YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bequest of
SINCLAIR LEWIS
Yale 1907

OUR NAVAL WAR WITH
FRANCE

OUR NAVAL WAR
WITH FRANCE
BY
GARDNER W. ALLEN

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
(3Cie Siibec^iiie pttg^ Camliciboe
1909

COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY GARDNER W. ALLEN
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Published May iqog

CM1.:]S

-^

TO
THE MEMORY OF
MY MOTHER

PEEFACE
The spoliation of American commerce by the
French, and the resulting hostilities during the last
years of the eighteenth century, form the earliest
episode of importance in our history under, the
Federal Constitution. It is, perhaps, natural that
they should have been to a great extent over
shadowed by the tremendous convulsions of the
French Eevolution. Yet these hostilities between
the United States and France continued in an
acute form nearly three years, and amounted to
actual war, although war was declared on neither
side. Important frigate actions and very many
minor contests furnish some of the most stirring
exploits in the early history of the "navy.
An examination of manuscript sources and con
temporary newspapers has brought to light much
material never before utilized. For aid in this
search, the writer is indebted to the officials of the
Navy Department, the Boston Public Library, and
the Massachusetts Historical Society, and to many
other persons. He is under especial obligations to
Professor Edward Channing of Harvard Univer
sity, and to Charles W. Stewart, Esq., Superin
tendent of Library and Naval War Kecords, Navy
Department.
Gabdnek W. Allen.
Boston, March, 1909.

CONTENTS
I. Early Misunderstandings .... 1
II. Negotiations  16
III. French Spoliations  28
IV. Naval Preparation  41
V. The Opening of Hostilities . . . 63
VI. Events of 1799  87
VII. The Last Year of the War . . . 139
VIII. Private Armed Vessels .... 225
IX. The Convention of 1800 . . . .245
X. Reduction of the Navy .... 252
XI. Spoliations after 1801  260
XII. The Spoliation Claims .... 268
APPENDIX
I. Sources of Information .... 283
II. Treaties  290
III. Decrees  297
IV. Vessels in Service, 1798-1801 . . .301
V. Commanding Officers, 1798-1801 . . .303
VI. The Nautical Day  306
Index  309

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Constellation and Insurgente in Action
(see p. 94) Frontispiece
Fainted and engraved by E Savage and publiahed at Philadelphia,
May 20, 1799. Inscribed : " Action between the Gonatellation and
L'lnsurgent. On the 9th February, 1799. Ofl the Island at St. Chris
tophers, when after an hard fought battle of one hour and a quarter
tbe Frigate of the Directory yielded to superior skill and bravery.
Killed on board L'lnsurgent 29. Wounded 46. Constellation 1 killed,
3 wounded. Force of the Constellation ; Guns 36, Men 310. Force
of the Insurgent : 40 Guns, 18 Brass Swivels, 409 Men." From the
original engraving, through the courtesy of Charles H. Taylor, Jr.,
Esq., of Boston,
Map of the West Indies  1
Plan of a Frigate  42
From Captain Truxtun's ** System of Masting " ; being an appendix
to his " Remarks, Instructions, and Examples relating to the Lati
tude and Longitude " (Philadelphia, 1794). Engraved by Thackara,
from a drawing by J. Fox.
The Frigate Constitution  48
From the original water-color by W. A. K. Martin, through the
courtesy of Henry A. Martin, Esq., of Ambler, Pa.
Benjamin Stoddert  64
From the original painting by E. F. Andrews at the Navy Depart
ment, Washington.
John Barry  66
From the " National Portrait Gallery " (1836). Engraved by J. B.
Longacre from the painting by G. Stu' t,
Samuel Nicholson  70
After an old portrait.
The Frigate United States  90
From the "American Universal Magazine," July, 1797. Engraved
by F. Clarke, Philadelphia.

xii ILLUSTRATIONS
The Constellation chasing the Insurgente 94
Fainted and engraved by E. Savage and published at Philadelphia,
May 20, 1799. Inscribed : " Constellation & L'lnsurgent — the
Cbace." From the original engraving, through the courtesy of C. H.
Taylor, Jr., Esq. ; believed to be the only copy in existence (see
"Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society," second
series, vol. lix, pp. 10, 17, 18).
Silas Talbot  122
From an engraving by J. Rogers inC. E. Lester's "America's Ad
vancement" (1876).
Thomas Truxtun  134
After the engraving by C. Tiebout of tbe portrait by A. Robertson.
" New York, Published by A. Robertson, No. 79 Liberty Str. & 0.
Tiebout, No. 28 Gold Street, Novem.' 20th, 1799."
Isaac Hull  182
From " The Polyanthos " (Jan. 1814). Engraved by I. R. Smith from
a portrait by H. Williams. " The Polyanthos " says ; " Before the
engraving could be finished, another appeared in the *Analectio
Magazine ' [the familiar Stuart portrait], and the dissimilarity in
the two pictures induced us to postpone the publication of ours, till
it should have been submitted to the inspection of his friends.
Having done this, we are authorized to say that it has been honored
with their entire approbation."
Alexander Murray  190
From Waldo's "Naval Heroes" (1823). Engraved by Willard from
a portrait by Wood.
Charles Stewart  204
From the " Analeotic Magazine " (Feb. 1616). Engraved by Good
man from a portrait by Wood.
The Frigate Boston  210
" Frigate Am^ricaine, faisant secher ses Voiles. Dessin^ d'aprds
Nature et grav^ par Baugean." From " Reoueil de Navires de Guerre
et Marchands de Diverses Nations" (Paris, 1812). By courtesy of
Captain Arthur H. Clark of New York.
David Porter  216
From the " Analectio Magazine " (Sept. 1814). Engraved by Edwin
from a portrait by Wood.

OUR NATAL WAR WITH
FRANCE

OUR NATAL WAR WITH
FRANCE
CHAPTER I
EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS
The British colonies of North America having de
clared their independence and being involved in an
unequal struggle with the mother-country, the new
born nation appealed to France for aid at an early
period of the contest. The American envoys, Ben
jamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee,
were happily able to engage the attention of Louis
XVI and his ministers. They, however, cautiously
held aloof at first, naturally unwilling to support a
rebellion while success appeared almost hopeless ;
but the defeat and capture of Burgoyne's army in
1777 turned the scale in the wavering French
councils, and it was decided to espouse the Ameri
can cause. Accordingly, on the 6th of February,
1778, two treaties between the United States and
If JL ance were signed at Versailles, — a treaty of
amity and commerce and one of alliance.
In their desperate strait the Americans gladly
assumed obligations, imposed by these treaties,
which in after years proved embarrassing. With-

2 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
out the French alliance and the hberal loans of the
king the fortunate outcome of the war must surely
have been impossible ; and gratitude to France was
a universal sentiment in America. Some of the
provisions of a consular convention, concluded be
tween the two nations in 1788, also caused compli
cations a few years later.
In his annual address to Congress, December 8,
1790, President Washington called attention to
the disturbed situation of Europe and the neces
sity for circumspection on the part of the United
States.' Shortly after this, France complained of
certain duties imposed by the United States, and
this caused discussion as to the interpretation of
the treaty of commerce of 1778 ; ^ but no serious
trouble arose between the two countries until after
the breaking out of the general European war
brought on by the French Eevolution.
A strict fulfillment of our treaty obligations
would have drawn the United States into this war
as an ally of France. The question as to whether
the treaties had been terminated by the revolution
and change of government in France was discussed
in Washington's cabinet, and it was agreed that
they had not been. According to the eleventh arti
cle of the treaty of alliance the United States guar
anteed " to His Most Christian Majesty the present
possessions of the Crown of France in America, as
1 State Papers, vol. i, p. 18. See Appendix I for authorities.
2 Ibid. vol. X, pp. 68-77.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 3
well as those which it may acquire by the future
treaty of peace." This referred especially to the
French West Indies, and to have complied with
the treaty would have involved the United States
in the defense of these islands against the attacks
of England. In view of the exhausted condition of
the country at the time, slowly recovering from the
strain of the War for Independence and loaded
with debt, to have embarked in another great war
would have been suicidal. As a matter of self-pre
servation it was necessary to maintain strict neutral
ity. In February, 1793, soon after the execution
of Louis XVI, the war in Europe became general,
involving besides France the maritime nations of
Great Britain, Spain, and HoUand.
In order to get the opinions of his cabinet on the
situation, the President submitted to the members
certain questions, and obtained their unanimous
approval of two important measures : that neu
trality should be proclaimed, and that the Republic
of France should be recognized and a French min
ister received. April 22, 1793, Washington issued
his proclamation, in which it is declared that the
United States will " pursue a conduct friendly
and impartial toward the belligerent powers," that
American citizens engaging in contraband trade
will not be protected by the government against
punishment or forfeiture, and that the United States
will prosecute all persons who violate the law of
nations. It was agreed that the word " neutrality "

4 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
should be omitted from the text of the proclama
tion.' Public sentiment in America at this time was
strongly in favor of France, and the proclamation
was unpopular, although it was approved by both
the Senate and Hbuse of Representatives at the
next session of Congress.^
Shortly before this, on April 8, there had arrived
at Charleston, South Carolina, the newly appointed
French minister to the United States, Citizen Genet.
In a letter written after his arrival, to the French
minister of foreign affairs. Genet attributes to con
trary winds his landing at this point instead of pro
ceeding directly to Philadelphia, the seat of govern
ment.' Yet the frigate Embuscade in which he came
he sent north at once, and she soon arrived at Phila
delphia, while he himself made the joumey by land,
after a halt of two weeks or more in Charleston.
During his stay in the south Genet entered upon a
course of conduct certain to embarrass the United
States, and from this time forth his behavior indi
cates a misapprehension of the rights and powers of
the American executive under the Constitution, as
well as of the duties and limitations of his own office.
He had brought with him two hundred and fifty
blank commissions, and four of these he now issued
to privateers, which were rapidly fitted out and
' St, Pap, vol. i, p. 44 ; "Washington, vol. xii, pp. 279-282 ; Jefi
ferson, vol. i, pp. 226, 227, vol. vi, pp. 315, 346.
^ St. Pap. vol. ii, p. 127.
* American Historical Association, 1903, vol. ii, pp. 211-213 ; for
Genet's instructions from his government, see p. 201.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 5
manned, partly by Frenchmen and partly by Ameri
cans.' They were sent to sea and soon began to re
turn with English prizes, some of them captured
within the territorial waters of the United States.
The British minister complained of these proceed
ings, and one of the prizes, taken in Delaware Bay
by the Embuscade, was afterwards surrendered by
Genet.2 In a letter to Jefferson, the Secretary of State,
dated May 27, after his arrival in Philadelphia,
Genet vigorously defended his conduct against the
complaints of the British minister. In his reply of
Jtme 5, in speaking of the arming of privateers in
American ports and the enlisting of American citi
zens for the French service, Jefferson expressed the
opinion of the President " that the arming and equip
ping vessels In the ports of the United States, to
cruise against nations with whom they are at peace,
was incompatible with the territorial sovereignty of
the United States ; . . . that it is the right of every
nation to prohibit acts of sovereignty from being ex
ercised by any other within its limits, and the duty
of a neutral nation to prohibit such as would injure
one of the warring powers ; that the granting military
commissions, within the United States, by any other
authority than their own, is an infringement on their
sovereignty, and particularly so when granted to
1 Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol ii, pp. 253, 848.
2 Ibid. pp. 196-198 ; 8t, Pap, vol. i, pp. 69-76, 114-122, 145, 195 ;
Claim, p. 379.

6 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
their own citizens, to lead them to commit acts con
trary to the duties they owe their own country."
About the end of May two American citizens who
had enlisted on a French privateer were arrested,
and were judged by the attorney-general to be indict
able for disturbing the peace of the United States.'
Genet was everywhere received with great enthu
siasm by the people, and expected the warm support
of the government In the cause of France. Con
sequently the reserve of the administration was
disappointing to him. Even Jefferson, who at first
regarded him with favor, was soon repelled by his
actions. In a letter to Madison, July 7, he says :
"Never, in my opinion, was so calamitous an
appointment made as that of the present Minister
of F. here. Hot headed, all imagination, no judg
ment, passionate, disrespectful & even indecent
towards the P." ^
In June the sale of prizes brought into Phila
delphia by a French vessel was stopped by a United
States officer, and another French vessel, which had
been fitted out at New York and was on the point
of sailing, was detained. These acts aroused a ve
hement protest from Genet and from the French
consuls at Philadelphia and New York. They
claimed exclusive jurisdiction in the disposition of
prizes, by reason of their consulates having been
1 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 77-86 ; Washington, vol. xii, p. 317 ; Jeffer
son, vol. vi, pp. 273-276.
" Jefferson, vol. vi, pp. 323, 338.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 7
constituted complete courts of admiralty by the
National Convention of France. This assumption
of power by the French government was not recog
nized by the United States, inasmuch as it had
been conferred neither by treaty nor by the con
sular convention of 1788.'
Another grievance of Genet's related to the debt
of the United States to France, which it had been
arranged by convention to pay in installments cover
ing several years. The French govemment proposed
that it should now be paid all at once, the amount
to be expended in the United States in the purchase
of provisions and naval stores, of which the French
were greatly In need. The condition of the national
finances at that time, however, was such as to make
it impossible for the United States to accept this
proposal.^ The guarantee by the United States of the French
West Indies made no trouble at this time. Jefferson
wrote to Madison, June 9 : " Genet mentions freely
enough in conversation that France does not wish
to involve us in the war by our guarantee." In fact
the fulfiUment of this obligation was never insisted
upon by France, perhaps partly from motives of
policy, not wishing to be pressed too hard herself
on the subject of treaty stipulations, but more likely
because it was thought that the Americans would
1 St. Pap, vol. i, pp. 86-100, 144, 145.
^ Ibid. vol. i, pp. 51-67, 100-104; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol.
ii, pp. 256, 282.

8 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
be more useful as neutral carriers of provisions than
as belligerent allies unable to keep the sea in the
face of England's navy. However, the matter is
occasionally mentioned in the correspondence of
the time, and assumed Importance in the negotia
tions of 1800.'
In spite of the remonstrances of the administra^
tion, Genet continued to fit out privateers in Amer
ican ports. He insisted that the twenty-second article
of the treaty of commerce of 1778 expressly con
ferred the right to arm and fit out vessels of war in
our ports and to sell the prizes taken by them,
whereas the article simply denied this right to the
enemies of either party, leaving open the question
as to French and American vessels, for reasons which
appeared sufficient at the time. He also claimed
that under the seventeenth article' the United
States had no right to detain vessels beHeved to
have been captured within territorial limits. Genet's
conduct at this time brought down upon him a se
vere reprimand from his own govemment in a letter,
dated July 30, 1793, from the minister of foreign
affairs of the French Republic'
Meanwhile the French were not the only offend-
' Jefferson, vol. i, p. 248, vol. vi, pp. 260, 293, 502 ; St. Pap.
vol. i, pp. 162, 421, vol. iii, pp. 82, 462, vol. iv, pp. 28, 97, vol. x,
pp. 299-303 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 209, 649, 726,
1064. '^ See Appendix II for these articles.
» St. Pap, vol. i, pp. 96, 141, 145; Amer, Histor, Assoc. 1903,
vol. ii, p. 228.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 9
ers, as an English privateer fitting out in Geor
gia was seized under general orders issued by the
President, and Genet complained of certain other
English vessels of the same class. He also protested
against the seizure by the English, on the high seas,
of French goods in American vessels, which he called
an Insult to the American flag. Yet these seizures
were made in accordance with International law.
In the case of the United States and France free
ships made free goods, according to the twenty-third
article of the treaty of commerce, but there was
no such agreement between the United States and
England. '
The actions of the French minister and consuls
were becoming every day more offensive, and as the
United States had no navy it was impossible to check
them. In July the British and French ministers were
informed by the Secretary of State that the Presi
dent expected certain vessels of both parties to be
held in port until a legal opinion could be obtained
on the various points under discussion. Among the
French vessels was a prize of the Embuscade, the
Little Sarah, which had been fitted out and armed
as a privateer at Philadelphia. In spite of the Pre
sident's request and Genet's verbal assurance to
Jefferson, the Little Sarah was aUowed to sail on
a cruise. At last, on August 7, Jefferson informed
the minister in a peremptory letter that all prizes
1 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 109-114, 124-136 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903,
vol. ii, p. 255.

10 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
taken by French vessels after June 6, when the
position of the administration had been defined,
must be restored or the French government would
be held responsible for the indemnification of the
owners.' By this time it had become evident that forbear
ance could no longer serve any good purpose, and
on August 1 a cabinet meeting was held " to con
sider what was to be done with Mr. Genet," and
it was decided that he must go.' Accordingly the
Secretary of State wrote a long letter, dated Au
gust 16, 1793, to Gouverneur Morris, United States
minister to France, instructing him to request the
recall of Genet. In this letter Jefferson expounds
the disputed articles in the treaty of 1778 at great
length, and clearly exposes the fallacies of Genet's
interpretation of them. He gives an account of the
minister's proceedings, and quotes several insulting
passages from his letters to the administration. A
copy of this letter was sent to Genet, and elicited
from him a response, in which he denied the right
of the President to request his recall and demanded
that all the matters in dispute should be referred
to Congress as representing the sovereign people
in whom alone authority rested ; and he complained
that Congress was not called in extraordinary ses
sion for this purpose.' Congress subsequently pro-
1 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 123-125, 136 ; Washington, vol. xii, pp. 302,
308-318; Jefferson, vol. i, pp. 237-241, vol. vi, pp. 339-345.
* Jefferson, vol. i, p. 252.
8 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 137-165.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 11
hibited all such transactions as those in which
Genet was engaged.'
The course pursued by Genet and by the French
consuls encouraged by him was not interrupted by
the stand taken by the administration, and on Sep
tember 7 the Secretary of State issued a circular
letter to the consuls, in which he states that having
learned that they were exercising admiralty juris
diction, trying prizes, and enlisting American citi
zens to serve against nations at peace with the
United States, "I have it in charge, from the
President of the United States, to give notice to
all consuls and vice-consuls of France in the United
States, as I hereby do to you, that if any of them
shall commit any of the acts before mentioned, or
assume any jurisdiction not expressly given by the
convention between France and the United States,
the exequatur of the consul so transgressing wIU
be immediately revoked, and his person be sub
mitted to such prosecutions and punishments as
the laws may prescribe for the case." ' A month
later the President revoked the exequatur of the
French vice-consul at Boston, who had by force
of arms seized a vessel and cargo which had been
replevied by the United States marshal.'
In October Genet reported to his govemment
that since his arrival in America he had fitted out
' Act of June 5, 1794, Statutes at Large, vol. i, p. 381.
2 St. Pap. vol. i, p. 167 ; Claims, p. 284.
» St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 179-192 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, voL ii,
p. 281; Jefferson, vol. vi, p. 401.

12 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
fourteen privateers, mounting one hundred and
twenty guns in aU, which had taken eighty prizes.'
Meanwhile the French minister had entered upon
one of the chief objects of his mission, and from
this tune on was actively engaged in maturing a
project which promised yet more trouble for the
United States. This was the conquest for France
of Florida and Louisiana, at that time depend
encies of Spain. Genet organized an expedition
in South Carolina and Georgia to be directed
against Florida, and another in Kentucky which
was to descend the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and
attack New Orleans. Jefferson believed that the
United States must inevitably become involved in
war with Spain.'
The request for Genet's recall was complied with
by the French government, who sent out in his
place the Citizen Fauchet, accompanied by three
commissioners who were to act with him and whose
concurrence was necessary in all measures. They
' Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 246, 254.
2 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 443-453, vol. ii, pp. 35-57, vol. x, pp. 346-
349 ; Jefferson, vol. i, pp. 235, 236, vol. vi, p. 316 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc.
1896, vol. i, pp. 930-1107 ; 1897, pp. 569-679 ; 1903, vol. ii, pp.
10-12, 199, 205, 219-223, 264-268, 826. An important object of
these schemes was to secure a source of food supply for the French
West Indies ; the acquisition of Canada was also desired. Genet's
operations were preceded and followed by years of intrigue on the
part of France, England, and Spain for the possession of Louisi
ana and its extension eastward. See Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol.
ii, pp 567, 840, 990, 1015, 1038, 1048, 1075, 1097 ; also American
Historical Review, April, 1897, April and July, 1898, January and
April, 1905.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 13
were a consul-general, a consul for the State of Penn
sylvania, and a secretary of legation. A decree of the
committee of public safety of France, dated October
11, 1793, required the commissioners to disavow
Genet's conduct and send him back to France, to dis
arm the privateers fitted out by him, and to dismiss
the consuls concerned in any proceedings compro
mising American neutrality. The commissioners' In
structions repeat the orders of the decree and require
them to attempt the negotiation of a new treaty of
commerce.' This was a measure earnestly desired
by the French government, which had also been
included in Genet's Instructions, had been urged
before his time, and continued to be for several
years without result.'
Owing to delays the commissioners did not ar
rive in Philadelphia until February, 1794. Genet,
therefore, continued to serve until that time, when
his schemes relating to Florida and Louisiana for
tunately came to an end, and later gave place to
peaceful negotiations. The administration was thus
saved the serious embarrassment which threatened
its relations with Spain. The United States govern
ment, however, declined to arrest Genet, when
requested by Fauchet to do so, " upon reasons of
law and magnanimity." ' He was allowed to go
1 Amer. Hist, Assoc, 1903, vol. ii, pp. 287-294.
2 Ibid. pp. 9, 108-114, 129, 135, 202, 207, 209, 344, 638, 649, 725,
743 ; St. Pap. vol. i, p. 414, vol. ii, pp. 152-157, 232, 427-433.
" Foreign Relations, vol. i, p. 709 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol.
ii, pp. 308, 309, 313-316, 345.

14 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
free, and, this being the period of the guillotine's
greatest activity, prudently decided not to return
to France.
It may be said for Genet that many of his doings
were In accordance with his instructions, wliich,
however, were issued'' before England and Spain
had become involved in the war against France and
before the American proclamation of neutrality.
Moreover, his attempts to carry out his instructions
were marked by an entire absence of the circum
spection and tact essential in diplomacy, and by a
total want of respect for the government to which
he was accredited. In the French department of
foreign affairs Genet was considered to have had
his head turned by the adulation heaped upon him
in America by the extreme partisans of France,
and was blamed for antagonizing the United States
govemment by persisting in his course against the
wishes of the administration.' Robespierre is quoted
as expressing the opinion that a " man of the name
of Genet . . . has made use of the most unaccoimt-
able means to irritate the American government
against us." '
While Genet's republican sentiments are estima
ble, his siucerlty in declaring " that I love passion
ately my country, that I adore thcqause of liberty,
that I am always re^%^ to'-sacrifice my life to it," '
1 Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, p. 283.
^ Washington, vol. xii, p. 403.
» St. Pap. vol. i, p. 162.

EARLY MISUNDERSTANDINGS 15
is open to suspicion, from the fact that he never
returned to France, even after the perils of the
reign of terror were over, but left her to fight her
way to liberty without his aid. Having married a
daughter of Governor Clinton of New York, he
settled in that state, and lived there in peace and
quiet during the remainder of his long life.

CHAPTER II
NEGOTIATIONS
The administration, while relieved from the em
barrassments brought upon It by Genet, was never
theless for the next four years subjected to the
annoyance of jncessant complaints on the part of
the French department of foreign affairs and its
ministers, Fauchet and his successor, Adet. These
complaints were made a pretext for hostile acts
which bore heavily upon American commerce.
Jefferson, having resigned the office of secretary
of state, was succeeded in January, 1794, by Ed
mund Randolph, and he In turn by Timothy Picker
ing in December, 1795. Gouverneur Morris, United
States minister to France, whose republican prin
ciples were not sufficiently radical to suit the French,
was recalled in May, 1794, and James Monroe was
sent to take his place. Monroe administered Ameri
can affairs until the arrival In Paris, in December,
1796, of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, who was
sent to relieve him. Fauchet, the French minister
to the United States, was succeeded In June, 1795,
by Adet, who was recalled in October, 1796, and
six months later left the affairs of his nation in the
hands of the consul-general, Letombe.
In the mean time our relations with England

NEGOTIATIONS 17
had long been unsatisfactory, as many of the pro
visions of the treaty of peace of 1783 had not been
carried out. Moreover, the European war had sub
jected American commerce to British as well as to
French aggressions. In view of the danger of still
further estrangement, it was deemed of vital im
portance to negotiate a new treaty with Great
Britain, and for this purpose John Jay was sent to
England In April, 1794. His mission was so far
successful that a treaty was concluded November
19, which was finally proclaimed in February, 1796.
This treaty was far from satisfactory ; it was sharply
and justly criticised at the time, and has been ever
since. Yet It relieved some of the most pressing
matters in dispute, contained the most favorable
terms that England could possibly have been in
duced to yield at that time, and with little doubt
prevented war between the two countries. It secured
compensation for injuries already inflicted upon
American commerce, which was now, for a time at
least, free from spoliation at the hands of British
cruisers. Jay was unable to provide In the treaty
for the protection of American seamen against im
pressment into the British naval service. This prac
tice, which ultimately led to war between the two
nations, was just beginning at this time.
After Genet's recall the complaints of France
against the United States continued, but at first
grew less acrimonious, and for a time better feeling
prevailed between the two governments. Then with

18 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the promulgation of Jay's treaty with England con-
ditions changed again for the worse. This treaty
conflicted in some of its provisions with the treaties
of 1778 with France, and for this reason it was
very offensive to the French, who, moreover, were
irritated that the Americans should have been will
ing to establish amicable relations with their old
enemies. The sources of French discontent, repeat
edly urged in the course of the correspondence
between the two republics from 1794 to 1798, may
be summarized under two heads : first, complaints
based on alleged inexecution of the treaties of 1778
and the convention of 1788 ; and second, those
arising from provisions of the late treaty with Eng
land supposed to be unfriendly to France or preju
dicial to her interests.*
Under the first head the French complained that
United States courts took cognizance of prizes
brought into American ports by French cruisers
and privateers; but it was shown that in every case
alleged there was evidence that the prize had been
taken in American territorial waters or by a pri
vateer fitted out in an American port. A case which
brought forth loud and long-continued protests
from the French was that of the Cassius, which
had been originaUy armed in Philadelphia, had
sailed under another name, refitted in the West
' St. Pap. vol. ii, pp. 113-499, vol. iii, pp. 5-36, vol. iv, pp. 93-
137. See, also, report of Adet, March 21, 1796, to the French
minister of foreign afEairs, on Franco-American relations since
1793, Amer. Hist. Assoc, vol. ii, pp. 846-881.

NEGOTIATIONS 19
Indies, and then cruised under command of an
American citizen. She brought a prize into Phila
delphia, and was there seized and her captain
arrested. The Vengeance, another privateer that
attracted especial attention, was held, tried, and
finally released.' It was charged, moreover, that
British vessels of war having taken prizes were ad
mitted, in some cases with their prizes, into Amer
ican ports, in contravention of the seventeenth
article of the treaty of commerce of 1778. The
wording of this article ' Is not clear, and there was
a difference of opinion as to its precise meaning,
the French insisting that all war vessels which had
ever taken prizes from them must be kept out,
while the American interpretation included only
vessels attempting to bring in prizes. In any event,
the article stipulated merely that proper measures
should be taken to cause such vessels to retire, but
it was not within the power of the United States
government, with no navy, to force compliance.'
Furthermore, the French declared that the ninth
and twelfth articles * of the consular convention of
1788, granting jurisdiction to consuls in disputes
between their own citizens and also the right to
1 St. Pap, vol. ii, pp. 129-140, 216-227, 234-252, 273-281, 357-
425, vol. iv, pp. 95-97, 105-109, 112-114 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc.
1903, vol. u, pp. 417, 779, 842, 858-862, 907, 976, 1019.
* See Appendix H.
8 St, Pap, vol. u, pp. 140-142, 148-150, 201-206. 281-357, vol.
iv, pp. 109-112 ; Amer, Hist, Assoc, 1903, vol. ii, pp. 650, 666,
684, 696-701, 722, 935.
' See Appendix II.

20 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
recover deserters from their vessels, had not been
effectively executed. In respect to the latter, they
complained that American judges refused to issue
warrants for the apprehension of deserters until
furnished with the original registers of the vessels
concerned ; this was in accordance with a strict
construction of the wording of article nine. As to
jurisdiction, the consuls claimed more than the
convention allowed or than was practicable.'
Under the second head, relating to the treaty
with England, the main French grievance was that
the list of contraband was increased, whereas it
should have been diminished, in accordance with
the Hberal principles of the armed neutrality of
European powers during the American Revolution.
This was a reform earnestly desired by the United
States, and which Jay had vainly endeavored to
get incorporated Into the treaty. As it was, the Hst
of contraband adopted was precisely that recog
nized by the law of nations, and it was stipulated
that when provisions were seized they should be
paid for. Another charge was that Jay's treaty
prevented the French from selling their prizes In
American ports, as they had formerly done and
claimed the right to do under their treaty ; but the
Secretary of State showed clearly that it was not
a right, but a privilege which had been tempora
rily accorded to them. They had the advantage of
' St. Pap. vol. ii, pp. 181-184,497, vol. iii, pp. 8-10, vol. iv, pp.
114-117, 195, 202 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 681, 862.

NEGOTIATIONS 21
the English, however, where the treaties conflicted,
by reason of priority. Nevertheless, it cannot be
doubted that Jay's treaty was detrimental to France.
Poor crops at home made her dependent upon
America for food, and the seizure of provisions by
the English worked great hardship. The lack of
accessible ports for refitting and the disposal of
prizes was also severely felt by the French. Their
complaints, therefore, were natural and not unrea
sonable.' A complaint of a more special and temporary
nature related to an outrage committed against the
French minister, Fauchet, at the conclusion of his
mission in the United States. The sloop In which he
sailed for Newport, whence he was to take his home
ward passage, was held up off that port, August 1,
1795, by the British frigate Africa; but Fauchet
had previously landed at Stonlngton with his papers.
The English captain, however, caused the minister's
baggage on the sloop to be searched, and also sent
an insulting letter to the governor of Rhode Island
by the British vice-consul. For this violation of
American neutrality and of the law of nations, the
President revoked the exequatur of the consul, or
dered the Africa away from Newport, and demanded
1 St. Pap, vol. ii, pp. 115-126, 185, 206-210, 253-273, 444-
472, 477-^8, vol. iv, pp. 43-61, 66-70, 98, 99, 117-124; Claims,
p. 251 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 747, 824, 902, 911,
934, 1006, 1066, and Index for further references to Jay's mission
and treaty. On the difficulties of Fiance in obtaining food and
supplies, see Ibid. pp. 8, 305, 319, 526-529 ; Mahan, ch. v.

22 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
reparation on the part of the British govern
ment.' Such were the causes of the chronic irritation
characterlziug the attitude of France towards the
United States, which led to the enactment by the
French government of a series of harsh decrees
that dealt a severe blow at American commerce.
On the occasion of Monroe's taking leave of the
French government upon his recall, December 30,
1796, President Barras of the Executive Directory
delivered a speech referring to the United States
government in terms of marked disrespect, and aim
ing to alienate the American people from the rulers
that they themselves had chosen. At the same time
the Directory refused to receive Pinckney as United
States minister. After an uncomfortable stay of
several weeks in Paris, treated with discourtesy and
neglect, he was ordered to leave the country, and
withdrew to Holland.'
Notwithstanding this rebuff, the administration,
sincerely desirous of promoting friendly relations
with France, decided to send three commissioners
to Paris, who were to make another attempt to re
store mutual respect and amity, to adjust the claims
' St. Pap. vol. ii, pp. 184, 498, vol. iii, pp. 16-36; Amer. Hist,
Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 772, 786, 855. The interception by the
British of one of Fauchet's earlier dispatches led to the resigns^
tion of Secretary Randolph ; Amer. Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp.
372, 411, 414, 444, 774, 783; Narrative and Critical History, vol.
vii, p. 517.
" St. Pap. vol. iii, pp. 85-88, 94-104, 109-114, 118, 140-142.

NEGOTIATIONS 23
of American citizens, and to negotiate a new treaty
of commerce. The envoys appointed by President
Adams were Charles C. Pinckney, John Marshall,
and Francis Dana ; Dana declined to serve, and El-
bridge Gerry was appointed in his place. Marshall
and Gerry sailed for Holland, where they were
joined by Pinckney. All three then proceeded to
Paris, where they arrived October 4, 1797. Their
position during their six months' stay in France was
peculiar. Although accorded an unofficial interview
soon after their arrival by Talleyrand, minister of
foreign affairs, they were refused recognition by the
Directory, and failed to receive the consideration
and respect due to them as envoys from an inde
pendent nation. Their intercourse with the govem
ment was indirect, and carried on through three
emissaries of the Directory whose names were not
made public, and who were known as Messrs. X, Y,
and Z. This mission to France was accordingly
called the X Y Z mission.'
It was represented by these emissaries that the
Directory were offended at President Adams's allu
sion, in his speech at the opening of Congress, to
the address of President Barras to the departing
minister, Monroe ; and that an explanation would
be expected. It would also be necessary, in order
to accommodate the differences between the two
countries, that the United States should advance a
loan of thirty-two mlUion florins to France ; and
1 St. Pap. vol. iii, pp. 338, 455-475.

24 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
further, as a balm for the wounded feelings of the
French Directory and ministers and to facilitate
negotiations, a " douceur for the pocket " of twelve
hundred thousand livres was demanded. This pro
posal, however, was to come from the envoys. The
envoys protested that they had no authority to
make a loan, and that, as the neutrality of the
United States would be compromised by such a
measure, their government could not be expected
to give them authority. In vain they begged for an
opportunity to discuss the real questions at issue
between the two countries, believing that a mutual
understanding of these questions would lead to
reconciliation. X said : " ' Gentlemen, you do not
speak to the point ; it is money ; it is expected that
you win offer money.' We said that we had spoken
to that point very expHcitly ; we had given an an
swer. ' No,' said he, ' you have not. What is your
answer?' We replied: 'It is no, no; not a six
pence.' . . . He said we ought to consider what
men we had to treat with; that they disregarded
the justice of our claims ; . . . that we could only
acquire an interest among them by a judicious ap
plication of money. . . . He said that all the mem
bers of the Directory were not disposed to receive
our money; that Merlin, for Instance, was paid
from another quarter, and would touch no part of
the douceur which was to come from us. We re-
pHed that we had understood that Merlin was paid
by the owners of the privateers ; and he nodded an

NEGOTIATIONS 25
assent to the fact." ' Gerry had two interviews with
Talleyrand, on one occasion accompanied by Y and
on the other by Z. The French minister alluded
in unmistakable terms to the subject of a bribe to
be offered by the envoys, and also said that Infor
mation given by Y " might always be relied on."
November 1 the envoys agreed to " hold no more
indirect intercourse with the government." Six
weeks later, however, X and Y again attempted
to excite the Americans' interest In their financial
schemes, and Pinckney was interviewed on the
same subject by a lady said to be well acquainted
with Talleyrand. Y threatened that if nothing were
done the coasts of the United States would be rav
aged by French frigates.'
The envoys then wrote to Talleyrand a long letter,
dated January 17, 1798, reviewing the relations of
the two governments from the beginning. Early in
March they had two interviews with him, in which
he urged the loan. On the 18th he replied to their
letter, rehearsing the old complaints and expressing
dissatisfaction with the envoys themselves; two of
them, he said, were not agreeable to the Directory,
but with the third, Gerry, they were willing to treat.
Pinckney and Marshall, as members of the Feder
alist party, were not acceptable ministers. The as
cendency of this party in America was displeasing j
to the French, whose disappointment at the result of!
1 St. Pap, vol. iii, p. 492, vol. iv, p. 273.
= Ibid. vol. iii, pp. 475-499, vol. iv, pp. 5-25.

26 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the last presidential election was doubtless in part
responsible for their unfriendly attitude at this time.
TaUeyrand's letter drew from the envoys another
long communication, dated April 3, in which all his
arguments were well met and the lack of authority
of any one of them to treat alone was stated. They
asked for passports and letters of safe conduct for
their passage home. Pinckney and Marshall were
now treated with marked discourtesy, and took their
departure; Marshall soon returned to America. In
structions from the Secretary of State, dated March
23, arrived later, directing the envoys to leave Paris
at once, if not duly received by the Directory, and
in no case to listen to any suggestion of a loan.
Gerry was induced to remain by a threat of imme
diate war if he did not.'
Gerry was approached by Talleyrand on the sub
ject of negotiations, but he declined on the ground
that he was unauthorized to treat alone ; and in
fact he soon received the positive orders of March
23 to return home. He remained, however, until
midsummer, and during this time a correspondence
was maintained in which Talleyrand endeavored to
bring on a discussion of the issues. Gerry refused
to be drawn into negotiations, and repeatedly de
manded his passports. He has been severely cen
sured for allowing his apprehension of war to detain
him so long in France. At this period a published
report of the American envoys' interviews with
1 St. Pap, vol. iv, pp. 26-142.

NEGOTIATIONS 27
X, Y, and Z came to the attention of Talleyrand and
excited his indignation. He absolutely denied any
knowledge of X, Y, and Z, or of their negotiations,
and insisted upon knowing their names, which, after
some hesitation, Gerry weakly revealed.' That the
whole affair was engineered by Talleyrand, acting
under orders of the Directory, admits of no doubt.
Gerry's colleagues afterwards certified to the fact
of the French minister's participation in the nego
tiations, and Marshall was " struck with the shame
less effrontery of affecting to Mr. Gerry ignorance
of the persons so designated." ' Gerry finally sailed
for America in the United States brig Sophia about
August 1, leaving the affairs of his country in
charge of Consul-General Sklpwith.'
Thus the attempts of the administration to ac
commodate matters with France came to nothing,
and all that remained to be done was to adopt a
policy of armed defense.
1 The names of Y and Z were Bellamy and Hautval ; that of
X, nnder promise of secrecy, was not published, but is given as
Hottinguer in Narr. and Crit. Hist. vol. vii, p. 519.
= Pickering [MSS.], vol. xxiii, 281, 320.
» St. Pap, vol. iv, pp. 153-282; Abdams, vol. viii, p. 610.

CHAPTER III
FRENCH SPOLIATIONS
It is now necessary to go back to the beginning of
the war in Europe and follow the course of events
resulting from the misunderstandings and abuses
of treaty obligations, the harsh decrees of France,
and the consequent ravages upon American ship
ping. During the period of the French Revolution and
European war, neutral commerce suffered severely
at the hands of the different belligerents, and Amer
ican foreign trade, just beginning to flourish and
bring wealth to the country, received a serious cheek.
And yet, being the most seafaring people among
the neutral powers, the Americans should have had
the largest share of the Atlantic carrying trade and
have profited correspondingly.
In a message to Congress, December 5, 1793,
President Washington called attention to these facts.
Those who had suffered loss were requested to fur
nish proof, that measures might be taken to obtain
redress. On the evidence thus called forth were
based the earliest of the claims for indemnity which
have been urged by the despoiled mariners and their
descendants ever since. About the beginning of
1794a committee of Philadelphia merchants reported

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS 29
numerous cases, with proofs, and added : " It has
become a practice for many of the privateers of the
belligerent powers to send Into port aH American
vessels they meet with, bound from any of the French
ports in the West Indies to the United States ; . . .
and though many of those vessels have been after
wards liberated, yet the loss by plunder, detention,
and expense Is so great as to render it ruinous to the
American owner." The Secretary of State, Edmund
Randolph, made a report to the President, March 2,
1 7 94, on these proceedings. England, France, Spain ,
and Holland were the powers complained of, espe
cially the first two. Their aggressions were commit
ted under the authority of decrees promulgated by
their governments and aimed at neutral carriers.
The relations between the United States and Great
Britain were Improved not long after this time by
Jay's treaty. Injuries suffered at the hands of the
Spanish and Dutch were comparatively slight. The
French, therefore, for a number of years to come,
were the chief offenders.'
May 9, 1793, the National Convention of France
issued a decree ' authorizing the seizure, on board
a neutral vessel, of enemies' goods or of provisions
bound to an enemy's port, the latter to be paid for
and the vessel released upon the discharge of the
cargo. The United States minister, Gouverneur
' St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 50, 494r499 ; Court of Claims Reports, vol.
xxi, p. 355.
' See Appendix III.

30 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Morris, complained that this decree violated the
twenty-third article of the treaty of commerce of
1778, according to which free ships made free goods.
Thereupon American vessels were declared exempt
from the regulations of May 9 by another decree,
that of May 23, and Morris was assured that he
would " find a new confirmation of the principles
from which the French people will never depart
with regard to their good friends and aUies the
United States of America." Yet on the 28th,
through the corrupt influence of the owners of a
privateer that had captured a rich American ship,
this decree of the 23d was repealed. This was just
at one of the crises of the French Revolution, and
a few days later the Girondists were overthrown
by the Jacobins. Upon continued complaints by
Morris, the Convention, July 1, passed another
decree, again declaring "that the vessels of the
United States are not comprised in the regulations
of the decree of the 9th of May " ; but this was once
more reversed, July 27, and the decree of May 9
was declared to be in fuU force. For a year and a
half this state of things continued, and many cap
tures of American vessels were made under the de
cree of May 9, 1793, until it was finaUy repealed,
January 3, 1795, partial relief having been afforded
by a decree of November 15, 1794. Then for the
next year and a half American commerce was com
paratively undisturbed ; but on July 2, 1796, the
French government enacted the first of a series of

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS 31
harsh decrees which brought matters to a crisis in
1798.' The Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, in
a report dated February 27, 1797, indicates the
character of the injuries suffered by merchants and
mariners as follows : " 1. SpoHatlons and maltreat
ment of their vessels at sea by French ships of
war and privateers; 2. A distressing and long-
continued embargo laid upon their vessels at Bor
deaux, in the years 1793 and 1794 ; 3. The non
payment of bills and other evidences of debts,
drawn by the colonial administrations in the West
Indies ; 4. The seizure or forced sales of the car
goes of their vessels and the appropriating of them
to public use without paying for them, or paying
inadequately, or delaying payment for a great
length of time ; 6. The non-performance of con
tracts made by the agents of the government for
supplies; 6. The condemnation of their vessels and
cargoes under such of the marine ordinances of
France as are incompatible with the treaties sub
sisting between the two countries ; and 7. The
captures sanctioned by a decree of the National
Convention of the 9th of May, 1793, . . . in viola
tion of the treaty of amity and commerce." '
In justification of their decrees, the French
maintained that they were made necessary by sim-
1 St. Pap. vol. i, pp. 419, 420, 453-460, vol. ii, pp. 174, 434-4S8,
vol. iii, pp. 37-55, 180, vol. vii, pp. 147-154 ; Amer. Hist. Assoc.
1903, vol. ii, pp. 641, 668.
i" St. Pap. vol. iii, p. 37.

