,
of Praslin, and Mortier, and will be recorded in our alinals as
anything but prosperous.. It was curious to listen tro these
self-hugging felicitations, when we had just been dismissed
from Michelet's lecture at the College de France, wherein he
said with conviction, ' This year has been the most fatal to our
country since the reign of Napoleon ; it may be called the
moral Waterloo of France ; and the only consolation amid so
much disgrace is the certainty of. being already at the bottom
of the abyss — we can sink no lower. A sentiment new to
France, and unrecorded in her history, has been traced upon
its pages by the hands of Louis Philippe and his Minister. It
is that of fear — from fear of license we have submitted to the
forfeit of our liberty — from fear of anarchy we have submitted
to despotism— and from fear of an impossible war, we have
allowed our national flag to be insulted in every quarter of
the globe.'
" This discourse of Michelet made an immense sensation
in Paris, and yet on the veiy morrow of its utterance an
event occurred which has filled with consternation every well-
wisher to peace and order— every one, in short, whose memory
is long enough to remember dates prior to the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty. The annual
dinner given by the Poles in Paris, upon the occasion of the
fete of Prince Adain Czartoiyski, was announced to take place
according to custom at the restaurateur Lemardelay's, and con
sequently, at the day and hour appointed numbers of Poles,
having purchased tickets, were seen hurrying towards tlie
restaurateur's in question, intent upon sustaining both mind
and body at the same time— the one with goodly cheer, the
other with hope and courage. But, lo ! at Lemardelay's door,
instead of the smiling gargon, with napkin beneath his arm,
and silver spoons peering from each pocket, they were greeted
by the rough welcome of two gendarmes, who sternly bade
them withdraw, unless they were inclined to be driven ! The

S

V

X

<#*•

greeting' was matter of some surprise, as was also the infor
mation that the dinner must be regarded as a pohtical de
monstration, and must henceforth be prevented accordingly."
This little go, in the way of banquet stopping, was a
prelude ou the part of Ministers to their intended discomfiture
of a more formidable set of dinner eaters. The paragraph in
the King's Speech, in which he alluded to the Reform ques
tion, was as follows : —
" Gentlemen, — The more I advance in life, the more I dedicate with
devotedness to the service of Fiance, to the care of her interests, dignity,
and happiness, all the activity and strength wliich God has given, and still
vouchsafes me. Amidst the agitation that hostile and blind passions
foment, a conviction animates and supports me, which is, that we possess
in the constitutional monarchy — in the union of the great powers of the
State  sure means of overcoming all those obstacles, and of satisfying all
interests, moral and material. Let us firmly maintain, according to the
Charter, social order, and all its conditions. Let us guarantee, according
to the Charter, the public liberties and all their developements. We shall
transmit unimpaired to the generations that may come after us the trust
confided to us, and they will bless us for having founded and defended the
edifice under shelter of which they will live happy and free."
The debate on the Address, in reply to the royal speech,
was protracted through no fewer than nineteen sittings. The
Ministers declared their intention to prohibit the Reform
Banquet. The Opposition members announced their deter
mination to attend it, notwithstanding ; and both parties
appealed to the law in justification of their respective views.
The 291st article ofthe Penal Code enacts, that —
" No association of more than twenty persons, the object of which is
to meet every day, or on certain fixed days, to occupy itself with religious,
literary, political objects, or others, can be formed without the assent of
the Government, and under the conditions which the public authority may
impose on the society."
This enactment was reconsidered and extended subse
quently to the Revolution of July, in the year 1834, when
another law was passed providing that this article of the
Penal Code might be applied though such associations were

44

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

I [chap.

tnev 1 n ^ °f leSS tbM1 tWel^ memb6rS- ^ ^though
they should not meet at fixed times. At the same time the
penalties for violating this law were augmented, ifhe qu !
ion, therefore, between the late Government and the OpposI
ion was, m the first place, one of law-Was, or was not 't ms
legal prohibition applicable to the political meeting, winch
had been held last autumn in various parts of the kingdom
at irregular intervals, by the agents of a political 12
avowedly acting under the direction of a central electoral
ommittee sitting i„ Paris ? Did the term «J^S
alone occurs in the law, include political meetings of a mere
uncertain and occasional character ?
t,1,..The,«,Ct,UeSt1i0nS f'1 not escaPe *«« notice of the legisla-
tu m 1834, wheu the law itself was under discussion. ° On
that o casion M. Martin, the reporter of the bill, who after
wards himself filled the offiee of Minister of Justice ™2
stated that " Eveiy one knew the difference betwee i a * Z
cation and a meeting (reunion). Meetings are caused by
unforeseen, temporary occurrences, and cease when the motive
ceases. Associations have a determined and permanent ob ct
SS 7 a 6tween ^ members of au aSso™ "*
Nobody kasjet supposed that meetings (reunions) are affected
l lot fr f , Prl C0de' Ponotfea/that thel^l
he so affected by the law under discussion." In the same
debate, the then Minister of Justice himself declared that £
aww reposed "against association s, and not againTtl os
^ exts ftemP01'^meetill8S *** *" ^ their obe
vhich Ire * ' T8*0*"* right" These declarations,
whu* ale recorded ni the "Moniteur" of the 22d of March
th t , T 7 7 at VaiianCe Vvith the ^traction put upon
the law by the late Government ; and it was evident that only
p^-e z ::zot law could this dis^ted *** °^
mJ^ i T BmeUt SCemed at kst t0 admit this- aild ^ey even "
Tave TL 1 ° i S°rt ° C°mpr0mise With the °H-ition : they
gave it to be understood that they would allow the banquet

p.ii.]/

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

45

V

*-¦

to take place, but under protest. A smgle Commissaiy of Police
was to be stationed at the door of the banqueting-hall, to warn
those attending of the illegality of their proceedings, and then
withdraw. Furthermore, in order in some degree to disarm
the Opposition, the Ministry declared hy their official organ,
the "Dt-bats," that the question about Reform was merely one
of time, for that the princrple was already agreed on by the
Cabinet. "The question of Parliamentary Reform will be
discussed in all its bearings during the present parliament.
Not only will it be solved, but the solution will be what
is already known," &c. The Reformists treated with contempt
this delusive promise, which was to be fulfilled some time or
other in the course of a parliament that had five years to
run. On Saturday, February 12th, the several paragraphs of the
Address having been voted, a division took place on the whole
collectively. The Opposition in a body abstained from voting,
and of 24-1 votes given there were 241 for Ministers. The
Opposition Deputies assembled next day, and resolved unani
mously that they would all attend the proposed banquet, and
that no member of their party, even if drawn by lot to present
the Address to the King, should participate in that ceremony.
Subsequently the banquet was fixed to take place on Tuesday
the 22d of February, as announced in the following manifesto
of the Committee : —
"The General Committee appointed to organise the banquet of the
twelfth arrondissement, thinks it right to state that the object of the
demonstration fixed for Tuesday is the legal and pacific exercise of a
constitutional right, the right of holding political meetings, without which,
representative government would only be a derision. The Ministry having
declared and maintained at the tribune that this right is subjected to the
good pleasure of the police, Deputies of the Opposition, Peers of France,
ex-Deputies, Members of the Conseil General, Magistrates, Officers, sub-
Officers, and Soldiers of the National Guard, Members of the Central Com-
\ mittee of Electors of the Opposition, and Editors of Newspapers of Paris,
have accepted the invitation which was made to take part in the de
monstration, in order to protest, in virtue of the law, against an illegal
and arbitrary pretension. As it is natural to foresee that this public

46 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. I[chap. ir.
Vf°m "7 at1tract a ^"iderable gathering of citizens; as (it maTbe"
assumed also that the National Guards of Paris, faithful to thkr motto
'LLcrte Or^pum^-m desire, on this occasion, to accoir , Lh t °'
double duty of defending liberty by joining the demonstratioiX pro
tectmg order and preventing all collision by their presence ; and as" in the
expecta ion of a numerous meeting of National Guards and of Jit ens t
seems right to take measures for preventing every cause of tlbl and
tumult, he Committee has thought that the demonstration should take
place m tha quarter of the capital in which the width of the sheets ana
W. enables Hie population to assemble without excessive cro vain"
accordingly the Deputies, Peers of France, andother persons invited t7the
S HV ¦«»"««» Tuesday next, at eleven o'clock, in the ordinary
place ofthe meeting of the Parliamentary Opposition, Place de la MadeT
leme 2i the subscribers to the banquet, who belong to the National
Smto^Xr VT* bef°re ^ ChUrCh °f "^adeleL aSo
fo m two paralle lines, between which the persons invited will place them.
selves , the cortege will be headed by the superior officers of the Nation"
SvS^T 1H'eSent lhemSelTCS t0 j°in the d~tration; imme
5™* f i T™™ mVit6d Snd H,e gUeSts' wiU be V^i a rank of
S T ^ GUai'di beWnd the latter' th* National Guards
formed m columns, according to the number of the legions ; between the
third and fourth columns, the young men of the schools headed by
, persons chosen by themselves , next, the other National Guards of Paris
half "%" , S' ". f6.0^" S6t f°rtU ab0Ve' The «"*" -» '-ve "
and ?h r rf t' *"* TU pr°Ce?d b^ tUe Place de la Concorde
I ace ¦£ rPS *£*"' t0 ^ PkCe fa wWch the banciu<* *« *o take
m^ffi T ' C°nVinCed *¦* tWs d^°^tration will be the
mo e efficacious the more it be calm, and the more imposing the more
i tslia 1 avoid even all pretext of conflict, requests the citizens to utteTno
ILl TT X ** U°r eXtoi°r Sign; itre1uests *•» National
Guards who may take part in the demonstration, to present themselves
without arms , for it is desired to make a legal and pacific pro tes^wS
must be especially powerful by the number, and the firmed tZtt
attitude, of he citizens. The Committee hopes that on this occasionTvery
man present will consider himself as a functionary charged to ZZ
it Ueursts°in « T* \h ^ " thS preSenCe °f the N« «-"
it tiusts in the sentiments of the Parisian population, which desires public
S 1 1 ,as "S; and ff knows that' t0 sccure the -^— p0tfu
righs, it has on]} need of a peaceable demonstration, as becomes an
SsS H e"!iShtfened Dati°n' Whlch haS the con'sciousne of the -
esist Me authority of its moral power, and is assured that it will cause
^gitimate wishes to prevail by the legal and calm expression oMts

CHAP. II.] (

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

47

7

T \

I ^

.V

J

X.

«»<«<¦. ~_

Availing themselves of a specious pretext afforded by this
manifesto, the Government now resolved absolutely to pro
hibit the banquet. Three proclamations to that effect were
issued on Monday. The first was addressed to the National
Guard by their Commander in Chief, General Jacqueminot.
The second was from the Prefecture of Police, and was as
follows : —
" 7'ihabitants of Paris, — A disquietude injurious to labour and busi
ness lias reigned for some time in the public mind. Tliis arises from
manifestations in preparation. The Government, from motives of public
order but too well justified, and exercising the right invested in it by the
laws, and which has been constantly brought into use without dispute, has
interdicted the banquet of the twelfth arrondissement. Nevertheless, as it
has declared in the Chamber of Deputies, as this question was of a nature
to admit of a judicial solution, instead of opposing by force the projected
meeting, it came to a resolution to suffer the contravention to be esta
blished, by permitting the guests to enter the banquet-room, hoping that
they would have the prudence to retire at the first summons, in order not
to convert a simple contravention into an act of rebellion. This was the
only means of bringing the question before the Supreme Court of Cassa
tion. The Government persists in this determination, but the manifesto
published this morning by the journals of the Opposition announces
another object, and other intentions. It sets up a Government against the
time Government of the country, that which is instituted by the Charter,
and which rests upon the majority of the Chambers. It calls for a public
manifestation which is dangerous to the peace of the city. It convokes, in
violation of the law of 1831, the National Guards, whom it arranges
beforehand in regular line, by number of legion, with the officers at their
head. Here no doubt is longer possible. The clearest and best esta
blished laws areviolated. The Government will cause them to be respected;
they are the foundation and the guarantee of public order. I invite all good
citizens to conform to these laws, and not join in any assemblage, for
fear it may give rise to disturbances that may be regretted. I make this
appeal to then- patriotism and their right reason, in the name of our insti
tutions, of public peace; and the dearest interests of the city.
" G. Delessert, Peer of France,
"Prefect of Police."
" Paris, this 2\st of February."
Aud, lastly, the Government issued the subjoined: —
" Parisians,— The Government had interdicted the banquet of the 12th
arrondissement. It was within its right in doing this, being authorised by

48

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. n.

fl letter and spirrt of the law. Nevertheless, in consequence ttheliZ
cu sion winch took place in the Chamber on this subject, thinkhl that the
Opposition was acting with good faith, it resolved to afford it *n oppor!
S on or ts,ubrtht,ns1t,ie r stion of the le^ °f ba»1»^ to L ap? Z.
ciation of he tribunals and the High Court of Cassation. To do this,
it had resolved to authorise for to-morrow the entrance into the' banquet
room, hoping that the persons present at the manifestation would have The
wisdom to retire at the first summons. ' But after the manifesto pubMsI ed
this monung, calling the public to a manifestation, convoking theNaflonal
Guards and assigning them a place ranked by the legions", and"
fliem m hne, a Government is raised in opposition to the real Govern!
ment, usurps the pubhc power, and openly violates the Charter. These
are acts which the Government cannot tolerate. In consequence the
banquet of the twelfth arrondissement will not take place Par siau'
aZblats J T "f ^ t0 "- D° i * '»"»
dep'ofe." Sr°U 3 °1' " rel'rCSBi°n wWch thc G°vemment would
Even before the issuing of these orders, the partisans of
the Government persisted in maintaining that ministers
were resolved upon preventing the banquet,-and indeed there
were many circumstances tending to corroborate this opinion.
it Had ong been rumoured that the ferocious and blood-thirsty
Marshal Bugeaud had been secretly appointed Military Go
vernor of Paris, and that he had declared his intention "to
give it handsomely to the rabble with grape shot" (mitraiUcr
la canaille de bonne manUre). The "National" ofthe 16th
made the following announcement :-" We have already stated
that the Minister of War had placed the whole garrison of
Fans on a war footing, and ordered axes, pickaxes, shovels
and provisions for four days, to be delivered to them, as if on
the eve of taking the field. We learn to-day that directions
Have been given at Vincennes to manufacture ball cartridges
day and night, and to send artillery, caissons, aud waggons
laden with ammunition, to the military school in the Champ
de Mars. All those orders ought, in reality, to have naturally
emanated from the Minister of War; but matters have been '
simplified, and at a critical moment like that in which we live
it is the future Grand Master of the Artillery, the Due de

*e

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

43

THIERS.

/ ^

~*-l

<«*-

"V. if j-

ODIUON BARROT.

&*

Montpensier, who gives and signs the orders. The following
is one of those orders, of which we have obtained a copy : —
' Deliver immediately* from the artillery stores of Vincennes, to be
forwarded, without delay, to the military school in Paris, the following
articles and ammunition :— 2 batteries of field-pieces, with their caissons
laden ; 20 infantiy caissons, also laden ; 300 grape-shot canisters ; 400
rockets and torches for night service. 'A. D'Orleans." '
The authenticity of this statement was denied in equivocal
terms by the Government organ, but subsequent events con
firmed its accuracy.
It was not until a late hour on Monday that the determi
nation of the Government not to allow the banquet was made
known in the Chamber. The debate, which was on the Bor
deaux Bank Bill, had attracted but few members, when sud
denly," at a little before five o'clock, the doors were thrown
open, and 250 Deputies rushed to their places. In five
minutes the Chamber, almost empty before, was filled in
every part. Odillon Barrot then rose and said, — The
Chamber must remember that, when the Address was under
consideration here, a discussion took place relative to the
right insisted on by us, and denied by the Government, of
meeting together, on condition of previously informing the
authorities, and of assembling without tumult and without
arms. That question was not decided. My opinion is,
that it ought to have been settled by the Chambers,
-_for when a constitutional question of such great import
ance is brought forward, the duty of parliament is not to
s leave it in doubt — for to it belongs the task of regulating
the political rights of citizens. This question ought therefore
to have been decided, but it was not so. However, an impe
rative duty remained for those who maintain that the right of
meeting is one of those liberties which a citizen cannot allow
- himself to be despoiled of without compromising all the others ;
and that was, to set forth, in presence of the pretensions of
the Government, a solemn protest, — in fact, to exercise that
E

50

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ir.

right in such a manner, as that on their part, at least, there
should be no concession ; that is, with the firm resolution not
to stop short, except before some invincible obstacle That
arrangement had been accepted. We thought that the Go
vernment, believing itself armed with sufficient laws, intended
to cany before the tribunals such persons as should persist in
claiming the right of meeting, and of having the legality of
that right m that manner decided; matters would so have
passed over with calm, and without disturbance. The public
no doubt, was exceedingly occupied with the matter, as it
could not remain indifferent to a dispute, on the issue of
which depended the most precious of its rights, since from it
flowed all the rest. Yet, notwithstanding tliis profound and
most natural emotion of the public, I do not hesitate to
declare that the contest would have been in every respect ac
cording to law, and exempt from all trouble and disturbance.
(Denial from the centres.) I am convinced that, however
severe a blow the policy ofthe Government might have re
ceived from the manifestation, public order would never have
been a moment troubled. But it now appears, that to counsels
of wisdom and prudence have succeeded other suggestions;
that acts of authority relative to a disturbance which may be
called into existence, appear to establish that force is to be
opposed to the peaceful exercise of an evident right. It does
not belong to me at present to remark on the opportuneness
ofthe measures taken by the authorities. I fear that these
measures, though said to be dictated by a care for order may
on the contrary, become the cause of disturbance. The mani'
festation, peaceably effected, would have calmed down men's.
minds ; but now the veiy opposite effect will be produced, and
anmdefimte germ of perturbation and disorder will be left
behind. If my voice could exercise any influence on the
countiy, I would say to it,-" The first necessity, the first
duty of all, is to employ every possible means to prevent the •
evils which imprudent measures may produce." It is that
thought, gentlemen, which I have considered it necessary to-

» - v

X

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

51

*<¦ j-w

I* • *

**,&-'*

«<4 • 'i'JN

It

express before- this grave assembly — if it depended on me to
appease the agitation which I foresee, I should do so with all
the energy of my patriotism. (Hear, hear.) But there my
powers cease, — I cannot say any thing farther. It is to the
Ministry that belongs the care of watching over public order,
and it is to it that belongs the responsibility of what may
happen. (Loud approbation from the left : great agitation.) ¦
The Minister of the Interior (Duchatel) replied. — The
responsibility of which the honoiuable Deputy speaks does
not fall on the Government alone, — it applies to eveiy one
(hear, hear) ; and we have a manifest proof of the fact in the
highly creditable care which M. 0. Barrot himself has ex
hibited, in expressing the sentiments which the Chamber has
just heard. I shall very frankly and veiy clearly declare what
is the present attitude of the Government, aud on what ground
it has taken up its stand. (Hear hear.) M. 0. Barrot has
told you that the question of an unlimited right of meeting
has been discussed in this Chamber, but not decided — that he-
had been anxious for a solution, and that it was in order that
such ii result might be come to that a banquet was announced
and prepared ; he added, that the Government itself had ap
peared disposed, as much as it depended on it, within fhe
limit of its opinion, which is opposed to that of M. O. Barrot,
to lead to the judicial solution which could settle the dispute.
All that is true : we could, reckoning on the right which we
consider as incontestable, and on the practice which has never
been called in question — we could, I say, have prevented, by
the employment of force, the banquet announced for several
days, and which has disturbed and agitated the capital. We
were struck, like the honourable gentleman, with the advantage
which would accrue to every one from obtaining a decision in a
court of law ; and whilst we maintained the principles ex
pressed in this tribune by the Government, we were ready to
permit matters to arrive at the point when, a contravention
having evidently taken place, a case for decision in a court of
law could follow. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, the matter

52

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ii.

has changed. I believe that there is not a single person in
this Chamber who has not this morning read a manifesto pub
lished by a. Committee (the members of which are not men
tioned), and inserted in all the Opposition journals. What is
the purport of that manifesto ? It does not confine itself to
speaking of the banquet, and preparing the judicial solution of
the question— no, it makes an appeal to all those who profess
Opposition principles, and invites them to a manifestation which
I nave no hesitation in declaring would compromise the tran
quillity of the capital. Nor is that all : the manifesto, in con
tempt of every kw— in contempt, in particular, of that of 1831
-calls on the National Guards to assemble; and not only that,
but invites the students of the schools, young men under age,
tp join tho cortege, which is to be defended, as it were, by the
National Guards of the 12th Legion ; it announces that the
rational Guards are to be placed in the order of their lemons
and under the conduct of their officers. Such a manifesto
violates a 1 the laws of the countiy, on which tranquillity and
public order depend. (Hear, hear.) The law relative to mob
assemblages is clearly violated by it, as is that relative to the
National Guard. (Hear, hear.) I appeal to the impartiality
of this Chamber, and I ask, What else is this manifesto but the
proclamation of a government wishing to place itself by the
side ofthe regular one of the countiy? A government ema
nating from a Committee, of which I know nothing, taking the
place of the constitutional Government founded by the Charter
and supported by the majority ofthe two Chambers, takes on
itsell to speak to the citizens, to call out the National Guard
to provoke assemblages of the people in the public streets'.
That cannot be permitted; it is our duty not to allow such
things to exist! (Hear, hear.) We are responsible for the
maintenance of public order. I hope, like M. 0. Barrot, that
it will not be troubled; but I should not answer for its not
being so if the Government did not take all the precautions -
that it deems necessary, since I have not the same faith as the
honourable Deputy in those who might take part in the mani-

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

53

X> 1

¦W^.tf' *f

¦*>, S£

I
I f
!
¦*- *
i
f
¦' Uj.-V3^'

festation. (Hear, hear, from the centres ; disapprobation from
the left.) I now sum up what I meant to say, — We have on
this occasion acted a just part by every one. Until the mani
festo of this morning, we maintained the situation which the
Government had taken on the discussion of the Address : we
were inclined to allow the question to be decided judicially,
but cannot permit a government suddenly got up to exist in
the face of the legal and constitutional Government of the
countiy. (Loud approbation from the centre.)
M. 0. Barrot.— -I fear that the honourable Minister is design
edly exaggerating matters. (Murmurs, and cries of Yes, yes,
from the left.) If the honourable Minister had merely declared
that a solemn manifestation, in which a great part of the popu
lation was to take part, could disquiet the Government, and dis
quiet it the more that all would be regular and peaceful (No,
no !), I think that he would be nearer the truth. But, I may
ask, whilst leaving aside some expressions in the document,
and which I neither avow nor disavow (Great interruption) — I
avow most loudly the intention of the document, but I disavow
the language used — When men summon a great concourse of
citizens together, would they not fail in their duty if they did
not adopt every possible means to preserve order ? If, in our
country, great meetings cannot take place unless when regu
lated by the official authorities, why, I suppose, they must
even submit to such regulations; but, in free countries, it is
usual for such meetings to lay down their own rales for pre
serving order : and, on the occasion of the present manifesta
tion, tlie men who took part in the matter were anxious that
as great a number as possible of respectable citizens — of the
National Guards — should be present, to impose on those who
could have any idea of disorder, and hence they were invited.
You say that the National Guards were invited to join with
arms (Denial from the centres), but that was not the case : you
are fighting against a mere chimerical supposition (Denial
from the centres). Thanks to the progress of our political
habits, thanks to the intelligence of the country, I can give

54

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ii.

¦chap, ii.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

55

you the utmost assurance that order would not have been
troubled. You, by an unexpected compression, by a state of
siege which you do not even pretend to dissemble, you add to
the difficulties of a position already too much strained. Now,
On you, and on you alone, be the responsibility of such con
duct. (Exclamations from the centre.) You are not willing
to have order with and by means of liberty : undergo, then,
the consequences of what you have done. (Great agitation.) '
The Minister of the Interior. — Had I any occasion for
proofs to justify the determination come to by the Govern
ment,. I should find them in the very words of the honourable
gentleman. This manifesto, which he accuses us of having
grossly exaggerated, he neither avows nor disavows. (Move
ment.) When the manifesto is neither avowed nor disavowed,
can it be considered a subject of security by us who are
charged to maintain public order? Is it a subject of security
to see a manifesto published which provokes a violation of the
law, aud which M.O. Barrot dares not venture to say he avows?
(Agitation.) But the honourable gentleman declares that
what is complained of are mere matters of police regulations,
adopted spontaneously to prevent any disturbances that might
take place : consequently, there existed the elements of dis
turbance, or else why adopt such regulations ? (Denial on the
left.) Disorder was therefore nearer than was supposed.
(Hear, hear.) I ask, AVhen were self-constituted committees
admitted to have the mission of calling out the National
Guards in order to maintain order? (Loud denial on the left,
and disapprobation.)
M. de Courtais.— Will you dare to call out the National
Guard ? Only try it ! (Exclamations from the centre.)
The Minister of tlie Interior.— I listened to M. O. Barrot
with great attention, and I declare to him that I regard most
seriously tlie responsibility which weighs oil us. The Cham
ber will do me this justice, that I have not, in this discussion,
employed ary irritating expression. (Hear, hear.) I might
have deemed myself authorised to make use of recriminatory

i. >. *t
¦iff i-

>»-¦?

,- *

te*_>

language, for it appeared to me that it was intimated that we
wanted to conceal behind a question of public order the ques
tion of Ministerial existence, and that we were anxious to
exaggerate the proportions of an incident exceedingly grave iu
itself, in order to advance our own interest ; but I have not
considered it fit to employ any recrimination : being, above
all, the guardian of public order and of the law, I shall con
tent myself with merely saying that we cannot admit the sys
tem which the honourable Deputy has advocated in this tribune,
nor can we admit either that there is any just cause to com
plain of that pretended compression which is really destined
only to prevent acts evidently contrary to the law. I main
tain what I said just now. We arc willing to allow matters
to reach a point at which the judicial question may intervene.
That situation we had taken up, and we still maintain it.
Call that, if you please, violence and compression, but it is
not so : it is the only thing that can be reasonably called for
by every one — it is the performance of the duties of the
Government, the maintenance of order, and the respect for
the laws, on which the tranquillity of the countiy and safety
of our institutions depend. (Approbation ; great agitation.)
Hero the matter dropped, and the Chamber adjourned at
six o'clock, in a perfect tumult.
Immediately after the adjournment of the Chamber on
Monday, the Opposition Deputies held a meeting and drew up
the following manifesto, which appeared in the Opposition
journals of Tuesday : —
" A grand and solemn manifestation was to have taken place this day
in favour of the right of meeting contested by the Government. All
measures had been taken to ensure order, and to prevent all kind of
trouble. The Government had for several days been made acquainted
with these measures, and knew what would be the form of this protest
ation. It was not ignorant that the Deputies would go in a body to the
place of meeting, accompanied by a great number of citizens and National
Guards without arms. It had announced its intention of not throwing
any obstacle in the way of tliis demonstration, so long as order should not
be troubled, and to confine its proceedings to a proces-verbal, sufficient to

5G

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ii.

note that it considered what the Opposition regard as the exercise of a
right in. the light of a contravention. Suddenly the Government, seizing
for pretest a publication whose only object was to prevent disorders such
as might have been occasioned by the affluence of a vast number of citizens,
intimated its resolution to prevent by force all assemblages upon tlie public
paths, and to interdict the population and National Guards from all par
ticipation m the projected manifestation. This tardy resolution of the
Government did not allow the Opposition time to change the character
of the demonstration; the Opposition was then placed in the alternative
ot provoking a collision between citizens and the public force, or of aban
doning the legal and pacific protest it had resolved upon. In this situation
the members of the Opposition, personally protected by their character of
•Ueputy, could not voluntarily expose the citizens to the consequences of a
struggle as fatal to order as to liberty. The Opposition has then deemed
i to be its duty to abstain on its own account, and to leave to Government
the whole responsibility of its measures. All good citizens are called upon
to follow the example. .
"In thus adjourning theexercise of a right, the Opposition engages, in
the face of the country, to make this right prevail by all constitutional
means. It will not be wanting in its duty ; it will pursue, with perseverance
and more energy than ever, the struggle it has undertaken against a cor
rupting, violent, and anti-national policy. In not going to the banquet, the
Opposition performs an act of moderation and humanity. The Opposition
knows that it has yet to fulfil a grand act of firmness and justice."
The above manifesto was not the unanimous act of the
Opposition. Several Peers of Prance and eighteen Deputies
were opposed to the banquet being abandoned. M. de Lamar
tine strongly urged that the Opposition should continue its
act of legal protestation by exercising the right of assembling.
A conference took place at his house in the evening, and
the resolution of going to the banquet had been already
adopted, when it was announced that it had been counter
manded by the Commissioners.
The Banquet Committee also published a manifesto, as^
signing reasons why it had been decided that the banquet
should not take place,— " having full confidence that the act of
accusation against a Ministry which had led the population of
Paris to the threshold of civil war will be presented to the
Chamber, and that France, forthwith consulted, will know

X

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

hi

y U*
V4. V

i
i
X,'* i

X

''v : * '

how, by the weight of her opinion, to do justice to a policy
which has so long excited the contempt and indignation of
the countiy."
The Electoral Committee of the second arrondissement
also published on Tuesday a manifesto, in which it expressed
its astonishment aud regret that the Deputies ofthe Opposition
should have given up the banquet without at the same time
laying down their commission as Deputies, and entreated them
to do so without delay. This document bore the signatiues of
the twenty-five members of the Committee.
The Parisians were greatly dissatisfied with the want of
firmness displayed by Odillon Barrot, and many abused him
in the most unmeasured terms, whilst those who were more
moderate in their censure declared that he was "too timid
and too rich" to be a fit popular leader at such a crisis;
at night, some of the populace treated him to a charivari
under his windows.
The proclamations of the Government authorities were
placarded at the place of meeting in the course Of Monday
evening, where crowds had been assembling all clay ; but the
fact of the suppression of the banquet, with all the attendant
circumstances, was not generally known throughout Paris
until the appearance ofthe evening journals. The excitement
then displayed was most extraordinary. It was by main
struggle that a paper could be procured, and so soon as the
fortunate purchaser had fought back his way, with the paper
crashed in his hand to save it from being snatched away, he
was surrounded by a number of anxious listeners, to whom he
read the contents by the light of the nearest lamp or shop
window, or of torches held aloft by the crowd. In a time in
credibly short the papers had disappeared, and not one was to
be had at all. After a long interval, more papers were
printed, and the boys who carried them to the stands at which
the evening journals are sold were continually intercepted,
and the papers forced from them by competitors, who seemed
ready to pay any price. Add to this the spectacle of cannon

58

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ir.

and ammunition waggons occasionally arriving from Vin-
:;: cennes. Yet, strange to say, the funds rose at the Passage
de l'Opera 30 centimes. " Do not mind that," said a shrewd
observer ; " those speculators deal with immediate effects, and
do not trouble their heads about distant contingencies. As
they come, the speculators will deal with them as marketable
commodities." During the night, between Monday and Tuesday, military
waggons and artilleiy caissons, escorted by cavalry, were in
cessantly passing along the line of Boulevards which connects
Vincennes with the quarter of the Tuileries and Palais
Bourbon ; and orders had been issued to concentrate troops
around the Chamber of Deputies on Tuesday morning. Orders
to pass had been delivered to all those whose business or
offices called them to the Chamber. The garrison had been
increased to 100,000 men. Each company of infantiy carried,
besides their usual arms, a collection of implements for cut
ting down barricades, such as hatchets, pickaxes, adzes, &c.
These were tied upon the knapsack, each soldier carrying
one. The public excitement on Tuesday morning did not shew
itself by any violent demonstration, but at an early hour
considerable numbers, chiefly of the working classes and
respectable shopkeepers, were to be seen moving along the
Boulevards and all the avenues leading to the Champs
Elysees, and at noon the vast area between the Chamber of
Deputies and the Church ofthe Madeleine was thronged with
a dense multitude, which at one time could not have amounted
to less than thirty thousand persons. A little before twelve
o'clock, a procession of labouring men, consisting of several
hundred, attired chiefly in blouses, arrived by the Eue St.
Honore, and the Rue Duphot, at the Place de la Madeleine,
and halted at the hotel where the meeting of the Opposition
Deputies had been usually held. Until this moment no
display of military force took place at this point. Soon after
wards, however, a regiment of infantry, accompanied by a

*-A

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

59

**» ^

ft-

4-

j; r

civil magistrate wealing the tricolour sash, arrived on the
spot, and drew up in front of the hotel. The usual summons
to disperse being read, the persons fonuing the procession
submitted without any resistance, and marched away, taking
the route towards the eastern faubourgs.
About this time the Boulevards Italieiis and the Hue
Lepelletier were filled with a deputation of students, who
had arrived at the office of the "National" with a copy of
a petition to the Chamber for the impeachment of Ministers.
The attitude of the crowd which followed them was harmless,
and nothing had yet occurred of a really alarming character.
Nevertheless, the money-changers in the Boulevard began to
close their shops, and were imitated by all other shopkeepers
as the day advanced.
As early as half-past ten the populace had collected round
the front of the Chamber of Deputies, on the river side, to the
amount of 5000 or 0000, and escaladed the railing and walls
of the garden. Some succeeded in gaining the interior, and
lushed into the reserved -puts of the gallery. The troops
soon came up and succeeded in dispersing the populace, who
retired quietly before tlie troops, singing the "Marseillaise,"
and crying, Vive la Hiforme! A bas Guizot, V Homme de
Gand !
The multitude around the Church of the Madeleine, whence
the banquet procession was to have set out, now became most
formidable in numbers, though manifesting no symptoms of
disorder or violence. The regiment which had arrived was
drawn up in line along the railing of the church. Soon after
several squadrons of the municipal cavalry arrived, and the
populace was desired to disperse. This order being disre
garded, the charge was sounded, and the dragoons rushed on
the people. A first effort was made to disperse the crowd by
the mere force of the horses, without the use of arms, and the
dragoons did not draw. This, however, proving ineffectual,
several charges with drawn swords were made, the flat of the
sword only being used. By these means the multitude was

/

GO

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

 [chap. II,
casuSs "T?' "m^ "? l0SS °f life 01- otlier ~
cW the maiU thoroug^ were
Tins was ominous. The lull did not last long. By half
pa t two o'clock alarm and agitation every where prevaOed,
tl w do 7s it r^T rtion of ^ -^ ™
closed. At the Hotel des Affaires Etranseres the™
was a strong militaiy force, half a troop of MunS Guards
g^rtTof^B 1S1 " a, * * ^ " ^
garden of the Boulevard a body of soldiers of the line (the
a mock window being, curiously enough, the obLT of le
prmcipal attack. The residence of the hated Mi ter was
the chief point of attraction for the crowd tlnwd on The
" O ni' nt? i , GlUZOt ! Down with f» Ghentman > "
Guizot s head going for twenty-five francs < " '
It was singular to observe, in most respects, the perfectly
^tel^^^S—S^^
SSTtfS. T: mTT °f ^--n-theLmeox!
pression of hatred towards tlie Minister on the part of the
people-the same air of severity on the coiuitenanci of £
gendarmes. Near to the gate occurred an inc nt ex
actly hke one that was witnessed on nearly the same spo
on the lormer occasion :_A horse-soldier ordered ma to
move on, telling him that if he did not he woild cut him

I
_ L .

41

¦*¦; *
\

chap. 11.] THE BATTLE FOR REFORM. Gl
clown. The man, folding his arms, and looking sternly at
the soldier, replied, "Would you, coward?" The trooper
rode off. *¦
The Municipal Guards of the post at the comer of the
Place de la Concorde, near the Turkish Embassy, sallied out
and attempted to drive the crowd before them, but were
obliged to retreat into their fortified guard-house, to avoid
being disarmed; for not only did the people not give way,
but absolutely pressed upon them. The soldiers had scarcely
secured themselves within, when the people ran off in their
tum, fearing that they would be fired upon.
Immediately afterwards the people stopped a carriage, in
which was a Ministerial Deputy on his way to tlie Chambers,
which is only separated from the Place de la Concorde by
the bridge. They made him alight, and then shook him for
several minutes. Ultimately they allowed him to proceed.
A different process was adopted towards, it was said, M. Mar-
rast principal editor ofthe " National, "whom they cheered, and
J but chaired.' Thus the proceedings of the day displayed
W T*m rU'e f tLe SmVe aUd the «"* of ^y and
faice, that a French assemblage always exhibits. All that
has been described was done in the presence of an immense
foice of Mumcipa Guards by a perfectly unarmed crowd.
Iney were charged scores of times by the cavalry, who in
flicted some veiy serious wounds with their sabres; but the
people scampered off laughing, and subsequently retained to
their previous position, aud provoked new assaults by mock
eries and execrations of the Municipal Guards and their
employers. The charges made upon the people were no
always attended with impunity to /he assailants! Several
the Mun cipal Guards were severely wounded with stones ;
one of thern^ a trumpeter, was knocked off his horse
*». f T ZauhTg St" H°n0r6 tbe Pavement of the new
street, the Eue de Joinville, was dug up; and there also a
egu ar barricade was thrown up, but was abandoned win
the constructors of it found there was no opposition to them

62

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CBAP. H.

From thence they proceeded to the Avenue des Champs
Elysees, when they " destroyed the superb metal lamp-posts
Jilm- lt iS1ad°1 i\ They were about t0 Sm"
Ja dlu d Hirer, when a body of Chasseurs arrived an <,rand
galop when they took to their heels. At the Place du
Chaeet a formidable barricade was also formed, and a gun
smiths shop in the adjoining street (La Megkserie Cs
plundered. Attacks were also made on the premises of Z
other armourers, and about thirty or forty gUns and pistols
were obtained by the assailants. A few barricades, formed rf
overturned carts and omnibuses, were surrendered with little
show of resistance to the soldiery.
All the avenues leading to the Palais Bourbon (the Parlia-
men House) were occupied by horse and foot Municipal Guards
£:* J*6" \ «*»*» of dragoons wJ stationed
ontn 1 ^ce along the quay, whilst another kept
onstantly moving to clear the bridge of La Concorde. In
advance ofthe bridge, on the side of the Place de la Revo
lution, was a numerous body of horse-chasseurs employed in
dispersing a multitude of about 5000 or 6000 individuals
who quietly retired before them, singing the " Marseillaise," and
crymg, J ire la mf orme I A bas Guizot, I'Homme de Gand!
|he passage through the adjoining streets, and the Place de
Bourgogue, was intercepted by troops of the line, and none
to entei the palace. General Perrault was on horseback in
tlie court, ready to take the command of the troops; and a
Comimssaiy of Police was stationed at the foot ofthe bridge
to address the legal summonses to the people. '
The Chamber presented a gloomy aspect. Few Deputies
wei-em attendance; the benches of the Opposition were com
pletely vacant. M. Guizot arrived at an early hour; he
lowed /t' T- -0nfiClent- He WM Sh°rtly aft™^ M
lowed by the Ministers of Finance, Public Instruction, and
Commerce Marshal Bugeaud, who was believed to have
accepted tlie military command of Paris in the event of a

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

63

*L \ S,-

«. ' r
i

revolt, took his seat close to the Ministerial bench. The
- Chamber then resumed the . adjourned discussion on the
bill relative to the renewal of the privilege ofthe Bank of
Bordeaux. At three o'clock Odillon Barrot entered the hall,
accompanied by Messrs. Duvergier, de Hauranne, Marie,'
Thiers, Garnier Pages, &o. Their appearance produced some
sensation. Shortly afterwards M. de Hauranne went up to
the President and handed him a paper, supposed to be a
proposition for the impeachment of Ministers. This paper
having been communicated by the President to M. Guizot,
tlie latter, after perusing it, laughed immoderately. MM.
Thiers, Dupin, Lamartine, Billault, Cremieux, and the Minis
ter of the Interior and Justice, next made their appearance ;
but the discussion ou the Bank Bill continued until five
o'clock, and no incident of interest occurred. When the dis
cussion terminated, M. Odillon Barrot ascended the tribune,
and deposited on the table a formal proposition, to the effect
of impeaching Ministers. The President, however, adjourned
the Chambers without reading it, to the great disappointment
of the Opposition, but announced that it should be submitted
to the approbation of the bureaux on Thursday.
The following arc tho articles of impeachment against
the French Ministers, laid on the table of the Chamber by
Odillon Barrot: —
" We propose to place the Ministers in accusation as guilty,— 1. Of
having betrayed abroad the honour and the interests of France. 2. Of
having falsified the principles of the constitution, violated the guarantees
of Uberty, and attacked the lights of the people. 3. Of having, by a
systematic corruption, attempted to substitute, for the free expression of
public opinion, the calculations of private interest, and thus perverted the
representative government. 4. Of having trafficked for ministerial pur
poses in public offices, as well as in all the prerogatives and privileges of
power. 5. Of having, in the same interest, wasted the finances of the
state and thus compromised the forces and grandeur of the kingdom.
b. Of having violently despoiled the citizens of a right inherent in every
tree constitution, and the exercise of which had been guaranteed to them
by the charter, by the laws, and by former precedents. 7. Of having, in
fine, by a policy overtly counter-revolutionary, placed in question all the

64

ffKENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ii.

conquests of our two revolutions, and thrown the country into a profound
agitation." j r «»">""* . ^

tlHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM:

65

[Here follow fifty-three signatures-
at the head.]