52 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Uar regulations enacted by other nations, particu
larly England. An instance of this species of retal
iation, of which the unoffending neutral was made
the victim, was furnished by the decree of July 2,
1J96, which provided that neutrals should be
treated by France as they permitted themselves to
be treated by England. This gave a large measure
of arbitrary power to commanders of French war
vessels and privateers and to French consuls; a
power which was often abused, and which resulted
in the capture of a large number of American ves
sels. This decree was foUowed and reinforced by
others enacted by agents of the Directory in the
West Indies, where from this time on most of the
spoliations of American commerce were made. Dis
appointment at the election of President Adams
and resentment over Jay's treaty with England
inspired the decree of March 2, 1797,' which pro
vided that enemies' goods in a neutral ship should
be seized, the ship being released ; that Americans
serving in enemies' ships should be deemed pirates ;
and that an American ship not having a role d'equi-
page, or list of the crew In proper form, should be
laWful prize. This meant that an American seaman
Unfortunate enough to be Impressed into the Brit
ish naval service might be hanged at the yard-arm
of a French ship, if captured. The requirement
of the role d'equipage, based on a strained inter
pretation of the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh
' See Appendix III for these decrees.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS (33 J
articles of the treaty of commerce of 1778, caused
heavy losses until American shipmasters had learned
the necessity of providing themselves with this
paper. The treaty did not require the crew list to
be kept on the vessel, but merely to be entered " in
the proper office." Yet even admitting the French
contention, the treaty prescribed no penalty for
non-performance, and so severe a measure as con
demnation was unjustifiable; this was the decision
of the French council of prizes In one case.' This
decree also extended the list of contraband to con
form with Jay's treaty. The provision as to piracy
was based on article twenty-one of Jay's treaty,
which, however, applied only to persons holding
a privateer's commission and to no subordinate,
whether or not serving under compulsion.'
When American prizes had become scarcer by
reason of ships being generaUy provided with the
role d'equipage, the French Directory enacted the
decree of January 18, 1798,'- which condemned as
good prize all neutral vessels loaded with goods
coming from an enemy's country. This was the last
decree before the failure of negotiations in the spring
of_jL79S, but three others were promulgated before
the end of the year. The first was that of July 31,
' For discussion of the rSle d''iquipage, see Ct. Claims Rep. vol.
xxii, pp. 49-57 ; Doc, 102, p. 156.
2 St. Pap, vol. ii, pp. 171-173, 178, 187-195, 472-477, vol. iii,
pp. 40, 55-83, 119-122, 171, 172, 178-186, 439-451, 467, vol. iv,
pp. 63-80, 121 ; Amer, Hist. Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 923, 1072,
1080 ; Mahan, vol. ii, pp. 242-248.
' See Appendix III.

34 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
which was concUiatory but disingenuous. The
second, of August 16, raised an embargo recently
laid on American vessels. The third, that of October
29, a second time declared aU neutrals serving on
the ships of enemies, whether or not under compul
sion, to be pirates and subject to treatment as such.
This last decree was soon suspended, but that of
March 2, 1797, of much the same import, stiU re
mained in force.'
The great commercial importance of the West
Indies made this region one of the principal centres
of naval activity during the European war. These
islands were to a great extent dependent upon the
neighboring continent for provisions, and a very
large share in the West India trade f eU to the United
States. For this reason American shipping was pecul
iarly exposed to the aggressions of the beUigerents.
In Haiti a bloody revolt of slaves had been going
on for some years, and they finally gained control
of the whole island, under their leader, Toussaint
L'Ouverture, a pure negro, who governed it well
though harshly, and held it until 1802. Although
French commissioners were supposed to rule Haiti,
or San Domingo, as the whole island was caUed, they
had no real power. This revolution caused great suf
fering on the island, and many refugees found their
way to the United States. Among the Lesser An-
tUles the French islands of Guadeloupe, Martinique,
' St, Pap. vol. iii, pp. 451-455, vol. iv, pp. 80-82, 129-133, 223,
243-245, 262-285, vol. vu, pp. 154-162.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS 35
Santa Lucia, and Tobago, being to windward, had
a great advantage in position. AU these islands early
in 1794 feU into the hands of the EngHsh, whose
naval supremacy in the West Indies was undisputed ;
but before the end of the year Guadeloupe, being
weakly garrisoned, was recaptured. This was accom
plished after a struggle of several months by a force
of frigates and transports which had come out from
France. With this expedition came Victor Hugues,
a commissioner of the National Convention, who as
sumed the government of the island. His administra
tion was cruel but able. Guadeloupe now became the
base of operations of French cruisers and privateers
in the West Indies. By 1796 both Holland and Spain
had become aUies of France, and their ports in the
West Indies were thenceforth open to French priva
teers. Four decrees were issued by French agents in
the West Indies between August, 1796, and Febru
ary, 1797 ; three of them by Victor Hugues and the
other by the French commissioners at Cape Fran9ois
(Cap Haitien). These decrees directed the seizure
of American vessels if loaded with contraband, or
if bound to or from English ports.'
From the reports of Consul-General Sklpwith at
Paris, and other sources, many iUustratlve cases
1 St. Pap. vol. ii, p. 178, vol. iii, pp. 40, 55, 77-83, 171-175, vol.
iv, p. 65, vol. vii, pp. 165-168, vol. x, pp. 349-351 ; Amer. Histi
Assoc. 1903, vol. ii, pp. 45, 63, 72, 76-85, 97, 122, 126, 152, 219, 224,
259, 262, 311, 362, 461, 542, 609, 625, 688, 705j 765, 789, 804 ; Jef
ferson, vol. V, p. 394, vol. vi, p. 349 ; Mahan, eh. iv ; Narr, and
Crit, Hist, vol. viii, pp. 282-285.

36 ^OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
might be cited, in order to indicate the sort of ex
periences and the*osses, privations, and hardships
of American shipowners and mariners. During the
earHer years of the war, a great many vessels were
either captured at sea and sent into French ports
or detained igrport and subjected to great annoyance
and interminable delays. Some of the claims for
loss In these cases were settled with the French gov
ernment by Consul Skipwith, but in the far greater
number nothing could be done. In 1793 an em
bargo was laid on shipping in the port of Bordeaux,
and one hundred and three American vessels were
detained there more than a year. Skipwith says,
October, 1794 : " I can assure you that there are
near three hundred sail of American vessels now in
the ports of France, aU of whom have suffered or
are suffering more or less delay and difficulties." '
The charge was made that it was a common prac
tice of American consuls in Europe to be financIaUy
interested in French privateers. It was said that
many of them were poor men and yielded to the
temptation of reaping great profits, hoping in each
case, perhaps, that the. prizes taken would be Eng
lish. The consul at Bordeaux, Joseph Fenwick, was
removed from office on this account, it having been
shown that he was the principal,© wner of a privateer
that had taken an AroM^Icani ship. ' A f few American
' St. Pap. vol. ii, pp. 9-12, vol. iii, pp. 44-77 ; Amer, Hist. Assoc.
1903, vol. ii, p. 321.
" Pickering, vol. x, 9, vol. xxi, 289, 298, 299, 353, 355.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS 37
shipmasters, too, were so debased as to be wiUing
to command French privateers and prey upon their
countrymen.' For such offenses, by an act of June
14, 1797, Congress provided severe penalties.'
The decree of July 2, 1796, and those following,
were marked by increasing harshness, and Amer
icans captured under them were not only subjected
to annoyance and delay, but often to maltreatment
and the confiscation of their vessels and property.
Joel Barlow, long a resident of Paris, says of the
decree of March 2, 1797, that it " was meant to be
little short of a declaration of war." ' The truth of
this wIU appear from two or three instances. The
schooner Zilpha of Portsmouth, New Hampshire,
homeward bound from Tobago, was captured Feb
ruary 24, 1797, by the French privateer HIrondale,
and taken into Porto Rico. All her papers were
seized, she was stripped of sails, rigging, and provi
sions, and the master and crew ordered to leave her.
They found their way home on another American
vessel. < The ship Commerce of Newburyport, bound
for Jamaica, on the 25th of December, 1796, feU in
with a French privateer. While hove to, in obedi
ence to a gun from the privateer, the Commerce
received a broadside from her which wounded four
men.^ The brig Calliope of New York, bound from
1 St. Pap. vol. iii, pp. 114-118, 259, vol. iv, p. 271.
' Statutes at Large, vol. i, p. 520.
» S(. Pap. vol. iv, pp. 269, 270. See, also, Todd's Xi/eo/'JBaWoa;,
pp. 155-171.
* St. Pap. vol. iii, pp. 198, 285. 6 Ibid. p. 208.

38 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Teneriffe to Curagao with a cargo of wine, was cap
tured March 10, 1797, by a French privateer ten
leagues east of Martinique. She was sent into Basse
Terre, Guadeloupe, and condemned as lawful prize.'
The ship Cinclnnatus of Baltimore was taken at
sea, March 7, 1797, by a French armed brig. Her
captain was tortured with thumbscrews to induce
him to declare his cargo to be English property.
This he refused to do, and was finaUy released with
his vessel, after having been robbed of much of
his private property and nearly aU his provisions.'
These few cases, selected from hundreds, give an
idea what the French spoliations were.'
During the mission of Pinckney, Marshall, and
Gerry in France, their dispatches were transmitted
by the State Department to Congress, where they
excited deep interest, and the X Y Z episode
strengthened national feeHng and created opposi
tion to France. In his message of June 21, 1798,
announcing MarshaU's return home and the final
failure of negotiations, the President says : " I wIU
never send another minister to France without
assurances that he wUl be received, respected, and
honored as the representative of a great, free, pow
erful, and independent nation." *
Congress had already begun to act, and during
' St. Pap. vol. iii, p. 231. = Ibid. p. 293.
« Ibid. pp. 105-108, 170-178, 186-298, 321, 448-451. See, also,
Hoxse, ch. ii, iii, iv, v. An imperfect list of the spoliations, 444 in
number, is given in For. Rei. vol. vi, p. 564.
* St. Pap, vol. iv, p. 137.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS 39 '
the spring and summer of 1798 adopted a number
of warlike measures. The first of these was an act,
passed April 27, to provide additional armament
for the protection of American trade ; and on the
^JJthr another, organizing the Navy_Department. '
Acts soon foUowed directing the construction and
purchase of more vessels, authorizing the capture of
French vessels, suspending Intercourse with France,
establishing the marine corps, and making other
necessary provision for hostlHties. Inasmuch as
under the Constitution of the United States treaties
are the supreme law of the land, these measures of
defense, being in conflict with the existing treaties
with France, were deemed unlawful. Therefore, to
avoid this difficulty as weU as to get rid of trouble
some obligations, the treaties were abrogated by the
act of July 7, on the ground that they had already
been violated by France.' On the 13th the Presi
dent revoked the exequaturs of Consul-General
Letombe and aU other French consuls in the United
States.' The army also was increased, and on July 2 the
President nominated Washington "to be Lleuten-
ant-General and Commander-in-Chief of aU the
armies raised or to be raised In the United States."
The nomination was promptly confirmed, and upon
accepting the appointment Washington wrote to the
1 Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 552, 553.
" Ibid. p. 578.
' Adams, vol. ix, p. 170.

40 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
President, July 13, 1798 : " I must not conceal
from you my earnest wish that the choice had f aUen
upon a man less declined in years and better quaH-
fied to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war. . . .
Feeling how incumbent it is upon every person, of
every description, to contribute at aU times to his
country's welfare, and especially in a moment like
the present, when everything we hold dear and
sacred is so seriously threatened, I have finaUy de
termined to accept the commission of Commander-
in-Chief of the armies of the United States." '
1 Richardson, vol. i, pp. 267, 268; St, Pap, vol. x, pp. 465,466.

CHAPTER IV
NAVAL PREPARATION
At the time trouble with France began the United
States had no armed vessels whatever, if we except
a few small revenue cutters manned by crews of
half a dozen each. Five vessels only of the Revolu
tionary navy had outlived the vicissitudes of the
war, and these had been disposed of long before,
the last survivor having been the frigate AUiance,
which was sold in 1785. The officers and men, too,
of the Revolutionary navy and marine corps had of
course been disbanded. One or two of the officers
were employed by the Treasury Department on the
revenue cutters, and others were in the merchant
marine. Some of them were to reenter the national
service later when the new navy became established.
No sooner had the old navy disappeared than the
need of such a force began to be appreciated. In
1785 two American merchantmen were seized by
Algerlne pirates and their crews enslaved. Jeffer
son, then minister to France, began at once to urge
the necessity of a naval force to protect American
commerce in the Mediterranean. His efforts, how
ever, were not effectively seconded. A committee of
Congress in 1786 and a Senate committee In 1791
reported favorably on the subject, and in 1790 and

42} OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
1791 estimates of the cost of building frigates were
obtained by the Secretary of War and submitted to
the Senate, but nothing came of these movements.
It was not until after the capture by the Algerines
of eleven more vessels in 1793 that any decided ac
tion was taken by the government. A biU providing
for six frigates, four of forty-four guns each and two
of thirty-six, was reported in the House of Represent
atives, January 20, 1794, which passed both houses
of Congress and received the President's signature
March 27. Opposition to the blU was strong, and it
was only aUowed to pass when so amended as to in
clude the condition that aU work on the ships should
cease in case of peace being concluded with Algiers.
This condition was met by the treaty of September
5, 1795. Nevertheless, by the supplementary act
of April 20, 1796, the completion of three of the
frigates was authorized. An act of June 5, 1794,
provided for ten galleys, if " necessary for the
protection of the United States," but the necessity
did not arise.'
, The vessels buUt under the act of March 27,
1794, were designed by, or under the direction of,
Joshua Humphreys, a shipbuilder of Philadelphia,
who was no doubt the best man In the country for the
purpose. His good sense and foresight inaugurated
a policy in naval construction which has been gen-
' Naval Chronicle, ch. ii ; Naval Affairs, vol. i, pp. 5, 25 ; Report
Senate Committee, vol. iv, p. 5 ; Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 350, 376,
394, 453 ; Benton's Debates of Congress, vol. i, pp. 473-482 ; Naval
Institute, September, 1906, pp. 1002, 1003.

NAVAL PREPARATION 43
eraUy, though not always, adhered to ever since;
that is, the wise policy of building the best and most
powerful vessels of their class. Humphreys' views
are set forth in his correspondence. He had been
interested in the subject from the time a new navy
had first been proposed, and in January, 1793,
had written to Robert Morris, then In the Senate :
" Ships that compose the European navys are gen
eraUy distinguished by their rates ; but as the situ
ation and depth of water of our coasts and harbors
are different in some degrees from those in Europe,
and as our navy for a considerable time wiU be
inferior in numbers, we are to consider what size
ships wiU be most formidable and be an overmatch
for those of an enemy ; such frigates as in blowing
weather would be an overmatch for double-deck
ships, and In light winds to evade coming to action ;
or double-deck ships that would be an overmatch
for common double-deck ships, and in blowing
weather superior to ships of three decks, or in calm
weather or Hght winds to outsail them. Ships built
on these principles wiU render those of an enemy in
a degree useless, or require a greater number before
they dare attack our ships. Frigates I suppose wiU
be the first object, and none ought to be built
less than 150 feet keel, to carry twenty-eight 32-
pounders or thirty 24-pounders on the gun deck and
12-pounders on the quarter-deck. . . . Frigates
built to carry 12 and 18-pounders, in my opinion,
wiU not answer the expectation contemplated from

44 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
them, or if we should be obliged to take a part in
the present European war, or at a future day we
should be dragged into a war with any powers of the
Old Continent, especially Great Britain, they having
such a number of ships of that size that it would be
an equal chance by equal combat that we lose our
ships." After the adoption of his plans he wrote :
" It was determined of importance to this coimtry
to take the lead in a class of ships not in use in
Europe, which would be the only means of making
our Httle navy of any importance. It would oblige
other Powers to foUow us intact, instead of our fol
lowing them ; considering at the same time it was
not impossible we should be brought into a war with
some of the European nations ; and if we should
be so engaged and had ships of equal size with theirs,
for want of experience and discipline, which can
not immediately be expected, in an engagement we
should not have an equal chance and probably lose
our ships. Ships of the present construction have
everything in their favor ; their great length gives
them the advantage of sailing, which is an object
of the first magnitude. They are superior to any
European frigate, and if others should be in com
pany, our frigates can always lead ahead and never
be obHged to go Into action but on their own terms,
except in a calm ; in blowing weather our ships are
capable of engaging to advantage double-deck ships.
These reasons weighed down all objections." '
' Hollis, pp. 35-37.

NAVAL PREPARATION 46
Again, in his first report, December 23, 1794,
Humphreys says : " As soon as Congress had agreed
to build frigates, it was contemplated to make them
the most powerful and at the same time the most
useful ships. After the most extensive researches and
mature deliberations, their dimensions were fixed
and I was directed to prepare the draughts, which
was accordingly done and approved. Those plans
appear to be similar with those adopted by France
in their great experience in naval architecture, they
having cut down several of their seventy-fours to
make heavy frigates, making them nearly of the
dimensions of those for the United States. From
the construction of those ships it is expected the
commanders of them wIU have it in their power to
engage, or not, any ship as they may think proper ;
and no ship under sixty-four now afloat but what
must submit to them." '
A few days later the Secretary of War, General
Henry Knox, in whose department the work was
done, the Navy Department not yet having been
established, reported to the House of Representa
tives : " That the passing of the said act created an
anxious solicitude that this second commencement
of a navy for the United States be worthy of their
national character. That the vessels should combine
such qualities of strength, durability, swiftness of
saiHng, and force as to render them equal, if not su
perior, to any frigates belonging to any of the Euro-
1 Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 8.

46 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
pean Powers. Researches therefore have been made
for the best principles of construction and such pro
portions adopted as have appeared best, upon the
most mature advice and deUberatlon. The largest
ships, of forty-four guns, wUl be constructed upon
a scale to contain thirty cannons of the caHber of
twenty-four pounds, upon the gun deck. The others,
of thirty-six, twenty-eight cannons of the same caHber
upon the gun deck. The remaining force wUl be
made up of twelve pounders and brass howitzers.
The frigates wiU be built of live oak and red cedar
in all parts where they can be used to advantage.
These valuable woods afford the United States the
highest advantages in buUding ships, the durablHty
being estimated at five times that of the common
white oak. Besides these woods, the best white oak,
pitch pine, and locust are directed to be used in the
construction." '
The plans for the forty-fours provided for a
length over aU of about a hundred and seventy-five
feet and a tonnage of fifteen hundred and seventy-
six, while the thirty-sixes were to be about eleven
feet shorter and to measure twelve hundred and
sixty-five tons.' The larger frigates were to be
manned by three hundred and fifty-nine officers and
men, the smaUer by three hundred and twelve.*
It was decided to buUd the frigates at six different
' Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 6. « Ibid. pp. 10, 13.
* Nav. Chron. pp. 54, 55, 99, 331 ; these numbers were after
wards increased to four hundred and three hundred and forty.

NAVAL PREPARATION 47
seaports, and by the govemment through agents
rather than by contract. Shipyards were rented and
naval agents appointed In the six ports. The work
on each ship was in charge of a naval constructor
and under the direction of a superintendent, who
was to command the vessel when completed.'
Much time was required for the building of these
frigates. It does not appear that the keels were laid
untU late in 1795, and after that the work proceeded
slowly. This was partly due to the minute and pains
taking care bestowed on the plans and the prepara
tions for working out the important problem of pro
ducing "the most powerful and at the same time
the most useful ships," and partly to the uncommon
thoroughness of their construction. The delay was
chiefly due, however, to difficulties met with in pro
curing live-oak timber. For this purpose wood
cutters were sent from New England to Georgia,
and a sufficient quantity of the timber had not been
delivered at the various shipyards, when, in the
spring of 1796, work on three of the frigates was
suspended. The three ships chosen for completion under the
act of April 20, 1796, were the United States and
Constitution, of forty-four guns each, and the Con-
steUatlon, of thirty-six. All three became famous
in later years, and the last two are stIU on the
Navy Register.
1 Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 6 ; Nav. Inst. September, 1906, p. 1007.
2 Nav. Aff.foX, i, pp. 6-31.

48 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
The United States was built at Philadelphia by
Joshua Humphreys, the chief naval constructor
and designer of aU the frigates. Her construction
was superintended by Captain John Barry, who
was to command her when finished. She was
launched May 10, 1797, and slid into the water
with such precipitation that she received some dam
age. She was the first vessel of the new navy, and
excited the enthusiasm of the friends of the navy
and the derision of the ultra French party.' The
second ship to reach the water was the Constel
lation, which was laimched September 7, at Balti
more. The Constitution was built at Boston, under
the supervision of Colonel George Claghorne, naval
constructor, and of Captain Samuel Nicholson, her
future commander, at the shipyard of Edmund
Hartt, on the site of the present Constitution Wharf.
She was ready to launch in September, 1797, and
the attempt was made before a great crowd of
people ; but she stuck on the ways, which had been
given too little inclination in order to avoid an
accident similar to that of the United States. AU
efforts to get her into the water failed, to the mor
tification of Colonel Claghorne and the great dis
appointment of the spectators. It was necessary to
reconstruct the ways and wait for the next spring
tide. At last she was successfully launched October
21.' ' Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 28 ; Barry, ch. xxvii.
" Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 56 ; Hollis, ch. iv.

Copyrighted by Henry A- Martin, Ambler, Pa., llKks

NAVAL PREPARATION 49
The first officers selected for the new navy were
six captains, whose appointments were announced
June 5, 1794.' They were John Barry, Samuel
Nicholson, Silas Talbot, Joshua Barney, Richard
Dale, and Thomas Truxtun, who were to take rank
in the order given. The first two had served the
country weU as captains in the Revolutionary navy^
Barry having commanded the AUiance late in the
war. Talbot had been to sea in early life, and at
the outbreak of the Revolution had entered the
army as captain, being later promoted to lieutenant-
colonel. He then received a captain's commission
in the navy, and, although no suitable command
could be provided for him, he did good service on
small vessels. Barney was a lieutenant in the Revo
lutionary navy. Dale was Paul Jones's first lieu
tenant in the Bon Homme Richard. Truxtun was a
Revolutionary privateersman. Barney declined to
serve as junior to Talbot, whom he considered a
landsman on account of his army career. In his
place James Sever was appointed, to take rank be
low Truxtun.
Each of the six captains was detailed to super
intend the construction of one of the new frigates.
This arrangement subsequently raised a question
of rank, which may be referred to here. When In
1796 work on three of the frigates was suspended,
the officers detailed to those vessels, Talbot, Dale,
and Sever, were notified that their services were
1 Nav. Chron. p. 58.

60 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
no longer needed, and that their pay must be
stopped; but they were not discharged from the
service. In 1798 President Adams reappomted
them and sent their names a second time to the
Senate for confirmation, which appears to have
been unnecessary. Thereupon Truxtun claimed rank
over Talbot and Dale. His claim was disallowed
and he resigned, but his resignation was not ac
cepted, and he was prevaUed upon to remain in the
service.' Although the President was authorized by the act
of March 27, 1794, to appoint twenty-two lieuten
ants, six lieutenants of marines, and other commis
sioned officers to the number of fifty-four in all, no
others than the captains were appointed untU need
for them arose, which was not until 1798. With
the rapid expansion of the navy in that year many
officers were needed at short notice, and they were
not always selected with discriminating care. As a
rule they were taken from the merchant marine,
and many were veterans of the national or privateer
sea service of the Revolution. Before 1801 more than
two hundred commissioned officers were appointed,
including thirty or more captains. In order to give
the best men the highest rank, it was sometimes ne
cessary to date their commissions back so that they
might take precedence over others who had entered
1 Nav. Chron. oh. xv ; Talbot, ch. vii ; Adams, vol. viii, pp. 663,
664, 669-675, vol. ix, p. 12; Nav. Inst. September, 1906, p. 1023;
Navy Department MSS.: Letters to President, 16,51, 53; General
Letters, vol. i, 514, vol. ii, 254.

NAVAL PREPARATION 61
the service earlier by reason of the vessels to which
they were assigned being earlier fitted out. This was
sometimes difficult to arrange, and required tact on
the part of the Secretary of the Navy.' Between
three hundred and fifty and four hundred midship
men were appointed, and among them were several
sons of officers and many other young men of pro
mise, some of whom became famous in after years.
The act of March 27 also authorized about two thou
sand warrant officers, petty officers, seamen, and
marines. These were not appointed or enlisted until
1798, when the navy was put upon a war footing,
and then of course many more were needed. The
number of warrant officers taken into the service
before 1801 was something over a hundred and
twenty. The number of enlisted men was not fixed
by law, but probably there were in service not far
from six thousand petty officers and seamen when
the navy was at its maximum strength. Seamen of
a good class were easUy obtained, and were enlisted
as a rule for each vessel in the port where she first
went into commission and to which she generaUy
returned to ship a new crew.'
Captains received seventy-five doUars a month
and six rations ; lieutenants forty doUars and three
rations. In 1799 the pay of captains in command
of the larger ships was increased to one hundred
1 Letters to Preiident, 16, Stoddert to Adams (October, 17, 1798).
' Statutes at Large, vol. i, p. 350 ; Nav. Chron. pp. 54, 65, 99, 330,
375-388 ; Nav. Inst. September, 1906, p. 1023.

52 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
doUars, with eight rations. Masters commandant
were given sixty doUars, and lieutenants in com
mand of smaU vessels fifty doUars a month, with
five and four rations respectively. Midshipmen
were paid something less than twenty doUars a
month, with one ration. Warrant officers got twenty
dollars a month, with two rations, and enHsted men
from nine to thirteen dollars, with one ration. By
commuting their rations at twenty cents each, offi
cers materially increased their financial resources.
The usual daUy ration, prescribed in 1794, con
sisted of a pound and a half of beef or a pound of
pork or of salt fish, a pound of bread, and one of
rice, peas, or potatoes, with cheese or butter, and
half a pint of spirits or a quart of beer.' For their
own use officers were aUowed to take provisions on
board to the extent of " haK a ton each for a six
months' voyage." The captain was required by
regulations to " take care, in cutting up the beef,
that choice pieces be never purposely selected for
the officers from that which is cut up for the ship's
company " ; and " that the officers do not select casks
of the best wine or spirits for their own use from
those Intended for the ship's company." " Captains
may shorten the daUy aUowance of provisions when
necessity shaU require it, taking due care that each
man has credit for his deficiency, that he may be
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 54, 55, 114, 339, 340; Nav. Aff. vol. i, pp.
29, 30; Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 351, 524, 618 ; Morris, p. 17;
Hollis, p. 46. See Claims, p. 424.

NAVAL PREPARATION 63
paid for the same." " No officer is to have whole
allowance while the company is at short." The cook
was directed to " see the meat duly watered and the
provisions carefully and cleanly boUed and delivered
to the men agreeably to regulations." Fishing was
to be engaged in when opportunity should offer, and
the fish equitably distributed " amongst the messes
of the officers and seamen, gratis, without any de
duction of their aUowance of provisions on that
account." '
Marines had been included in the complement
of the first frigates, under the act of March 27,
1794, and they had been enlisted when needed ;
but the marine corps as a distinct body did not
exist until it was established and organized by the
act of July 11, 1798. The corps was to be an " ad
dition to the present military establishment," and
over and above their sea service marines " shaU at
any time be liable to do duty In the forts and gar
risons of the United States." The marine corps was
increased by an act of March 2, 1799, and after
this date the force consisted of a major in command,
four captains, thirty-six lieutenants, and over a
thousand non-commissioned officers and privates.
In the following year the rank of the commandant
was raised to lieutenant-colonel. The pay in the ma
rine corps was essentially the same, rank for rank,
as in the navy.' The stations of marines aboard ship
' Nav. Reg. pp. 11, 15, 38, 44, 55.
" Nav, Aff. vol. i, p. 56; Nav, Chron. pp. 89, 114, 150; Statutes

64 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
were prescribed In the navy regulations as foUows:
" The officers of marines wiU be divided among
the posts assigned to the musketry. One wiU be
destined to command those on the poop or quarter
deck. In cases where the Commander shaU judge it
proper to employ a part of the soldiers or marines
in the batteries, he wiU employ with them a part
of their officers and attach them to the service of
a certain number of cannon, under the order of the
officers who command the said batteries. . . . The
marines wUl always parade on the poop or quarter
deck when the drum beats to quarters, at the same
time every other man will run to his station." '
iJUnder an act approved AprU 30, 1798, the
Navy Department was established and thenceforth
took charge of aU naval affairs, which had hith
erto been administered by the War Department.'
George Cabot of Massachusetts was appointed
Secretary of the Navy, but decHned to serve, and
Benjamin Stoddert of Georgetown, D. C, was ap
pointed May 21, 1798.^ He took charge of the
department June 18.^ Stoddert had far-seeing and
statesmanlike views regarding naval expansion and
preparation, and if his recommendations had been
adopted the country might have been saved much
at Large, vol. i, pp. 594, 729, vol. ii, p. 39; Letters to Congress,
53. ' Nav. Reg. pp. 3, 4.
2 Nav. Aff vol. i, p. 33 ; Nav. Chron. p. 86 ; Statutes at Large,
vol. i, p. 553.
» Pickering, vol. xxii, 154, 177. * Gen. Letters, vol. i, 2.

BENJAMIN STODDERT

NAVAL PREPARATION 65
humiliation, expense, and bloodshed within the next
twenty years.'
In messages to Congress President Washington,
December 7, 1796, and President Adams, May 16
and November 23, 1797, had urged the importance
of national defense and naval preparation. ' Con
gress responded in the summer of 1797 by author
izing the President to provide for fortifications, to
caU out the militia, to man and employ the new
frigates, and to increase the strength of the reve
nue cutters.^ The revenue cutter service had been
established in 1790, and seven years later consisted
of about fifteen small vessels, mostly brigs and
schooners.* The vigorous defensive measures in the
spring of 1798 began with an act of March 27,
providing for the equipment of the frigates United
States, Constitution, and ConsteUation. AprU 27
the President was empowered " to cause to be buUt,
purchased, or hired a number of vessels, not ex
ceeding twelve, nor carrying more than twenty-two
guns each." By the act of May 4 he was " to cause
a number of smaU vessels, not exceeding ten, to
be built or purchased and to be fitted out ... as
gaUies, or otherwise "; and by that of June 22, to
increase stUl more the strength of the revenue cut
ters. Twelve additional vessels were authorized
1 Nav, Chron. ch. v ; Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 65.
* St. Pap. vol. ii, p. 108, vol. iii, pp. 88, 339. ,
8 Acts of June 23 and 24, July 1, 1797, Statutes at Large, vol. i,
pp. 521, 522, 523.
* United Service, November, December, 1889.

56 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
June 30, which the President might " accept in
behalf of . . . and upon the credit of the United
States " ; other vessels also might be accepted as vol
untary gifts. Of the twenty-four vessels provided
for by this act and that of April 27, twelve were
to carry from twenty to twenty-four guns each, six
not less than thirty-two guns, and six not more
than eighteen. The act of July 16 directed the
completion of the three 1794 frigates left unfin
ished upon the conclusion of. peace with Algiers ;
they were named President, Congress, and Chesa
peake, the first of forty-four guns and the other
two of thirty-six, although it had been originally
intended to give the Chesapeake forty-four. The
PhUadelphia, 36, New York, 36, Essex, 32, Bos
ton, 28, John Adams, 28, Merrimack, 24, Mary
land, 20, Patapsco, 20, and Richmond, 18, were
built with money advanced by citizens on the credit
of the United States, under the act of June 30.
Several other vessels were built, or purchased and
converted into vessels of war, under the acts of
AprU 27 and June 30. The more important of
these were the General Greene, 28, Adams, 28,
and the Portsmouth, Connecticut, TrumbuU, Gan
ges, and George Washington, of twenty-four guns
each. The two last were merchantmen purchased
and converted to warlike use ; all the others were
built for the service. There were nearly twenty
others of smaUer size. February 25, 1799, an act
was passed authorizing six ships of the line, of not

NAVAL PREPARATION 67
less than seventy-four guns each, and six eighteen-
gun sloops of war; but unfortunately these pro
visions of the act were never carried out. The
same act placed on the naval estabHshment such
revenue cutters as had been increased in force;
there were eight of these cutters.'
As a rule vessels carried more guns than the num
ber indicated by the rate ; forty-four gun frigates
carried fifty or more guns.' The main battery of
the larger frigates consisted of twenty-four pound
guns ; in the thirty-six gun ships these were ex
changed later for eighteen pounders. The Hghter
frigates — the twenty-eights and thirty-twos — r car
ried twelve pounders ; while nine pounders were the
heaviest guns on vessels rating from eighteen to
twenty-four, and six pounders on the smaller brigs
and schooners. These were aU long guns, heavy and
strong, and able to endure a relatively large charge
of powder, which threw a shot a good distance with
considerable force. The twenty-four pounders were
eight feet long and weighed forty-five hundred
pounds. Carronades were not used in the United
States navy before 1799, being first placed. It is
said, on the Constellation. These were light, short
guns of large calibre, with a very limited range, as
only a light charge of powder could be used in them ;
1 Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 547, 552, 556, 569, 575, 608, 621 ;
Nav, Chron. pp. 79-87, 90, 113; Nav. Aff. vol. i, pp. 57, 58, 65,
68 ; Emmons, pp. 6-9 ; Gen. Letters, vol. i, 54, 163.
' The rates here given are taken from Emmons, and sometimes
differ from those of other authorities.

58 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
but as they threw a heavy shot they were very
effective within their range. Officers and cannoneers
were directed by the navy regulations " to pay the
greatest attention to the manner in which they
charge their pieces, so as not to expose them to be
burst by too great loads ; they will watch, in conse
quence, that there be put in at the same time but
one roimd ball and one chained baU, or one round
baU and one packet of case-shot, or two round
baUs, according to the distance at which the enemy
fight." The weight of shot varied, and Cooper
found upon investigation that French shot were
considerably heavier than American shot of the same
denomination. It is necessary to allow for this If
attempting to make an accurate estimate of the rel
ative force of different ships.'
To supplement the activity of the navy In the
defense of the country, private enterprise was
stimulated by issuing letters of marque. The act of
June 25, 1798, provided that merchant vessels,
while aeting-purely on the defensive, might " repel
by force any assault" committed upon them by
French cruisers or privateers, capture the aggres
sors, and recapture American vessels which had
been taken by the French. Such licensed vessels
were to act under instructions of the President,
which they were to receive from the coUectors of
ports. (The act of July 9 jauthorlzed the President
1 Nav. Aff: vol. i, pp. 6, 35, 53-56; Nav. Beg. p. 26; Co(^er,
vol. i, pp. 344, 366. App. B.

NAVAL PREPARATION 59
"to grant to the owners of private armed ships
. . . special commissions; . . . and such private
armed vessels, when duly commissioned, shall have
the same license and authority for the subduing,
seizing, and capturing any French armed vessels
... as the public armed vessels may by law have." '
Under this law three hundred and sixty-five private
armed vessels were commissioned before March 1,
1799, of which one hundred and twenty-nine be
longed in New England, mostly in Massachusetts,
and over sixty in each of the states of New York,
Pennsylvania, and Maryland, nearly aU the rest
coming from the South. Most of these vessels were
merchantmen, armed merely for defense, and car
ried only a small force of men and guns. Their
commissions gave them an authority which they
might use on occasion, but they seldom fell In with
vessels of equal or Inferior force. The Americans
p:robably had no real privateers in this war, be
cause their legitimate occupation of preying upon
the enemy's commerce was denied them, inasmuch
as, under the acts of Congress, armed vessels only
might be attacked ; and also because the commerce
of France had been nearly swept from the sea by
the British.'
The act of July 1, 1797, prescribed for the gov
ernment of the navy the regulations established in
' For a facsimile of one of these commissions, see Maclay's
American Privateers, p. 218.
' Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 572, 578 ; Nav. Chron. p. 88 ; Nao.
Aff, vol. i, p. 71. See Ct. Claims Rq>. vol. xxii, pp. 427-440.

60 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
1775, which had been drafted by the naval com
mittee of the Continental Congress, and were chiefly
the work of John Adams, based on British regula
tions. Not long afterwards, whUe the navy was stiU
under the jurisdiction of the War Department, a
more elaborate set of regulations was compiled. An
act passed March 2, 1799, comprises rules and
regulations to "be adopted and put in force for
the government of the navy." The repeal of this
act was provided for in that of April 23, 1800,
which laid down a similar set of rules "for the
better government of the navy." '
In addition to naval legislation, many acts were
passed which had for their general purpose the
strengthening of the country's defensive position.
First In importance was the increase of the army.
Three major-generals were appointed: Alexander
Hamilton, Charles C. Pinckney, and Henry Knox.
An unfortunate dispute arose as to their relative
rank. General Washington wished them to stand In
the order named. This would give seniority to Ham
Uton, in whose ability Washington placed especial
confidence. President Adams proposed for them
the same relative rank they had held in the Revolu
tion, which would have reversed the order, making
Knox senior, but he yielded In deference to Wash
ington's wishes. Recruiting began, but progressed
1 Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 525, 709, vol. ii, p. 45 ; Clark's
Naval History of the United States (1814), vol. ii, p. 108 ; Nav
Reg. pp. 3, 53; Nav. Chron. pp. 114, 150; Nav, Inst. September,
1905, p. 628.

NAVAL PREPARATION 61
slowly. The army was not needed, for the fighting
took place wholly upon the sea.' Other measures
provided for calling out and equipping the militia,
building coast defenses, and borrowing the money
necessary for carrying out aU these enterprises.'
Commercial intercourse with France and her de
pendencies was suspended.' War was not declared,
but the capture of French armed vessels, the re
capture of American vessels, the condemnation of
French vessels and property t^ken, and retaliation
under certain circumstances were authorized by
Congress.* The naval force of the United States, employed
in the hostUities with France between 1798 and
1801, acquired under the provisions of the various
acts of Congress just considered and otherwise,
consisted of forty-five vessels. Of these twenty-one
were buUt for the service, eleven were purchased,
five captured during the war, and eight transferred
from the Treasury Department. There were about
as many other revenue cutters not transferred to
the navy, but presumably held ready to be employed
1 Washington, vol. xiv, pp. 29, 34, 40M.6, 58-67, 92-107, 110-
119; Adams, vol. viii, pp. 573-580, 587-590, 593, 600-604.
2 Statutes at Large vol. i, pp. 521, 522, 552, 554, 555, 558, 569,
576, 604, 607, 725, 749.
3 Acts of June 13, July 16, 1798, February 9, 1799, February
27, 1800, Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 565, 611, 613, vol ii, p. 7 ;
Nav. Chron. pp. 134, 148.
* Acts of May 28, June 25 and 28, July 9, 1798, March 3, 1799,
Statutes at Large, vol. i, pp. 561, 572, 574, 578, 743 ; Nav, Chron,
pp. 86, 88.

62 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
in harbor defense if called upon. Nine galleys,
buUt for the navy, were also ready for this kind of
service. Of these various vessels three were rated
as forty-four gun, and six as thirty-six gun frigates ;
one carried thirty-two and four carried twenty-eight
guns each ; there were six of twenty-four guns, six
of twenty, and four of eighteen guns. The others
were aU smaU vessels.' The navy was manned by
about seven hundred officers and five or six thou
sand men. This force was supplemented by about
eleven hundred officers and men of the marine
corps. ' See Appendix IV.

CHAPTER V
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES
The first vessel of the navy to get to sea in the
spring of 1798 was the ship Ganges, 24, which
saUed from PhUadelphia May 24. " This day at
11 o'clock the Secretary of War, accompanied by
Captain Barry, commander of the frigate United
States, and Captain Dale, commander of the ship
of war Ganges, went on board the latter ship, and
delivered his orders to Captain Dale. On the sec
retary's leaving the ship, a salute was fired ; imme
diately after which she weighed anchor, to proceed
to her cruising station." ' The Ganges was one of
the vessels acquired by purchase ; she had been an
Indiaman, and Dale had been her commander in
the merchant service. The orders he now received
from the Secretary of War were limited, inasmuch
as Congress had not yet authorized captures. He
was directed to cruise between Long Island and the
Virginia capes for the protection of waters within
the jurisdiction of the United States. As soon as
the act of May 28 was passed a pilot boat was dis
patched to him, with the President's instructions
of the same date. Under this first general order to
commanders of the new navy Dale was " directed
1 Gazette of United States, May 24, 1798.

64 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
to seize, take, and bring into any port of the United
States " any French armed vessel " which shall have
committed, or which shaU be found hovering on the
coast of the United States for the purpose of com
mitting, depredations on the vessels belonging to
the citizens thereof " ; and also to retake American
vessels in the hands of the French. This cruise of
the Ganges, which lasted several months, seems to
have been uneventful.' About this time the ques
tion arose as to the relative rank of the captains
first appointed, and pending the decision Dale ob
tained a furlough and in 1799 sailed for China In
a letter of marque. He therefore took no further
part in the war.'
In June the frigate ConsteUation, Captain Thomas
Truxtun, and the Delaware, 20, Captain Stephen
Decatur, were ordered to sea under the instruc
tions of May 28. They were to cruise along the
southern Atlantic coast. The Delaware was a
smaU ship of one hundred and eighty tons, which
had been purchased for the navy. Her commander
had been a privateersman in the Revolution, and
was the father of the afterwards famous Decatur,
who was at this time a midshipman in the service.
The Delaware sailed July 6, and the next morn
ing learned from an American vessel that a French
' Nav. Chron. pp. 90-92 ; Naval Correspondence in War De.
partment, 304 ; Bulletin of New York Public Library, September,
1907, Stoddert to Dale (July 13, 1798).
' Cooper's American Naval Officers, vol. ii, p. 259 ; see above,
p. 49.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 65
privateer was cruising off shore. Not long a^fter,
four schooners were sighted, and Captain Decatur
stood off as if he were a merchantman anxious to
avoid them. One of them gave chase, but when
near enough to discover the warlike character of
the Delaware, attempted to escape. It was now
Decatur's turn to pursue, and after a " pretty long
chase " off the New Jersey shore he overhauled
the fugitive in the evening, " close in with Egg
Harbor." Several shot were fired at her before she
surrendered. She proved to be the French priva
teer schooner Croyable, of twelve guns, from Cape
Francois, having left that port June 19. Her cap
tain's story was that he fied from the Delaware,
supposing her to be British, and sought safety in
Delaware Bay, being ignorant of a state of war
between the TThited States and France. The prize
was brought up the bay and her crew, fifty-three
in number, were landed at Fort Mifflin. The Croy
able had taken several American vessels. She was
the first prize of the new navy, and was condemned
and taken into the service, her name being changed
to Retaliation.'
The ConsteUation appears to have met with no
success in her first cruise, and made a second in
August in company with the Baltimore, 20, Captain
Isaac Phillips, under orders to proceed to Havana for
' Nav. Chron. p. 92 ; Columbian Centinel, July 14, 1798 ; Boston
Commercial Gazette, August 2, 1798, with testimony taken in the
prize court ; Letters to Secretary of War, 1, 2 (July 9 and 10,
1798) ; Pickering, vol. ix, 19, 36.

66 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the protection of a fleet of sixty American merchant
men closely watched by French cruisers. These
vessels were safely convoyed to their home ports.'
The frigate United States, Captain Barry, saUed
early in July under orders dated the 3d, to cruise
between Cape Henry and Nantucket. Charles
Stewart, the famous commodore of later years, was
one of the ship's lieutenants, and among the mid
shipmen were Richard Somers and Stephen Deca
tur, Jr. Captain Barry was at first limited to the
instructions of May 28, but those of July 10, car
rying out the act of Congress of the preceding day,
reached him some time after sailing. This second
general naval order came to him inclosed with a
long letter from the Secretary of the Navy, dated
July 11, giving- minute directions as to his future
movements. The act of July 9, authorizing the
seizure of French armed vessels " within the juris
dictional limits of the United States or elsewhere
on the high seas," made more extended operations
possible, and the administration decided to send
squadrons to the West Indies, where was the prin
cipal scene of naval activity and of the spoliation
of American commerce. Barry was ordered to sail
for a cruise among the Lesser AntUles in company
with the Delaware, Captain Decatur, the Herald,
18, Captain Sever, and the revenue cutter Picker
ing, 14, Captain Chapman ; he was also to request
of the governor of Porto Rico the release of certain
1 Nav. Chron. p. 93 ; Phillips, pp. 33, 34, 48, 49 ; Barry, p. 358.

4

JOHN BARRY

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 67
Americans held there, who had been captured by
French cruisers. The United States and Delaware
sailed for Boston, where they were to be joined by
the Herald and Pickering. On the way to Cape Cod
they fell in with a large ship, and the United States,
signaling the Delaware to stand off, approached
her. Both ships showed French colors and nearly
came to blows before discovering each other's iden
tity. The stranger proved to be a British fifty-gun
ship. After that a system of private signals was
established by which American and British vessels
might recognize each other and avoid hostile col-
Usion. Barry then proceeded to Boston, and find
ing that the Herald and Pickering were not ready
he set sail for the West Indies July 26, with the
United States and Delaware.'
Although the hurricane season was approaching.
Secretary Stoddert beHeved it Important, even at
some risk, to strike a blow at the French in the
West Indies before their strength in those waters
should be reinforced. In a letter to the President,
written July 30, 1798, he says : " The hurricanes,
I understand, are not so very dangerous as they
are generaUy believed to be. It is not oftener than
once in four or five years that much injury is done
by them, and at such times the danger is partial
and extends not beyond one or two Islands. Under
such circumstances and impressed with the opinion
' Nav. Chron. pp. 88, 91, 92, 93 ; Barry, pp. 349-356 ; Massa
chusetts Mercury, July 24, 1798.

68 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
that the American Navy should be taught to disre
gard problematic dangers and that our force should
be employed while the French have but little force,
in destroying what little they have and in produ
cing a scarcity of provisions and the consequent
discontent flowing from such a source, in their
Islands, I have the honor, sir, to submit for your
consideration " an arrangement for sending succes
sive expeditions to the West Indies, while at the
same time maintaining the patrol of the Atlantic
coast of the United States with an adequate force.
New England would be guarded by the Herald
and Pickering, the middle section by the Baltimore
and two revenue cutters, and the southern coast
by a frigate and two cutters. Meanwhile another
frigate with the Montezuma, 20, would sail for the
West Indies and relieve Barry, who would return
home with the United States and Delaware ; later
the frigate on the southern coast would be sent to
the West Indies with the Ganges. The general
plan here proposed was carried out, though with
changes of detail. The Constellation and Baltimore
went to Havana soon after this, as has been seen,
and later the Montezuma, with two smaller vessels,
was sent to cruise among the Windward Islands.
In his letter the secretary adds : " By keeping up
incessant attacks on the French cruisers on their
own ground they will, in a degree at least, be pre
vented from coming on ours." '
' Barry, pp. 356-358.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 69
Commodore Barry returned to Delaware Bay
with his little squadron after a cruise of nearly two
months, arriving at New Castle September 20.
The Secretary of the Navy complained to the Presi
dent of this early retum, attributing it to fear of
hurricanes. Yet in his instructions to Barry he had
mentioned two months as the proper length of the
cruise. The results of the expedition were disap
pointing to the naval commanders as well as to the
secretary, for little had been accomplished but the
capture of two smaU French privateers, the Sans
Pareil and Jaloux. In the faU the United States
patroUed the coast for a month, to the eastward,
and the Delaware to the southward. The frigate
sprung her bowsprit and was otherwise disabled In
a severe gale, during which Lieutenant James Bar
ron saved her masts, and possibly the ship too, by
setting up the rigging, which had become danger
ously slack, under great dlfficiUties. The United
States was now obliged to cut short her cruise and
return to Delaware Bay, arriving at Chester No
vember 9. The damage having been repaired, Barry
received orders, dated December 7, to proceed with
the United States to the West Indies and take
command of a squadron to be employed there dur
ing the winter.'
On July 2, 1798, "precisely at 10 minutes before
one o'clock, the frigate Constitution, Captain Nich
olson, came to sail from her moorings off the Long
1 Barry, pp. 358, 359, 361-364, 366-372 ; Decatur, pp. 26-29.

70 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Wharf. The wind was about West, a moderate
breeze. She proceeded half the way to the Castle
under her three topsails and fore-topmast stay-saU;
after which the top gaUant saUs were set. She passed
the Fort at 10 minutes after one, having run three
miles against a strong tide ; and a few moments sub
sequent came to anchor in King Road, just below
Spectacle Island. In getting under way, a Federal
Salute was given to the town; and on passing the
Castle that fortress received and returned a salute.
The beauty of her appearance on the water and the
rapidity of her sailing is the subject of admiration
and conversation by both foreigners and native citi
zens who are connoisseurs in naval exceUence."'
The frigate got to sea Sunday, July 22. "She has
on board 388 young, weU-buUt, healthy Americans.
. . . Captain Nicholson merits great applause for
his unwearied assiduity and unremitted endeavors
to render her the pride of the American navy — and
a pattern of the glorious paUadium, whose name she
bears." ' Isaac HuU, under whose command she
afterwards won the first of her famous victories
in the War of 1812, was at this time one of her Heu-
tenants. After a month at sea the Constitution put into
Newport August 21, where Captain Nicholson found
the secretary's orders of the 13th directing him to
cruise along the coast south of Cape Henry in com-
' Mass. Mercury, July 3, 1798.
' Columbian Centinel, July 25, 1798.

SAMUEL NICHOLSON

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 71
pany with four revenue cutters.' September 8 the
frigate feU in with a twenty-four gun ship under
English colors and boarded her. Her officers were
French, but professed to be royalists ; her crew was
very mixed, with many French and Spanish, and
her papers were unsatisfactory. Nicholson therefore
concluded that she was French, and brought her into
Norfolk as a prize. She turned out, however, to be
an EngHsh privateer caUed the Niger, and the gov
emment was obliged to give her up and pay damages
estimated at eleven thousand doUars.' From Norfolk
the Constitution returned to her cruising ground.
There she found the Baltimore which, after her con
voy duty in company with the ConsteUation, had been
ordered by Captain Truxtun to cruise off Charles
ton. Captain Nicholson now ordered the Baltimore
to join him in convoying a fleet to Havana. Soon
afterwards the Constitution, owing to an accident,
bore away for Boston for repairs, leaving the Bal
timore alone with the convoy.' November 10 the
Constitution "arrived in President's Road, In the
outer harbor; she having sprung her bowsprit near
the Gulph of Florida, when convoying (at the re
quest of the Naval Agent and merchants of the city
of Charleston) a fleet of ten saU of merchantmen,
1 Nav, Chron. p. 93 ; Columbian Centinel, August 11, September
1, 1798.
2 Gen. Letters, vol. i, 270 ; Pickering, vol. ix, 386, 401, vol. xi, 477,
vol. xxxvii, 342, 343, 345, 347, 359 ; Boston Com. Gazette, September
27, 1798 ; Mass. Mercury, September 28, November 20, 1798.
» PhiUips, pp. 49, 111, 112.

72 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
for the Havannah. Since the Constitution left this
port she has completely scoured the coast. Captain
Nicholson's first orders were to cruise from George's
Bank to Sandy Hook; his second, from Sandy Hook
to the Capes of Virginia; and his third, from the
Capes of Virginia to St. Mary's River, to protect
the American commerce and to capture aU French
cruisers. The ship sails remarkably fast; the crew
perfectly happy ; the commander held in high esti
mation, and she has not a sick man on board." ' The
frigate was ready for sea in December, and was
ordered to join Commodore Barry's squadron in the
West Indies. She sailed early in January.'
In September, 1798, the ship Montezuma, 20, a
converted merchantman, was ordered to the West
Indies under the command of Captain Alexander
Murray, who had been a lieutenant in the Revolu
tionary navy. With her went the brig Norfolk, 18,
a vessel buUt for the service and commanded by
Captain Thomas WiUIams, and the prize schooner
Retaliation, 14, Lieutenant William Balnbrldge.
This little squadron sailed from Norfolk, October
25, under instructions to cruise about Guadeloupe,
St. Martin, and Porto Rico for the protection of
commerce. They feU In with a number of British
frigates and recaptured an American brig from the
French. Before dawn, November 20, off Guade-
' Columbian Centinel, November 14, 1798 ; Mass. Mercury, No
vember 13, 1798.
^ Nav. Chron. p. 94; Columbian Centinel, December 12,1798,
January 5, 1799.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 73
loupe, two sail were sighted in the west, and Cap
tain Murray had begun to give chase when three
vessels were seen to the eastward. "As daylight
appeared we found we were meeting two large frig
ates and a three masted lugger ; the RetaHation and
the prize a little ahead of them were standing for
us. We bore up for the Retaliation and hailed her,
and was informed by Captain Balnbrldge that they
were the EngHsh frigates we had seen the day be
fore. Fortunately we saw at that instant the two
sail we had chased a little before to leeward, and
we put about to pursue them ; the frigates standing
after us and nearly within gunshot. We crowded a
press of sail after the chase, and not knowing what
to make of the frigates we hoisted private signals,
which were not noticed ; we then hoisted the Amer
ican flag — stiU saw no colors — but crowding sail
after us, and we presumed chasing the same vessels
which we were. The Retaliation then dropped un
suspicious with her prize (or rather could not avoid
them) close under their guns, when the headmost
frigate fired into her, and we saw her haul down
her pendant while the prize was suffered to keep
up her ensign." '
When the Montezuma and Norfolk had departed
in pursuit of the two sail in the west, Bainbridge,
left alone, had made the signals agreed upon by
American and English commanders, by which
' Nav. Chron. pp. 93, 94, 127 ; Columbian Centinel, November
10, 1798 ; Mass. Mercury, January 29, 1799, Murray to Secretary
of Navy (November 23, 1798).

74 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
they were to recognize each other. Although the
strangers to the eastward were unable to answer
his signals, he stiU beHeved them to be English
men. He did not discover his mistake until two of
the ships, which proved to be French frigates, had
approached so near that it was Impossible for him
to escape. One of them, the Insurgente, 36, hoisted
French colors and fired into the Retaliation, whUe
the other, the flagship Volontaire, 44, ordered Baln
brldge on board. He had no alternative, and ac
cordingly struck his colors, went on board the
Volontaire, and surrendered to Commodore St.
Laurent, the ranking French officer. MeanwhUe
the Insurgente had immediately saUed in pursuit
of the Montezuma and Norfolk. The chase was
watched with Interest from the deck of the Volon
taire, and Commodore St. Laurent inquired of Bain
bridge the force of the American vessels. Without
hesitation, Bainbridge greatly overstated the number
and weight of their guns, which induced the Com
modore to hoist a signal for the recaU of the In
surgente. The chase was thereupon abandoned, to
the great vexation and disappointment of Captain
Barreaut of the Insurgente. In the discussion and
explanation which followed, the deception practiced
by Bainbridge was exposed, but In spite of his
chagrin the commodore appeared to regard it as a
justifiable ruse. It was too late to renew the chase,
and the American vessels escaped.'
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 127-130 ; Bainbridge, pp. 25-27.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 75
The frigates had just arrived in West Indian
waters from France, by way of Cayenne, bound for
Guadeloupe. On the Volontaire was General Des-
fourneaux, who had come out to relieve Victor
Hugues as governor ; Hugues was soon after sent
back to France under arrest. The Volontaire and
Insurgente proceeded on their way to Guadeloupe,
taking the Retaliation and the prize brig with
them, and anchored off Basse Terre the next day.
The American officers were retained on the French
frigates, whUe the crew of the Retaliation were sent
ashore to a prison where many American seamen
were confined in a deplorable condition through Ul
treatment and starvation. Bainbridge was allowed
to go ashore on parole, and with some difficulty
and delay succeeded in procuring from General
Desfoumeaux an order for better treatment of the
prisoners, which, however, effected only partial re
lief. Desfoumeaux attempted to involve Bainbridge
in a scheme for the neutralization of Guadeloupe, but
he had no authority to treat on the subject and no
disposition to accede to the conditions proposed by
the governor. Bainbridge and all the other Ameri
can prisoners, nearly two hundred and fifty in
number, were subsequently released and sent back
to the United States.'
Meanwhile the Montezuma and Norfolk, having
escaped from the French frigates, continued their
1 Nav. Chron, pp. 128-130; Bainbridge, pp. 27-35 ; Gazette of
United States, February 20, 1799.

76 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
chase of the vessels they had sighted in the morn
ing, and at length overhaided and captured the
sternmost of them. She proved to be an American
schooner which had been taken by the French.
They then made for Antigua, and had been there
but a short time when the prize brig that had been
left with the Retaliation arrived. Her crew had
not been landed with the other American prisoners
at Guadeloupe, and had recaptured the vessel and
escaped with her. November 29 the Httle squadron
was at St. Thomas, where Murray landed elgTiteen
prisoners, taking a receipt for them from the French
consul, and collected a convoy of merchantmen.
He reported to the Secretary of the Navy that it
was his intention to conduct them far enough on
their homeward voyage to be clear of the French,
and then to run to windward, which he considered
the best cruising station. He also reported that
there were a hundred and fifty French privateers
from Guadeloupe in adjacent waters, mostly small
brigs and schooners. It was very difficult to catch
them because of the ease with which they could
escape into shallow water, but by vIgUani cruising
in the neighborhood they could be kept inshore and
thereby rendered comparatively harmless.'
November 16, off Havana, the Baltimore, Cap
tain PhiUips, experienced one of those flagrant in
stances of British arrogance which the little Ameri
can navy of those days was called upon, from time
' Mass. Mercury, January 20, 1799.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 77
to time, to endure. The mortifying features of such
incidents were generaUy due in great measure to
the lack of spirit of the particular American com
mander implicated. The most famous case is that
of the Chesapeake ih 1807, fired upon by the Brit
ish ship Leopard and unprepared to resist. Other
instances, in which Americans defied the assumed
authority of Englishmen backed by superior force,
are less weU known, but they should not be for
gotten.' Upon the departure of the Constitution for Bos
ton, after having sprung her bowsprit, the Balti
more, left alone with the convoy from Charleston,
proceeded on the voyage to Havana.' They had
nearly reached that port, early In the morning of
November 16, when a British squadron of three
ships of the line and two frigates hove In sight.
Captain PhUlips, fearing possible detention and
delay, signaled his convoy to make all sail in order
to get into Havana as soon as practicable. AU the
vessels except three made the port without molesta
tion ; these three were detained, but afterwards re
leased. Meanwhile the Baltimore had approached
the British flagship, in order, as Captain PhiUips
says, to divert her attention from the fleet under
his charge. On the invitation of the English com
modore, PhUlips went on board the flagship. The
1 For cases of Americana resisting British arrogance, see Por
ter, pp. 10, 67 ; Bainbridge, pp. 21, 22 ; Perry, vol. i, pp. 46, 87-
89 ; Morris, pp. 38, 44; Hollis, pp. 127-130.
' See above, p. 71.

78 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
commodore informed him that he intended to im
press such of the Baltimore's crew as could not
produce American protections, that is, papers prov
ing citizenship. PhiUips, after protesting against
such action, returned to his ship, where he found a
British officer had arrived during his absence, had
mustered the crew, and had the Baltimore's muster
roU in his hand, having been aUowed to do this by
the first lieutenant. PhUlips took the muster roU
from the officer and ordered his crew to quarters,
requesting time to consider what he should do ; but
finaUy aUowed the EngHsh officer to take away
fifty-five of his crew, at the same time hauling down
his flag. This action he defended on the ground
that his instructions were explicit, that " the vessels
of every other nation [except France] are on no
account to be molested"; but it is clear that this
was not intended to restrain a national vessel from
resenting an insult to the flag. The case was com
pHcated by the fact that Phillips's commission had
never been delivered to him, which gave him an
anomalous standing. Owing to the haste and con
fusion In the Navy Department at that time, this
important document had been mislaid or missent ;
but he had with him letters and orders from the
department which should have been sufficient to
establish the character of his ship and his own posi
tion. Nevertheless this irregularity disturbed his
peace of mind, and for this reason he had emphat
ically protested against being separated from a

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 79
superior officer, when successively left alone by
Truxtun and Nicholson.'
The British commodore paid no attention to Cap
tain PhiUips's surrender, and a Httle later sent
back fifty of the men, apparently fearing his own
government's disapproval of such wholesale impress
ment. He then proposed to exchange certain Ameri
cans in his squadron, presumably impressed from
other vessels, for an equal number of Englishmen
in the Baltimore's crew; but this proposal was
rejected by PhiUips, who of course had no right to
give up any of his men, regularly enlisted, what
ever their nationality might be. The Baltimore,
having coUected a convoy of homeward bound ves
sels, returned to the United States, putting Into
Chesapeake Bay. Captain PhiUips proceeded at
once to Philadelphia and reported the affair to the
Secretary of the Navy. It had also been reported
by the American consul at Havana, and on De
cember 29 the following circular, the third general
order to commanding officers, was issued : " It is
the positive command of the President, that on no
pretense whatever you permit the public vessel of
war under your command to be detained or searched,
nor any of the officers or men belonging to her to
be taken from her by the ships or vessels of any
foreign nation, so long as you are in a capacity
1 Nav. Chron. ch. vi; Phillips, pp. 33^0, 48-59, 69-73, 111-
114; St. Pap. vol. iv, pp. 149-153; Gen. Letters, vol. i, 492; Pick
ering, vol. X, 178.

80 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
to repel such outrage on the honor of the Ameri
can flag. If force should be exerted to compel
your submission, you are to resist that force to
the utmost of your power, and when overpowered
by superior force you are to strike your flag and
thus yield your vessel as weU as your men, but
never your men without your vessel." ' Soon after
this, January 10, 1799, PhilHps was summarily dis
missed from the service. On January 16 the fourth
general order was issued by the Navy Department,
defining more clearly than the instructions which
had misled PhllHps the conduct to be observed In
the matter of search, saying that " it will not be
lawful for you to prevent merchant vessels, although
under your convoy, from being searched or detained
by the vessels of any of the powers at war, except
the French." '
Captain PhiUips showed lack of spirit on this
occasion, but it surely was a trying situation for a
man to find himself in, recently graduated from the
merchant marine and without naval training and
tradition, other than privateering service In the
Revolution, to guide him. He should have ordered
the EngHsh officer away from his ship, thereby
placing upon the commodore the responsibility of
using force. It is unlikely that he would have gone
to the extreme of firing upon the Baltimore, and
probably would have retracted his demands or let
1 Nav. Chron. p. 124 ; St. Pap. vol. iv, p. 152.
» Nav. Chron, p. 125.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 81
the matter drop. This was the result in certain
other similar cases. Nevertheless, it is doubtful if
summary dismissal without a hearing is ever justi
fiable in the absence of emergency. It would seem,
moreover, from a study of the evidence, that neither
the President nor the Secretary of the Navy had an
intimate knowledge of aU the circumstances of the
case. PhiUips should have been aUowed a court-
martial.' As winter approached, the HkeHhood of French
men cruising off the Atlantic coast diminished, and
it was deemed safe and expedient to relax watchful
ness iu this quarter and to concentrate the naval
forces of the country in the enemy's waters. Ac
cordingly, in December, 1798, a comprehensive
scheme for the disposition of the fleet was worked
out in the Navy Department, by which four squad
rons were to be stationed in the West Indies, two
of them to the eastward of Porto Rico and two in
Cuban waters. To these squadrons were assigned
twenty-one vessels, the whole force of the navy then
in commission except one, the Montezuma. Commo
dore Barry's squadron was the largest and most
powerful, including the heavy frigates United States
and Constitution, the ships George Washington,
Captain Fletcher, Merrimack, Captain Brown, and
Portsmouth, Captain McNeill, of twenty-four guns
each, and the Herald, Captain Russell, with four
revenue cutters. One of the latter was the Pickering,
' For remarks on this subject, see Cooper, vol. i, pp. 324-336.

82 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
commanded by Lieutenant Edward Preble, the fa
mous commodore of later days. The other cutters
were the Eagle, Scammel, and Diligence. Barry was
to cruise to the windward of St. Christopher as far
as Barbadoes and Tobago, giving attention to points
even as distant as Cayenne and CuraQao, and to
rendezvous at Prince Rupert's Bay on the island of
Dominica. In his orders of December 7 he was in
formed " where the vessels not under your immediate
command wIU be employed, that you may apprise
any of the divisions of danger beyond their strength
to resist, reinforce them, or if occasion should re
quire it, order them to join you or proceed to the
United States.' ' If " encumbered with prisoners, your
first effort must be to exchange them for our own
citizens in the hands of the French," — even upon
disadvantageous terms, rather " than suffer our meri
torious seamen to remain in their hands." Barry was
admonished that "a spirit of enterprise and adven
ture cannot be too much encouraged in the officers
under your command, nor can too many opportuni
ties be afforded the enterprising to distinguish them
selves. We have nothing to dread but inactivity.
The French can have no force in the West Indies
this winter equal to ours, which is thought to be
sufficient to rid those seas as well of French com
missioned armed vessels as of the pirates which
infest them; and it Is with you to lay your country
under obligations by rendering this Important ser
vice and by exciting among the officers and men a

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 83
high degree of zeal for the honor of the American
Navy." '
Commodore Truxtun was ordered to cruise be
tween St. Christopher, his rendezvous, and Porto
Rico. Besides his own ship, the Constellation, there
were assigned to him the Baltimore, Captain Samuel
Barron, the brigs Richmond and Norfolk, and the
revenue cutter Virginia. Commodore Thomas Tln-
gey, with the Ganges, the brig Pinckney, and the
revenue cutter South Carolina, was stationed in the
Windward Passage, between Cuba and Haiti. The
Delaware and two revenue cutters, the Governor
Jay and General Greene, with Captain Decatur
as senior officer, were designated for the protection
of American interests off the north coast of Cuba,
between Havana and Matanzas. In these disposi
tions Captain Murray, with the Montezuma, having
lost the Retaliation by capture and the Norfolk
by assignment to Commodore Truxtun's squadron,
was left alone and was aUowed to cruise independ
ently. At the time these orders for the winter cam
paign were issued, many of the vessels were not
ready for sea, and so did not arrive on their stations
until later.'
The effect of these defensive measures of the
government was very considerable. After the ap
pearance of American armed vessels on the sea, the
rate of marine insurance to foreign ports feU In a
' Nav. Chron. p. 94; Barry, pp. 368-370.
2 Nav. Chron. pp. 94, 95.

84 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
marked degree. It was estimated that more than
eight and a half miUion doUars was saved in insur
ance during this first year. The whole cost of the
navy from 1794 to the end of 1798 was about two
and a half mlUion dollars. The saving in insurance
was of course only part of the gain. The commerce
of the country, which without naval protection
would have been nearly ruined, was soon in a flour
ishing condition. Confidence was restored, and peo
ple felt that the honor of the country was redeemed.'
In his report of December 29, 1798, Secretary
Stoddert says : " The protection of our coast, the
security of our extensive country from invasion in
some of its weaker parts, the safety of our Important
commerce, and our future peace, when the maritime
nations of Europe war with each other, aU seem to
demand that our naval force should be augmented ;
so much augmented indeed as to make the most
powerful nations desire our friendship — the most
unprincipled respect our neutrality. The peaceful
character of America wiU afford to the world suffi
cient security that we shall not be easily provoked to
carry the war into the country of an enemy ; and it
well becomes the wisdom of America to provide a
cheap defense to keep it from our own. Twelve ships
of seventy-four guns, as many frigates, and twenty
or thirty smaller vessels would probably be found
(our geographical situation and our means of an
noying the trade of the maritime powers consid-
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 109-112.

THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 85
ered) a force sufficient to insure our future peace
with the nations of Europe. It would not perhaps be
hazarding too much to say that, had we possessed
this force a few years ago, we should not have lost
by depredations on our trade four times the sum
necessary to have created and maintained It during
the whole time the war has existed in Europe. If
we do not profit by experience and put ourselves
in a situation to resent insult and punish aggres
sion, nothing is more likely than that in less than
half a dozen years another occasion may be pre
sented for a repetition of the same mortifying
observation." The secretary advised immediate
provision for twelve seventy-fours and six brigs or
schooners to carry eighteen guns each ; also docks
for repairing ships. He believed that the smaUer
vessels " would be highly usefid in scouring the
West Indies." The effect of this report was seen
in the acts of February 25, 1799, authorizing six
of each of these two classes of vessels and two
docks, as well as making other provisions for the
benefit of the navy.'
Unfortunately the vessels and docks then author
ized were not buUt ; but by a liberal construction
of the act Stoddert negotiated for the purchase of
land for shipyards in which to build the seventy-
fours. This measure was practically completed by
the time he left office, and resulted In securing the
^ Nav. Chron. ch. v; Nav. Aff. vol. i, pp. 65-70; Statutes at
Large, vol. i, pp. 621, 622.

86 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
sites of what have become the most important navy
yards on the Atlantic coast.'
The popular Interest in naval affairs at this time
Is indicated in a letter of Secretary Stoddert to
Commodore Barry: "They [Congress] are dis
posed to do more for the advantage of the navy,
but are afraid of going too fast, wishing public
opinion to go along with them. It is very certain,
however, that public opinion is getting more and
more in favor of the Navy." ' Addresses of both
houses of Congress to the President in December,
1798, express this sentiment.'
1 Nav. Inst. September, 1906, pp. 1024-1029; Letters to Presi
dent, 77, 83.
" Barry, p. 377.
» Richardson, vol. i, pp. 276, 278.

CHAPTER VI
EVENTS OF 1799
The year 1799 opened with a respectable United
States naval force upon the sea, an achievement of
some moment when it is considered that much less
than a year before there had been not a single
national vessel in commission, except a few little
revenue cutters and the brig Sophia, a dispatch
boat belonging to the State Department.
Lieutenant Bainbridge left Guadeloupe in the
Retaliation January 18,' accompanied by an agent
of Governor Desfoumeaux, who bore a letter from
the governor to the President of the United States.
It required two other vessels as cartels to convey
all the prisoners. They arrived at Philadelphia Feb
ruary 13. The Retaliation was not a cartel, but
with her crew reduced to forty was put under the
command of Bainbridge, although he protested that
he was a prisoner of war and that a French officer
should be in command. The governor, however,
forced his compliance with this arrangement. Des
foumeaux professed to be influenced solely by
philanthropy in sending home these «aptives, ex
pecting no French prisoners in retum, on the ground
that only in case of a regularly declared war could
1 See above, p. 75.

88 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
an exchange of prisoners be effected. In his letter
to the President he said that Guadeloupe privateers
were to cruise only against enemies and that Amer
icans would be weU treated ; and further, that the
Retaliation would have been released at once had
it not been necessary to lay an embargo. "The
citizens of the United States may come and ex
change their produce, " he said, and " wiU be con
sidered and treated like aUIes." Desfoumeaux's
declarations of friendship were commonly thought
insincere, although in the opposition party the
contrary opinion prevailed. The iU-treatment of
prisoners and the depredations of the Guadeloupe
privateers had continued many weeks after the gov
ernor had assumed control of affairs. His desire for
the neutrality of his island and for American trade
was beHeved to have its origin in a hope of private
gain rather than of international comity. The suf
ferings of American prisoners and the impressment
of some of them into the French naval service
excited resentment in the United States, and led
to the passage of an act on March 3, 1799, which
required the President " to cause the most rigorous
retaliation to be executed on any such citizens of
the French Republic " as might faU into American
hands. French prisoners in the United States also
complained of their treatment. It was said that
they suffered from cold, hunger, lack of cooking
utensils and of sanitary arrangements. The Secre
tary of the Navy, In response to inquiry, reported

EVENTS OP 1799 89
to Congress, December 24, 1799, that the prisoners'
ration was never less than one pound each of bread
and vegetables and half a pound of meat, and they
were furnished with clothing and blankets and fuel
in season. Officers were aUowed to commute their
rations and also to depart from the United States
on parole. From the first it had been the policy of
the administration to exchange prisoners whenever
possible, and when not possible they were often re
leased, receipts being taken for them from French
consuls or other responsible persons. Towards the
end of March the Retaliation was sent back to
Guadeloupe with French prisoners In exchange for
the Americans, and with a letter from the Secretary
of State to Desfoumeaux saying that intercourse
would be resumed with any Island in the West
Indies when the privateers of that island ceased
their depredations.'
The frigate United States, wearing the broad
pennant of the senior officer of the navy. Commo
dore Barry, cruised upon her station among the
1 Bainbridge, pp. 29-35; Barry, pp. 359,360, 367, 370; Stat
utes at Large, vol. i, p. 743 ; Jefferson, vol. vii, p. 357, Letter to
E. Pendleton (February 14, 1799), p. 361, to Madison (February
19, 1799) ; Gazette of U. S. February 20, 1799, Bainbridge to
Stoddert (January 3 and 7, February 10, 1799) and Correspond
ence with Desfoumeaux; Mass. Mercury, February 15, 1799,
Desfoumeaux to President (December 15, 1798) ; Connecticut
Courant, Febraary 25, March 18, 1799 ; Pickering, vol. x, 488,
Pickering to Desfoumeaux (March 16, 1799), 643, vol. xi, 183,
vol. xxxvii, 365; Gen. Letters, vol. ii, 194; Letters to Congress, 29,
Stoddert to Speaker of House of Representatives (December 24,
1799).

90 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Windward Islands untU spring. A storeship, with
provisions for the squadron, was soon sent out from
Boston. Early in February the frigate discovered
a smaU French privateer, the pursuit of which is
described by an officer on board the United States,
thought to be Midshipman Decatur. " On Sunday,
the 3d Inst., to windward of Martinique, at 8 a. m.
gave chase to a schooner, and at 3 P. M. came within
two gun shots of her, when, to the astonishment of
all hands, she attempted by short stretches to get
to windward of us directly under our battery, but
in this she faUed, for we soon brought her to, our
third shot having gone effectuaUy through her, and
in a few minutes she fiUed with water, upon which
they hauled down their sails and set up the most
lamentable howl I ever heard. . . . Our boats were
immediately sent to their relief. I was in the first ;
when I came near and found the crew all stript
and ready for a swim, I thought it not safe to go
on board, but told them the only chance for their
safety was to run alongside the ship, which they did,
and In a few minutes after the schooner went down.
The whole of this crew were saved, amounting to
60 men." ' This vessel was called the Amour de la
Patrie, and she carried only six guns. At about the
same time, probably, the United States fell in with
another small privateer and captured her ; she was
the Tartuffe of eight guns and sixty men. Commo
dore Barry now had with him a considerable num-
• Mass. Mercury, March 26, 1799.

EVENTS OF 1799 91
ber of prisoners, and hoped by means of exchange
to release an equal number of American seamen
from captivity. Accordingly he ran into Basse Terre
rolads, Guadeloupe, under a flag of truce. Captain
Murray in the Montezuma, who happened to be in
the vicinity just at that time convoying a fleet of
merchantmen, in a report to the Navy Department,
February 20, says : " I parted with Com. Barry off
the road of Bassaterre, where he sent his boat with
a flag to endeavor to negociate an exchange of pris
oners he took up from the privateer he sunk off
Martlnico, which he wUl inform you of, but the fort
fired on them and would not let them land." ' ' There
upon Barry hauled down his white fiag and bom
barded the fort In return. February 26, the United
States captured an English prize of the French
privateer Democrat, but the latter escaped. An
American prize also was recaptured. Barry made
another attempt to exchange prisoners, sending a
flag of truce to Guadeloupe. Governor Desfoumeax
assured Barry that there were no Americans on the
Island and had not been since Bainbridge and his
feUow prisoners had departed, except a few who
remained from choice and the crew of an American
ship recently brought in who were to be released.
Barry was skeptical as to this statement, but he
put his French prisoners ashore, 'wishing to get
them off his hands. The governor maintained that
he did not recognize a condition of war as exist-
1 Mass. Mercury, March 29, 1799.

92 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
ing, and that Guadeloupe was open to American
trade.' The ship Merrimack, 24, Captain Moses Brown,
arrived at the rendezvous in Prince Rupert's Bay
January 20. This vessel had recently been built for
the service at Newburyport, with a fund raised by
citizens under the act of June 30, 1798. She was
the first of four ships of the same name on the United
States navy Hst, a name afterwards made famous
at Hampton Roads and at Santiago de Cuba. She
saUed from Boston January 3, and a few days after
her arrival on the station f eU in with her flagship,
the United States. Commodore Barry sent her back
to the United States with a large convoy of mer
chantmen. During the homeward voyage of this
fleet they f eU in with several EngHsh armed vessels,
but were not much disturbed by the French. From
St. Christopher they were accompanied a short dis
tance by the Montezuma. Convoy duty was subject
to many difficulties and annoyances, due to the in
subordination of the shipmasters, the varying saUing
quaHtles of the ships, and other causes. Brown wrote
to Barry, February 16: "Our Countrymen want
Convoy but pay no attention to keep with It and
such tubs as some of them are under my convoy I
never saw, and they are sure to spread each night
as far as possible to see them." ' Strange vessels not
infrequently found their way into the fleet during
1 Decatur, pp. 31-34; Barry, pp. 377, 378, 383-387.
' Barry, p. 380.

EVENTS OF 1799 93
the night without attracting attention. The possi
bUity of an enemy's doing this made extreme vigi
lance necessary. Having escorted the merchantmen
to a point beyond danger of molestation, the Merri
mack left them on February 28 and returned to the
West Indies, arriving at Prince Rupert's Bay again
March 11.'
Commodore Truxtun cruised in the ConsteUation
with his squadron among the Leeward Islands sev
eral weeks before anything worthy of record took
place ; but he was destined to win the largest share
of the glory to be achieved by the navy in this war
and had not long to wait for the first of his laurels.
The events of February 9 off the island of Nevis
are best told in the words of the leading actors. On
the foUowing day Truxtun wrote to the Secretary
of the Navy : " At noon, the island bearing W.
S. W. five leagues distance, discovered a large ship
to southward, on which I bore down. She hoisted
American colors and I made our private signals for
the day, as well as that of the British, but finding
she answered neither, I immediately suspected her
to be an enemy and in a short time after found that
my suspicions were weU founded, for she hoisted the
French national colors and fired a gun to windward,
which is a signal of an enemy. I continued bearing
down on her and at a quarter past three P. m. she
hailed me several times, and as soon as I got in a
position for every shot to do execution I answered
' Brown, ch. xii, xiii, xiv ; Mass. Mercury, March 29, 1799.

94 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
by commencing a close and successful engagement
which lasted untU about half past four p. M., when
she struck her colors to the United States ship Con
steUation and I immediately took possession of her.
She proved to be the celebrated French national
frigate Insurgente of 40 guns and 409 men, lately
out from France, commanded by Monsieur Bar
reaut, and is esteemed one of the fastest saiHng
ships in the French navy. I have been much shat
tered in my rigging and sails and my f oretopmast
rendered, from wounds, useless ; you may depend
the enemy is not less so. ... I must not omit in
this hasty detaU to do justice to Monsieur Barreaut,
for he defended his ship manfully, and from my
raking him several times fore and aft and being
athwart his stern, ready with every gun to fire when
he struck his colors, we may impute the conflict not
being more bloody on our side ; for had not these
advantages been taken the engagement would not
have ended so soon, for the Insurgente was com
pletely officered and manned." '
The first lieutenant of the Constellation, John
Rodgers, in a letter written February 15, gives some
further detaUs of the battle. " At 2 p. m. the chase
carried away her main-topmast and bore away before
the wind for a short time, after which, finding we
continued the chase, she hauled up within eight
points of the wind on the starboard tack. At a
quarter past 3 p. m. it blowing extremely hard, and
' Naval Temple, pp. 262, 263 ; Nav. Chron. pp. 130, 131.

EVENTS OF 1799 95
our ship being rather crank, we ran close under the
enemy's lee, for the sake of working our guns with
more facility. As soon as we got abreast of the
enemy she hailed several times, but no answer was
given. The Commodore ordered myself with the
other lieutenants commanding divisions to fire di
rectly into the huU, as soon as we could bring our
guns to bear, and to load with two round shot prin
cipaUy, during the action. All the orders being
complied with, we raked her several times In the
course of the action, which went on to our most
sanguine expectations." '
In his official report to Governor Desfoumeaux
Captain Barreaut says : " The 21st Pluviose, about
three leagues off the northeast point of Nevis, which
then bore N. W. by N., the wind east, the lookout
caUed at 12.30 p. m. that there was a saU to the
windward of us. I continued my course for another
half hour ; then, having mounted the f oreyard with
Citizen Petit Pierre, I saw that the stranger was
making for us. I then kept away to the northwest
with the intention of running between Saba and
St. Kitts, but this vessel In approaching appeared
to me and to aU on the yards to be a corvette from
the trim of her saUs." Barreaut at first mistook the
Constellation for an English ship. His report goes
on : "I believed it was the moment to show our
haughty enemies that, in spite of the superiority of
their forces, vessels of war might stiU be captured
' Mass. Mercury, March 22, 1799.

96 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
from them. I wished also to inspire confidence In
my crew and I hauled by the wind, every one burn
ing with ardor for the fight. At one o'clock I went
about on the same tack as this vessel, which con
tinued to chase us, and at 1.30 p. M., in a squall
in which the topgallant sails were taken in, the Cit
izen Durand then commanding the manoeuvre, the
main-topmast feU — source of aU our misfortune.
Immediately, upon the advice of the coasting pUot,
I steered to the N. W. by N. to make St. Eusta
tius If I had time to gain the anchorage. The vessel,
which I could see was a frigate, chased me. I had
hoisted the American flag; she signaled me and
also hoisted an American flag.
" I found myself in a position to no longer avoid
an engagement, and as the stranger still pursued
me It became necessary to ascertain her nationality.
I therefore lowered the American flag and hoisted
French colors with pennant, which I confirmed by a
cannon shot to leeward. She hoisted her broad pen
nant with the American flag without confirming. I
doubted yet that she was an American. I was much
embarrassed by your orders, which were not to fire
on the American flag. Thus an English frigate
could easily have made use of this flag whUe chas
ing us, thereby avoiding the fire of our 18-pounder,
with which we could have seriously injured her
during the hour and a half she was overtaking us
and thus have given me time to save myself. . . .
Having lost my main-topmast I gave the advantage

EVENTS OF 1799 97
to a frigate of double my strength in letting her
approach within pistol shot before defending myself.
I was thus obliged to receive a full broadside from
a frigate of 24 and 12-pounders deliberately aimed
at pistol shot, which broadside made terrible havoc
in my quarter-deck.
" At three o'clock the combat began. Judge of
my surprise on finding myself fought by an Ameri
can frigate after all the friendship and protection
accorded to the United States. My indignation was
at its height. As soon as my first broadside was
fired I cried, and with all the men on the quarter
deck and forecastle, ' Stand by to board ! ' My
cabin was invaded to get arms, and I ran to the
helm to luff her in order to run aboard the Ameri
can frigate. L'Insurgente obeyed the first impulse,
but as she was without saUs amidships and as we
were not able to move the others quickly enough,
the American frigate had time to run ahead of us,
and having aU her sails set she was beyond us,
which compelled us to man the other battery. My
only remaining resource were my guns and an
18-pounder of the port battery, and manoeuvring
with much difficulty we fired three broadsides.
The American frigate now seemed to suspend her
fire and I ordered Citizen Jourdan to suspend ours,
thinking that the American captain might stiU be
considering his conduct. But he again opened on
us, so I gave orders to fire_ also. This frigate did
not remain abeam of us, but sought by every

98 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
means to take advantageous positions and com
pletely to dismantle us. I endeavored to repair the
rigging. The mizzen-topmast had faUen in the top,
the spanker was completely riddled. AU that I
could do was to take it in. The braces, fore-bow
lines and fore-topsails were completely cut through,
our topmen without doubt kiUed, as they did not
reply ; the master did not appear upon the bridge,
no quartermasters were left, only a bridgeman and
the masters. All I could do was to give the order
to Citizen Sire to square everything ; the only
after-saU was the mizzen. The American frigate
still having aU her sails, which were only slightly
injured, and moving very easUy, was at pistol
range ahead of us. FinaUy as my position was
hopeless it soon became necessary to surrender to
very superior forces." '
The injury to the Constellation's fore-topmast,
mentioned in Truxtun's report, was done by an
18-pound ball from the Insurgente, which struck
the mast just above the cap. Midshipman David
Porter, who was stationed in the foretop, seeing
that the weakened mast was in danger of faUing,
hailed the deck for instructions, but was unheard
in the din of battle. With good judgment and
on his own responsibility he thereupon went aloft,
cut the slings, lowered the yard, and so saved the
mast by relieving it of the pressure of the topsaU.'
' Maclay, vol. i, pp. 183-186.
' Nav. Chron. p. 133.