-M. Odillon Barrot

_ The Chamber adjourned soon after five o'clock. Up to
this time no very serious apprehensions appear to have been
entertained as to the result of the day's proceedings. It was
a troublesome riot, and that was all. The people were un
armed, and their attempts to cope with 100,000 soldiers was a
melancholy absurdity ! The funds even rose ] 0 centimes, and
maintained that advance until the close of the Bourse. Late
m the afternoon the Government took heart of grace and ven
tured to call out the National Guard. The rappel was beaten
at five o'clock, and tho manner in which this was done was
curious and significant. The drummers, who were preceded
and followed by two sections of National Guards, were accom
panied by some hundreds of young fellows in blouses, armed
with long sticks, and roaring out the favourite cries and songs
of the day. °
The skirmishing continued until a late hour in the Fau
bourg St. Antoine ; but by midnight all the barricades, erected
m the course of the day, had been thrown down, and Paris was
throughout the night in the entire possession of the troops
who bivouacked in the streets and market-places.
On Wednesday morning all hackney-coaches, cabs, omni
buses, and every description of public carnage, had disap
peared from the streets and the public stands, their owners
being warned by the fate ofthe vehicles which were seized by
the populace on Tuesday evening to form barricades, and
some of which were burned. The iron railings in several parts
the town were toni down to supply weapons to the populace
This took place at the hotel of the Minister of Marine, in the
Place de la Concorde, at the Churches ofthe Assumption and
of St. Eoque, in the Hue St. Honore, and elsewhere.
By nine o'clock, the people assembled in considerable

•V

>•*

**

- numbers in the quarters St. Denis and St. Martin ; aud at ten
o'clock they had succeeded in erecting barricades at the Porte
St. Denis, in the Rue de Clery, in the Rue Neuve St.
Eustacha, the Rue du Cadran, and the Rue du Petit-Carreau.
Conflicts took place at some of these barricades between the
populace and the Municipal Guards, and two young men were
killed. Several Municipal Guards were pursued to the Place
du Caire, by young men aimed with sticks. The guards fired,
and wounded several persons. A woman was killed on the
spot. The officer of a platoon of the National Guard, who was
on the place, was so indignant, that he cried,—" To arms ' "
whereupon the Municipal Guard beat a retreat. Two hours
later, the Place du Caire was perfectly calm; in fact, not a
soul was to be seen except three National Guards in the
Passage du Caire.
At the Porte St. Denis the troops charged the people, and
the barricade in the Rue Cadran, at the entrance to the Rue
Montmartre, was attacked by the Municipal Guards, who fired
on the mob, killing a child, and seriously wounding two men
and three women.
At twelve o'clock, all the quarter of the markets was fully
occupied. There was a battalion of the 2 1st Regiment on the
Marche des Innocens, besides detachments of the Municipal
Guard, horse and foot, and two detachments of .Cuirassiers.
Two pieces of cannon were on the spot, one of which was
directed towards the Rue Montmartre, the other towards the
Rue de la Ferronnerie. They were ready to be emploved at
a moment's notice. The fish-market was occupied by "a. bat
talion of the 1st Regiment.
On the Place du Carrousel, the Horse Municipal Guard
made repeated charges; but the people, after dispersing on
one spot, immediately re-assembled on another. At the bar
ricade in the Rue de Clery, which was half destroyed, the
Municipal Guard fired, and several persons were wounded.
The National Guards ofthe SecondLegionbegan to assemble
at an early hour in the Rue Lepelletier, in front ofthe Opera-
F

6G

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHap. ii.

liouse. At half-past eleven there were about one hundred and
fifty of them collected, and they formed in two lines across.
tlie street, one division at each extremity of the theatre. In
the centre were the officers; outside, the people frantic with
joy A National Guard being asked what had happened,—
' We have declared for Reform," said he: "that is, some of
us differ about Reform, but we are all agreed about Guizot.
Down with Guizot ! " Vive la Ileform.e< Vive la Garde Na-
tmnale ! cried the people incessantly. An hour afterwards the
National Guards proceeded, with their sa.ppcursM their head,
m full uniform, to the Tuileries, to declare their sentiments.
They returned about one o'clock, and occupied the Rue
Lepelletier again. A platoon closed the street on the Boule
vard, and was hailed with shouts of Vive la Garde Na
tionals A squadron of Cuirassiers, supported by half a
squadron of Chasseurs a cheval, arrived. The chef d'escadron
gave orders to draw swords. The ranks ofthe National Guards
closed Phe shouts of the people redoubled, although not a
man of them was armed. The squadron made a half move
ment on the Rue Lepelletier, when the officer in command of
the National Guards drew his sword, advanced, and saluted
linn. A few words were exchanged. They separated. The
one placed himself at the head of his soldiers, and gave the
word to "wheel and forward," and they resumed their march,
accompanied by the cheers and clapping of hands of the mul
titude. The officer of the National Guards returned very
quietly to liis post, and sheathed his sword.
It is said the words exchanged between the officers were
these -"Who are these men?" "They are the people."
And those in uniform ? " " They are the Second Legion of
the National Guard of Paris." " The people must disperse."
Ihey will not " " I shall use force." " Sir, the National
Guards sympathise with the people, the people who demand
Reform. " Ihey must disperse." "They will not" "I
must use force. ' " Sir, we, the National Guards, sympathise
m the desire for Reform, and will defend them."

"•?"<i>

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

67

v-

«* ?

«*«-»'

•#•*>

xw

>v~--««

» «-¦ -H-r

By half-past two o'clock three more scenes of the same
kind Lad occurred. The Municipal Guards, who occupied the
unpopular position of the gendarmes of 1830, were now, by
order of the Government, mixed up with the troops of the
line, on whom the people were lavish of their compliments
and caresses. A column of cavalry and infantiy, Municipal
Guards a cheval, Cuirassiers, and Municipal Guards a pied,
and infantry of the line, arrived by the Boulevard at the end
of the Rue Lepelletier. They made a move like the others as
if to wheel into that street, but the attitude of the National
Guard made them pause, and immediately the word was given
to continue their march, the people rending the air with cries
of Vive la Eeforme! Vive la Garde Nationale! and Vive
la Ligne '. Again a precisely similar occurrence took place,
but this time it ended with the absolute retreat of the troops,
for they turned round and retired up the Boulevard.
Such was the conduct of the Second Legion of the National
Guard. The initiative, however, apjiears to have been taken
by the Third Legion, who this morning, at the mairie of the
third arrondissement — Place des Petits Peres — declared
for Reform. The Municipal Guards, whose barracks adjoin
the Church ofthe Petits Peres, were ordered to disarm them,
and advanced to the charge with bayonets levelled ; but the
¦movement was imitated by the National Guard, the bayonets
crossed; blood was about to flow, when the Colonel of the
National Guard, M. Textorix, cried out, " Hold, soldiers !
these are the people ; respect the people." The effect was elec
tric. The Municipal Guards raised their bayonets, shouldered
arms, and marched off.
Tliis incident had a powerful influence on the rest of the
National Guards of that legion. They almost to a man joined
their comrades, and attained the number of 8000 by one o'clock.
Their officers having then held a council, agreed to depute
their Colonel to the King, to acquaint his Majesty with the
wishes of the National Guard, — in other words, Reform and
the. dismissal of the Cabinet. That officer immediately pro-

•v*--

68

¦ft
FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ir. l\

ceeded to the palace, but was not admitted into the royal pre-
fW ™ "'I? ^ ?mi Jac1*emi»°t, the Coinmander-in-
Ch ef 0f the National Guard, who promised that he would that
n ta t Cimy M the memor.ai to ^ ^ ^.that
f raf CT"!16; aSSeilWed °n the SqUal'e »"**»* the »*»
££i£W i deteminati0n beinS t0 —ch upon the
Tu ones if the reply was negative. Occasionally stiung pa-
olZ^T tout f° iu,terpose' if necess^' brt««f£«
Vk oi is T Tetly remahling °" the adJ°ining *&» ^b
filed W 1 T fU1f ^ kaSt Fovocation. The Nationals
filed by them shouting for Reform and the dismissal of Minis-
ut /» "TT tmd f°Il0WeCl by m lmmense -» °f People
uttenng the same cries, and the soldiers of the line by their
countenances testified that they concurred in the popular feel-
W I f the ,by-Stl'eetS a detacl»^t of troops stationed
bv bP . T'CeptftPaSSage' TO helPed t0 b™d "d ™ne
by the people, and their officers looked on, nay, encouraged
them to accept the provisions offered to them nc0uraSecl
menI1h1d,7th^i0n-alSOt00kai'mS' and stationed <ktach-
21 fo^t sr ec*ons to mahitain wder "* *— *»
she^! n ^f011^ G«^ ofthe first arrondissement, whichhad
of tn! ott ^°Slti0n t0Wd8 the Government than those
in tue flmTiTT1 ^ dm™ °P at three «*»**
in the Rue Rivoh, and had ten additional rounds of cartridges
served out to them. The other legions were by uo mefns
treated with the same liberality in this respect. « I woT 71
certain house," says the correspondent of the "Times " "at
nine o clock on Wednesday night, February 3-3. There were
ZZ tT ani7s momentaiily with ™"» « "*£
ZZ IT*' 1CSS resPectaWy ^ssed than the others,
after several efforts, made known the object of their visit One
was a decent mechanic, aged about thirty-five; the other a
poorer coking man, of at least sixty. • I Ue gentlemen,'
said the former, 'to prevent mistakes about an occurrence at

1

\*-

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

G9

V
*»

vm

4-

V

J* \

v^*:; V
V**"

our barricade in the Rue Vieille du Temple. . It was a beauti
ful one, and having completed it we placed ourselves before it,
unarmed. The — Regiment of the Line advanced and halted.
A general officer (whose name I suppress) gave a sign to the
troops, who fired upon us unarmed as we were. Just at that
moment a portion of the Sixth Legion of National Guards
debouched from the Rue  , and seeing the troops prepare
again to fire placed themselves before us. The same General
made a sign like the former to the soldiers, who poured a volley
on the National Guard. Several of them fell— three dead. I
stooped down and took up the musket of one of them, and
' covering' the General, pulled the trigger. The musket was
unloaded, and there was not a ball-cartridge in the giberne of
poor Rousselot, for that was the name ofthe owner ofthe gun.
I thought it might be useful to prove that the crime of com
mencing the civil war was not ours ; 'and having done so, for I
have brought my comrade to corroborate me, I shall go back
to our barricade.' "
Ten of the people made prisoners by the troops were con
fined in the guard-house of the Boulevard des Bonnes Nou
velles, which has uniformly been taken by the people in every
emeute. The people attacked it at five o'clock, disarmed the
soldiers, discharged the muskets, returned them to their owners,
and liberated the prisoners. They carried off the flag that
adorned the entrance, and presented it as a trophy to the
Third Legion of the National Guards. The 5th Regiment.
which joined the people in July 1830, was there during this
affair, and again fraternised with the people. The people were,
at five o'clock, proceeding to the Prefecture of the Police to
liberate the prisoners confined there. On their way they
called at the " Reforme " newspaper office, and were told that
all was not over ; that the banquet must take place ; and that
good care would be taken to secure their liberties.
The members of the Left mustered strong in the Chamber
of Deputies this day. M. Vavin, one of the Deputies for Paris,
rose amidst profound silence, and said that he had a solemn duty

70

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAp. u.

CHAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

71

to accomplish, which was to call the Minister of the Interior to
account for the scenes then passing in the capital. Durin"
twenty-four hours serious disturbances had taken place in Parish
and. the population remarked with astonishment the absence of
the National Guard. On Monday, orders had been given for
its attendance, Why had they been countermanded? Why was
it only after a first collision that the drummers were per
mitted to beat to arms ? If from the beginning the National
Uuard had been called out, fatal misfortunes would have been
avoided. _ M. Guizot, who had shortly before entered the Chamber,
immediately rose and said,— I have nothing to say at the
present moment to the questions of the honourable member
The King has sent for Count Mole, who is empowered to form
a ministry." (Loud cries of Bravo ! and cheers followed this
announcement, which appeared to annoy M. Guizot He
then continued.) We are not to be prevented by such
manifestations as those I now hear, as long as we remaiu
m office, which will be till our successors are appointed, from
doing our duty. We shall consider ourselves answerable for
all that may happen. We shall act in every thing we do ac
cording to our best judgment and our consciences, and accord
ing to what we consider the interests of the countiy.
After some interruption created by this announcement,
M. Odillon Barrot rose and said,— In consequence of the
situation of the Cabinet, I demand the adjournment of the
proposition which I made yesterday (the impeachment). (Loud
cries of Yes, yes, and No, no.) I will submit to the decision
of the Chamber on the point. (No, no.)
M. Dupin then rose and said,— The first thing necessary
for the capital is peace. It must be relieved from anarchy
Every one knows that the spirit of July exists yet. Hbniacre
has been done to the will of the nation. But the people must
know that its deliberations must not be on the public way
The assemblages must cease. I do uot see how the Ministry,'
who are provisionally charged with the public affairs, can oc-

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cupy themselves at the same time in re-establishing order and
with the care of their own safety. I demand the adjournment
of the proposition presented yesterday. (Loud cries of No,
no.) M. Guizot. — As long as the Cabinet shall be entrusted
with public affairs, it will make the law be respected. The
Cabinet sees no reason why the Chamber should suspend its
labours. The Crown, at the present moment, is using its pre
rogative. That prerogative must be respected. As long as
the Cabinet is upon these benches, no business need remain
suspended. The President then put the question as to the adjournment
of M. Odillon Barret's proposition. About one hunched mem
bers of the Opposition supported the adjournment ; and the
whole of the Conservatives were against it. The Chamber
immediately rose in great agitation;
So ended the political life of a man in whom was most
signally manifested how impotent, how fatal to their owner,
are all the resources of a great and daring intellect, and know
ledge most varied and profound, when not united with the
wisdom of the heart. To M. Guizot, above all other men,
may be applied the saying of the late Lord Holland, that
" God had given him great talents, but the devil had taught
him the use of them." Self-love was in him as intense as in
the master with whom he was so fitly mated, only the form of
its display- was different. Louis Philippe's ambition resolved
itself into love of lucre ; Guizot coveted power for its own
sake, and for the indulgence of an imperious and indomitable
will. Both master and man were alike indifferent as to the
means by which they advanced, so they did but accomplish
their ends. Neither of them had a conscience ; the substitute
for it with the one was self-interest, with the other, pride.
The same unconquerable disdain of all opposition that gave a
semblance of dignity to Guizot's fall, was the primary cause
of all his political guilt. " His soul, " says De Cormenin, " is
too full of pride to leave room for any other sentiment. He

72

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CBAP. Iu

nof aclmlt thir! ^ iT"0.84 ** ^ °Cean' ^ ** would
not acta at that he was drowning; and he believes in his own
heen the wonder expressed that Louis Philippe should have
irz «lzr?7 a p,iantt°o1 of G^ ™ » ^X
his ovu, intellectual superior. But the wonder is misplaced
TheMihH r' "f ^ ** ** "^ a ** ** *"^
sc W u t > ^r ed t0 aCC01'd With tlle Anarch's.
Wki m rta WaSprU6d h}' itS im'ent01, ™th a Mindless
ianatiusm that needed no prompting
a«ai™ifn hmlly lT °CCaSi0U t0 meution ^ man
cha ^r , "I™01"06 * rema'^We illustration of his
chaiacter, which was first disclosed in England on the davtlfls
sheet went to press, The facts are related by L coi~
"Infhe Mo' >™f hl'°nf *'"' Und6r ^ ** SS5.
lished whTr V f T*0**"1" «*¦> "a documentis pub-
shed, which was found among the papers left by M. Genie
the Secretary of M. Guizot, at the office of Foreign Affai '
Mmistei of Justice, with respect to some charges brought
a'Zw f H a if^T memb6r °f the I-titute -d
a p ofe ,or of the University, for stealing books from the-
Si dX, \Libri T in the confidence 0f M'^
m il? to " T frequeutly em^ed by these *"
mi ustcis to make researches in the public libraries, and he
hod coiiseq uently access to all the most valuable colleens Z
Fiance and he took the opportunity thus afforded him of
abstracting valuable works from the libraries in Paris Car -
Erto tr61"61"',1110 °lmi'tmiSe at Gl-°Ue' -d oSr
places, to the amount, it is calculated, of between three or
four hundred thousand francs. The Report is dated as late .
the 4th of I ebruary last Several ofthe works have been
sold by public auction in Paris, and some of them have found
their way to the British Museum. A manuscript Psalter!
belonging to the Chartreuse at Grenoble, was part of the
stolen goods, and was purchased by an eminent collector in

,1'

•¦"5^*"

CBAP. II.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

73

1
at

i
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London for 380£. What makes the affair still more curious
is, that M. Libri was the intimate friend, visitor, and confi
dant of M. Guizot up to the very last ; although M. Guizot
must have been fully aware of the suspicions against him, for
the Government was in possession of information 011 the
subject more than two years ago. It has alwaj's been said of
M. Guizot by his friends, with a degree of pride which they
were entitled to feel, that he was pure, that he was indifferent
to money, and that he would leave office as poor as he entered
it. I believe that M. Guizot is entitled to all the credit hi
that respect which has been claimed for him. I hear that he
has left France a poor man. But if M. Guizot was indifferent
about money himself, he was equally so as to the purity of
those about him. It is well known of M. Guizot, that he did
not care what a man's conduct was, provided that he was a fit
instrument for his purpose. There never was a minister who
had more corrupt or more unscrupulous agents about him.
As long as delinquencies were kept from the knowledge of
the public, the private conduct of an agent made no difference
in the eyes of M. Guizot. His relations with M. Libri
shew that he did not feel contaminated by coming into daily
intercourse with one more than suspected of a disgraceful theft.
Up to the 94th of February, M. Libri was in daily communica
tion with M. Guizot. It was he who wrote the articles in the
'Journal des Dcbats,' in which M. Guizot's Italian policy was
defended, and in order to write them he had the whole of
the most private correspondence placed at his disposal. It
was he, also, who wrote the articles in the ' Revue des Deux
Mondes,' in defence of M. Guizot's administration. The
expose of this affair has created a very painful sensation here,
and the sensation is almost as much that of regret for the
injury it does to the rermtation of M. Guizot, as for the
disgrace with which it stamps M. Libri himself. M. Libri
got a hint of the discovery from an acquaintance of his, who
now holds a high office in the department of Foreign Affairs-
He immediately effected his escape from France, aud is now

™  FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ii.
in England." With such evidence as this before them our
readers will not accuse us of having exaggerated the moral
obliquity of M. Guizot's character, or of having depicted in
too dark colours the wide-spread depravity engendered and
fostered by his system. But to return from this digression,—
When M. Guizot was entering the Chamber before an
nouncing his resignation, the Tenth Legion of the National
Guard on duty saluted him with, A bas Guizot! Vive Louis
Philippe! M. Guizot looked annoyed, aud passed on with
out making any remark. A minute afterwards, M Muret
2° n^ Cam<3 °Ut °f thG Cllambel'. aud announced that
M. Guizot and his colleagues were out of office. The an
nouncement was received with loud cheers, and immediately
spread like wildfire. In less than half an hour it was known
all over Pans, that the Guizot Cabinet was dissolved and that
the King had sent for Count Mole ; and the report was fol
lowed by an immediate cessation of hostilities, except in the
districts between the Portes St. Martin and St. Denis, where
the people could not be persuaded of its truth. Elsewhere the
populace were in the highest state of exultation. Victory dis
posed them to good humour, and every one was delighted with
the prospect of returning order and tranquillity. But these
hopes were soon destroyed. About ten p.m. large bodies of
insurgents came up the Boulevards from the quarter St. Mar
tin, to celebrate, their triumph by hooting M. Guizot. In
other respects their conduct was quite pacific. They san<* and
shouted to their hearts' content, crying out, A bas Guizot!
and live Louis Philippe! and even forced the inhabitants
to illuminate their houses ; but none of them shewed the least
inclination to outrage, or seemed to contemplate anything like
revolution. But it unfortunately occurred to some of them
that M. Guizot's hotel ought to be illuminated as well as the
houses of his neighbours, and a proposition to that effect was
made to the soldiers on guard. While tlie parley was goinc*
on— the street excessively crowded, not only with insurgents*
but a vast number of respectable persons drawn to the spot by

CHAP, n.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

75

4*

i 

i
4

curiosity — the whole line of troops fired without warning along
the Boulevards, making frightful carnage among the inoffen
sive throng. Fifty-two victims fell dead or wounded. The
people fled in consternation, but fear soon gave way to indig
nation and thirst for vengeance. The cry then burst forth
from every lip, — " To arms ! Down with the assassins ! Down
with- Louis Philippe ! Down with all his race ! Barricades !
barricades ! " and these cries were speedily re-echoed through
all the streets of Paris. That volley decided the fate of Louis
Philippe's dynasty. The feeling ofthe people was completely
changed, and those who three minutes before were perfectly
satisfied with having succeeded in effecting a change of Minis
try, now demanded a new form of Government, and declared
they would take nothing less. The sequel is told by the
" National :" —
" Soon afterwards we saw a large cart, full of corpses,
come, back to the ' National ;' the cart was lighted by torches,
surrounded by those brave men whose tears were stopped by
their indignation, and who, uncovering the bleeding wounds,
aud pointing to those men, but a short time back singing and
joyful, now inanimate and still warm, cried with fury, — "They
have been strack by.assassins ! We will avenge them ! Give
us arms! — arms!" And the torches tin-owing their fearful
light upon the dead bodies, and upon the men who had borne
them hither, still added to the violent emotions caused by tliis
dismal comoi. M. Gamier Pages, who was at that moment in
our bureaux, addressed the citizens. It is easy to conceive
what he and we felt in presence of such just exasperation.
This Deputy gave his word that he would do his utmost to ob
tain for the people, thus attacked and fired at, the satisfaction
they demanded upon the impious, atrocious Ministers. The
cart then departed, drawn and lighted on its way in the same
manner. As they bore the dead to distent quarters of the
city, the men who accompanied them uttered tlie same accents
of manly grief and terrible indignation, and on all sides public
indignation responded to theirs. M. de Courtais, a Deputy of

7G

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAP. „. { chap, n.]

THE BATTLE FOR REFORM.

77

the Opposition, hastened to the Boulevard des Capucines, to in
quire the cause of the infamous butchery which took place in
tlie evening We add the account he gives :-He found the
wWl! i°; i r^lraeilfcwI»^ hBd fired quite concerned at
uhat had taken place, and this officer gives the following ex
planation ofthe manner in which, what he himself calls a de-
plorab e event took place. At the very moment the crowd
a T 1 \T*, t,:V]UCl1 VeUt °ff ^ sorae mi™]™<* *" the
he Ti i61' bl'°ke thC l6g °f the Tenant-Colonels
um se. The officer commanding the detachment thought it was
an attack and immediately, with the most culpable irreflect In
commanded his men to fire. The officer was immediately sen
to prison Such is the explanation given to M. de Courtais.
cates^L1:-' Pm'ate eXPlanati°U iU P" °fs°^ •
The decisive shot which changed the fate of the realm was
no chance one as at first supposed. It was fired by La-
be condemned Lyons conspirator of 1883, who, by hi own
Wable'f 7 tbat ,affai1'8 ^ ^ after * * ^1-
ih oli to *% ^^ determined t0 risk tllis ** "top,
mimi ft 6 angly paSsi°nS of tlle m^tude. A few
rS , T ? Tthel' milrd~ «^™ ^-barged
e. 1 I j" ^ Rue, de h Pftix' '"eh still further hi-
barrici BfT ,7' tUe Pe°pIe- TI^ retamed to ^e
nSttd, , ; th6y WW Witll0Ut -tenuptioii all
night, and next nionimg there was not a single leading street
m the capital which was not a fortress °
vanb if rf"'ailt °r,U,Teilce tQok place at night in the Boule-
vai , Itahens: three regiments of the line, armed to the
teeth, preceded by five hundred National Gua^s, a region -
of Cuirassiers three field pieces and three caisson of ammunl
wr0^^^
N . iLT Ti^ aUd <liStvibuted t,le ^munition.
off bv H m°liUted aStl'ide the glms' md ™re dragged
off by their comrades m derisive triumph; the line troi
the Guards, and the people fraternising with enthusiasm.1

The diuins of the National Guard calling them out were
heard without ceasing the whole night ; all the posts of the
Municipal Guards were attacked, taken, and every thing in
them burnt by the people, — even the sacks of money, all was
cast to the flames. Many of the Guards escaped with nothing
but their shirts, some by changing their clothes, and many
were killed or burnt to death. The people went to every
liouse and demanded arms ; every person gave them willingly,
and to avoid a second call, wrote on their doors, " The arms
are' given." An Englishwoman, wife of an officer of the
Municipal Guards, was alarmed by the bursting open of her
door by the infuriated people ; she thought her last hour was
come : fortunately she did not lose her presence of mind, but
went boldly up to them, saying, " You know, doubtless, that I
am the wife of one of the officers of the Municipal Guard ; my
husband is on duty : what do you want with a poor defenceless
woman ? " " Do not be alarmed," said the people, " we do not
war with women ; on the contrary, we will protect you : all we
want is the arms you may have in the liouse." " I have none,"
she replied ; " but you are at liberty to look." " No, madam,
we take your word." They retired, assuring her that no harm
should come to her.
The attempt to establish a Mole Administration having
failed, the King sent late at night for M. Thiers to the Palace
of the Tuileries, and asked him to form a Ministry. M. Thiers
undertook to do so, provided that he might be permitted to
join with him, as one of his colleagues, M. Odillon Barrot. To

this tlie King acceded.

Marshal Buseaud was during the

night appointed Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard,
but finding he was not to have carte blanche, he resigned
almost as soon as appointed, and was replaced by General
Lamoriciere.

78

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. m.

chap, in.] BATTLE FOR A REPUBLIC— VICTORY.

79

i
J

CHAPTER III.
THE BATTLE FOB A REPUBLIC.— VICTOBY.
Such was the state of Paris on Thursday morning at day-
Weak; and with every successive hour the situation of the
« 4dTt ^ "T iritiCaL Fr°m a11 sides ^unts
anived of the union of the National Guard with tlie people
and (what was still more alarming) of the regiments 'of tiie
Line with the National Guard. The National Guard would
Guard' ° Ti??60131! '' ** U™ WOuld »ot fire °u the National .
Guard The force of the Government was paralysed. About
he National Guard bodily. The 30th Regiment gave up
ir aims to the people at the first summons. At eleve^
assailed the whole of their arms and ammunition were given
up to the insurgents. Reports of similar defalcations were
every moment brought to the Tuileries; and at length it be
came evident that if something were not done, Ld tilt
speedily, the whole body of the troops would desert tLo
anTnoTt hIY ^ f°11(nvinS l^Wion was issued,
and posted at the Bourse and in every street :—
First Proclamation, at Eleven o'clock.
We"hStiZenS,tPariS1I~0rdel'9 haVe been 6*™ to suspend the firing
We have just been charged by the King to compose a Ministry The"

if.

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Chamber wiR be dissolved immediately. General Lamoriciere lias been
nominated Commander-in-Chief of tbe National Guard of Paris.
" MM. O. Barrot, Thiers, Lamoriciere, and Duvergier de Hauranne
are Ministers.
"Liberty! Order! Union! Reform!
(Signed) " Odillon Babrot and Thiers."
This proclamation came too late, and was torn down as fast
as it was posted ! By the time it was issued the people felt
that they were the victors, for not only had the whole of the
National Guard of Paris taken their part, but a large portion of
the soldiers of theLine had openly joined them, while manymore
had refused to fire upon them. A piece of duplicity on the part of
the authorities, which was discovered, had also an exasperating
effect. On the orders being given to suspend tlie firing at the
barricades, the troops were withdrawn, and. the people were
informed that they had been ordered back to their barracks ;
but they soon learned that they had been drawn round the
Tuileries, for its defence.
There was an immediate cry of Aux Tuileries! and from
all parts of the capital immense bodies of the insurgents, now
well armed, and marching along with the National Guards,
were to. be seen directing their way towards the. Palais Royal
mid the Palace of the Tuileries. By twelve o'clock the whole
of that quarter of the town was invested. The new Minis
ters had in vain gone among the people, and exerted all their
personal influence to allay the popular fury. They were
coldly received. " We have been too often deluded. This time
we will make all sure," was the universal cry. The alarm hi the
palace may be guessed at by the fact, that before one o'clock
the following proclamation was to be seen at the Bourse and
in several of the streets : —
Second Proclamation, One o' Clock.
" Citizens of Paris !_The King has abdicated in favour of tlie
Count de Paris, with the Duchess of Orleans as Regent.
" A General Amnesty. Dissolution of tbe Chamber. Appeal to the
Country." But it was again too late. The tardy concession could not

80

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAP. m.

save the dynasty or even its palace. It was about this time
that red flags began to appear, with Hie words " Republic'"
rudely traced upon them, and the terrible cry became fre-
qneni ,~A la potence Louis PhUippe!— "To the gallows
with Louis Philippe ! " At half-past twelve the attack on the
lalais Royal commenced, and from that moment till half-past
one the firing was incessant. The Palais Royal was taken by
storm after a battle which lasted nearly an hour. The Palace
ol the Tuileries made no resistance. At half-past one it sur-
SntT'd r ? e-r°Ple ent61'ed nt °ne sMe' J"ust as ^
King and his family were escaping at tlie other. As the
people arrived at the Place du Palais Royal they were re
ceived by a discharge of musketry from a post called the
Chateau dEau. The coolest act of this day was the manner
in which these men in blouses dislodged tlie troops and set
fire to .their barracks. They were headed by the National
Jn. a* °nCe the gUai'd °Pened its ranks' a»d out stepped
some 500 to 1000 of the people, who coolly walked without
flmehing (their comrades falling at their sides) till they ar
rived directly under the walls ofthe barracks. They then
laid hold of some citadines, filled them with straw, set fire to '
them, and thus smoked them out. Some of the soldiers
escaped by the back way; the captain and a few others at
tempted to cut their way out, but were immediately shot or
bayoneted The remains of twenty burned bodies were
found in the ruins.
Some partial conflicts had previously taken place in various
parts of the town, and several striking incidents had oc
curred. An officer, thinking to be safer in another station or
wishing to assist it, had moved with his detachment of
soldiers a lew steps from the post he occupied ; when a mass
of people whom he had not seen crowding down a side street,
inteiTosed between him and the station he had left. As he
looked ahead slackening pace, other troops of people passed
shouting m the distance before him. He called a halt and
seemed doubtful and hesitating, looking back at his inter-

V^J

H

* \ 4:

?X"^

-\

chap, in.] BATTLE FOR A REPUBLIC— VICTORY. 81
«*vT? ',*» cepted post as if he would be glad to return to it. The
' people set up a shout, and the soldiers looked downhearted,
and by no means inclined to act. A gamin, having watched
tlie scene, and perceiving instinctively the moment favourable
j for an audacious step, marched up alone, pistol in hand, to
(f the officer. Presenting it, " Deliver yourself prisoner," said
1 ij he. " Will you take us through the people to our post, then ? "
said the officer. " To be sure," said the gamin; " never fear."
And the officer, giving up his sword, to the great dehght of
the audacious lad, signed to the troop to reverse their arms.
Then taking the arm of the youth of the people they marched
X through the crowd, the gamin strutting gloriously with the
sword till he had seen them all into the post ; then mounting
guard, he kept possession till a detachment of National
Guards piassed, and invested the place.
In another part, a score of unarmed people, dashing reck
lessly upon an almost impregnable military post, before the
officer had time to say, "Present — fire," surrounded him,
U drew his sword from his hand, pushed in among the soldiers,
,f putting them into confusion, snatched or wheedled their
i' ~^» - i . r .1  _„i ii  i.i ii  _..:  4.1...  ~i.ii 

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muskets from them, and then led them prisoners through the
streets to the Mayoralty.
A bund of insurgents in search of arms visited the resi
dence of the Duke d'Elchingen (Prince de la Moskowa). The
Duke was absent, and the Duchess was alone. " We come for
arms," cried the group. " Take them," said her grace, point
ing to some swords and fire-arms. " And that one ? " said a
citizen, pointing to a sword left suspended on the wall. " That
sword," she replied. " belonged to my father-in-law. 'Tis the
sword of Marshal Ney. Do not, pray, deprive me of that.
The people always respected it." The men were moved, and
taking down the weapon, they all kissed it with emotion, and
placing it in the hands of Madame d'Elchingen they bowed
and withdrew.
One of the most affecting incidents of the day of the 21th
was the following: — In the quarter ofthe Pantheon the
G

82

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. nr.

people demanded arms with loud cries. A lieutenant ofthe
13th Legion penetrated, at the head of some National Guards
followed by an immense crowd, into the barracks situated in the
Rue du Foin, and occupied by the 7th Regiment of the Line ;
tlie Colonel of the regiment advancede to persuade the'people
to withdraw; they attempted to disarm him; and the old
soldier, who had gained his position by his sword, shed tears
of mortification at seeing himself under the necessity either
of submitting to an insult or of giving orders to fire on the
people. The Lieutenant of the National Guard, touched with
his grief, cried, " No, you shall not be disarmed if I can pre
vent it; but, Colonel, give us some muskets and ammunition,
they are massacring our brethren, and we desire to help
them." He hesitated a moment, and then ordered that
twelve muskets and some packets of cartridges should be
• given to the crowd. No sooner had he giveu the order than
the old soldier, owing to the great emotion he had suddenly
felt, fell to the ground as stricken by apoplexy. He was im
mediately raised, and after being twice bled, recovered.
A young girl was present at the last mossacro of the
Municipal Guard of the post of the Place de la Concorde,
which fired on the 5th Legion. There remained only one of
these unfortunate men. "Mdlle." cried M. de V 
commandant of the firemen, " you may save this man

"What must I do? I am ready!" " Throw yourself into
his arms mid claim him as your father ! " The young girl
threw herself at the same moment into the arms of the Muni
cipal Guard, and weeping, cried, " Gentlemen, in the name
of God, spare my father, or kill me with him ! " At the same
moment the muskets of the assailants were lowered, and the
Municipal Guard, protected by his liberatress, was saved.
Ihe correspondent of the " Morning Chronicle" describes
a visit he made to the Palais Royal, as soon as the firing had
ceased. With great difficulty he wended his way over some
half-dozen barricades in the Rue Vivienne to the Palais Royal.
The grilles had been opened, and the garden was nearly

TV*''

chap, in.] BATTLE FOR A REPUBLIC— VICTORY.

83

u» m .*A

<f

empty. The fighting having been outside, but few of the
slain were to be seen, but some of the wounded were in the
Galerie d'Orleans, where they were attended to by lads in
blouses, and armed with muskets, pikes, arid cutlasses, but
with a degree of care and attention that surprised the English
man, and convinced him that they were not the heartless
ruffians they looked. Proceeding to the garden court, gilt
chairs, splendid pictures, canopies, tables, and all the other
etceteras of a splendidly furnished palace, were to be seen
every second emerging from the windows of the palace, which
were forthwith thrust into the fire. At length a veiy splendid
chair appeared, which must be known to many of our readers ;
it was the throne upon which Louis Philippo sat for the first
time as King, before he went to the Palace of the Tuileries,
and has ever since been pointed out at the palace, on that
account, as a relic. It was, however, on this occasion, merci
lessly thrown into the fire, amidst thunders of applause, and
in a few minutes the real throne of Louis Philippe crumbled
into dust, like the power of which it was the symbol. The
splendid silk velvet draperies, with the magnificent gold trim
mings, soon followed, and one of them shared the fate of the
throne, while the other, at tlie suggestion of a humane, or
perhaps avaricious personage, was carried away to solace the
wounded. Whilst tins was going on, numerous blouses and
bayonets were to be seen occasionally at the windows of the
palace, and the loud crash of the magnificent mirrors was
from time to time to be heard, as they shivered under the
relentless blows of their destroyers. In short, the Palais
Royal was sacked as completely as it was in 1T89, and in a
much shorter space of time.
When the Revolutionists had forced their way into the
Palais Royal and had reached the apartments of General
Athalin. one of Louis Philippe's aides-de-camp, they encoun
tered the General's lady, a woman of dignified deportment
and stature, whom the General liad espoused for her rare
beauty, being but the daughter of a poor fisherman of Gran-

X

84 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iii.
ville. " My friends," she exclaimed, " I trust you have not
come here to offer any injury to myself or my husband. I am
not one of your fine ladies, but a daughter of the people : I
throw myself then confidently on your protection. But I will
not leave my husband ; he is confined to his bed by illness."
The band were struck with the boldness of the appeal. They
repaired to the General's chamber, placed him in an arm-chair,
and, headed by this daughter of the people, they conveyed
him to a friend's house in the neighbourhood. On reaching
his destination, the General recollected leaving a sum of
130,000 francs (£5200) in notes and gold in his desk. He
handed the key of the desk to a working-man in a blouse,
whom he did not know. An hour after the man returned
with eveiy sous of the money.
After the retreat of the royal forces from the Tuileries,
the palace was entered by some of the National Guard, who
marched in with their muskets shouldered, but-end upwards,
and were soon afterwards followed by thousands of the people,
all astonished to find themselves masters of the place. They
immediately began to ransack the royal apartments, but there
was method and moderation even in their way of doing mis
chief. A few of their leaders laid down rules of conduct for
them, which were willingly obeyed. One unfortunate man
ventured to steal a silver spoon ; his companions ordered him
to kneel, and saying they disavowed him and thus treated
robbers, they shot him dead. After tearing the covering of
the throne into shreds, which were distributed as relics
among the invaders, they carried tlie disgraced remains in
triumph through the streets, then smashed them to atoms, and
burned them at the foot of the Column of July. The King's
private property was ruthlessly demolished ; but it is gratify
ing to know that, with this exception, the treasures of art
accumulated, both in the Tuileries aud the Palais Royal,
generally remained uninjured. It is certain, however, that
attempts were made to burn the Tuileries and the Louvre,
which were found to be on fire in three places on Thursday

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¦»»-'^>L night. Had this been effected, the consequences would have
been terrific; for the populace, gorging in emotions of all
Muds, would have carried the work of devastation further,
.ju* Ti^ and varied the scene of horrors.
A sum of 331,000 francs, which was found in the strong
box of the Civil List, was conveyed in safety to the Bank of
_ France. The crown diamonds were also saved, and other
t " articles of value were borne to the garde-wimble with the
¦{ greatest care. A workman, who was among the first to enter
the palace, found a large quantity of plate and jewels, with
X X which he hastily filled the Duchess of Orleans"' bath ; then
throwing a sheet over the top, he lay down on it, until he
(' was able to deliver the treasure into safe hands. The bath,
** \ v,; still covered with the sheet, was carried to the Mayoralty, the
/ bearers ciying out as they passed along, " Make way for the
wounded." "We passed quickly through the crowded pubhc rooms"
(says a correspondent of the " Manchester Times ") " into the
Duchess of Orleans' apartments. The first tiling that struck
(' s us was a half-finished picture, full length, of the unfortunate
\ ?* Princess and her two sons, standing beside the fauteuil ar
ranged for posing,, and all as if abandoned only ten minutes
, - ago. We were pleased at the respect shewn even to this
- ivjtvT image. While one man was throwing out at the window a
bust of Louis Philippe, from which another had cut off and
pocketed the nose with great sang froid, the people passing
K \ p before the picture raised their caps, saying, Vive la Duchesse
d'Orleans ! while immediately one or two stationed themselves
i before the picture and two small oval ones on the chah, to
-. < g. preserve them from damage. A little further on was a breakfast
set out on a table, and half eaten, from which the Duchess
I and perhaps the whole family had been obliged to fly, and
which the people, ferociously hungry, sat down to on the very
¦ j chairs still round the table, and soon made clear work of
with great glee."
L A deaf lady, living in apartments at the Tuileries, heard

V-'-'

86

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. hi.

nothing of the entente, when she was surprised reading by the
entry of the people. When she recovered herself, they told
her she must quit the palace, but should be escorted whither
she pleased, and might take her clothes and jewels with her,
and, leaving her to pack up her tilings, they locked her door
and placed a guard before it. Three hours later they re
turned to take her away, when one of her large boxes, badly
corded, came open, and all her tilings fell out ; they packed
it again for her, and inarched away with three drams in front
and a strong guard, and deposited her and her property at
the liouse of one of her relations.
There is a mystery still hanging over the invasion of the
Tuileries, which time nlone con clear up. It is evident that
the suggestion, " Burn all the papers," which was responded
to by immediate execution, must have emanated from a friend
and not an enemy. All the papers and documents were burnt
on the spot — and many persons doubtless saved thereby from
dishonour. A gentleman is said to have picked up in the
courtyard of the palace, amid a mass of blackened matter,
seven pages of manuscript merely scorched and perfectly
legible. They are written, we are told, in the King's own
hand, and seem to have formed part of the journal which he
had been in the habit of keeping all his life. The last phrase
written therein is curious — " Tlie storm is gathering around
us, but will not be  ." The writer must have been called
suddenly away, for the words are followed by a long dash
of the pen, and au ominous blot. The conclusion of the
sentence would have been, no doubt, expressive of the delu
sion which seems to haunt every monarch even on the very
brink of perdition.
The appearance of the Tuileries, the Palais Royal, and
their environs, after the battle, is thus described by the corre
spondent ofthe " Morning Herald :"— " The Tuileries presents
a sad, and I would say, shabby, rather than ruined appearance.
The windows are smashed, and sheets of torn paper flying
about, with rags and scarves hanging out, according to some

chap, in,] BATTLE FOR A REPUBLIC— VICTORY.

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notion of mockery or tomfoolery not plainly discernible. So
far the works of art have been respected— the pictures aud
statues uninjured — and robbery forbidden on pain of death.
They may smash, but not pocket — such is the received maxim
of mob law. I have heard, that while they were tearing and
breaking a widow's bonnet arrested their violence, and they
respected the symbol of mourning. As you pass by the
Carrousel, out through the angular streets into the Rue St.
Honore, adjoining the Palais Royal, you cannot doubt that
you are on tho field of a real battle. The large building
which used to be occupied by the Mmiicipal Guard, exactly
facing the palace, looked battered all over, and the conflagra*
tion had not quite ended. Tho square without, as well as the
court within, nnd the streets flanking the Palais Royal, were
all black with the embers of the burned furniture and car-
riages. The handsome glass gallery has been turned into on
ambulance for the wounded."
Another spectator visited the Tuileries about half-past
five, the garden was then literally strewed with dresses,
bonnets, music-books, and other ladies' gear. The furniture
and other solids had been already nearly all burnt, but there
was still enough to furnish fuel for three huge fires, the one
in the Rue Rivoli, and the others on the quay. The cellars
were filled with drunken rioters, and sounds were heard which
left no doubt that, after having satiated themselves, they were
breaking up the puncheons, to prevent others from following
their bad example. In the Place du Carrousel there were some
thousands of Moused and armed citizens, in all the stages of
drunkenness, from the muzzy to the dead. They had ahnost
all some trophy from the palace, mostly of a warlike order.
One thing was particularly striking. Every person, man and
woman, was searched as he come out at the gate, lest by any
chance any of tlie patriots should be tempted to pillage. The
guards and searchers were all des gens da peuple, and mostly
boys of eighteen or twenty years of age, and the strictness
with which the search was made was very minute. No one

J«X

88 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. hi. (
seemed to object to the search, and, to the credit of all, the J-£.
veiy few tilings found were almost, without exception, in point
of money value utterly worthless.
Farce, of course, mingled, as usual, with the tragic sights ,. rf
and emotions of the day. A hill was stuck upon the Tuileries
with this inscription: — Maison a loner, en totalite a cause de
nonpayment.— "The whole of this house to be let, by reason
of default of payment." Soon after the work of devastation
was done, and the crowd began to withdraw from the Tuileries,
a working man with a musket on his shoulder was going along
the Boulevards to the Madeleine : he suddenly stopped before ^ ¦
two gentlemen and a lady, who had ventured down to their
porte-cochere to get a peep at what was going on. " Who do
you suppose," said he, addressing the group, " will be most
put out by this charivari? Why Abd-el-Kader, to be sure;
for what now becomes of the famous promise made at his
capitulation? Enfoncel'Arabe!" (We have done the Arab !) ;\
And so saying, quite satisfied at having unburthened his mind '*"7"
to some one, he passed on his way.

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chap, iv.] REJECTION OF THE ORLEANS DYNASTY.

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CHAPTER IV.
REJECTION OF THE ORLEANS DYNASTY.  PROCLAMATION OF THF,
REPUBLIC — FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.
The scene in the Chamber of Deputies on Thursday was
one of the most extraordinary ever beheld. It was, in fact, a
combined repetition of what occurred in the Constituent
Assembly on the 10th of August, 1792, and of the decisive
blow struck by Buonaparte on the 18th Brumaire, when he
turned the legislative body out of doors with his grenadiers.
The dynasty and the legislature were alike deposed by the
armed people on the memorable 3-1 th of February, 18-18.
At one o'clock the President took the chair ; upwards of
300 members were present. In half an hour afterwards the
Duchess of Orleans entered with her two sons and the Dukes de
Nemours and Montpensier. The young Comte de Paris came
first, led by one of the Deputies. It was with great difficulty
that way could be made for him amidst the crowd of officers
and soldiers of the National Guard. His presence at the
door caused a strong sensation, which broke forth in murmurs
that soon rose to loud exclamations of, "You cannot enter!
You have no right here!" Several of the people, however,
lushed into the chamber with the young Count, and placed
him under the tribuue. A moment afterwards the Duchess
of Orleans entered and seated herself in a chah, with her two
sons beside her. Immediately the passages, and every vacant
space, was filled with such of the populace as had succeeded
in squeezing themselves in with the National Guards. The

90  FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1818. [chap. iv.
Princess soon after quitted the semicircle, and retired to one
ofthe upper benches of the centre, and opposite to the Presi
dent's bureau. The Chamber was agitated in every part. The
iirst to speak was M. Dupin, who said, that in the present
situation -of the capital it had been found necessary to re
assemble the Chamber without loss of time. The King had
abdicated the crown in favour of his grandson, and devolved
the regency on the Duchess of Orleans. At this announce
ment cries of Bravo ! resounded from the centre, and from
some of the public galleries. Disapprobation was expressed
on the benches of the left, and one voice was heard above the
rest exclaiming, " It is too late ! " A scene of confusion it is
impossible to describe ensued. The Duchess and her children
now appeared in the midst of a group of Deputies. The Na
tional Guards hastened to surround the royal family. The
Dukes of Nemours and Montpensier were seated behind the
two young princes and their mother.
M. Marie all this while endeavoured in vain to make him
self heard ; but at length succeeded in obtaining silence. He
said, — lu the critical condition of Paris, it is our urgent duty
to take measures which will have some authority with the
people. Since this moniing the evil has made great progress.
(Cries of, Good !) Which part will you take ? But au instant
since the Duchess of Orleans was proclaimed Regent. But
there is a law which gives the regency to the Duke of Nemours,
and you have not the power at this moment to make anew law.
What you have to do is to name a Provisional Government.
Not to create new institutions, but to advise with the two Cham
bers on the necessity of satisfying the voice of the countiy.
M. Cremieux. — Some great measure is necessaiy for the
safety of tlie public. It is important that every one should
agree in proclaiming a great principle, and in assuring to
the conquering people a solemn guarantee. Let us not do
as we did in 1830. Let us not re-enact in 1848 what was
done then. (Applause from the public gallery.) Let us form
a Provisional Government, not to regulate the future, but to

L

chap, iv.] REJECTION OF THE ORLEANS DYNASTY.