EVENTS OF 1799 99
Porter afterwards became a famous commodore in
the war of 1812 and the father of Admiral Porter.
The ConsteUation and Insurgente were both rated
as thirty-six gun frigates, but the armament of
the two ships differed materially. The ConsteUation
carried twenty-eight long twenty-four pounders on
her gun deck, whUe on the quarter-deck and fore
castle were mounted ten long twelve pounders. Ac
cording to Truxtun the Insurgente's armament was
composed of forty guns : twenty-four twelve pound
ers, two eighteens, and eight sixes, aU long guns ;
also four thirty-six pounders and two twenty-fours,'
these last six guns doubtless carronades. Although
she mounted two more guns than the ConsteUation,
her broadside was only two hundred and eighty-two
pounds as compared with three hundred and ninety-
six pounds for the American ; but the disparity was
less than the figures indicate, for the excessive
weight of French shot would add over twenty pounds
to the Insurgente's broadside.' The crew of the
ConsteUation numbered three hundred and nine,
that of the Insurgente four hundred and nine. The
larger crew of the latter was of no advantage under
the circumstances, but would have been if she had
been able to get alongside and board the ConsteUa
tion ; the loss of her main-topmast made this prac
ticaUy impossible. Captain Barreaut was further
placed at a disadvantage by the idea which seems
' Mass. Mercury, March 22, 1799.
' See above, p. 58.

100 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
to have taken possession of him that peace had
been restored between his country and the United
States, and by his orders from Governor Desfour-
neaux not to fire upon the American flag.
Nevertheless, the superiority of the ConsteUation
was not only in weight of metal, but In her abUIty
to use her advantage. Her broadsides were aimed
low and were poured into her enemy with destruc
tive effect. Meanwhile the damage she received was
nearly aU aloft ; most of the Insurgente's projec-
tUes were wasted in the air, so that their weight
was of less Importance. American seamen at this
early date displayed the skUl in gunnery which
especiaUy distinguished them In the War of 1812
and made them the best naval gunners of their day.
The Insurgente had seventy casualties : twenty-nine
kiUed and forty-one wounded ; several were found
dead in the tops eighteen hours after the battle.
The only man who lost his life on the Constellation
during the action was not kiUed by the enemy, but
by his divisional officer, for having deserted his
quarters. Of this Incident Lieutenant Sterrett says :
" One fellow I was obliged to run through the body
with my sword and so put an end to a coward." '
By the Insurgente's fire three of the Constellation's
crew were wounded, one of them mortally.
In a later report, February 14, Truxtun says:
" My gun deck is divided into three divisions : the
first, of five guns and opposite, superintended by
1 Mass. Mercury, March 22, 1799.

EVENTS OF 1799 101
the first lieutenant, Mr. Rodgers; the second, of
five guns and opposite, by the second lieutenant,
Mr. Cowper ; the third, of four guns and opposite,
by the third lieutenant, Mr. Sterrett. The zeal of
these three officers In performing their duty and
complying strictly with my orders cannot be sur
passed. But I must not, in praise of them, be sUent
as to the good conduct of Mr. Shirley, the master,
and Mr. Archer, the fourth lieutenant, who acted
their part near my person on the quarter-deck and
who are also deserving of notice ; but for the honor
of our nation I must declare that it is impossible
for officers and men in any service to have behaved
better than my people did generally on this occa
sion." 1
Of what happened after the battle Lieutenant
Rodgers says in his letter of February 15 : " When
she struck I was ordered to board and take posses
sion and to send the captain and first lieutenant
on board the ConsteUation, which was done, and
an exchange of prisoners immediately took place." '
Rodgers's adventures on board the Insurgente with
his prize crew, consisting of Midshipman Porter and
eleven men, are not mentioned by him. As it could
not have been far from five o'clock by the time they
reached the prize, there was not much daylight left.
The accepted account of subsequent events states
that the operation of transferring the prisoners to
1 Naval Temple, p. 264 ; Nav. Chron. p. 131.
2 Mass. Mercury, March 22, 1799.

102 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the Constellation was made difficult by the high
wind and sea. By the time night came on the two
ships had become so far separated and the sea so
high that communication between them became im
possible. Rodgers now found himseK with a handful
of men in charge of a large frigate, with her decks
encumbered by wreckage and the bodies of dead and
wounded men, and with one hundred and seventy-
three prisoners ready to take advantage of the first
opportunity to rise on their captors and recover their
ship. To navigate the crippled ship in a gale with
the help of a midshipman and eleven men and at
the same time secure the prisoners was his task, and
it was a perilous situation. The crew of the Insur
gente had thrown overboard the gratings for cover
ing the hatchways and apparently aU the handcuffs
and other means of securing prisoners, for nothing
of the kind could be found. Rodgers at once got
possession of all the smaU arms on the ship, and,
having driven the prisoners into the lower hold,
placed a sentinel at each hatch. In this way the lit
tle prize crew, with the duties of navigation and
of guarding the prisoners apportioned among them,
passed three sleepless nights and two days. They
were then able to rejoin the ConsteUation.' Truxtun
says in his report of February 14, dated at St.
Christopher: " On the 13th, after the greatest ex-
' This account rests on the authority of Goldsborough {Nav,
Chron. p. 132), who is reliable. Admiral Porter gives additional
particulars (Porter, p. 23). The fact that neither Truxtun nor
Rodgers has a word to say about the affair is remarkable.

EVENTS OF 1799 103
srtlons having been made, we gained these roads
with both ships and anchored them safe about
noon. It is impossible for me to state to you the
joy demonstrated by the inhabitants on this occa
sion. ... I shaU proceed to repair the damages
sustained by both ships as speedUy as possible, and
untU the pleasure of the President of the United
States is known, I intend to give lieutenant John
Rodgers an order to command the Insurgente." '
Governor Desfoumeaux sent his secretary to St.
Christopher to demand the surrender of the Insur
gente, on the ground that the United States and
France were at peace. Truxtun naturaUy declined,
declaring that he had taken the frigate in obedi
ence to the instructions of his government. There
upon the secretary departed with threats that aU
American property at Guadeloupe would be confis
cated. On March 14 Desfoumeaux issued a decla
ration of war against the United States, which set
forth that after aU his efforts to establish friendly
relations with that country, having released prizes,
liberated prisoners, and instructed French com
manders to respect the American flag, he was aston
ished at the capture of the Insurgente and the
insult to the flag of France. Thenceforth aU Ameri
can vessels were to be seized, sent Into Guadeloupe,
and condemned, or, If not Hable to condemnation,
were to be sold and the proceeds paid to the cap
tors or to the owners, according to orders received
1 Naval Temple, pp. 263, 264; Nav. Chron. p. 131.

104 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
from the Directory. In the United States it was
stiU beHeved that privateering from Guadeloupe
and the seizure of American vessels had never
ceased, and this opinion was expressed in the cor
respondence of the Secretary of State. MeanwhUe
Desfoumeaux had agreed to Truxtun's terms for
the exchange of prisoners and sent a receipt for
some who had been delivered to him, promising
to release an equal number of Americans. Most of
the prisoners taken on the Insurgente were con
fined in a prison ship at St. Christopher and in
jaU on shore, the wounded being in the hospital.
Repairs on the Constellation were soon made. The
Insurgente also was refitted and was ready for sea
early in March. Her crew was made up readily,
other vessels being drawn upon. The Montezuma
contributed fourteen men and the Norfolk, it is
said, as many as seventy ; probably some exchanged
prisoners were enlisted. The ConsteUation and the
Insurgente cruised on Commodore Truxtun's sta
tion several weeks In the spring. Nothing more im
portant occurred than the capture of one or two
small privateers by the ConsteUation. The term of
enlistment of many of her crew had expired and
both vessels sailed for the United States in May,
arriving in Hampton Roads towards the end of the
month. The Secretary of. the Navy had not In
tended that they should return so soon, and wrote
to the President May 29 : " I had calculated with
confidence on Truxtun's remaining untU the return

EVENTS OF 1799 105
of the Norfolk, as he sent her in and wrote me by
her he should wait for her return, which he ought
to have done. However, he has conducted himseK
so well in general that I will not complain." The
first and second lieutenants of the ConsteUation
were promoted, Rodgers to the rank of captain and
Cowper to master commandant, corresponding to
the present grade of commander.'
The Constitution, Captain Nicholson, cruised in
the West Indies dnring the winter and early spring
of 1799, but met with few adventures and reaped
no glory. She was too large to chase French priva
teers in narrow and shaUow waters and had not the
luck of the Constellation in faUIng in with frigates.
She chased the Insurgente, however, before that
vessel came In Truxtun's way, and. It was thought,
would have overhauled and captured her had she
not sprung her foremast. Captain Nicholson recap
tured a British ship caUed the Spencer from the
French, but through a misconception of his author
ity and perhaps made over-cautious by his mistake
in seizing the Niger,' he surrendered the Spencer
to her French captors, on the ground that she was
unarmed. This pleased the administration as little
as the affair of the Niger. About this time Con
gress passed the act of February 9, 1799, " further
to suspend the commercial intercourse between the
' Mass. Mercury, March 22, 29, April 5, 9, May 10, June 7,
1799; Pickering, vol. x, 532, 643, vol. xi, 130, 138; Letter Book
(1799-1807), 1, 5 (May 15, 29, 1799).
* See above, p. 71.

108 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
United Statfes and France and the dependencies
thereof." ^ On March 12 the Navy Department is
sued its fifth circular order, to carry out this act,
which enjoined increased vigilance in the preven
tion of American trade with French ports and the
search of aU suspicious vessels, even under foreign
flags ; also the recapture from the French of the
armed vessels of other nations. In this general or
der the surrender of the Spencer by Nicholson was
mentioned, and the rule of conduct in such cases
was laid down as follows : " Our laws direct the
capture of all armed vessels saUing under authority
or pretence of authority from the French republic.
A vessel captured by the cruisers of France must be
considered as saiHng under the authority of France ;
and it is scarcely to be supposed that in times like
the present, when few vessels sail without arms, a
captured vessel In possession of the captors wIU he
so circumstanced as not to come under the descrip
tion of an armed vessel within the meaning of our
laws. To justify a recapture nothing is necessary
but that the vessel be provided with such means of
annoyance as wUl render her dangerous to an un
armed American vessel In pursuit of lawful com
merce. If, however, the vessel cannot be considered
an armed vessel within the meaning of our laws,
you are not to recapture her, unless you have prob
able cause to suspect that the citizens of the United
States, or persons resident therein, have some inter-
' Statutes at Large, vol. i, p. 613.

EVENTS OF 1799 107
est in the vessel or cargo. It is always your duty to
recapture American property, or property of per
sons resident within the United States, whenever
found in possession of the French on the high seas." '
As well as being in some degree out of favor with
the administration, Nicholson seems to have been
disliked by the navy agent In Boston, Stephen Hlg-
glnson, and was unpopular with his officers and
men. In March the Constitution was ordered to
Boston, as it was thought necessary, with the ap
proach of spring, to provide for the protection of
home waters. She sailed with a convoy in April,
in company with the Merrimack ; they reached
Boston in May. Captain Nicholson was detached
from his ship and thenceforth was employed on
shore. The George Washington came home a little
later. The Secretary of the Navy had a poor opin
ion of this ship on accoimt of her dull saUing, and
talked of seUing her out of the service.'
Secretary Stoddert in speaking of Captain Nich
olson and other officers in a letter to the President,
AprU 19, 1799, says : " Barry no doubt is brave
and well quaHfied to fight a single ship. Poor
Nicholson is not allowed to rank so high in the
public estimation. Our Navy at this time, when
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 125, 126.
^ Barry, pp. 375, 381, 382 ; Brown, pp. 163-165 ; Columbian Cen
tinel, March 2, April 10, May 22, 1799 ; Mass. Mercury, May 14,
1799 ; Salem Gazette, May 24, 1799 ; Pickering, vol. xxii, 173, 194,
206 ; Letters to President, 26 ; Letter Book (1799-1807), 1, 3, (May,
15, 28, 1799) ; Gen. Letters, vol. ii, 179.

108 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
its character is to form, ought to be commanded
by men who, not satisfied with escaping censure,
wUl be unhappy if they do not receive and merit
praise ; by men who have talents and activity, as
weU as spirit, to assist a judicious arrangement for
the employment of the force under their command,
or to cure the defects of a bad one. I hope and be
lieve there are several such men In the service." '
Commodore Barry sailed for home late in AprU
and arrived at Philadelphia May 9.' Here a new
crew was enlisted for the United States. At this
early day naval crews were enlisted for one year
only ; ' probably at that time it would have been
difficult to get good men to enlist for a longer
period. Some people had feared that seamen of a
good class would shun naval service, and a year
before the war Colonel David Humphreys,. United
States minister to Portugal, had suggested to the
President the establishment of a naval mUItia, to
man the frigates then approaching completion.*
However, with the short term of enlistment good
men were obtained without trouble, but the system
was apt to cause inconvenience and embarrassment,
especially on a foreign station. The poHcy of the
department as to enlistments is shown in the sec
retary's letter of May 20 to Barry: "You are
allowed, besides officers of Marines and 44 privates
which will be supplied you by the Major of the
' Letters to President, 26. ^ Barry, p. 389.
3 Nav. Chron, p. 338. « Adams MSS. (March 20, 1797).

EVENTS OF 1799 109
Marine Corps, and your commissioned and petty
officers, the latter of which you will appoint, not
exceeding 300 men and boys exclusive of marines.
Of this number you wiU recruit not exceeding 175
able seamen. It is our best policy to create sea^
men ; therefore you will take as large a proportion
of boys as can be found useful on board. If you
increase the number of ordinary seamen and boys
you will consequently lessen the number of able
seamen, and I think it will be found for the good
of the service if you do so. You wiU aUow able
seamen 17 doUars per month, ordinary seaman and
boys from 5 to 14 doUars, according to merit, all
to be entered to serve one year, to commence from
the ship's first weighing anchor on a cruise. You will
be careful not to enlist any but sound and healthy
persons, and that no indirect or forcible means be
used to induce them to enter into the service.
No negroes or mulattoes are to be admitted, and
as far as you can judge you will exclude aU of a
suspicious character." ' The ship was refitted and
the crew enlisted at Chester, under the charge of
Charles Stewart, who was now first lieutenant.
Midshipmen Somers and Decatur were promoted
to the rank of Heutenant just at this time and re
mained with the ship, Decatur being on recruiting
duty in Philadelphia.'
June 29 Barry received orders to cruise on the
1 Barry, p. 391.
' Ibid. pp. 393-396 ; Decatur, pp. 36, 37.

110 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
southern Atlantic coast, which being insufficiently
protected, had begun to suffer again from French
cruisers. He saUed about July 1, but encountered
no French. He transported to Charleston an ar-
tiUery company for the garrison of Fort Moultrie.
The United States then got a new bowsprit at
Norfolk. She cruised along the coast several weeks,
part of the time in company with the George Wash
ington. She put into Newport in September, and
was there detained several weeks. A cruise across
the Atlantic had been planned for the United
States and had been given up, but she was now to
go on a peaceful mission instead. In October Barry
was ordered to proceed to France with the envoys
recently appointed to treat with the French Re
public. On this voyage he set saU in December.'
Captain Murray cruised in the Montezuma dur
ing the winter and spring of 1799. He captured
one smaU prize, and was employed much of the
time In convoying merchantmen. He reported that
American commerce was in a flourishing condition.
Having contracted yeUow fever, Murray returned
to the United States, arriving early in May. On
account of impaired health he was obliged to give
up the command of his ship. Captain MuUowny,
who had been a lieutenant on the United States,
was appointed to command the Montezuma and
' Barry, pp. 395-403 ; Decatur, pp. 39, 40 ; Nav. Chron. p. 138 ;
Mass. Mercury, August 30, 1799 ; Letters to President, 64 (August
14, 1799).

EVENTS OF 1799 111
was soon ordered to St. Christopher. The Monte
zuma continued In active service until November,
when she was pronounced unseaworthy and con
demned. MuUowny was transferred to the Ganges,
probably soon after this. The Ganges had spent
most of the year in the West Indies, under the com
mand of Commodore Tingey. In February, 1799,
while convoying a fleet from St. Thomas, she feU
in with a British frigate. An officer of the Ganges
gave a sensational account of insolent demands
on the part of the English captain firmly resisted
by Tingey. This story was denied by Tingey, who
declared that the Englishman was most courteous
and friendly, although his report to the Navy De
partment indicates that he had feared trouble and
had assured his men that he was determined If
necessary to resist attempts to impress any of his
crew. Tingey was the ranking officer among the
Windward Islands after the departure of Barry
and Truxtun, whose squadrons were united, form
ing what was thenceforth called the Guadeloupe
station. Tingey commanded the station during the
summer, and had under him at various times the
George Washington, Merrimack, Baltimore, Mon
tezuma, Norfolk, Eagle, Richmond, Pickering, and
Delaware. During the year the Ganges took five
prizes, four of them whUe under Tingey's com
mand.' » Nav. Chron, pp. 134, 136, 183 ; Mass, Mercury, March 29,
June 21, July 5, 23, August 9, 1799 ; Connecticut Courant, Febru-

112 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
The Merrimack, Captain Brown, cruised on her
station during March and AprU, 1799, and recap
tured the American prize of a French privateer.
She made a short visit to Boston in May, with the
Constitution, returning directly to the West Indies.
In June she captured the Magiclenne, a French
schooner of fourteen guns. This vessel turned out
to be the Retaliation, which a year earlier had been
captured by the Delaware under the name of Croy
able and had later been recaptured by the French
and her name changed again. She was sent to the
United States with prisoners. Of this vessel the
Secretary of the Navy said, six months later : " The
Magiclenne, late the Retaliation, being a national
vessel when captured by the Merrimack, became
the property of the United States, and a bounty of
40 dollars for each man and 50 dollars for each
gun taken on board is due to the captors." ' In
August the Merrimack took the Bonaparte of eight
guns. She also recaptured two or three prizes. After
spending the rest of the year In active cruising, she
returned home in December.'
The frigate General Greene, 28, built in Rhode
ary 25, March 4, 18, 25, November 18, 1799; Nav. Inst. March,
1907, p. 121 ; Letters to President, 32, 36, 37, 64 (May 13, 25, Au
gust 14, 1799) ; Letter Book (1799-1807), 5.
' Gen. Letters, vol. iii, 87 (December 28, 1799). The identity of
these vessels is frequently mentioned in the newspapers of the
time. ^ Brown, ch. xv, xvi ; Mass. Mercury, August 9, 16, 20, 23, Sep
tember 17, 1799; Gazette of U. S. July 27, 1799; Letters to Presi
dent, 34, 64.

EVENTS OF 1799 113
Island and commanded by Captain Christopher
Raymond Perry, sailed for Havana about the first
of June. Among the midshipmen was the captain's
son, the future hero of Lake Erie. Captain Perry
was instructed to give attention to a nest of pirates
on the north coast of Cuba. The governor of Cuba
was very friendly. EarHer in the year this station
had been in charge of Captain Decatur with the
Delaware and two revenue cutters. The Delaware
had captured a French privateer in March. The
General Greene, after serving several weeks in
Cuban waters and having yellow fever on board,
returned to Newport with a convoy of fifty mer
chantmen, arriving July 30. There were twenty
deaths from the fever, and the ship remained north
until the health of the crew was restored. She re
turned to Havana in September, but soon after was
transferred to the San Domingo station.'
San Domingo depended on the continent for sup
plies, and the interruption of American trade by
the non-intercourse act of June 18, 1798, had been
severely felt on the island. In November Toussaint
L'Ouverture sent an agent to Philadelphia with a
letter to the President on the subject. The admin
istration was interested, and in January, 1799, the
Secretary of the Navy wrote to Commodore Barry :
" It Is very much the wish of the President that
1 Perry, vol. i, pp. 39-41 ; Mass. Mercury, April 2, 5, June 7,
August 2, 1799 ; Pickering, vol. xi, 499 ; Letters to President, 28,
34 (April 30, May 23, 1799) ; Letter Book (1799-1807), 3, 5 (May
28, 29, 1799).

114 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
you should take some occasion, before your return,
to show yourself with the greater part of your fleet
at Cape Fran9oIs to Genl. Toussaint, who has a
great desire to see some ships of war belonging to
America, but it is not intended that you sacrifice
any important object to gratify this General, with
whom, however, if it should faU in your way. It
may be weU for you to cultivate a good understand
ing." ' March 4 the Secretary of State wrote to Tous
saint prescribing the suppression of privateering
as the sole condition of the renewal of trade with
San Domingo.' April 25 the agent of the Directory
issued a decree regulating privateering in San Do
mingo,' but this did not go far enough. By a secret
convention of June 13 Toussaint agreed with a
British envoy. General Maitland, to suppress pri
vateering and to open to American and British
trade the ports of Cape Fran9ois (Cap Haitien)
and Port Republicain (Port au Prince).^ The
American consul-general. Dr. Edward Stevens, was
not a party to this compact, but had great influ
ence in the negotiations. Captain Fletcher in the
George Washington was sent to San Domingo and
instructed, June 25, to cultivate amicable relations
with Toussaint. In accordance with these pro
ceedings President Adams Issued a proclamation,
dated June 26, remitting, as to San Domingo and
1 Barry, p. 376 ; see, also, pp. 382, 397.
^ Pickering, vol. x, 440. » Mass, Mercury, June 4, 1799.
' Pickering, vol. xi, 269, 270.

EVENTS OF 1799 115
after August 1, the restraints of the act of Feb
ruary 9, 1799, which prohibited aU trade with
France and her dependencies.' In the faU the
General Greene was employed In protecting Ameri
can commerce and In support of Toussaint's efforts
to maintain order. Commodore Talbot in the Con
stitution came a little later and took command of
the station.'
The authority of Toussaint in San Domingo was
disputed by the mulatto chieftain Rigaud, who held
the southwestern part of the island, except Port
Republicain, with the smaU Island of Gonaive. He
carried on actively a piratical form of warfare in
the waters of that region. In the GtiK of Gonaive,
then known as the Bight of Leogane, the vessels em
ployed were large barges manned by crews of about
forty men and armed with two or three swivels.
They would He in wait for their prey by the shore,
and when unsuspecting vessels appeared would
put out from their hiding-places and attack them.
When becalmed, vessels even of considerable force
had little chance of escape. They were taken by
their captors into one of the ports controlled by
Rigaud, their crews having generally been mur
dered. Trade with Port Republicain was beset with
difficulty and danger through the operations of
1 Nav. Chron. p. 134; St. Pap. vol. iv, p. 290.
" Adams, History of the United States, vol. i, ch. xv ; Perry,
vol. i, pp. 41-43 ; Mass, Mercury, June 28, December 17, 20, 1799,
January 10, February 11, 1800 ; Pickering, vol. xi, 198, 227, vol.
xii, 310, 315 ; Letters to President, 74 (September 23, 1799).

116 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
these picaroons. In June, 1799, Rigaud issued an
address in which he complained of his treatment at
the hands of Toussaint and declared his loyalty to
the French Republic'
The frigate Boston was launched from the Conti
nental Ship Yard at the North End, May 20, 1799.
She was built with money advanced by the citizens
of her native town under the act of June 30, 1798.
She was rated as a twenty-eight, and was consid
ered a fine ship. Since 1775 there have been five
vessels of this name in the naval service. Captain
George Little, who had served in Massachusetts
cruisers in the Revolution, was put In command of
the Boston. She sailed July 24, under orders to
proceed to Cape Francois and from there cruise on
the northem side of San Domingo, for the protec
tion of the greatly increased trade which was anti
cipated from the opening of the ports. The Boston
cruised in these waters, cooperating with the other
vessels of the San Domingo squadron, during the
rest of the year. December 2, being in company
with the General Greene, the Boston captured the
Danish brig Flying Fish, bound from Jeremie, one
of the ports under Rigaud's jurisdiction, to St.
Thomas. Although under the Danish flag her pa
pers were irregular, and Captain Little, suspecting
her or her cargo to be American property, sent her
to Boston for adjudication. He acted under the
' Mass. Mercury, August 13, 23, October 22, November 19, 1799 ;
Gazette of U. S. January 18, 1800.

EVENTS OF 1799 117
orders of the Navy Department of March 12, 1799,
which say : " You are to be vigilant that vessels or
cargoes reaUy American, but covered by Danish or
other foreign papers, and bound to ox from French
ports, do not escape you." This general order was
based on the non-intercourse act of February 9,
which says : "If upon examination it shall appear
that such ship or vessel is bound or sailing to any
port or place within the territory of the French
Republic or her dependencies, contrary to the
intent of this act, it shaU be the duty of the com
mander of such public armed vessel to seize every
ship or vessel engaged in such illicit commerce."
The Flying Fish was bound yrom, not to, a French
port and was therefore an iUegal capture ; so that
Little, for violating the law while obeying the orders
of his superiors, was held by the Supreme Court to
be liable for damages.'
The conduct of Lieutenant Bainbridge at Guade
loupe after the loss of the Retaliation was approved
by the government. He was promoted to the rank
of master commandant, and given command of the
brig Norfolk. She was ordered, AprU 15, 1799, to
St. Christopher to join Truxtun's squadron. About
June 1 she carried away both topmasts whUe chas
ing a schooner among the Leeward Islands. After
' Cranch, vol. ii, p. 170 ; Nav. Chron. p. 125 ; Statutes at Large,
vol. i,p. 613 ; Mass. Mercury, May 21, September 17, 1799, Janu
ary 7, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, July 27, 1799 ; Letter Book (1799-
1807), 15, Stoddert to Little (July 2, 1799) ; Letters to Presi
dent, 74 (September 23, 1799).

118 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH ^RANCE
repairing damages she sailed for the United States
accompanied by the Magiclenne, recently captured
by the Merrimack. They took with them from St.
Thomas a convoy of over a hundred merchant
men. In his journal, dated Lat. 25° 40' N., Long.
67° 15' W., August 4, 1799, Bainbridge says:
"Part of the fleet bound to the southward and some
of the fast saiHng bound to the northward left us
last evening. At meridian counted 84 sail, at 1 p. M.
discovered a strange saU bearing north; we imme
diately gave chase and prepared for action ; at half-
past 1 saw she was a large ship standing for the fleet;
at 2 p. M. made the British private signal of the day
and it was not answered. I then fired a gun to lee
ward and showed my colors; she hoisted EngHsh
colors but fired no gun, tacked and gave chase to us
under fuU sail. At half-past 2 made the American
private signal of the day, also repeated the English
signals — neither of them was answered. By this
time we could distinguish her hull very plain and
saw that she was a large frigate with a poop, sailed
very fast and gained on us considerably. At 3 P.M.,
the breeze being very Hght, she hove out her boat
with sails and sent her In chase of the fleet, whUe
she stiU continued chasing us — from this, as well
as other circumstances, left no doubt in my mind or
my officers but what she was a French ship of at
least 44 guns; thought it highly necessary to dis
perse the fleet. At haK past three made the signal
for them to tack, with an intention of separating

EVENTS OF 1799 119
myseK from the fleet, with a view K she continued
her chase of the Norfolk, it should prove the means
of saving the fleet, and if she chased the fleet, the
Norfolk might get clear ; and her being captured
would have assisted in capturing numbers of the
fleet; and as I could not render them protection
against a frigate, I conceived it prudent to act in
this manner. Part of the fleet obeying the signal,
the remainder continued their course to the north
ward. At 4 p. M. made the signal for the fleet to
disperse, set aU our canvas, yet stUl she gained
upon us. At 6 p. M., being so near as to distinguish
her ports, repeated both the American and English
private signals, to which she paid no respect, but
continued her chase. At 7 p.m. she had got such
a distance from her boat that she gave up the chase
after us, took in her light sails and haiUed her wind.
Her boat being a considerable distance from her and
a squaUy night following, I am induced to beHeve
that the greater part of the fleet escaped. At 5 A. M.
saw several sail astern, hove to and made a signal
to close. At 8 A. M. had got 48 sail together. Aug.
8, lat. 34, 25, long. 70, 45, was spoken schooner
Peggy, the Captain of which informed he had seen
12 of the fleet from St. Thomas captured and seem
ingly sent away for Porto Rico." ' Later it was re
ported "that the ship which caused the dispersion
of the fleet under the Norfolk was an English 74,
and that her boats were out In chase of a Danish
1 Mass. Mercury, August 23, 1799.

120 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
schooner." ' Probably this was a mere rumor; it does
not seem likely that Bainbridge could have mistaken
a seventy-four for a frigate when so near as to dis
tinguish her ports. The Norfolk proceeded to New
York, where she was refitted. She saUed for Cape
Francois in September, and joined the San Do
mingo squadron. Here she shared with the General
Greene and other cruisers the work connected with
the opening of the ports, and Bainbridge had two
or three interviews with Toussaint. In November
a French lugger was captured with her prize, a sloop
which she had just taken from barge pirates who
had murdered her crew. Soon after this the Nor
folk received orders, apparently delayed, assigning
her to the Havana station, where there were two,
other vessels, the Warren and Pinckney, and Bain
bridge was senior officer. She remained on this sta
tion untU March, 1800.'
A few weeks after her return to the United States
in May, 1799, the Constellation was sent to New
York to exchange her deck gun battery of twenty-
four pounders for eighteens ; the twenty-fours had
been found too heavy for her. It must have been at
the same time that her twelves on the spar deck
were replaced by twenty-four pounder carronades.
Soon after this the question of rank between Talbot
and Truxtun having been decided against the latter,
' Mass. Mercury, September 3, 1799.
2 Bainbridge, pp. 36-42 ; Nav. Chron. pp. 130, 137 ; Mass. Mer
cury, April 12, July 5, 9, August 16, 20, December 3, 17, 1799;
Letter Book (1799-1807), 5 ; Letters to President, 64.

EVENTS OF 1799 121
he resigned. ' Captain Samuel Barron was appointed
to command the Constellation ; he had had the
Baltimore since the dismissal of Captain PhiUips.
August 15 Truxtun wrote to a friend : " You no
doubt know that I have resigned my commission
in the navy and the cause of my having done so.
The secretary has, however, returned it to me with
a request that I wIU proceed after the French 44
gun frigate seen by the Norfolk, in the event of
Capt. Barron's not arriving before the ship is ready
for sea ; and this I have consented to do — for no
personal injury which I feel wiU ever make me less
zealous in punishing the insults and wrongs done to
my country, whenever an opportunity of this sort
presents itself." ' Barron was in Norfolk when ap
pointed, but he arrived in New York before the ship
was ready for sea, and took command. He soon got
away in search of the French frigate, but did not
find her. He then cruised along the southern coast
untU late in November, when he went Into Hamp
ton Roads. The President would not accept Trux
tun's resignation, and in December he returned to
duty and to his old ship, which he saUed back to
the West Indies, where he took command of the
Guadeloupe station. Barron was transferred to the
Chesapeake, 36, and got her ready to go Into com
mission. She was one of the 1794 frigates, and had
been launched November 28 at Norfolk.'
' See above, pp. 49, 50. ' Gazette of U. S. August 19, 1799.
* Nav, Chron. pp. 136, 137 ; Mass. Mercury, July 5, 9, August

122 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
The Constitution, after her return from the
West Indies in the spring of 1799, remained in
Boston over two months. Captain Talbot was ap
pointed to command her. He proceeded to Boston
and took charge of the ship June 4, but later de
clined to serve, on account of the uncertainty as to
his rank. After months of discussion this ques
tion was at last definitely settled by the President,
who wrote to the Secretary of the Navy July 23
that Talbot was to " take rank from the day of his
appointment as a captain in the navy, in 1794,"
and that these words were to be inserted in his
commission ; Stoddert replied : " The alteration
directed shaU be made in the register of Captain
Talbot's commission." ' Talbot then resumed com
mand of the ship ; Isaac HuU was his first lieuten
ant. Secretary Stoddert had long cherished a plan
for carrying the war into European waters. May
10 he wrote to the President : " I have sometimes
thought that if the French do not very soon give
some decisive proof of their desire to concUIate with
us, that some of our fast saUing vessels might be
employed to advantage, during the hurricane season
in the West Indies, In a cruise on the coast of Spain
and France, to sweep from about Cape FInlsterre
to Nantz, and to return with their prizes without
30, November 12, December 3, 17, 1799 ; Gazette of U. S. Au
gust 30, 1799 ; Letter Book (1799-1807), 10, 18, Stoddert to Presi
dent (June 25, 1799), to Truxtun (August 13, 1799) ; Letters to
President, 64 (August 14, 1799).
' Adams, vol. viii, pp. 674, 675.

EVENTS OP 1799 123
remaining long enough to attract the attention of
superior force. This would in fact be giving more
real protection to the trade to Spain than to con
voy at a particular season a few vessels. A convoy,
to be useful, must be known generaUy to the mer
chants five or six weeks before it could sail. The
French would probably hear of it before it arrived
in Europe and might be prepared for it." ' In a
letter of June 25 this scheme was elaborated, and
the secretary proposed to send the United States
and Constitution " to Cape Clear, the western point
of Ireland, there across the English Channel to
strike the French coast south^of Brest, to cruise
along the French coast in the Bay of Biscay, the
Spanish coast and the coast of Portugal, but not
to remain long on these coasts, thence homeward,
taking in their way the Western Islands [and]
Cayenne," so as to " be in the West Indies quite as
soon as it will be safe for them to be there on ac
count of the hurricanes." ' The Constitution did not
get away from Boston untU July 23, however, and
it became apparent that the cruise could not be
made so as to bring the frigates in good time to the
West Indies, " where they may be employed in pur
suit of an object attainable and of the highest Im
portance — the security of our trade to the Islands
and to Spanish and Dutch America. Indeed, my
impression of the vast importance of securing the
West Indies trade now and laying a good founda-
' Letters to President, 31. ^ Lettg^ Book (1799-1807), 10.

124 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
tion for it in future is so strong that I almost
consider it treason against the true interest of the
country to employ a vessel elsewhere which can be
employed in the West Indies, whUe a single French
armed vessel remains to infest those seas." ' It was
next proposed to carry the cruise no farther than
the Azores, Madeira, and Teneriffe, returning to the
West Indies by way of Cayenne and Surinam in
October. Then the plan, as far at least as it con
cerned these vessels, was abandoned. Moreover, the
President deemed it inexpedient that Barry and
Talbot should cruise together, believing it better to
keep the large frigates on separate stations.'
It has already been related that the United
States remained in home waters until she went
abroad with the ministers to the French Republic.
The first port made by the Constitution after leav
ing Boston was Norfolk. There she found orders
of July 27 dispatching, her to Cayenne, to cruise
in that vicinity until about September 20, thence
to proceed by way of Surinam and Guadeloupe to
Cape Francois, where Talbot was to take command
of the San Domingo station. It is not certain how
closely these orders were foUowed. August 15 the
Constitution was still in the vicinity of Norfolk.
September 15, probably somewhere to the eastward
' Letters to President, 57 (July 29, 1799).
' Adams, vol. ix, pp. 8, 9, 12 ; Barry, pp. 396, 397 ; Columbian
Centinel, May 22, June 5, July 24, 1799 ; Letter Book (1799-
1807), 1, 3 (May 15, 28, 1799) ; Gen. Letters, vol. ii, 179 (June 15.
1799) ; Letters to President, 5 (July 12, 1799).

EVENTS OF 1799 125
of the West Indies, she recaptured and sent Into
New York a Hamburg vessel bound home from
Calcutta, which had been captured by the French
ten days before and was being taken to San Do
mingo. In October Commodore Talbot arrived on
his station and took command of the squadron.
While on this station it is said that the Constitu
tion in a race with an English frigate left her
competitor far behind, giving an exhibition of the
speed which, three times in the War of 1812, led
her safely away from pursuing British squadrons.'
The Portsmouth, Captain McNeiU, cruised ac
tively nearly aU the year 1799, most of the time
off the coast of the Dutch colony of Surinam, and
occasionally convoying merchantmen to or on the
way to the United States. The Scammel was with
her on the Surinam station through the sum
mer and early fall, and later the Maryland and
John Adams, but the later remained a short time
only. In July McNeiU learned that the French
ship Hussar, of twenty guns, which had taken
several rich prizes, was lying in the Surinam
River, waiting for an opportunity to get away.
The mouth of the river was blockaded by the
Portsmouth and Scammel about a month, and
then the Hussar surrendered. Just at that time,
August 12, a large English fleet appeared and de-
' Nav. Chron. p. 136 ; Bainbridge, p. 38 ; Cranch, vol. i, p. 1 ;
Mass, Mercury, August 30, November 12, 22, 1799; Putnam's
Magazine, May 1853, p. 476 ; Pickering, vol. xiii, 217 ; Letters to
President, 64 (August 14, 1799).

126 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
manded the surrender of Surinam. The governor
capitulated and the English took possession. The
English admiral treated McNeUl cIviUy and was
friendly to American interests. By an agreement
between them the Hussar was given up to the
British.' Secretary Stoddert's scheme of a European
cruise was carried out in a partial and modified
form by the Insurgente. This frigate had been
taken into the service and Captain Murray, having
recovered his health, had been appointed to com
mand her. The Insurgente took her departure
from Cape Henry August 14, 1799, arrived off
the Azores September 1, and at Lisbon on the
13th, where she remained four days. WhUe there
Murray wrote to the Secretary of the Navy : " I
had thirty days' passage to this port, but could have
been here in three weeks but for chasing every
thing we saw, all of which we overhauled except
one vessel which we lost sight of in the night.
Since passing the Azores we have boarded 30
vessels of different nations, but the greater part
British, and met with but one ship of war, from
whence you may judge of the unprotected state of
their trade as well as our own In those seas. I
am told here that vast numbers of corvettes and
privateers have issued from the ports in France
1 Mass. Mercury, May 3, June 21, August 13, 27, September
27, October 18, 1799, January 3, 1800 ; Letters to President, 34,
57, 74; Letter Book (1799-1807), 5 ; Gen. Letters, vol. ii, 179.

EVENTS OF 1799 127
since the fleets got into Brest. I hope we shall be
able to give a good account of some of them."
September 24 the Insurgente was in Gibraltar Bay,
having touched at Cadiz, and lay off Algeciras
until the 30th. " The wind then favoring us, we
made sail in company of a large fleet and cruised
off Cape Spartel two days," thence recrossed the
Atlantic by way of Madeira and Teneriffe, and ar
rived off Cayenne October 30. During the passage
from Teneriffe Murray " never saw a vessel tUl we
got on the coast." He wrote to the secretary No
vember 9 : " Had I not been fearful of extending
the privilege you gave me too far, I should have
extended my cruise a little longer on the European
coast and have tried my fortune in the Bay of Bis
cay, which is now the only field for glory." After
a short stay off the mouth of the Cayenne River,
Murray "resolved to bear away for Surinam,"
where he fell in with the Maryland and learned of
the capture of that place. As it was evident that
nothing was to be gained by remaining on that
coast, and as he had much sickness on board and
was In need of supplies, Murray proceeded to Bar
badoes. November 14 he wrote : " On the 12th I
feU in with the Adams in sight of Deseada, and
hearing that two French frigates were expected at
Guadaloupe every day, we determined to cruise to
gether for some days. This day at 5 a. m. dis
covered two sail to windward, to which we gave
chase ; the Adams after the one to windward and

128 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the Insurgente after the other, which we soon over
hauled. She proved to be an EngHsh brig of 14
guns, captured yesterday by a French privateer,
the one which the Adams is now pursuing. She is
gaining upon her fast. The brig had 21 French
men on board and five of her former crew, includ
ing two gentlemen passengers very badly wounded.
I dispatch her instantly for Martlnico on account
of the wounded and before I can inform you of the
result of the chase by the Adams." The Adams,
Captain Morris, captured the privateer soon after
wards. They did not have the good fortune to faU In
with the French frigates which were reported to be
in those waters. Having taken over fifty prisoners,
they exchanged them for Americans at Guadeloupe.
Desfoumeaux had recently been superseded as gov
ernor of Guadeloupe by General Paris. There were
said to be two hundred American prisoners there,
and Murray says, November 27, " These seas swarm
with smaU privateers, which has determined me to
pass the remainder of my cruise on this station,
which at this time Is very much unguarded." He
fell In with the Baltimore, Pickering, and Con
necticut, and saw a large French frigate, probably
the Vengeance, at anchor at Guadeloupe. The In
surgente chased a ship and lost sight of her in the
night and, except for the recapture of a valuable
American vessel, accomplished little. In December
her foremast was found to be much decayed, and she
put Into St. Christopher and afterwards into An-

EVENTS OF 1799 129
tigua for repairs. Murray was much disappointed
with the results of the cruise up to this time.'
In regard to prisoners, the President had modi
fied his views before this time and had written to
the Secretary of the Navy, August 5 : " There is
one alteration in our policy which appears to me
indispensable. Instead of sending the prisoners
which we take back into Guadaloupe, there to em
bark again In the first privateer, we must send them
aU to the United States or aUow them to work and
fight on board our ships. At least, if they are re
turned, their written parole ought to be taken that
they will not serve untU exchanged." '
The Connecticut, 24, Captain Tryon, was or
dered In September to Porto Rico, and arrived off
the island October 27. She cruised a month there
abouts and then proceeded to St. Christopher,
where she arrived December 15. The squadron was
then commanded by Captain Morris. An officer of
the Connecticut says : " We . . . left there imme
diately for the island of Guadaloupe, and on the
29th of the same month, off that island, captured
the copper bottomed French privateer brig L'ltalic
Conqueste, of 12 guns and pierced for 18." Mor
ris, in reporting the capture, said that " she struck
' Nav, Chron, p. 137 ; Mass. Mercury, November 15, Murray to
Stoddert (September 16, 1799), November 26, 1799, January 3,
Murray to Stoddert (November 14, 1799), January 7, 1800; Let
ters to President, 64 ; Murray's Letter Book, 27, 32, 36 (November
9, 27, 1799, January 3, 1800).
' Adams, vol. ix, p. 9.

130 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
after receiving the second broadside, which carried
away her main-topmast, stove her boat, and wounded
her captain and two of the men, [one of them]
mortaUy." This privateer had done great injury to
American commerce. The Connecticut also recap
tured two American vessels and ran a valuable
French ship on shore.'
December 20 the Baltimore, Captain Cowper,
captured the French brig Esperance off Guade
loupe. Midshipman Mercer of the Baltimore after
wards asserted that this brig was unarmed, and that
before sending a prize crew aboard her, arms had
been put aboard, so that the prize master could
swear that he had found arms on her when he took
possession. The Esperance was then sent into port
and condemned. It was said that this was a device
sometimes resorted to for the purpose of insuring
the condemnation of prizes and the award of prize
money, contrary to the laws which forbade the cap
ture of unarmed vessels. Even K this story of the
Esperance was tme, however, it seems probable
that it must have been very exceptional, for it Is
hardly conceivable that many vessels navigated
West Indian waters in those troublous times en
tirely unprepared to defend themselves.'
Two new frigates were put into commission late
' Nav. Chron. p. 137 ; Columbian Centinel, March 5, August 13,
1800 ; Gazette of U. S. February 14, 1800 ; Conn. Courant, July 28,
1800. 2 Conn. Journal, January 30, 1800; Adams MSS. L. G. Tucker
to President Adams (October 5, 1800).

EVENTS OF 1799 131
in 1799, the Congress, 36, and the Essex, 32. The
Congress was one of the six frigates authorized in
1794, and was built at Portsmouth, New Hamp
shire ; she was commanded by Captain James Sever.
Of this officer it was said by Stephen Higginson,
the navy agent at Boston : " Sever wiU be an ex
ceUent naval commander; he is a cool, firm, dis
creet, gentlemanUke man, who feels and conducts
with dignity and zeal proper to his station ; he is
remarkable for discipline and regularity." ' Charles
Morris, a midshipman on the Congress at this time,
says : " Captain Sever had held a subaltern's com
mission in the army for a year or two before the
close of the war of the Revolution, where he had
acquired some knowledge of mUitary discipline.
He had afterwards made several voyages to Eu
rope, in most of them as master of vessels belong
ing to his relatives. He had also made one or two
cruises in the sloop Herald before he was appointed
to the Congress. He was weU educated, very aus
tere and distant in his manner, not very amiable
in temper, rigid in his discipline, and very punctil
ious in all matters of mUitary etiquette. I believe
he was rather deficient in seamanship, but remark
able coolness and self-possession in trying situations
enabled him to decide and direct what was proper
to be done better than most of his officers who bet
ter understood their profession practically." The
Essex was built by private subscription at Salem,
' L\fe of Stephen Higginson (Boston, 1907), p. 210.

132 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
under the act of June 30, 1798, and was launched
September 30, 1799. She was commanded by Ed
ward Preble, who had been promoted to the rank
of captain in May. In December the Congress
and Essex were ordered to convoy a fleet of mer
chantmen to the East Indies. They assembled their
convoy at Newport and set sail in January.'
The sixth general order to officers commanding
public ships, issued by the Navy Department June
27, 1799, caUs for the observance of strict disci
pline on all vessels of war and the encouragement
of " a love of country and respect for its constituted
authorities, a high sense of national character, and
veneration for the honor of the American flag."
The seventh order, September 5, directs command
ing officers to report infractions of a law of 1794
prohibiting " the carrying on the slave trade from
the United States to any foreign place or country."
A later act authorized the seizure of vessels en
gaged In this traffic and their condemnation for the
benefit of the captors.'
During the whole of the year 1799 there was
active cruising in the West Indies by the American
navy, reinforced by the arrival of several new ves
sels which had been built or purchased for the ser
vice. More than thirty vessels were employed in
these waters at one time or another during the year,
' Nav. Chron. p. 138; Morris, pp. 8, 9; Essex, pp. 4-16; Gen.
Letters, vol. iii, 38.
^ Nav. Chron. pp. 135, 138, 163 ; Statutes at Large, vol. i, p. 347,
vol. ii, p. 70.

EVENTS OF 1799 133
and American merchantmen in convoys under the
protection of national cruisers were able to carry on
a busy commerce. About twenty-five French armed
vessels were captured, nearly all of them privateers.
Among the new vessels were two fast schooners of
twelve guns each, the Enterprise and Experiment.
They were buUt especially for chasing privateers
in the shoal waters of this region, and were ready
for service just before the end of the year. At this
time there were a few more cruisers in the West
Indies than the year before — something over
twenty. The Portsmouth, Captain McNeiU, and the
Maryland, Captain Rodgers, were cruising off Suri
nam, and the Norfolk, Warren, and Pinckney off
Havana. Commodore Talbot, who commanded the
San Domingo station. Including the waters about
Porto Rico, had with him the flagship Constitution,
the General Greene, Boston, Patapsco, Herald,
Augusta, and Experiment. Commodore Truxtun,
on the Guadeloupe station, had under his command
a squadron of ten vessels, — his flagship the Con
steUation, the Adams, Captain Morris, and John
Adams, Captain Cross, of twenty-eight guns each,
the Connecticut, Captain Tryon, the Delaware,
Baltimore, and Enterprise, and the revenue cutters
Eagle, Pickering, and Scammel. There may have
been one or two others attached to one or another
of these squadrons. The Insurgente cruised alone.'
' Nav. Chron. pp. 136, 137 ; Pickering, vol. xiii, 217 ; Gen. Letters,
vol. iii, 148.

134 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Thomas Truxtun, the most notable figure of this
war with France, was born on Long Island in 1765,
and spent most of his life at sea. As a privateers
man he served actively throughout the Revolution,
and after the war was engaged in the merchant
service. On board his ship discipHne was severe
and even harsh. Regarding Truxtun and navy dis
cipline, Admiral Porter's observations in his me
moir of his father give an interesting view of
conditions in the old navy: "In those days the
authority of a ship's captain was absolute, and it
was not unusual for a commander and his watch
officers to commit acts of oppression that would
not be tolerated at the present time. Even as late
as the year 1820 midshipmen in the British navy
were flogged Hke messenger boys ; and our com
manders in 1798, foUowing British customs, intro
duced punishment equaUy unpleasant on board
their vessels. It was customary in those days to
swear at the midshipmen, send them to the mast
head and confine them for sHght offenses on bread
and water, which usages we are happy to say have
long since been abandoned." ' " This was a rough
school for young Porter, but he was fortunate in
commencing his career with Captain Truxtun and
Lieut. Rodgers. Both were officers of the highest
reputation, strict disciplinarians and men of un
doubted probity. Under them Porter formed the
character which did so much towards his advance-
1 Porter, p. 18.

THOMAS TRUXTUN

EVENTS OF 1799 136
ment in the service ; and he often In after years
congratulated himseK in having been brought up
in such a thorough naval school. Severe as was
that discipHne and unjust as were some of the de
cisions of naval commanders of those days against
their junior officers, who were liable to dismissal
from the service at the mere Instance of a captious
captain, yet it is acknowledged by those famlHar
with the subject that the usages of that early period
were far better calculated to make officers who wiU
distinguish themselves in war than those of the
present day. Notwithstanding the attractions pre
sented by a naval career, yet so great were the exac
tions and so unceasing the strain on a boy's nervous
temperament that only the most rugged and deter
mined could remain in the service for any length of
time. On the whole it is unfortunate for the navy
that this severe discipline was not maintained up
to the present time, for if it had been, with our
advance in nautical science we should be invincible
upon the ocean.
" Captain Truxtun was a very severe man and his
first lieutenant, Mr. Rodgers, was in no respect be- .
hind him. They had both been educated in the rough
school of the merchant service, where the officers,
having no marines to support them, had to depend
upon their own physical powers for the maintenance
of discipline among crews often made up of the
most desperate men. Few of the present amenities
of the quarter-deck were practiced in the early days

136 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
of the navy, and it required a great deal of forbear
ance In a high-spirited youth to control his temper
under the abuse to which he was often subjected.
Notwithstanding Midshipman Porter's ambition to
make his way in the navy, he was several times on
the point of resigning. Upon one occasion he told
Captain Truxtun that his tyranny was more than
he could bear, whereupon the honest-hearted old
seaman took him by the hand and said : ' My boy,
you shaU never leave the navy if I can help it;
why, you young dog, every time I swear at you, you
go up a round in the ladder of promotion, and when
Mr. Rodgers blows you up it Is because he loves
you and don't want you to become too conceited.'
Porter finaUy became much attached to Truxtun
and Rodgers, and their mutual friendship termi
nated only with their lives." '
Truxtun issued an address to his midshipmen
which reveals a lively interest in the service and in
the young men who were to be the officers of the
future. After enjoining obedience to superiors, he
says: "In doing your duty, whUe vigUance is re
quired of you, civility to those under you is desired
and expected. From examples in cIvU life and In the
education many of you have had, it wiU, I am sure,
be grateful to you to consider men In an inferior
station as your f eUow creatures, and when they do
their duty with your cheerfulness to encourage them,
always remembering that rigid discipline and good
' Porter, pp. 23, 24.

EVENTS OF 1799 137
order are very different from tyranny — the one
highly necessary and the other abominable and dis
graceful to the character of an officer. . . . Persevere
always, and struggle against aU your seeming diffi
culties. Learn to be seamen of the first order. Each
of you calculate and prepare yourselves to be Ad
mirals and to command the American fleet. Learn
to rig and unrig, to hand, reef, and steer, and to
navigate a ship scientificaUy, and to perform every
sort of duty belonging to the highest and the lowest
orders of seamen and sea officers. Make yourselves
also acquainted with the construction of aU sorts of
vessels and the general principles of mechanics. Do
not fail to pay the closest attention to Naval Tactics,
which you can never know properly untU you be
come mathematicians : consequently, tiU then, fight
ing in a line of battle and manoeuvres wiU always
appear to you a confused business. I shaU always
have pleasure In giving encouragement and instruc
tion to you or such of you as I see merit it, and such
as do not I shall have equal pleasure in getting rid
of as speedily as possible." '
The last general order issued by the Navy De
partment in 1799 was dated December 20 : " The
President with deep affliction announces to the Navy
and to the Marines the death of our beloved f eUow
citizen, George Washington, Commander of our
armies and late President of the United States, but
rendered more Ulustrlous by his eminent virtues and
> Wadsworth MSS.

138 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
a long series of most important services than by the
honors which his grateful country delighted to con
fer upon him. Desirous that the Navy and Marines
should express, in common with every other descrip
tion of American citizens, the high sense which aU
feel of the loss our country has sustained in the
death of this good and great man, the President
directs that the vessels of the Navy, In our own and
foreign ports, be put in mourning for one week by
wearing their colors haK-mast high; and that the
officers of the Navy and of Marines wear crape on
the left arm below the elbow for six months." '
' Nav, Chron. p. 140.

CHAPTER VII
THE LAST TEAE OP THE WAR
On New Year's day, 1800, the schooner Experi
ment, which had recently arrived on the San Do
mingo station, lay becalmed in the Bight of Leogane,
off the north shore of the island of Gonaive, with
a convoy of four merchantmen. The schooner was
commanded by Lieutenant WUliam Maley, and
her first lieutenant was David Porter, who had
been promoted and transferred from the ConsteUa
tion. The crew of the Experiment numbered sev
enty. Consul-General Stevens was a passenger on
board, and the next day made a report to Commo
dore Talbot, which tells this story : —
" At 7 o'clock in the morning, being becalmed in
the middle of the channel, ... we were attacked
by ten barges maimed with negroes and mulattoes
and armed with muskets, sabres, and boarding pikes.
Several of the barges carried cannon of four pounds
and swivels in the bow ; and from the most accurate
calculation I could make, the whole number of peo
ple on board of them amounted to about four or five
hundred, the larger ones carrying 60 or 70 and the
smaUer ones 40 or 50. They rowed towards us with
great eagerness from Trou Covert [a smaU islet]
until they came within long gunshot of the convoy.

140 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
when they divided Into several small squadrons with
intention to board each of the vessels. Captain Maley
had made the best possible arrangement for receiv
ing them. The guns of the Experiment being sealed
and her ports shut, they could not distinguish her
from the merchantmen under her convoy, but ap
proached her with the same degree of boldness that
they did the rest. When they came within musket-
shot of the convoy they commenced a very heavy
fire from their great guns and musketry, which was
instantly returned by the Experiment, the brig
Daniel and Mary, and the schooner Sea Flower.
Our grape-shot and small arms made dreadful havoc
among them, and obliged them to retire out of the
reach of our guns. In this situation they lay on their
oars for the space of half an hour, examining us
and consulting what measure they should adopt.
" They then rowed towards the Island of Gonaib,
fired a gun, and were joined by some other barges
from the shore, which took out the dead and
wounded from those that had been in the engage
ment and brought off a reinforcement of men. After
they had continued thus recruiting their forces for
an hour and a haK, they hoisted their masts and
sails and divided into three squadrons of four barges
each. The centre division, consisting of the largest
barges, displayed red pendants from the mast heads,
while the van and the rear kept the tri-colored flag
still flying. In this order they rowed towards our
bow with great boldness and velocity; and from their

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 141
manoeuvres we could plainly perceive that this at
tack was meant for the Experiment and her alone,
and that they were determined by one vigorous effort
to board and carry her. During their approach Cap
tain Maley made a very judicious arrangement of his
force. He placed a very strong body of musketry
on the forecastle and another on the quarter-deck.
The oars on both sides were manned to bring her
starboard and larboard broadside to bear as occa
sion might require, the boarding nettings hoisted
and the great guns all loaded and ready for action.
As soon as they came within haK musket-shot of
the Experiment the van and centre of this little
fleet ranged themselves on each side of us, whUst
its rear attacked us on our bow. They then com
menced a brisk and well-directed fire on all sides,
accompanied with shrieks and menaces. The guns
of the Experiment, however, being well served and
the fire of the marines continuing with great steadi
ness and activity, we at length succeeded in driving
them off after a smart action of near three hours.
" In this second attempt two of the barges were
sunk and a great number in the others kUled or
wounded. I am sorry, however, to add that during
the heat of the engagement and while they at
tempted to board us on aU sides, two of the barges
left the fleet, sheltered themselves from our guns
behind the schooner Mary, Captain Chipman, and
the brig Daniel and Mary, Captain Farley, and at
tempted to take them. The first barge accomplished

142 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
its object, boarded the Mary and inhumanly mur
dered Captain Chipman, being the only person
found on deck, as the rest of the crew had either
secreted themselves in the hold or jumped into the
sea. The other was sunk in the act of boarding the
Daniel and Mary by a weU-directed shot from
the Experiment which passed between the masts of
the brig. As soon as it was perceived that the Mary
was taken a few rounds of grape-shot were thrown
on board her, which quickly dislodged the pirates
and obliged them to abandon her before they had
time to do more than plunder the cabin. After the
second attack the barges rowed towards Gonaib,
again landed their kiUed and wounded and took
in another reinforcement. They continued in this
position for some time, laying on their oars and
carefuUy watching our motions. As the calm con
tinued it was impossible for the Experiment to pur
sue them or for the vessels under convoy to escape.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, observing that
the current had carried the brig Daniel and Mary
and the schooner Washington nearly out of reach
of our guns, they rowed off a third time with a de
termination to cut off these two vessels. This being
perceived by Captains Farley and Taylor, com
manders of the brig and schooner, they came to a
resolution to abandon their vessels. They were in
duced to do so in consequence of their crews refus
ing to defend themselves and from being too distant
to be protected by the Experiment ; they therefore

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 143
came on board of the armed schooner with their
crews and passengers. They had scarcely left their
boats when the barges boarded their respective ves
sels and towed them off in triumph. Every effort
was made by Captain Maley to save them, but
without effect ; by means of his oars, however, he
got near enough to reach the barges with his round
shot, which did them considerable damage. Observ
ing this they detached two of their number to some
distance from the brig and schooner, either to pre
vent us from following them or to capture the two
remaining vessels that were stiU under convoy of
the Experiment, should she continue the pursuit.
Captain Maley judged it therefore most prudent to
remain by them ; the calm stiU continuing, it was
very uncertain whether he could have reached the
two vessels that were already taken, while on the
other hand, had he continued the pursuit he must
have subjected the other two to certain capture.
"During the first and second actions with the
barges the Experiment suffered in her spars, rigging,
and sails ; fortunately no person was klUed on board
of her, and only two slightly wounded. Lieutenant
Porter received a slight contusion from a musket
baU in his arm, and a French passenger was struck
in the breast with a spent baU. I cannot too much
applaud the intrepidity, good conduct, and activity
of Captain Maley, his officers and men, during
the several actions in which the Experiment was
engaged. By their persevering exertions the schoon-

144 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
ers Sea Flower and Mary were saved ; and even
the Experiment herseK preserved from capture.
Surrounded as these vessels were by superior num
bers, in a perfect calm and attacked on aU sides
without being able to bring the guns of the Exper
iment to bear on the greatest part of the enemy, it
is reaUy surprising that any of them escaped. The
murder of the unfortunate Captain Chipman and
the loss of two of the convoy are circumstances
much to be regretted ; but were, notwithstanding,
inevitable ; the barges were so numerous that it
was next to impossible to prevent them from board
ing some of those vessels. Had Captain Farley and
Captain Taylor remained on board the schooner and
brig, it is highly probable that both they and their
crews would have been put to death, and it is but
doubtful whether, after aU, their vessels could have
been preserved ; it was therefore prudent in them
to retire." '
The Experiment with the remnant of her convoy
at last succeeded in making a port at Leogane, not
far from Port Republicain. She had expended nearly
all her grape-shot, and Consul Stevens was able to
borrow a supply of General Toussaint, also a long
six pounder to serve as a stern chase. Stevens was
informed that. In the vicinity of their action with
the picaroons, there were as many as thirty-seven of
Rigaud's barges manned by more than fifteen hun
dred men.' 1 Mass. Spy, March 5, 1800. = Ibid.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 145
Commodore Talbot reported, February 12, that
he had directed a frigate and a smaU vessel to cruise
in the Bight of Leogane, and urged that merchant
men should never venture in those waters without
protection. He said that no American vessel had
been captured on the San Domingo station except
in the bight, " along the shores of which, particularly
near St. Mark's, those piratical boats are closely con
cealed in the creeks and among the bushes, so that
no one on board a vessel going along the channel
can discover them, while from the lookouts on the
hiUs the enemy can perfectly well observe everything
that passes by. If a vessel is becalmed, and which
perhaps is more commonly the case in this bay than
in any other part of the West Indies, those boats
will be sure to come out in all directions from their
hiding-places to attack such vessel ; and it has been
shown by the gaUant defense lately made against
them by Lieutenant Maley in the United States
schooner Experiment, when attacked by eleven of
those armed boats, that perfect protection cannot
be extended to a whole convoy against those boats
in such a long and flat calm as that which was then
experienced." ' Talbot's advice to merchantmen was
sometimes disregarded, and they Imprudently risked
their Hves and ships. In March a schooner from
Charleston was captured, and the crew, nine in aU,
taken ashore on Gonaive. The captain and two men
escaped, one of them not until he had seen three of
I Columbian Centinel, March 29, 1800.

146 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
his shipmates shot down. The next day the captain
returned and found the bodies of six of his men.
He was fortunate enough to find a boat and escape
from the island. In some cases the pirates were
more merciful and spared the lives of their captives.'
From the foregoing it would appear that Lieu
tenant Maley deserved only praise for his conduct
in this fight of the Experiment with picaroons. From
other sources, however, quite a different impression
is derived. When the barges appeared it Is said
that Maley, hopeless of contending against such
odds, was inclined to surrender. At this Porter and
the other officers protested, whereupon Maley turned
the command over to Porter and took no part in
what foUowed. Admiral Porter observes that, aboard
the vessels of the navy in the West Indies at the
time, "Lieut. Porter was unanimously applauded
for the determined stand he took against the weak
ness of his commanding officer. This case shows
the necessity of firmness in time of danger ; and of
not yielding until forced by superior numbers to
do so. Many a timid man has yielded to an Imagi
nary superiority, when even a show of resolution
would have given him the victory. No commander
has any right to surrender his ship when his officers
and crew demand the right to defend her ; and no
government wIU ever consider the protests of offi
cers, under such circumstances, as insubordination.
No man has the right to disgrace a ship's company
' Mass. Spy, May 7, August 20, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 147
by surrendering (without striking a blow) against
the judgment of aU hands. Perhaps this doctrine
may not be in accordance with strict naval disci
pline, but I wiU venture to say it wUl be approved
by all brave men, in and out of the navy. Had
Lieut. Porter been unsuccessful, he would not have
been condemned. . . . One of the officers of the
Experiment, Joshua Blake, writing to Commodore
Porter nearly forty years after the affair, uses this
language : 'At that time and ever since I considered
the safety of the vessel and the honor of the flag
mainly to have depended on yourself, and that our
situation would have been desperate indeed, had
you been so disabled as to have been off duty.' " '
Notwithstanding the unequivocal testimony of
Consul Stevens, it Is evident that Maley, either by
his conduct on this occasion or otherwise, had lost
the confidence of his subordinates. The Secretary
of the Navy wrote to the President, July 12, 1800:
" But the complaints against Maley are of such a
nature that it would be improper to suffer him to
command her [Experiment] before he is acquitted
by a Court Martial." ' The President replied, July
23 : " Nothing affects me so much as to see com
plaints against officers who have distinguished them
selves by their vigilance, activity, and bravery in
the service, as Maley has done ; but the complaints
must not be rejected without inquiry." ' It does not
1 Porter, pp. 29-32. " Letters to President, 80.
' Adams, vol. ix, p. 64.

148 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
appear, however, that Maley was ever caUed to ac
count. In May the Experiment seized the Danish
schooner Mercator entering the port of Jacmel.
Lieutenant Maley suspected this vessel of being
French, and ordered her to Cape Francois for ex
amination by Commodore Talbot. On the way she
was captured by an EngHsh privateer, taken to Ja
maica, and condemned as a prize. It was determined
by the Supreme Court of the United States that
the seizure of the Mercator by the Experiment was
iUegal.' Maley continued in command of the Ex
periment until summer and then was relieved by
Lieutenant Charles Stewart, who was detached
from the United States after her retum from
France. Maley resigned his commission in the navy
in November, 1800.
The schooner Enterprise, Lieutenant John Shaw,
began her career with promise of usefulness, though
with no such stirring incident as had faUen to the
lot of her mate the Experiment. The story of her
first month's service is told in a private letter.
"On the 17th December we left our capes with a
moderate breeze from the S. W., but it shortly in
creased to a violent gale accompanied by quantities
of rain, and having a new vessel and raw hands,
had soon many difficulties to encounter. We lost
one man overboard besides springing our foremast,
but had it condemned by a surveyor as being unfit
1 Cranch, vol. iii, p. 458 ; Claims, pp. 332, 358, 418.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 149
to proceed to sea with. On the 19th January pro
cured another mast in Martlnico, and proceeded to
St. Kitts with a convoy of 15 saU. Hauled up for
a brig we saw under Guadaloupe, which showed a
Swedish jack. As we had every reason to suppose
her a French vessel, beat aU hands to quarters, the
usual mode we adopt on seeing a strange saU. We
gave her a gun, showing our colors, but she kept her
wind to the southward until we had fired 14 shot
at her, when she hauled down her colors and came
under our lee. She proved to be a Swedish brig of
twenty 12-pounders and 90 men. After examina
tion let her proceed. On the 19th were ordered out
on a cruise. On the 2 2d recaptured the schooner
Victory with a valuable cargo from Norfolk bound
to Antigua, five days In possession of the French.
On the 24th recaptured the brig Androscoggin of
Topsham, six days in possession of the French.
They both arrived safe in St. Kitts. On the 26th
Inst, we proceeded to Curracoa with dispatches
from Commodore Truxtun to Captain Baker of
the Delaware. She is in port with many of her
men sick." '
The Insurgente being disabled by the condition
of her foremast,' Captain Murray determined to
fill her place In some degree by employing the brig
Conquest of Italy, recently captured by the Con
necticut, as a cruiser during repairs on the frigate.
1 Gazette of U. S. March 28, 1800.
2 See above, p. 128.

150 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
He put on board of her as commander his second
lieutenant, James P. Watson, with some of the
best midshipmen and thirty men, the number to
be increased later. She cruised several weeks, part
of the time in company with the Insurgente after
the frigate's repairs were completed. The Conquest
of Italy recaptured an American vessel from the
French. On January 31, 1800, the Insurgente and
her consort feU in with the ConsteUation, and Mur
ray was informed by Commodore Truxtun that or
ders were awaiting him at St. Christopher. He at
once proceeded to that place, where he found in
structions from the Secretary of the Navy sending
him to Jamaica, where he was to receive a large
sum of money for the government. On the way
thither he again feU in with the ConsteUation, much
crippled from a recent action with a French frigate.'
They sailed In company, making slow progress on
account of the Constellation's condition, and arrived
at Jamaica February 8. Not finding all the money
he expected, Murray soon set out for Havana. He
wrote February 27, shortly before reaching that
place : " I counted upon making the passage here
in five days and I have been fourteen beating
against heavy gales from the north to W. N. W.,
most of the time under close reefed topsails, but
was happy to find the ship made fine weather of It
and stood the gale admirably." The Insurgente
' See below, pp. 163, 176.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 151
soon saUed for the United States, and arrived at
Baltimore about the middle of March. ^
The Congress, Captain Sever, and the Essex, Cap
tain Preble, set sail from Newport January 9, 1800,
with a convoy of three vessels bound for the East
Indies. The object of the voyage was to protect
American shipping In the east from French priva
teers, which were said to be active there, and to give
convoy to such vessels as desireci io retum home.
The three merchantmen bound out, being duU sail
ers, were soon dropped behind and lost sight of.
Five days out it blew hard, and the frigates became
separated. The experiences of the Congress are told
in Captain Sever's report, dated at sea January 14,
1800: "On Saturday the 11th the wind veered to
the southward and came on to blow very fresh, at
tended with warm rain and a heavy sea ; this weather
produced an astonishing effect on my rigging (which
had previously been in very good condition), it
stretching so much as to induce apprehensions for
the safety of the masts. The weather being such as
to preclude the practicabUity of setting it up, I
caused the tackles to be got up to succor the masts
and the rigging to be swif tered [tightened], but
unfortunately every step taken to support the masts
proved f utUe. On Sunday morning the 12th, it blow
ing hard and a heavy sea running, at haK-past six
' Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 72 ; Mass. Mercury, February 21, 1800 ;
Columbian CejrfaW, March 26, 1800; Murray's Later Booi, 36,
54 (January 3, February 27, 1800).

152 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the mainmast sprung about eight feet above the
upper deck. I immediately caused the main yard
to be lowered down (the top-gaUant yard having
previously been sent down and the top-gaUant masts
housed); on consultation with the officers it was
decided, as affording the only probable means of
saving the mainmast, to endeavor to cut away the
main-topmast. This was immediately attempted, Mr.
Bosworth, my fourth Heutenant, with four or five
smart, active men going into the top to perform the
service ; whUe in its execution the mast unfortunately
gave way and in its fall Involved the loss of that
active, deserving officer ; the other men who were
aloft and engaged in the same services were all
happUy saved. The faU of the mainmast carried
away the mizzen-topmast with the head of the mlz-
zenmast. Being under an apprehension that from
the roughness of the sea the hull of the ship might
be essentiaUy injured by the action of the wreck,
was induced to clear it from the ship with aU pos
sible expedition, by which means a very small part
only of the rigging and sails attached to those masts
were saved. I now turned aU my attention to, and
made use of every practicable exertion to preserve
the foremast ; the wind stUl continuing to blow hard
with a very heavy sea and the ship from the loss
of her after-masts laying in the trough and laboring
very much, at haK-past 12 she roUed away her fore-
topmast, soon after which it was discovered that
the bowsprit was very badly sprung just without

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 153
the gammoning. I immediately caused the jib-boom
to be rigged in and endeavored to secure the bow
sprit by strong lashings round the heel of the jib-
boom, at the same time getting up tackles to the
foremast head to secure the mast (which was al
ready sprung) and to reHeve in some measure the
stress upon the bowsprit caused by the fore and
fore preventer stays. It is with great regret I am
to add that aU my endeavors proved of no farther
consequence than probably to retard for a very Ht
tle time what eventuaUy took place, as at haK-past
3 P. M. the bowsprit gave way and at the same in
stant the foremast went over the side, leaving us
totaUy dismasted and with the loss of the principal
part of the saUs and rigging, which in our then
situation it was not practicable to preserve." '
The Congress " was left to the mercy of the gale
for some hours, until arrangements were made that
enabled a smaU saU to be set, under which she was
put before the gale until it moderated." It was of
course necessary to return to port, and she succeeded
in reaching Hampton Roads February 24. Captain
Sever was exonerated from blame by a court of in
quiry. The frigate's cruise to the far east was aban
doned and after refitting she was sent to the West
Indies.' The Essex continued the voyage alone and car-
' Columbian Centinel, March 19, 1800.
' Morris, pp. 10, 11; Mass. Jfercury,' March 18, 1800; Salem
Gazette, March 18, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, June 18, 1800.

154 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
ried out as far as possible the intentions of the
government. She was the first American national
vessel to display the flag beyond the Cape of Good
Hope. The story of this interesting cruise is told
in Captain Preble's journal and reports and In the
ship's log. January 12 he writes : " Strong gales, by
S. E. to S. W. and rain, under reefed foresail, close-
reefed maintopsail, mizzen and forestaysails. At 4
p. M. took in the maintopsail and set the storm miz
zen staysail. The Congress S. E. by E. two miles.
At 4|^ p. M., considering the bowsprit to be in dan
ger, I bore away for a few minutes to take in the
fore-topmast staysail to save the ship forward ; at
the same time hauled down the mizzen staysail, the
wind blowing with great fury. At this time lost
sight of the Congress, our rigging being so slack
as to make it Impossible to carry saU to keep up
with her, without hazarding the loss of our masts."
The next day the wind moderated, but a heavy
sea continued. In the case of the Essex, as In that
of the Congress, the rigging had been set up in cold
weather, and a warm storm in the Gulf Stream made
it dangerously slack. January 24, in the evening,
the lieutenant on deck " informed me the mainmast
was sprung between decks. I ordered the maintop
sail to be taken in. Examined the mast and found
it very badly sprung about three feet above the
wedges. Got down the top-gaUant yard and masts.
Took in the mainsail and set up the weather shrouds ;
then got the mainyard down and took every precau-

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 155
tion to ease the mast and secure it untU morning.
At 6 A. M. the carpenters were all set to work pre
paring fishes for the mast. Carried away two of our
main shrouds ; got up others to replace them." The
ship crossed the equator February 7. A week later
" John Wells and Daniel Woodman, two able sea^
men, feU overboard and were both drowned, although
every exertion was made to save them." March 11,
the Essex anchored in Table Bay, Cape of Good
Hope, where she found a British squadron of seven
vessels.' Two days after his arrival Preble wrote a report
to the Secretary of the Navy, in which after men
tioning the accident to the mainmast and various
other mishaps he says : " These disasters length
ened my passage considerably and wiU detain me
here- at least ten days from the day of my arrival,
as considerable iron and wood work is to be done to
the masts, a complete gang of new shrouds to be
fitted, and water to fill. I begin to fear some acci
dent has happened to the Congress, and If she does
not arrive by the time I am ready for sea, I shall
not wait a moment for her, but make the best of my
way to the port of destination, and as the Essex is
a remarkably fast sailer, I am in hopes to reach
it in season to answer the object government had
in view In sending me out. . . . The Essex is much
admired for the beauty of her construction, by the
officers of the British navy. The day after my
1 Essex, pp. 49-67.

156 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
arrival one of the Captains of the men-of-war waited
on me on board the Essex with their compliments
and congratulations, and I was invited to dine with
the Admiral. On the day foUowing I received the
same attention from the Governor. They both ap
peared to be disposed to render me every service
in their power and to make my stay here as pleas
ant as possible. I have this day been presented
with a paper from Bombay which contains the
order of the Governor of the Isle of France for
the confiscation of all American property, which
I enclose you. I am told here the French have
several privateers about the Straits of Sunda and
I am in hopes the superior sailing of the Essex wUl
enable me to pick up some of them ; every exertion
shaU be made use of for that purpose." March 25
he wrote to the secretary : " The conduct of the
Army and Navy and of every branch of this gov
emment has been uniformly friendly and obliging.
They have treated me with distinguished attention
and have uniformly tendered their best services.
The Essex is now completely equipped, and as I
have heard nothing of the Congress I shaU pro
ceed to sea to-morrow to carry into effect the orders
of the President." Leaving a letter for Captain
Sever, Preble set sail and doubled the Cape of Good
Hope March 28.'
Nothing of interest then occurred untU they ar-
rived in the vicinity of the Straits of Sunda, when
» Essex, pp. 67-69, 86-90.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 157
on May 6 the Essex recaptured " an American ship
condemned at the Isle of France and bound to Ba-
tavia, commanded by a Frenchman." On the 14th,
before going into Batavia, Preble wrote to the gov
ernor-general of the Dutch Indies announcing his
arrival and saying : " I shall salute the Dutch flag
at Batavia with sixteen guns, K your ExceUency
wUl do me the honor to order an equal number re
turned. Without being assured of this, I am not at
liberty to salute the flag of any nation whatever."
The next day he anchored in Batavia roads and the
salutes were exchanged. Preble was cordiaUy re
ceived by the governor. Most of the time during
the next six weeks was spent In cruising about the
Straits of Sunda and in coUecting the convoy for
the voyage home. The merchantmen were impa
tient to get away. In his next report, dated August
6, Preble says : " On the 15th of June I deHvered
signals and instructions to fifteen vessels, being aU
that were bound to the United States and aU except
three at Batavia. The 16th I moved the Essex
down to Onrust and the 19th weighed anchor and
saUed with thirteen ships and brigs under convoy,
the other two concluding to join me below. The
21st a Dutch proa came alongside with the master,
supercargOj and part of the crew of the American
Ship Altenamak, of and from Baltimore, bound to
Batavia. She was captured at the entrance of the
Straits the 15th by a French Corvette of 22 guns
and 250 men, which arrived in the Straits on that

168 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
day from the Isle of France. Four other privateers
were to sail for the Straits after her, one of them
a ship of 32 guns. I continued to proceed down the
Straits, making slow progress with the wind con
stantly ahead. 22d, anchored the Fleet In Anjer
Roads, wind directly contrary and very light breezes,
the French Corvette in sight hovering about the
Fleet. At 1 p. m. I gave chase to her, which was
continued until dark, but the lightness of the wind
enabled her to make use of her sweeps to such
advantage as to escape, and I returned to the
Fleet again. 24th, a Dutch proa came alongside, by
which I received information of the arrival in the
Straits of a French ship of 32 guns and much
crowded with men. The Dutchman that commanded
the proa had been on board of her the day before,
and I suppose she must have passed the convoy
in the night, as she stood over towards the coast of
Sumatra. This ship the Dutchman declared to be a
frigate from France, and which had only touched at
the Isle of France. At 10 A. M. the French Corvette
in sight approaching the Fleet at anchor under Java
shore between Anjer and Pepper Bay, very light
winds, almost calm. At noon, the breeze Increasing,
I weighed anchor and gave chase, which continued
until 5 o'clock in the evening, at which time I had
gained so much on her that nothing but Its falling
calm and the assistance the Frenchman received
from his numerous sweeps saved him from capture ;
had there been only a moderate breeze I must have

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 159
taken him. For want of wind I was not able to join
the Fleet again until the next morning. . . . The
30th one of the vessels left at Batavia joined me,
the master of which informed me that the other
ship • . . would not be down to join the convoy.
. . . The 1st of July, having completed their stock
of water, I proceeded to sea with fourteen sail under
convoy, as per list enclosed." The list shows eight
ships and six brigs, only one of them unarmed. One
ship of over a thousand tons, the China of Philadel
phia, carried a hundred and fifty men and thirty-
six guns, probably small ones. " It is singularly un
fortunate for the American trade that the Congress
did not arrive at Batavia, as in that case she could
have convoyed the Fleet home and I might have
been left to clear the Straits of those pirates, but
now they can do as they please, as they have no
force opposed to them, the English squadron hav
ing left the station. I fear every merchant ship
that attempts to pass the Straits will faU a sacrifice.
The necessity of a constant protection of our trade
in the Straits wiU, I presume, be sufficiently ap
parent." Two days before sailing the Essex " spoke
the Ship Columbia, 109 days from the Capes of the
Delaware, who Informed us that the Congress was
dismasted after parting with us and arrived at a
southern port." '
The convoy required a good deal of attention
from the Essex, as a few extracts from the frigate's
' Essex, pp. 69-78, 91-97.

160 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
log wIU show. " July 4. Sent Surgeon's mate on
board the Smallwood. ... At haK-past 4 p. m.
made signal 83. Hoisted colors and fired a salute
of sixteen guns. At 8 p. M. gave chase to a strange
saU, which proved a Danish ship from Copenhagen
bound to Batavia. July 7. Took the Brig Delaware
in tow. July 16. At midnight hove to for the SmaU-
wood to come up. July 17. Sent a boat by request
of Capt. Sandf ord to the SmaUwood and found that
four of the men we loaned to the ' S.' had mutinied.
. . . Had them brought on board, whipped at the
gangway and put in irons, and sent three other men
to the SmaUwood. July 18. Fired a blank gun to
bring to one of the Fleet. She not regarding it,
fired another with shot, which had the desired effect.
July 23. Continue to keep the Brig Delaware in
tow. July 26. Spoke the Brig Exchange in trouble,
nearly aU her men sick. Sent the Doctor's mate
on board and three men for his assistance. July 31.
Brig Lapwing informed us there was a French ship
in the Fleet. Hove to and make signal for the Fleet
to do the same. The Ship Dominick Terry made
signal of distress. Hoisted out the cutter. It ap
peared the ship Dispatch had run into the D. Terry
and stove her larboard bow in. Gave her assistance.
August 2. AU the Fleet in sight. August 5. Peter
Anderson, who belonged to the main top, starboard
watch, died. Committed his body to the deep.
August 7. The Ship Dispatch and Brig Lapwing
asked permission and left the Fleet, having given

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 161
up their signal books. August 14. John BaUey,
able seamen, and Charles Gardner, supernumerary,
died and were burled In the sea." A day or two
before this the fleet had been scattered by a heavy
gale. The Essex passed the Cape of Good Hope
August 27 and arrived at St. Helena, the appointed
rendezvous, September 10, having seen only three
of the convoy since the gale. In the course of the
next two weeks nine of the vessels turned up, and
September 26 the Essex got imder way with seven
of them, the other two having sailed in advance.
Without further adventure the frigate arrived at
New York November 28, 1800.'
On account of short enlistments the cruisers in
the West Indies were obliged from time to time to
return to the United States to recruit new crews. It
was impracticable, therefore, always to keep on the
different stations as many vessels as were necessary
fuUy to protect commerce from French privateers,
especiaUy those of Guadeloupe, which were numer
ous and active.' Conditions about Porto Rico were
unsatisfactory early in the year. The Secretary of
the Navy, replying February 6 to complaints of in
adequate protection in the vicinity of Porto Rico,
said that for the previous six months there had
always been from five to nine vessels on the Gnade-
loupe station and nearly as many at San Domingo,
and that the commanding officers of both stations
' Essex, pp. 79-85, 97-100 ; Salem Gazette, November 18, 1800.
' Nav. Chron. p. 166.

162 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
had "constantly acted under instructions to pay
great attention to Porto Rico, to scour the coast
frequently, and to keep always one cruiser out at
least in this service. In addition to this I have sent
from this country in September, October, and No
vember three vessels to cruise each one month about
Porto Rico. ... It is more difficult to guard against
privateers from Spanish than from French Ports." '
Captain Russell, cruising off San Juan in the
Herald, wrote January 25 : "I have the honor to
inform you that on the 21st Inst, at 6 o'clock A. m.
I saw a sail in the N. W. quarter, to which I gave
chase and at 9, after firing seven shot at her, brought
her to. She proved to be a French privateer caUed
La Mutine, commanded by Capt. Langer, from St.
John's, Porto Rico, and had been out 14 hours ;
she mounted 6 guns, 12 and 4 pounders, with 60
men half French and haK Spanish." '
Commodore Truxtun arrived at St. Christopher
January 21, 1800, and took command of the Guade
loupe station. After this, he says in a report writ
ten about two weeks later, " I made every exertion
in my power to get the squadron as weU as my own
ship to sea In the shortest time possible ; and gave
aU the commanders of the different vessels orders
to cruise separately In certain situations. . . . On
the 30th I left St. Christopher's with the Constel-
' Gen. Letters, vol. iii, 148, Stoddert to C. Goodrich (February
6, 1800).
' Columbian Centinel, March 19, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 163
lation In excellent trim for sailing and stood to
windward in order to occupy the station I had al
lotted for myseK, before the road of the enemy at
Guadaloupe, where I was informed a very large and
heavy frigate of upwards of fifty guns was then
lying ; and early on the next day I f eU In with
L'lnsurgent, Captain Murray, and the prize brig
Conquest of Italy, that had been fitted out to cruise
with him in those seas. After a short interview
with Captain Murray, I requested him to proceed
to St. Christopher's," where he would find orders
awaiting him. Murray " immediately made sail to
leeward and I continued plying to windward." The
next morning, February 1, Truxtun sighted a sail
in the southeast, to which he gave chase.'
The official account of the day's events is taken
from Truxtun's journal, dated February 1 and 2. He
says: "At half-past seven A. M., the road of Basse
terre, Guadaloupe, bearing east five leagues dis
tance, saw a saU in the southeast standing to the
westward, which from her situation I at first took
for a large ship from Martlnico and hoisted English
colors, on giving chase, by way of inducement for her
to come down and speak me, which would have saved
a long chase to leeward of my intended cruising
ground ; but finding she did not attempt to alter her
course, I examined her more attentively as we ap
proached her and discovered her to be a heavy French
frigate mounting at least fifty-four guns. I imme-
' Nav. Aff. vol. i, p. 72, Truxtun to Stoddert (February 3, 1800).