91

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establish order. (Cries of Good, veiy good !) We cannot
do more now. (No, no.) I have a great respect for Madame
the Duchess of Orleans. (Bravo !) And it was I who con
ducted the royal family to the carriage which bore them away.
(A voice : Bon voyage f) The population of Paris has shewn
the most profound respect for the misfortune of the King ;
but we who are sent here to make laws must not break them.
Now one law, already voted, disposes of the regency, and
I cannot admit that its potency can be abrogated at the pre
sent moment. Since we have arrived at the point of under
going a revolution, let us confide in the countiy. I propose
a Provisional Government of five members. Several voices
seconded the proposal.
M. de Genoude then rose, but at that moment M. O.
Barrot entered the hall, upon which there was a general call
for him to speak. M. de Genoude demanded that he should
be heard. M. O. Barrot made a gesture of assent, and re
tired behind the President's bureau.
M. d«i Genoude. — Nothing practical can be done, nothing
stable, amidst the excitement of a crowd. This was attempted
in 1880, and you see the consequence.
M, O. Barrot. — Never were firmness and patriotism so
much needed as now. We must all unite in the same
sentiment: that of saving our countiy from that detestable
scourge — a civil war. (Applause.) Nations do not die, I
know, but they may be weakened by internal dissensions,
and never did France stand so much in need of that greatest
of strength, the unanimity of her children. Our duty is
plainly marked out. It invites us to rally round that which
is most generous in the heart of the country. The crown
rests on the heads of a child and of a woman. (Strong marks
of assent in the greater part of the Chamber; dissent in tho
galleries.) This is a solemn appeal! (At this point tho
Duchess of Orleans rose and uttered some words, the purport
of which tlie reporters were unable to catch. Tlie person';
who surrounded her recommended her to sit down again.)

92

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 18-18. [chap. iv.

It is m the name of political liberty, of order, of that union
which must predominate in the wishes of all good citizens, that
1 demand of all my colleagues to rally round this double repre
sentative of the Revolution of July. (Fresh marks of dissent
and approbation.) I would lay down my life a thousand times
to ensure the triumph of this cause— that of my country's
liberty. Can it possibly be' supposed that what has been
decided by the Revolution of July can be again placed hi ques
tion? (Sensation.) The task is a difficult one, I know; but
there are m this countiy such elements of greatness, gene
rosity and good sense, that an appeal is only necessaiy to
rally the whole population under that standard. By these are
reconciled the means of assuring liberty and the rights of the
countiy with the necessities of order. Let us rally all our
forces to work for this great end. Our duty is simple, and
traced out by the laws and by honour. If we do not perform
it with force and courage, I cannot say what will be the con
sequences. Be convinced, that the man who would have the
courage to take on himself the responsibility of a civil war
would be in the highest degree culpable and criminal towards
his country. (Veiy good!) For my part, I will not bear
such a weight. The regency of the Duchess of Orleans— a
Ministry chosen amongst the men of the most tried opinions
m the countiy— and an appeal to the countiy, which will pro
nounce itself with all its liberty and in the limits of legality—
these are opportune to the situation. Such is my opinion,
and I will not take the responsibility of any other situation.
A person not belonging to the Chamber, M. Chevalier
editor of tlie " Bibliotheque Historique," ascended tlie tribune'
amid a tumult of confusion; but at last he made himself
heard. Beware, he cried, of proclaiming the Count de Paris
without being authorised to do so. .But if the Duchess of
Orleans and the young Count have sufficient courage to go
along the Boulevards in the midst of the people and the
National Guards, I answer for their safety. If the people will
not consent to confer on him the crown——

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chap, iv.] REJECTION OF THE .ORLEANS DYNASTY. 93
Voices in the crowd — Vive la Republique !
M. Chevalier : What you have now to do is to give us a
Government, and to give it at once ; you cannot leave a
whole population without magistrates, without directing heads.
(The noise prevented the voice of the speaker from being
heard.) M. de Larochejaqueliu then rose to speak, but had only
uttered a few words when a great crowd rushed into the
chamber, composed of National Guards in aims, and citizens,
some unarmed, in blouses, or with casques, shakos, and
others armed with sabres, guns, swords, and flags. The
tribune being thus filled with people not members of the
Chamber, the President put on his hat ; and this act was re
ceived vvith cries of, Down with the hat ! An indescribable
tumult then ensued, in the midst of which the tribune was
occupied by National Guards and pupils of the Ecole Poli-
technique. The Deputies began to retire, and the crowd
occupied the benches of the Chambers. The noise was at its
height, when M. Ledru Rollin made himself heard : In the
name of the people I protest against the kind of Government
which has now been proposed to us. You have been told of
the constitution of 1789. I am afraid that constitution, as
well as that of 1791, has been forgotten. It is not the first
time I have protested. In 184.2, I demanded the constitution
of 1791. (Good, very good!) This constitution enacted
that an appeal should be made to the people for a law of
regency. (Yes, yes, and loud applause.) I protest against
the Government which is proposed, and I do so in die names
of the citizens who are here now, who have fought for the
last two days, and will fight agaiu this evening. (Shouts from
all sides, Yes, yes, and brandishing of weapons.) I demand,
in the name of the people, that a Provisional Government be
named. -(Yes, yes.)
M. de Lamartine. — I have shared in the sentiments of
grief which a short time ago agitated this assembly, wlien
it [saw the saddest sight that has been offered in human

94

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.

annals— that of a Princess presenting herself with her inno
cent son, and leaving her palace to seek the protection of
the Chamber. But if I shared in this respect for a great
misfortune, I also share in the solicitude and in the admira
tion which must be excited at the sight of a people which has
been fighting for the last two days against a perfidious
Government, in order to re-establish the empire of order and
liberty. (Cries of Bravo!) Let there be no illusion. (A
voice : We must no longer have any.) Do not think
that an acclamation in this Chamber can replace the united
will of 35,000,000 of men. Another kind of acclamation
must be heard, and whatever may be the government which
this countiy will adopt, it must be cemented by solid and
definite guarantees. How will you do it? How mil you find
the conditions necessary for such a Government in the floating
elements which surround us ? By descending into the veiy
depth of the country itself, boldly sounding the great mystery
of the right of nations. (Very good !) Instead of having
recourse to subterfuges to maintain one of those fictions
which have nothing durable, I ask you, first, to form a Pro
visional Government, whose duty it would be to stop the flow
of blood and put a stop to the civil war— (Acclamations from
all parts of the Chamber)— a Government which we institute
without giving up the rights for our anger, or that of the great
mission ol establishing peace between citizens— a Government
on which we will impose the duty of convolving the whole of
the people.
At this moment a loud knocking was heard in one of the
tribunes, which was immediately filled by a crowd of men
bearing muskets. Several of them forced their way to the
front seats, and pointed their muskets at the Deputies below.
Some of these weapons were also turned in the direction of
the royal party. Immediately the persons near the Duchess
of Orleans seemed to address her energetically, and a moment
after she rose, and, with her sous and the two princes, quitted
the chamber by a door on the extreme left M. Sauzet left

chap, iv.] REJECTION OF THE ORLEANS DYNASTY.

95

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the chair, and a great number of Deputies also rose from
their places. The greatest disorder was now visible. Im
mediately after this, M. Dupont (de 1'Eure) mounted on the
President's chair. M. de Lamartine and M. Ledra Rollin
appeared simultaneously at the tribune, but their voices were
drowned by the noise. Some National Guards and other
persons tried in vain at the same time to get a hearing.
Cries of "To the Hotel de Ville! " here arose, followed by a
ciy of " No Civil List ! " and another of " No King ! " Some
one having directed the attention of the crowd to the picture
of Louis Philippe swearing obedience to the Charter, cries of
" Tear it down ! " arose. A workman armed with a double-
barrelled fowling-piece, who was standing in the semicircle,
cried out, " Just wait till I have shot at Louis Philippe ! *'
and at the same moment both barrels were discharged. Great
confusion ensued, in, the midst of which two men jumped on
the chairs behind the President's seat, and prepared to cut
the picture to pieces with their sabres. Another workman
ran up the steps of the tribune, and exclaimed, '' Respect
public monuments! respect property!" Cries were then
made from all quarters, of " Lamartine ! Let Lamartine
speak." M. de Lamartine. — A Provisional Government is about
to be proclaimed. (Cries of Vive Lamartine! Names —
names ! )
The noise not ceasing, the names were written on a
slip of paper, and carried round the chamber on the top
of a musket. In the midst of shouts, M. Ledra Rollin
read the names. The tumult was at its height, and all tlie
Deputies left; the chamber no longer contained any but
National Guards and the people. M. Rollin continued, — We
are obliged to raise the sitting in order to go to the scat of
government. (Shouts from all parts, " To the Hotel de
Ville ! " " Vive la Republique ! ") The crowd then dispersed
at four o'clock.
Another terrible scene now took place at the Hotel de

96

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.

Ville, where, on adjourning from the chamber, the members
of the Provisional Government sat to decide upon the course
to be adopted. Suddenly the doors of the Salle du Conseil
were violently shaken, and the people demanded aloud to have
the first act of the Provisional Government communicated to
them. Individually the great majority of the members were
opposed to the establishment of an unmitigated democracy.
The populace, however, filled the hall, and completely over
powered them by demonstration of their inflexible purpose of
seeing a Republic in its most democratic form resolved on
In vam it was attempted to adjourn the question till minds
should become calm. Every proposition of that nature was
met by menacing shouts, directed even against the most
popular of the members of the Government. M. Dupont
(de l'Eure), who made many attempts to defend the proposi
tion of a Republic in its less democratic shape, was compelled
to silence by the most deafening shouts of Dupont a la
fenetre! and was so exhausted by fatigue and excitement that
he twice fainted. M. Marie met with no better success.
Ihe anxieties he underwent had such an effect on his counte
nance, that in leaving the meeting his own son could not
recognise lnm. The populace willed that a pure democratic
Repubhc should be formed, and that eveiy male above a certain
age should be eligible to the National Guard, and empowered
to carry arms. Every attempt to oppose this, in however
mitigated a form, was the signal of renewed shouts of
Dupont a la fenetre! Marie a la fenetre! The popular
will prevailed, and resolutions were passed in accordance
with it.
The Provisional Government at once issued the followine
proclamation : — b
" To the French People.
" A retrograde and oligarchic Government has been overturned bv
the heroism of tlie people of Paris. This Government has fled, leaving
behind lt trnces of bloodi wUch wi„ for em- forb.d .^ retar^ ^
blood of the people has flowed as in July, but happily it will not have
i^een shed in vain. It has secured a national and popular Government

chap, iv.] PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC.

97

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in accordance with the rights, the progress, and the will of this great
and generous people. A Provisional Government, chosen by the ac
clamation and at the call of the people and some of the Deputies of
the departments in the sitting of fhe 24th of February, is for the moment
invested with the care of organising and securing the national victory.
It is composed of MM. Dupont (de l'Eure), Lamartine, Cremieux,
Arago (de l'Institut), Ledra Rollin, and Garnier Pages. The secretaries
to this government are MM. Armaiul Marrast, editor ofthe ' National ;'
Louis Blanc, Ferdinand Flocon, editor of the ' Rctbrme,' and Albert.
These citizens have not hesitated for an instant to accept the patriotic
mission which has been imposed on them by the urgency of the occasion.
When the capital of France is under fire, the mission of the Provisional ¦
Government is that of public safety. All France will understand this, r
and will give the assistance of its patriotism. Under the popular govern
ment now proclaimed by the Provisional Government, every citizen is a
magistrate. Frenchmen, give to the world the example which Paris has
given to France. Prepare yourselves, by order and confidence in your
selves, for those strong institutions which you are about to be called upon
to give yourselves. The Provisional Government desires a Republic,
subject to the ratification of the French people, who are to be immediately
consulted. Neither the people of Paris nor the Provisional Government
desire to substitute their opinion for the opinions of the citizens at large,
upon the definite form of government which the national sovereignty shall
proclaim. The unity of the nation, formed henceforth of all classes of
the people which compose it. The government of the nation by itself.
Liberty, equality, and fraternity for its principles. The national device
and pass-word to be ' The People.' Such is the democratic government
which France owes to herself, and which our efforts will assure to her.
Such are the first acts of the Provisional Government.
(Signed), " Dupont (de l'Eure), Lamartine, Ledra Rollin, Bedeau,
Michel Goudechaux, Arago, Bethmont, Marie, Carnot, Cavaignac,
Garnier Pages.
' ' The Municipal Guard is disbanded. The protection of the city of Paris
is confided to the National Guard, under the orders of M. Courtais."
This proclamation was followed by another, appointing a
Provisional Ministry, as follows: — M. Dupont (de l'Eure),
President of the Council, without portfolio ; M. de Lamar
tine, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; M. Cremieux, Minister of
Justice; M. Ledru Rollin, Minister ofthe Interior; M.Michel
Goudechaux, Minister of Finance ; M. Francois Arago, Minis
ter of Marine ; General Bedeau, Minister of War ; M. Carnot,
H

08

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.

Minister of Public Instruction and Worship ; M. Bethmont,
Minister of Commerce ; M. Marie, Minister of Public Works ;
General Cavaignac, Governor of Algeria. To these decrees
succeeded : —
" The Municipal Guard is dissolved. M. Garnier Pages is named
Mayor of Paris, and to him are given as adjoinls, MM. Gurnard and
Recurt. M. Flotard is named Secretary-general. All the other Mayors
of Paris are provisionally maintained. The Prefecture of Police is under
the dependence of the Mayor of Paris. In the name of Fiance, the
Provisional Government decides that the Chamber of Deputies is dissolved.
The ex-Chamber of Peers is forbidden to meet. A National Assembly will
be convoked as soon as the Provisional Government shall have regulated
the necessary measures of order and police."
Further appointments followed in rapid succession. Ge
neral Subervie was substituted for General Bedeau, as Minis
ter of War ; General Bedeau taking the command of the
first military division ; Admiral Baudin was appointed Com
mander of the Fleet; the Police department was entrusted
to the citizens Caussidiere and Sobrier ; and citizen Et..
Arago was appointed to the Direction-General of the Post-
office. ^ A notice also advised the bakers, or furnishers of
provisions of Paris, to keep their shops open to all those who
might have occasion for them. The people were expressly
recommended not to quit their arms, their positions, or their
revolutionary attitude. It was further announced that the
liberation of all who had been imprisoned on political grounds
had been effected ; but, at the same time, all who had been con
victed of crimes against persons and property were detained.
The Revolution was now consummated ; Royalty had
vanished like a dissolving view, and its place was already
filled by a new and totally different spectacle; " a powerful mo
narchy, twelve hundred years old, which came in with the long
haired Pharamond and his slow ponderous bullock-cart, had
departed with Louis Philippe, his frizzled toupee and one-
horso brougham." Twelve hours before, no sober mind could
have believed such a thing to be possible; but the inspired
madness of a heroic populace put the logic of commonplace

,4

chap, iv.] PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC.

93

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politicians to shame and confusion, and blazoned again to the
world this old neglected truth, that there is nothing on earth
so impossible as the perpetuation of injustice.
Several anecdotes are recorded as to the infatuation of the
King and his Ministers, and their strange indifference to the
roar and rush of the torrent that was soon to sweep them away.
On the 22d, Louis Philippe's Minister of the Interior, M. Du-
chatel, sent a despatch to the several prefects, assuruig them
that disturbances had broken out iii various parts of the capi
tal, but that they were " rien de serieux." On the 23d he wrote
that " tranquillity was completely restored." Ou the 24th, at
half-past one, one of the new Ministers of half-an-hour's dura
tion, probably M. O. Barrot, sent off telegraphic despatches,
announcing that the King had abdicated, and the Duchess of
Orleans had been appointed Regent ; two hours after, the Pro
visional Government informed the provinces that the Court
and Government were destroyed. On the night of the 21st
the Duke de Montpensier was to have given a grand soiree; a
sumptuous breakfast was to have been given at five in the
morning, it not being doubted that tlie Parisians woidd
promptly be put down. Among the papers in M. Guizot's
office was found a letter from the Duke d'Aumale, compli
menting the Minister on the energetic course he had adopted
with respect to the banquet.
After the victory on Thursday, M. Leon de MaleviUe, a
well-known Liberal Deputy, went along to tlie Ministry of the
Interior, about half-past one o'clock, to assist in taking posses
sion and guarding the documents. He opened the door of the
private cabinet of the Minister, and was struck with astonish
ment to see — whom ? The Minister himself, coolly standing
before the fire, with his hands behind him. " In the name of
Heaven, what are you doing there ?" exclaimed the Deputy.
"Why, to be sure," replied M. Duchatel, " I'm waiting for my
successor in office, to deliver up to him." " A very different
successor in office you will have immediately upon you, if you
¦don't fly in an instant — a successor who may moke you deliver

100

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. j>HAP. Iv.

up hfe as well *, office keys; for wo cant in,ure anv one
against the popular passion i„ such a moment as "tliis "
I noh ! il-m't think to frighten ,1U) with .shadows " " Wlnt
do you inennP-ftre you i.uul ? Why, I tell vou its not 'a
change of Miuistry-ifs a revolution. You and Vour partv are
»">"l"l;.tod. Hie King himself has just abdicated, and 'then
lie. Ihe people are even now streaming jnt0 tho palace;
find ff you don't take tliis moment to lly, wo can't assure von
your head a day— not perhaps an hour longer." " My God '"
w»d the poor Minister, getting pale, " is it really so ?" And
in a minute the office of the Interior hud seen the last of
M. Duchatel.
And where, meanwhile, was the frizzled- wigged last repre
sentative of Pharamond's line? Where was that stout rider
wan on the preceding Tuesday, had declared that >' he was so
iirnly seated in his saddle that nothing could throw him ont
ot it. lie was flying in ludicrous alarm from iuw^inaiv
ptusuers, chased only by his own fears, and without wit enough
ioft to know that he was secure from danger, bein.v clothed
p30pfo7lreUetrable mai1' ln the contemI*l°f « magnanimous
Hm*™* that the King, ever since the death of Madame
Adelaide, had lost much of his energy, and given up in some
leg ce Ins early habits and the punctuality in business for which
he Imd always been distinguished. On the morning of Thurs
day he had risen somewhat later than usual ; he said that he
]m«l passed a restless night, and that he was weary, both in
mind and body, with the petitioning of the two roval Dukes
U.emours and Montpensier) for that which thev' knew be
could not grant. He had been writing all the preceding even
ing n, Ins own bedroom, and a sealed letter to the Queen of
Belgium was amongst the papers found upon his writino--
< «.| Jt is understood that the seal was respected, and that
the letter was religiously despatched to its destination. So httle
apprehension was felt as to the result of the day's debate, that
tht royal clnldren were brought as usual to the King; audit

/

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

101

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being Thursday, his Majesty had examined, as was his wont
ou that day, all the copy-books of the Count de Paris, and
expressed hi.s satisfaction at the progress evinced by the royal
pupil in his various studies. At ten o'clock the children were
dismissed, and at that hour the strife began by the announce
ment of M. Emile de Girardin. " Xay, but I received him
yesterday,' exclaimed the King, much irritated, to the aide-
de-camp in waiting. " Pardon me, Sire, he says that his busi
ness is urgent, and that the safety of the empire depends upon
your Majesty's reception of his message." The King, now in
terested, but not yet alarmed, gave the order to admit the visitor.
It appears by M. de Girardiu's own account, that he was so
overcome with emotion that for an instant he could not speak,
and the King said abruptly, and in no measured tone of
voice, " What more is now required by you and your fellows
(rous el ros piireils)'! have wo not made enough concession in
all conscience ?'' •' There is yet another one, your Majesty,
which is become more necessary than all the rest." " Then
it cannot be granted, returned the King, peevishly; "in
deed 1 have regret for that which is already done." " And
so have I, your Majesty : for it is not yet enough. ' " Qn'vst-ve
exclaimed tho King, interrupting him with great

a-ilirevehemence. The haughtiness of the expression, which is un-
translateable — ths abruptness of the tone in wliich it was
uttered, roused the fiery temper of Girardin, and he answered
almost coarsely, — " The one concession more which is de
manded by the people is your Majesty's abdication: ou the
instant too, and without nnv reservation." The Kin" started
to his feet with such sudden movement that he upset the ink
stand which he had just been using, and the broad black stain
may yet be seen upon the carpet. He rushed to the window ;
Girardin followed him, anh pointing to the crowd, exclaimed,
" Six battalions of National ( iuard surround the palace — all
are of one mind, and those who sent ine here are strong in
their unanimity — Moid has been s!:ed, and now there is no
retreat.'' Louis Philippe grew deadly pale, anil his hand

102

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. Tchap. jv.

shook violently as he took that of M. de Girardin, but his
voice faltered not as he answered, " You are perhaps in the
nght Monsieur-I mil go down to the Chambers, not to
plead for myself, but to protect my dynasty "
_ It appears that the King now verbally intimated his inten
tion to abdicate. De Girardin hurried away to report the fact
to the insurgents, but the intelligence he brought was univer
sally treated with disdain. Nous ne voulons pas de ™_" That
won t do for us " cried the people. It was not until a later
period m the day that the abdication was formally signed.
Ihe Queen is said to have earnestly dissuaded the Kin« from
an act which she conceived to be unworthy of him. Rather
than submit to such disgrace, she was prepared to see him die
before her eyes, and to perish with him.
T Jjv) f"1' thG 1'°U1Sh leSSOn rea'd t0 him h? De Girardin,
Lou s p u ip w slow tQ leam how utter wag h.g ^^^^
ISo until the last moment that he could remain without peril
to Ins hfe, did he reluctantly consent to quit the pa ace
Already was the Palais Royal taken and the people w tliin a
few steps of the Tuileries; already was fire set to tiie carriages
ll X °7n f63 WMlin a ^m-shot of the Pala<* gate; al-
l ady the Guards and people were drawing close round the
Kht anal? ^ , aWl ^ tl'°°PS hl Ml retoat ' "h™ *»
Kmg and loyal family were still in the Salle des Marechaux,
and contemp atmg tranquilly from the balcony the mass of
the tioops before them in the Carrousel, ready to give the order
ofi eon the assailants. In tliis juncture, to save useless blood
shed, a Rational Guard, waving a white handkerchief, rode
th ough all that mass of cavalry and infantiy, right up to the
balcony on which stood the royal family and the staff, and de
manded the Duke of Nemours. He told him every post in
Pans was taken, the troops disarmed and in full retreat, the
National Guard and the people within a gun-shot of the
palace, and that to seek to defend it longer, and give order to
the troops m the Carrousel to fire, would only be needlessly
shedding blood on both sides-blood which would never be

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

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forgiven. The whole party seemed astounded by the .news.
The closeness of the danger bewildered them. • They retired a
moment to deliberate. Already the assailants began to ap
pear, defiling through several inlets upon the place. There
was no time to be lost. At a sign from the Duke of Nemours,
the troops began to dash rapidly out of the Place du Carrousel
by the Quay, over the bridge, and into their barracks close at
hand. The artillery caissons galloped rapidly down the river
side, towards the Invalides. As the troops retreated, the people
advanced ; and already the foremost of them rushed shouting.
into the court and began to press into the palace, when the
King and the staff fled out at the garden-door.
We arc indebted to the correspondent of the " Weekly
Chronicle" for the following graphic description of a part of
this strange episode, from the first advance of the insurgents
to the flight of the ruined dynasty : —
" The Place du Carrousel is a vast open square, encom
passed oil three sides by the bodies aud wings of the Tuileries ;
while the fourth side is bounded by an irregular range of
mean houses — birdshops, bookstalls, and marchands de vm.
In the midst of the square stands a tall isolated liouse, painted
all over with staring advertisements, and looking as if it had
been left there by some strange oversight when the ground
was cleared to build the palace. This house has some rough
brick abutments at the corners.
" When the head of the advancing column reached the open
square, its speed diminished considerably, and a curious move
ment took place in front. The few individuals forming tlie
first rank kept coming round to the sides, so as to leave the
second rank exposed. These did the same in their turn ; and
this instinctive motion — which looked like a sort of boiling
over — had the effect of spreading the head of the column into
a great cluster, which was continually urged forward, and at
the same time thickened, by the pouring on of those in tho
rear. By this process I, from being in the fiftieth rank or so,
soon found myself hi front ; and immediately, as you may sup-

«,'¦•

101

¦FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [CHAI,

pose boiled om- in mj tnm To M aiTunarmed
spectator I did not feel called on to form a rampart for a
Jong follow with a pike, whom I perceived peeping over my
shoulder from behind. Glancing hastily round the square for
a place of shelter, it occurred to me, that whatever movements
might take place, I might contrive to interpose one or other of
these abutments before alluded to, between me and the bul-
position ° ^ A' H1Ul t0°U "P mj St!lti°n in tlmt Central
_ " The square into which the insurgents were now swarm
ing, was occupied by three or four thousand cavalry and infan-
try, with ,. battery of five or six cannon. In front were several
gioups of Generals and other officers on horseback; who ap
peared to me to be in great confusion-all talking together;
some galloping from group to group; some riding along the
inks of soldiers; no one, so it struck me, in possession of
and extieme fatigue were painted ou their pale visages. The
Cuirassiers sat on their horses in motionless sqnachons ; the
infantiy, drawn up in long lines, stood like statues ; all gaziim
silently at the roaring multitudes that kept advancing towards
them, urged on by the pressure of the vast columns behind
„„„ "'V'" Jthfre Was SOi™thmS in tlie aspect of that
sa ge mob that might have appalled the stoutest heart. The
r e the ^ 8<? ST' * belielcl amoug them iecU1' t0 m? *— 7
h. the shapes of an incoherent dream. Hideous faces, dis
torted with rage, gaunt with want, inflamed with liquor, came
nearer and nearer; some blackened with soot-some red-
dnedwuh ochre-hundreds crowned with the terrible uku
cap. I he fiercest and most reckless were of course in fro]lt.
Amongst the motley crowd were figures that, under any other
circumstances, would have excited laughter. I saw a great
bkcksnn 1, armed with a delicate rapier, having a costl/hilt
of sparkling steel and jewels. He eagerly besought a Lnt
Si'the ° T thU ^ T11 " «^ *» glat Cu2
*hich the urchin earned, and which his strength was mani-

citAc. iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

105

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festly inadequate to wield ; but the boy disdainfully refused.
There was a miserable object, clad in rotten, loathsome rags
(through which his flesh shewed in a dozen places), carrying
a tall spear with a broad antique blade, richly damasked,
springing from a great tassel of gold and silk, and having for
cross-piece a twisted serpent curiously carved in steel. A
ragged boy had a pair of pistols with ivory stocks, and set with
a large ruby ; and I saw him freely give one of these to an
urchin as ragged as himself. There was a man who had lost
his gun offering a hatful of cartridges for a sword — a bargain
which was caught at in a moment. One had a butcher's hook
— another a carpenter's adze — a third carried a heavy area
spike, the tip of which shewed as if it had been lately on the
grindstone. Many had bayonets or short jukes fixed on the
ends of broomsticks. I saw one man with nothing but a long
piece of wire, about as thick as a stair-rod, sharpened at the
extremity. Sledge-hammers, crowbars, shapeless lengths of
iron, gleamed amongst the weapons. I saw a man with a
great scythe blade, another with a hoe, while a third carried
in his hand a coil of rope with an iron weight at the end.
One man toiled under a fluted iron column — a gas-post, j>ro-
bably, torn down to serve as a battering-ram. Amongst the
boys I noticed several with their aprons full of stones.
" Suddenly a soldier's horse, richly caparisoned, broke
loose, dashed into the middle of the Place, and after stopping
and looking round him, began to kick furiously. He was
caught and mounted by a beggar with ragged trousers and
naked feet, who carried a plank with a piece of red carpet
nailed to it by way of a flag, and brandished above the red
cap on his head a butcher's chopper. Thus raised, he seemed
to think himself the leader of the insurrection ; but whilst he
was bawling with violent gesticulations, the horse suddenly
set off at full gallop, dashed through the infantry, who
hastily opened their ranks to let him pass, and disappeared
beneath the archway beyond — with his luckless rider, capless,
llngless, hatchetless, clinging in terror to his mane. In the

106

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1849. {chap. iv.

midst oi this strange confusion two figures especially struck
me: -one, that of a Turk in fall costume, with his loose
trousers, silk sashes, &c, who stood gravely, sword in hand,
apparently well-disposed for the' fray;* the other, that of a
young woman, elegantly dressed in a richly-coloured velvet
vmte, who kept close beside a handsome young fellow with
ong hair, armed to the teeth with pistols, sword, musket, and
bayonet, I set them down for a student and his mistress —
they both laughed and talked eagerly- evidently enjoying
the scene, and apparently indifferent to the danger. I could
not see the girl's face, but I pictured her with the features of
an antique heroine, glowing with dauntless love.
" But I had little time for fanciful observations, the ter
rible conflict that seemed to be preparing soon engrossed my
attention. From amidst the hesitating, leaderless mob, a
hundred contradictory cries arose. Some young officers of
the National Guard advanced towards the Tuileries, bran
dishing their swords and beckoning the others to advance.
A tew, chiefly ofthe populace, followed them, but the ma
jority hung back. Some cried out to garrison the houses,
and began to knock at the doors with their guns; some
cried to fire on the troops; some cried, Ne tirezpas! some
shouted, ' To the Palais Royal! they are slaughtering the
people there by hundreds!' Some cried, ' No, no! stand
firm— no retreat !' One of the Royalist Generals rode up to
an officer of tho National Guard, who was near me, and
bitterly reproached him. • What !' he said, • we have fought
for you and the country on a hundred battle-fields abroad
and you abandon us now and join the rabble ! Shame '
shame !' I did not hear the reply.
" Meanwhile the fusillade from the Palais Roval grew
louder and more rollingly continuous ; and several hundreds
of the fiercest insurgents marched off down the Rue de
Chartres in the direction ofthe sound; .many others fell back
* This was perhaps Achinet Pasha, son of Mohammed Ali, who is
known to have fought gallantly on the popular side.

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

107

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(as it struck me) from an opposite motive, and in ten minutes
or so after we had entered the Place, it was comparatively
empty again.
" Taking advantage, as it seemed, of this lull, the officers
in command of the troops wheeled them round in squadrons,
and marched them through the marble arch into the court
of the Tuileries, which is separated by tall iron railings from
the open square. Here the regiments were spread in a long
line, two or three ranks deep, close beneath the windows of
the palace, along its whole facade. The cannons were also
dragged rumbling into the court, and the great gates shut.
" These movements were hardly completed, when the
square began to fill agaiii with National Guards, armed po
pulace, and fraternising soldiery, who advanced all the more
boldly that the enemy was further off. The same confusion
— the same contradictory cries, continued to prevail; and
amidst the uproar, about a hundred of the mob ran forward
and discharged their muskets at the soldiers in front of the
Tuileries. Immediately there was a general rush to get out
of the square ; every one expecting a volley from the Royalists-,
and no one, it would seem, feeling prepared to be shot down.
I placed myself as flat as a pancake behind the buttress, and
shut my eyes — expecting to hear the thunder of three thou
sand muskets, and the whistling of as many bullets through
the air. But not a shot was fired ; and a few minutes after
wards Marshal Bugeaud came out on foot, in full uniform,
covered with orders and stars, crying out, Le Eoi abdique —
le Roi abdique en faveur du Gonte de Paris, avec Madame la
Duchesse d'Orleans pour Regente. He was immediately sur
rounded by a group of some fifty of the populace, who all
shouted at once — some, Vive le Conte de Paris! some, A bas
les Bourbons ! some, Une Republique — pas de Regcnce ! Amidst
which clamour, the poor Marshal, hustled and gesticulating,
strove in vain to make himself heard. That winch struck
me most in this strange scene was the utter futility of this
concession, so tardily made and so inadequately published ;

108

L  FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.
announced to a little group at one point of Paris, while the"
v ncL11 'P 10U ^ iU mm' fisMl1"'' ^astating, ad
ducing m an immense circle, upon the doomed monarch.
My belief is that the King and his Generals were at this
m men Slmtteu with a panic, and hardly knew what they
«i'l- It was indeed, within ten minutes or half an hour
afterwards, if not at the very same moment, that the monarch
ilcd from the palace. I could not, however, but admire the
intrepidity with which Marshal Bugeaud advanced alone into
the midst ot this raging populace, infuriated against him per
sonally, as commander ofthe troops, quite as much as against
the King himself. He looked pale as the mob closed aimilv
around Inni; but he held himself erect, and spoke with an
uutaltering voice.
" Immediately afterwards my attention was attracted by
another cluster of people, who hemmed in an unfortunate
Lieutenant ofthe Municipal Guard, aud with horrid veils were
threatening to tear him to pieces. The poor fellow had left
his regiment, with two of his men, to join the people, as it
afterwards appeared; but the Municipal Guards having been
throughout the whole struggle, the chief object of the popular
abhorrence, his mere uniform was the signal for a shout of
vengeance, which prevented him from making himself heard
He. stood amidst the throng, with his hands joined, great
drops ot sweat on hi.s brow, all hi.s feature, quivering, and his
body swaying and reeling to and fro, as the mob thrust and
plucked at him. Suddenly, a National Guard, a little thin
man, plunged into the throng, dashing the armed rioter,
aside, right and left. He flung his arm round tlie trembling
dragoon, and cried in a stentorian voice,— 'I take this man
under the protection ofthe National Guard, and let me see
wno dares fo uiokst him !' The people still murmured and
hooted ; but the little man drew his sword, and flourishing it
over his head, dragged h\s protege to the shelter of an adja
cent^ stable. As ho turned indignantly to reproach the mob
lor tneir ct war Jice— hundreds rushing on one — I recognised

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

100

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to my surprise (why should I conceal his name ?) my friend
Barrel, the chemist — a pale, thin, studious man, whom you
may find, day after day, bent over his retorts, with a great
pair of green spectacles over his eyes, the last man in the
world from whom you would expect any special daring in tlie
field. Yet Barral, as I afterwards learned, had led the attack
against two posts, which were taken during the night, besides
rescuing this trooper and several othei-s out of the hands of
the furious mob. So fallacious are appearances — so often
may a nervous, delicate frame, lodge the high-beating heart of
a hero! Honour to the philosopher who exchanges, at his
country's call, the laboratory for the battle-field, and the
pen for the sword, enhancing the lustre of scientific attain
ments by the noble virtues of courage and clemeucy!
" Five minutes afterwards the people were passing into
the palace, not a shot hardly being fired by the soldiers in
defence. The Tuileries, in fact, were not taken, but yielded.
There was no assault that I saw, — nothing resembling a
capture — only au evacuation — a surrender. As the traveller
pursued tosses his glove to the bear, and while the brute
stays to examine it makes good his escape, so the royal
fugitive tossed his sumptuous palace to the inob, aud by the
. time the monster, dazzled and triumphant, had demolished
his statue and ransacked his halls, the monarch himself was
half way to the coast. The effigy was shattered, but the man
was saved."
The departure of the King and Queen is thus described
by an eye-witness, M. Maurice, editor of the " Courier des
Spectacles : " —
" About one o'clock in the afternoon, whilst in conversation
with the Colonel of the 'Ust Regiment of the Line, who
appeared well disposed, and of which he gave proof in order
ing his men to sheath their bayonets, a young man in plain
clothes, who turned out to be the son of Admiral Baudin, on
horseback, trotted post us at a quick pace, crying out that
Louis Philippe had abdicated, and requesting that the news

110

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

 [chap. IV.
might be circulated. A few instants after, at the Pont Tour-
nau , we saw approach from the Tuileries a troop of cavalry
of the National Guards, at a walking pace, forming the head
to "L0™?11' hj SeStlU'eS and C"es invitiHS *» «tiZens
to abstain from every unfavourable demonstration. At this
moment the expression, • A great misfortune!' (une grande
n^une), was heard and the King Louis Philippe, hif right
aim passed under the left arm of the Queen, on whom he
S rrfV° *rn ^ SUrP°rt' ^ S6en ^aching from the
gate of the luilenes, in the midst of the horsemen, and
followed by about thirty persons in different uniforms. The
Queen walked with a firm step, and cast around looks of
assurance and anger intermingled. The King wore a black
coat, with a common round hat, but wore no orders The
Queen was in full mourning. A report was circulated that
they were going to the Chamber of Deputies to deliver tlie
act of abdication. Cries of Vive la Reforme ! Vive la France!
and even, by two or thee persons, Vive le Roi! were heard.
The procession had scarcely passed the Pont Tournant, mid
arrived at the pavement surrounding the obelisk, when the
King, the Queen, and the whole party made a sudden halt,
apparently without any necessity. In a moment they were
surrounded by a crowd on foot and horseback, and so pressed
on that they could uo longer move freely. Louis Philippe
appeared alarmed at this sudden approach. Indeed the spot
cfiosen by an unhappy chance, produced a strange feeling A
few paces off a Bourbon King, an innocent and resigned
victim, would have.been happy to have experienced no other
treatment. Louis Philippe turned quickly round, let go the
Queens arm, took off his hat, raised it in the air, and cried
out something which the noise prevented me hearing; in fact
the erics and pclc-mele were general. The Queen became
alarmed at no longer feeling the King's arm, and turned
round with extreme haste, saying something which I could
not catch. At this moment I said, Madame, ne craignez rien;
continuez, les rangs rout s'ouvrir devant rows— 'Have no fear

chap. iv. J FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

Ill

jf

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«~. -->•

* »

,/j
¦ M -
X

/-.

Madame ; go on, the crowd will open and make way for you.'
Whether her anxiety gave a false interpretation, to my inten
tion or not I am ignorant, but pushing back my hand she
exclaimed, Laissez moi ! in a tone of extreme irritation. She
seized hold of the King's arm, and they both turned their
steps towards two small black carriages with one horse each.
In the first were two young children. The King took the
left and the Queen the right, and the children with their
faces close to the windows of the vehicle, looking at the
crowd with the utmost curiosity ; the coachman whipped his
horse violently, in fact with so much rapidity did it take
place that the coach appeared rather carried than driven
away : ^it passed before me, surrounded by the cavalry and
National Guards present, aud Cuirassiers and Dragoons.
The second carriage, in which were two females, followed the
other at the same pace, and the escort, which amounted to
about two hundred men, set off at a full gallop, taking the
water side, towards St. Cloud."
" The flight of Louis Philippe," says the " National," " was
marked by an incident which does so much honour to the
feelings of our population, that we hasten to mention it. At
the moment the ex-King was escaping by the little low door
way nearly opposite the bridge, and going into tlie little
voiture that waited for him, he found himself surrounded by
the people. Two Cuirassiers stationed in the Place de la
Concorde rushed to his protection, and this brave regiment,
without however using their arms, opened a passage. An
officer seeing the danger, cried out, ' Messieurs, spare the
King!' To which a stentorian voice replied, 'We are not
assassins— let him go.' ' Yes, yes ; let him go — qu'il parte,''
became the general cry. ' The people have been too brave
during the combat not to be generous after the victory.' "
The family were strangely scattered in their flight. Tho
Duchess de Montpensier, the innocent cause of all the uproar,
scared from the palace by the inroads of the mob, wandered
about the streets of Paris until five o'clock that day, accom-

112

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.

pamed by an old Spanish servant, who knows not a word of
l'rench. She was met in the Rue du Havre, close to the
ra, way station, by a gentleman who, knowing her by sight,
took upon himself to protect her and conduct her to his liouse
wnere she remained for some days. How she managed to
stray unmolested and unrecognised so far from home is a
mystery to this hour. She says that, seeking to avoid the
crowd, she turned down the streets which seemed most free
without caring whither they might lead. She arrived in En-
land on the SOth of February, accompanied by her husband's
aide-de-camp. The Duchess of Orleans, after leaving the Chamber of
Deputies on Thursday, proceeded with her children to the
lnvahdes, where they passed the night. At five o'clock next
niormug they left in a hackney-coach, accompanied by an aide-
de-camp of the Governor of the Invalides, Marshal Molitor.
She did not leave Paris until tho following Wednesday, and
was accompanied to the frontier by a distinguished member
ot tlie Provisional Government, M. Marrast. The Provi
sional Government sent the Duchess her jewels and a large
sum of money. °
The Duke de Nemours and the Duke de Montpensier
were both separated from their wives in the flight. Nemours
arrived m London on Sunday the 27th of February, accom
panied by Ins sister, her husband the Duke of Saxe Cobnr*
and four children. So sudden had been the escape of the
whole party, that not one of them came provided with a
change of raiment. The Duchess de Nemours arrived at
Portsmouth on the 4th of March, under the escort of the
Duke de Montpensier.
AVhen the Duke de Nemours went to the Chamber of
Deputies, on the 21th of February, he was dressed in the uni
form 0f a Lieutenant-General. In the midst of the tumult
which terminated the sitting, the Prince leaped from a window
to the garden in order to effect his escape. He was at tliis
moment met by two of the combatants who were going towards

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

113

«s l>

O

"» A

the Chamber, and one of whom took off the uniform of the
National Guard, which he wore, and exchanged clothes with
the Prince. The Prince, when undressing himself, gave the
citizens different valuable articles which he had about him,
and amongst others a very valuable watch, a poniard-knife, a
ring, a purse containing several pieces of gold, and two gold
chains ; he then ran off in the direction of the Rue de Bour-
gogne, where he got into a cab. The preceding details would
have remained unknown had not the police, in its active re
searches after the property which had been taken from the
palace, come on the trace of some of the articles belonging to
tlie Duke de Nemours. A warrant was in consequence issued
against a journeyman watchmaker residing near the Chaussee
d'Antin, and the result of its execution was tho finding of
almost the whole of the objects. The party in whose posses
sion they were found, and who has tho character of being an
honest and hard-working man, protested that it was his inten
tion to send them to the Duke de Nemours whenever he had
an opportunity. He declared that he never considered them
as his property, although he might justly have done so, for the
Prince, when he gave them to him, told him to keep them, as
lie had no pocket in his assumed dress to put them in, and was
moreover afraid that his having them about him might prove
an obstacle to his escape, should he be stopped, for they
might cause him to be recognised. The young man was set at
hberty on making this declaration, and a seal was set on the
aiticles found. He also told the magistrate that, on the 25th
of February, he had informed his master of the. circumstances ;
and that, haying had an intention of writing to Queen Marie-
Amelie, he had prepared a rough copy of a letter, which he
had not recopied, not knowing how to get it to its destination,
but in winch he informed her that he kept the articles given
liim by the Duke do Nernours at the disposal of the Prince.
with the exception of some louis in the purse, which he had
been compelled to spend when out of employment, but which
he would replace when he should be again in work.

i i

114

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. iv.

Though Nemours was in too great haste to look after his
wife before he started for England, it chanced that the same
train which conveyed the Duke carried the lady's-maid of the
Duchess. On the. arrival of the train at the station, which is
six miles from Boulogne, the Duke and the lady's-maid acci
dentally entered the same omnibus ; but so completely had the
Duke contrived to disguise himself that his own servant rode
opposite to him six miles and did not recognise her master
till, on embarking in the packet which brought them to the
English coast, he called her by name. The Duke's com
plexion is very light, and his hair, eyebrows, and moustache had
all been died a jet black.
The Queen had no bonnet ou when she quitted the palace,
and was indebted to the kindness of a woman in the crowd
for a handkerchief to wrap her head in. The hack -carriage
in which the King and Queen left the Tuileries, drove off to
St. Cloud at such a rate, that when they had crossed the
bridge the horse was too exhausted to mount the hill leading
to the chateau. Several men pushed the carriage up, how
ever. After taking some papers, the King entered a
hackney-coach at St. Cloud, and drove off to Versailles,
and thence to Trianon, where he halted a short time, and
then continued his route. But before leaving the park he
saw at a distance, approaching towards him, six men
on horseback, and became afraid that they were in search
of him. He therefore ordered the coachman to stop,
alighted, and ran into a guard-house at the gate of
the park, near the railroad station (Montretout), and con
cealed himself behind a stove. The men having passed, an
aide-de-camp informed him that there was no danger. He
accordingly re-entered the carriage and drove off. The fugi
tives arrived at Dreux on Thursday the 2 ith, at half-past
eleven in the evening. On his arrival at Versailles, Louis
Philippe and his suite, not finding any post-horses, was
obhged to ask for horses from a regiment of cavalry. His
flight had been so rapid and unforeseen, that he was forced

» I' >?t

4, --,' *

i* *y&.

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

115

*a.^^*

a *

• -~*

* I *

to make at Trianon a collection among the officers, which
produced two hundred francs.
At Dreiix, a faithful farmer afforded shelter to the whole
party, now consisting of the ex-royal pair, Generals Dumas
and Rumigny, M. Thuret the King's valet, and a German lady
attending on the Queen. Here each person of the party
assumed the most complete disguise : the King shaved his
whiskers, discarded his wig, and donned an old cloak and
cap-r-even his friends could not recognise him. Before break
of day they started again, and came to La Ferte Vidame ;
where an English tenant and protege of Louis Philippe, Mr.
Packham, had been building great mills. Escorted by a trusty
farmer, they went through byways to Evreux ; thence by night,
on Saturday, to the house of a gentleman at Honfleur; and on
to Trouville, to embark for England. But the boisterous
weather prevented them for two days, and they returned to
Honfleur. A passage having been secretly secured for them
in the Express steamer, on Thursday afternoon, March 2, they
went in an open fishing-boat to Havre, the ex-King passing as
an Englishman ; and about eight o'clock that evening they
cautiously embarked.
A correspondent of the "Presse "thus reports tlie last
words uttered by the dethroned King of the Barricades, on
quittiug the French shore : — " M. R  , one of my friends,
was present at the embarkation of the ex-King in a fishing-
boat, on Thursday last. When on the point of quitting the
French soil, Louis Philippe turned towards R  and said,
' Join the Republic frankly and sincerely, for I carry with me
the French monarchy, and I shah descend with it to the tomb.
I have been the last King of France. Adieu.' " For once
Louis Philippe appears to have spoken the truth with sincerity.
The events of the passage across tlie Channel are recorded
in a letter to the " Hampshire Independent, " by one who was
on board the vessel iu which the exiles made their escape.
The Express, he says, had been lying off Havre for two days,
when an old man, apparently lame, dressed in a large travel-

116

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. . [chap. iv.

ling cloak, and his face nearly covered with a shawl, a pair of
green spectacles, and a travelling cap, came on board, assisted
by the British consul and Captain Goodridge. " While coming
on board, I heard the consul say to him, ' Take care, uncle,'
as if he was speaking to a relative, and warning him to be care
ful how he stepped on the ladder. The passenger was imme
diately conducted to the engineer's room (a most unusual place
for a passenger to be shewn into), but, owing to its small size,
and a fire burning in it, he was unable to remain there, and
was obliged to go into the saloon. As soon as the old gentle
man was on board, Captain Goodridge handed an elderly lady
down the gangway. I heard her say to him, ' I am obliged to
you,' and from her pronunciation I knew she was not an Eng
lishwoman. She was very plainly dressed. Her hair was as
white as silver, and I thought I never saw a countenance in
which anxiety, fatigue, and fear were so visibly depicted. As
soon as she was in the saloon, I could perceive that she had
been, and still was, weeping." [We need not say that it was
the ex-King and Queen.] " About midnight we were nearly
run down by a large brig. No vessel ever had a more narrow
escape than ours. We were within three or four yards of the
brig. Fortunately we were going at about half-speed. The
noise and confusion on deck arising from this disaster aroused
tlie passengers. Her Majesty rushed out from her cabin into
the saloon, exclaiming, 'Oh, where is my dear gentleman?'
The King endeavoured to console her. She embraced him
affectionately, crying bitterly, and talked to him, lamenting
that Ins dangers were not yet over, notwithstanding the many
he had escaped. The King was much affected, and he wept
and sobbed violently. Her Majesty was implored to return to
her cabin, but she declared that she would not again leave the
King, and she lay down by his side on the floor of the saloon
during the remainder ofthe night."
The only luggage brought on board by the party consisted
of a reticule and a bag which appeared to contain money, two or
three cloaks of a rich and costly description, and, what was most

•chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

117

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M, r~«r.

K

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important, a small but very heavy box, containing the exile's
last mementoes of all he had held most dear in the land he was
quitting for ever. The box was filled with five-franc pieces,
shining newly, as if direct froin the mint.* Fifty of these pieces
were distributed after breakfast among the crew. The Express
arrived off Newhaven at seven o'clock on the morning of the
3d March, but, owing to the state of the tide and the weather,
could not safely enter the harbour. At noon the fugitives were
landed from the steamer's boats at Newhaven-hridge.
Louis Philippe appeared extremely dehghted at having
reached the shores of England, and expressed his pleasure in
very warm terms to those around. Though cheerful, he looked
pale. In reply to a remark from one of the persons present,
congratulating him ou having reached this countiy, he ex
claimed, — " Yes, yes, I know I am safe among you — a victim
of great misfortune. I know the English people ; . they are
kind to those in misfortune." He shook hands with ali those
who offered their hands, as did the Queen. Some one said his
anxieties were now over ; to which he answered, — " Yes, I
have suffered much during the past week, but the countiy
people were very kind to me ;'' meaning the peasantiy in the
neighbourhood of Honfleur, in whose houses he had been se
creted in disguise. In this disguise he now appeared. It
consisted of a green blouse, grey trousers, a red and white
*' comforter," and a casquctte, or peasant's cap. Over the
blouse was a pea-coat, which had been borrowed from the
captain of the Express. His beard was apparently of a week's
growth. The Queen was attired in mourning of the humblest
kind ; consisting of a black bonnet, a very thick veil, and a
woollen cloak of black and white plaid with broad checks. She
looked much careworn.
Among the crowd assembled on the pier one Mr. Thomas
* The Provisional Government was perfectly aware of Louis Philippe's
place of concealment, and on Friday, the 25th, they sent him money to
enable him to proceed on his journey. —Pellet an, Hist, des Ts-ois Jours
deF&rier, IBiS.

118

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ir.

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

119

Stone signalised himself, by recognising the ex-King afar off in
the boat which brought him ashore, and pledging to him the
protection of the British nation. The reported colloquv on
landing is serio-comic : —
Stone.—" Welcome to England, your Majesty."
Louis Philippe.—" I thank you, I thank you; I have al
ways felt pleasure in coming to England. Thank God I am
in England once more !"
Stone.—" We will protect your Majesty."
Ex-King (much agitated).—" I thank you, I thank you."
The ex-King and Queen took up quarters in the Bridge
Inn, kept by one widow Smith. The ex-King's first aet was
to pen an autograph letter to Queen Victoria, and give it to
trusty hands for soonest possible delivery. This done, Mr.
West was privileged to proffer successfully his dressing-case
for the use of the ex-King. A lady also was desirous to place
a chest of clothes at the disposal of the ex-Queen ; but the
offer was respectfully declined. The village barber was sum
moned to the ex-King, to remove the week-old beard; an
operation which he was at first unequal to, from nervousness.
but ultimately performed with commendable skill. In a short
time the ex-King was perfectly at home under good hostess
Smith's assiduities; and declined the offered hospitalities of
the gentry, who soon arrived in numbers. The ex-Queen
busied herself in letter-writing, and seemed less open to im
pressions of the present. Mr. Packham was master of the
ceremonies, and introduced the visitors; among others, de
putations who had come pilgrimages of compliment from
Brighton and from Lewes. Three gentlemen were intro
duced ; one being the Reverend Theyre Smith, Rector of New-
haven. " Mr. Smith !" exclaimed the King ; " that is curious
indeed ! and very remarkable that the first to welcome me
should be a Mr. Smith, since the assumed name was ' Smith'
by which I escaped from France; and, look, this is my pass
port, made out iii the name of ' William Smith ' ! "
Among the memorabilia of the Bridge Inn have been pre-

V

- *

i

»t»t'*»>'

served the two following passages from the ex-King s conversa
tion Talking of the Revolution, he clasped his hands and
exclaimed,—" Charles the Tenth was destroyed for breaking
the Charter, and I have been overthrown for defending it, and
for keeping my oath. I wish this to be distinctly understood
and I hope it will be made known. '—" Truly happy and
thankful, indeed, am I," he said again, " that I have once
more arrived in England, and which I will not leave again
The bullets were striking the windows aud doors when 1
escaped from the Tuileries, but here I am, safe and unhurt.. I
have nothing to tax my conscience with, and nothing to reflect
upon (laying his hand upon his heart), and I thank you veiy
much." .
The ex-King and Queen seemed gratified with the sympathy
evinced towards them. On Saturday, the early breakfast was
prolonged by calls from more visitors : Mr. Lawrence and Lady
Jane Peel had a long and animated interview. Ou this day,
too, M. Duchatel, the late Home Minister, had an interview
with his fallen master.
At nine o'clock the ex-King and Queen proceeded ontneir
journey, and, by the help of a special train, were soon at Croy
don. Here they were met by their children, the Duke of
Nemours and the Duchess Auguste of Saxe-Coburg, with the
Duke of Saxe-Coburg. The recognition has been described by
a witness. " At the moment the train was brought to a stand
still, the Duke de Nemours rushed towards the window of tlie
carriage in which his exiled parents were seated, and, grasping
his father's hand, he covered it with kisses. The Queen, who
was sitting on the right of her royal husband, and was conse
quently further from the platform, ou observing the Duke,
gave utterance to a scream, apparently from excessive joy, and
then fell back in her seat. The door of the carriage having
been opened, the ex-King alighted, and immediately embraced
his son with .great apparent fervency, kissing him again and
again, while the tears poured down his furrowed cheeks. ^ The
next moment the ex-Monarch clasped in his aims the Prmcess

fTS*

120

Clementine,

^f^^f^f^l^^^^"^- 'v.
who was standing close to her brother. The

siXi"~-=s -.«"¦-¦ set
oucuieci8. -tne tirst burst of emotion over tl1t. ,-Xi * ¦
tnes were conducted into the ^ti^Z'^Xe^
mamed for some time in seclusion " 7 16"
Claremont was reached by three o'clock. At five Prince
Albert arrived byasneciol t™;„ ^ i • ' e
^^Dukea^dDSS:5tS^fr^S
whatever name she is called, all honour to Marie- Am he » I
!3j£*^ ^"^ ^tter befit tSgnoblt
" If," sayS a writer in the « Spectator," " Louis Phih'rm*
SSatefT^LrT "*? ^ ^ ^ the'lne
con el, H ' f 7 Sll°Uld "* that il is *** low
i:n;:; fan? oh direct — -^
Say II ^ 71 ^ ^ P1'°m0ti011' ™'e «*»» to
Ration, iLSaST^
ii to account a love for the romantic, which he did 1^
an enthusiasm for the theatrical, which he only used i ~

*.-iV*-

-*"

chap, iv.] FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.

121

engine. He could not,, in spite of experiences, imagine that
men should risk social position, advancement, life, nay the
shop itself, because they had some abstract ideas of political
right, or because they could not resist the opportunity for
performing a great drama. The people quite upset his calcula
tions. But he had his revenge, by turning their heroic epic
into a farce.
" The people would have set him aside iii a cool and dig
nified manner, or have escorted him politely to the frontier.
He preferred dodging the great nation in a chase without
pursuers. The poet and minister Lamartine would have read
him an exalted farewell lecture : but the poet was defeated in
his high-tragedy vein by the ludicrous and gratuitous panic of
the dispersion. France deposes her King, and proclaims the
fact with majestic pomp : the successor to Charlemagne again
inverts the national dignity by appearing on our shores hi a
Listonian costume. He comes for shelter, with his cajoling
tongue in his cheek: he returns to us, even on deposition,
'with pleasure;' he contrives to know all sorts of obscure
gentlemen by name; he shakes hands all round; and ad
dresses a knot of anonymous obtrusive sight-seers as 'the
British nation.' There is not a puffing advertiser, nor a par
liamentary candidate, not even a playhouse manager, that
better understands the art of humbug. No one better knows
that an Englishman's most esteemed delights are — to be known

ir

"V:

correctly by name, to shake hands with a king, and to be
considered as ' the British nation.' Louis Philippe claims an
old friendship with those respectable politicians the three
tailors of Tooley Street. But he has flattered in still more
touching manner that large section of the British people, the
gens Smith : he took out his passport of escape and came over
as ' William Smith.' He has fallen on his true social desig
nation — he is properly one of the Smiths. His adventures,
his crown, his French birth, his royal extraction, are but acci
dents : his nature is bourgeois, and eminently English : he is
a respectable, ' warm, bulky, alert old gentleman — a fund-

122

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. IV.

holder, a shareholder — prosaically, materially, and sceptically
commonsensible — comfortably contemptuous of dandified ap
pearances. He should stick to his new name, and for ever
more be 'Mr. Smith.'"

<i:~tP

"*

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.«*•:*'•

fc *

t*

CHAP. V.]

THE CLAREMONT VERSION.

123

CHAPTER V.
TXIE CLAREMONT VERSION OF THE FEBBUAKY DEVOLUTION.
The lesson taught by the great example of February,
1818, will gradually become clear to the minds of all men ;
but it has many stubborn prejudices to overcome before it can
obtain full and free acceptation. A stout effort has been made
by a portion of the English press to prove that the fall of
Louis Philippe argues nothing more than the personal weak
ness of that unlucky monarch, — that, in fact, the revolution of
February was only an accident, instead of being, as we suppose
it, a normal result of an everlasting principle. The " Times "
of March 0, had an article, from which the following is an
extract : —
" When the late Government undertook to check and pro
hibit the Reform demonstration, it doubtless never crossed the
mind of any Minister -that it was possible to fail in th
attempt; and though the danger became infinitely greater
than had been anticipated, we still think it probable, that if tlie
Government had retained the full exercise of its powers it would
not have failed. But the King thought fit to play anotlier
game. Not dreaming that a few hours would suffice to turn
the fury of the peo2>le of Paris against his own person and
family, he held in reserve the sacrifice of an wqwpular Minister
as a convenient concession, which might be made at a pinch to
quell a popular tumult. But he made this concession at tho
time aud in the manner in which it was certain to prove
indifferent to the people, and fatal to the maintenance of

124

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap.

authority. 'On the afternoon of Wednesday, February 23,
Paris was greatly agitated, but no severe fighting had taken
place; a few barricades had been raised, and retaken by the
troops ; tlie plans of the Government were complete ; Marshal
Bugeaud had been named to the command of the forces in
Paris ; and II. Guizot informed the King that he was confident
that the Executive Government could put down the -insurrection.
The Royal answer was— a dismissal. The King dismissed
M. Guizot, and dissolved the Cabinet, at that momentous
instant when all the energies of united power were required to
fight in the streets a battle which it had itself dehberately
provoked. Still, however, the mischief might yet have been
repaired if vigorous measures had been taken. But from that
hour nothing but the most extraordinary blunders and pusil
lanimity marked the conduct of tlie court."
It is a doctrine as dangerous as it is false, that if kings
and ministers succumb to the combined enmity of both the
lower and the middle classes, it is only for want of sufficient
obstinacy in resisting. No physical strength can, in civilised
lands, sustain a throne in opposition to the moral force of a
nation arrayed agamst it. " Charles X.," says the " Exa
miner," " with 12,000 bayonets, sank before the Paris po
pulace. The discovery was soon complacently made, that
the failure was owing to his want of force. Louis Philippe
has made a similar attempt with 100,000, with the same
result ; and ' more powder more kill ' is still the argument,
and his overthrow is ascribed to his want of resolution, not to
the resolution that was opposed to him. If Louis Philippe
had not firmness enough for his evil enterprise, we suspect
the conclusion to be drawn is that no monarch can be found
possessed of the boldness necessary to putting down a
thoroughly ltialecontent and highly-spirited people. But there
are some persons disposed to believe that the thing was
feasible ; for there are minds that always read the lessons of
experience backwards, and that still fondly cling to the belief
that armed might could have prevailed. Their faith in the

X i*

C ~-r*$i

-rf^*

(Wfc

X

CHAP. V.]

THE CLAREMONT VERSION.

125

bullet and the bayonet is inexhaustible. They would demon
strate to you how Pharaoh would have succeeded in his pur
suit by carrying a higher hand. But somehow or other,
happily for the world, the saying of Euripides is everlastingly-
applicable, that when Heaven dooms a man rev nvi i/ihte^s
wgaiTov. And the talk of what might have been done if a
certain Wanting quality had been present, is but tantamount
to calculating what the man might have done if the man had
not been the man he was ; in which case he would never have
made the attempt. If Louis Philippe had had the liigh
courage necessary for his evil enterprise, the probabilitj- is
that he would not have had the heart for it ; for the generous
qualities are in close affinity, and magnanimity is of near re
lation to bravery and constancy. The intense selfishness that
prompted Louis Philippe's faults was incompatible with reso
lution in the hour of danger. As for seventeen years he had
thought of nothing but making himself great, so in the crisis
of his fate he thought of nothing but malting himself safe.
Self was the uppermost, or rather the only, consideration.
He had never had any higher vocation than Self and Sons, a
sort of Dombey firm ; and with the firet demand for a particle
of devotion, for an atom of chivalry as big as tho pin's head
that selves him for a heart, the man was off, taking care of
Self, and shrouding the precious thing in a dirty blouse. But
to complete and perfect the disguise, he assumed over all a
' fear-nought coat' — a fear-nought ! disguise indeed!"
When "The Times" and the " Chronicle" argued that
more boldness would have saved the King of the French and
his Minister, that theory had not yet been shaken by the
events in Vienna and Berlin. There, at least, the troops
shewed no want of vigour or alacrity ; nor were their efforts
enfeebled by the least aversion, on the part of the Govern
ments, to put down insurrection at any cost of blood. Never
theless the insurgents were triumphant in both capitals, and
it was only by making unrestricted concessions that the re
spective sovereigns were fortunate enough to save their crowns,

12G

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. v.

which they had brought into extreme danger by their mis
timed obstinacy. But, even before the popular victories in
Vienna and Berlin, Europe afforded one striking example to
shew that a stubborn reliance on physical force is not the
safest policy for the defenders of thrones. As the " Daily
News " well remarks : —
" There is, perhaps, no stronger contrast, no more com
plete opposition to the policy of Louis Philippe, than is pre
sented by King Leopold of Belgium. Whilst Louis Phi
lippe sought to nail his throne to the ground, and himself to
the throne, King Leopold has sat as loosely as a sailor ba
lancing on the deck of a tossing vessel. Whenever there
came a change of parties, Leopold has bent in the right direc
tion. No matter what the sentiment prevailing, Catholic or
popular, Leopold lent it his royal ear. During the late effer
vescence of Republicanism, King Leopold is said to have ad
dressed some of his Liberal servants with the observation that
he had no veiy deep or obstinate desire to remain their king
— that he had done his best for them, but that if he was in
the way, he would most willingly withdraw. Every one was,
in consequence, most desirous to retain a monarch who ob
structed no Liberal interest or progress, and who, in resigning,
would have left the state a prey to anarchy, commerce a victim
to bankruptcy and rain, and contending parties no protection
against each other. The middle and commercial class of
Belgium — all, in fact, that is influential in Belgium — prefer
King Leopold to any Republic. So would this same class in
France have preferred Louis Philippe to any Republic, if he
would but have let them.
" But Louis Philippe's whole soul and activity were
directed to Madrid and to Vienna, and his anxiety was about
kings and tctrarchs ; when, had he been wise, he would have
been reviewing aud contenting his National Guards. He gave
banquets to diplomacy, stars to foreign ministers, titles to his
courtiers, and batons to his generals. He had far better have
turned his attention to the shopkeepers of the Rue St. Denis,

-\;.

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^-i.-v»

k?**

&?&+

\-t-r-

chap, v.] THE CLAREMONT VERSION. 127
and the manufacturing population of the Faubourg St. Mar-
ceaux. His Majesty so obscured his horizon with crowds of
courtiers in red ribands, that he forgot the mob and the
paving-stones, on the very heaps of which he had mounted the
throne, and which were as readily thrown up to scale it again.
" No, let it not be said that Louis Philippe perished from
want of courage — he perished from want of common sense
and common prudence ; qualities which as a mau he eminently
possessed, but from which, as a king, he allowed himself to
be secluded, till he lost their warning and their clue."
A condensed narrative of the Revolution of February has
been put forth in a manner and under circumstances that im
part to it something of the character of a state paper. The
" Standard," in which it first appeared, professes to have re
ceived it from Paris ; but there is little doubt that it comes
not from Paris, but from Claremont. We copy the docu
ment : —
" Wearied by the prosperity which for nearly eighteen years France
had enjoyed under the Constitutional Monarchy, the Republican party
meditated a great trial of strength. The Banquet of the 12th arrondisse
ment of Paris was accordingly proposed by the Opposition as apparently a
favourable occasion. Already, through the agency of the press, of which
it was absolute master, the party had wrought upon the population of
Paris, had corrupted a portion of the National Guard, destroyed the popu
larity of the Chamber of Deputies, and alienated the affections of the
people from Louis Philippe in his own capital. It raised the standard of
revolt, published its manifesto, challenged the Government to combat,
named the day of battle, summoned the National Guards and the schools,
and assigned to each their places in the warlike array. The chiefs of the
secret societies were not openly named, but a worn of order was pri
vately circulated ; and they were, at the proper time, to take their places
at the head of their several sections. The Conservative opposition {Gauche
dynastique) shrunk from tliis audacious proclamation; it did not desire
the overthrow of the monarchy ; but, fancying itself in a condition to
arrest the popular movement at its will, it was not displeased that a lesson
should be given to power. In its imprudence it flattered itself with the
notion that it was in a position to command, when it could do nothing
but obey.
" The sedition was not in the least discouraged by this defection. It
prosecuted ts movement on the morning of Tuesday, February 22, at

128

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. v.

first in appearance inoffensively. It proceeded by attempts to win over
the troops of the Une, and to seduce them by cries of ' Long live the
Line !' All the regiments, however, preserved the attitude of respect to
their duty. A like appeal was made to the National Guard, that armed
representative of the city whose presence had always hitherto been so
strong an encouragement to the army. This was, however, no longer the
same National Guard which had contributed to establish the throne of
1830— no longer that National Guard which had so loyally defended the
throne in 1832. Misled by perfidious counsels (we except, however, from
tliis reproach the 1st Legion, which repaired to its post of duty), the
guard forgot that its commission was to protect the capital from disorder
and anarchy ; it forgot that the law forbade it every manifestation of poli
tical opinion while under arms ; and, finally, that the Charter had con
fided all the institutions of tlie state to its patriotism.
" On the morning of the 22d of February, the detachment of the 7th
Legion on guard at the Chamber of Deputies had refused to clear the
colonnade, lobby, and tbe avenues, crowded by the seditious. On the
following day a company of the 4th Legion appeared in arms before the
Chamber, upon the pretext of offering a petition in favour of reform ; de
tachments of the 2d, 3d, and 7th Legions raised shouts of 'Reform for
ever ! ' ' Down with the Ministers ! ' everywhere, in a word, the uniform of
the National Guard, in ordinary times, the symbol of public order, might
be seen between the troops and the insurgents protecting the seditious.
" On the 23d the King decided upon changing the ministry. He sum
moned Count Mole, who did not think it consistent with his duty to
accept the charge of forming a government. In the course of the night
the supreme command of the National Guards and of the troops of the
line was confided to Marshal Bugeaud, and the King charged M. Thiers
with the duty of forming a new Cabinet. M. Thiers accepted the trust,
with authority to associate with him M. Odillon Barrot.
' ' On the morning of Thursday, the 24th of February, the new Ministers,
accompanied by a great number oftheir friends, proceeded to the Tuileries.
Doubtless they acted with good faith, but, dupes of a fancied popularity—
as they had always been — and of a supposed ascendant influence over the
masses, they imagined that, in order to calm every thing, it must be suffi
cient for them to shew themselves, and to cause a general cessation of
firing— flattering themselves with the opinion that the National Guard
would be adequate to the restoration of tranquillity. It was through the
effect of this unhappy illusion that they issued the order not to fire, and
that the defence of the throne and of the person of the King was paralysed.
To the Almighty alone it belongs to say to the waves, ' So far shalt thou
go, and no farther.' Vainly did M. Odillon Barrot endeavour to appease
the billows— his voice was lost in the tempest, Hardly had the insurgents

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CHAP. V.]

THE CLAREMONT VERSION.

129

heard of the order (not to fire) that had been given, before they learned
that they had no longer anything to fear from the armed force opposed to
them i. besides that, they had found a stanch support in a part of the Na
tional Guard. They redoubled their confidence and audacity, and directed
then- course to the Palace of the Tuileries, resolved to attempt another VUh
of August.. Already were their hoarse clamours heard in the streets neigh
bouring to the Carrousel and the Palais Royal, when, at nearly eleven
o'clock, the King on horseback, followed by his sons, the Dukes de Ne
mours and Montpensier, traversed the ranks of the National Guard and
the troops of the line, stationed hi the court of the Tuileries and the Place
du Carrousel. The troops of the line received Louis Philippe with enthu
siasm, the National Guard mingled savage cries of ' Reform for ever ! ' with
the acclamations ' Long live the King.'
" Returned to his apartments, the King found them invaded by an im
mense crowd, and then commenced the scene ofthe abdication.
" The troops of the line, paralysed by the order not on any account to
fire, presented hut a weak rampart against the insurgents — they fell hack
within the court of the Tuileries. The National Guard had wholly disap
peared, the insurgent crowd continued to advance j already were heard the
discharges of their fire-arms. The Ministers, in a state of consternation,
lost all hope. Amid the terrible confusion which reigned round Louis
Philippe, some exclaimed, ' Will you permit your whole family to be
butchered ?' Others, ' The Regency of the Duchess of Orleans will save
all !' The King signed his abdication, and withdrew from the Palace of
the Tuileries to retire to St. Cloud.
" Meanwhile the Duke de Nemours, doubtless with the design of pro
tecting the King's retreat, was still on horseback in the court of the Tuile
ries, with two regiments of infantry. The position could, however, be
defended no longer. The Duke gave directions to abstain from firing, in
order to spare useless bloodshed. He also, though in vain, sought to repel
the seditious rabble by a weak detachment of National Guards that bad
just re-entered the court. While these events were taking place, he learned
that the Duchess of Orleans, with her two sons, had quitted the Tuileries
by the garden. It was in good time : an instant later and she must have
been unable to save herself or her infant children, for armed bands were
already making their way into the gardens through the railing of the Rue
Rivoli. The Prince ran to join her. On his arrival at the Place de la
Concorde he gave orders for the troops to be drawn up along the Champs
Elysees, with a view to conducting the Duchess of Orleans safely to the
Palace of St. Cloud. In the meantime he posted guards at all the exits of
the Place, and at the Pout Tournant. While tlie Prince was superintend
ing tlie execution of these different measures of precaution, the Duchess of
Orleans was with her children conducted into the Chamber of Deputies, iu

130

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. v.

the midst of a group, hi which were many members of the Chamber, and
officers in attendance upon the Count of Paris.
" The Duke de Nemours, apprised of this, rejoined the Ducliess with
a resolution which involved more than one description of courage ; for he
went to see broken before his eyes tlie law that had named him as the
future Regent, and exposed his head to an imminent peril.
" The Chamber received the Duchess with acclamations, which were
redoubled after the speech of M. Dupin. On the benches of the Deputies
and in the tribune, ' Long live the Regent ! ' ' Long live the Count of Paris 1'
were loudly shouted. The sitting, however, was prolonged. The Radical
opposition drowned the voice of M. Odillon Barrot, who spoke in support
of the Regency. Finally, several orators insisted upon an appeal to the
people. At this moment the headstrong rabble, armed with sabres, pikes,
and fire-arms, preceded by persons in the uniform of the National Guard
who bore a tricolour flag, threw itself into the hall. A young madman in
a blouse, from the height of the tribune, levelled a gun with direct aim at
the President. Another stared with ferocious earnestness upon the group
in which were the members ofthe Royal Family. The national represent
ation was contemptuously disregarded, profaned, outraged, and dissolved;
the Regency was trampled under foot ; the Republic proclaimed ; and the
Duchess of Orleans and her two sons, with the Duke de Nemours, had to*
make their escape through a frightful tumult and the greatest dangers.
" Thus the insurrection was at the same time mistress of the Palace of
the Tuileries and of the Chamber of Deputies. The National Guard,
whose duty it was to repress the sedition, had become its auxiliary. The
army, reduced to inactivity, had lost its moral force ; what remained then
to do ? Could Louis Philippe have had the will, or could he have had the
power, to command the troops of the line to fire upon the National Guard ?
What would have been the morrow of such a day ? "
Turn the matter as you will, tliis question always recurs —
How happened it that the National Guard, which in 1832
fought bravely for Louis Philippe, was not to be depended on
in 184.8 ? To say that it was " misled by perfidious counsels"
is no answer to the question. The true one will be found in
the causes of disaffection which we have enumerated in our
introductory chapter. Louis Philippo had brought things to
such a pass, that neither resistance nor concession could avail
him. Even had he gained a temporary victory over the Pa
risians, his fall would have been no less certain, and immensely
more terrible.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

13t

CHAPTER VI.

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

The day after the battle, though it passed off without any
infraction of the peace, was one of strange tumultuous ex
citement. Tlie streets were crowded during tho whole of
Friday with promenaders of both sexes, and wore the appear
ance of a festival. The people had not yet dismissed from
their minds all apprehension of an attempt to rally on the part
of those who favoured the claims of the Duchess of Orleans
and her son, and they maintained a jealous attitude towards
the soldiers of the line, who were still in arms. On the other
hand, they displayed the most frank and generous forgiveness
towards their vanquished foes. Disarmed Municipal Guards
and soldiers ofthe regiment that had fired on the people were
seen walking about the streets, and no one insulted or molested
them. "At this moment," says an eye-witness, "there are
¦certainly no symptoms of rancour, and although I have walked
through a great part of the city, nowhere did I hear a ciy
against the late Ministers. I saw a plaster cast of Louis
Philippe's bust ground to powder on the Boulevards, and
workmen effacing the word 'royal' wherever it appeared, as
well as the royal cypher and arms over the doors of tlie trades
men to the royal family. On one sign-board, where it appeared
that the proprietor was not only brevete by the royal family,
but a provider for the Empereur of Russia, the Reformer con
ceived ho had practised a joke by erasing the three first letters
only, and leaving it ereur de Russie (Russia's error). The moro

132

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

133

practical jokes consisted of random feux dejoie indulged in by
boys ; but there are no horses to frighten, for the reason that
the thoroughfares are all obstructed by barricades."
Another writer has given a description of a barricade and
the mode of making it. "Suppose the commissioners of pave
ments, in one of their perpetual diggings up, piled the stones
of Fleet Street across the way instead of along it, inserting a
shop-front or two on the top, with a few lengths of iron railing
and half a dozen trees from the Temple Gardens as a finish,
hat would be a barricade like scores which have been raised in
Paris in the last movement. They are rude enough to the eye,
but most formidable in their effect : troops can do little against
them ; cavalry are quite useless ; as they are placed at all the
intersections of the streets, whichever way a battalion turned it
would find itself in a cui de sac. And they are formed with a
rapidity truly marvellous. I have examined a hundred of them
with much more interest than I should feel in the Pyramids. '
Among the scenes of the late conflict, none attracted more
painful curiosity than the space before the hotel ofthe Minister
for Foreign Affairs, where the fatal volley had been fired on
the night of the 33d. Pools of blood fifty paces long stag
nated horribly on the aspholte pavement. The spot now ex-
. hibited a touching and characteristic trait of popular feeling.
The railing which separates the low street called the Rue
Basse du Rempart from the trottoir of tlie Boulevard was torn
down in a fit of rage, at tlie sight of the blood of the victims ;
but, by a curious reaction of tenderness, the torn railing was
employed to keep people's feet from desecrating the blood, and
the motive was explained by notices in chalk drawn along the
trottoir. On the wall of the hotel was traced in large red
letters the inscription, A mort Guizot!
The Boulevards, says one of our authorities, present a ter
rible proof of that recklessness of destruction common to all
kinds of battle. " The trees which were the ornament of
these splendid streets, under which the Parisian was wont in
the summer to sip his coffee while selecting his theatre for the

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i

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A

y?

evening, are all cut down ; the stumps stood for some days ex
hibiting a horrid amputated look, as of ruthless surgery. They
were all severed about three feet from the ground, and formed
a line of posts neither useful nor ornamental. These trees
will be sorely missed next July ; but the next best thing to
leaving them as they were is getting rid of them alto
gether, and this has been the occupation of a large body
of labourers." All the detached forts round Paris surrendered this day
without resistance. A large body of the National Guards,
and of the crowd, had marched against the fort of Vincennes,
but their presence there was unnecessary. In fact, the soldiers
of the line had tacitly joined the revolt. Such scenes as this
occurred : — A body of the people proceeded, with obviously
hostile views, to the barrack in the Rue Pepiniere, in which
were the 52d Regiment of the Line. They found in front of
it a battalion of the 1st Legion of National Guards; one
among whom asked, "What do you seek?" "The arms
of the 52d." "Why?" "Because we wish to apply them
to the defence of the countiy." " But are they not iii the
hands of the 53d, who have faternised with the people, and
who arc ready, willing, and capable of fighting for France?"
This produced a pause. The National Guard then proposed
that a leader of the people should accompany him to tlie
Colonel of the 53d ; which being agreed to, an interview took
place, which euded in the Colonel's presenting himself at
the balcony and thus addressing the people : — " Citizens !
You ask for the arms of the 53d, in order that they may
be given to patriots. The 53d are patriots to a man. The
52d was among the first of the regiments which in 1830
joined the people. The 52d was the first which in 1848
fraternised with the people. The 52d is no more. That
which was the 53d of tlie Line is now tlie 1st Regiment of
the Republic." The enthusiasm which this brief address
produced on the pedple is indescribable. The arms were
left with the regiment ; and those who came five minutes

134

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF»1848.

[chap. VI.

previously to fight and slaughter retired delighted, and in the
best possible disposition.
A sad accident happened' this day. The toll-house of
the Pont Louis Philippe having been set on fire about one.t
o'clock, the. flames caught the joints where the chains of tho '
bridge are connected with the wood-work ; they gave way, and
the platform was precipitated into the Seine. The shock was
tremendous, and' several passengers who were crossmg tho
bridge at the fatal moment were submerged and perished.
By Friday evening order was to a great extent restored :
one proof was the reopening of the Bank of France. This
happy result was chiefly due to the admirable conduct of the
National Guard, and to the intrepidity, energy, and good
sense of the Provisional Government. To M. Lamartine espe
cially belongs the immortal renown of having that day saved
his country from anarchy the most fearful and bloody. '
Among the earliest resolutions adopted by the Provisional
Government were the abolition of capital punishment for
political offences, and the readoption of the tricolour, which.
had for a while been supplanted by the ill-omened red flag..
Both these measures were proposed by Lamartine, and owed
their success to his extraordinary eloquence and courage.
Five times on Friday he addressed the people, still fierce
with excitement, assembled under the windows of the Hotel
de Ville. The "Presse" has reported one of these addresses : —
" It is thus that you are led from calumny to calumny
against the men who have devoted themselves, head, heart,
and breast, to give you a real Republic — the Republic of all
rights, all interests, and all the legitimate rights of the
people. Yesterday you asked us to usurp, in the name of
the people of Paris, the rights of 35,000,000 of men — to vote
them an absolute Republic, instead of a Republic invested
with the strength of their consent ; that is to say, to make of
that Republic, imposed and not consented, the will of a part
ofthe people, instead of the will of the whole nation. To-day
you demand from us the red flag instead, of the tricolour one..

X

3

GUIZOT.

.AMAkTIHK.

ltd

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y

chap, vi.] RESTORATION OF ORDER. 135
Citizens ! for my part, I will never adopt the red flag ; and I
will explain in a word why I will .oppose it with all the
strength of my patriotism. It is, citizens, because the tri
colour flag has made the tour of the world, under the Republic
and the Empire, with our liberties and oui- glories, and that
the red flag has only made the torn- of the Champ de Mars,
. . trailed through torrents of the blood of tlie people.
<s4^r>" The effect of this oratory was all powerful. At this part
I of the speech of M. de Lamartine, in that astonishing sitting
,) of sixty hours, in the midst of an irritated crowd, every one
was suddenly affected by his words : hands were clapped and
tears shed, and they finished by embracing him, shaking his
hands, and bearing him in triumph. In a moment after,
fresh masses of people arrived, armed with sabres and bayonets.
They knocked at the doors ; they filled the salles. The ciy
was, that all was lost ; that the people were about to fire on
or stifle the Members of the Provisional Government. M. de
• i> 4. Lamartine was called for. He was supplicated to go once more,
for the last time, to address the people. He was raised on a
step of the staircase ; the crowd remained for half-an-hour
* -/ without consenting to listen to him, vociferating, brandishing
1 arms of all kinds over his head. M. de Laniartine folded his
' ' arms, recommenced his address, and finished by softening,
*.¦/*">. appeasing, and caressing the intelligent and sensible people,
\w and determining them either to withdraw, or to become them
selves the safeguard of the Provisional Government.
1 .. On Saturday, the restoration of order was completed.
*\ 4* The public departments resumed their duties, and among
yf them the department of Finance. It was only on the previous
» Monday that the notice to pay the city taxes had been issued.
*V j ~* The whole of the coming year's taxes derived from per-centage
on rents of apartments and shopkeepers' licenses would thus
fall into the hands of the new Government — an enormous
fund with which to begin. The million a month to tlie Civil
j, / List had already been confiscated, or, as the ordonnauce has it,
* " restored to the people" — a handsome addition to the fund

1. . *'

136

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vr.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

137

applicable to the relief of distress. The streets were partially
cleared of the obstructions caused by the barricades, under
the scientific direction of the students of the Ecole Polytech
nique, in such a way as not to compromise the security against
a surprise afforded by these popular fortifications. This
enabled the country people to bring in provisions, of which
there was an abundant supply; and it allowed the vast
number, of coachmen and cabmen to resume their occupation.
The law courts resumed their sittings ; the shops were opened;
every thing was done to calm apprehension.
On this day, the indefatigable Lamartine declared the
Republic : he presented himself, with the other members of
the Government, on the steps of the Hotel de Ville, and thus
addressed the multitude : —
" Citizens ! Tlie Provisional Government of the Republic
has called upon the people to witness its gratitude for the
magnificent national co-operation which has just accepted
these new institutions. (Prolonged acclamations from the
crowd and National Guard.)
" The Provisional Government of the Republic has only
joyful intelligence to announce to the people here assembled.
Royalty is abolished. The Republic is proclaimed. The
people will exercise their political rights. National work
shops are open for those who are without work. (Immense
acclamations.) "The army is being reorganised. The National Guard
indissolubly unites itself with the people, so as to promptly
restore order with the same hand that had only the preceding
moment conquered our liberty. (Renewed acclamations.)
"Finally, gentlemen, the Provisional Government was
anxious to be itself the bearer to you of the last decree it has
resolved on and signed in this memorable sitting — that is,
the abolition of the penalty of death for political matters'
(Unanimous bravos.) Tliis is the noblest decree, gentlemen,
that has ever issued from the mouths of a people the day after
their victory. (Yes, yes !) It is the character of the French

* i"1*

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4J-

y./ V

nation which escapes in one spontaneous ciy from the soul of
its Government. (Yes, yes ! Bravo !) We have brought it
with us, and I will now read it to you. There is not a more
becoming homage to a people than the spectacle of its own
magnanimity." Here the orator read the following noble proclamation : —
" The Provisional Government, convinced that greatness of soul is
the highest degree of policy, and that each revolution effected by the
French people owes to the world the consecration of an additional philoso
phical truth ; considering that there is no more sublime principle, than the
inviolability of human life j considering that in the memorable days in
which we live the Provisional Government has remarked with pride that
not a single ciy for vengeance or for death has dropped from the mouths
of the people ; declares — That in its opinion the punishment of death for
political offences is abolished, and that it will present that wish to the
definitive ratification of the National Assembly. The Provisional Govern
ment has so firm a conviction of the truth that it proclaims, in the name
of the French people, that if the guilty men who have just caused the
blood of France to be spilt, were in the hands of the people, it would, in
their opinion, be a more exemplary chastisement to degrade them than to
put them to death."
The Provisional Government were duly rewarded for tliis
great act of clemency, by the confidence which it immediately
inspired in the justness and moderation of their views. It was
indeed " the noblest act that ever issued from the mouths of
a people the day after their victory;" and it did undoubtedly
express the genuine, spontaneous sentiments of the victorious
Parisians, and of Frenchmen generally. It is well known
that M. Guizot remained in a friend's house in Paris for six
days after the 34th of February, and that the Provisional Go
vernment were fully aware of his place of concealment, and
that it was not till he was safe across the frontiers that they
took formal steps for prosecuting him and his colleagues.
Now tlie populace, who so often intruded into the Hotel de
Ville with clamorous importunities ' of all sorts, never once
thought of urging the Government to vindictive measures
against the fallen Ministers. On the night of the 34th, when
the people were still flushed with the victory they had gained,

138

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

an individual posted up at the corner of the Rue Richelieu a
written paper, containing the name and address of the persons
with whom MM. Guizot, Duclmtel, and Hebert, had taken re
fuge. That indication was followed by an appeal to vengeance.
Already the crowd was gathering round the spot full of emo
tion, when a patrol of workmen advanced, with a corporal of
the National Guard at its head. The latter approached, read
the placard, and cried out, " My friends, they who make such
dastardly denunciations have not fought in our ranks ! " and he
tore down the paper amidst the applause of all.
We are inclined to think with a writer in the " Westmin
ster Review," that the abolition of the punishment of death for
political offences probably contributed, more than any other act
of the Provisional Government, to make the entire nation to
accept the new men, as the indispensable necessity of the
time, with an unanimity to which there is hardly a parallel in
history. On the part of the army, Marshal Bugeaud ; on the
part of the clergy, the Archbishop of Paris ; gave in their ad
hesion to the new Republic. On the part of the middle
classes, whether in Paris or in the provinces, and of the whole
press, without a solitary exception, there does not appear to
have been the hesitation of a moment. All seem to have felt
by instinct, that whether or not the people were prepared for
Republican institutions, the time was come when a trial of
them must be made ; for after the fall of a Government which
but a few days before had enjoyed the reputation of being one
ofthe strongest in Europe, and then suddenly vanished like a
mist, there could be no further hope of security for person or
property under the protection of royalty. This feeling was
put to the test by a feeble attempt on the part of the few re
maining friends of the elder branch of the Bourbons, which
ended in the following ridiculous failure : —
" Ten young men attempted on Saturday evening," says the
" Courier Francais," " to get up a Legitimatist manifestation
in the Faubourg St. Germain. The people, seeing them all
dressed in black, with white cockades in their hats, cried out,