164 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
diately gave orders for the yards to be slung with
chains, topsaU sheets, &c., stoppered, and the ship
cleared ready for action, and hauled down the Eng
lish colors. At noon the wind became light and I
observed the chase, that we had before been gaining
fast on, held way with us, but I was determined to
continue the pursuit, though the running to lee
ward I was convinced would be attended with many
serious disadvantages, especially if the object of my
wishes was not gratified. At one o'clock p. m. the
wind being somewhat fresher than the noon pre-
ceeding and an appearance of its continuance, our
prospect of bringing the enemy to action began to
brighten, as I perceived we were coming up with
the chase fast and every inch of canvas being set
that could be of service, except the bag reefs which
I kept in the topsails, in case of the enemy, finding
an escape from our thunder impracticable, should
haul on a wind and give us fair battle ; but this did
not prove to be her commander's intention. I how
ever got within hail of him at eight p. M., hoisted
our ensign and had the candles in the battle lan
terns aU lighted and was in the lee gangway ready
to speak him and to demand a surrender of his ship
to the United States of America, when at that in
stant he commenced a fire from his stern and quar
ter guns directed at our rigging and spars. No
parley being then necessary I sent my principal
aide-de-camp, Mr. Vandyke, to the different officers
commanding divisions on the main battery, to re-

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 165
peat strictly my orders before given, not to throw
away a single charge of powder and shot, but to
take good aim and to fire directly into the huU of
the enemy and load principally with two round shot
and now and then with a round shot and a stand of
grape, &c. ; to encourage the men at their quarters
and to cause or suffer no noise or confusion what
ever, but to load and fire as fast as possible when
it could be done with certain effect.
" These orders being given, in a few moments I
gained a position on his weather quarter that en
abled us to return effectually his salute, and thus
as close and as sharp an action as ever was fought
between two frigates commenced and continued until
within a few minutes of one A. m., when the enemy's
fire was completely silenced and he was again sheer
ing off. It was at this moment that I considered
him as my prize and was trimming In the best
manner I could my shattered sails when I found
the mainmast was totally unsupported with rigging,
every shroud being shot away and some of them in
many places, so as to render stoppers useless, which
in fact could not be appHed with effect. I then gave
orders for aU the men to be sent up from the gun
deck to endeavor to secure the mast, in order that
we might get alongside of the enemy again as soon
as possible; but every effort was in vain, for it went
over the side in a few minutes after and carried
with it the topmen, among whom was an amiable
young gentleman who commanded the main top,

166 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Mr. James Jarvis, son of James Jarvis, Esq., of
New York. This young gentleman it seems was ap
prised of his danger by an old seaman, but he had
already so much the principle of an officer engrafted
on his mind, not to leave his quarters, that he re
plied if the mast went they must go with it, which
was the case and only one of them was saved. . . .
As soon as the mainmast went, every effort was
made to clear the wreck from the ship as soon as
possible, which was effected In about an hour, and
as her security was then the great object, it being
impossible to pursue the enemy I immediately bore
away for Jamaica for repairs, &c., finding it im
practicable to reach a friendly port in any of the
islands to windward." '
One of the ConsteUation's lieutenants, writing
February 3, gives some additional details. "I am
safe after a severe action of five hours broadside
and broadside with a French fifty gun ship. We
chased her from eight in the morning of the first
until about a quarter before eight in the even
ing, when we brought her to action, and a very se
vere cannonading commenced from both ships and
continued tUl haK-past twelve at night, when the
1 Nav. Af. vol i, p. 72 ; Nav. Chron. pp. 166-168 ; Naval Tem
ple, pp. 265, 266. In most of the accounts of this battle a mistake
in the date is made by confusing the civil day and the nautical day
(which begins twelve hours earlier), the latter being used in Trux
tun's journal. The chase is thereby made to last twenty-four hours
longer than was actually the case. The chase began at 7.30 A. M.
February 1 and the fight ended at 1 A. M. February 2, less than
eighteen hours in all. See Appendix VI.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 167
enemy's battery was silenced (except the two after
most guns); ours continued with increased vigor.
She then sheered off perfectly beaten. We took the
weather gauge and kept It during the action. The
officers of divisions were ordered up and the smart
est men to secure the mainmast, but it was so much
shattered that before any assistance could be given
it went over the side together with the mizzen-top
mast, which gave the enemy the opportunity of
making off. This she embraced with aU possible
expedition. Our foUowing her was impracticable.
One half hour's more assistance of the mainmast
would to a certainty have made her our prize. Her
battery was either deserted by the men or dis
mounted by our cannon, for it was entirely silenced
at one o'clock when our mainmast went over the
side. We are now running down to Jamaica to refit.
You can have no Idea of the figure we cut. There
is not a spar or fathom of rigging abaft the fore
mast. We are just able, by securing the crippled
foremast, to set a foresail and fore-topsail half mast.
We have this day rigged a mizzen staysail from the
stump of the mainmast to the head of the mizzen-
mast. What is left of the latter we are now securing
In its crippled state to make more after-sail. Our
huU is very much battered. We had twenty
wounded and at least that many klUed — no time
yet to ascertain accurately. The officers all escaped
except a midshipman, Mr. Jarvis of New York,
stationed in the main top, who went over with three

168 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
men and was never seen afterwards. It would have
been a great satisfaction to have possession of the
enemy ; it was only the loss of our mainmast I am
certain that prevented it. She was torn all to flin
ders. There was hardly one shot from us that she
did not receive in the hull ; while she directed hers
almost entirely at our rigging. We do not know
what ship she is or the damage she has sustained,
aU the business being in the night. I do suppose
there have been few such actions and I am weU
convinced, if we get a true account of the enemy's
situation, it wiU be a bloody one." ^
The French ship turned out to be the frigate
Vengeance. Her commander. Captain Pitot, in his
report to the minister of marine of the French Re
public, says: " I have the honor to send you an
account of two actions I have had on the 12th and
13th Pluviose with an American frigate, which at
tacked us at eight o'clock in the evening in latitude
15° 17' North and longitude 66° 4' West of Paris
[63° 44' west of Greenwich], and fought at first
under the EngHsh flag and then the American. I
am ignorant of its name. The rumor which I heard
from the Governor of Curagoa and aU the informa
tion that I have been enabled to procure lead me
to believe that the action took place with the Con
steUation, frigate of the United States, of sixty
cannons and having five hundred men as a crew.
She had 24- and 18-pounders in her battery and
' Mass. Spy, March 26, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 169
12-pounders upon her quarter-deck and forecastle.
. . . Everything showed me that I must avoid an
action in the position I was in and must limit my
self to the defensive. I acted in consequence. After
having in the first action dismantled my antagonist,
I made aU saU and continued my course. As to
him, he could have attacked us in dayUght, but he
did not do so, preferring to attack at nightf aU, and
after having been forcibly repulsed he returned to
the charge. The engagement was very exciting. In
consequence of the action I was so much damaged
in my rigging that I was forced to run before the
wind to Cura9oa, working to bend new sails on the
stumps of the masts which remained, by means of
which we were enabled to reach port on the 18th of
the same month. I was very weU received here by
the governor and the marine commandant. Each of
my officers fulfiUed his duty with honor, courage
and talent, and I must express very great satisfac
tion with their conduct." '
Captain PItot's unwiUingness to fight unless
forced to act on the defensive was attributed to the
fact that he had many passengers and a large
amount of specie on board. In speaking of two ac
tions in his report he presumably meant that there
was an intermission In the fight. Although appar
ently claiming the advantage, Pitot was said to have
admitted afterwards that he hauled down his flag
three times. Some years later the flrst Heutenant
1 Maday, vol. i, pp. 197, 198.

170 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
of the Vengeance stated that twice or three times
during the action the French colors were struck,
but that as the ConsteUation continued her fire
the Vengeance also was obliged to. On account of
darkness and smoke Truxtun was ignorant of the
enemy's surrender.'
The narrative of a passenger on the Vengeance
was published a few months later. He says: "I
embarked with sixty passengers on board the frig
ate La Vengeance of forty-two twelve pounders and
three hundred and twenty men. We left Guada
loupe the 14th Pluviose last. The day after, we met
the American frigate ConsteUation of fifty-four
eighteen pounders, who gave us chase. We deter
mined to avoid an action, but she forced us to it.
The action commenced at eight o'clock in the even
ing and lasted five successive hours, during which
we fired twelve hundred shot. The masts of both
frigates f eU overboard, causing in their fall a great
number of accidents. All the rigging was cut to
pieces and the saUs torn to rags. Towards the end
of the action we were within pistol shot. We had
twenty men kiUed and forty wounded. The Ameri
cans must have had a great number more, since
they first ceased to fire and left the field of battle.
They had five hundred men on board. We were
too much disabled to pursue them. The passengers
assisted during the whole of the action. We wera
eight days In getting to Cura9ao, completely desti-
1 Boston Com. Gazette, October 13, 16, 1800 ; Port Folio, March,
1809, p. 282.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 171
tute of masts and sails. We heard that the Con
steUation got into Jamaica." '
There were thirty-six American prisoners on the
Vengeance who had been impressed into the French
service, but during the battle they were aUowed to
remain below. After the action they were ordered
on deck to man the pumps. One of these Ameri
cans, David Smith of Salem, said that after the
Constellation's mainmast feU the Vengeance fired
three or four shot from her stem guns. " In the
action the Vengeance had lost her mizzen-topmast.
The Americans had scarcely got to the pumps when
the mainmast f eU and four or five men, who were in
the tops, perished ; Mr. Smith and another Ameri
can were somewhat hurt by its faU. Immediately
after, the fore-topmast feU, with the loss of three
men who were upon it. The fore and mizzen masts
were very badly wounded and every rope in the
ship was cut to pieces and the water fast making
in the hold. The pumps were cleared by the Ameri
cans as fast as possible ; and the fourth day after,
they arrived at Curracoa." '
Since her battle with the Insurgente the Constel
lation's battery had been changed. She now carried
twenty-eight long eighteens on the gun deck and
ten twenty-four pounder carronades on the quarter
deck and forecastle. The Vengeance, according to
the estimate of a " highly respectable officer who
' Mass. Mercury, August 1, 1800, from a Paris paper of May 10.
¦ ' Salem Gazette, March 25, 1800.

172 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
was on board of the ConsteUation during the action,"
momited twenty-eight long eighteen pounders, six
teen twelves, and eight forty-two pounder carron
ades. The account of James Howe, an American pris
oner on the Vengeance, gives her thirty-two eighteens
on the gun deck, two of which were mounted in the
stem, twelve thirty-six pounder brass carronades
with four long twelves on the quarter-deck, and six
twelves on the forecastle, fifty-four guns in aU.
Another report, said to be " an accurate statement,"
differs from the last only in the number of thirty-
six pounders and twelves, which are put at eight
and fourteen respectively. According to the first
and lowest of these estimates the Vengeance threw
at each broadside five hundred and sixteen pounds
of metal against three hundred and seventy-two
pounds thrown by the Constellation ; and the
French superiority would be increased by about
forty pounds, aUowing for the overweight of their
shot. The Vengeance was therefore decidedly more
powerful than the ConsteUation. The crew of the
latter numbered three hundred and ten. That of
the Vengeance has been variously estimated. Howe
says there were four hundred men, including the
passengers, who were all mustered at quarters. The
ConsteUation lost fourteen kiUed and twenty-five
wounded, of whom eleven died of their wounds.
The casualties of the Vengeance were said to num
ber fifty kiUed and one hundred and ten wounded.
' Nav, Aff. vol. i, p. 72; Nav. Chron. pp. 168, 169; Cooper,

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 173
The Delaware was at Cura9ao when the Vengeance
arrived, and her commander, Captain Baker, wrote
to the Secretary of the Navy February 8 : "On the
5th instant appeared off this harbor a French ship
of 52 guns, caUed La Vengeance, and from what I
can learn she left Guadaloupe last Sunday, bound
to France with a great deal of money, &c., on board,
and also two French generals and a number of other
officers and passengers ; but on Monday evening
she was overtaken by an American or British frigate
(but generaUy beHeved to be the former) and from
her shattered condition she must have had a very
severe action. La Vengeance having left standing
but her bowsprit, fore and mizzen mast; her fore
and mizzen shrouds, ratlings, &c., being cut up so
that you could scarce see any of them for stoppers.
In short there appears no place that has escaped a
shot; her starboard side has been much huUed
and it is said she had 140 kiUed and wounded, and
when she parted she had eight feet water in her
hold. They say the other vessel was in a similar
situation, and in fact that neither of them had the
command of their ships. The French ship Is now
hauled up in the harbor and wiU require some months
to refit, not having masts, cordage, &c., necessary
for that purpose." '
A private letter from " a gentleman who was in
vol. i, p. 360 ; Columbian Centinel, March 5, 22, 1800 ; Boston Com,
Gazette, May 5, 1800; Truxtun's report, with a list of the Con
stellation's casualties, was published in all the newspapers.
' Columbian Centinel, March 29, 1800.

174 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Curracoa at the time L'Vengeance arrived there "
gives some additional particulars. " I have the pleas
ure to inform you that I was in Curracoa when the
French national frigate L'Vengeance arrived at that
place, very much shattered and scarcely an original
rope left. Her mainmast, fore-topmast and mizzen-
topmast gone, with sixty-six French inches of water
in her hold, agreeable to her commander's own ac
count. You may conceive her situation in respect
to equipment when she was purposely run on shore
to windward of the harbor to secure her entrance
into that place. She had fifty-two guns mounted
and supposed to have had nearly 600 men includ
ing passengers. Among whom were Generals Pel-
lardie and Le Grande, with a number of artlUery
officers, which enabled the commander to station
at least one of those to each gun during the action.
I was in the habit of conversing frequently with
Capt. Pettot. He supposed on his first arrival In
Curracoa it was an English ship of two complete
batteries he had engaged, and concluded from not
seeing his adversary at daylight that she had sunk.
The report was 114 hlUed and wounded. But this
must be incorrect, as I am weU assured there were
more. Capt. Pettot spoke In high terms of the con
duct and gaUantry of his adversary and describes
in raptures the vivid fire from the ConsteUation as
superior to anything he had ever seen; his own
words were 'Superbe et Grande,' and mentioned,
when the flying jib-boom of the ConsteUation run

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 175
Into his mizzen shrouds, he supposed his adversary
Intended to board and caUed aU his men upon the
upper deck, at which moment he received a shower
of grape. When Truxtun's official account came
out he said nothing. His mainmast went away in
the act of setting studding sails and about two hours
after the action. There were thirty-five American
prisoners on board, who he said saved the ship by
pumping after the combat, in which they took no
active part, being below at their own request. He
lamented much the blood that had been spilt be
tween two nations that he said were probably then
at peace and good friends and he avoided a battle
by every exertion in his power. On his mentioning
this circumstance I observed that the action could
not have been weU avoided by his adversary. Capt.
Pettot felt as an officer on the observation and
acknowledged the propriety of Truxtun's conduct.
The sides of the Vengeance were lined with shot,
and many of them from their direction I suppose
must have done great execution. The fore and mlz-
zenmasts were perforated with round and double
headed shot in such a manner as to surprise a per
son how they could hold together." '
MeanwhUe the Constellation had been making
the best of her way to Jamaica. The day after the
battle, in an address to his officers and crew, Trux
tun said : " I feel infinite satisfaction in returning
my thanks to the officers of every description, sea^
' Conn. Courant, August 18, 1800.

176 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
men, marines, and others for the gaUantry they
displayed on this occasion, which under a beneficent
Providence has enabled me to add another laurel
to the American character on the records of the
Navy ; and you may be assured, gentlemen, seamen
and soldiers, that you shaU be properly noticed to
the President of the United States." In reply the
officers and men presented an address to the com
modore.' February 3 the ConsteUation feU in with
the Enterprise, ten or twelve leagues southwest of
St. Croix,' and this schooner was at once sent to
the United States with Truxtun's dispatches. The
next day the Insurgente, on her way to Jamaica,
overtook the ConsteUation and escorted her the rest
of the way. Truxtun wrote to the Secretary of the
Navy from Port Royal, February 12: "I arrived
here the 8th Inst, in company with the Insurgente,
Capt. Murray, with whom I fell in the day after I
wrote you by Lieut. Shaw. Finding It impossible to
get a mainmast here, I shall use every dispatch in
my power to put the ConsteUation Into a condition
to proceed to the United States. I have met a kind
and friendly reception from Admiral Parker. AU
the British post captains here have been on board
tjie ConsteUation and from seeing our situation ex
press every sentiment that could be wished by those
true Americans who love their country and its
honor better than anything else. I have heard no-
' Nav. Chron. p. 170 ; Port Folio, March, 1809, p. 278.
^ Columbian Centinel, March 8, 1800, log of the Enterprise.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 177
thing of the French fifty-four gun ship since the
action. It is hard to conjecture whether sheWnk or
whether she has got Into St. Thomas or CurriWsoa." '
After receiving temporary repairs at Jamaica the
Constellation returned, about the end of Maroh, to
Norfolk, where she was refitted. MeanwhUe ^leu-
tenant Shaw, on February 23, had delivered Trux
tun's report to the Secretary of the Navy. The news
was gireeted with delight throughout the couniw.
Truxtun received a gold medal by vote of Congrer*^
and that body resolved " that the conduct of James
Jarvis, a midshipman in said frigate who gloriously
preferred certain death to an abandonment of his
post, is deserving of the highest praise, and that
the loss of so promising an officer is a subject of na
tional regret." '
The Adams was a fast sailing frigate and one
of the successful cruisers ; she took six vessels from
the French altogether. Captain Morris in his re
port of March 8, 1800, teUs part of her history.
" On my last cruise, which commenced on the 24th
of January and expired on the 1st of March, I
recaptured the American schooner Isabella, of and
from Portland, bound to Trinidad, a prize to the
French corvette Le Berceau, and captured three
French privateers. The first, Le Gembeau, a small
boat with four swivels and nineteen men. The second,
L'Heureuse Rencontre, a schooner of 35 tons, four
1 GazOte of U, 8, March 17, 1800.
2 Nav. Chron, p. 171.

178 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
guns a.id fifty men ; she had taken two prizes which
reduced her to 29 men, threw three of her guns,
boat, s^ars, &c., over in the chase. The other, the
Geniiral Massena, of 30 tons, six guns and 49 men,
thirty hours from Guadaloupe, had taken nothing ;
thrci^ four guns and boat over in the chase." After
the departure of Truxtun, Morris commanded the
Guiideloupe station until the arrival In May of Cap-
ta'n Decatur in the Philadelphia, 36. This vessel
¦^as a new frigate buUt by the citizens of PhUadel
phia under the act of June 30, 1798 ; she was after
wards destroyed in the harbor of TrIpoH by the son
of her present commander. The Adams returned to
New York in July, 1800. In October she was or
dered to San Domingo.'
Early in the year the frigate Boston captured
the Deux Anges of twenty guns, " a French built,
strong, fast sailing corvette letter of marque of
about 400 tons " ; the prize was sent into Newport.
In March the Boston had an encounter with pica
roons in the Bight of Leogane. Extracts from her
log give a meagre outline of parts of her cruise.
" March 4. Off Cape Tiburon boarded the French
sloop La Fortune, bound to St. Jago, took out a
quantity of cash and dismissed her. March 11. At
4 p.m. saw nine barges, full of men, from Go-
naives ; decoyed them byrunning in the guns. When
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 165, 166, 174 ; Gazette of U. S. April 10, 1800 ;
Conn. Courant, June 2, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, June 25, July
26, 30, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 179
within shot, a fire commenced which continued
five glasses. Disabled five of them, when the others
made off. March 23. Off Cape Tiburon boarded
and took the French sloop Happy loaded with coffee,
sent her to Port RepubHcain, where she was sold
on account of being leaky." The Boston left the
station in AprU on convoy duty, and her place was
taken by the twenty-four gun ship TrumbuU. After
her return the log continues : " June 9. Off Go-
nalves came up with a schooner of eight guns which
showed Danish colors, six of which they threw
overboard. Manned her from the U. S. schooner
Experiment, then in company, and sent her to the
Commodore for examination. Capt. Little suspected
she was bound to Jeremie. June 21. Off Cape
Donna Maria spoke the U. S. brig Augusta, Capt.
McElroy." Shortly before this, on June 3, the
Augusta had captured two French schooners off
Jacmel. " June 24. In company with the Augusta
boarded a French brig from Aux Cayes bound to
St. Jago, loaded with sugar. Manned her and put
the prisoners on board the Augusta. June 25. Be
ing off Cape Tiburon, made sail for Boston, taking
Havana on the passage." The frigate returned to
her native town July 22. She had been away a year
and had not been in port fifteen days in that time.
The health of her crew was very good ; she had had
only one death. " The Boston anchored In the stream
off the end of Long Wharf and saluted the town,
which was answered by three cheers from citizens

180 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
on Long and Hancock's Wharf, and returned by
the crew of the frigate." '
The General Greene remained about six months
on the San Domingo station. One of her officers
wrote from Cape FrauQoIs AprU 14, 1800 : " On
our leaving this place in January last we were
ordered by Commodore Talbot to make a cruise
round Hispaniola, from which we returned but a
few days since ; not that it would have required
haK that time to have performed the route, but for
the purpose of aiding General Toussaint in the
capture of Jacmel. We cruised off that port a
considerable time, to intercept suppHes for Rigaud.
This had the desired effect. Jacmel, closely be
sieged on the land side by Toussaint's army and
blockaded by the General Greene, was reduced to
a state of starvation. As a last effort they made a
desperate sally in the night with intention to force
Toussaint's Hnes, but failed in the attempt, and the
whole garrison, consisting of more than 5000 men,
feU into the hands of Toussaint. The capture of
Jacmel is of infinite importance to the commerce of
the United States to this island, as in the general
opinion it wiU much facilitate the entire reduction
of Rigaud's power. It is impossible for me to
describe to you the manner in which Toussaint
expressed his gratitude to Captain Perry on the
occasion. We engaged three of Rigaud's forts
warmly for 30 or 40 minutes, In which time we
' Columbian Centinel, March 5, May 3, June 4, July 16, 23, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 181
obliged the enemy to evacuate the town and two
of the forts and repair to their strongest hold ; this
fort however soon hauled down its colors. We had
got our boats out ready to take possession of the
place and a number of Rigaud's cruising vessels and
barges In the harbor, when a large ship hove in sight,
which from her appearance Captain Perry and his
officers judged to be a French frigate. It was there
upon thought prudent to relinquish the enterprise
and go in pursuit of her; but on speaking her
found she was indeed a French built ship, but then
In possession of the British and cruising in their
service. The damage we received was very incon
siderable ; a few shot in our sides and some of our
rigging cut away. The enemy had several men
klUed and wounded." Jacmel fell February 27.'
Soon after this the General Greene was ordered
to the mouth of the Mississippi River. General
WUkinson, who commanded the army in the west,
had been summoned east in 1799 to confer with
General Hamilton upon the state of affairs in the
southwest. Early In 1800 Wilkinson had returned
to New Orleans in the Patapsco, and the General
Greene was now sent to bring him north again with
his family. Having received him on board, she saUed
for Havana with a brig under convoy. On the way
she feU in with a British seventy-four, and Captain
Perry, it is said, resisted in a spirited manner the
proposed forcible examination of the brig by the
f Mass, Mercury, May 27, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, May 3, 1800.

182 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Englishman. From Havana the General Greene
sailed for Newport with a convoy, and arrived at
that place in July ; she cruised no more during the
war.' In the spring of 1800 the Constitution was stUl
the flagship of the San Domingo squadron. Her
most notable exploit during the war was sending a
cutting out expedition into the Spanish harbor of
Porto Plata, on the north coast of San Domingo.
Lieutenant HuU was ordered to proceed "to Port
Plate and there endeavor to capture a French ship
lying at anchor" and "bring her out to sea K prac
ticable, otherwise to bum and destroy her in port."
The people of the town were to be molested no
more than was imperatively necessary. Commodore
Talbot says in his report of May 12 : "I have for
some time been meditating an enterprise against a
French armed ship lying at Port Plate, protected
by her own guns and a fort of three heavy cannon.
It was my first intention to have gone in with the
Constitution and to have sUenced the fort and ship,
which has all her guns on one side to cooperate
with the fort in defending against hostile force;
but after the best Information I could gain, I found
it to be somewhat dangerous to approach the en
trance of the harbor with a ship of the draft of
water of the Constitution. Having detained the
1 Perry, vol. ii, pp. 43-48 ; Memoirs of General James Wilkinson,
vol. ii, eh. xi ; Columbian Centinel, April 5, 1800 ; Mass. Mercury,
July 25, \9,m-, Federal Gazette, July 24, 1800.

ISAAC HULL

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 183
sloop SaUy, which had left Port Plate but a few
days before and was to have returned there previ
ous to her saUing for the United States, I con
ceived that this sloop would be a suitable vessel
for a disguise. I therefore manned her at sea from
the Constitution with about ninety brave seamen
and marines, the latter to be commanded by Cap
tain Carmick and Lieutenant Amory, when on
shore ; but the entire command I gave to Mr. Isaac
HuU, my first lieutenant, who entered the harbor
of Port Plate yesterday in open day with his men
in the hold of the sloop, except five or six to
work her in. They ran along side of the ship and
boarded her sword in hand without the loss of a
man, klUed or wounded. At the moment the ship
was boarded, agreeably to my plan, Captain Car
mick and Lieutenant Amory landed with the ma
rines up to their necks in water and spiked all the
cannon in the fort before the commanding officer
had time to recollect and prepare himseK for de
fense. Perhaps no enterprise of the same moment
was ever better executed, and I feel myself under
great obligations to Lieutenant HuU, Captain Car
mick, and Lieutenant Amory for their avidity In
undertaking the scheme I had planned and for the
handsome manner and great address with which
they performed this daring adventure. The ship,
I understand, mounts four sixes and two nines.
She was formerly the British packet Sandwich,
and from the boasting publications at the cape

184 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
and the declaration of the officers, she is one of
the fastest sailers that swims. She ran three or
four years (if I forget not) as a privateer out of
France and with greater success than any other
that ever sailed out of their ports. She is a beau
tiful copper bottomed ship." '
One of the officers of the expedition, evidently
Captain Carmick, in a letter to a friend dated
May 12, says : " Capt. Talbot has put his plans
into execution respecting the cutting out the ship.
I performed my part with very Httle trouble. The
only disagreeable part of the business was being
cooped up in a smaU vessel for 12 hours — for we
fortunately took a smaU American vessel that had
been in the port a few days before and was to re
turn there in a short time. By this means it was
easy to take the vessel by surprise ; it put me in
mind of the wooden horse at Troy. We all re
mained below until we received orders from the
officer, the only one of us who remained on the
deck of the sloop, whose business it was to lay us
on board, which he did on the starboard bow. The
men went on board Hke devils and it was as much
as the first Heutenant and myself could do to pre
vent blood being spUt. I believe it was not half an
hour after the ship was taken that I had possession
of the fort and all the cannon spiked and returned
again on board the prize before they could get any
succors from the city. I presume they were rather
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 171, 172.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 185
surprised when they found the cannon spiked ; we
had then possession of the harbor. We took our
time to rig the ship, as she had her topmasts down
and aU her sails unbent. By 6 o'clock the lieu
tenant had everything in order and the men sta
tioned at the cannon, ready with my marines to
oppose aU their force, which we understood was
about 500 men. They sent several flags of truce
making different requests, to which we answered
that we had only executed the orders of our com
mander. On shore they were not Ignorant that it
was impossible for us to get out untU tbe land
breeze came off, which you know is in the morn
ing. He concluded we must have been pretty de
termined before we undertook the business, as we
had no other alternative than to die or succeed.
He however remained very quiet, and we came
out in the morning and joined our commodore.
The night before we performed this business, in
going to Port Plate we were met at 12 o'clock at
night by an English frigate who fired two shot and
brought us to ; we went on board and after exam
ining us we proceeded. We suspected he was going
on the same business we were upon ; he wiU peep
into the harbor La Plate to-day and find his plan
frustrated." '
It was about noon when Hull took possession of
the Sandwich, and he found her completely stripped
of sails and rigging, which were stored below ; only
1 Gazette of U, S. June 2, 1800.

186 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
her lower masts were standing. By sunset she was
fully rigged, and only waiting for a breeze to take
her out of the harbor. This capture was considered
important, but unfortunately it was illegal, as the
neutrality of a Spanish port had been violated.
The prize was sent to New York, but it was after
wards necessary to give her up.'
The civil war in San Domingo continued through
out the spring. With the loss of Jacmel Rigaud's
power began to wane, but Toussaint labored under
many difficulties and was unable to push his ad
vantage vigorously. In a letter to Commodore Tal
bot he says : " What I have said of the services
rendered to me by the frigate General Greene dur
ing the siege of Jaquemel is very sincere, and it is
agreeable to me to repeat it. I pay with thankful
ness as well you, sir, as Captain Perry. Your good
intentions for the prosperity of this colony, and
that of your government, loads me with satisfac
tion. I beg of you to continue them and to be
convinced of my zeal in keeping the harmony which
so happily exists between the two nations. ... I
should have seen you with pleasure cruising with
the Constitution on the station of the south ; since
you have reasons of such a nature as to prevent
you coming that way, I depend upon your promise
that you will consult the Consul-general, Stevens,
in order that means may be taken to get succor to
1 Nav. Chron. p. 172 ; Putnam's Magazine, May, 1853, p. 477 ;
Columbian Centinel, June 4, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 187
our army. On my part I wUl communicate to bim
my plan on the subject and point him out my want.
... At this moment the army of Jaquemel is in
motion and surely it Is in want. I am going to
write to Mr. Stevens, who no doubt wiU communi
cate to you my letter and what I want. . . . You
inform me, and I learn it with joy, that you have
given orders to the ship Herald, of twenty guns,
to join the brig Augusta and the schooner Experi
ment. . . . Lieutenant RusseU may be assured, al
though I may not be present, he wiU obtain from the
general and commandant what he may ask, either
coasting pilots or anything else. I have already
given orders in consequence of it. You flatter me
with the hope that you are going shortly to send
the Boston frigate of thirty-two guns ; may you
soon be able to realize It. . . . It remains, sir, to
beg of you to recommend to the captains of vessels
of your nation, that are going to cruise on the
south side, to let pass freely the French vessels
that have a passport signed by the Consul-general,
Stevens, or by me. . . . On my part I have al
ready given the most strict orders that the most
perfect understanding and intelligence may exist
amongst all the cruising vessels, both schooners
and barges." '
About May 1 Rigaud was obHged to evacuate
two of the ports he had held on the Bight of Leo
gane. This put a check to the "career of those
1 Talbot, pp. 121-125.

188 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
piratical barges which have infested the Bite, as
they are now deprived of a port in the vicinity of
Gonaive to fit out and resort to." ' Rigaud stIU
held out, retaining possession of Jeremie and of
Aux Cayes and one or two other ports on the
south coast. In July, however, his resources had
come to an end and he was forced to capitulate.
The only terms that Toussaint would grant required
Rigaud's immediate departure from the island, and
this was agreed to. Before the end of the month
Aux Cayes was thrown open to Toussaint's army.'
The American consul at Port RepubHcain wrote,
August 12: "The whole island has submitted to
Toussaint. Rigaud and a few of his officers have
left In a boat. . . . Everything appears to be favor
able to our commerce and opens a new channel for
trade." '
Meanwhile Commodore Talbot had been relieved
of his command of the squadron by Captain Murray
in the Constellation. The TrumbuU, Herald, and
Augusta were on the station at that time. Talbot
sailed for home with a convoy July 24, having
received letters from Consul Stevens and from
American merchants at Cape Frangols, express
ing appreciation of his services and regret at his
departure. He arrived at Boston in the Consti-
' Mass. Mercury, June 17, 1800.
'^ Salem Gazette, September 5, 1800.
5 Columbian Centinel, September 24, 1800. For letters concern
ing operations of the opposing forces, etc., see Federal Gazette,
July 23, August 11, 14, 15, September 17, October 30, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 189
tution August 24. The Secretary of the Navy
wrote to him September 3 : " Your feeHngs as a
miHtary man might have been more gratified had
opportunities been afforded you of engaging in
scenes of greater brUliancy, but no services you
could have rendered would have been more useful
or more important to your country than those you
have meritoriously performed in protecting with
effect a great proportion of our commerce, in lay
ing the foundation of a permanent trade with St.
Domingo, and in causing the American character
to be respected, by the just, temperate, and judi
cious course by which your conduct has been
marked." '
The ConsteUation, having bfeen refitted at Nor
folk after her return from Jamaica in the spring,
had been placed under the command of Captain
Murray and sent to sea. She arrived at St. Chris
topher June 21, and during a few weeks' cruis
ing on the Guadeloupe station recaptured three
prizes from the French. One of these Murray be
Heved to be an American engaged in lUicIt trade,
but she turned out to be Danish property, and was
declared by the United States Supreme Court not
forfeitable. At that time there were more than
sixty French privateers in the vicinity of Guade
loupe. In July the ConsteUation was ordered to
San Domingo to relieve the Constitution. She
1 Nav. Chron. p. 173 ; Columbian Centinel, August 20, 27, 1800 ;
Boston Com. Gazette, September 4, 1800.

190 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
cruised off Cape Fran9ois, in the hope of capturing
three French vessels which were expected soon to
leave port. Murray also hoped to Intercept the
French frigate Vengeance when she left Cura9ao,
having heard she was nearly ready for sea. He
found the English troublesome, and wrote to the
Secretary of the Navy: "We have no enemy so
much to be shunned in this quarter as the British,
for they blockade aU the passages and, fair or foul,
let few of our vessels pass them, if they have
cargoes of value, and send them for Jamaica,
where the venality of the Admiralty Court gives
no quarter. How long we are to bear with these
aggravations I leave to wiser heads than mine to
determine, but I confess I think we stand upon
very critical grounds with them; but as Admiral
Parker is now gone home, let us hope for a favor
able change of measures." '
Captain Bainbridge having brought the brig
Norfolk from Havana to New York in April, she
was refitted, put under command of Lieutenant Cal
vert, and in June sailed for Carthagena. On the way
she feU in with two French privateers. The first
one escaped with her sweeps, the wind being light.
The other was a schooner of fourteen guns and also
escaped, after an action of haK an hour, in which
Calvert was severely wounded. The Norfolk remained
at Carthagena fifteen days and then proceeded to
1 Boston Com. Gazette, September 4, 1800 ; Cranch, vol. ii, p. 64 ;
Murray's Letter Book, 85 (July 31, 1800).

ALEXANDER MURRAY

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 191
Cape Fran9oIs, where she arrived July 30. Accord
ing to Murray she " brought such unfavorable ac
counts from thence of the piratical work going on
In that quarter and corroborated by letters from vari
ous respectable masters and supercargoes of vessels
there . . . that I have determined to send her back
without delay to take them under convoy . . . and
to proceed on to America with them." '
On August 3 the TrumbuU, Captain Jewett, cap
tured the French schooner Vengeance, of eight guns,
off Jeremie. She had run out of that place when
Toussaint's troops took possession. There were a
hundred and thirty persons on board, including pas
sengers, among whom were many of Rigaud's offi
cers; also women and children. Murray described
them as " of the vUest cast, a set of lawless vaga
bonds that the community will be well rid of in this
part of the world." The Trumbull and her prize,
with the prisoners, were sent to New London. The
Vengeance was condemned, but on the ground that
she was a national vessel she was given up under the
treaty soon afterwards concluded with France.'
The Constellation remained on the station until
about the middle of September, when having been
relieved by the Congress, she sailed homeward by
' Columbian Centinel, April 23, September 24, 1800 ; Independ
ent Chronicle, September 8, 1800 ; Murray's Letter Book, 85.
^ Nav. Chron. p. 185 ; Magazine of American History, March,
1885, pp. 257, 258 ; Mass. Mercury, September 23, 1800 ; Conn.
Courant, October 20, 1800 ; Murray's Letter Book, 97 (August 21,
1800).

192 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
way of Havana. Upon taking leave Murray received
a letter from Toussaint acknowledging " a grateful
sense of the marks of kindness and civIHty you have
been pleased to show me " ; and expressing regret
that some of the prisoners taken by the TrumbuU
had not been turned over to him. On her run to
Havana through the Old Bahama Channel the Con
steUation got among shoals. The captain passed
three anxious days and says he " often saw the bot
tom under the ship when no other land was to be
seen." Murray was handsomely entertained at Ha
vana by the governor of Cuba. The frigate arrived
in Delaware Bay about October 10.'
In the early spring the Norfolk and Warren
were on the Havana station, and there were said to
be no French on the north side of Cuba. The Nor
folk sailed for New York with a convoy in April.
The Ganges was at Carthagena about this time,
and later cruised off the north coast of Cuba. In
July she blockaded a French privateer in the har
bor of Matanzas. On the 28th the privateer ran
out, was chased by the Ganges, and was run ashore
by her crew, who escaped. The vessel was not in
jured and was hauled off by the Ganges. Captain
MuUowny wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, July
30 : " I am happy to think the coast is clear once
more. I know of no privateers here at present."
In September the Ganges and Warren returned to
' Columbian Centinel, November 15, 1800; Mass. Mercury, No
vember 11, 1800; Murray's Letter Book, 117 (October 12, 1800).

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 193
the United States, each with yellow fever on board.
Captain Newman of the Warren and more than
forty of his officers and crew died of the fever.'
Meanwhile the Guadeloupe station had been a
scene of activity during the winter and spring
of 1800 by reason of the irrepressible privateers
which swarmed in those seas. It appears, however,
that not only were many of them captured, but
a large proportion if not a majority of the prizes
taken by them were recaptured by the vigilant
American cruisers. The Baltimore took a privateer
In January and another in June, and recaptured
two American vessels. The John Adams cruised off
Porto Rico early in the winter. Four of her officers
who went ashore to buy provisions were detained
by Spanish soldiers untU Captain Cross made a vig
orous protest to the governor. In March the John
Adams recaptured two American vessels, and April
3, near Martinique, after a chase of four hours, she
captured the French privateer " La Jason, ha-ying
fifty men and eight carriage guns, six of which she
hove overboard during the chase." ' In June the
John Adams took another privateer and the Con
necticut took two. The Eagle and Pickering like
wise took prizes. There were also on this station the
Philadelphia, Adams, Merrimack, Maryland, Dela-
1 Columbian Centinel, April 23, 26, 30, September 17, 1800 ;
Conn. Courant, September 1, 1800 ; Salem Gazette, September 12,
1800. ' Conn. Courant, June 2, 1800.

194 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
ware, Patapsco, Enterprise, and Scammel. Cura9ao
and Surinam came within the limits of the station.
Convoying merchantmen, often in large fleets, to
home ports or into safe latitudes, was one of the
most important duties of the squadron. The navy
agent at St. Christopher stated, June 27, that there
were only fifteen American prisoners at Guadeloupe,
and these he was about to release by exchange. At
the same time there were a hundred and eighty
French prisoners at St. Christopher.'
In December, 1799, Captain Rodgers in the Mary
land had been left in charge of American interests
at Surinam by the departure of Captain McNeUl.
The Maryland was alone on this station for many
months, under orders " to protect the trade to Sur
inam and the rest of the coast as far to leeward as
Curracoa." She generaUy cruised to windward, and
in all that time she fell in with no French. The
British being in possession of Surinam, the French
kept at a distance; moreover, even if they took
prizes in that vicinity they could not get them into
Cayenne on account of a strong current setting to
leeward. Few American vessels came to Surinam
at this time, for British restrictions on trade made
it unprofitable. An American slaver went into Sur
inam and sold her slaves there, in spite of Rodgers's
' Nav. Chron. pp. 165, 166 ; Conn. Journal, February 20, March
13, August 6, 1800 ; Conn. Courant, June 2, July 28, August 4,
September 1, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, March 22, May 3, June 25,
July 26, 30, August 13, 1800; Mass. Ifercury, September 5, 1800;
Boston Com. Gazette, July 28, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 195
request of the governor that he deliver the vessel
into his hands or order her to sea ; this traffic was
contrary to the laws of Surinam as well as of the
United States. Rodgers was mortlfled at his lack of
success In meeting the enemy. The only vessel taken
on the station was a Portuguese brig, recaptured.
Two or three convoys were escorted to safe latitudes,
and in Augnist the Maryland started home with a
fleet of twelve, which at St. Thomas had increased
to flfty-two American vessels and several English.
At Martinique the Maryland was joined by the
Eagle. At St. Christopher the Portuguese brig was
seized by order of the British admiralty court.
September 2 Rodgers took an American ship for
trading with the French under Swedish colors.
After being delayed by a hurricane, the fleet sailed
from St. Thomas September 10. The Maryland was
bound for Baltimore.'
In spite of the difficulties of navigation on the
South American coast, spoken of by Rodgers, the
French cruised to some extent out of Cayenne,
mostly on the coast of Brazil and to the northward
and eastward.' American vessels seem to have
been taken occasionaUy, and the circumstances in
which their crews found themselves are indicated In
an account of conditions there in the summer of
1800. "The Americans are not considered as prls-
1 Miscellaneous Letters, vol. i, 146, Rodgers to Stoddert (Sep
tember 20, 1800).
" Misc. Letters, vol. i, 146.

196 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
oners at Cayenne; of course no aUowance Is given
them nor are they entitled to an exchange. How
ever, for the preservation of their health and good
order in town, they are kept on board a prison ship
with a few soldiers over them to act in the treble
capacity of guards, physicians, and sextons." '
American interests in the Dutch island of Cu-
ra9ao had long needed watching over, and one or
more cruisers had been kept there most of the
time since the summer of 1799, when an American
schooner had been captured by a French privateer
fitted out there, and her captain with some of his-
crew had been murdered. For this outrage com
plaint had been made to the Dutch minister in the
United States.' The Patapsco, Captain Geddes,
was ordered to Cura9ao in May, 1800, and went
from St. Christopher by way of Porto Rico ; on
the passage she captured a small schooner of doubt
ful nationality. She was at Cura9ao In June, but
seems not to have stayed long, and for a whUe
American property there was without protection.
July 23 a French force from Guadeloupe, consist
ing of two brigs and three schooners with fourteen
hundred sailors and soldiers, appeared off Cura9ao ;
several additional vessels joined them later. The
French frigate Vengeance was still there, and it was
thought that her crew might imite with the new
comers; but she was ready for sea and sailed not
' Mass. Mercury, October 3, 1800.
' Pickering, vol. xi, 555, 620, vol. xii, 5, 133, 185, vol. xiii, 366.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 197
long afterwards. The force from Guadeloupe landed,
and the commander made several demands, includ
ing the surrender of the forts, which the governor
refused. The town was thrown into confusion, and
many people retired into the interior of the island.
The French seem to have remained quiet for sev
eral weeks and maintained good discipline.'
September 5, having been reinforced, the French
began offensive operations, took possession of one
of the forts, and "intimated their designs, by a
manffesto, against American persons and property."
The next day the United States consul, PhiUips,
requested an American named Robinson to go to
St. Christopher for assistance. Arriving at that
place on the 14th, Robinson found the John Ad
ams, Merrimack, and Patapsco, and returned with
the two latter, appearing off Curacao on the 22d.
MeanwhUe the British frigate Nereid had arrived,
and on the 10th the governor had signed articles
of capitulation with her captain, placing the island
under British protection ; but the French stiU con
trolled the situation, and the Nereid did nothing
beyond landing a smaU number of marines. When
the Merrimack and Patapsco arrived, the governor
and the American consul were on board the Nereid.
The French held two forts, were besieging the town,
and had demanded its surrender within twenty-four
hours. Their vessels, fifteen in number, were lying
' Mass. Mercury, August 26, September 9, 12, 1800 ; Conn, Cour
ant, August 4, 1800 ; Conn. Journal, August 6, November 20, 1800.