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

139

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' Tiens ! Tiens ! A funeral ! They are undertakers' men ! '
The yotmg men, finding the people in such good humour, im
mediately set to work. ' Friends,' exclaimed they, ' remem
ber Henry IV. and proclaim his descendant. Long live
Hemy V. ! ' The people, in the same good humour, imme
diately cried out, ' Ah, how is he, the dear prince ? He ain't
dead ? Glad to hear it ! Make our compliments to him, if
you please, gentlemen. How happy he will be ! Henry IV.
is dead ! Vive la Republique ! ' Thus did the people tum
Legitimacy to the right-about. If we relate this fact, it is
merely to add that, in despair for the cause, they immediately
went to inscribe themselves at their respective mayoralties, as
nearly all the young men of the Faubourg St. Germain had
already done. Thus Legitimacy has turned into Repub
licanism — the wisest thing it could do. ' Henry IV. is dead !
Long live the Republic ! ' "
Sunday was a high festival. The barricades had all been
removed ; the streets were thronged, the city was as tranquil
as ou that day week ; and nothing was wanting but better
weather. The rain poured in torrents in the morning, and the
wind blew a hurricane, but it cleared up in the afternoon.
At two o'clock the Provisional Government reviewed the
vast body of National Guards, horse and foot, before the
' Column of July. We quote an eye-witness : —
" It was the celebrated astronomer Arago who, from the
steps of the Column of July, proclaimed the Republic, amidst
the wildest enthusiasm. Arago is not an orator, but he
possesses a fine person, luminous eye, and manly manner, with
a voice to proclaim the Republic to the stars. The aged Dupont
de l'Eure next thanked the populace for their respect for order
and grand moral support of the Revolution. ' Listen,' shouted
Arago : ' it is eighty years of a pure life that speaks to you,' —
a far better expression than the forty ages from the Pyramids
contemplating the French army; although that piece of
Ossianic mysticism suited its purpose as well as did our
astronomer's more touching appeal to the feelings awakened

140

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap, vi.

by old age and a pure life. Cremieux's loud but hard voice
was heard next addressing a somewhat commonplace apo
strophe to the spirits of the victims of July, who had at length
received satisfaction; and then the procession attempted an
almost impossible performance— that of defiling round the
column through a compact mass of people, unable, if ever so
willing, to move one way or the other.
" For hours after, General Courtais devoted himself to
the preservation of order : with his white head uncovered,
and mild countenance, he harangued eveiy group he met
along the Boulevards to the Foreign Office, recommending
order and tranquillity; and so well did he succeed that the
populace forbore to exact illuminations."
Notwithstanding this forbearance, the capital was illumi
nated in finer style than on the two preceding evenings.
Venetian lamps were abundantly used, and so disposed as to
make the tricolour transparent. The Boulevards were exces
sively gay. People at all the windows, and under the lamps,
were devouring the journals, which, however, did not contain
any news that had not been already known. To attract cus
tomers, the "death of Louis Philippe" was cried, and it was a
sad ciy amidst so much gaiety. Hawkers were calling on every
body to purchase little tricoloured cockades, the national co
lour, the colour qui a fait le tour du monde, to distinguish it
from the red, which the Communists had adopted. There
were not many of that hue to seen.
We have already dwelt upon the fact so honourable to the
population of Paris, that never was the capital freer from out
rages against private persons and property than during the
wild turmoil of the Revolution, and up to the moment we
write this, when France has given to the world the impressive
spectacle of a nation self-governed, during five weeks, without
any military coercion and by the sole moral authority ofthe peo
ple. It must not, however, be supposed that crimes were not
occasionally committed. There are desperate malefactors in
Pans, and these men thought they saw in the confusion of the

i

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

141

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CHAP. VI.]
revolutionaiy week safe opportunities for rapine; but their
crimes were punished and suppressed by the terrible, but
uecessaiy, visitations of Lynch law. This happened several
times on the 34th, 35th, and*36th.
Three men were shot in the Champs Elysees on Friday.
Next day, in the Rue Richelieu, two young thieves were shot :
their bodies were left for view on the spot, with a paper
attached, marked in large letters with the word " Voleur."
A man who attempted (and with partial success) to set fire to
the Palais Royal was shot near the Prefecture. Another who
endeavoured to set fire to the buildings in the Pare Monceau,
and a third who committed a barbarous assassination and
robbery, met with a similar fate. A band of eight robbers
was brought out for execution in the same unceremonious
manner to the Place do la Madeleine ; but the largeness of
the number made the amateur executioners hesitate. Presently,
however, the robbers were carried to the mairie of the first
arrondissement, which is hard by. The Mayor, being satisfied
that justice was about to be done, gave his sanction to the
execution, and it was forthwith effected in the court.
On Saturday afternoon, the barricades having been opened
in the principal streets, and communications made more easy,
the plan of carrying culprits to the Prefecture of Police
became more common ; but the executions were almost equally
summary. Beyond the walls of the capital there was much wanton
destruction of property. The ex-King's beautiful chateau at
Neuilly was burnt down on Saturday ; but most of its valuable
contents were carefully removed, and sent to the public trea
sury, before the work of conflagration began. Many of the
marauders suffered a fearful retribution for their criminal ex
cesses. A large body of them rushed into the cellar's, where
they found wine of all descriptions, and a cask of ram, which
they broke open. Some instants after they were all chunk,
and then a terrific battle took place between them, their prin
cipal weapons being bottles. At length they fell to the ground,

112

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

143

overcome by intoxication or by wounds. Meanwhile the men
who got into the apartments ravaged and pillaged them com
pletely, after which they set them on fire, and the whole'
building was soon in flames. A short time after the men in
the cellars were burned to death or suffocated. On Sunday,
from a hundred to a hundred and twenty dead bodies were
dug out.
Among the most interesting items saved from the destruc
tion of Neuilly are two volumes of the manuscript memoirs of
the ex-King of the French. They terminate at the period
when the Commissioners of the Consulate proclaimed the Re
public in presence of the armies of the enemy. Other pri
vate papers of the ex-King have also fallen into the hands
of tlie new Government ; among them is mentioned an auto
graph list headed, Hommes a moi — " Men I am sure of."
The splendid mansion of Baron Rothschild, at Surennes,
was burnt on Sunday, under the impression that' it was tho
King's property. The Baron is deservedly very popular in
France, and after the incendiaries discovered their mistake, a
deputation from them, with drollery enough, waited on the
unlucky proprietor to apologise for what they had done. Tho
same day-a large gang of incendiaries proceeded to Maisons
Laffitte, near Paris, with the intention of burning the bridge.
The National Guard immediately took arms ; but not being
strong enough to oppose the banditti, they sent for assistance
to St. Germain-en-Laye. A largo detachment of National
Guards of that town, accompanied by a squadron of dragoons,
who each carried behind him an armed citizen, immediately
proceeded to Maisons, where they arrived in time to prevent
the destruction of the bridge. They then attacked the in
cendiaries., killed eight of them, and made a considerable
number prisoners.
_ The worst destruction was that committed on the Northern
Railway, the damage done to which amounted to not less than
400,000Z. An English resident in Paris describes some
traces of this sad devastation. They began to be risible at

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Beaumont. . " Some detachments of three regiments of the
Line were drawn up here, under the most terrific rain I ever
saw — it poured down in sheets of water. The railway autho
rities, quite taken by surprise, could offer little or no resistance
to the mob, which ravaged all the way down to tliis point. It
was composed of the lowest ruffians of the city : and the havoc
they have caused is deplored by the bulk of the people. At
Isle Adam and at Anvers nothing is left of the stations but
ashes and charred beams. At Pontoise the destruction appears
still more extensive ; a whole train of carriages that stood in
front of the platform is there still, in the shape of skeletons ;
the iron-work of the wheels and bodies alone remaining.
From this point to St. Denis, every liouse, hut, waggon,
carriage, and shed on the line, has been burned or torn down.
The stone bridges that cross the line within the city itself
have had their parapets levelled; and immense masses of
stone heaped together block up one line of railway completely.
Fortunately, the magnificent .station at Paris has escaped.
The mob destroyed nothing that was not connected with the
railway ; the cottages and cabarets along the line have not
been touched. A waggon of coke standing within sight of the
Paris station was still burning when the train passed."
The damage was quickly repaired, sufficiently to render
the line practicable to a certain extent ; but the effect of the
mischief was not confined to the heavy loss of capital we have
mentioned ; three-fourths of the traffic on the line were anni
hilated, as appears from the following returns. On the Paris
and Rouen section the receipts for the week ending the 4th
of March amounted only to 59,595f. 75c, and for the week
ending the llth March to 71,533f. 50c. On the Havre line,
the receipts for the week ending tlie 4th of March amounted
to 39,980f. 15c, and for the week ending the llth March to
34,504f. 40c. The Orleans line was not damaged by tlie
mob, and its receipts continued to be \erv large. For the
week ending the 14th of March they amounted to 191,094f.,
the corresponding week of 1847 having produced 1 77,01 3£,

144

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

and for the week ending the 31st March they amounted to
197,096f. 73c, while the amount for the corresponding week
of 1847 was 195,635f, 47c.
The motives by which the rioters were prompted to the
work of destruction were partly jealousy of the English work
men employed on the line, and partly that blind hatred of
machinery- which unfortunately prevails among the working
classes in all countries. The latter motive led to tlie de
struction of some printing presses in the capital, but that evil
was soon effectually checked. Unfortunately, it was not in
the power of the Government, or of the more enlightened
portion of the public, to stop the proscription of foreign wort
men. The English hands employed in the factories and on
the railways were everywhere hunted out of the countiy ; and
no time was allowed them to obtain the arrears of wages due
to them, or to dispose of their household effects. The bar
barous fiat was as barbarously exetuted, and the destitute
victims were ejected like malefactors from a land they were
enriching by their toil and skill. These stupid persecutions
were most incongruous incidents in the opening reign of Li
berty, Equality, and Fraternity, but it is absurd to regard them
as the natural result of Republicanism. The same ignorance of
economical principles which produced these disgraceful scenes
m France is repeatedly exemplified in monarchical England in
the arbitrary proceedings of trade-unions, and in the fights
between English and Irish labourers for exclusive possession
of the field of employment. " The genius ofthe French people
is pre-eminently logical ; unfortunately, the majority of them ore
at present possessed with the spurious theoiy of trade which
here finds favour only with the most unreasoning portions ofthe
community, certain dukes included ; and in expelling foreign
workmen, they but acted in strict accordance with the Tory
doctrme of protection to native industry. It is to be hoped
that the severe punishment which their fault carries with it
will induce repentance, and that repentance will bring wisdom.
Whilst shoals of English workmen were drifting coast-

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CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

145

wards before the storm of tyrannous rivalry, fear was chasing
their wealthier countrymen from the capital. No fewer than
five thousand passports were applied for at the British Embassy
on the 33d and 33d of February, and such was the sudden
demand for gold, that it rose to a premium of 15 per cent.
Fortunate were those who were early in their flight: they
lost, indeed, a sublime spectacle, which they had not nerve
enough to look upon ; but a quick run put the sea between
them and the objects of their fears. But those who delayed
until the railways were broken up were put to sore straits,
and their terrors were aggravated by the extravagant rumours
that sprang up on all sides in the provinces. An old and
highly distinguished officer left Paris on the 24th of February,
with his two daughters, but the train in which they travelled
had only cleared four miles of the long route to the coast
when it was brought to a dead stand. Neither carriage nor
horses were to be had, and the young ladies were obliged to
return to Paris on foot, whilst their father, who was crippled
with the gout, was forced to accept the services of a stout
peasant, who carried the old warrior pick-a-back all the way to
his hotel. The close of the revolutionary week witnessed the return
of order, as we have already stated ; the gradual restoration of
confidence — too sooii, alas ! to be again impaired — was the work
of the succeeding week. The streets still presented a very
bustling appearance, but one of a most satisfactory character,
being chiefly occasioned by the active steps taken to repair the
mischief done in the three days. The Provisional Government
freely took all unemployed workmen into their pay, and as an
additional means of securing the tranquillity of the capital,
there was created a Garde Nationale Mobile of twenty-four
battalions, to be clothed by the State, and paid at the rate of
thirty sous daily per man. Twenty thousand of the most
indigent and daring youth of Paris were quickly enrolled and
marched off towards tlie frontiers. However objectionable
these measures might be ih the abstract, the strictest political
L

146

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

147

economist ean hardly deny their expediency under the special
circumstances. Hunger is the most dangerous counsellor that
ever infested a revolutionised city. Another wise act of
largesse on the part of the Government was the redemption,
at the cost of the State, of all articles pledged subsequently to
the 4th of February for sums not exceeding ten francs. The
number of articles thus released amounted to one hundred
thousand, at an average cost of seven francs each.
Saturday, March 4th, was devoted to the obsequies of the
victims who had fallen on the side of the people. Their
remains were wrapped in tricoloured winding-sheets, and laid
on fifteen open biers, each containing five or six bodies. Several
corpses had been placed in the vaults beneath the Column of
July on the preceding night, and those claimed by their
families or friends had of course been given up for private inter
ment. The public funeral, therefore, afforded no opportunity
for ascertaining the exact number of the slain, nor are we aware
that this has been determined in any authentic manner. At
first it was supposed that between five and six hundred had
been killed on both sides ; a later estimate makes the num
ber less than two hundred ; whereas a correspondent of one of
the London daily papers states, that he was assured by a
sergeant of the 14th Regiment of the Line (a detachment of
which fired the fatal volley at the Foreign Office) that tlie
killed in that regiment alone were more than two hundred.
The computation of the wounded is marked with tlie same
uncertainty. In the first week of March it was officially re
ported, that the number of wounded then lying in the hospi
tals was four hundred and twenty-eight, of whom seventy-
eight belonged to the troops of the line or the Municipal
Guard. In the last week of March it was announced, again
officially, that the total number of the wounded of February
who had been received into the hospitals was seven hundred
and tln-ee, of whom one hundred and fifty had died. Taking
all the circumstances into consideration, it seems wot impro
bable that the authorities wisely forbore to publish the real

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f

amount of the carnage, at a moment when the popular pas
sions might have been dangerously exasperated by such a
disclosure. But we must not omit to mention another cause of error,
but of an opposite kind, affecting these statistics of mortality.
Among the novelties produced by the Revolution was a new
class of cunning speculators, called parens de faux moris. It
appears that in the first burst of enthusiasm the different com
mittees, appointed to register the names of the victims killed
in the divers encounters with the military, had not time to ex
amine and verify each individual case submitted to them, and
so it came to pass that not a few of those who died a natural death
during the three clays were buried at the public expense, and
their wives and children adopted by the country. Thus,
amidst all the heroic unselfishness of the great week, poor
commonplace human nature asserted its old prerogative. The
picture would have been too ideal in its tone, but that a little
farcical roguery gave it a touch of real flesh and blood.
The burial solemnity consisted of a procession from the
Hotel de Ville to the Madeleine ; a performance of funeral
rites at that church ; a procession to the Place de la Bastile ;
and an interment of the dead in the vaults beneath the Column
of July. The procession reached the Church of the Madeleine
about noon. The church was hung with black drapery, tri
coloured flags, and wreaths of immortelles ; and inscribed over
its entrance was, — Aux Citoyens morts pour la Liberte. A ser
vice was performed within. The route from the church to
the Column of July, in the Place de la Bastile, was fes
tooned continuously for the whole distance (nearly three
miles) by tricoloured and black draperies. These were sup
ported by posts, on which were hung shields of black cloth,
inscribed with the words, — Respect aux manes des victimes des
33. 33, et 34 Fevrier. Flogs waved from the windows of every
house on the route.
The people assembled to view the spectacle by myriads,
and as portions of the mass waved to and fro, the movement

148

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

chap. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

149

was like that of currents on the ocean. The day was beautiful,
and a brilliant sun shining on the sharp clear outlines of the
white Grecian church, on the lofty old-fashioned houses around
it, so picturesque in their complete contrast with it, and
glancing from the forest of bayonets bristling among hundreds
of tricoloured flags, above the surface of the motley and closely
packed crowd, of which no end was to be seen as far as the eye
could reach, formed a spectacle that no city save Paris could
furnish, and Paris only on such an occasion. There was some
thing awful in that mass of human life : it was easy to imagine
how armies fail in collision with such myriads ; yet it was but
a fraction of the host the city poured forth from eveiy street
into the main channel, in which flowed the business of the
day. The procession from the church was led by National Guards ;
then Masters of Ceremonies followed ; then the Orpheonistes  >
pupils in classes on Wilhem'3 system, with the Societe Musi-
cale. These frequently sang, with an effect even sublime.
Presently followed the clergy of the Madeleine, and the
funeral cars containing the dead. As these passed, the " Mar
seillaise " was sung; one verse by the female voices alone,
and then the chorus by men. As the hymn arose the crowd
uncovered, and remained so till the cars, which were open so
as to shew the coffins under the palls, had passed. Other
bodies followed, and then came the liberated victimes poli
tique!— among them, in carriages, the once Beau Barbes, now-
bent and worn by eight years' incarceration, and Hubert, both
of them too weak for the fatigue of walking. More National
Guards succeeded, then the representatives ofthe various trades
and callings, the families of the victims, members of the munici
palities, judges, freemasons, the pupils ofthe military schools,
and the university, &c. To these succeeded such ofthe wounded
as could bear the fatigue of the day ; they were all young men.
The cause for which they had fought was symbolised by the car
of Liberty, a colossal and gorgeously adorned vehicle, drawn by
eight cream-coloured horses. This harmless exhibition was

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the only part ofthe pageant that bore any resemblance to the
spuriously classical pomps of the first revolution. It is said that
a bat never ceased to hover round the summit of the car during
the whole procession, until it arrived at the Bastile, where
the creature disappeared, leaving the superstitious in a most
amusing state of wonder and alarm at so dire au omen.
The Provisional Government and the National Guard
closed the long line of march, which reached the Column of
July at five o'clock. In front of the column were erected two
veiy lofty square altars, hung with black cloth set with silver
stars, and with the " sacred fire" burning on their tops. The
bodies of the dead were consigned to the vaults, and the vast
concourse dispersed, without a single untoward occurrence
throughout the day.
Here rightly terminates the French Iliad of 1848. The
design of Jove was accomplished ; Nemesis had done her
work ; and now began another epopmia, the business of which
was the constitution of a uew state on the ground laid bare by
the total demolition of the old system. The Trojan epic ends
witii Hector's funeral rites ; and if ever some Gallic Homer
takes for his theme the fall of the King of the Barricades, he
will close the solemn tale with the burial of the patriotic vic
tims. But the humble chronicler is bound by other rules
than those acknowledged by the poet ; he must record events
in their ciude reality, and sometimes prolong his narrative
beyond its fit ideal close, though he fall plump into inevitable
bathos. Not until after the second capture of the Tuileries, on the
7th of March, can the nation be said to have consummated its
victory. The history of this burlesque affair is a follows.
It seems to be the established rule in Paris, that in revolu
tionary times a man may be whatever he will ; he has only to
say, ' I appoint myself to this or that office,' and his pretensions
will be acknowledged at least for a while. Some two hundred
of the first occupants of the palace were pleased to constitute
themselves custodians of the national property. The autho-

150

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [c„Ap. vi.

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

151

Mties, who would have spared them this trouble, occupied the
guard-houses of the chateau with the National Guard, but the
lnnt was lost on the volunteers, who always doubled each post
by stationing on it a sentry of their own. They found their
quarters so much to their liking, that it is not surprising they
took so much pains to guard them. When they had exhausted
the provisions in the chdteau, they sent out every evening a
detachment of foragers, who returned with bread, cheese,
onions, and fruit. The cellars supplied them with wine ; and
such as it was, the patriots condescended to get drunk upon it,
though it gave them a veiy poor opinion of Louis Philippe's
taste. The charms of female society were not wanting to the
Republican court; the citoyens were soon joined by their
citoyennes, and there was no end of balls, concerts, and other
impromptu entertainments. The name of M. de Polignac a
son of the last Minister of Charles X., is mentioned among
those of the musical amateurs who lent the aid of his talents
on these occasions. At last the noise of the revelry began to
attract attention out of doors. The Provisional Government
requested the self-elected guardians to march out of the pre
mises ; but they stood upon their vested rights, and refused to
resign except upon compensation. Some of them asked 80,000
francs for the surrender of their holding; others demanded a
pension of 800 francs each. Meanwhile the people outside
were growing angry; crowds of workmen assembled round the
chateau, loudly expressing their disapproval of the conduct of
the intruders. The fellows, they said, who refused to give up
the chateau never took it ; that, in fact, it had not been taken
at all, and therefore there was no honour in being found in it
At last the Prefect of Police, Caussidiere, sent a final sum
mons to the garrison to surrender. Their answer was, that
they had fifty rounds of ammunition per man, and would first
set fire to the chateau, if attacked, and then fight their way
out. By this time several police agents had entered the
palace in disguise, and recognised among its inmates a large
proportion of notorious malefactors.

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The authorities having made preparations to act with
vigour, the intruders lost courage, and about fifty of them
made their escape during the night of the 6th March, carry
ing with them a great deal of valuable plunder. The rest
capitulated in the morning, and were marched off to the Hotel
de Ville, where they were disarmed and searched : all had
dollars in abundance ; some of them were found wearing three
shirts and two pairs of pantaloons ; and Louis Philippe landed
in England without a change of either! A person in the
crowd, recognising one of the fellows, asked him what they
had proposed to themselves by remaining in the Tuileries, —
" We intended," he replied, " to reign there for seventeen
years, aud afterwards to abdicate."
The amount of jewels and other valuables stolen from the
chateau must have been very considerable, but a great por
tion of the spoil was afterwards recovered by the police. One
of the thieves having entered a wine-shop and become intoxi
cated, was induced to place in the hands of another mau
diamonds of the value of 100,000 francs for a five-franc piece
and a few litres of wine. Nearly the whole of the diamonds
were found in the possession of the man who had thus ob
tained them. O there, valued at 300,000 francs, were re
covered in Brussels from a Belgian workman, who had been
among the occupants of the palace.
These are trivial facts, but they rise into an importance
not intrinsically belonging to them, when we contrast them
with the honest conduct of the great bulk of the population of
Paris. The good fellows in blouses were not, indeed, always
proof against temptation ; some acts of petty larceny they did
commit ; a few of these were detected by their comrades and
punished with death on the spot; of the rest many, if not all:
were followed by voluntary confession and restitution. Seve
ral touching incidents of this land are recorded ; for instance,
a working man went to the commissary of his quarter and
stated, that, after fighting for the people during the Three

152

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

chap. VI,.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

153

Days, he was amongst the first to enter the Tuileries, where
a double breast-pin and chain, mounted with two large pearls,
fell under liis hand. He had a wife and family in a state of
destitution; he yielded to temptation, purloined the pin, and
pawned it for five francs, which saved four persons from
starvation. Afterwards' having got back to work and pay, he -
was able to restore the five francs with the pawn-ticket, both
of which he placed in the hands of the commissary. The pin,
when redeemed, was found to have belonged to the Due de
Nemours, and each pearl was worth 30J.
An English writer supplies us with a lively description of
the Tuileries, as it appeared just after the retirement of the
two hundred usurpers. A little havoc and min are, in his
opinion, things that add greatly to the interest of places; a
palace without king or throne, and still warm with the watch-
fires of the populace who have had it in possession, is quite
another thing from the palace of the guide-books, with every
picture and couch in its proper place : —
" The apartments first taken possession of by the people
comprise about half the grand front, from the Pavilion' de
Flore to the Salle des Marechaux, which is exactly in the cen
tre ; they are in the left portion of the facade as you look from
the Place du Carrousel. In the Pavilion de Flore, the great
gallery and apartments which iead to the throne-room and the
Hall of Marshals have been turned into a hospital for the
wounded, and rows of beds, with pale, pain-stricken faces lying
on the pillows, stand under the gorgeous paintings and gilded
cornices; grey-coated convalescents pace languidly up and
down before the large mirrors, or gather round the blazing
wood-fires, looking as if they had had sufficient experience of
regal splendour for the rest of their lives. The apartments of
the Prince de Joinville are above the salles where the hospital
has been improvised, and are at present occupied by M. Im
bert, the temporary chef of the invalides of February, who but
a few days ago was an exile, quietly fabricating pottery at

.k

r

. i

.*•*.-

Brussels. As something of the mind of a man always displays
itself in what Carlyle calls his ' environments,' I examined the
rooms of his Royal Highness with some curiosity. The sitting-
room is beautifully furnished, all the fittings are scarlet and
gold; several cit-oyens had just risen from a plenteous breakfast,
spread on a large round table, drawn to a comfortable proximity
to the fire, and while M. Imbert was giving all kinds of directions
and orders, cigars were lighted, and everybody made himself
quite at home. It is delightful to see the facility with which
men adapt themselves' to circumstances, especially when they
are an improvement on antecedents. The profession of the
Prince could be traced in the numerous maps on the walls, in
the lines of passage between port and port marked on them, an
elephant's tooth reclining under a sideboard, marine paintings
and sketches of sea-coast scenery, and a large model of a ship's
stern placed over a mirror. A whole suite of rooms opens from
this apartment ; the two first are filled with a confused heap
of furniture, a mingled mass of wreck and salvage, broken or
saved from breaking. Screens are charitably drawn across to
conceal the sad spectacle; beyond them is the library, ex
quisitely arranged, and untouched; not a book has been dis
turbed. Then follow sleeping-rooms, one of which is magni
ficent in its appointment ; the others domestic, with sufficient
elegance. " A series of staircases lead down to the first of the state
apartments, the cabinet de conseil; here, too, an extensive
breakfast had been achieved, and the whole aspect of things
was decidedly convivial with the slight air of disorder ; an im
mense pile cf wood on the Turkey carpet would not perhaps
have been permitted if a sitting of the Ministry had been ex
pected. The walls are hung with paintings by modem French
artists ; one had been torn from the frame, but I could not
learn the subject. There were no other marks of violence.
Passing through the grand gallery, filled with hospital beds as
above stated, you enter the throne-room ; here the havoc has

154

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vi.

been ruthless enough : the throne has disappeared, the crim
son velvet canopy over it still remains, being out of reach ;
the rich tapestiy is all torn down, so are the rich window-
curtains — they were converted into flags by the populace. The
surface of bare wall exposed by the removal of the hangings is
covered with inscriptions in charcoal, — A bas les Tyrans ! Viva
le Peuple! Vive la Republique! with the names of some of the
invaders. ' Conquise trois fois ' is veiy conspicuously written :
the female figure which represents the French Republic, with
sword and drapeau, is vigorously drawn to the left of the chirn-
neypiece — hastily, but with the touch of an artist. Every
royal emblem is destroyed with the completeness of hatred,
but some care must have been taken to avoid injuring, even
by accident, in such a scene of confusion, the fragile and pre
cious objects in the room. Two costly vases, exquisitely
painted, have never been moved ; the mirrors are perfect ; but
more extraordinary is the escape of an enormous pendule in
gold, under a glass case, all perfect as on the day it was placed
there, its pulse beating as quietly as if nothing had happened.
A card table, pushed up to one of the windows, is covered with
the droppings of wax-tapers ; all the chandeliers were filled in
preparation for a ball, and the mob lit up every one of them
for a daylight illumination.
" The apartment which divides the throne-room from the
then Salle des Marechaiix has not escaped quite so well ; a
musket-ball has pierced the centre of an enormous mirror,
which is starred and cracked in all directions. The Salle des
Marechaux itself is in an extraordinary state ; all the furniture
from the gallery and rooms occupied by the wounded is heaped
up in it ; tables, chairs, trophies, gold cornices, are all piled
together ; a piano of exquisite tone is thrust among the mass ;
many of the notes are mute, the royal chords probably snapped
by too vigorous an interpretation of the ' Marseillaise.' The
marble busts of the Marshals look down on the devastation
calm and cold, havoc being a contingency incident to the pro-

CHAP. VI.]

RESTORATION OF ORDER.

155

r

V

*¦*

i-
v

-£b

fession. None of the busts have been injured, but the portraits
of Soult and Bugeaud are torn from the frames and carried
away; that of Sebastiani is slashed with sabre cuts, which
have also been bestowed freely on the portrait of Grouchy ;
under the empty frame which held the full-length of Soult
is chalked ' Traitre a la Patrie!' A short inscription in a
door panel states that ' Thieves are punished with death;' and
those lude letters were an actual death-warrant to more than
one poor wretch, tempted by the license of the hour. They
were shot on the instant if discovered. The gallery which runs
round the hall contains busts of Generals of an olden time ;
Custine is there, and Dumouriez, 'the shifty man,' covered
with dust and neglected. The floor of this gallery is thickly
strewn with fragments of broken mirrors. The view from the
little recess that forms the entrance of the gallery is splendid ;
the window is in the veiy centre of the grand front of the
palace and looks ou the gardens, with the Obelisque and the
Arc de Triomphe beyond them.
" In the court-yard an animated scene is going on. La
bourers are clearing away the wrecks the storm has strewn over
some of the apartments, which they bring out in baskets and
shoot down ready for removal. Papers, old letters, torn
prints, shoes, dolls, periodicals, bits of tapestry, but especially
fragments of looking-glass, are all mixed together. The
soldiers were fishing up all kinds of singularities with exces
sive enjoyment. A bit of mirror large enough to shave in was
a great prize, for the plates were of the best quality. The ap
pearance of the remains of an old white hat was received with
shouts of laughter; it was maintained to be the identical
chapean of Louis Philippe when he played the roi citoyen; the
companion umbrella did not tum up. A heavy storm of hail
was the only thing that drove the military cliiffonniers from
their amusement. I scraped the heap with as much zeal as
the rest ; it is not every day one can tread on the dust of a
dynasty."

156

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. vi.

The damage done to the building itself was not so great as
might have been expected. The cost of the repairs has beeu
estimated at not more than 30,000 francs. In the first
flush of the revolutionary fervour, it was proposed that the
Tuileries should be converted into an asylum for the in
valided workmen; but this idea has been abandoned. The
invalkles civiles are to have their asylum at Meudon, and the
chief palace of France will continue to be as heretofore the
residence of the Government.

K.yJr**'

*'- /.

chap, vn.] THE VOICE OF THE WALL.

157

CHAPTER VII.

THE VOICE OF THE WALL.  THE POLICE OF PARIS.

***<¦»

V

The February Revolution is, in one respect, rather curi
ously and unfavourably distinguished from all other political
commotions in France. It seems to have exciteu in the
population an exuberant developement of every instinct and
every faculty except that of wit. This time the Parisians
appear to have taken every thing au grand serieux, and even
when indulging in the most ludicrous freaks they have been
each and all triste comme un Anglais. We miss the sprightly
chamons, to the tune of which the French used to dance
merrily through the most arduous evolutions of political
strategy ; the quaint conceits, the sly criticisms of their own
absurdities, that used to vindicate the repute ofthe nation for
quick perception and sound mother-wit. We have great re
liance on the good sense of the bulk of the nation, and cannot
believe that it will be long deluded by the Utopian schemes of
some of its present leaders ; but we shall not be convinced
that the French are quite restored to sanity until they are
again a laughing people. We have heard of but one solitary
bon mot to which the events of Febmaiy have given birth.
"What do you think of Lamartine ? " said some one to Hyde
de Neuville. " II a bien Fair d'un incendiare qui s'est fail
2>ompier," was the reply — " Why he's like an inceiidiary
turned fireman." If there was little justice in this, at least
there was some wit.
! During the six weeks after the fall of the monarchy there

158

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. VII.

CHAP. VII.]

THE VOICE OF THE WALL.

159

came forth a series of caricatures, in which Louis Philippe
figures in a variety of absurd rather than amusing postures.
Altogether unlike the series which the Revolution of 1830
gave rise to, the French caricatures, on this occasion, are
poor dull jokes, indifferently told and badly drawn. In one
we see the ex-Monarch hi his blouse — in another, Queen
Victoria's astonishment at seeing him in his blouse — a third
represents him as a beggar soliciting alms— a fourth, making
his escape on foot — a fifth, hurrying into his brougham — and a
sixth, in a barber's shop having his whiskers shaved off. The
best of all represents him kneeling before a chair on which his
hat and umbrella are placed, and this inscription beneath, —
" Cest ma faute! c'est ma faute! c'est ma tres-grande faute ! '"
The expression, however, is very poor — very unlike what
Gillray, or George Cruikshank, or the two Doyles, or the
French themselves iu less stirring times, would succeed in
giving. But if revolutionised Paris makes little display of wit, en
revanche, it abounds with dissertation, oral and written, on all
sorts of topics, moral, social, and political. The hundred
clubs that meet nightly in Paris, do not suffice as con
duits to carry off the prodigious flood of popular eloquence.
At all hours of the day orators are to be found at eveiy street
comer, holding forth to the passing crowd. Nor are the
patriots less busy with their pens than with their tongues.
However other trades may have languished since the Three
Days of February, the bill-printers and bill-stickers have had
no reason to complain of dull times. Not an available hand-
breadth of wall, pillar, or hoarding, but is made the vehicle
for addresses, petitions, essays, and schemes of all sorts.
Every wall has a voice, and every pillar a tongue, so that in
Republican Paris the old phrase, " between you and me and
the post," may be taken to express an intelligent conference
between three parties on equal terms. The Government,
finding their own proclamations swamped in this promiscuous
crowd, have ordained that all private addresses shall be on

x

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.X

coloured paper, white being reserved to distinguish official
announcements. Besides the ordinaiy broadsheets of the
Government, the Minister of the Interior has, for his own
special and most mischievous purposes, established a regular
placard newspaper, called the "Bulletin du Gouvemement
Provisoire." As for the private placards, their matter is as diversified
as are their hues. One mau, who dresses his opinions in the
jaundiced tint of jealousy, declmes in great type that
"Morality demands the re-establishment of Divorce." A
Monsieur Lavigne, on behalf of the tailors who " make to
measure," strongly denounces the ruinous competition of the
" confection" houses, i. e. the slopsellers and establishments
equivalent to our " Moses and Son." One philosopher invites
rich people not to feel alarmed, but to ride about in their
carriages, give balls, keep plenty of servants, and spend their
money as usual for the good of trade — advice which seems
hardly likely to have much effect on dejected capitalists,
mourning over their depreciated shares, and considering where
to hide the small remainder of their ready cash. The secre
taries of various popular clubs paste up solemn declarations of
principles, usually in a rather high-sounding, inflated strain,
in which the changes are rung on fraternity, humanity, &c,
usque ad nauseam. It is not indeed without regret that one
finds these noble phrases, and the lofty aspirations they
express, which used to awaken an echo in one's heart, gra
dually sinking into the category of cant; and beginning to
excite that sort of distaste which one comes to feel for beauti
ful music ground daily under one's window on a limping barrel
organ. A curious peruser of this open library of peripatetic phi
losophy has singled out one little written placard, which, says
he, " rather touched me. It was fixed on the doorpost of a
mean liouse, and by the trembling characters seemed to be
the production of a veiy old man. It expressed the hope
that the French, being so brave and generous, would not

1G0

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vii.

CHAP. VII.]

THE VOICE OF THE WALL.

161

allow the nged worn-out men of seventy years, who had but a
little while to live, to remain so destitute and so unhappy.
Some readers in the crowd had evidently shared in my feel
ings ; for there appeared written in charcoal at the foot,
' Approuve;' aud under that in pencil, ' Et moi aussi ;' and
under that, in another hand, ' Oui.' Many of the afficlies
have similar pencilled commentaries — one I remember laugh
ing at for its naive Republicanism. It was on the afficlie of a
club which announced its subscription at three francs per
month ; which the commentator in a firm hand, with a blunt-
tipped pencil, declared 'Aristocratic;' adding, 'Working-
men ought to be admitted everywhere gratis by all true revo
lutionaries.' It were well if graver facts, and more authori
tative counsels, did not at every turn suggest with equal force
the inexorable question — ' Who is to pay the piper? '
" This very question, however, is grappled with and re
solved by a financial genius, evidently a master-mind, who
has brought out a great golden-yellow affiche, intituled,
' France Rich in Eight Days ! ' The document sets forth
that there are six or seven millions of citizens in France,
having each silver plate to the value, on an average, of 300
francs — amounting, in all, to over two milliards. Let every
patriot carry his spoons to the Treasury, and exchange them
for Government stock at par ; the spoons, of course, to be
coined forthwith into five-franc pieces. Observe the depth of
this combination, the subtle engrenage of its several elements.
Government gets the silver cheap, paying for it in depre
ciated securities at par. But the seller is none the worse off
for that: on the contrary, he will make a handsome profit
too; because, when the Government has two milliards in
hand, the funds will immediately go up above par. But a
practical difficulty remains,_How are the citizens to eat their
bouilli and julienne without the accustomed implements?
After thus literally 'forking-out' to the Treasury, how is
tlie business of forking-wj to be managed? I confess, as I
read the placard, thoughtfully rapping my teeth with my

1

/*

/*v

cane, I saw nothing to fall back on, in face of this difficulty,
except a cheerful resignation to three-pronged steel : still,
meaner minds might have put their trust in pewter. But
here comes the crowning stroke of our financial strategist:
the transaction is to be one of universal benefit; the Govern
ment and the patriot are both to pocket a handsome profit on
the transaction ; the Treasury is to overflow, and yet the dinner
table shall not sparkle a whit less brightly. Cannot you set
this egg on its end ? A single word unriddles the enigma ;
but this word it is reserved for genius to discover. You read
on hastily — ¦
" ' Elkington ! . . .
" ' Forks plated by galvanism cannot be distinguished from
the real ! '
" What more need be added? ' Citizens,' cries the placard,
'a little energy — a little patriotism — and the countiy is
saved ! '
"But alas!" adds D. P., seized with a sudden despon
dency in his concluding line, " patriotism and energy — .
c'est la toute la, question!"
There was indeed abundant food for mirth in these " voices
of the wall;" but there was in them matter intelligible only
to the wise, and which such men would have deemed worthy
of the most serious study. Could all the libraries on earth
afford such aid toward that most precious of all kinds of know
ledge, the knowledge of men, as the walls of a great city co
vered thickly with the utterances of the individual thoughts
and feelings of half a million of human beings ? One more
example we will quote, as it fairly justifies our emphatic as
sertion that the working classes of Paris are an honest and
honourable race. On Saturday, April 3, there was a large
gathering on the Place de la Concorde, to take into considera
tion an appeal from a certain " Citoyen Durcle," which had
been posted on all the walls of Paris, under the title of an
Appel d'un Riche aux Riches, and containing a proposal for a
Voluntary proportional tax upon property, " for this time only,"

162

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vii.

CHAP. VII.]

THE NEWSPAPERS.

163

and under the peculiar circumstances of the present financial
difficulty. It is not worth while enumerating all the items of
the table of proportion proposed, beginning at SOOf. upon
every capital of l00,000f., and ending at 10,000f, upon every
fortune amounting to a million— the sacrifice, as the Citoyen
Durcle remarked, was not immense for all friends of the Re
public ; but the curious part of the appeal was, that a demon
stration of three hundred thousand of the lower classes was
called for (to assemble on the Place de la Concorde), in order
to go up to the Provisional Government and request it to urge
tliis appeal upon the consideration of all the rich of France.
The calling upon a monster demonstration to back a don volon-
tairehy its moral force was evidently somewhat of an anomaly ;
and, says our authority, who certainly cannot be charged with
an undue leaning to the popular side, " I am glad to say that
I found much good sense among the working classes upon the
subject. Whether the people were too much engaged in their
own particular minor demonstrations to attend to any other,
more patriotic, perhaps, but less showy, or whether they did
not take the appeal to heart, certain it is that the project
of a monster meeting utterly failed. Citoyen Durcle, a fair
little active man of about thirty-five, did not manage to con
gregate more than a few hundreds. The sentiments of the
people upon the matter were very varied, it was true ; some
declaimed that the rich must make this voluntary gift to the
countiy — must, because if they did not, it would be a sign they
desired a civil war — that their refusal would be an appel aux
armes — that those who did not must he forced by such demon
strations, &c. ; but there was one sturdj-, little, dirty, unshaven
artisan among the crowd, who dominated the assembly by his
energetic language, and carried away the majority ; he declared
that the people were too just to give an appeal to the gene
rosity of the rich the air of a menace, and that they were too
proud to give it the air of begging. He completely knocked
Citoyen Durcle's demonstration .project on the head. The
name of this orator of the people, in tlie name of their

"V

,,- -, good feeling and their good sense, would have been worth
recording." Alarmed by the formidable rivalry of the wall, the con-
•^ , ductors of the newspaper press urgently insisted upon a
*7 repeal of the stamp-duty, and gave the Provisional Govern-
;, ment no rest until their demand was complied with. The
•^-l-.. uewspaper stamp was wholly abolished. The first effect of
this was, of course, a reduction of price, in which " La Presse "
led the way. Its price to the annual subscriber in Paris is
reduced from 40f. to 34f. per annum, the postage being added
for the subscribers in the provinces and foreign places. Tliis
makes the price of the paper daily 0 centimes and 6-10ths,
or little more than six-tenths of a penny for one of the most
ably conducted journals of the French capital. Before the
recent revolution the circulation of " La Presse" was 30,'000 ;
its present circulation is reported to be nearly 80,000.
It is an interesting and significant fact that M. Emile de
Girardin, than whom no man in France has a keener ej-e to
his own personal interest, and who is one of the most formid
able opponents of the wild theories of M. Louis Blanc and of
the extreme Communists, has adopted the example of com
mercial communism set by the Northern Railway. That com
pany, early in March, announced its purpose of making all
individuals of every rank and class in its employment, from
the president of the company and the engineer-in-chief to the
humblest station-man, stoker, and plate-layer, virtual partners
V y in tlle enterprise and participators in its profits. Many pri
vate establishments have adopted the same course. The fol
lowing announcement appeared at the head of the leading
¦*<(>sf\> column of " La Presse : " —
"Council or Proprietors op 'La Presse.' — Meeting of
March 5.— M. de Rcville, president ; M. Laboy, secretary ; M. Coutzen,
au<Utor- The proprietors of tile ¦ Presse,1 called together by M. Emile Gi
rardin (one of them), agree unanimously to the principles hereafter stated,
already adopted by the company of the Northern Railway Company :— As
sociation of labour and capital -division of profits. Henceforward, in every
'¦* ,/ industrial cnterprb e, nil the salaries of labourers, workmen, foremen, clerks,

"X.

164

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vn.

CHAP. VII.]

THE POLICE OF PARIS.

engineers, directors, and managers, shall be made a common fund with the
capitalists, with reference to the labour of one and the capital of the
others. The profits remaining, after the payment of labour and divi- -
dends on capital, and for providing a sinking fund to pay ofT the capital,
shall be divided between all, according to the amount of salary or dividend *., *
of each. In consequence they decide, that the division of the proceeds of
the ' Presse' shall be made as follows : — 1. Payment of salaries. 2. In- j
terest of capital at five per cent, according to the average profits of the
• Presse,' from the 1st August, 1839, the day of its purchase, comprising -— »,„
therein the sinking fund. 3. Division of the profits in the proportion of
capital in money to capital in labour represented by the amount of salaries.
This word ' salaries' must have some more noble import. Tlie proprie
tors of the ' Presse,' therefore, extend it, without distioction, to editors, '*»-•»-
clerks, compositors, correctors, printers, distributors, and folders. Tlie
accounts of the participation shall commence from January 1, 1813. A
commission composed of three members has been charged with the drawing
up the legal agreement. The reduction of the price of subscription from \
44f. (average) for Paris to 24f. per year (difference 20f.), from 52f. (aver
age) for the departments to 36f. per year (difference 16f.), is approved, for
all the subscriptions made after this day. All the proprietors of the
' Presse' giving their consent severally."
We are now writing in the seventh week of the French
Republic's existence, and up to this time the peace and se
curity of the capital has been admirably preserved under a
fearful combination of the most trying circumstances. There
are fewer marauders, and less uneasiness is to be felt in a
midnight excursion through the streets of Paris than under
the old system. The self-elected Prefect of Police, Caussidiere,
does his duty wonderfully well, and is universally confessed to
be the only man in France who could so soon have re-esta
blished order and security. He is a veteran of the Old Guard,
has for years been one of the stauchest Republicans in the
countiy, and has suffered much both in person and fortune for
the cause. Immediately on his seizing the vacant place of
Prefect, he set about organising the system of night police
upon a totally new system, and which succeeded beyond ex
pectation. He formed a band of four hundred individuals of
his own choosing; taking some from the most active members
of the old police ; others from among the workmen on the
wharves of Paris, a veiy daring and powerful race of men; \ /

I

and many from the veiy prisons of the capital — selecting
them for strength and activity— and, by liberal pay, malting
it worth their while to remain faithful to his service.
No greater proof can be given of the wisdom of suiting the
work to the workman, than in the success of the system of
Caussidiere. This lawless hand, which might have become, in
such a time of trouble, the terror of the whole city, has been,
ever since the Revolution, its protection and safeguard. The
troop is lodged night and day at the Prefecture, aud is ever
ready, arms in hand, to obey the orders of its chief. Caussi
diere has been heard to boast that his band of Moiitagnards, as
he calls them, have not suffered a single robbery to go unde
tected since he has been installed in office, and asks if such
had ever been the case during a month's administration of his
predecessor. Tho National Guard, from all parts of Paris,
upon the first appearance of danger, send immediately for the
Moiitagnards, who succeed with admirable promptitude in dis
persing an obnoxious crowd ; from their personal acquaintance
with the principal leaders in these turbulent movements, they
can immediately dispel the effect by arresting the cause. The
Jacobin Club, in the Faubourg du Roule, had given some little
uneasiness to the people in the neighbourhood of its sittings,
by the immense crowd which it attracted, aud by the violence
of the opinions emanating from its members. Caussidiere was
applied to, the National Guard of the quarter having been
found inadequate to cope with the infuriated orators. He in
stantly despatched thither about a dozen of his sturdy Mon-
tagnards, in the dress of Auvergnats — the hewers of wood and
drawers of water to the good bourgeois of Paris : for it had not
been deemed prudent to alarm the timid, or excite the unruly,
by suffering them to appear in their well-known uniform. At
the very first symptom of uproarious behaviour, the Auvergnats
arose aud called out, A bas VOrateur — a bas le President!
which ciy, of course, excited the honest indignation of tlie
worshipful assembly, just then voting the sacrifice of the pro
perty of *dl aristocrats; to be accompanied by that of their

160

FRENCH REVOLUTION OP 1348. [chap. vii.

heads also, in case of resistance. A frightful tumult began ;
the Auvergnats, unarmed, by tlie sole assistance oftheir fists,
and the terror of their war-cry, Au Montagnard ! succeeded in
clearing the room in the space of seven minutes, the president
being the first to decamp in all haste; and the veiy next day
the walls of the faubourg were placarded with the announce
ment of the dissolution of the chib, and of its fusion into that
of le Reveil du Peuple of the Rue de Laborde.
One of the most remarkable of this band of Montaguards
is Ledru, known among his associates as Jean de Nivelle, who
in 1845 escaped from La Force, where he was confined for
coining, by hollowing out, with no other instrument than a
shoemaker's awl and a common clasp-knife, a subterranean
passage running across two streets to the Fountain in the Rue
duParc— tlie boldest prison enterprise since the days of Baron
Trench. He is the veiy life and soul of every undertaking ;
and by his extraordinary courage and agility never fails to re
turn victorious from his expeditions against the best-organised
plan for disturbing the public peace. The regiment rejoices
also in the possession of another individual not less remark
able — a man of letters, author of several successful theatrical
pieces, besides two or three novels. This man began life as
an actor of the Funambules, where he frequently played with
great success in pieces of his own composition, and where he
would no doubt have risen one day to eminence, had not a
little miserable iueident occurred in 1838, which, quite insig
nificant in itself, proved, nevertheless, of the utmost conse
quence to him, for it changed the freedom of his joyous vie de
Boheme into the disgrace and dishonour of the pillory — the
slavery of the prison-house. A lady belonging to the company
of the Funambules— one of those clever women whose know
ledge of arithmetic and rigid economy are both so admirable
that they can manage to procure the most brilliant clothes
and jewels, the most splendid furniture and appointments,
sometimes, indeed, to keep a handsome carriage, with the poor
stipend afforded by their second-rate talent at this low theatre

r*X

J

V*.

CHAP. VII.]

THE POLICE OF PARIS.

1G7

fa

 missed from lier dressing-room a splendid diamond bracelet
which her wonderful prudence and economy had, no doubt,
enabled her to purchase. In consequence of the hue and ciy
made by the fair lady, a diligent inquiry was made, and every
person about the theatre was compelled to submit to a search.
Now it fell out, we kuow not how, but the missing valuable
was found upon the person of our hero— in his veiy pocket!
He says in his memoirs that it was a conspiracy; that the
lady in question contrived to slide the bracelet into his glove,
which he had laid upon her dressing-table for a moment, and
that when called in a hurry to enter the stage, he had taken
it up and thrust it into his pocket unawares ! However, the
judges seem not to have been of this opinion, for he was con
demned without mercy to two years' imprisonment at Poissy.
At the end of this time, being disgusted with theatricals, he
endeavoured to find employment with the press. In this he
succeeded, and wrote for several of the leading journals. He
then published his impressions of prison life, a novel or two,
and a volume of memoirs. He might have acquired both com
petence and fame, but the dissipated habits he had acquired
in prison, the loss of his own self-respect, the consciousness of
degradation, had unfitted him for labour of any kind, or for
any regular course of life, and he was soon once more hopeless
and destitute. He had been several times an inmate of the
Depot de Mendicite at St. Denis, and his recital of the suf
ferings he endured when confined there are touching in the
extreme. Four years ago, having wearied all his friends, and
having tried every kind of office, he was too glad to accept the
place of chief scavenger of Paris ! It was a subject of deep
reflection to behold this man of talent at the head of his
brigade of men and women, sweeping away in measured
cadence the accumulated mud and filth of the dirtiest streets
in the world ; it was indeed an awful lesson to those who feel
inclined to dissipate God's goodly gifts, or to misuse the time
and talent bestowed for wise and great and holy purposes. He
was one of the first to whom Caussidiere applied to fill the

168

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vii.

office of dork to his battalion of Montagnards, and he appears
to give satisfaction in the employment so well suited to hi3
romantic disposition and restless roving habits.
The uniform of the corps is remarkable, being tricoloured,
and, although ofthe coarsest and cheapest materials, perfectly
graceful, and well calculated to shew to advantage the brawny
muscular forms of these wild brigands. It consists of a com
mon dark-blue blouse, confined at the waist by a scarlet sash ;
a red woollen cap ; and white trousers. They are armed to
the teeth, and with their dark beards and swarthy weather-
beaten countenances, present a most formidable appearance.
Jules Gerard, the lion-killer of Africa, sometimes accompanies
them, but quite en amateur, and merely for the sake of
enjoying the excitement of pursuit and capture, to the gra
tification of which passion he seems to have devoted every
faculty. He was first beheld at the storming of the Tuileries
and at the sacking of the Palais Royal. His cry of Mort aux
roleurs! was adopted on the instant, aud from that moment he
has never ceased to wage war against all thieves and plunderers.
He is dressed hi the rich costume of the African Zoaves, to
which regiment he originally belonged, and walks in his own
allotted place at e veiy public ceremony. He carries a long
cord twisted round his arm, at one end of which is suspended
an iron hook, the other end being formed into a running
noose ; at the first ciy of alarm, Gerard rushes into the crowd,
and with unerring aim flings the iron hook towards the thief,
hooking him at once by the garments ; then drawing him thus
nearer to himself, lie flings the miming noose over his head,
and secures him effectually. It is impossible to describe the
terror which tho very name of Gerard produces in a crowd.
In vain the wretched culprit, when detected, essays by dodging
into the thickest of the melee to escape — the steady aim and
cool determination of his enemy are invincible— and with a
cry of distress he sees the fatal noose drawn over him, and
knows that from thence there is no escape.
The vigilance of Caussidiere is beyond all praise, and,

,f~-/-^«

f-::

\

v ,y

~V

chap, vn.] THE POLICE OF PARIS. 169
like the great Haroun al Raschid, he disdains not to seek
every opportunity of judging personally of the manner in
which his orders are obeyed. He wages war to the death
with every species of vice, which never fails to rear its head
in the midst of popular commotion ; and the gaming-houses
were never so watched and persecuted as at the moment we
write this. He has, moreover, announced his intention of
putting down all those haunts so favoured by M. de Rambuteau,
and so approved of by the " system " of Louis Philippe, as
tending 'to amuse aud enervate the youthful population of
Paris, thus diverting their attention from public affairs. All
those nurses of vice and infamy — the juvenile theatres — are
likewise to be discontinued ; and he has announced, with
great nobleness of sentiment, that under his administration,
" although it may be impossible to destroy corruption altoge
ther in so large a capital as Paris, yet it shall henceforth
be made necessary for the citizens to go forth in quest of
seduction, and not have it brought, as hitherto, to their veiy
doors/' One day Caussidiere, walking through the Rue
Gueneg, was attracted by the display of some forbidden pub
lications in the shop of a bookseller. He entered and pur
chased one of these, and, as he laid the money down upon the
counter, inquired of the worthy shopkeeper how many more
copies of the work remained on hand? "Two hundred."
"You will deliver them up to my agent, who will burn
them,'' replied Caussidiere. " I am the Prefect of Police,
and will order a visite domiciliaire tliis evening." The shop
keeper laughed in derision. " Before then," said he, " the
book will be safe enough, and your agent will have nought
but his trouble for his profit." "Well, then, I shall just
stand for a moment opposite your door, and having read from
this book some few sentences to those who choose to listen,
leave you to enter into your own justification with the crowd."
The threat was too terrible ; the bookseller was glad enough
to promise every thing ; and, before he quitted tlie shop, the
Prefect had the satisfaction of consigning to the flames with

170

FRENCH RESOLUTION OF 184P. [chap. vir.

CHAP. VII.]

THE POLICE OF PARIS,

171

his own hand every copy of the offending publication which !
existed on tlie premises. .. ¦., .. .,,,
The papers found by Caussidiere in the Prefecture of
Police laid bare many acts of infamous perfidy committed by
professing Republicans. The affair of Lucien de la Hodde, ,
one of the curled darlings of the world of fashion, excited au
extraordinary sensation. One version of the tale is as
follows : —
It appears that tliis young hero, who was one of the most
renowned exquisites and gallants of the salons of Paris — who
was acknowledged to be a first-rate artist, a tolerable poet,
and supposed to be a gentleman of fortune, was one of the
first to apply to the Provisional Government for some kind of
employment suited to his talents. His friend Caussidiere,
who had already elected himself Minister of Police, got him
named to some office of trust in the Hotel de Ville, which he
fulfilled to the satisfaction of all around him until Thursday,
March 23, when, as he was about to leave his office, he was
accosted by a fellow in blouse and sabots, who hailed him as
an old friend and comrade, congratulating him upon his
fashionable appearance and the apparently flourishing circum
stances in which he was found. Although the gay Lucien
was observed to change countenance at the sudden recognition
of his self-styled friend, yet, of course, he stoutly denied any
former acquaintance with him, and by stepping into his
cabriolet, which, with its dark grey horse, was waiting at the
door of the Hotel de Vilie to convey him home, he soou left
the obtrusive friend far behind, and arrived at the Cafe Hardy,
where he was engaged to dine with a party of fashionable ac
quaintance, rather flurried, of course, with the adventure, but
fully determined to forget it as soon as possible in the enjoy
ment of good wine aud good company. He was fulfilling this
laudable intention to his heart's content when waited upon by
a messenger from Caussidiere, bearing a request to see him
directly at the Prefecture de Police. De la Hodde was
rather disturbed at the summons, for he was preparing to

'•T

S"

,--

honour Grisi's benefit at the Italian Opera; however, the
message was too peremptory to admit of refusal, so he once
more jumped into the dark brovn cabriolet picked out with
orange, which had for so long a time been the delight and
pride of the Champ Elysees ; and again did the high-trotting
iron-grey bear him at a towering pace through the Streets of
Paris. Arrived at his destination, he was immediately ushered
into the presence of his friend Caussidiere, whom he found
surrounded by his numberless myrmidons, and flanked, as
usual, by the redoubtable brace of horse-pistols which have
never left his side since his first nomination to office. None
of this would have created the slightest alarm in the mind of
young De la Hodde, for he was accustomed to the tone and
hearing of his friend Caussidiere, and knew that after all he
was a bon enfant, whose bark was worse than his bite, and he
advanced fearlessly with outstretched hand and a gay greeting
upon his lips. Presently, however, he started back, and
would have fled had not the door been bolted behind him im
mediately on his entrance ; for behind the chair of Caussidiere
he had beheld his other friend of the Hotel de Ville, and
spread out upon the table certain papers and documents which
he but knew too well, and which had been taken from the
archives of the police ! In an instant De la Hodde felt that
he was lost, and fell upon his knees to beg for mercy ; while
Caussidiere spurned him with his foot as he exclaimed
— " Go, thou base, vile miscreant ! in the first moment of
wrath I had designed to have destroyed thee with ury own
hand ; but my anger is cooled into contempt, and I resign
thee into the hands of those who will deal towards thee with
more justice and with more severity than I should have done
by depriving thee of life." De la Hodde was immediately
hurried away to the Conciergerie, where, during the night,
his trial was heard and his judgment pronounced. He was
condemned to he shot in the courtyard of the prison. Like
Marshal Ney and the Due d'Fmghien, execution was to follow
immediately upon the sentence. The criminal was brought

172

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vir.

against the wall; the word was given, fourteen muskets fired
on the instant, and the unhappy man fell forward on Ms face,
while a burst of laughter echoed from the executioners, who
ran to pick him up. The execution was but a farce, meant
o intimidate the miserable wretch, and make him feel the
horrors of judgment and of death, without the curse of blood
upon the conscience of his. judges; but the event has filled
them nevertheless, with remorse and with alarm, for De la
¦Hodde was taken up senseless, and put to bed in the most
alarming condition. All that night he moved not, nor gave
signs of life. For some time he was thought to be in reality
dead, but he recovered in time sufficiently to open his eyes
nnd to give tokens of returning consciousness ; but, although
lie could partake of nourishment, yet he neither moved nor
spoke for many a day since that memorable Thursday night.
According to another account, the conclusion of this affair
was not quite so melodramatic, though not much less sternly
impressive. It states, that the guilty man was at once trans
ferred from the Prefecture of Police to the Conciergerie. In
the evening a party of ardent patriots, who had access to the
prison took him out, and carried him before an extemporane
ously-formed military tribunal, which soon found the culprit
guflty of treason, and sentenced him to be shot. It was with
difficulty that some of the National Guards prevented them
nom carrying the sentence immediately into execution ; but-
uitimately they allowed him to be taken back to prison, on the
promise that he should be speedily brought to trial before the
regular tribunals.
The mau whose presence behind Caussidiere 's chair struck
Ue fa Hodde with such horror was his old comrade and fellow-
spy Raynal, The letters in De la Hodde's handwriting,
lonnd m the archives ofthe police, were to the number of five
Hundred. They go back for some years, and the last was
written as late as the afternoon ofthe 23d of Febmaiy— that
is to say, the second of the three glorious days. In this last

r™

-\ s*

CHAP. VII.]

THE POLICE OF PARIS.

173

letter he informs M. Delessert that he has at last induced the
Republicans to make a stand in the streets; that the most
ardent Republicans vvere that evening, at eight o'clock, to be
at the Port St. Martin and the Port St. Denis, and if he would
send a party of Mmiicipal Guards at that hour he might seize
the whole of them. M. Delessert acted, it appears, on this in
formation. He sent the Municipal Guards at the hour ap
pointed, but they arrived nine minutes before the hour fixed,
and the Republicans consequently escaped from falling into
the trap.

174

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE HOTEL DE VILLE.  THE PE0VISI0XAL GOVERNMENT.
"A VHotel de Ville!" shouted some one in the Chamber
of Deputies on the 24th of February, and thousands of voices
instantly took up that oldest and most familiar rallying cry of
plebeian Paris. From the time when the boatmen of Lutetia
first built their huts upon the mud-banks of the Seine, down
to the present hour, through all the vicissitudes of the national
existence, through all the momentary and secular mutations
exhibited by a people proverbially noted for fickleness and love
of change, the old municipal heart of Paris has maintained its
indefeasible prerogative. Its history is the most complete
summary of the history of France. The Hotel de Ville is
the Frenchman's Caaba — the monumental cynosure of his
political faith — the centre to which gravitate all the move
ments of the capital and the country. Whatever power pos
sesses the Hotel de Ville, is for the time the dominant power
in France. Impossible as it would be to give any adequate description
of the turbulence and confusion that prevailed in the Hotel
de Ville on tlie 24th and 25th of February, what we have
already related on this subject is enough to confirm the
assertion we made in our opening page, that the Revolution
was, from first to last, the spontaneous work of the people of
Paris. They began the revolt of their own accord, carried it
on without leaders, and consummated it in accordance with
their own unanimous desires, and not as they were impelled

. Tx

chap, viii.] THE HOTEL DE VILLE. 175
* -' to do by any extraneous promptings. Remembering how they
had conquered in vain in 1 830, they were resolved that this
'" time they should not be defrauded of the fruits of their
'**»- victoiy. They would . sweep away eveiy vestige of the old
system, they would hear of no compromise with royalty ; and
instead of acquiescing iu the establishment of a Republic
?» because it was recommended to them by the Provisional
Government, they accepted the Provisional Government be
cause it promised them a Republic. The conduct of the
people at the Hotel de Ville bespoke any thing but the doci-
*"rf lity of men awaiting the decisions of known and tried leaders.
The heads of the Republican party (whose tactics, ever since
the failure ofthe attempt made by Ikrbes in 1839, had been
to sit still and watch for such an opportunity as that which
presented itself in Febmaiy) did then come forward at the
right moment, and when they had satisfied the people that
,*+ they were the right men, they were allowed to be and remain
the Government. But before their powers were confirmed by
the popular sanction, they had to stand with muskets and
bayonets pointed at their throats, and undergo many a tremen-
; dous examination by choleric and suspicious judges. Their
lives were never worth five minutes' purchase, until they had
put it beyond doubt that the popular cause would be safer in
their hands than it had been in those of Lafayette in 1830.
It was, indeed, as trying a task as ever devolved upon
any set of men, to overcome the extreme distrust that filled
the minds of the armed citizens. Often, as they were soothed
and charmed by Lamartine 's eloquence, their suspicions would
s still return as soon as his voice had ceased to delight their
,J ears. The more the orator had enchanted them, the more
enraged they felt at the thought that all his fine words might
- be nothing but cajolery. Their perplexity would have been
. „ in the highest degree comic, had it not threatened to result
p in a most tragic catastrophe. They insisted that the Provi
sional Government should, eveiy quarter of an hour, make a
report of their proceedings to the people. On one occasion

17C,

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vni.

cHAP,.vtn.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

177

Lamartine came forward and said, . — " Citizens, I come to
impart to you the ideas of the Provisional Government."
"We won't have any ideas — down with ideas !" shouted the
mob. Another time Lamartine began thus, — "The first
necessity of the Republic is order." " We won't have any
order — down with order!" exclaimed the sovereign people.
Although, as we have said, the leaders of the Republican
party were vigilant waiters upon opportunity, and never ceased
to hope for the time when they should reduce their doctrines
to practice, there seems reason to think that the Revolution
took them by surprise almost as much as it did any other
class of men in the countiy. How otherwise can we explain
the fact that they had not come to any common understand
ing as to the individuals who were to constitute this new
Government? Four different lists were simultaneously pub
lished in different parts of Paris. The names announced at
the Chamber of Deputies were those of Dupont (de l'Eure),
Arago, Lamartine, Gamier Pages, Marie, and Cremieux. The
writers of the " Reforme " newspaper put forth another list,
composed of the names of Arago, Flocon, Louis-Blanc, Recurt,
Lamartine, Ledm-Rollin, Albert, and Marrast. A third list
was concocted at the office of the " National," and a fourth
at the Hotel de Ville itself, before the arrival of the members
designated elsewhere.
When the candidates thus named had met together, their
first business was mutually to discuss their several claims ;
but how they were able to do this, and afterwards to draw up1
the many proclamations they issued, amidst the stunning
noise and the pressure of a delirious multitude that scarcely
left them space enough to breathe, is one of the inexplicable
marvels of the wondrous week. On the 26th, they began to
be somewhat more at ease, having succeeded in clearing the
building of all but some thousand persons, the greater part
of whom persisted in offering their services as a guard of
honour. The Government made a virtue of necessity, and
accepted the patriotic offer with the best possible grace.

~^*

Thenceforth they were secure from the promiscuous irruption
of the multitude, and some degree of order began to prevail
in the interior of the Hotel de Ville ; but still they were not
secure from the violence that lurked in their own council-
room, and sometimes broke out in the most stormy demon
strations. Preserved repeatedly, almost by as many miracles,
from death by tho weapons of the frantic multitude, Lamar-
tine's invaluable life was again put iu most imminent peril
by the same hand that had fired the fatal shot at the Hotel
des Affaires Etrangeres. The high consideration in which
Lagrange was held by the Republican party may be inferred
from the fact, that to him Lieutenant Aubert Roche, of the
.5 th Legion of the National Guard, formally transmitted Louis
Philippe's act of abdication, which had been put into his
hands by an officer of the chateau. The Provisional Govern
ment, though in dread ofthe well-known incendiary principles
of Lagrange, felt compelled to nominate him to some post of
eminence, and for two days he figured as Governor of the
Hotel de Ville. At the end of that time he was replaced by
another, and no more was heard of Lagrange, who, as creator
and father ofthe Revolution of 1848, had of course attracted
considerable attention at first.
It appears that on tlie Monday following the flight of
Louis Philippe, a grand council was held of all the revolu
tionary leaders, assembled to dictate terms a huis clos to the
Provisional Government. The wise and calm demeanour of
Lamartine seems to have irritated in no small degree the boil-
iug, passionate nature of Lagrange, whose excitement was so
fierce and terrible that several members of the Assembly pre
pared to withdraw in alarm. Lamartine alone blenched not,
and the sangfroid and self-possession displayed in his replies
only served to increase the savage auger of his opponent all
the more. At length, exasperated beyond control, tlie in
furiated Republican, drawing a pistol from his pocket, rushed
towards Lamartine, and exclaiming, " Thou art no true pa
triot ! " pointed the weapon at the head of the Minister.
K

178

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vm.

" What hinders me from taking thy life now— at once— upon
the instant ?" shrieked he, with redoubled fury as the calm
glance of Lamartine met his eye. " Tour own conscience,"
coolly replied the Minister, "and the utter uselessness of such
an outrage ; for should I fall, there will still remain my col
leagues, who all, to a man, have resolved to die rather than
submit to violence, or to return to the senseless anarchy of
'93 !" The words had the effect of calming for an instant the
fury of Lagrange— he dropped tlie weapon which he held, and
turning pale as death, while Ms eye quailed before the steady
gaze of Lamartine, he muttered between his teeth, " Thou art
not a true Republican, nor yet a true patriot ; but I verily be
lieve thou art au honest man!" and then sank again upon his
seat at the council-board, trembling in every limb, and appa
rently exhausted with the effort of passion to which he had
given way. It was then that his neighbour, La Caussidiere,
managed to seize the pistol which he had placed beside him,
and by this presence of mind saved the Assembly from a dread
ful catastrophe ; for in the space of a few moments Lagrange
arose, and with the most frightful yells and bowlings began to
rend the clothes from his back and to tear the flesh from his
bosom, until the blood spurted forth, all the while uttering the
most fearful imprecations and blasphemies. 'In an instant the
whole Assembly was in an uproar — the terror of the scene was
greater than words can describe. It was evident that the
fierce excitement of the last few days had turned the brain of
Lagrange and produced a fit of raging madness. He was se
cured with difficulty, and borne to a maison de santo at Mont
maitre, where, for aught we know, he now remains, still a
raving maniac. The Assembly all gathered round Lamartine
with congratulations, but the effect of the scene was such that
many were forced to retire, and tlie meeting broke up. Much
commiseration was felt for Lagrange, who, it could not be
doubted, was a warm and disinterested, though misguided,
Republican, and who had made himself conspicuous hi the
insurrection at Lyons, not only for his energy and daring, but

. chap, toi.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

179

by some signal acts of magnanimous clemency. In person lie
is a model of manly beauty, and he possessed great power
over the lower class.
After the removal of this maniac, the Provisional Govern
ment might have had reasonable leisure to apply themselves
to their most arduous and multifarious tasks, but for the false
direction which. they themselves had unhappily given to the
course of social reform. The working men of Paris from the
first announced their determination that the Revolution of
Febmaiy should result in some improvement of their con
dition, and not merely in the creation of a multitude of places
for the middle and upper classes, as in the cose of the Revo
lution of July. The Provisional Government acquiesced in
tliis principle, and issued the following decree : —
" Considering that the Revolution made by the people ought to be
made for them ; — that it is time to put an end to the long and iniquitous
sufferings of workmen; — that the labour question is one of supreme im
portance; — that there is no other more high, or more worthy of the
consideration of a Republican Government; — that it belongs to France to
study ardently, and to resolve a problem submitted at present to all the
industrial nations of Europe :— The Provisional Government of tbe Re
public decrees a permanent commission, which shall be named Commission
de Gouvemement pour les Travailleurs, which is about to be nominated,
with the express and special mission of occupying itself with their lot. To
shew how much importance the Provisional Government of the Repubttc
attaches to the solution of this great problem, it nominates President of
the Commission of Government for Workmen one of its members, M.
Louis Blanc, and for Vice-President another of its members, M. Albert,
workman. Workmen will be invited to form part of tlie Committee. The
seat of the Committee will be at the Palace of the Luxembourg."
So far all was fair and reasonable on both sides. The
condition of the working classes called imperatively for
amendment. How to place the relations between the em
ployer and the employed on a wholesome footing is, of all
social problems in our times, at once the most urgent and the
most difficult. In France, all the laws and regulations made
on this subject dming the last reign were dictated by fear and
hatred of tlie working classes, and therefore there was1 so

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vm.

chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

181

much the more obvious need of a mixed commission to inquire
into the whole, system, apply present remedies to the most
crying abuses, nnd by sage and cautious induction prepare the
basis of a sound code of trade legislation. Unfortunately the
Labour Parliament, assembled at the Luxembourg, began its
work at the wrong end, making sentence precede inquiry. It
was, in fact, only n cumbrous contrivance for disguising the
absolute dictatorship of Louis Blanc and Albert " ouvrier."
Before the Republic was a week old, we have decrees signed
by those two functionaries (March 1 and 2), fixing tlie dura
tion of a day's labour at ten hours, the wages to remain as
before, and abolishing marchandage, or the customary division
of large contracts among a number of sub-contractors, without
which no great work can be executed, except at a greatly
enhanced cost.
The Provisional Government having thus sanctioned the
popular delusion that the amount of wages may be fixed by
direct legislative enactment, their reception-hall was forthwith
invaded by deputation after deputation from the members of
eveiy calling in the capital, all demanding a maximum of pay
for a minimum of work. Never was a Government so beset :
they had need to have among them a Moreau de St. Mery,
who in the first Revolution was recorded to have given, in
one brief hour, three thousand orders. The cabmen, omnibus-
drivers, and conductors, struck for increase of wages, and had
their demands ratified by the Government. The example
was immediately followed by all the other working classes.
" Half regiments of men in blouses,'' says a spectator, " defile
before you, two-and-two, mount the steps of the Hotel de
Ville, and disappear — gone to see the Ministry face to face,
to speak with it, hear it speak, assure it of their adhesion to
the Republic, remind it that it is there ' to organise labour,'
and so withdraw, shouting, ' Vive la RqnMique ! ' Not a dozen
men in Paris, united by any professional bond, but come in
this way to give in their adhesion. On Thursday, again, came
a deputation from the School of Medicine, to adhere, and ask

/ '

respectfully that henceforth they may be allowed to elect their
own dean ! Then came the players of the Theatre Fraticaise,
to adhere, and beg that Monsieur So-and-so, their manager
and 'tyrant,' should, in these days of liberty aud universal
election, be deposed ! Everybody comes ¦ adhering,' and many
stay to ask for places. Some minister or other has to receive
everybody, and give everybody a polite answer. Fancy what
hard work to be a member of this Provisional Government of
France ! "
To no part of the proceedings of the Provisional Govern
ment can we turn with feelings of such lively admiration as to
the official manifestoes of its foreign policy, issued by the gene
rous and pure-souled Minister, to whom, happily for France
and for Europe, has been consigned the task of representing
his country in her relations with the surrounding states. The
first specific intimation of the international views that were to
govern the conduct of the new Republic was given to the
world on the 5th of March, in the shape of a " Circular from
the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Diplomatic Agents
of the French Republic." It is as follows :—
" Monsieur,— You are acquainted with the events of Paris, the victory
ofthe people, their heroism, their moderation, how soon appeased, order
re-established by the concurrence of all citizens, as if in this interregnum
of visible powers the general reason alone directed the government of
Trance. .
" The French Revolution bas thus entered its final period, r ranee is
a Republic. The French Republic has no need of being recognised in
order to exist. It stands by natural right and national right ; it is the will
of a great people, who ask no title but from itself. However, the French
Republic, desiring to enter into the family of instituted Governments as a
regular power, and not as a disturbing phenomenon of European order, it
is fitting that you promptly make known to the Government to which you
are accredited the principles and the tendencies which are forthwith to
direct the foreign policy of the French Government.
" The proclamation of the French Republic is not an act of aggression
against any form of government in the world. Forms of government
have with all people their diversities as legitimate as diversities of charac
ter, of geographical situation, and of intellectual developement, moral and
material. Nations have, like individuals, different ages. The principles

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1818. [chap. vnr.

CHAP.

vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERKaWiEKT.

183

which rule have different phases. Monarchical, aristocratical, constitu
tional, Republican Governments, are the expression of those different
degrees of maturity of the genius of nations. They demand more liberty
as fast as they feel themselves capable of supporting more ; they demand
more equality and democracy in proportion as they are inspired by more
justice and love for the people. It is a question of time. A people lose
themselves in anticipating the hour of this maturity, as they dishonour
themselves when they allow its escape. Monarchy and the Republic are
not, in the eyes of true statesmen, absolute principles engaged in a death
struggle — they are things which stand in contrast, and which can live face
to face on a mutual understanding and with mutual respect.
" War is not then the principle of the French Republic, as by a fatal
and glorious necessity it had become in 1792. Between 1792 and 1848 there
is half a century. To return after half a century to the principle of 1792,
or to the principle of conquest of tbe empire, would be not to advance but
to retrograde with time. The Revolution of yesterday is a step in advance,
not in arrear. The world and ourselves alike wish to march to fraternity
and to peace.
" If the situation of the French Republic in 1792 accounted for the
war, the differences which exist between this epoch of our history and the
present explain peace. The differences endeavour to comprehend, and to
be made comprehended about you.
" In 1792 the nation was not one. Two people existed on the same
soil. A terrible struggle was going on between the classes dispossessed of
their privileges and the classes that had just gained equality and liberty.
The dispossessed classes with captive royalty, and with the jealous fo
reigner, wished to deny to France her Revolution, and to reimpose mon
archy, aristocracy, and theocracy upon her by invasion. There are no
longer at this day distinct and unequal classes : liberty hos enfranchised
all : equality, before the law, has levelled all : fraternity, whose application
we proclaim, and whose benefits the National Assembly will organise,
shall all unite. There is not a single citizen in France, of no matter what
opinion, who does not rally to the principle of country above all, and who
does not by this same union render her inexpugnable to the attempts and
disquietudes of invasion.
" In 1792, it was not the entire people who entered into possession of
its then Government — it was the middle class alone who desired to exercise
and enjoy liberty. The triumph of the middle class was then selfish, as is
the triumph of every oligarchy. It desired to keep for itself alone the
*\ rights conquered by all. It became necessary for its purpose to operate a
strong diversion to the advent of the people in precipitating them upon the
field of battle, in order to prevent their entering upon their own proper
government. This diversion was war. War was the thought of the

,r— *

Monarchists and ofthe Girondins: it was not the, thought of the more
advanced democrats, who desired, as we do, the sincere, complete, and
regular reign of the people themselves, comprehending under this name all
classes, without exclusion and without preference, of which the nation is
composed. "In 1792, the people were only the instrument of revolution and not
the object. To-day the Revolution is made by them and. for them— the
people and themselves the Revolution. In entering into it they bring new
necessities of labour, of industry, of instruction, of agriculture, of com
merce, of morality, of comfort, of property, of cheap living, of naviga
tion—in fine, of civilisation— which are all necessities of peace ! The
people and peace are synonymous terms.
"In 1792, the ideas of France and of Europe were nt prepared to
comprehend aud to accept the great harmony of nations amongst them
selves for the benefit of the human race. The thought of the age which
has ended was confined to the heads of a few phUosophers. Philosophy is
at this day popular. Fifty years of liberty of thought, of speech, and
writing, have produced their result— books, journals, the tribunes, have
operated as apostleship of European intelligence. Reason beaming every
where beyond the frontier of nations has created amongst minds this
grand intellectual nationality, which will be the finishing work of the
French Revolution, and the constitution of international fraternity upon
the globe.
" In fine, in 1792 liberty was a novelty, equality was a scandal, tne
Republic was a problem. The title of the people, hardly discovered by
Fenelon, Montesquieu, Rousseau, was so forgotten, buried, profaned by
old feudal, dynastic, and sacerdotal traditions, that the most legitimate
intervention of the people in their own affairs looked a monstrosity in the
eyes of statesmen of the old school. Democracy caused thrones and the
foundation of society to tremble alike. At this day, both thrones and
people are alike accustomed to the word, the forms, the regular agitations
of liberty, exercised in different proportions, in nearly all states, even the
monarchical. They will habituate themselves to the Republic, which is
its perfect form among mature nations. They will recognise that there is
a conservative liberty ; they will recognise that there may be in a re
public not only a better order, but that there may be more real order
in this government of all, for all, than in the government of some for
some. " But, apart from these disinterested considerations, tbe sole interest
of consolidation and of duration of the Republic will inspire the statesmen
of France with thoughts of peace. It is not the country alone that incurs
the greatest dangers in war — it is Uberty. War is always a dictatorship.
Soldiers forget the institutions for the men. Thrones tempt the ambitious.

184

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 18.18. (chap. vj„.

Glory dalles patriotism. The prestige of a victorious name veils the
des.gn against the national sovereignty. The Republic desires glory ">'
undoubtedly, but for its own sake, and not for the sake of Com f and C
.[Napoleons. "Do not deceive yourselves for all that; these ideas that the Provi- >*~^
sional Government commission you to represent to the powers as a EauKe f
of European security are not intended to ask pardon for the Republic for I
her boldness m coming to life ; less again to humbly demand the place of
a great right and of a great people in Europe. They have a more noble * " -
object-to cause sovereigns and people to reflect-not to allow themselves
to fall into involuntary mistakes upon the character of our Revolution-to
give its true light and just physiognomy to the event; to give, inline,
guarantees to humanity before giving them to our rights and to our honour
if they be slighted or menaced.
" The French Republic will not then provoke war against any one.
She need not say that she will accept it, if the conditions of war be laid
down to the French people. The feeling of the men who govern France at
tins moment is this ; happy France, if war be declared against her, and if
she be thus constrained to increase in power and glory despite of modera
tion ! terrible responsibility to France, if the Republic herself declares war,
without being provoked to it. In the first case her martial genius, her
impatient desire of action, her power accumulated during so many years of
peace, would render her invincible at home ; redoubtable, perhaps, beyond
ber frontiers. In the second case she would turn against her the recollec
tion of her conquests, which disaffect nationalities, and she would compro- ' \ ,
m.se her first and most universal alliance; the mind of nations and the
genius of civilisation.
"According to these principles, Monsieur, which are the coolly-
adopted pnncples of France-principles which she can present without
fear as without defiance, to her friends and to her enemies-you would do
well to ponder over the following declarations —
F J.' Tt '"Tr6' f 1815 6X!st n° l0nSer as a riSht in «ie eyes of the
French Repubhc; however, the territorial limits of these treaties are a
fact which she admits as bases and starting-points in her relations with other
nations. " But if the treaties of 1815 only exist as facts to be modified by con,'.
mon consent, and if the Republic declares aloud that she has for right and Y
for mission to arrive regularly and pacifically at these modifications, the i
exTs! T,T' r m°,,erati0'1'1 the co™<*> *- prudence of the RepubUc
exist, and are for Europe a better and more honourable guarantee than the -
fetters of these treaties, so often violated or modified . \
« J n ""Ir0"""' M0nsieur- to caus» *» * comprehended and admitted
candidly this emancipation of the Republic from the treaties of 1816

, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

y*.

*«yX-

and to shew that this frankness is hy no means irreconeileable with the
repose of Europe.
" Thus we say it openly; if the hour for the reconstruction of some
oppressed nationalities in Europe or elsewhere appear to us to be an
nounced in the decrees of Providence — if Switzerland, our faithful ally,
was constrained or menaced in the movement of growth that she is effect
ing within herself to lend an additional force to the aggregate of Demo
cratic Governments — if the independent states of Italy were invaded — if
limits or obstacles were imposed upon their internal transformations — if,
by force of arms, tlieir right should be disputed of forming alUances
among themselves for the consolidation of an Italian country, tbe French
Republic would believe herself authorised to arm for the protection of these
legitimate movements ofthe growth and nationality of those people..
" The RepubUc, you see, has at her first step bounded over the era of
proscriptions and dictatorships. She is decided never to veil Uberty at
home; she is equally decided never to veil her democratic principles
abroad ; she will never permit the hand of any one to intrude between the
pacific beam of her freedom a.id the vision of nations; she proclaims herself
the intellectual and cordial ally of all rights, of all progress, of all the legiti
mate developements ofthe institutions of nations who desire to Uve on the
same principles as her own ; she will make no underhand or incendiary
propagandism among her neighbours ; she knows that there are no durable
liberties but those that spring from themselves upon their proper soil : but
she will exercise by the light of her ideas, by the spectacle of order and of
peace, that she hopes to give to the world the sober and honest pro
selytism— the proselytism of esteem nnd of sympathy. It is not war — it is
nature. It is not the agitation of Europe— it is the life. It is not to in
flame the world — it is to shine from her place upon the horizon of nations —
to advance and to guide them at once.
" We desire for humanity's sake that peace may be preserved. Vt e
even hope it. A sole question of wai- had been laid down a year ago
between France and England.
" This question of war, it was not Republican France that laid it down,
it was the dynasty. Tlie dynasty carries with it this danger of war, that
she had raised for Europe, by an ambition altogether personal of family
alliances in Spain. Thus this domestic policy ofthe fallen dynasty, which
weighed for seventeen years upon our national dignity, weighed at the
same time, by its pretensions to another crown at Madrid, upon our liberal
aUiances and upon peace. The Republic has no ambition. The Republic
has no nepotism. It does not inherit famUy pretensions. Let Spain rule
herself; let Spain be independent and free. France counts more for tbe
solidity of this natural alliance, upon conformity of principles, than upon
the succession of the House of Bourbon.