198 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
close under the forts. Several Americans In the
town had volunteered to serve in the defenses.
After consultation it was decided that the only
means of saving the town and protecting Ameri
can Interests would be to send one of the vessels
into the harbor. The Patapsco, with twenty of the
Merrimack's marines on board, went into the har
bor September 23. A landing party commanded by
the Patapsco's lieutenant of marines supported one
of the batteries in the town.'
A letter from one of the Patapsco's officers says :
"At five in the evening we stood in, when the
French opened a quick and weU-dlrected fire upon
us from a fort of two 18, one 12, and two 9 pounders
within half pistol shot, and from the windows and
roofs of the houses in the L'Ortha Banda, which
was fiUed with the enemy's troops, who kept up a
constant fire of musketry, which was as warmly re
turned from the cannon and muskets of the Patap
sco ; and those deluded people who escaped death
returned to their camps, but at intervals engaged
us all night, which we returned from our great guns."
Of the Americans two only were wounded, while
the French loss was believed to have been large.
AU the next day the French kept up a constant
fire, and it was reported that they would assault
the town, but instead they evacuated their batteries
' Federal Gazette, December 24, 1800, Robinson to Stoddert ;
Conn. Journal, November 20, 1800 ; Salem Gazette, December 2,
1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 199
and embarked precipitously during the night. The
next morning, the 25th, the Merrimack stood In and
found the French vessels gone. The Nereid then
ventured In and took possession, and the capitula
tion went into effect. It was clear that the Ameri
cans had saved the town, and that if they had not
appeared the French woiUd have taken possession.
The British captain promised to protect American
interests, but his promises were not fulfiUed. The
Merrimack and Patapsco sailed October 11 and
returned to St. Christopher. One of the vessels be
longing to this expedition from Guadeloupe was
afterwards captured by the Merrimack.'
The schooner Enterprise, after having brought
home the news of the battle between the Constel
lation and Vengeance, was sent back to the West
Indies In March, 1800, under orders to deliver
dispatches to Commodore Talbot at Cape Fran9ois
and then return to the Guadeloupe station. In her
log-book it is recorded : " AprU 7. Boarded the
U. S. frigate Constitution. Same day spoke the
U. S. ship Herald ; 13. Spoke the U. S. schooner
Experiment — had a French prize in tow ; 14.
Spoke the U. S. ship Connecticut."' The Enter
prise was at St. Thomas May 1, and Lieutenant
Shaw reported to the Secretary of the Navy : " On
the 13th I feU in with the U. S. brig Augusta and
' Brown, ch. xvii ; Salem Gazette, December 2, 1800, letter of
officer on Patapsco ; Federal Gazette, December 9, 24, 1800 ; Co
lumbian Centinel, December 6, 1800.
^ Mass. Mercury, June 6, 1800.

200 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
schooner Experiment. Nothing particular occurred
until the 23d [April], 2 p. M. saw a sail to the
S. E. stand to the S. W. ; made aU saU and gave
chase. Found her to be a brig of eighteen guns
and weU manned. Made every necessary prepara
tion to engage her if a Frenchman and showed my
colors, but when under her guns she hoisted the
Spanish flag at the main and commenced a smart
fire from her quarter and stern guns on me. StUl
kept ranging on her and took a position 150 yards
on the larboard quarter, when I thought it was full
time to return her salute. A warm and brisk fire
ensued and I gained the wind on her. I should not
have delayed so long bringing her to close action
had I not conceived her to belong to a nation not
at war with us, and that carrying her by force
might be the means of involving us In some na
tional dispute hereafter. I consulted my officers
respecting her, and one of them recognized her to
be a Spanish Packet from Havana. I therefore
discontinued the action." '
Shaw wrote from St. Christopher June 21 : "I
have the honor to inform you that on the 17th Inst.
I feU in with the French privateer Le Cygne of
four guns and fifty-seven men off Guadaloupe. She
engaged me for twenty minutes, when she struck
her colors. I have brought her in here." ' The
Cygne had come out of Basse Terre, Guadeloupe,
and attacked the Enterprise while becalmed, appar-
' Conn. Courant, June 2, 1800. " Ibid. August 4, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 201
ently not recognizing her character. The privateer
had five kiUed and fourteen wounded, while the
American loss was one killed and two wounded.'
About the same time the Enterprise took the priva
teer Citoyenne of six guns, which surrendered
only after a hard fight.' July 26 Shaw reported :
" On the 4th Inst. I feU in with the French priva
teer L'AIgle, of ten guns and seventy-eight men.
She engaged me with much spirit for fifteen min
utes, when she lowered her colors. On the 23d I
feU in with and captured the French privateer
Flambeau, of twelve guns and ninety men. She
engaged me for nearly two glasses. L'AIgle had
four men kiUed, three wounded ; Flambeau four
men kUled, twenty wounded. The Enterprise had
two wounded in the engagement with the Flam
beau." ' In her action with the Aigle the Enter
prise tacked across her enemy's wake and gave
her a raking broadside ; and then, running up on
her weather quarter, boarded her. No further re
sistance was met with, as aU the French officers
were badly wounded, leaving the crew without
leaders.'' The action be'tween the Enterprise and the brig
Flambeau was one of the hardest fought of this
French war and ended In the capture of a vessel of
superior force. The Flambeau's guns were said to
1 Federal Gazette, July 24, 1800.
2 Amer. Nav. Off. vol. i, p. 132.
' Independent Chronicle, September 11, 1800.
¦• Amer. Nav. Off. vol. i, p. 134.

202 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
be heavier and she had more men than the Enter
prise, whose crew numbered eighty-three. The com
batants sighted each other to leeward of Dominica
towards night, and the next morning came together.
The fight lasted about three quarters of an hour,
and most of the time the vessels were close hauled
in a light breeze, with the Flambeau at first lead
ing off. As the Enterprise drew nearer they began
with a brisk fire of smaU arms. Then getting within
range, they exchanged broadsides for twenty min
utes. The fore-topmast of the Flambeau was in
jured, and In a sudden flaw of wind went overboard,
carrying six men with it. As the Enterprise passed
the spot she lowered a boat and saved the French
men. Soon after this the Flambeau struck her
colors.' While under Shaw's command the Enterprise
took three other French armed vessels, besides mak
ing a number of recaptures. Among the prizes was
a large, three-masted lugger of twelve guns, having
as passengers several army officers, including a gen
eral. At this time two American saUors were held
as prisoners by the French and harshly treated on
account of having kiUed two Frenchmen In recap
turing their vessel ; being later unfortunately taken
again by the French. Attempts to release them by
exchange had failed, and the French general and
another officer were now held In confinement as
' Amer. Nav. Off. vol. i, pp. 135-137 ; Federal Gazette, August
23, 1800 ; Mass. Mercury, August 26, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 203
hostages. The general was finally allowed to go to
Guadeloupe on parole, where he succeeded In ob
taining the release of the Americans.'
In October Shaw's health broke down, and soon
afterwards he was relieved of his command by
Lieutenant Sterrett; he returned home on the
Patapsco. This cruise of the Enterprise was suc
cessful and brilliant, and helped to make that little
schooner one of the famous vessels of the navy.
After his arrival in Philadelphia Shaw wrote, De
cember 12 : "I have in my last cruise taken thir
teen sail of vessels, made 300 French prisoners,
klUed and wounded sixty-one men, taken forty-two
pieces of artillery and 180 stand of musketry,
which Is reaUy more than I could have contem
plated." '
During the short time the Enterprise remained
in the West Indies under her new commander her
good luck continued. One of her officers wrote to
a friend, January 2, 1801: "On the 6th of De
cember, St. Bartholomew bearing west, distance
one league, we fell in with a French privateer lug
ger of twelve guns and 150 men, which we engaged
for four glasses within pistol shot. It being dark
and close in with the rocks off the east end of St.
Bartholomew, we had to beat off and leave her,
by not being acquainted with that island. She ar-
1 Amer. Nav. Off. vol. i, pp. 133, 137 ; Federal Gazette, No
vember 4, 1800.
' Amer. Nav. Off. vol. i, pp. 129-139 ; Conn. Courant, December
29, 1800; Federal Gazette, December 8, 1800.

204 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
rived the next day at St. Martin's, with twenty of
her men kiUed and thirty wounded, and lost her
mizzenmast, bowsprit, and topmast. We was very
fortunate ; we lost no men and only one wounded.
On the 24th of December we captured and brought
into St. Kitts the fast saUIng schooner privateer
L'Amour de la Patrie of six guns and ninety men.
We are just weighing anchor for a cruise of twenty
days ; then we shaU proceed for the United States
as soon as possible." '
The Experiment, Lieutenant Charles Stewart,
was ordered, July 26, 1800, to cruise off Bermuda
for ten days and then proceed to Guadeloupe. Her
cruise was interesting, although less notable than
that of the Enterprise. September 1, having arrived
on her station, she fell In with the French privateer
Deux Amis, of eight guns and forty men, which
had captured many American merchantmen. The
Frenchmen surrendered in ten minutes. Porter, who
was stIU first lieutenant of the Experiment, went
aboard the prize with four men to take possession.
Captain Stewart then saUed off In pursuit of another
vessel, and Porter found himseK in much the same
predicament in which he had been placed with
Rodgers on the Insurgente the year before.' The
French prisoners outnumbered the prize crew nearly
ten to one, and showed symptoms of insubordina
tion. Porter secured aU the smaU arms, ordered
' Conn, Journal, February 26, 1801.
' See above, p. 101.

',J*

CHARLES STEWART

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 205
the prisoners forward of a certain line, and trained
one of the guns on them, loaded with canister. It
was more than three days before the prize was
brought into St. Christopher.'
A month later the Experiment made another Im
portant capture, which is briefly related In a private
letter of Stewart's, dated October 3 : " We cruised
to windward of St. Bartholomew tiU the 1st of
October, which day we feU in with and captured
the French armed three-masted schooner Diana,
out two days from Guadaloupe, laden with sugar,
coffee, and cotton, bound to France under convoy
of a brig of sixteen nIne-pounders and 150 men.
This schooner mounted eight nine-pound carron
ades (six of which they threw overboard in the
chase), and forty-five men. On board of her we
had the pleasure to find General Rigaud, command
er-in-chief of the south of St. Domingo. This is
the man, sir, that has wrested miUions from my
countrymen. The depredations, the piracies, plun
der, and murders he has committed on my f eUow
citizens are but too weU known in the United
States, and now the Supreme Ruler of aU things
has placed him In the hands of that country he
has most injured." ' These two French vessels had
chased the Experiment at first, their combined
force being far superior to hers ; but as she out-
saUed them they gave up the pursuit and ran off to
1 Nav. Chron. pp. 173, 185 ; Stewart, pp. 5, 6 ; Porter, pp. 32-34.
' Conn. Courant, November 10, 1800.

206 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
leeward. Stewart then followed them, and when
they had become separated through their different
rates of sailing he chased the schooner and early
In the evening overhauled her. After a short re
sistance she hauled down her colors. The Experi
ment then chased the brig, but she was lost sight
of in the darkness.' Rigaud was landed at St.
Christopher, where he remained under the custody
of Commodore Truxtun. The Diana was sent to
Philadelphia.' In November the Experiment, through mistake,
had a night action with the British armed schooner
Louisa Bridger, who refused to answer Stewart's
hail and would not reveal her nationality untU
forced to yield. According to the log-book of the
Louisa Bridger the Experiment " came alongside,
fired a musket and ordered us to heave to or they
would fire into us. Not minding this, she fired a
gun at us. AU hands being at quarters we engaged
her for four hours, when we ceased firing, as our
hull, sails, and rigging were very much injured.
After this the Experiment fired two broadsides into
us. They sent their boat alongside, when we learned
what vessel it was." '
The Experiment also recaptured a number of
American vessels. She continued her cruise In the
West Indies until about the middle of January,
1 Nav. Chron. p. 185 ; Stewart, pp. 6, 7 ; Porter, pp. 34, 35.
2 Columbian Centinel, November 1, 1800.
' Mass. Mercury, December 16, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 207
1801, and then returned to the United States.'
After his arrival at Norfolk Stewart wrote to a
friend, February 4 : " I have the pleasure to in
form you of my arrival at this place after a passage
of thirteen days from the city of St. Domingo. No
thing material occurred since my last letter to you
until the 14th of December; on that day we re
captured the brig Zebra . . . bound to Martlnico.
She was captured the day before by the French
privateer schooner La Flambeau. ... I tried hard
to add her to my list, but owing to the lightness of
the wind and the distance she was to windward of
us we could not come up with her until she reached
the batteries. On the 26th of December we recap
tured the brig Dove . . . [and] the sloop Lucy.
. . . On the 6th of January, 1801, we left St.
Christopher's with thirty sail of vessels under our
convoy and on the 8 th we left the fleet at St.
Thomas, under the care of Captain Brown of the
U. S. ship Merrimack, and proceeded to Curracoa,
which place we left on the 12th for Norfolk, agree
able to my orders from Commodore Truxtun ; and
on the 18th made the island of Hispaniola, and on
the day following I observed a vessel on the reef
of the Island of Saona and a signal of distress
flying. I immediately went to their assistance and
brought from the wreck about sixty persons, men,
women, and children, also what property we could
save. The vessel was called the Eliza of St.
1 Stewart, pp. 5-9 ; Porter, pp. 32-36.

208 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Thomas, from the city of St. Domingo bound to
Porto Rico with passengers. The captain, mate, and
one man got into the boat and safely got ashore,
when the boat immediately went to pieces ; and
those on board must inevitably have perished had
they not met with assistance. The passengers in
the schooner were the Spanish officers and their
famUies who commanded at St. Domingo, which
place is demanded by Toussaint and I suppose wIU
be given up to him, for the Spaniards are moving
their families and property as fast as possible." '
Stewart took the shipwrecked people back to the
city of San Domingo.
Having been thoroughly refitted after her acci
dent in the winter, the frigate Congress sailed from
Hampton Roads for Cape Fran9ois, July 26, 1800.
Apparently she cruised off the American coast for
about a month. August 29 sherecaptured an Amer
ican brig and then chased the privateer that had
taken her, which was in sight with two other prizes ;
but night came on and they escaped. An officer of
the Congress wrote home that the prize master of
the brig " Informed us that the privateer to which
he belonged had lately been several times in sight of
Cape Henry, and that there were at present three
or four French privateers cruising off the American
coast." ' The Congress arrived at Cape Fran9ois
about September 12, and Captain Sever took com-
' Conn. Journal, February 26, 1801.
' Boston Com. Gazette, October 23, 1800.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 209
mand of the station, relieving Captain Murray.
The enemy furnished little occupation for the Con
gress In San Domingo waters, but during a short
cruise to Porto Rico she chased a privateer which
led her among shoals, and skilKul navigation was
caUed for to extricate her. The frigate had an
other narrow escape when at daybreak one morn
ing breakers were sighted close ahead, and she
was saved only by the captain's perfect self-posses
sion. "The deck," says Midshipman Morris, "was
in charge of the master, who was a sklUful sea
man, but whose presence of mind was so entirely
destroyed by the imminence and suddenness of the
danger, that he could do nothing towards extricat
ing the ship from it. I was on deck at the time
and felt justified under the circumstances in call
ing the captain without orders from the officer of
the deck. Waking from sound sleep, he came im
mediately on deck, took the trumpet from the be
wildered master and wore the ship, but so near to
the breakers that a stone might have been cast
into them from the ship." Sever continued in
command of the station until the return of Talbot,
towards the end of the year.'
Two vessels were lost at sea in the summer of
1800. The Insurgente, Captain Fletcher, was di
rected, July 14, to cruise to the eastward for about
two months. She was spoken off Cape Henry Au-
' Nav. Chron. pp. 173, 174 ; Morris, pp. 12-14 ; Columbian Cen
tinel, August 20, 27, 1800 ; Murray's Letter Book, 117.

210 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
gust 10. The Pickering, Captain HlUar, was ordered
to Guadeloupe August 16. Neither of these vessels
was ever seen or heard of again, and they were sup
posed to have been lost in the equinoctial gale of
September.' Having shipped a new crew, the frigate Boston
sailed September 15, 1800, under orders to cruise
two or three weeks between the United States and
the West Indies and then to join the Guadeloupe
squadron. She was cruising about six hundred miles
northeast of Guadeloupe when, on the morning
of Sunday, October 12, she sighted a ship and a
schooner. They separated, and she chased the ship.
The pursuit continued, before the wind, nearly aU
day. The log-book of the Boston, under the date
October 13,' says : " At meridian the chase bore
S. W., distance about three leagues. At 4 p. M. the
ship was clear for action. At half-past 4 p. M,
hoisted our colors and gave the chase a shot from
the bow gun. She hoisted French colors and fired
a gun to windward and began to shorten saU for ac
tion. At fifteen minutes before 5 p. M. came up with
the ship, haUed her and ordered him to strike his
colors to the United States flag. The captain replied
that his colors were too weU made fast to haul down.
The action immediately commenced and lasted tlU
24 minutes past 6 P. M. The sails and rigging of
' Nav. Chron. p. 173 ; Nav. Aff. vol. i, pp. 83, 84 ; Columbian
Centinel, August 27, 1800.
' October 12 ; see above, p. 166, note, and Appendix VI.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 211
both ships being much shattered, it was impossible
to work either ship ; in consequence of which we
drifted too far apart for our shot to do execution.
I then ordered all hands to be employed repairing
the rigging to commence the action again. At 9
p. M. the action recommenced, which lasted tiU 20
minutes past 10 p. M., when her fore and main top
masts were shot away. She then struck her colors to
the Boston, and not long after her fore and main
topmasts went over the side, which I was sorry to
see. . . . Oct. 14 [13], 1800. Long. 53° 21', lat.
20° 48'. This ship proved to be the French national
ship Le Berceau, mounting 24 guns on one deck,
22 long French nines and two twelve-pounders, and
230 men, commanded by Louis Andre Senes, a
post-captain from Cayenne, on a cruise. Employed
getting 117 prisoners on board the Boston. Found
on mustering the ship's company that we had seven
men klUed and eight wounded. AU hands employed
repairing the rigging on board the Boston and clear
ing the wreck on board the Berceau. I find the Ber
ceau lost, kUled in the action, 34 men, and 18
wounded." '
In his report to the Secretary of the Navy
Captain Little says the Berceau was "captured on
the 12th October in lat. 22° 60' North, long. 51°
West, after an action of two hours. . . . With
1 Nav. Chron. p. 174; Proceedings of the Massachusetts His
torical Society, June, 1883, p. 271 ; Log-book of the Boston ; Bos
ton Com. Gazette, November 17, 1800.

212 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
regret I mention our loss on board the Boston:
four kiUed in the action, [three] mortaUy wounded,
since dead; among the latter was Mr. Samuel
Young, the purser, who requested liberty to quit
the cockpit and assist on the quarter-deck. He feU
early in the action. Eight were wounded, but are
all on the recovery. I have subjoined a particular
Hst of the killed and wounded. It is a cause of
satisfaction for me to add that the officers and
crew of the Boston, without an exception, discovered
courage and firmness during the action; and it
would be injustice in me not to acknowledge that
the Captain of Le Berceau fought his ship gallantly
so long as she was in a situation capable of being
defended. Soon after he had struck, his fore and
main masts went over the side and his ship was
otherwise in a very shattered condition. The Bos
ton was much injured in her masts, spars, rigging,
and saUs, considering the force of the corvette,
which compelled me to return from my cruise to
refit .... The enemy's loss I have not been able
to ascertain, as they had thrown overboard their
watch and quarter bUls and most of their papers,
but from the best information I have been able to
obtain, they had upwards of 230 men when the
action commenced; 197 were found on board after
the action, including the wounded, who were 18." '
Lieutenant Clement of the Berceau made a report
of the battle, which differs materiaUy from that
' Columbian Centinel, December 10, ISOO.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 213
of Captain Little. He says: "At haK-past three
o'clock the frigate hoisted the American flag and
pennant and fired twice. We at once hoisted French
colors and pennant and answered by a single can
non shot. The frigate, at a quarter to four, being
within speaking distance, asked us whence we came.
A moment later she fired on us, and ranging along
our port side within pistol shot, the battle began
in a most spirited manner on both sides. The mus
ketry was very sharp and weU sustained, the only
delays being to reload the pieces. The battery also
was served with the greatest activity, and the cry
of 'Vive la RepubHque ! ' was often heard during
the battle. At six o'clock our topgaUant masts were
seriously wounded, the shrouds were cut through,
and the yards, saUs, and lower masts were riddled
with shot. At five minutes after six o'clock the frig
ate dropped astern, having her topsail ties cut and
the yards on the caps. We boarded our fore and
main tacks and came by the wind. The frigate from
this moment ceased firing and we worked without
ceasing at repairing damages.
"At half-past eight o'clock the frigate again at
tacked us and we discharged a broadside. From
that time the action was renewed with great ferocity
at pistol shot. At half-past nine o'clock the captain,
seeing a favorable opportunity of boarding the frig
ate, gave the order, and the crew only awaited the
chance, and our vessel manoeuvred to favor the at
tempt. The frigate, however, took care not to aUow

214 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
herself to be boarded, and the action continued at
pistol range up to eleven o'clock, when the frigate
again hauled off to repair damages. We again set
our courses, a short time after which our jib-boom
was carried away and the topmasts followed. At
this time our shrouds and backstays were nearly
aU cut through, and the two spare topmasts had
also been cut upon the gallows frame. We therefore
found ourselves without the possIbiUty of repairing,
but we nevertheless made as much sail as we could.
The frigate also was much damaged in her sails and
rigging and she remained out of gunshot, but al
ways in sight.
" At five o'clock the next morning nobody had
yet left his post and we expected every moment a
third attack, when the frigate passed us to the star
board at a great distance and placed herseK to lee
ward of us at half a league distance. In the course
of the morning we saw that she was working at
repairs. At half-past eleven o'clock our foremast,
pierced with shot, feU to starboard, and a short time
afterward the mainmast also feU. At two o'clock in
the afternoon the frigate, which had now finished
repairs, came up to us on the starboard side." The
Berceau then surrendered. Her loss, according to
Clement, was fourkiUed and seventeen wounded.'
The Boston carried twenty-four twelve pounders
and eight nine pounders, aU long guns, and two
hundred and thirty men. The weight of her broad-
1 Maclay, vol. i, pp. 209-212.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 215
side was heavier than that of the Berceau in the
proportion of about three to two. Considering the
superiority of the Boston, the Berceau made a re
markably strong resistance. Captain Senes is said
to have had a high reputation for bravery; he had
served under Admiral D'Estaing in the American
Revolution.' The Berceau was towed most of the way to port
by her captor, undergoing repairs on the way. Oc
tober 24 they fell in with an American brig bound
to Barbadoes; Captain Senes was paroled and put
aboard her. Four days later the cable with which
the prize was being towed parted in a heavy sea,
and she was lost sight of for two days, being again
taken in tow October 30. Two weeks after this
Little brought his frigate and her prize into Boston
harbor.' His report, dated Nantasket Roads, No
vember 15, 1800, begins: "I have the honor to
inform you that I arrived last evening in company
with the French national corvette Le Berceau";
the report is accompanied by a list of the Boston's
casualties.' The prisoners were landed on Castle
Island, where they remained under guard, except
the officers, who were paroled. The Berceau was
condemned a few weeks later, and on January 15
was sold to the United States. Under the treaty
with France, however, which had already been con-
' Nav. Chron. p. 174 ; Boston Com. Gazette, November 17, 1800.
' Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. June, 1883, p. 272.
' Columbian Centinel, December 10, 1800.

216 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
eluded, she was given up. September 26, 1801, she
sailed for France.'
The Constitution was ordered to return to San
Domingo November 18, but did not saU untU some
time in December. She arrived at Cape Fran9oIs
on the 29th of that month, and Commodore Talbot
resumed command of the station. Here he remained
untU spring. In January, 1801, there were on the
San Domingo station, besides the flagship, the Con
gress, Adams, TrumbuU, Richmond, and Augusta.'
About the first of the year David Porter was trans
ferred from the Experiment to the Constitution as
second lieutenant, and soon afterwards the commo
dore gave him command of a smaU prize schooner,
the Amphltrlte, probably a recaptured American
vessel. Many years afterwards Isaac HuU wrote
to Porter : " While we were fitting this vessel and
putting her guns on board (which were small brass
howitzers taken from the tops of the Constitution),
we discovered some barges in shore, inside a reef
of rocks, where they were discharging an American
vessel they had made prize of. You were ordered
to stand in with the schooner and bring them out.
Not a moment was lost ; you instantly left the ship,
stood in boldly and brought the barges to action.
As they considered their force superior to yours,
they did not wish to abandon the prize, but in a
' St. Pap. vol. iv, pp. 389-393, 413, 417.
^ Nav. Chron. p. 174 ; Columbian Centinel, November 19, Decem
ber 6, 1800; Mass. Mercury, February 6, 1801.

DAVID PORTER

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 217
very short time you captured and brought off the
largest barge and prize brig, and no doubt you
would have taken the other, had you not been pre
vented from pursuing her by your vessel's ground
ing on the reef."' The Constitution saUed for home
in March ; the Congress had preceded her.'
The forty-four gun ship President was launched
April 10, 1800, and was the last of the original
1794 frigates to go Into commission. Commodore
Truxtun, after his return from Jamaica with the
victorious ConsteUation, was appointed to the Pre
sident. She was ordered to Guadeloupe July 30,
and Truxtun resumed the command of his old star
tion. This cruise lasted about six months, and was
uneventful. The President took no prizes, but made
a few recaptures. She returned home early in
March, 1801.' The career of the Chesapeake, Cap
tain Samuel Barron, during her first year, seems
also to have been uneventful. She cruised partly
off the coast of the United States and partly
on the Guadeloupe station. January 1, 1801, she
took a prize near the 27th parallel of latitude.^
The Philadelphia, Captain Decatur, cruised many
months without Important results, but about De-
1 Porter, p. 38. ' Mass. Mercury, April 7, 1801.
' Conn. Courant, April 14, November 10, 1800 ; Federal Gazette,
December 8, 29, 1800 ; Boston Com. Gazette, December 25, 1800 ;
Mass. Mercury, March 10, 1801.
* Mass. Mercury, December 26, 1800, February 3, 1801 ; Colum
bian Centinel, December 31, 1800; Conn. Journal, February 26,
1801.

218 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
cember 1 she took a French privateer and soon
afterwards captured four others. She sailed home
in March.' One of the last vessels to get to sea was
the frigate New York, built under the act of June
30, 1798. She was ordered to the Guadeloupe
station October 20, 1800, under the command
of Captain Morris, who was transferred from the
Adams. His good luck in taking prizes whUe with
the latter ship did not follow him in the New
York.' The Constellation, Captain Murray, was ordered,
November 28, to " shape her course so as to afford
protection to American vessels bound from the
East Indies and Europe," and on December 30 was
assigned to the Guadeloupe station. She proceeded
to New York and sailed from there January 9, 1801.
Three days out she " encountered a tremendous gale
of wind " from the south-southwest, " which con
tinued with little intermission for 24 hours, and
came on in a very sudden manner. Every effort was
made to place the ship In as safe a situation as pos
sible, — top-gallant yards and mast down, etc., but
while scudding under a reef fore saU (the only sail
we could set) the lee sheet gave way and brought
us by the lee, the sea making a perfect breach over
us, stove in all ports, and in a few minutes we had
near six feet water in the hold, the most of which
entered our hatchways before we could get them
' Mass. Mercury, January 27, March 3, April 3, 1801.
' Nav. Chron. pp. 173, 174, 184.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 219
properly secured. In this situation I was persuaded
to cut away the mizzenmast and began to cut the
lee shrouds and stays and some of the weather ones,
when we succeeded in getting aft the lee fore tacks
and a preventer sheet, which payed her off before
the wind. At that moment we ceased cutting away.
I proceeded to get preventer tackles upon the mast
to save it and get down the gaff, but not tlU it gave
a crack which gave us great alarm, yet finaUy we
secured it and have It now in a safe state. StUl
the pumps gained but little on the water in the hold
and we contemplated throwing overboard our spar
deck guns, but after great exertions we brought the
pumps to suck, in the course of which time I was
eighteen hours on the deck without rest, as were the
greater part of the crew — continually expecting
to be obliged to cut away the masts. The next day
we made sail under close reeft main and fore top
sails, tiU by degrees we had a return of moderate
weather." ' Having reached latitude 22°, the Con
stellation feU in with a British frigate on a dark
night. They exchanged several shots before recog
nizing by signals each other's friendly character.
Approaching the West Indies from the eastward,
the Constellation captured a three-masted lugger
of fourteen guns and a hundred men from Guade
loupe. Upon examining her papers It was found
that she had been Instructed not to make captures
of American vessels; and it was soon afterwards
1 Murray's Letter Book, 140.

220 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
learned that the new treaty between the United
States and France had reached Guadeloupe early
in January and that French agents and consuls
had been directed to promulgate it. Murray found
the French very friendly, and wrote to the Secre
tary of the Navy, February 3, that he might
" now assure the merchants of the United States
that their trade wIU no longer be molested by
French cruisers." He assisted in the work of
spreading the tidings of returning peace among
Americans and French in the West Indies. On
this errand the ConsteUation proceeded by way
of St. Thomas and Porto Rico to Cape Fran9ois,
and thence to Havana. After coUecting a convoy
there she saUed for home March 2, and three
weeks later was In Delaware Bay. In AprU she
dragged her anchors and grounded on a shoal,
where she remained two weeks or more, but finaUy
got off and suffered no Injury.'
The United States arrived at Philadelphia from
her mission to France April 3, 1800. Soon after
this the Portsmouth was sent over to bring home
the American envoys, when they had concluded
their negotiations with the French government.
After her retum the United States required ex
tensive repairs, and It was not untU December that
she was ready for sea and was ordered to the West
Indies. Commodore Barry took command of the
' Nav. Chron. p. 175 ; Mass. Mercury, March 24, April 21, May
1, 1801 ; Murray's Letter Book, 140, 145 (February 3, 9, 1801).

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 221
Guadeloupe station, being instructed to allow Trux
tun to cruise independently with the President and
one other vessel. February 1, 1801, Barry had
with him at St. Christopher, besides his own ship,
the Philadelphia, New York, Warren, Eagle, and
Enterprise. The Merrimack had recently gone
back to Boston with a convoy from St. Thomas.
In the summer of 1800, the George Washington,
Captain Bainbridge, had been sent to Algiers on
a special mission. The Connecticut and the Ganges
had been ordered to the East Indies, but, with
peace In prospect, they did not go. The Delaware
was in Cuban waters. Most of the other vessels,
not on the San Domingo station, were in home
ports. Barry was soon notified that a convention
between the United States and France had been
concluded, and he was directed to " treat the armed
vessels of France, public or private, exactly as you
find they treat our trading vessels." The treaty
was ratified February 3, 1801, and was sent to
France by a bearer of dispatches, who set out
from Baltimore on the Maryland, Captain Rodgers,
March 22. The next day the Herald, Captain
RusseU, was ordered to the West Indies to recaU
the various cruisers from their stations ; she saUed
from Boston on this duty April 11. The United
States returned home just after this.'
' Nav. Chron. pp. 171, 174-176 ; Barry, pp. 405-407 ; Picker
ing, vol. xiii, 378, 380, 386; Gazette of U. S. May 28, 1800 5
Mass. Mercury, April 22, 25, August 1, 1800, January 2, Febraary

222 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
About eighty-five prizes were taken by the navy
from the French during the war, not counting re
captured vessels and smaU boats. Two of these,
being national vessels, were afterwards given up
under the treaty, and about a dozen had already
been surrendered on account of being iUegal cap
tures or for other reasons. The only national ves
sel taken from the Americans by the French was
the Retaliation, which had previously been cap
tured from the French and was again taken from
them. The value of the prizes condemned, about
seventy in number, was probably not less than
seven hundred thousand doUars.'
The whole cost of the American navy from 1794
to the return of the ships to port in the spring
of 1801 was about ten mlUion doUars, of which
six miUions may be taken as a fair estimate of the
actual expense of protecting American commerce
against French depredation. During the years
1798 to 1800 inclusive, the value of the exports
from the United States thus protected was over
two hundred mlUIon doUars, and the revenue de
rived from imports was more than twenty-two
mUHon doUars.' Unquestionably a very large pro-
3, 6, 17, March 13, April 3, 7, 14, May 1, 1801 ; Conn. Courant,
August 4, 1800 ; Columbian Centinel, September 17, December 6,
1800. 1 Nav. Chron. pp. 182-185 ; Emmons, pp. 48-53. The prize lists
of Goldsborough and Emmons difEer slightly ; probably neither is
complete or accurate.
' Nav. Chron. pp. 185-187.

THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 223
portion of this profitable trade would have been
discouraged through fear or lost by spoUation, had
it not been for naval protection.
In estimating the degree of credit due the navy
for its exploits In this contest, it shoidd not be for
gotten that the French hslvj at this period was In
a demoralized condition. In the old navy of France,
nearly aU the officers were members of the nobil
ity. When the service was reorganized under the
repubHc, most of these officers withdrew or were
driven out, and some perished by the guIUotlne.
Their places were fiUed by inexperienced men
from the merchant marine and privateersmen. The
extreme republican ideas of the Revolution, more
over, were not conducive to discipline, and in
subordination was prevalent. Unwise legislation
seriously impaired the efficiency of the service, and
mismanagement brought about deterioration of
ships and equipment.' Nevertheless, the national
French ships with which the Americans contended
appear to have been weU and bravely fought. And
the American navy also was organized under diffi
culties, notably the opposition of a large proportion
of the people, the inexperience of the civU admin
istrators, and the unmilitary character of large
numbers of the officers and men.
In his speech to Congress, November 22, 1800,
President Adams said : " The present Navy of the
United States, caUed suddenly into existence by a
' Mahan, ch. ii.

224 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
great national exigency, has raised us in our own
esteem ; and by the protection afforded to our
commerce has effected to the extent of our expec
tations the objects for which it was created." '
' Nav. Chron. p. 175.

CHAPTER VIII
PRIVATE AKMED VESSELS
There were probably no American privateers,
strictly speaking, at this time ; that is to say, ves
sels devoted solely to purposes of war; but most
merchantmen were armed for defense, and a large
number of them were commissioned under the act
of July 9, 1798, which permitted them to capture
French armed vessels.' As a rule they carried a
light battery and a smaU crew ; fighting was a con
sideration secondary to trade. A few vessels were
more formidable. The China of Philadelphia was
a ship of more than a thousand tons, and carried
thirty-six guns and a hundred and fifty-one men ;
but Captain Preble says she was " too top-heavy to
be safe in carrying sail." ' There were many spir
ited actions between American and French private
armed vessels. The French, often true privateers,
were generaUy much the more powerful, and some
times succeeded in capturing the Americans; but
in most cases the vessels separated after disabling
each other more or less seriously.
Perhaps the earliest conflict between vessels of
this class was that of the ship Eliza of Charleston
with a French privateer of greatly superior force,
' See above, pp. 58, 59. ' Essex, pp. 75, 78.

226 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
in the Bay of Biscay, July 5, 1798. After fighting
an hour and a quarter the Eliza was compeUed to
strike.' December 31, 1798, the ship Perseverance
of Salem was chased in the Old Bahama Channel
by a schooner under Spanish colors, which later
were hauled down and the English flag hoisted in
their place. The schooner came up on the starboard
quarter of the Perseverance and gave her a broad
side, which she answered with her stern guns and
then, coming into the wind as the schooner passed,
returned the broadside. The privateer then tacked
and fired another broadside. Soon after this she
struck the English flag, hoisted French colors, and
made off.'
The schooner Charming Betsey of Baltimore, with
twenty men and eight four pounders, off the harbor
of Cura9ao, March 8, 1799, fell In with the French
privateer Revenge, with eighty men and nine six
pounders. " At 3 P. M. discovered a French priva
teer bearing down on us. She hauled her wind In
our weather quarter and hoisted a red flag ; hailed
us where from and where bound? We answered
from Curracoa to Laguira. She then ordered us
to haul down our colors, which Captain Conway
refused. She then fired a voUey of musquetry into
the Charming Betsey, which was Immediately re
turned. A close and warm action now commenced,
which continued about three quarters of an hour,
' Mass. Mercury, December 4, 1798.
" Salem Gazette, March 5, 1799.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 227
during which time the privateer made two attempts
to board us. The Charming Betsey received con
siderable damage In her rigging, spars and sails
and both topmasts shot away and the captain and
three men wounded ; bore away for the harbor of
Curracoa, where she arrived and the privateer
Immediately after her. The privateer received con
siderable damage and had ten men kiUed and
wounded, five of whom were thrown overboard pre
vious to her arrival in port. The Charming Betsey
would certainly have taken the privateer had her
matches not given out, which prevented her from
raking her twice, as her guns could not be got off." '
On the same day that the Betsey fought the
Revenge the ship MoUy of Philadelphia, bound to
Liverpool, " saw a cutter standing athwart us to
the northward, we then steering an east course for
Cape Clear. ... At half-past eight she tacked
and stood for us ; at nine she was within gunshot,
and on hoisting my ensign she immediately ran up
a French national flag at her topmast head and
fired a shot between our main and fore mast. She
then tacked and reconnoitred us, giving us her
stern chases in going about. We retained our fire
and continued our course under our topsails. . . .
At a quarter past meridian she recommenced fir
ing, and running under our starboard quarter at
tempted to board us, which was happUy prevented
and we Immediately exchanged broadsides. She
1 Conn. Courant, April 15, 1799.

228 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
then approached us on the larboard quarter within
pistol shot and gave us her other broadside, which
we instantly returned. She then hauled off a Httle,
removed her ensign to her main peak, and running
up a pendant to the masthead, immediately at
tempted again to board on our starboard quarter,
which was as before prevented. We then ex
changed broadsides twice, when she sheered off,
hauled down her colors and lay to. She was a fine
new brig of sixteen sixes and full of men, was
coppered and sailed very fast. We have received
considerable damage in our sails, rigging, and huU,
but thank God, have not lost one of our men." '
Although the privateer struck her colors, it does
not appear that the MoUy took possession. The
French ship Columbus of four guns, bound from
Guadeloupe to St. Thomas, was captured in June,
1799, by the brig Genius of New York, of four
teen guns, and was sent into Tortola and con
demned for the benefit of the captors by a British
court of admiralty.'
The ship Planter sailed from Hampton Roads
June 18, 1799, and on July 10, in latitude 49°
North, longitude 17° 30' West, a saU was sighted.
The Planter cleared for action and at 5.30 p. M.
lay to for her. " She then bore down under our
starboard quarter, fired one gun into us and showed
National Colors; we found her to be a Privateer of
' Mass. Spy, May 15, 1799.
' Salem Gazette, Augiist 9, 1799.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 229
twenty-two guns, twelves, nines, and sixes, with
smaU arms in the tops and fuU of men. We im
mediately rounded to and gave her a broadside,
which commenced the action on both sides. The
first broadside we received cut away aU our hal
yards, top sheets and braces, and killed three men
on the quarter-deck. We kept up a constant fire
for two glasses and a haK, when he sheered off to
repair damage and in about one glass returned to
board us with his bloody flag hoisted. We were aU
in readiness to receive him, got our broadsides to
bear upon him and poured in our langrage and
grape-shot with great success. A heavy fire was
kept up on both sides for three glasses, the second
time — In aU the engagement continued firing for
five glasses. At last he found we would not give
out and, night coming on, sheered off and stood to
the southwest." The Planter had twelve nine
pounders and six six pounders, and forty-three
men, four of whom were killed and eight wounded.
The French were seen to throw several dead over
board.' The Mount Vernon of Salem, Captain E. H.
Derby, a ship of four hundred tons, twenty guns —
nine and six pounders — and fifty-three men, sailed
for the Mediterranean in the summer of 1799.
July 28, to the eastward of the Azores, she fell In
with " a fleet of upwards of fifty sail, steering nearly
N. E." Captain Derby, writing to his father, the
1 Boston Com. Gazette, September 12, 1799.

230 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
owner of the vessel, says : " We run directly for
their centre ; at 4 o'clock found ourselves in their
half-moon ; concluding it impossible that it could
be any other than the EngHsh fleet, continued our
course for their centre to avoid any apprehension
of a want of confidence In them. They soon dis
patched an 18 gun ship from their centre and two
frigates, one from their van and another from the
rear, to beat towards us, we being to windward.
On approaching under easy saU the centre ship, I
fortunately bethought myseK that it would be but
common prudence to steer so far to windward of
him as to be a grapeshot's distance from him, to
observe his force and manoeuvring. When we were
abreast of him he fired a gun to leeward and hoisted
English colors. We immediately bore away and
meant to pass under his quarter, between him and
the fleet, showing our American colors. This move
ment disconcerted him, and it appeared to me he
conceived we were either an American sloop of war
or an EngHsh one in disguise, attempting to cut
him off from the fleet ; for while we were in the
act of wearing on his beam, he hoisted French
colors and gave us his broadside. We immediately
brought our ship to the wind and stood on about
a mile, wore towards the centre of the fleet, hove
about and crossed him on the other tack about
half grapeshot distance and received his broadside ;
several of his shot fell on board of us and cut our
saUs, two round shot striking us without much

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 231
damage. AU hands were active In clearing ship for
action, for our surprise had been complete. In about
ten minutes we commenced firing our stern chasers
and In a quarter of an hour gave him our broadside
in such a style as evidently sickened him, for he
immediately luffed in the wind, gave us his broad
side, went in stays in great confusion, wore ship
afterwards in a large circle, and renewed the chase
at a mile and a haK distance; a manoeuvre calcu
lated to keep up appearances with the fleet and to
escape our shot. We received seven or eight broad
sides from him, and I was mortified at not having
it in my power to return him an equal number
without exposing myseK to the rest of the fleet;
for I am persuaded I should have had the pleasure
of sending him home had he been separated from
them." '
The fleet was lost sight of during the night. The
next day the Mount Vernon was chased by two frig
ates, and the day after by a French lateen rigged
vessel. That night she was off Cadiz, and the next
day, July 31, proceeded to Gibraltar, " where we
arrived at 12 o'clock, popping at Frenchmen aU
the forenoon. At 10 A. M., off Algesiras Point, were
seriously attacked by a lg,rge lateener who had on
board more than a hundred men. He came so near
our broadside as to aUow our six pound grape to do
execution handsomely. We then bore away and gave
him our stern guns in a cool and deliberate manner,
' Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, February, 1857, pp. 181, 182.