13C FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii..
" Such, Monsieur, is the spirit of the councils of the Republic. Such
will invariably be the character of the frank, strong, and liberal poUcy that
you will have to represent.
" Tlie Republic, at the moment of its birth, and in the midst of
the beat of a contest not provoked by the people, have pronounced three
words which have revealed its soul, and which will call down upon its
cradle the benediction of God and of men— Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.
She immediately gave, by the abolition of the penalty of death for political
offences, the true commentary of these three words at home : give to them
also their true commentary abroad. The sense of these three words,
applied to our foreign relations, is this— enfranchisement of France from
the chains which have weighed upon her principles and her dignity — restora
tion of the rank which she sought to occupy on a level with the great
European powers— in fine, declaration of alliance and friendship with aU
people. " If France has the consciousness of her part of the liberal and civil
ising mission in the age, there is not one of those words signifying war. If
Europe be prudent and just, each of these words signifies peace.
" Receive, Monsieur, the assurance of most distinguished consideration.
" Lamartine,
" Member ofthe Provisional Government, and
Minister for Foreign Affairs."
The effect of this eloquent, temperate, and dignified state
paper was generally to produce a feeling of confidence in the
stability of peace on the Continent. Some supersubtle critics
were pleased, however, to consider the document as am
biguous in tone ; and Austria, especially, took umbrage at
the paragraph expressive of S3inpathy with " oppressed na
tionalities." The red-tape school of politicians were shocked
by the violation of diplomatic propriety displayed in the
announcement that "the treaties of 1815 exist no longer as
a right in the eyes ofthe French Republic,'' only the terri
torial limits fixed by those treaties " are a fact which she
admits as bases and starting-points in her relations with other
nations." Now France had a perfect right to regard the
Treaty of Vienna as null and void, and in submitting to be
bound provisionally by its territorial arrangements she gave
proof of veiy commendable moderation. The principle laid
' down by Lamartine had been pointedly expressed more than

chap, vii..] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

187

a year previously by Lord Palmerston, in Ms speech on the
extinction of the independence of Cracow, when be made the
memorable declaration, that " If the Treaty of Vienna is void
on the banks ofthe Vistula, it must be equally void on the banks
of the Rhine or the Po,1' But it was not left for France to
give effect to that equitable verdict.; that has been accom-
jilished by the force of events in which she has had no parti
cipation, except in the way of example. As to the perfect
good faith with which Lamartine pledged himself, in the
name of France, to abstain from every act of aggression, every
undue interference with the internal affairs of other states, all
doubts on this subject were completely extinguished by his
replies to the various deputations of foreigners who sought
the aid of the French Republic, in their projected attempts to
revolutionise tlieir own respective countries.
When the deputation of the Poles waited on the Govern
ment on March 20, M. Godebski, one of the members of the
deputation, expressed himself in the following terms :—
" Poland, citizens, casts off her blood-stained shroud, and her exiled
sons come to offer through you their thanks to Fiance for the hospitaUty
they have received from her in their days of misfortune. We doubt not,
citizens, that, at this supreme moment, you wiU know how to reconcile the
imperious exigencies of the national sentiment with the difficulties of your
position. After so many cruel deceptions, the hour is now come when
Poland may decide her own fate by her own hand. It is to concur in tliis
work that we are about to inarch, and we believe that we have a right to
hope that yon will aid us to perform our duty as soldiers. We rely upon
you, citizens, because we consider you as the true representatives of the
French people, who are our brothers. Vive la Republique Francaise !
Vive la Republique Polonaise .'"
M. de Lamartine replied : —
" Citizens of Poland ! — The French Republic receives as a happy omen
the homage of your adhesion and of your acknowledgment of its hospi
taUty. I have no need to express to you its sentiments towards the sons
of Poland. Tlie voice of France has annually declared them to you, even
when the monarchy endeavoured to suppress it. The voice and gesture of
the RepubUc are still more sympathetic, and it repeats its fraternal senti
ments towards you. You will find them in every instance compatible with

188

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii.

the justice, moderation, and peace which she has proclaimed to all the
world. Yes, since your last disasters, since the day when the sword effaced
from the map of nations the last vestige of the existence of Poland, she has
not only been the reproach, but a living cause of remorse in the heart of
Europe. France owes you not only her best wishes and her tears, she owes
you a moral and eventual support, in return, brave Poles, for that blood
which you have shed for her on aU the fields of battle in Europe. Be
assured that France will repay you all that she owes to you. Only,
you must leave to her that which she alone can appoint— tlie hour,
the moment, the mode for giving to you, without aggression, without effu
sion of blood, the place which is due to you in the Ust of nations. I will
make known to you, if you know them not already, the principles which
the Provisional Government has adopted invariably for its foreign policy.
France is undoubtedly Republican. She proclaims this to the world. But
the RepubUc is not at war, either openly or secretly, with any of the exist
ing nations or governments, as long as those nations and governments re
frain from making war upon it. It will not, therefore, voluntarily commit,
or suffer to be committed, any act of aggression or violence upon the Ger
manic nations. They are at this moment labouring to modify by them
selves their own internal system of confederation. It would be insensate
or treacherous to the freedom of the world to disturb and derange their
labours by demonstrations of war, and thus turn into hostility and hatred
that pure disposition to promote liberty which makes them incline, with all
the best feeUngs of their hearts, towards us and towards you. And at what
a moment have you come to us to require us to commit this contravention
against all good policy and liberty ? Is the treaty of Pilnitz being brought
into action against us ? Is there a coaUtion of absolute sovereigns assem
bled hi arms upon our frontiers or upon yours ? No ! Every courier
brings us victorious acclamations of people, which strengthen our cause
precisely for the reason that we have declared its principle to be respect
for the rights, the wills, forms of government, and the territories of all
nations and people ! Are the results of the external poUcy of the Provi
sional Government so bad that it must be forced to change it, and march
to the frontiers of its neighbours, bayonet in hand, instead of presenting it
as the harbinger of liberty and peace ? No ! The firm and pacific policy
of the Republic succeeds too well for us to wish to alter it until the hour
comes when we may be forced to change it to other powers. Look at Bel
gium — Switzerland — Italy — all Southern Germany! Turn your eyes
towards Vienna and Berlin ! What more is necessary ? Even the pos
sessors of your own land open to you a path to your country, and call upon
you to come and re-establish it in peace 1 Be not unjust either towards
God, towards the Republic, or towards yourselves ! The sympathising
States of Germany, the King* of Prussia, are opening the doors of their

r

chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

¦wr-

*-«

• citadels to your martyrs ; the gates of Poland are open ; Cracow is enfran
chised ; the Grand Duchy of Posen has again become Polish. These are
the ai-ms which we have given you in one month! Do not demand any
more, from us. The Provisional Government will not allow its policy to
be changed in favour of any foreign people, however much we may in our
hearts sympathise with it. We love Poland, but we love France better
than all the rest of the earth. At this moment we have in our hands her
future destiny, and perhaps that of Europe. This is a responsibility which
we will relinquish to none but our own nation. Trust, therefore, in her —
trust in what has passed in the last thirty days, which have gained more
ground for the democracy of France than thirty pitched battles. Do not,
therefore, either by arms or by agitation, disturb the great work which
Providence is accomplishing, with no other weapons than ideas, for the
regeneration and fraternity of all mankind ! "
M. Godebski expressed the warmest gratitude for these
sentiments, but added, —
" Now that the flag of Poland is waving over the tombs of the ancient
sovereigns of her republic, the impatience of the Polish emigrants must be
easily conceived. This impatience is a duty which does not permit us to
remain inactive, and view our brethren from afar, again rising, again enter
ing into new battles, again, perhaps, making themselves martyrs, while
we remain in aU the enjoyment of your hospitaUty. We hold ourselves
bound in duty to endeavour to procure the means of accompUshing our
holy mission. It is for you in your wisdom to consider tlie manner in
which you can comply with our wishes."
M. de Lamartine replied : —
" You have' spoken admirably as a Pole. Our duty is to speak to you
as Frenchmen. As Poles you are justly eager to fly to the land of your
fathers, answering the appeal to her noble children from a part of Poland
restored to liberty. To tliis feeling we can only give our applause, and
furnish such pacific means as may assist you in returning to your country,
and enjoy at Posen the commencement of its independence. We, as
Frenchmen, have not only to consider Poland, but the universal policy of
Europe. The vast importance of these interests prevents the Provisional
Government of the Republic from abdicating in favour of any partial
nationaUty, any portion of a nation, however sacred may be the cause it
maintains, the responsibility and freedom of its resolutions. The Republic
cannot, will not, act in contradiction to its words. What has it said in its
manifesto to the powers of Europe ? Referring to you it said, When it
shall appear to us that the hour is struck for the resurrection of a nation
ality unjustly effaced from the map, we fly to its succour. But we right-

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

£chap. viii.

fully reserved to France to recognise the hour, the justice of the cause,
and the most fitting mode of intei vention. Hitherto we have chosen and
resolved upon pacific means. If you do not find that these pacific means
have availed us, you deceive yourselves. In thirty-one days the natural
results of this system of peace and fraternity have been more valuable to
the cause of France and liberty, and of Poland herself, than ten battles
with torrents of blood. Vienna, Berlin, Italy, Milan, Genoa, Southern
Germany, Munich, all these constitutions, — all these unprovoked, spon
taneous explosions from the souls of the people — your own frontiers, in
fine, opened to your steps through the acclamations of Germany, are the
advances made by the Republic, thanks to its System of respect for the
liberty of the soil and the blood of men. We wiU not retrograde by
adopting any other system. Do not, therefore, attempt to divert ns in
any way from it, even by the influence of that paternal sentiment which
brings you to ns this day ; leave us to the free exercise of our minds, being
assured that we can never entertain an idea of separating two people whose
blood has so often been mingled together on the field of battle. Our
solicitude for your future well-being shall be as great as our hospitaUty,
as wide as our frontiers. Our anxiety shall foUow you into your country.
Carry with you that hope of regeneration which has had its commence
ment for you in Prussia, even where your flag is now floating at Berlin.
France requires no other compensation for the asylum she has afforded
you than amelioration in your national destinies, and the remembrance of
the French name, which you will carry with you. Never forget that it is
to the Republic you owe the first step you are about to take towards
your own country."
A Pole came forward and said, — " We will take our depar
ture, and go without arms." Another Pole took M. Lamar
tine by the hand, and begged his pardon for some strong ex
pressions which had escaped from him on the preceding day
in the warmth of his patriotic feeling. M. Lamartine cor
dially returned the pressure, and said, — " Let not a word
more be said of this. Patriotism always carries with it its own
justification. I shall never recollect the expressions in ques
tion, and France will never recollect anything but her love
for Poland. ' The deputation withdrew amidst cries of Vive
la Republique !
A very numerous deputation of the Italian Association
went on the 27th of March to the Hotel de Ville. M. Maz
zini, the president, read an address expressing their sympathy

chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

191

for the Provisional Government, and announcing that the
' Association had been definitively constituted. The object of
the Association was the political unity of the Peninsula, the
complete emancipation from the sea to the Alps of that land,
the foundation of a compact and strong nationality, which
might, for the welfare of the world, take rank in the con
federation of nations, aud bring to the common task the in
spiration and sincere devotedness, the thought and action, of
twenty-four millions of free men, brethren, and associated in
one single national belief, "God and the people" — in one
single international belief, " God and humanity." Italy, he
said, from the earliest up to the latest times, had declared
such to be her belief, and that her national tradition was
Unity and Liberty. M. Lamartine replied as follows : —
" Citizens of the National Association for the Regeneration of Italy,
citizens, I beUeve, of all parts of Italy (Yes ! yes ! of all Italy !) — It is to
me one of the happiest days of this young Republic, — it is to me one of the
most glorious functions which the Provisional Government could confer
on me, to receive the adhesion which you are kind enough to offer, at this
moment, to its principles and acts. And I also, I venture to say, am a
son of adoption of your dear Italy. (Loud acclamations, and cries of
Vive Lamartine .') I venture to say, and I repeat it with glory and
with love, that I am an adopted child of that great country. (Renewed
acclamations.) Your sun warmed my youth, aud almost my infancy.
Your genius has coloured my poor imagination, — your Uberty, your inde
pendence, — the day that I see arise, at length, has been for me, your
friend, as for you, the most beautiful dream of my ripe life. (Bravo,
bravo ! Long Uve France and Italy regenerated !) You must feel by
these words how much I am delighted at the honour of being called by
Providence to see reaUsed here by the contract of these two great natiou-
aUties, which have no longer to combat each other, which have only to
love and strengthen one another, to defend one another, that dream of
patriotic hearts, which I do not doubt wiU become in a few months the
most unexpected of all realities. (Bravo !) The Republic, as you will
readily believe, has not displaced Italy in my heart ; I called her not long
ago at the tribune, not the Queen of Nations, but the Queen of Human
Races. She has only to resume her place, and the universe will recog
nise that intellectual royalty of Italian genius which she consecrated in
other centuries. The Provisional Government does not feel surprised at
this proceeding of the Italians, who are united in such great numbers

. FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii.

around this palace of the people. Your cause is ours, nnd you have ad
mirably enumerated yonr titles to that cause j but those titles need not be
recalled to human kind — they are written in ineffaceable characters by
your magnificent ruins, by your imperishable monuments on your soil ;
they are also eternally written in your hearts, and that is why no tyranny
can efface them, if they should revive in the future. (Bravo, bravo!)
Amongst those titles you just now cited, perhaps the most glorious, the
most imperishable of alt — the name of those great men, which, in all ages,
rendered the soil of Italy iUustrious ; so long as those titles of nations
have not been, so to speak, countersigned by immortal names, they have
not the seal of time, they are not graven so deep, so strikingly, in history.
Amongst the glorious names which you have mentioned there is one alone
which I reproach you with having called to mind, in consequence of the
signification which is commonly attached to the name of Machiavel, (Cries
of Yes, yes, he is out of place.) Efface henceforth that name from
your titles of glory, and substitute for it the pure name of Washington ;
that is the one which should now be proclaimed ; that is the name of
modem Uberty. It is no longer the name of a politician or of a conqueror
that is required, it is that of a mau the most disinterested, the most de
voted to the people. That is the man required by liberty. (Cries of,
Yes, yes! Bravo, bravo!) The want ofthe age is an European
Washington ; that of the people, peace and liberty. (Loud acclamations.)
I shall not enter with you into any of the details of the different political
questions which your national meeting wiU discuss in the plenitude of its
free will, and freed from any international influence. We have proclaimed
the dogma of respect for nationalities, governments, and people ; we shtdl
never contradict this dogma, which is as respectful for the people and the
governors as for ourselves. The independence of nations in the choice of
the international regime, which is best suited to them, is the standard of
the French Republic. We wish it to wave on both sides of the Alps and
the Pyrenees, and on both banks of the Rhine. Neither fear, nor com
plaisance, nor even a feeling of predUection, shall make us swerve from
this principle. It is that of the dignity of the people, and of the security
of the governing powers in their relations with us. But I reproach
myself with having detained you so long. (Cries of No, no!) You
must excuse me, for I see a brother in every son of the Italian family.
(Applause.) These are, doubtless, adieus which I offer to you in the
name of France. You hear your brethren of Naples, of Turin, of
Rome, of Florence, of Genoa, call on you. You doubtless go to join
them, and to strengthen them by your co-operation in that pacific
and, I hope, already accomplished work, of forming new constitu
tions suited to the wants and interests of the different governments and
states of Italy. (Cries of Yes, we are all going there!) Since Fiance

chap, viii.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

193

?"•

and Italy only make a single name in our common sentiments for her
liberal regeneration, go, and tell Italy that she also has children on this
side ofthe Alps. (Hear, hear.) Go, and tell her that if she is attacked
in her soil or her sentiments, in her limits or her liberties, that if your
arms are not sufficient to defend her, it is no longer wishes merely, it is
the sword of France that we shall offer to preserve her from all encroach
ment ! (Great applause.) And do not, citizens of free Italy, be dis
quieted or humiliated by that word. Time has enlightened France, given
her in reason, wisdom, and moderation, what formerly she had in im-
jiatient longing after victory, and in thirst of conquest. We want no more
conquests but with you and for you. We want only the peaceful con
quest of the human mind. We have no longer any ambition, except for
ideas. We are sufficiently reasonable and sufficiently generous at present
to correct ourselves even of a vain love of glory. Our love for Italy is
disinterested, and we have no other ambition but to see her as imperish
able and as great as the soil which she has rendered eternal by her
name." Loud cries of Vive Lamartine ! Vive le Gouvemement
Provisoire ! Vive la Republique ! followed this address. M.
Mazzini replied in terms of acknowledgment, declaring
his joy that Italy was at last breaking her chains, and ex
pressing a hope that she would be able to suffice for herself.
After some words in reply from M. de Lamartine, the depu
tation withdrew.
The answer given by Lamartine to the envoys from the
Irish Confederation was even more impressive (more explicit
it could hardly be) than his replies to the Poles aud the
Italians. After some graceful expressions of sympathy with
the Irish people, he addressed himself as follows to the Irish
men's request for support in their intended rebellion : —
" We are at peace, and we are desirous of remaining on good terms of
equality, not with this or that part of Great Britain, but with Great Britain
entire. We beUeve this peace to be useful and honourable, not onlv to
Great Britain and the French RepubUc, but to the human race. We will
not commit an act — we will not utter a word — we will not breathe an
insinuation at variance with the principles of the reciprocal inviolability of
nations which we have proclaimed, and of which the continent of Europe
is already gathering the fruits. The fallen monarchy had treaties and
diplomatists. Our diplomatists are nations — our treaties are sympathies !
We should be insane were we openly to exchange such a diplomacy for
0

194 FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii.

unmeaning and jiartial alliances with even the most legitimate parties in
the countries which surround us. Wc are not competent citlier to judge
them or to prefer some of them to others ; by announcing our partisan
ship of the one side, we should declare ourselves the enemies of the other.
We do not wish to be the enemies of any of your fellow-countrymen.
We wish, on the contrary, by a faithful observance of the Republican
pledges, to remove all the prejudices which may mutually exist between
our neighbours and ourselves.
" This course, however painful it may be, is imposed on us by the law
of nations as well as by our historical remembrances.
" Do you know what it was which most served to irritate France and
estrange her from England during the first republic ? It was the civil
war in a portion of our territory, supported, subsidised, and assisted by
Mr. Pitt. It was the encouragement and the arras given to Frenchmen,
as heroical as yourselves, but Frenchmen fighting against their feUow-
citizens. This was not honourable warfare. It was a Royalist propa-
gandism waged with French blood against the Republic. This policy is
not yet, in spite of all our efforts, entirely effaced from the memory of the
nation. Well, this cause of dissension between Great Britain and us we
will never renew by taking any similar course. We accept with gratitude
expressions of friendship from the different nationalities included in the
British empire. We ardently wish that justice may found and strengthen
the friendship of races ; that equality may become more and more its
basis : but while proclaiming with you, with her (England), and with all,
the holy dogma of fraternity, we wiU perform only acts of brotherhood
in conformity with our principles, and our feeUng towards the Irish
nation." Similar in tenour with the foregoing declarations were
Lamiirtine's replies to the Belgians, the Germans, and the
Savoyards. In no instance did he stoop to the arts of the
vulgar demagogue, or selfishly catch at a spurious popularity
by nattering the worst prejudices and propensities of his
countrymen. Truly has it been said of him that " his words,
as a public man, have been as reserved as disinterested, and
as noble as private and chivalric honour would dictate." And
his acts were strictly consistent with his words. He lent no
furtive support to those to whom he refused open aid ; on the
contrary, he gave timely notice to eveiy neighbouring state
whenever a movement was directed from France against its
frontiers. Had he done less, he would have been false to the

/ chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

"V. **

LEDRU UOLLIN.

y

/

LOUIS BLANC.

principle of strict neutrality which he professed. Some of
his colleagues were less scrupulous. A baud of marauders,
who made an unsuccessful incursion into Belgium, were fur
nished with arms and ammunition from the Government
stores at Lille. The responsibility of this and other similar
acts of 'perfidy rests alone with Ledru Rollin, the Minister of
tlie Interior. To this man and his confederate, Ferdinand
Flocon, with Louis Blanc, and Albert " the workman" (who
is not a journeyman but ' a capitalist), are chiefly ascribable
all those ^disasters in the early histoiy of the Republic, which
were not the inevitable result of circumstances beyond the
control of human prudence. The principle of the first two
was terrorism (the modified terrorism of an age averse to
bloodshed), and, in the name of liberty, they demanded of all
France implicit obedience to their own despotic will ! In the
name of liberty, they seized upon the veiy engine which had
been constructed and used for the enslavement of France, and
which could serve no other purpose; they augmented the
machinery of centralisation, and worked it as unspariugly, as
wickedly, and with as bad effect, as ever then' Doctrinaire pre
decessors had done. Blanc and Albert pursued tlieir imprac
ticable schemes with more subtlety, with less personal ob-
Uusiveuess, and a (less glaring display of fraud and violence,
but the political tendency of their theories was nearly the
same. They, too, aimed at extinguishing the free action of
each man's individual nature : in their Utopia there was to be
uo such thing as personal freedom, but all men were to be
passive members of a vast corporation, moved only by the will
of one abstract being, the State.
Louis Blanc, as the ablest and most enterprising of the
minority, was the most dangerous of the four, until he was
self-disarmed by the total failure of his experiment, made
with tlie whole power of the state at his command. The
personal characteristics of this acute and eloquent apostle of
unreason are as singular as his doctrines. His figure is that
of a boy of twelve, while his limbs and face are undeveloped

196

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. viii.

cuap.viii.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

and childish, and his voice possesses that falsetto squeak
which usually marks the age of transition from boyhood to
adolescence. These peculiarities place him at an immense
disadvantage as a public speaker, and yet such is hit* elo
quence, his lucidity, and fine conception, that his harangues
are generally listened to with pleasure. On one occasion,
when he went out with the other members of the Provisional
Government to talk familiarly with the crowd assembled round
the Hotel de Ville, an ardent admirer caught him up in his
brawny arms, and held him aloft, that his little figure might
he visible above the heads of the throng. It is probable that
Louis Blanc was more mortified than pleased by such an
evidence of his popularity. His whole life has been one con
stant struggle between the pride of conscious talent and tlie
humiliation caused by the defects of his person.
Louis Blanc, born in Madrid in 181tt, is come ofthe best
blood of Corsica — his mother being own sister to Count Pozzo
di Borgo, the celebrated diplomatist. He was remarkable at
college for his great natural talents and perseverance in
study ; and from its having become a tiling understood in the
family that he was to pursue the same career for which his
uncle had obtained so much power and influence, his atten
tion had been early directed to the study of liistoiy and the
art of government. Few men iii Europe possess a greater
book-knowledge of foreigu policy than Louis Blanc, and had
he chosen to follow the profession of diplomacy he would
doubtless have risen to eminence and distinction. He had
already experienced much suffering at college from the mockery
of his fellow-students, to whom his dwarfish figure and child
ish appearance were of course a fruitful theme of epigram
and insult. It is not iu the nature of his countrymen to
make any display of passion or hatred, and so the young
student bore the ridicule in silence, kept aloof from his com
rades, and lived the life of a hermit, amply consoled for pre
sent suffering by the reflection of the future fame which his
unceasing application to study would enable him to acquire in

V /•

N

; v

the diplomatic world, in which it was agreed that he was to
make his debut as Secretary to his cousin, Count Charles
Pozzo di Borgo, who was then applying for the Brussels
legation. It was thus, invested with the style and title of Secretaire
d'Ambassade, that Louis Blanc first appeared upon the stage
of public life, by attending one of the far-famed diplomatic
soirees of the Duchess de Dino, whose influence iu the great
world of Paris was at that time undivided and undisputed.
The report both of the talents and pretensions of the young
diplomats had, of course, reached the coterie over which presided
the Duchess, and excited therein various sentiments — some
of interest, others of envy; and his appearance was looked
for with some little degree of curiosity. He was presented
by the veteran Pozzo himself, and on the announcement of
that well-known name, all ej'es were turned to the door, and
wandered from the tall and portly person of the old Ambassa
dor to the diminutive figure beside bim, in so much amaze
ment that a murmur escaped from the usually well-bred crowd
 whether of surprise or mockery, it would have been impos
sible to decide. Louis Blanc bore the impertinent scrutiny
of which he had become the object with ill-disguised im
patience, and by the time he had reached the head of the
room, where reclined in languid state the fair hostess, his
temper had waxed ' rather warm. "Permit me to introduce
to your notice my nephew," said the old Count, bowing with
courtier-like dignity to the Duchess, who — perhaps still under
the impression of some incomparably witty saying which had
just reached her ear, concerning the poor little diplomatist, —
raised herself, with a languid air, from the sofa, and, gazing
vacantly over the shoulder of the Count, exclaimed, in a tone
of sweet bewilderment, "Where is he? — I should like to see
him ! "
This direct criticism upon the almost invisible proportions
of her visitor, caused a titter to nm through the assembly ;

198

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. viii.

and many and many a compliment, no doubt, did it procure
for the lovely lips which had uttered it so boldly. But the
Corsican blood of Louis Blanc, to this very hour, has for
bidden forgiveness of the cruel insult. From that moment
did he eschew all idea of a career to be pursued amid the
lieartlessness of a court, and of success to be obtained only by
the sacrifice of his personal dignity. He declared to his
uncle that very night, that he had resigned all pretensions to
the appointment which he had been at so much pains to
obtain for him ; and when the old man, although readily guess
ing at the cause of his disgust, ventured to remonstrate and
to propose other posts of importance to his notice, Louis
answered bitterly, that feeling that he had no right to intrude
himself amongst the more favoured, he had resolved upon
turning his attention to the service of those to whom such
service might be of value. The result of this unfortunate
soiree may be traced in every line of his book, "The His
tory of Ten Year's." Louis Philippe has often been heard to

declare that those volumes had acted as a battering-ram to
the bulwarks of royalty in France ; if so, the Duchess de
Dino and her bevy of attaclies have much to answer for.
The humble employment of a clerk in a notary's office
was the first resource that offered itself to the poor, insulted
man of genius. He afterwards found more congenial occupa
tion as tutor in a private family, and then we find him making
his way to the highest eminence among the journalists of
Paris, and winning renown and influence by his " History of
Ten Years," his " Organisation of Labour," and other works,
which have had an immense circulation. Meanwhile he led
a solitary life, nurturing the mighty ambition that swelled
within his pigmy frame, and urging himself to the pursuit of
a visionary philanthropy by the morbid stimulus he derived
from pondering over the sufferings and indignities he had
himself endured. At last the secluded theorist was hailed by
the acclamations of the forum a3 the lawgiver from whose

I chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 199
p lips industrial France awaited her new code of laws, and ou
the 20th of March he announced the following as the Govern
ment plan for organising labour : —
. " The Government would take into their own hands such ateliers as
I"*""*" the proprietors chose to dispose of, for an indemnity payable out of the
future resources of the State. The workmen in these ateUers would receive
equal wages. The Government would rely on the point of honour instead
of competition to ensure hard work. IeUeness, under these regulations,
would soon become as disgraceful among workmen, as cowardice among
soldiers. The profits, after reserving the sum requisite to pay the interest
of the capital, the wages of the men, and the repairs of the machinery, wiU
" » ^ be divided into four parts :
V^ <* " One fourth for the amortissement of the capital.
" One fourth as a fund for the old, the wounded, and the sick.
" One fourth to be divided among the workmen.
" One fourth as a reserve fund.
' " These Government institutions would exist as models, in competition
with the private ateliers, which would not be suppressed or interfered with.
The Government would rely on the superior advantages of their system to
**v .** procure its universal adoption."
The majority of the workmen themselves were among the
first to declare their strong disapprobation of this perverse
scheme, which, after all, was but a fragment of a larger sys
tem — a first step towards a great measure for extinguishing
both the rights and the existence of private property, and
• totally subverting the immutable principles of human nature.
The whole system is thus summed up by its author himself.
in the concluding chapter of his "Organisation du Travail:" —
"The Government would be regarded as the supreme regulator of
' production, and invested, for the accomplishment of its task, with powers
of the largest kind.
" This task would lie in making use ofthe arm of competition itself,
'¦S / to effect the abolition of competition.
^ r <¦ The Government would raise a loan, to be employed in the creation
of social workshops in all the most important branches of the national
industry. " As such a creation could be effected only at a considerable cost, the
JK^ ^ number of original workshops would be rigidly limited ; but, in virtue of
their very organisation, these would be endowed with an enormously ex
pansive force.

r

200

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. viii.

™»* J Gt?TCTent emg considered «» °nly founder of the social
workshops, the statutes regulating these would be framed by it. This code,
deliberated on and voted by the representatives ofthe nation, should have
the form nnd force of law. ->
"All workmen provided with guarantees of tlieir moral character
should be invited to work in the social workshops, in competition for
labour1' 0U COl'eCted f°r ^ lml'diaSe °f the imlllelncnts °f
" Although the lying and anti-social education given to the present
generation makes it difficult to seek any motive of emulation and encou
ragement other than an increased recompense, the wages should be equal
—an altogether new education being destined to effect, in this respect, a
change of ideas and customs.
"For the first year after the establishment of the social workshops,
the Government would regulate the appointment and tenure ofthe office
bearers {hierarchy des fonclions - hierarchy of functions). After the
first year, this would no longer be the case. The workers, having had
time to appreciate each other's merits, and being all equally interested, as
will be shewn immediately, in the success ofthe association, the appoint
ment of office-bearers would be determined by election.
" Every year an estimate would be made of the net profits, which
should be divided into three parts: one of these would be distributed
equaUy among the members of the association ; the other would be em
ployed, first, in the maintenance ofthe aged, sick, and infirm-second, in
alleviation ofthe crisis weighing on other branches of industry, since all
of these owe each other aid and succour; the third, finaUy, would be
devoted to the purchase of implements of labour for persons desirous of
being admitted into the association, so that this might extend itself inde-
finitely. " Into each of these associations, formed for such branches of industry
as are practised on a great scale, might be admitted persons belonging to
those professions which their very nature forces to scatter themselves over
different localities ; so that, in this way, each social workshop might be
composed of different professions, all grouped round one great branch of
industry— all different parts of one and the same whole— obeying the same ,
laws, and participating in the same advantages.
" Each member of the social workshop would be entitled to dispose of
his wages according to his own choice ; but the evident economy and in-
contestible excellence of living in common would not be long in educing
from the association of labour the voluntary association of wants and
enjoyments. " The capitalist would be a member of the association, and would
receive interest for the capital furnished by him, which interest would be

chap, vm.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

201

-%'

guaranteed him in the budget ; but it would be only as a labourer, Uke
the rest, that he would have a right to share in the profits.
. . " The social workshop once established in conformity with these
principles, it is easy to understand its results. In every chief branch of
¦«^v' industry (that of machine-making, for instance, or that of silk, or cotton,
or printing) there would be a social workshop competing with private
industry. Would the contest be a long one ? No ; because the social
workshop would possess over the private workshop the advantage result
ing from the economy of living together, and from a mode of organisation
in wliich all the workers, without exception, are interested iii producing
swiftly and well. Would the contest be a destructive one ? No ; because
the Government would always be able to check its effects, by preventing
the products of its workshops from sinking to too low a price. At present,
whenever a very wealthy individual enters the lists with others who are
less so, this unequal contest cannot fail to be disastrous, seeing that a
private individual looks only to his own personal interests : if he can sell
twice as cheaply as his competitors, to ruin them and remain master of
the field, he does it. But when, in the room of this private individual,
you substitute the state, the question assumes quite a different aspect.
" Will the state, such as we wish it to be, have any interest in over-
, *"* throwing industry, in convulsing the general existence ? Will it not be,
from its nature and its position, the born protector, even of those with
whom, in order to metamorphose society, it will be entering into a holy
competition ? Between the industrial war, therefore, which at present the
great capitalist wages against the small, and that which the state, in our
system, is to wage against the individual, there is no possible comparison.
The former necessarily consecrates fraud, violence, and all the woes en-
. gendered by injustice ; the latter would be conducted without ferocity,
,«¦« without convulsions, and solely in such a way as to attain its aim — the
successive and peaceful absorption, namely, of the private by the social
workshops. Thus, instead of being (what at present every great capitalist
is) a master and tyrant of the market, the Government would be its regu-
' lator ; it would make use of competition as a weapon, not violently to
overturn private industry — a result it would be pre-eminently interested
in avoiding — but to bring it, insensibly, to terms. Soon, in reality, in
? every sphere of industry where a social workshop had been established, we
should see capitalists and labourers hastening towards tliis workshop, from
the advantages it would hold out '-<• its members. At the end of a certain
time — without usurpation, with',"'* injustice, without irreparable disasters,
-"- and to the gain of the principle of association — we should see presented to
,S us that phenomenon which at present operates so deplorably, and by a
despotic power, to the gain of individual egotism. At present a very
wealthy producer can, by aiming one great blow at his rivals, leave them

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. viii.

CHAP. VIII

.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

203

dead upon the field, and monopolise a whole branch of industry. In our
system the state would, little by little, make itself the master of industry ;
and, instead of monopoly, we should have obtained, as the result of our
success, that victory over competition — association. Let us suppose our
aim attained in any one branch of industry — let us suppose the machine-
makers, for example, brought to enter the service of the state, that is to
say, to submit themselves to the principles of the general scheme, — as one
and the same branch of industry is not always practised on the same spot,
and as it has different seats, there would be room to establish between all
the workshops belonging to the same branch of industry the system of
association within each particular workshop ; for it would be absurd to
allow the existence of competition among corporations, after having anni
hilated it among individuals. There would then be, in each sphere of
labour which the Government had succeeded in conquering, a central
workshop towards which all the others would radiate, as a kind of supple
mentary workshop," &c. &c.
" If I were allowed," says that able economist, Michel
Chevalier, " to compress this exposition into three lines, I
would say, that M. Louis Blanc's organisation of labour con
sists of the following innovations : — 1st, The suppression of
competition ; 2d, After a period of transition, perfect equality
for all, without taking into account the skill and activity of
each ; 3d, The abolition of all profits of capital, beyond legal
interest ; 4th, The election, by the rank and file, of the com
manding and subaltern officers of the industrial works.
" Speaking from my conscience, I believe that this
abridgment of the system will suffice to enable any one to
pronounce a verdict on it, who has the least knowledge of
what labour in a workshop is, or who knows the composition
of the humim heart, and what are the ordinary motives which
guide men in their daily business.
" With this organisation of labour, production would
sensibly slacken. There would be much fewer products to
distribute, consequently, much more of miseiy. The cause
may be easily guessed ; nobody would be directly interested
in making an effort, or be impelled to it by the rivalry of liis
neighbour. M. Louis Blanc believes that the social work
shops, thus constituted, would be gifted with an immense

y eapawdve force, and that none of the actually existing in
dustrial establishments could maintain a long contest with his.
I appeal to any one who has had the management of a work-
"*¦'"".. ""'' Bn0F — I declare myself converted beforehand to the doctrine
of M. Louis Blanc, and I pledge myself to become tlie
apostle of his organisation of labour if, among all the in
habitants of Paris who are familiar with industrial occupa
tions, he find three who are of opinion that an establishment
thus organised could sustain the competition of others, and go
on for three months, without becoming bankrupt.
X X " A perfect equality of wages, whatever the work done
may be, would be the height of injustice. M. Louis Blanc
has adopted it because he thinks that the feeling of duty is,
in industrial employment, a motive sufficiently strong to
stimulate to do much, and to do it well. Here is his funda-
• mental error — an error which does him honour, since he
*¦-*. / adopted it from his own mind — a mind wholly devoted to the
public weal, but an error which surprises us on tlie part of a
man who has so deeply studied history and ethics. Industry,
like all the other institutions of society, presupposes, assuredly,
v / the sentiment of duty ; but it also presupposes, more rigidly,
the sentiment of personal interest. Eeligiou and the laws of
polity recommend duty to men, and glorify self-sacrifice.
'»-,. ^X* Society would fall into decay, if self-sacrifice and self-denial
were not to receive the homage of men.
" Erect your statues to Cincinnatus, offer your palms to
martyrs ; but do not hope that in the ordinaiy business of
life, in questions of the larder, mankind in the mass will impose
on itself the imitation of virtues which have been manifested,
'v, ,* on solemn occasions, by the select few, — here in presence
of the interests of a fatherland — there before God, beneath
the sway of an exalted religious faith. In his daily transac
tions man foil ows the bent of his interest. The human heart
X / is made so. So much the worse for tlie human heart, M. Louis
Blanc will say. No ; it is so much the worse for — your scheme.
" But M. Louis Blanc will retort, You are mistaking my

204

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. vm.

system ; — all the employed, without exception, are interested in
producing swiftly and well. Yes, certainly, the mass of the
employed, in its indivisible unity, is interested in the abun
dance of the production— in there being much produced, and
that of good quality ; but no one is individually interested in
being laborious and zealous, for the individual is not allowed
to claim the result accruing from his personal efforts : he
only receives, by way of return, the thousandth or ten-thou
sandth part of it. It is just as if he received not a fraction
of it. This system annihilates the personality of man, and
drowns it in a confused Pantheism. It does for each of us
what the criminal law* does to the convicted felon, — gives
each a number, thus mailing all of them alike. Industry lies
within the domain assigned to the feeling of individualism.
The main-spring of production is individual interest excited by
personal rewards, and exhibited in competition, just as capital
forms its wheel-work; and on that account, in suppressing
individual interest, you disorganise industry, just as you to all
effect destroy a watch when you take away its main-spring.
" True equality, that proclaimed by our fathers in 1789,
amid the applause of the whole world, has nothing in com
mon with the phantom which you are presenting to the gaze
of the fascinated multitude which is crowding after you. All
Frenchmen are equal ; that means that the French nation is
one, that public distinctions belong to talent and to services,
without regard to birth. It signifies that the state owes every
intere.it an equal support,— that it is bound to protect this
man's fields, that man's dividends, and the labour of another,
who has neither fields nor stock. The meaning of this fruit
ful and generous equality is, that through the instruction it
exteuds, the state ought to prepare every man to be useful to
society and to himself,— and that a vast and liberal system of
national eiuuation ought anxiously, in hamlet as in city, be
neath thatch and rags as beneath the roof of opulence, to
seek out those superior natures of which society so stands iu
need, with the view of developing them and making them

V

/*

chap, viii.] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 205
worthy to become the depositaries of the destinies of the
countiy. But to subject to the same material existence all
men without exception, from the highest dignitaries of the
state to the humblest workman, is one of those chimeras
pardonable only in the young collegian whose unsophisticated
imagination dreams of the black broth of Sparta, — when out
of the college refectory,' however, and when his own hunger
has been appeased. What ! the President of the Eepublic
is to reside, not in the noble palace of the successors of
Washington, but in a ticketed chamber, precisely the same
as that of the lowest citizen ; he is to eat at the general mess
the common rations, and unbend himself from his grave
anxieties in the public green, at the same sports as the mob !
Wlien he wishes to meditate ou the affairs of his countiy, he
will have around him for inspiration, just like the workman,
the household utensils and the squall of children ! Such an
equality would be the degradation of all that is noble and
pure upon the earth, — would be a shameful promiscuousness !
" This system, for the rest, like many of the ideas now
uppermost, is merely a passionate reaction against the in
equalities which preceded it. It would be organising tho
despotism of tlie ordinaiy over the superior natures — of
egotists, fools, idlers, over the active, the intelligent, and the
devoted. To employ an expression consecrated by one of the
decrees of the Provisional Government, it would be the ex
ploitation of good workmen by bad. It was not for such a
result that we made the Revolutions of 1789 and of 1830;
nor will it be the finale of that of 1848.
" That competition makes commodities cheap is a truth
which runs the streets. Well ; what is cheapness of commo
dities, if not the physical enfranchisement of the poor man ?
Competition is the stimulus of industry ; it is through com
petition that those improvements, so advantageous to the ma
jority, are discovered and propagated. Suppress competition,
and torpor succeeds to that ardent activity which characterises
modern industry. Competition is the industrial pilosis of

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap, viii.

liberty, — of that holy liberty with which our fathers were im
passioned in 1789 ; which they conquered and made ours by
so many heroic labours, at the cost of so many sacrifices.
Systematically to condemn competition is, therefore, to reject
the immortal principles of 1789— is to wish that France, beat
ing its breast, should ask pardon of human kind for having
led it into error, and should then set forth to retrace her
steps, with shame upon her brow.
" But, says M. Louis Blanc, competition is the curse of
society. According to him, competition is fatal, not only to
the employed, but to the employer ; for M. Louis Blanc ia
good enough, in "his book, to shew a great deal of anxiety for
the employers of labour. It is true, indeed, competition has
its abuses. The arena of competition is sown with ruins.
How many well-founded hopes have been destroyed there !
how often have the prospects of families been there annihi
lated ! I do not conceal the fact ; I deplore it. But has not
the career of liberty, too, been covered with wreck and rub
bish? Acts of infamy have sullied its sacred soil; it has
been drenched with gore. On it the monstrous guillotine
was for a moment inaugurated, sanctified ; for we were told
of the 'holy guillotine.' On it Atheism sat enthroned for
days, and monsters worthy of the execration of mankind
strutted triumphant. Must we therefore declare Liberty ac
cursed? Why, then, make the principle of competition
responsible for the falsities or the misdeeds which have beenj
or are being, accomplished in her name ?
" All things, the very best of things, and the very noblest
of principles, are liable to abuse. Yes ; but not the less is it
an abuse of one's own imagination to fancy that it is possible
to arrive at a social organisation in which there shall be prac
tised neither violence nor fraud. On this earth of ours there
will always be good and bad men. The great matter is, that
the good should not be systematically sacrificed to the bad ;
that, on the contrary, good shall get the upper hand over evil.
Now, all things considered, this state of things does actually

chap, viii,] THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

207

--*• ft exist, and exists with considerable emphasis, so long as in
dustry ranges herself beneath the flag of freedom or of com
petition ; for I cannot repeat it too often, these two are one.
— -^ Competition is only the industrial phasis of freedom. Com-
r*" petition is a goad, incessantly impelling society towards a
state of things in which the quantity of commodities pro
duced will be at last large enough to give to each the share
which the claims of his human nature demand for him. It
is from the application of this goad that all industrial im
provements arise, and the general and absolute character of
*s^>" every industrial improvement is to multiply the quantity of
products resulting in any one branch of industry. Sharp,
indeed, is this goad ; and the wounds it gives are sometimes
' cruel enough. It must be considered to what degree it
might be possible to make these sores less painful, without
blunting the good, or suspending its activity night and day,
'v-v as a powerful stimulant ; but to throw it away altogether, as
| proposed by M. Louis Blanc, that would simply be decreeing
! perpetual wretchedness for the majority of mankind. That
would bring the forward march of industry to a dead halt.
, " Nations or individuals, — none should flatter themselves
that on this earth they will ever have a tent fixed in which
they may take sweet slumbers at their ease, with a ceaseless
V. y"" accompaniment of smiling dreams. We are placed here be
low to struggle, to be tried ; and progress is the fruit of
struggle and of trial. Not only for the advancement, but
for the very existence of society, it is necessary that the social
/ system be in accordance with the fundamental postulates of
human nature. The system of M. Louis Blanc ignores these.
Whether he himself respects justice or not, his system vio
lates it. In a word, in his system, evil triumphs over good,
and extinguishes it. Beneath the sway of freedom and com
petition, the result is just the contrary. It remains only to
y be seen if it be not possible still further to diminish the ex
tent of evil by which we see freedom and competition accom
panied in our day.

*-...

208

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap.viii.

K CHAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

209

" I have at last, then, arrived at a region in which I may
be on a good understanding with the Socialists in general,
and, perhaps (a thought which gives me great satisfaction),
with M. Louis Blanc himself. I have insisted on the ne
cessity of preserving competition, for the sake of the future
happiness of the working classes themselves ; but, because a
principle is good, or even excellent, that is no reason why we
should follow it out indefinitely to its furthest consequences
without looking about one. The men who are at the head of
affairs in a society have to lead to victory several principles,
all equally deserving our respect. These appear to exclude
each other ; but there is room for each. Heaven be thanked !
these principles, in appearance mutually exclusive, may be
checked one by another, as, in a piece of mechanism, forces
more or less opposed finally resolve themselves into a single
force, — the harmonious result of all that are acting. Just -as
it is needful to ally with political freedom that principle of
order, without which it would be making, ever and anon,
dangerous starts ; so also may we hope to guard against the
most striking inconveniences of competition, by the intelligent
application. of a principle justly lauded in an enthusiastic tone
by all the Socialist schools, — the principle of Association.
" Thus M. Blanc has good reason to recommend to the
working classes, as a means whereby they may enhance the
fruits of their labour, the plan of living together ; this social
organisation, when applied to consumption, is very remark
ably productive of economy, and consequently enables the
happiness and pleasures of each member to be increased, the
original fund of resources remaining the same. By means of
association, the income which was want for the individual
living alone becomes an existence of tolerable comfort. Nor
is that the only good result which may be expected from the
principle of association. Even in production, association is
possible ; it is still more desirable iu production than in con
sumption. '

Vv

\

CHAPTER IX.
FINANCE.
It is lamentable to think at what an enormous cost of
¦wealth and human suffering France purchased her knowledge
of the futility of Louis Blanc's scheme for the organisation of
labour. " La Presse " gives the following calculation of the
loss incurred by the depreciation of only two kinds of property,
namely, government and railway securities : —
" The depreciation of securities at the Bourse since the 23d February to
12th April, amounts on the funds, the Bank of France, and railways, to the
enormous sum of 3, 749,060, 811f., and there may be added to this more than
1,000, 000,000f. for other securities, such as canals, bonds, mines, gas,
assurances, &c, the greater part of which have not been quoted for six
weeks past.
The 3 per cents, amounting to G8, 114, 833f., represented on Francs.
23d February, at the then price of 74f. 70c, a capital of 1,670,021,959
The 4 per cents, amounting to 26,507,375f., at 99f., a
capitalof  656,057,531
The 44 per cents, amounting to l,026,000f., at 104, a
capitalof  23,725,860
The 5 per cents, amounting tol46,752,528f., at 116-10,
a capital of  3,407,573,700 5,757,379,056
On 12th April the 3 per cents had fallen
to 42-50, representing a capital of . . 964,960,842
The 4 per cents, to 46, a capital of  301,834,962
The 4 lj per cents, to 50, a capital of ... . 11,406,600
The 5 per cents, to 61, a capital of  1,190,380,841  . 2,468,533,245
Being a loss of  ¦ ¦ 3,288,795,811
This loss was much greater eight days earlier, since at that time the
3 per cents had fallen to 32, and 5 per cents to 50. P

210

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848,

[CHAP. IX.

The 07,000 Bank Shares were, on 23d Feb., at3-180 francs, Francs.
being a total of  223,060,600
On 12th April, at 1-120 francs  76,380,000
Being a loss of  1467(380^600
The railways, on 23d Feb., six lines were quoted above par, viz. : —
Francs.
Orleans, at 1-180 for 80,000 shares, being a capital of. .
Rouen, at 858-75 for 72,000 shares, being 
St. Germain, at 660 for 180,000 shares, being 
Marseilles, at 53-250 for 40,000 
Vierzon, at 501-25 for 66,000. 
North, at 536-25 for 400,000 

94,400,00061,130,000 11,880,000
21,300,000
23,182,500
114,000^000
325,892,500

The capital on April 12, was reduced as follows : —
Orleans at 440  35,200,000
Rouen at 305  21,960,000
St. Germain at 350  6,300,000
Marseilles at 190  7,600,000 f 110,640,000
Vierzonat 220  8,580,000
North at 327-50  31,000,000
Being a loss of  215,252,500
The other lines were already below par, but the depreciation has, since
the 23d, been enormous, and the loss on April 12, as follows :  Francs.
4,400,0002,000,000 6,700,000
15,750,000
32,000,000

Versailles (r. d.)  295
Versailles (v. g.)  195
Bale  157 50
Boulogne  360
Lyons  385 '
Bordeaux  475
Nantes  380
Strasburg  411
Montereau  237
Dieppe  257
Havre  417

fell to

Funds 
Bank Shares
Railways

95 95
77 50
150
305 385 335340
125125 170 Loss.
Recapitulation.

Loss

25
50 50 50

11,700,000 3,000,000
15,312,500 4,500,000
4,770,000 9,900,000

110,632,000
loss on  3,285,793,811 146,680,000
316,585,000

six Unes  205,952,500 1
eleven lines  110,632,500 J

General total  3,749,060,811

X

*****

-^ ¦"*• . «

* i ft

« f *

-^ : -«n

4 £

• t *i

it
• ) *i

CHAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

211

\

GABNIER PAGES.

V ( "<j>

A It 11 AN I) 31 A lilt A ST.

Before the 23d February eleven line's were below par, having lost
143,347,500f., according to the prices at the Bourse, which brings tho
total loss on railways to 459,932,500f.
A part of this enormous loss must, of course, be set down
simply to the account of the Revolution; another part is
chargeable to the bad political economy of those who expelled
the foreign workmen from France ; another to the embarrass
ments bequeathed to the Republic by the profligate expenditure
of the late Government ; Ledra Rollin, his ukases, and his
insolent and tyrannous Commissioners, are answerable for a
large portion : but after making these and all other due
deductions, there will remain a huge balance to be debited
against the chief disorganiser of French industry, Louis
Blanc. On the 9th of March, Garnier Pages (who had shortly
before succeeded to the office vacated by M. Goudchaux,
being himself succeeded in the mayoralty of Paris by Armand
Marrast) made his financial report. On the 1st of January,
1848, the national debt of France, deducting the government
stock belonging to the sinking fund, amounted to 207,185,789?.
The whole of this burden it was necessary for the Republic
to accept, and as the best possible pledge that it would accept
it, and of its anxiety to uphold public . credit, the Provisional
Government commenced paying in advance on the 6th of
March, out of the balance they found in the Treasury, the
dividends due on the 22d. This measure, although reas
suring, did not prevent, as it was hoped it would, the great
depreciation of government arid railway stock.
The failure of banking-houses holding large securities in
railway bonds, was one of the first symptoms of commercial
alarm. But the subject of greatest uneasiness was the deficit
of 1847, for which a loan of fourteen millions sterling had
been contracted by the fallen Government in November, on
which 3,280,000/. only had been paid. The balance of
10,720,000?, remained to be paid by instalments of 400,000?.
per month, and as the loss to tho subscribers would be

N

212

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. IX.

ruinous, the contract price having been 75f. 23c. in the 3 per
cents, it became a problem whether even the house of Roths
child, through whom the contract had been taken, would not
break down under its responsibility.
To check the run upon the Savings' Banks, the interest
allowed the depositors was raised to 5 per cent, but this did
not have the effect of quieting their fears. The run con
tinued; and it became necessary to declare the inability of
the Government to meet it with any means at their disposal.
The property of the depositors, amounting to 14,200,000/.
was chiefly invested in the funds. To convert this into cash
by sales of stock after a fall of 3 5 per cent, or to obtain the
cash by any other mode, was obviously impossible. The Go
vernment at once announced the fact. It arranged to pay-
each depositor U. in cash, to meet the case of the very poor.
withdrawing it from actual need, and to pay the surplus in
exchequer bills at four and six months' date, and 5 per cent
Stock at par. Tins measure, instead of relieving the pressure,
aggravated it into panic. The depositors finding that a trans
fer warrant, given them as 100f., would only sell for 75f.
(although they were not obliged to sell it in an unfavourable
•^market), considered themselves robbed. The anxiety to ob
tain gold or silver to hoard, in the event of worse contingen
cies, increased on every hand ; a run commenced upon all
the banks throughout the country, including the Bank of
France, which finally (March 15) was obliged to suspend
specie payments. The Government then adopted the only
course which remained; it issued a decree, authorising the
substitution of notes for coin, and declaring the notes of the
Bank of France a legal tender. By a subsequent decree, the
notes of the banks of Lyons, Marseilles, and seven other pro
vincial towns, were made a legal tender, but for limited
amounts, in no case exceeding 1,000,000?.
The day after the decree was issued for suspending casli
payments, a thousand-franc note was sold for 825 francs.
Vast quantities of silver plate were carried to the Mint, and

1

CBAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

213

exchanged, ^by weight, for five-franc pieces. The amount
coined in this manner within the month ending March 24,
was about 15,000,000 francs. But very little of this appears
to have found its way into circulation ; the greater part of it
was, probably, reserved for future emergencies, being con
sidered as property converted into the most available form.
The Government cannot be charged with want of zeal in
their efforts to retrieve the financial and commercial affairs of
the country, but the mischief done was not to be remedied by
any sudden process. So great was the distress ofthe Treasury,
that the Government were compelled to decree an addition of
' 45 per cent to the direct taxes ; but such was the impoverished
state of the country, that they found it necessary soon after
wards to declare that those who were unable to pay the extra
ordinary contribution of 45 centimes, should be exonerated
therefrom in an equitable proportion. Week after week the
returns of the Bank of France shewed a continuous deteriora
tion in its condition. Within the week ending April 21, the
stock of bullion had diminished by 2,000,000 francs ; that of
the branch banks in similar amount. The overdue bills in
the hands of the Bank had been increased by 5,000,000;
the sum to the credit of the Treasury had been diminished by
7,000,000 ; the amount current by 2,000,000 ; the bank
notes in circulation had increased by 4,000,000, The state
of the Treasury was desperate, and it seemed likely that M.
Garnier Pages would soon have to apply to the Bank for
another loan of its paper. It was also very probable that the
Bank would be forced to suspend its cash payments altogether,
and that paper money would shortly be the circulating me
dium, even for the smallest transactions.
The propounders of the notable scheme for equalising the
distribution of wealth, forgot that the really essential thing
•was, in the veiy first place, to increase the sum ofthe national
¦ fortunes. They found France a poor countiy, aud they made
.her incalculably poorer. They partly destroyed and partly

214

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1818. [chap. ix.

CHAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

frightened out of the countiy the capital, for want of which
the hands of her labouring classes were condemned to in
activity. Chevalier calculates, that if the whole annual pro
duce of France was equally divided among her children, it
¦would give each Frenchman 78 centimes to expend per day
in clothing, meat, lodging, instruction, and enjoyment, and it
is out of that suni that any saving for a future day must be
made. " At the price at which all tlie necessaries of life are,
can any thing like comfort be procured for 78 centimes per
day ? Evidently not. Even on the supposition that an equal
division of the products could be made, France is not in a
state to give to each of her inhabitants what is necessaiy for
tlieir comfort; the part which the poor would have would only
keep them poor — the poor would only increase in number.
There are, however, 15,000,000 of Frenchmen spread over
the countiy, and in certain quarters of large cities, whose
labour does not procure them even tliis average sum. The
production of France must, therefore, be materially increased,
in order to cure her of the leprosy of misery which affects so
many parts of this great and illustrious nation. A practical
conclusion may be therefore, drawn. It is more particularly
the increase of production that should excite our solicitude.
It is not that I contest the importance of a good and equitable
division of the produce ; but henceforth it is impossible that
the division should not be good. The most numerous class
has in its favour the irresistible force ofthe rising tide ; every
increase of production will necessarily tum to the profit ofthe
working classes. What government, what pretenders to pri
vilege, can now mistake that God wills it, and that the fate
of whoever opposes such a tendency must be to be carried by
the current to confusion and to ruin ?"
Lamartine appears to bo aware how needful it is to give
a much greater developement to the ample productive ca
pacities of France ; but, unhappuy, neither he nor his col
leagues have yet applied themselves to the solution of that

-er

i'.** i -

' most urgent problem. A glimpse of his views on this subject
is afforded us iu a report given by an English gentleman of an
interesting conversation he had with the poet statesman.
" M. de Lamartine is a tall spare man, with features some
what worn and eager; the nose aquiline and prominent ; the
lips rather thin, slightly compressed, aud nervous. His eye,
as it rests on you, has that peculiar expression which I have
observed in men whose vision is perpetually gazing beyond
the actual, the individual,— fixed on futurity,— ranging m
the ideal and the universal. Had we been talking in the
open air, I should have thought that he divided his attention
between me and some star in the horizon. His utterance is
rapid  hi« language fluent— his ideas ready— his imagery
copious and striking. He is fond of walking up and down
the room with his interlocutor; varying his pace with the
varying current of his ideas. He speaks, I think, more than
he listens ; presenting, in this respect, the same contrast to
our English statesmen that the French initiative plan of go
vernment bears to our cautious and merely regulative system.
He apologised for not speaking English, and asked me, as an
impartial observer, what I thought of their situation.
" I said that the financial difficulties struck me as the knot
ofthe question.
" 'Yes, j'es!' he replied, 'we have financial difficulties;
but we shall get through them perfectly well.'
" ' In time, no doubt,1 I rejoined; ' but in six months?
"' In a very short period,' he intei-posed quickly.
" ' Can you increase your production of food sufficiently to
fulfil your promises— your guarantees to tlie workmen?' I
inquired. ,
" ' We shall increase it very largely and veiy rapidly, lie
replied ; ' we have great facilities for doing so, and we shall
take full advantage of them.'
" ' To an English apprehension,' I observed, ' it seems
dangerous for a government to descend into the arena of

216

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. ,x.

commerce and initiate enterprises —such as banks, work
shops, and so forth, We think that this tends to defeat
private calculation, and to damp the ardour of individual
enterprise. In short, to us, centralisation  '
" ' Centralisation,' he cried, ' is the sign of a high and
intense social life. In the animal kingdom, the lowest forms
of life are the most diffuse ; as you ascend through tlie scale
of organisms you meet life in more and more centralised
forms. It is the same with societies.'
•" I think tliis is the substance of what he said ; but he
spoke veiy rapidly for several minutes, aud, I own, my atten
tion was diverted by the secret care of hunting up a suitable
image in support of my rejoinder.
" ' I accept your illustration,' said I, • and I take the
human body, governed by the brain, as the most perfect
example of centralisation. Now, when bile is wanted, does
the bram undertake to secrete it? Certainly not. It leaves
that to the special organ appointed for the purpose. It sti
mulates the liver, if necessary, by sending it some vital im
pulse—and in this manner, no doubt, it indirectly promotes
the secretion; but the brain itself never furnishes bile. The
more the brain is centralised in an animal, the more cen
tralised and independent of interference is each organ of
the body. Now, in the social body, take the banking system,
and consider that the analogue of the liver- the organ, so to
speak, for the secretion of credit. We say that the Govern
ment, which is the brain, should never tum liver, and take
to banking on its own account. It may stimulate, if neces
sary, the elaboration of credit through its natural organs ;
but it should not assume tlie special functions of producing
it. That !S my objection to government competition, and
to discounts advanced by the state. I should have preferred
to operate through the bankers.'
" ' But we applied to the bankers,' he returned, • and found
them inadequate to the crisis. We had no choice but to act
ourselves. Besides, you overlook the essential difference

•er

*^r*

CHAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

217

¦L*,

between our character* our system, our antecedents, and
' yours. If you place yourself in an exclusively English point
of view, you will never understand France, her peculiar
questions, lier distinctive merits and defects, and her social
requirements. We do not appeal to exactly the same motives ;
we do not respond to precisely the same desires ; we cannot
govern by absolutely identical means. Our material civilis
ation is less advanced than yours; our commerce less cer
tain and mechanical in its operation; our negotiants less
experienced and less enterprising. On the other hand, our
intellectual and moral developement has in some respect the
advantage of yours. Our working population is animated by
certain sympathies and instincts, on which experience shews
that we can rely; sympathies and instincts less regular perhaps
in tlieir individual manifestation, but not less real nor less
normal, in tlieir collective influence, than the economical
principles on which your system is almost exclusively based.
These are the qualities which give France her pre-emineuce
as an initiative people, and which respond with sensitive
vibration to eveiy well-timed appeal. Neglect them, and
France suffers ennui; trample on them — and the result is
explosion. They are accompanied, in the mass of our people,
with great patience, good sense, and droiture ; and their indi
cations, conjointly with economical priuciples, will enable us
to work out the new destinies of France.'
" Here the conversation was interrupted by the arrival of
a messenger, whose news called M. Lamartine away ; and I
soon after took my leave. The above sketch renders, pretty
accurately, the impression left on my mind by this conversa
tion ; I do not pretend to have retraced it phrase by phrase."
The Provisional Government left untouched one grand
administrative reform, which would have promoted alike the
wealth and the civil liberties of tlie nation. " Our system of
administration, "says Chevalier, "among other defects, presents
that of being Infinitely meddlesome (reglcmcntaire — regukv

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. IX.

tion). With great pretensions to liberty, ours, of all European
nations, is the one most interfered with by its Government,
and consequently, I do not hesitate to say, the least free, in
all its undertakings. In France, a compact despotism is
extant, which works by official circulars. The despotism of
the old regime has been overthrown ; that of Napoleon sank
as soon as military glory ceased to be there to support it.
But the despotism of a bureaucracy flourishes more vigorously
than ever, and the last thirty years have enabled it to strike
root deeply. We are obliged to give account to it of every
scheme, to seek permission from it for eveiy act. It receives
our applications with an air of nonchalance, turns and re
turns them, and bandies them about, during official hours,
from one of its subalterns to another. It wears our patience,
rusts our enterprise, thwarts our most justifiable wishes.
Some years ago, there was published the series of formalities
necessary to be observed by the owner of a field bordering ou
a river to place a skiff in the latter. Not less than forty or
fifty despatches are needful, and, if you followed the ordinary
routine, it would last as long as the siege of Troy. Tliis
monstrous abuse of centralisation and the spirit of inter
ference does great damage to the public weal ; it is, besides,
distasteful to liberty. But this is not the view which ought to
influence me now. The effects of the bureaucratic despotism
may be summed up thus — that it robs us all of an hour or
half-hour daily, out of eight or nine hours devoted to actual
labour. The result, therefore, is precisely the same as if
society were deprived of the eighth or ninth, or, at the very
least, of the sixteenth of its capital, — of that which gives us
wealth, comfort, or subsistence. I leave to each the task of
deducing the conclusion to be arrived at."
Although it is certain that the price of labour cannot be
fixed by legislative enactment, it is no less clear- that good or
bad legislation may greatly augment or dimmish the actual
value — that is to say, the purchasing power — of the work-

w

*»>^"#

CHAP. IX.]

FINANCE.

man's wages. The enactment tending to enhance the price
of food should be tolerated under any pretext. The Pro
visional Government tardily and partially acknowledged this
principle by repealing the salt duty, and the toll on meat
levied at the gates of Paris.

220

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[CHAP. X.

chap, x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

221

CHAPTER X.
PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.
The following decree prescribed the manner of electing
the Constituent Assembly which was to shape the new Re
publican constitution. The time of holding the elections,
which was at first appointed for the 9th of April, was af
terwards fixed for the 23d and 24th : —
" The Provisional Government of the Republic, wishing to hand over
as soon as possible into the hands of a definitive Government the powers
which it exercises for the interest and by command of the people, decrees,—
"Art. 1. The electoral cantonal assemblies are convoked for the 9th
April next, to elect the representatives of the people at the National
Assembly which is to decree the constitution.
" Art. 2. The election will be based on the number of the population.
" Art. 3. The total number of representatives will be nine hundred,
including Algeria and the French colonies.
" Art. 4. They shall be divided among the departments, agreeably to
the subjoined list.
" Art. 5. The suffrage shall be direct and universal.
' ' Art. 0 . Every Frenchman twenty-one years of age is an elector, if he
has resided in the commune for six months, and not judicially deprived or
Suspended from the exercise of his civil rights.
" Art. 7. AU Frenchmen who have attained the age of twenty-five
years, and not deprived or suspended of their civil rights, are eligible to be
elected. " Art. 8. The ballot shall be secret.
" Art. 9. AH electors shall vote at the principal town of their canton
by ballot. Each bulletin shall contain as many names as there shall be
representatives to be elected in the department. No one can be elected
representative who has not received two thousand votes.
'¦' Art. 10. Each representative shall receive an indemnity of twenty-
five francs per day during the session.

Y

"Art. 11. An order from the Provisional Government will regulate
the" details of the execution of the present decree.
" Art. 12. The National Constituent shall open on the 20th April.
" Art. 13. The present decree shall be immediately sent into the
departments, and published and posted up in all the communes of the
Republic. " Done at Paris, by the Government in Council, this 5th March,
1848." Soon after the publication of the decree for the elections
appeared two official circulars on the same subject, both of
which provoked much well-grounded displeasure. M. Camot,
the Minister of Public Instraction, addressed the masters of
the primary schools, calling on them to take an active part iu
guiding and determining the choice of the electors, and de
siring them to inculcate the strange doctrine that to be an
efficient member of the National Assembly it was not neces
sary to possess either fortune or education. This was, pro
bably, but a verbal mistake ; M. Carnot's meaning being,
apparently, that superior scholarship was not requisite in a
member of the Assembly. This, at least, may be inferred
from his subsequent explanation, in which he referred to the
peasant legislators, who are certainly not uneducated men,
however little acquaintance they may have with Latin or
Greek. But there is no excuse to be offered for the following
arrogant ukase of M. Ledra Rollin, addressed to his com
missioners in the provinces : —
" The circular which has reached you, and which has been published,
traced out your duties. It is, however, important that I enter with you
into some details, and that I state more clearly what I expect from your
patriotism, now that by your care the Republic is proclaimed. From
several departments demands have been sent in to me, inquiring what
your powers are. The Mimster of War has been in some anxiety as to
your relations with the military leaders. Several amongst you desire to
be informed as to the line of conduct which you ought to follow with
respect to the law functionaries; finally, the National Guard and the
elections, particularly the latter, ought to be the object of your constant
attention. " 1. What are your Powers ? — They are unlimited. Agent of a revo-

222

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. X.

, x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

223

lutionary authority, you are revolutionary also. The victoiy ofthe people
has imposed on you the duty of getting your work proclaimed and conso
lidated. For the accomplishment of that task you are invested with its
sovereignty ; you take orders only from your conscience ; you are to act
as circumstances may demand for the public safety. Thanks to our state.
of public morals, that mission is not a very terrible one. Hitherto you have.
not had to break down any serious resistance, aud you have been able to
remain calm in your force ; you must not, however, deceive yourself as to.
the state of the country. Republican sentiments ought to be strongly
forwarded there, and for that purpose all political functions must be al
lotted to men sure, and of Republican principles. Everywhere the Prefects
and Sub-Prefects ought to be changed. In some localities tlieir con
tinuance in office is demanded ; it is your duty to make the population
perceive that those persons who served a power, each act of which was a
corruption, cannot be preserved. The nomination of Sub-Commissioners
to replace those functionaries belongs to you ; and you can refer to me
whenever you feel any hesitation. Choose in preference men belonging
to the chief town. You are not to take them in the arrondissement
itself, unless you know them to be perfectly free from all spirit of coterie.
Do not set young men aside, as ardour and generosity are the privUege of
that age, and the Republic has need of those fine qualities. You must
also provide for the replacement of mayors and their deputies. You will
appoint them provisionally, investing them with the ordinaiy power. If
the municipal councils are hostUe, you will dissolve them, and, in concert
with the mayors, you will nominate a provincial municipality ; but yoir
will not have recourse to that measure except in cases of rigorous neces
sity. 1 am of opinion that the great majority of the municipal councils
may be preserved by placing at tlieir head new leaders.
" 2. Your Relations with the Officers in Command ofthe Troops.—
You are exercising the powers of the. Executive authority, so that the
armed force is under your orders. You can call it out, and put it in
movement ; you can even, in grave cases, suspend a commanding officer,
referring the case immediately to me. But you ought to shew the great
est caution in this part of your functions. All that on your part might
offend the just susceptibilities of the officers or soldiers would be an inex
cusable fault. I understand that hi several departments the Commissioners
haye not at once established a bond between them and the military autho
rities j I am astonished at that, and I recommend you not to sin against
these simple rules of good policy and propriety. The army, in the late
events, shewed a lively sympathy for the Republican cause, and it mustba
attached to it more and more. It is of the people, as we are, and it is
the first barrier that would be opposed to an invasion. It is about ta
enter for the first time on the possession of its political rights. Therefore

*s^«*

t

*v-

* ¦%

honour it, and do what you can to obtain the good wishes of those who
command it. Do not forget that your powers do not extend to the regu
lations of disciplme ; they may bfe summed up in these two words—to
make use of the military force, and to gain it over by marks of esteem and
cordiality. "3. Your Relations with the Law Functionaries.— These magistrates
depend on the Executive authority, only in the circle precisely traced out
by the law. You will demand from the law officers a devoted co-operation,
and wherever you do not find it you will inform me ; at the same time
mentioning such persons as are remarkable for their probity and firmness.
I shall communicate the same to the Ministry of Justice. As to the law
officers, who are immovable, you will keep a close eye on them, and if
any ofthe members .should exhibit public marks of hostility, you may use
the right of suspending, which your sovereign authority confers on you.
"4. National Guard. — You will receive from mc detailed instructions
on the organisation of the civil force. I have endeavoured to provide
against all the difficulties which you may meet with. Those which arise
from local and unforeseen obstacles must be surmounted by your patriot
ism. In proceeding to the elections, you will conform yourself to the
decrees of the Government— that is to say, that, in derogation to the law of
1831, you will cause to be named all the officers, without exception, by the
National Guard, commencing by the superior ranks. You will carefully
watch over the action of the sub-commissaries and of the municipalities,
and will oblige them to render you an exact account of their operations.
" 5. The Elections.— The elections are your great work ; they will
prove the salvation of the country. It is on the composition of the
Assembly that our destinies depend. It must be animated by a revo
lutionary spirit ; if not, we shall go on to civU war and anarchy. On this
subject put yourself on your guard against the intrigues of double-faced
men, who, after having served royalty, call themselves servants of the
people. Those will deceive you, and you must refuse them your support.
Let your mot d'ordre be, ' New men,' and, as much as possible, from the
ranks of the people. The working classes, who form the living strength
of the nation, should choose from amongst them men recommended by
their intelligence, their morality, and then- devotedness ; united to the
Mite of thinking men, they will bring force into tlie discussion of all great
questions which will be agitated under the authority of their practical expe
rience. They will continue the Revolution, and they will limit it within the
bounds of possibility and reason. Without them it will be led away in vain
Utopian ideas, when it will be stifled under the efforts of a retrograde fac
tion. Enlighten the electors, and repeat to them incessantly that the reign
of the men of the monarchy is finished.
" You comprehend how great is your task. The education of the

224

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. X.

cmap. x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

225

country is not complete : it is for you to guide it. Cause on all points of
your department the meeting of electoral committees ; examine closely the
qualifications of tlie candidates, and stop at those only who appear to pre
sent the strongest guarantees of Republican opinion, and the greatest
chance of success. No compromises, no complaisance. Let the day. of
election be the triumph of the Revolution. " Ledru Rollin."
Great was the indignation excited by this manifesto of
unmitigated despotism. A deputation from the Republican
Club for the liberty of election waited on the Provisional
Government, on the 15 th of March, to remonstrate against the
circular. Lamartine replied at considerable length, virtually
disavowing the document. He declared that " the Provisional
Government had not directed any one to speak in its name to
the nation, and especially to speak a language superior to the
law." A proclamation was soon afterwards issued in the name
of the whole Government, tending to remove the bad impressiou
made by Ledru Rollin's circular, and it was resolved that, for
the future, no official proclamations should be issued on the
sole authority of any individual minister.* The Minister of
the Interior did not easily submit to this correction. During
the deliberations of the Provisional Government on the night
of the 15 th, he made a proposition which was disapproved of
by his colleagues and rejected. Upon this M. Ledra Rollin
threatened, that if his proposition was not agreed to he would
call in the people assembled in the court, and force the Go
vernment to accede to it. M. Gamier Pages upon this
immediately arose, and, drawing a pistol from his pocket,
declared that if M. Ledru Rollin attempted to put his threat
into execution he would shoot him through the head. The
affair went no further.
So much had the Minister of the Interior disgusted all
moderate men, that it is probable he would have been forced
* This, however, did not prevent Ledru Rollin from continuing to
issue his periodical placard, headed " Bulletin ofthe Republic, Ministry of
the Interior."

Xy

i ~»

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«-£5»

f

to retire but for a miserable blunder committed by a portion
of the National Guard, the grenadier and chasseur companies.
These were picked companies, selected from the general body,
distinguished by certain badges, such as a bear-skin cap, yel
low epaulettes, &c. By a decree of the Minister of the Inte
rior, these companies were to be broken up and fused with the
general mass. This led to an open revolt. On the 15th of
March, a body of Guards, principally those of the Banlieu,
Belleville, Vaugirard, and Batignolles, presented themselves
at the Hotel de Ville, and demanded the recall of the decree
in question. No promise of compliance was given ; whereupon
they said, " We come unarmed to-day to demand a right :
you took us unfairly and by surprise. If by nine o'clock to
morrow morning that decree be not annulled, we will be here
and armed." The next day (Thursday) they appeared to the
number of fifty or sixty thousand at the Hotel de Ville, en
masse, but not avec les sabres as promised. The people as
sembled in multitudes, hissed them, and saluted the compa
nies d'elite with cries of Egalite ! A bas les aristocrats ! The
Government replied with unexpected spirit. They regretted
that their measures " should have caused manifestations in
consistent with public order : " they would resist counsels
taking the form of menace or force ; and they refused the re
quests of the Guards.
A great meeting of working men took place on the 17th.
The numbers present appear to have been nearly 200,000
men. A deputation of about forty persons from the corpora
tions and clubs was received by the " Provisional Government
within the hotel. The demands made were — first, the re
moval of troops from Paris ; secondly, the postponement of
the elections of the National Guard to the 5th of April ; and
thirdly, the postponement of the National Assembly to the
31st of May. A long and conciliatory conversation ensued.
M. de Lamartine displayed all his intrepidity, adroitness, aud
skill in elocution, and contrived to parry the searching and
rather dangerous cross-examination of the demagogues. He
Q

226

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap. X.

chap, x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

227

fairly talked the crowd over. But he and his colleagues
thought it safest to render some substantial compliance with
their demands.
The correspondent of the " Morning Chronicle " makes
the following comments on this affair : —
" The demonstration made by the companies d'elite of the
National Guard on Thursday last, and the attempt they made
to force the Government to withdraw the decree by which
they were dissolved and thrown into the general mass of the
different legions, is admitted on all hands to have been tiot
only a most injudicious one, but to have been excessively in
jurious to the cause of moderation and order. Unfortunately,
the object which the companies had in view was not one
which could rouse the sympathies of tbe public, or even those
oftheir colleagues ofthe National Guards themselves. In
these Republican times privileges are not much tolerated by
the populace, even when these privileges entitle the possessor
to no greater distinction than that of wearing a bear-skin cap
or yellow epaulettes. But in the present case the pretensions
of the companies d'elite were much more important and more
offensive. They claimed the right of being an exclusive and
aristocratic body among their democratic fellows. They
claimed the right of selecting those whom they should con
sider worthy of being admitted into their ranks, and of elect
ing their own officers. In short, they endeavoured to form
themselves into a select society in the National Guards, so
superior to the ordinary chasseurs that the latter were not
thought worthy of associating with them. Such pretensions
were clearly incompatible with the principle of equality which
is the pride of the Republic, and the Provisional Government
could clearly not admit them. But the manner in which they
attempted to force these inadmissible pretensions on the Go
vernment was still more objectionable. They went to the
lj[6tel de Ville without arms, to be sure, but they made no
secret of their intention to adopt forcible measures if the
peaceable demonstration should not be successful. They even

1

v

declared that they would insist on the dismissal of M. Ledru
Rollin, who signed the decree ; and, unfortunately for them
selves, they mixed up with their own quarrel the affair of the
circular to the provisional delegates, and alleged the two
affairs as sufficient grounds for the step they took. This
attempt on the part of the National Guards to coerce the Go
vernment, so far from having the effect they expected from it,
operated exactly the other way. It gave the out-and-out Re-
i publicans an opportunity, which they did not lose, of stimu-
I lating their partisans, and frightening their adversaries by the
t^" demonstration of force which they made on Friday. Such is
the effect ofthe injudicious step taken by the National Guards.
The errors committed by M. Carnot and M. Ledra Rollin in
their circulars had disgusted the public and annoyed their col
leagues. M. de Lamartine went so far as to give them a
public disavowal, aud to issue a uew and very moderate pro
clamation, to counteract their effect. M. Ledru Rollin had
become so unpopular, even among the Republicans, that he
could not have remained another week in office, when this
unlucky demarche of the National Guards came to spoil all,
and to place M. Ledra Rollin in such a position that his eause
• is now considered that of the revolution, and any attempt to
get rid of him would be the signal for a deluge of blood. The
i-"3* fact is, that the step taken by the National Guards has made
M. Ledru Rolliu, M. Louis Blanc, and M. Flocon, the masters
of the Government, instead of being, as they were a few days
ago, a small minority in it."
Ledru Rollin now pursued his despotic career with un
abated insolence ; and so well was he seconded by his agents
in the departments, that many of the latter were almost im
pelled to plunge into civil war. One of these agents, M.
Emmanuel Arago, took upon himself to double the taxes in
Lyons, and to prohibit all persons who left the town from
carrying with them more than 500 francs. The Ultra-Repub
lican Clubs in Paris indulged in the most inflammatory lan
guage, and talked vehemently of taking up arms against the

228

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848.

[chap, ic.

National Assembly, unless it should consist altogether of men
of their own party. Meanwhile the working classes, craving
excitement, and withdrawn more and more from all useful
occupations, amused themselves with planting " trees of
liberty" all over Paris. These trees were full-grown poplars,
likely to prove but sapless aud unsightly emblems of freedom*
though their roots were plentifully bedewed with holy water-
by the clergy, who were forced to take part in these fooleries.
At night the inhabitants were obliged to illuminate their
houses, aud they were kept awake by volleys fired in honour
of the idle ceremony. - •: ,
We have mentioned Ledru Rollin's bulletin newspaper.
On the 15 th of April the walls of Paris were placarded with
its fifteenth number, from which the following is au ex
tract: — ...
" The elections, if they do not cause social truth to triumph — if they
are but the expression of the interests of a caste, extorted from the con
fiding loyalty of the people — the elections, which should be the safety of
the Republic, will be its ruin, of that there can be no doubt. There
would then be but one means of safety for the people, who made the bar
ricades — it would be to manifest a second time its will, and to adjourn
the decision of a false national representation.
"Will France force Paris to have recourse to this extreme, this de
plorable remedy ? God forbid ! As France has confided to Paris a great
mission, the French people would not render their mission incompatible
with the order and calm necessary to the deliberations of a constituted
body. Paris looks on herself with reason as the representative of all the
population of the national territory. Paris is the advanced post of the
army that combats for the Republican idea. If anarchy works in the
distance — if social influences pervert the judgment, or betray the will, of
the masses of the people, dispersed and scattered, the people of Paris
believe aud declare themselves guardians of the interests of the whole
nation." " Never," observes the " Constitutionnel," on this astound
ing document, " never at any period did the counter-revolu-;
tionaiy spirit itself attack with more audacity the liberty of
election. What ! on the eve of the day when a whole people
is about to exercise its rights for the first time, you place all

chap, x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

229

*¦ V*

*. I '*

the committees of France under the cannon of Paris. You
tell them, in the name of the capital, ' Your vote or your life.'
Why this the deprivation en masse of citizens ! What is the
deprivation of functionaries to this? A whole independent
nation menaced with the deprivation of its sovereignty. The
bulletin prays the citizens of the departments to allow them
selves to be persuaded, and so save Paris the pain of van
quishing — whom ? All France, if she be not wise."
A reaction took place at last. An attempt was made on
Sunday, the 1 6th of April, to overthrow the moderate section
of the Government, and substitute for it a so-called Com
mittee of Safety. This plot was defeated without a blow by
the prompt and hearty support given to the cause of order by
the National Guard. Two hundred thousand men, of all ranks
and conditions, rallied instantly around the Government. The
most cordial unanimity pervaded the whole armed mass ; but
if any portion of it was more conspicuous than another for its
zeal in behalf of the Government, the poor, ill-clad soldiers of
the Garde Mobile might fairly claim the palm of civic virtue.
The .great bulk of the working men of Paris emphatically
declared tlieir adhesion to the honest and rational portion of
the Provisional Government, and distinctly separated their
cause from that of the selfish demagogues and spurious phi
lanthropists, Ledra Rollin, Louis Blanc, and Flocon. This
fact teaches a great lesson. The populace, the canaille, who
were treated as the most dangerous enemies of " the system"
under the late monarchy, were now found to be among the
trustiest supporters of an honest government. The event
proved the good policy of admitting the workmen into the
National Guard, for had they been excluded, they would now,
probably, have been made tools of the Communist and selfish
factions. The abortive attempt of tlie latter immensely
strengthened the hands of Lamartine and the better portion
of his colleagues, and enabled them to bring back the army
to Paris with the entire approbation of the vast majority of
the citizens.

230

FRENCH REVLUTION OF 1838.

[chap. X.

The germ ofthe affair was a perfectly harmless aud legi?
timate meeting of the Trades in the Champs Elysees, for the
purpose of electing fourteen oftheir number as staff-officers of
the National Guard. This meeting had been announced
several days before : it was known that the workmen intended
to march in procession to the Hotel de Ville, to present their
elected officers to the Government, and also to bring, in a de
corated basket, a patriotic offering of money collected among
themselves on the occasion.
Two parties resolved to graft on this movement mani
festations calculated to fortify their own respective interests. ,
Blanqui's party took the initiative. He is a man of
restless, plotting, underhand character, who has been all his
life a conspirator, and has since February been President of
the Central Republican Club, one of tlie most violent of the
popular societies. He had placed himself in strong oppo
sition to the moderate section of the Provisional Government ;
who, on their part, endeavoured to crush hiin by causing
him to be charged with having betrayed the former secret
societies, of which he was a member, to the Government of
Louis Philippe ; aud in support ofthe accusation they printed
ih the " Retrospective Review " a paper purporting to have
been written by him, and carried off from M. Guizot's hotel
during the Revolution. Blanqui, in his defence, declared
this paper a forgery, and threatened retaliatory disclosures,
such as should cover several of the Ministers with everlasting
infamy. The clubs were violently agitated ; but after several
days of discussion and hesitation the majority declared in
favour of Blanqui, who was brought back in triumph to the
Central Republican Club, from the presidence of which he
had been provisionally suspended. It may easily be imagined
that Blanqui, thirsting for revenge, fanned the fire of his sup
porters' zeal. He worked them up to denounce Lamartine
and the moderate members of the Government as treacherous
apostates from tho cause of freedom ; and to declare that they
should be overthrown, and Blanqui, with his friends, set up

Y

chap. X.J PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS. 231
in their stead. On Saturday night the storm of hatred and
defiance reached its height ; and at the meeting ofthe Central
Republican Club it was resolved to take advantage of the
next day's meeting to stir up the people against the Govern-
ment, and to bring about the desired emeute.
." Louis Blanc and Albert were also on the alert. They
seized this occasion to revive their fading prestige ; and they
contrived that the Trades should be furnished with placards to
affix on their banners, bearing this inscription : —
" Abolition of the Exploitation of Man by Man — Organi
sation of Labour by Association."
MM. Blanc and Albert are asserted to have taken this
step without tlie knowledge of their colleagues.
On Sunday morning the Trades assembled in the Champ
de Mars, and proceeded peaceably to the business of their
meeting. A large body of workmen belonging to the Club
des Ateliers were also assembled in the Hippodrome for a
similar purpose. And the supporters of M. Blanqui began to
collect, in comparatively insignificant force, iu the Champs
Elysees. Towards noon the Blanqui party endeavoured to
mix themselves with the general body ofthe workmen, hoping
so to fraternise with them, and shape their cry into a form
hostile to the moderate section of the Government ; but their
overtures were rejected by the workmen.
Between one and two o'clock the Trades in vast columns
began to move towards the Hotel de Ville; bearing on
their banners the Louis Blanc placards. But meanwhile,
Marrast, the Mayor of Paris, and Lamartine, had taken
their measures. The generate was beaten in all quarters of
Paris, and in the banlieue early iu the forenoon, and with
such effect that before twelve o'clock 60,000 National Guards
wero concentrated on the Hotel de Ville, and supported by
some pieces of cannon. Along the Quays, the Boulevards,
and the other principal streets on the north side of tlie river,
were assembled 160,000 more, including 40,000 of the Na
tional Guards of the banlieue, and the 20,000 of the Na-

232

FRENCH REVOLUTION OP 1848.

[chap. X.

tional Guards Mobiles. Moreover, they were provided with
ball-cartridge, and certainly a more determined-looking body
of men has rarely been seen. The attempt of " The Trades"
to reach the Hotel "de Ville was, nevertheless, made ; but
when they had arrived near to the Pont Neuf they found a
dense mass of National Guards, with a rather fighting air,
who refused them permission to go farther, and there the
greater portion of them remained until a body of the Mobiles
had been allowed to pass to the Hotel de Ville, whither
"The Trades," finding an opening, followed in their wake.
A portion of them obtained admission to the Provisional
Government, stating that they had an offering of money to
make for the public service. The plot was crushed without a
blow being struck.
An Englishman who made an extensive promenade this
day through the midst of the aimed masses, says that the
most frequent cries uttered were in favour of Lamartine*; the
names of Louis Blanc and Ledra Rollin did not once strike
his ear. This was the more remarkable, as in former mani
festations theirs were almost the only names heard.
At about half-past four o'clock, when the National Guard
filled the Place de Greve, M. de Lamartine and M. Cremieux
were observed at one of the windows of the Hotel de Ville.
Suddenly, and by enchantment, shakos, hats, and caps, were
placed on the ends of the bayonets, and waved, and cries of
Vive Lamartine ! Vive le Gouvemement Provisoire ! rent the
air. An instant afterwards M. Louis Blanc appeared at an
other window. Some persons saluted him with vivats, and
the same manifestation was made in the ranks of the National
Guard, but less spontaneously and less generally. In the
evening another manifestation took place, still greater and
more solemn. The rappel was again beaten, all the legions
assembled to go to the Hotel de Ville. They defiled on the
quays, beginning at eight o'clock, and at ten they had not
finished. During the whole march shouts, tremendous and
continuous, were heard from 200,000 voices, A bas les Cotn-

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x.J PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

233

munistes ! A bas Cabet ! A bas Us FainSans ! Vive la mjmhlique !
Vive la Gouvemement Provisoire ! Vive Lamartine ! Such were
the shouts which exhibited the dispositions of the people on
the events of the day. At nine o'clock the Provisional Go
vernment addressed the National Guard. All Paris was spon
taneously illuminated.
It appears that M. Blanqui, during the commencement of
the manifestation, took up his station in the Champs Elysees,
surrounded by a sort of staff, or body-guard. Emissaries
were constantly proceeding from tliis band, to mix with the
masses in the Chomp de Mars, for the purpose of ascertaining
their temper and disposition towards M. Blanqui. The in
telligence brought back by these scouts was, however, so
unfavourable to the views of the agitator, that he disappeared
at an early hour, and was not seen hi public during the
remainder of the day.
. In the evening, says a writer in the " Weekly Chronicle,"
" I witnessed, at the theatre of the Port St. Martin, an inci
dent which is, perhaps, worth recounting, as illustrative of
the fermentation which reigned on this day in the public
mind. " The celebrated actor, Frederic Lemaitre, was performing
the character of Robert Maeaire. Lemaitre is, as you are
aware, an actor of great genius, but somewhat extravagant,
and of most excitable temperament. During his performance,
the rappel was heard in the street, and all the National
Guards present quitted the theatre hastily to join their
respective companies. Upon this, Lemaitre dropped his
voice, and almost became inaudible. Cries of 'Speak up!'
issued from all parts of the house. Lemaitre suddenly
stopped short, rushed forward to the foot-lights, and ex
claimed, in a voice that seemed broken by emotion, —
" ' Messieurs ! 3-ou tell me to speak loudly; but my voice
is stifled with my tears — with the beating of my heart!
Ah, Messieurs, our France — our unhappy country — torn
with dissensions ' — (here he stopped, sobbing ; aud the whole

234

FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1848. [chap. Si.

house, which had risen in amazement, cheered him enthusi
astically). ' Forgive this emotion — these tears^ I was till
three o'clock to-day, with my sons, on guard in the Place
de la Greve — I hear the rappel again beaten — perhaps at
this moment the conflict is engaged — the blood of my coun-'
trymen may be flowing while I speak ; my own sons  '
(here he broke down again, and again tho audience manifested
their sympathy by loud cheers). ' Ah, Messieurs ! ' he re
sumed, .' beneath this rouge — these trappings — there is, after
all, the man — the father. (Cheers and emotion.) Messieurs,
at such a moment, I am here, playing the buffoon, a contre
cosur — not for. myself — but to keep this house from being
closed — to save my brother actors from inactivity and dis
tress. (Immense cheers.) Messieurs, I crave your indul
gence ; this task is too odious to me ; I hate and scorn myself
to be here jesting, and playing these miserable antics, while
my countiy bleeds. (Sensation.) Ah, Messieurs ! come to
me a few months — a few weeks hence — when France is-
tranquil and happy — then I will play before you with a light
heart — but not now — not now.' (Loud cheers, and cries,
'Let ns go!' — 'Drop the curtain!' and counter-cries, 'No,
no!' continue the piece!') 'Messieurs/ he cried, with a
voice of thunder, suddenly bounding on the stage in a sort of
frenzy, ' I am a man — not a puppet! — Away with these
fooleries!' — aud as he spoke he tore off his wig, his patched
coat, his tawdry Macaire waistcoat, and dashed them on the
stage ; then, trampling them under foot, he went on speaking
with vehement gesticulations, amidst an uproar of conflicting
cries, which entirely drowned his voice. In a few moments
the manager came upon the stage ; and, approaching him,
said a few words in his ear. Lemaitre then raised his hand
deprecatingly to the audience ; and, with a gesture of resig
nation, stooped, and picked up successively the wig and the
motley vestments, and put them ou. These being re-adjusted,
he folded his arms, and, in a humble attitude, seemed awaiting
the restoration of silence to resume his drolleries. I thought

chap, x.] PRELIMINARIES TO THE ELECTIONS.

235

•**x

« •

*- '¦*•

I could discern a slight curl of suppressed contempt at the
comer of his lip. The majority, however, were bent on having
their money's worth— iu quantity if not in quality; but a
certain number of persons left tlie house. I withdrew also,
and walked home, pondering on the infeodations of genius to
society; on the actor weeping behind his mask; on poor
Hood writing comic on his deathbed; on Seymour quitting a
half-finished sketch for 'Figaro' to blowout his brains I
remembered Retzsch's outlines ofthe captive Pegasus, with
ins wings bound, bleeding beneath the cartlash,— fainting at
the plough; and I thought that the intellectual workman is
as deeply concerned as the artisan in the great question ofthe
organisation of labour. "
The grand fete of fraternity to celebrate the return ofthe
troops ofthe line to Paris took place on Thursday the 20th of
April. Pans that day presented a spectacle of which no other
city m the world could offer an example. Upwards of 250 000
armed men (some accounts say, 350,000), and more than
300,000 spectators, were mixed together during seven or eight
hours, one might almost say without confusion,— certainly
without an instance of bad or unkind feeling. Only one ac
cident has been reported, which was caused by a National
Guard, who, in true Cockney spirit, fired a loaded gun, as he
intended, into the air, and shot a man at the other side of
the quay dead on the spot. The illumination in the evenin*-
was very brilliant, and had the peculiarity of being general!
Pans illuminations are, ordinarily, confined to tlie boulevards
quays, and principal streets; but on this oceasion the whole'
city, and even the suburbs, were lighted up.
The Parisians were now in a condition to proceed without
fear of violence to the election of their representatives in the
National Constituent Assembly.

George Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square,

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