232 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
doing apparently great execution. Our bars having
cut his saUs considerably, he was thrown into con
fusion, struck both his ensign and his pennant. I
was then puzzled to know what to do with so many
men ; our ship was running large with aU her steer
ing sails out, so that we could not immediately bring
her to the wind, and we were directly off Algesiras
Point, from whence I had reason to fear she might
receive assistance and my port, Gibraltar, in fuU
view. These were circumstances that Induced me
to give up the gratification of bringing him in. It
was, however, a satisfaction to flog the rascal in f uU
view of the EngHsh fleet, who were to leeward." '
The supercargo of the ship London Packet of
Baltimore writes that on September 10, 1799, " we
had a very severe engagement with a French priva
teer of sixteen guns and 150 men. She engaged us
an hour and three quarters, half of which time she
was close alongside. A little before she attempted
to board us they hoisted the bloody flag, which
proved a bloody one to them, as every man who
attempted to board suffered instant death. Consid
ering the desperate attempts they made, we got off
weU. I am sorry to inform you we had three men
klUed, one of whom was our second mate, Mr. Lind
say, a spirited and active officer, and two wounded,
one of whom was Captain Anderson, who received
a baU In his right breast. It was 8 o'clock at night
when the privateer sheered off from us, unable to
' Hunt's Merchants' Mag. February, 1857, p. 182.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 233
effect her point. Some of her sails were on fire from
the wads from our guns ; and some of our own sails
being likewise on fire from a sImUar cause prevented
our capturing her. Had it not been for that circum
stance we should have lashed her to the ship and
made a prize of her." The fire got into the cabin of
the London Packet and nearly reached the maga
zine. Her force In guns and men is not given.'
On a voyage from New York to New Orleans
the private armed vessel Chesapeake, of twenty
guns, was thirty-seven mUes north of Havana Oc
tober 2, 1799, and the captain's narrative says that
" at 10 o'clock A. M. the man at the mast head de
scried a saU coming out from the land and bearing
down upon us. At meridian we found she gained
upon us very fast and then prepared for action. At
3 p. M. I consulted with my officers and cabin pas
sengers, who all agreed that it would not be pru
dent to hazard an action in the night should the
vessel then in shore of us prove to be an enemy,
and therefore concluded to shorten sail and see who
she was before dark. At half-past four she fired
upon us and hoisted EngHsh colors, which we re
turned with a stern chaser and hoisted our ensign,
on which she immediately hoisted the bloody flag
at her foretopmast head. At a quarter past flve
she came up under our stern. I then haUed them
and inquired who they were and where from, but
could not understand the answer ; they then haUed
1 Gazette of U. S. October 3, 1799.

234 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
me in English and ordered me to lay my topsaUs
to the mast or to abide by the consequences. I re
plied that I was an American and would protect
the trade. The word American was scarcely uttered
before they gave three cheers and poured a broad
side and voUey of smaU arms Into us, which we re
turned, and a desperate engagement ensued which
lasted three quarters of an hour, when her quarter
deck blew up and she went down stern foremost.
I immediately hove my ship to and hoisted my boat
out, but unfortunately could not save one man.
She was a schooner mounting twelve or fourteen
guns and manned, as near as we could judge, with
about eighty men. We had two men wounded, one
of whom died the next morning ; the other is In a
fair way to recovery. My ship received material
Injury in her masts, spars, and rigging, the enemy
having fired all kinds of combustibles and mate
rials into us, such as iron spikes (22 inches long),
slugs, etc." ' Some of the vessels with which the
Americans contended displayed an indifference as
to what flag they fought under, which suggests a
good deal of doubt of their being legitimate priva
teers of France.
A letter from William Smith, United States
minister to Portugal, to the Secretary of State,
dated Lisbon, November 2, 1799, says: "Two
days ago arrived here in distress the [ship] Wash
ington, Capt. WiUiamson, bound from London to
' Gazette of U. S. November 21, 1799.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 235
PhUadelphia, with thirty-four passengers. She
mounts 22 guns, has seventy men, and off Scilly
fought two hours a large French privateer of 28
guns and beat her off. She had one kiUed and two
wounded." Later letters say that the French ves
sel was " the Balance, a Privateer from Bordeaux
of 30 guns, which was obliged to put into Corunna
to reflt," and that she had a crew of two hundred
men, thirty of whom were killed and many wounded. '
Captain James Williamson of the twenty-two
gun ship Perseverance of Philadelphia, wrote from
Lisbon, November 2, 1799 : " SciUy bearing N. E.
forty leagues at daylight in the morning (Oct. 24)
I perceived a large ship standing after us under
easy sail. Finding he could come up with us when
he pleased, I shortened sail and hove to for him
and got all clear for action. At 10 A. M. he came
up on our larboard quarter, hoisted French colors
and gave me a gun. I immediately hoisted Ameri
can colors and returned it, which commenced a very
hot and close action, being within half pistol shot
the most of the time. She was frigate built, mounted
24 guns on her deck and four on the quarter-deck,
and was crowded with men ; a great number on the
upper deck at the small arms. He kept a very hot
fire from his gun deck, chiefly directed to disable
us In the rigging in which he completely succeeded,
as early in the action my rigging and sails were
cut to pieces, so that I had not the least command
1 Pickering, vol. xxv, 267, 280, 281.

236 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
of the ship, nor could brace a yard about. At the
second and third broadsides the most of the carron
ades overset and had but seven guns on that side to
engage with, but the well-directed and hot fire kept
up from them obliged him, after an hour and ten
minutes' severe action, to haul off. He left me so
complete a wreck that I could not set one saU to
foUow him. I had one man klUed and two severely
wounded. He hove to about two miles to windward
and was busy employed repairing damages and
plugging shot holes. We were likewise all employed
about the rigging, but it was so bad that it was
with the greatest exertions I could get the fore
and main topsails half set. At noon he bore down
upon us again and at once we commenced another
very severe action for an hour and a quarter, when
he made all saU possible and stood off to the
S. E." The spars, rigging, and sails of the Per
severance were so much Injured that it was with
great difficulty that she succeeded in getting into
Lisbon.' The private armed vessel Atlantic, in company
with an English vessel, was attacked December 11,
1799, and again the next day by a French priva
teer of twenty-four twelve pounders and two hun
dred and fifty men. In the Bay of Bengal. On each
occasion the privateer was beaten off after a severe
' Boston Com. Gazette, February 6, 1800 ; the similarity of
names, dates, and circumstances suggests the possible identity of
the Washington and Perseverance.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 237
engagement. The English vessel carried eleven
four pounders and twenty-seven men ; the Atlantic
carried carronades, but neither the number nor
weight nor the number of men is given • in the
account.' Captain Joy of the ship Nancy of Boston, with
ten six pounders and twenty-seven men, wrote from
Havana, March 16, 1800: "After leaving Boston
we took the wind from the S. W. with strong gales,
which lasted fifteen days and drove us so far to the
eastward that we fell in with a French privateer
schooner of 16 guns and 100 men or upwards. He
engaged us under the bloody flag at the distance
of pistol shot for an hour. Many shot passed
through our sails and rigging. Night came on, and
he hauled his wind and lay at the distance of two
miles untU ten the next morning; he then came
down with his ' grapplings at the yard arm and
grappled us upon our starboard quarter with his
jib stay on our boarding spar. As he crossed our
stern he began with his musketry and cannon,
thinking to drive us from our quarters, which he
had nearly accomplished and began jumping on
board ; but we raUIed and stuck so close to them
with our muskets and boarding pikes that they
were obliged to return on board, after being In
our main and mizzen chains three or four times.
After three glasses, by cutting our rigging that his
grappHngs were fast to, he cleared his jib stay and
1 Gazette of U. S. May 2, 1800.

238 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
we parted. We had one man killed and seven
wounded, but none of us mortally. One nine pound
shot went through the foremast and one through
the mainmast ; likewise a number of smaller shot.
Our main top shot much to pieces and twenty shot
through our mizzenmast. In fact, when they left
us there was at least 3000 shot of different kinds
through our huU, sails, and rigging. Our topsail,
topgaUant haulyards, jib stay, topping lift and
braces were aU shot away; yards down on the
caps, sails overboard, and the ship on fire in three
or four different places. He lay with his head one
way and we the other for two hours. After I had
got my braces rove and topsail set and stood on my
course he came after me again ; about four o'clock
he overtook and gave us another broadside, and we
returned it. He then hauled his wind and left us,
which was 36 hours from the time he fell in with

us." '

The Straits of Gibraltar and the neighboring
waters were infested at this period with French
and Spanish privateers, many of them smaU gun
boats, which came out from Algeciras and other
ports, often in considerable numbers, and attacked
vessels entering the straits, especially in calm
weather. In January, 1800, the ship Favorite of
Boston was attacked by two of these privateers
off Tarifa, and a little later fought an hour and a
half with four others. There was no wind, and
' Independent Chronicle, April 17, 1800.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 239
she finaUy got into Gibraltar with the help of
sweeps.' A letter from the ship Industry of Boston, Cap
tain Gamaliel Bradford, dated Lisbon, July 23,
1800, and apparently written by the supercargo,
says : " I have the misfortune of having the pain
ful task aUotted to me to communicate the very
unfortunate accident that Captain Bradford met
with on the 8th July. We sailed from Naples on
the 15th June, and arrived safely off Gibraltar on
the 8th July. Conceiving it not safe to enter this
port by reason of the annoyance given by the
Spanish gunboats, we proceeded for Lisbon. Soon
after entering the Gut about one league, there
came from shore a large French privateer, which
came in sight of our guns, but did not like our
appearance; she hauled her wind and went astern.
She then fired a gun and hoisted French colors
with a bloody flag and began firing at us, but was
at such a distance that we could not reach her
with our stern guns, although she from her bows
was throwing her grape shot into and beyond us.
Captain Bradford said all we could do was to wait
until she came nearer, when he hoped we should be
able to give the rascals what they deserved. After
firing above an hour at that distance she came
nearer, but finding there was danger in the at
tempt, she again returned to her former distance,
where she continued firing her bow chases. Soon
' Columbian Centinel, April 16, 1800.

240 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
after, three other privateers, one nearly as large as
the first, came out, and all of them commenced
firing at our stern. Conceiving themselves much
superior in force, they became bolder and ap
proached nearer, so that we were enabled to keep
a steady firing upon them, but they had much
heavier guns than we, particularly the two large
privateers. The wind blowing fresher, the two
smallest were not able to do much harm. A strong
current against us and having many of our sails
and spars shot away, we could not carry sail except
before the wind, and in this course moved slowly
through the water. After engaging these pirates
three hours. Captain Bradford was unfortunately
wounded by a grape shot in the thigh, which en
tered the back part a little above the knee and
went nearly through." The captain was taken be
low. The fight continued two and a half hours
longer, and the privateers then sheered off. The
Industry mounted twelve six pounders and had
twenty-five men. One of the privateers mounted
ten guns, the bow guns being eighteen pounders ;
another carried eight guns, and the other two had
guns in their bows only. The Industry continued
her voyage, going to Cadiz, and finaUy reaching
Lisbon in ten days, delayed by head winds. Here
Captain Bradford had his thigh amputated; he
was kindly treated by the captain and surgeon of
a British man-of-war.'
' Boston Com. Gazette, September 11, 1800.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 241
Captain Haggard of the ship Louisa of Phila
delphia, carrying twelve six pounders and thirty
men, wrote from Gibraltar, August 27, 1800,
that at daylight on the 20th, off Tarifa, " we dis
covered several French and Spanish privateers and
gunboats making the best use of their sails and
sweeps to get out. There were then four American
brigs in sight, one near the Spanish shore and
three astern of us. Two of the latter we had spoke
some days before; they were the Greyhound from
Boston and the Huntress from New York. The
others were unknown to us. Several of the priva
teers fired at the brig inshore, who appeared to be
without guns, and at length a gunboat approaching
very close, she was obHged to strike." Two priva^
teers then attacked the Greyhound, and later a
privateer and a gunboat fell upon the Louisa. " As
they both sailed fast and made use of their sweeps
they were soon near us, and at six A. M. began
their fire, which we returned. After a continual
firing for six glasses, finding they had cut our rig
ging in such a manner as to make our ship per
fectly unmanageable, the privateer made an attempt
to board on our stem, whUe the gunboat lay upon
our larboard quarter and kept up a constant fire
at about pistol shot. They first attempted to enter
the cabin windows and burst them in with their
muskets, but were repiUsed. They next tried upon
our starboard quarter, but those who got on the
sides were forced back. They then lashed their

242 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
bowsprit to our mizzen chain, but the ship taking
a broad sheer, it broke and swinging round they
were brought directly under our quarter guns,
which were constantly fired into them loaded with
grape and accompanied with three cheers, when
they made the best of their way to the Spanish
shore attended by their friend the gunboat. They
had scarcely left us when a vessel with Spanish
colors came out and fired several shot at us, but
on being answered and finding us in a better dis
position for another action than our shattered ap
pearance evinced, thought proper to return. During
the engagement we had the pleasure to see three
brigs escape." The privateer that had attempted
to board the Louisa " had three masts with lateen
sails ; she mounted two brass long 24 pounders in
the bow and eight in her waist with swivels, and
was fuU of men." It was afterwards learned that
she had eleven killed and thirteen wounded; the
gunboat had one killed. On the Louisa the captain,
who was wounded in the shoulder, was the only one
hurt.' Sometimes a vessel captured by the French would
be recaptured from the prize crew by members of
the former crew left on board. The ship Hiram
was captured by a French sloop of war, September
29, 1800. The captain and his seventeen-year-old
' Boston Com. Gazette, November 17, 1800. For other encoun
ters of American private armed vessels, see Maclay's American
Privateers, p. 220 ; Hoxse, ch. v ; Mass. Spy, January 2, 1799 ; Salem
Gazette, June 14, 1799 ; Boston Com. Gazette, May 29, July 7, 1800.

PRIVATE ARMED VESSELS 243
brother, who was second mate, one seaman and a
twelve-year-old boy were left on board with a prize
crew of ten. The captain had concealed his pistols,
and they determined to attempt the recapture of
the ship. The captain knocked down the man at
the wheel and threw the prize master overboard,
but he caught hold of the main chains and got back
again. Two other men were knocked down and one
was shot, but not much hurt. Then the captain's
brother and the other man came to his assistance
with handspikes. They chased the prize crew about
the deck untU at last they surrendered and were
confined below. Later the Hiram was captured by
another French vessel, but was recaptured by a
British frigate and sent into Martinique.' The brig
Washington of Portsmouth was taken November
25, 1800, by a French privateer off St. Lucia. A
prize master and five men were put on board the
Washington, and aU her crew taken out except the
captain and a negro. Early one morning two of the
Frenchmen were on the fore topsail yard, one was
halfway up the shrouds and one at the helm, while
the prize master and another man were on the fore
castle. The captain proposed to the negro that they
attempt to recapture the vessel, and armed himself
with a pump handle while the negro took the cook's
axe. The captain knocked down the helmsman and
threw him into the cabin. The negro struck the
prize master a fatal blow and he feU overboard.
' Mass. Mercury, January 16, 1801.

244 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
The other man on the forecastle was also struck
down with the axe, but recovered ; he drew a knife
and ran at the captain ; but was again struck down,
with the pump handle. The man on the shrouds
jumped into the sea and the others remained aloft.
The captain lowered a boat, put into it the wounded
men and some stores, aUowed those aloft to get in,
gave them two oars and the course to Guadeloupe
and let them go. The boat and the man who had
jumped overboard were afterwards picked up by a
passing vessel. The Washington was safely navi
gated to Dominica, thence to St. Christopher, and
finally home, having joined a convoy.'
' Mass. Mercury, Jawiaxy 16, 1801. For another instance, see
lUd. July 9, 1799.

CHAPTER IX
the CONVENTION OF 1800
In the summer of 1798 WiUiam Vans Murray,
the United States minister to HoUand, having con
versed on the relations between his country and
France with M. Pichon, the secretary of the French
legation at the Hague, the latter reported the fact
to his govemment. TaUeyrand became interested
at once, and began again the tentative negotiations
in which he had unsuccessf uUy attempted to en
gage Elbridge Gerry only a few weeks earlier. He
assured Pichon that any envoy the United States
might send to France " would be undoubtedly re
ceived with the respect due to the representative
of a free, independent, and powerful nation," re
peating the words used by President Adams in
his message of June 21.' Of course, all this was
promptly reported to the Secretary of State by
Murray, who was thereupon appointed by the
President, February 18, 1799, minister plenipo
tentiary to treat with the French government.
This appointment aroused opposition, chiefly on
the ground that it was inexpedient to renew nego
tiations with France at that time. The President
then appointed two other envoys, to be associated
' See above, p. 38.

246 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
with Murray, — OHver EUsworth, chief justice of
the United States, and Patrick Henry, late gov
ernor of Virginia; the two latter to set out for
France only after the most positive assurances had
been obtained that they would be received with re
spect. The nominations were thereupon conflrmed
by the Senate. Murray was instructed to hold " no
more indirect and inofficial communications " with
any agent of France. TaUeyrand gave the required
assurance that the envoys would be properly re
ceived and respected. Patrick Henry, on account
of old age and infirmity, decHned to serve, and
Governor WilHam R. Davie of North Carolina was
appointed in his place.'
MeanwhUe, in the summer of 1798, George Lo
gan, a Quaker, had undertaken a private mission
to France on his own responsibiHty. From inter
views with members of the Directory he became
convinced that France was truly weU disposed
towards America. His sole object in making this
journey seems to have been a sincere desire to pro
mote reconcUiation, but his motives were miscon
strued by many, and a suspicion was aroused that
his purpose was treasonable.'
The envoys of the United States government
were instructed, October 22, 1799, to demand in-
' St. Pap. vol iv, pp. 291-302 ; Doc. 102, pp. 648-660; Richard
son, yoL i, pp. 282-284; Nav. Chron. pp. 141-148; Adams, \ol.
viii, pp. 677-691, vol. ix, pp. 245-266.
'^ Washington, vol. xiv, pp. 129-132 ; Jefferson, vol. vii, pp. 273,
325 ; St. Pap. vol. iv, p. 272.

THE CONVENTION OF 1800 247
demnity for spoliations of American commerce,
basing their claims upon the old treaties in cases
which had occurred before July 7, 1798, the date
of the abrogation of the treaties by Congress, whUe
claims for injuries after that date were to rest
upon the law of nations. They were then to nego
tiate a treaty, to last not more than twelve years.
The new treaty was to estabHsh a commission to
adjust the claims of the two countries. It must
not contain the provisions of the seventeenth and
twenty-second articles of the treaty of commerce
of 1778, relating to privateers and prizes ; at least,
there must be nothing to conflict with any other
treaty, meaning the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth
articles of Jay's treaty with England. Nothing was
to be admitted into the treaty stipulating aUiance,
guarantee of French possessions, consular judicial
authority, or any promises of aid or of loans.^
EUsworth and Davie saUed on the frigate United
States, and in February, 1800, arrived in Paris,
where Murray joined them March 1. This was after
the coM^ d'etat of 18 Brumaire, when the Directory
was overthrown and the Consulate established. They
had, therefore, to deal with Bonaparte, first consul,
and were presented to him March 8. The negotia
tions, which had been delayed by the iUness of
Joseph Bonaparte, chief of the French commission
ers appointed to treat with the Americans, began
AprU 7 and continued nearly six months.
1 Far. Rei. vol. ii, p. 301 ; Doc. 102, p. 561.

248 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
It was not possible to come to an agreement on
all points. The American envoys wished first to set
tle claims for injuries inflicted upon commerce be
fore the abrogation of the old treaties by Congress ;
but the French contended that there had been no
abrogation, as this would have required the consent
of both parties to these compacts. They would not
even admit that the treaties would have lost their
force in case of war, and they denied that the pre
sent hostUities constituted war In the fuU sense.'
However, admitting the war and the annulment of
the treaties by it, the claims likewise had been liq
uidated by war and no indemnity could be expected.
They were willing to accept this view of the case,
and on August 11, after prolonged discussion, the
French commissioners insisted on the alternative:
" Either the ancient treaties, with the privileges re
sulting from priority [as regards Jay's treaty], and
a stipulation of reciprocal indemnities; or a new
treaty assuring equality without indemnity." ' At
last the American ministers were forced to aban
don their instructions and admit the validity of the
old treaties, or at least recognize the embarrassing
provisions of those treaties as live issues. Agree
ment was stiU impossible, and after several more
weeks of discussion the temporary expedient was
adopted of leaving open for future negotiation the
1 Doc, 102, p. 616. On the question of the abrogation of treaties
by war, see Wharton, vol. ii, p. 43.
2 Doc. 102, p. 618.

THE CONVENTION OF 1800 249
questions as to indemnity and as to the old trea
ties.* This arrangement formed the substance of the
second article of the new treaty. The third and
fourth articles required the mutual restoration of
national vessels captured during the hostUities and
of aU captured property not already condemned.
The fifth provided for the settlement of debts due
from France to American citizens, chiefly for sup
plies and provisions furnished the French govern
ment.' No loans were provided for and no guaran
tee of French possessions, nor were any obligations
incurred inconsistent with other treaties. Although
the envoys found it impracticable fully to carry out
their instructions, they were able to abolish some
of the abuses practiced by the French, such as the
demand for a role d'equipage, and to maintain the
doctrine of " free ships, free goods."
The treaty, called a Convention of Peace, Com
merce, and Navigation, is very long, consisting of
twenty-seven articles; it was concluded September
30, 1800. When it was laid before the Senate,
that body advised its ratification provided the sec
ond article, relating to Indemnities and the old
treaties, were stricken out and the duration of the
treaty limited to eight years. The Senate took this
method of precluding any attempt to revive the
' For. Rd. vol. ii, pp. 307-344 ; Doc, 102, pp. 577-644 ; Wharton,
vol. ii, pp. 128-142.
' For these articles see Appendix H.

250 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
treaties with their embarrassing provisions, at the
same time hoping to revive the claims at some
favorable opportunity in the future. Upon the
exchange of ratifications at Paris, July 31, 1801,
Bonaparte, on behaK of the French government,
agreed to these amendments on condition "that
by this retrenchment the two States renounce the
respective pretensions which were the object of
said article." The Senate agreed to this, being
wiUing, for the sake of getting rid of the treaties,
to sacrffice prospective indemnities for the depre
dations committed upon American commerce. The
convention was proclaimed December 21, 1801.*
" So died the treaties of 1778, with all the obHgar
tions which they imposed, and with them passed
from the field of international contention the claims
of American citizens for French spoliation." ' This
refers only to claims for depredations committed
at sea.
The third article of the treaty caUed for no
sacrifice on the part of France, but compeUed the
United States to surrender the Berceau and the
schooner Vengeance. The Insurgente, which must
also have been given up under this stipulation, had
been lost at sea before the treaty was signed. The
Berceau was refitted, being put in better condition
than before she was captured, and then turned over
to her old crew, who took her back to France.
1 Doc. 102, pp. 661-686.
^ Ct. Claims Rep, vol. xxi, p. 387.

THE CONVENTION OF 1800 251
The amount of American property described in the
fourth article, in the hands of the French, was esti
mated at about forty ships and cargoes, while the
Americans held but few French prizes not already
condemned.* The obligations incurred by France under the
fourth and fifth articles were not promptly dis
charged, owing partly no doubt to the embarrassed
condition of French finances. This state of things
caUed forth a prolonged correspondence between
the United States minister, Robert R. Livingston,
and the French govemment, and gave rise to an
other class of claims, estimated at twenty miUion
francs in amount. In a convention concluded April
30, 1803, the United States assumed these claims
as part of the price paid for the territory of Louis
iana, which was ceded by treaty on the same day.'
The convention of 1800 did not furnish a satis
factory solution of the questions at Issue between
the two countries, but it put an end to hostilities
which, if they had continued, would doubtless have
made impossible the acqiusltion of Louisiana. It
was therefore most fortunate for the United States
to be able to reestabHsh amicable relations with
France at this time.
' St. Pap. vol. iv, pp. 388-421 ; Nav, Chron. p. 185; Doc, 102,
p. 644 ; Jefferson, vol. viii, p. 73.
2 Doc. 102, pp. 700-762; Treaties and Conventions, pp. 1233,
1307, 1308.

CHAPTER X
REDUCTION OF THE NAVY
When it became known, late in 1800, that a treaty
with France had been concluded, discussion natu
raUy arose as to the reduction of war expenses and
the placing of the navy on a peace footing. Janu
ary 12, 1801, Secretary Stoddert made a report to
the naval committee of the House of Representa
tives, in which he said that "it would be good
economy to seU aU the public vessels, except the
foUowing frigates : The United States, President,
Constitution, Chesapeake, PhUadelphia, New York,
Constellation, Congress, Essex, Boston, John Ad
ams, Adams, and General Greene. The rest were
either built of materials which do not promise long
duration, or are too smaU to form a part of the
national defense. In future wars . . . the enter
prising spirit of our citizens wiU quickly furnish,
for private emolument, nearly aU the small vessels
necessary to be employed ; and wUl thus add to the
national means of annoyance, without adding to the
national expense. In this view, it may be sufficient
for the United States to attend principaUy to a
provision for ships of the line and frigates." ' He
1 Nav. Aff, vol. i, p. 74.

REDUCTION OF THE NAVY 253
further recommended that only six of the frigates
should be kept in active service, and with only two
thirds of their crews employed; the other seven
ships to be laid up in ordinary, but ready to be
put into commission at short notice. He advised
the accumulation of ship timber, to be stored in
docks for future use, and expressed the opinion
that ships should not be built untU a sufficient
quantity of well-seasoned timber was on hand.
With regard to the disposal of the vessels below
the frigate class, it seems probable that haK a
dozen or more of the best of the smaUer vessels
might advantageously have been retained, at least
a few years. Trouble with the Barbary pirates was
just approaching an acute stage at this time, and
such vessels would have been very useful for the
Mediterranean service.
Stoddert's views on naval poHcy are further in
dicated in the extracts from his report that fol
low : " When the United States own twelve ships
of seventy-four guns and double the number of
strong frigates, and it is known that they possess
the means of increasing with facility their naval
strength, confidence may be indulged that we may
then avoid those wars in which we have no inter
est, and without submitting to be plundered." " AU
great maritime nations retain in peace the commis
sioned officers necessary to be employed In war, by
allowing them a portion of their monthly pay on
the condition of their holding themselves in readi-

254 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
ness at aU times to be caUed into active service.
The same provision is not so generaUy extended to
the midshipmen ; but the discrimination is nowhere
just, and in the United States in the present in
stance it would be extremely impoHtic, for the mid
shipmen are among the most promising young men
of our country, possess aU the materials to make
officers equal to any in the world, and weU merit
the fostering care of their Government. But it
would be injurious to themselves and to their
country to pay them for remaining in idleness at
home. No midshipman ought to receive haK pay
without exhibiting satisfactory proof that at least
four months of the year for which he demanded it
had been employed by him in acquiring a better
knowledge of his profession, if not in foreign ser
vice, at least in the merchant ships of his own
country." " Timber may be preserved for ages in
docks and at little expense, and the knowledge that
we possess it in that state wiU inspire nearly as
much respect for our flag as if the ships were buUt
and on the ocean." " In a pecuniary point of view
there can be no comparison between the expense
of creating a sufficient navy and the loss a com
merce so great as ours wiU too certainly sustain for
the want of such protection. But the loss of pro
perty is but a paltry consideration compared with
all the humiliating and destructive consequences
which must flow from that debasement of mind
which a system of eternal submission to injury and

REDUCTION OF THE NAVY 255
injustice cannot fail to produce." * It would have
been well K the secretary's words had carried the
weight they deserved, but they feU on deaf ears.
To the great disadvantage of the country nothing
was done towards the buUding of ships of the line
or frigates, beyond the accumulation of ship tim
ber and other material, until after war with Great
Britain had demonstrated the f oUy of being unpre
pared. On March 3, 1801, Congress passed and Presi
dent Adams approved an act providing for a naval
peace establishment. It authorized the President to
seU all the vessels of the navy except the thirteen
frigates recommended by the Secretary of the Navy
to be retained. It directed that seven of these frig
ates should be laid up and that the six In commis
sion should be manned by two thirds of their fuU
complement. It authorized the President to dis
charge from the service all the officers except nine
captains, thirty-six lieutenants, and a hundred and
fifty midshipmen. There were in the navy at the
time twenty-eight captains, seven masters command
ant, one hundred and ten lieutenants, and three
hundred and fifty-four midshipmen. The act there
fore contemplated aboHshing the grade of master
commandant altogether, as weU as reducing the num
bers in the other grades specified by about three
fifths. Fortunately the law was not mandatory, as
otherwise it would also have abolished aU the sur-
1 Nav. Aff. vol. i, p, 75.

256 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
geons, pursers, and many others indispensable to the
service.* A study of the list in the Hght of subsequent his
tory suggests that President Jefferson, upon whom
devolved the difficult and deHcate task of selecting
the officers to be retained, might perhaps have made
a better choice in some cases, but on the whole
he probably exercised as good judgment as was pos
sible with the data at his command. Commodore
Charles Morris, who was a midshipman in 1801,
writing on this subject about 1840, says : " So great
a reduction undoubtedly deprived the service of
some valuable officers, but relieved it of many who
were never worthy of belonging to It. Political
preferences probably had some Influence in the se
lection of the captains, but the selection generaUy
was admitted to be quite as judiciously made as
could have been expected. The necessity which ex
isted at the commencement of the Navy of draw
ing the commanders and lieutenants entirely from
the merchant service, introduced many who had
few or none of the higher qualifications proper for
their new situations. For the commanding officers,
some of those who had been employed in the Naval
service during the War of the Revolution were stiU
available and were secured, and these were generaUy
of higher character than the other commanders or
the lieutenants. Of these latter a very large pro-
' Statutes at Large, vol. ii, p. 110 ; Nav. Chron. pp. 180-182, 331,
375-388.

REDUCTION OF THE NAVY 267
portion were not only men of no refinement, but
vulgarly profane and grossly intemperate. Very
many of the midshipmen had attained an age at
which their habits of thought and action had be
come too firmly estabUshed to be easUy changed,
and gave Httle promise of any future usefulness." '
The reduction of the navy at this time has often
been attributed to the excessive zeal of the Republi
cans for economy and their unfriendliness towards
this branch of the pubHc service. But it should be
remembered that it was a Federalist measure. Presi
dent Jefferson merely carried out the behest of the
preceding administration, and he did so in a man
ner that cannot be called hostile to the navy. In
stead of discharging aU but nine of the captains, he
retained twelve ; and one of those discharged. Cap
tain Tingey, was restored to the service three years
later. Nine midshipmen likewise, in addition to
the number allowed by the reduction act, were
kept on the list.'
The thirteen frigates named in the act were
retained, and the President also determined to
keep in the service the schooner Enterprise, whose
gaUant career appealed to the sentiment and affec
tion of the people. All the vessels not retained
were sold In 1801, except five of the revenue cut
ters, which were returned to the Treasury Depart
ment, and the George Washington, which was
' Morris, pp. 16, 17.
" Nav. Chron. pp. 389-392 ; see Phillips, pp. 96-104.

258 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
employed In the Mediterranean for a while and
was finaUy disposed of in 1803.'
A squadron consisting of the President, PhUa
delphia, Essex, and Enterprise was soon sent to
the Mediterranean, under the command of Commo
dore Dale. TripoH had just declared war against
the United States, and in chastising this piratical
state there were employed within the next five
years all the vessels retained in the service except
the United States and the General Greene.
MeanwhUe the vessels not needed for service in
the spring of 1801 were laid up in different ports.
The United States, Congress, and New York were
ordered to Washington. The Congress saUed from
Boston and " was delayed by head winds, so that
we did not reach Washington tUl late in May. We
passed the frigate United States in the lower part
of the Potomac. About 10 o'clock in the morning
of a beautifully serene day we passed Mount Ver
non. Every one was on deck to look upon the
dweUing where Washington had made his home.
Mrs. Washington and others of the famUy could
be distinguished in the portico which fronts the
river. When opposite to the house, by order of
Captain Sever, the sails were lowered, the colors
displayed haK-masted, and a mourning salute of
thirteen guns was fired as a mark of respect to the
memory of Washington, whose life had so recently
been closed and whose tomb was In our view. The
' Emmons, pp. 6-8.

REDUCTION OF THE NAVY 259
general silence on board the ship and around us,
except when broken by the cannon's sound, the
echo and reecho of that sound from the near and
distant hlUs, as it died away in the distance, the
whole ship's company uncovered and motionless,
and the associations connected with the ceremony,
seemed to make a deep impression upon aU, as
they certainly did upon me. When the salute was
finished, the sails were again set, the colors hoisted,
and we proceeded up the river." *
* Morris, pp. 15, 16.

CHAPTER XI
SPOLIATIONS AFTER 1801
After the short respite afforded by the peace of
Amiens in 1802, the European war again broke
out with a fury which increased in proportion to
the growing power of Napoleon; and in spite of
treaties the belligerents renewed their aggressive
measures towards neutrals. Through a series of
English orders in council and French decrees,
American commerce again suffered spoliation.
In 1802 Toussaint L'Ouverture was overthrown
by an expedition sent out to Haiti by Napoleon,
and was taken a prisoner to France ; but the blacks
again revolted under DessaHnes. The following
year the French were driven out and withdrew to
the eastern part of the island, where they occupied
the city of San Domingo and one or two other
ports. The supremacy of the blacks was complete
and permanent.' The island soon attracted neutral
trade, which was resented by the French, who did
not acknowledge the independence of the Haitians.
American armed merchantmen were employed in
this traffic, whereupon President Jefferson declared
that their action in forcing commerce into ports
where it was forbidden " cannot be permitted in
' Narr. and Crit. Hist. vol. viii, pp. 285-287.

SPOLIATIONS AFTER 1801 261
a well-ordered society." Several of them were cap
tured by French cruisers, and in 1805 General
Ferrand, the French commander at San Domingo,
issued decrees declaring the Haitians to be pirates,
and that all persons taken on board any vessel
whatever trading with them should suffer death.'
Besides the difficulties and dangers of traffic with
the Haitian insurgents, American commerce in the
West Indies suffered severely at the hands of pri
vateers during the early years of the nineteenth
century. At this time the Spanish islands were avaU
able to French vessels as bases of operations, the
two nations being aUies. The privateers of both
France and Spain, cruising so far from their home
governments, were under very little restraint, and
there was a tendency to excesses not authorized by
their commissions. They extended their ravages
as far as the southern Atlantic coast of the United
States, which led the President, in 1805, to fit out a
naval force for protection. The numberless secluded
harbors in the West Indies encouraged this sort of
warfare, and in many cases privateering degenerated
into piracy. The West India pirates whose exploits
became famous and whose nests were finaUy broken
up some years later, chiefly by the American navy,
doubtless counted among their number some of
these old French and Spanish privateers.'
* St. Pap, Yol, v,pp. 26, 34-42, 153-159, 321-330, vol. vii, p.
168. For the case of a suspected filibuster, see Claims, pp. 450,
475, 601.
" St. Pap. vol. V, pp. 56, 71-94, 203-210, 243-250, 282-286,

262 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
Privateers and freebooters, sailing under the flags
of France, Spain, and England, infested the mouth
of the Mississippi and the neighboring waters.
The difficulties connected with establishing a gov
ernment and maintaining order in the recently ac
quired Louisiana territory were compHcated by the
lawlessness and excesses of these buccaneers when
on shore and their depredations on commerce and
general piratical behavior when afloat. They seized
and plundered not only their enemies' vessels, but
American shipping as weU. A naval station with a
force of about twenty gunboats and four hundred
men was established at New Orleans, and in 1808
Master-commandant David Porter was put in com
mand. Porter soon undertook the suppression of
the system of virtual piracy which he found on
his arrival. Descending the river with a force of
gunboats, he captured three of the most trouble
some French privateers. His proceedings were legal
under acts of Congress which authorized the em
ployment of national forces in such cases and the
confiscation of foreign vessels interfering with com
merce within the waters of the United States. Under
great difficulties Porter succeeded in procuring the
condemnation of his prizes. These firm measures
brought about a cessation of the obnoxious con
ditions which had prevaUed in Louisiana waters.'
293-296 ; For. Rd. vol. ii, pp. 670, 770-772 ; Jefferson,vo\, i, p. 307 ;
Mahan, vol. ii, pp. 211-214.
1 Porter, pp. 74-81 ; Nav. Chron, p. 335.

SPOLIATIONS AFTER 1801 263
The most famous French decrees under the em
pire were those issued by Napoleon at Berlin, No
vember 21, 1806, and at Milan, December 17,
1807. These decrees, under which many neutral
vessels were seized, were justified by the emperor
on the ground of the aUeged iniquity of British
maritime law, and were " resorted to only in just
retaHation of the barbarous system adopted by
England, which assimUates its legislation to that
of Algiers." The Berlin decree prohibited aU com
merce with the British Isles, which were declared
to be in a state of blockade. By the Milan decree
any vessel submitting to search by an EngHsh ship
was declared denationalized, to have forfeited the
protection of its government, and to be good prize
K f aUIng into the hands of the French ; and the
British Isles were again declared to be blockaded.
These decrees were answered on the part of England
by additional orders in council, and thus the two
powers fought each other with paper blockades and
other restrictions on commerce of which the neutral
was the victim.'
Smarting under the injuries inflicted by these
measures, the United States took part in the game
of retaliation by the passage of the embargo act,
December 22, 1807, and several supplementary
acts, which prohibited aU foreign commerce.' These
acts were bitterly attacked by the Federalists under
' St. Pap. vol. V, pp. 475-479, vol. vi, pp. 58, 62, 73-75, 456-471,
vol. vii, pp. 7-24, 163. See Appendix III.
* StattUes at Large, vol. ii, pp. 451, 453, 473, 499, 506.

264 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the lead of Josiah Quincy and, as they seriously
injured the shippmg Interests of the country, they
were superseded, March 1, 1809, by the non-in
tercourse act, by which commercial relations with
France and England alone were interdicted.-' It
was thought that these measures would not only
keep American shipping out of harm's way, but
would cause sufficient embarrassment to the beUi
gerents by cutting off their supplies and crippling
their trade to induce them to revoke their obnox
ious regulations. In reply to these acts of the United
States, Napoleon announced, in 1808 and 1810,
the Bayonne and RambouiUet decrees. Under the
former American vessels were seized because they
could not lawfuUy sail the seas, being forbidden by
the embargo acts of their own country; the latter
ordered the condemnation of all American vessels
entering French ports after May 20, 1809. These
decrees so enlarged the scope of the French system
that practically all American property at sea or in
the ports of continental Europe was exposed to
capture and loss. The injury inflicted was aU the
worse because seizures made before July 31, 1809,
were express violations of the convention of 1800,
which expired on that date ; and moreover many
prizes were condemned by so-caUed imperial de
cisions, contrary to the law of nations which guar
antees a fair trial of every prize.'
' Statutes at Large, vol. ii, pp. 528, 547, 550.
2 St. Pap. vol. vi, pp. 57, 478-485, 491-499, vol. vii, pp. 5, 25,

SPOLIATIONS AFTER 1801 265
France and England each declared ItseK ready
to revoke its edicts if the other would do the same,
but neither would take the first step. May 1, 1810,
the non-intercourse act was suspended, some of its
restrictions being retained in a new act which pro
vided that If either Great Britain or France should
revoke its edicts before the foUowing March these
restrictions should cease to operate against that
power ; furthermore, K the other beUIgerent did not
also revoke its edicts within three months, non-in
tercourse as provided in the act of March 1, 1809,
should be revived as to that nation.' Then foUowed
the announcement by Napoleon of the revocation
of his decrees. On the very same day, August 5,
1810, he issued the Trianon decree, which con
demned aU American " vessels and cargoes seized
in France or in the dominions of her aUies subse
quent to May, 1809." This decree was secret and
was not known in America untU it accidentaUy
came into the hands of Albert Gallatin several years
later. Although this, as well as subsequent an
nouncements of revocation by Napoleon, proved dis
ingenuous and deceptive, the non-intercourse act
never again became operative against France. There
was, however, a decided sentiment of hostlHty to
wards that nation, and in June, 1812, when war was
declared against England, " propositions were made
75-S6, 164, 300, 351-553, 362-367, 399-404, 456-468, vol. viii, p.
330 ; Mahan, vol. ii, pp. 272-292, 351-357.
' Statutes at Large, vol. ii, pp. 605, 651.

266 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
in both houses of Congress to comprise France in
the same declaration, and in the Senate the vote
was fifteen for, to seventeen against it ; in the other
House the majority against it was proportlonably
greater."* It Is Hkely that this vote would have
been reversed had it not been for an intimation that
France was disposed to pay indemnities.'
The total number of seizures of American ves
sels by the French after 1801, under the imperial
decrees, was reported to be five hundred and fifty-
eight. During the same time the EngHsh took nine
hundred and seventeen American vessels.'
Besides the French and English spoHations,
American commerce suffered severely during these
years at the hands of other powers, generaUy aUies
of France and acting under the direction or in
fluence of Napoleon. These powers were Spain,
Denmark, Naples, and HoUand. The depredations
imputed to Spain included vessels seized by the
Spanish alone, by Spanish and French acting to
gether, and by the French in Spanish waters and
sent into French ports or into Spanish ports, to be
condemned by French consuls. There were many
cases of earlier date than the period under consider
ation. October 1, 1799, Consul Young at Madrid
reported two hundred and ten seizures of American
1 St. Pap. vol. ix, p. 254.
2 Ibid, vol vii, pp 368, 405, 441^47, 468-478, vol. viii, pp.
11-44, 135-160, 160, 186-205,324-328, 400-429, vol ix, pp. 81-85,
214-217, 233-265 ; Gallatin's Writings, vol. ii, pp. 197-199, 279.
« St, Pap. vol. vii, pp. 331^342 ; vol. ix, pp. 36-40.

SPOLIATIONS AFTER 1801 267
vessels or cargoes within three years. In 1800 the
king of Spain declared the blockade of Gibraltar.
SpoHations continued, and in 1806 the Spaniards
became especially aggressive. The French decrees
of Berlin and Milan were foUowed by Spanish de
crees of the same import, and under these many
American vessels were seized.' During 1809 and
1810 one hundred and sixty American vessels were
captured by Danish cruisers, or by Norwegian pri
vateers commissioned by the king of Denmark,
and taken into the ports of Denmark and Norway ;
and in 1810 several vessels captured by French
privateers were tried and condemned in Danish
ports.' At Naples in 1809 forty-seven American
vessels with their cargoes were seized and con
verted to public use.' About the same time several
American vessels in Dutch ports were sequestered
and their cargoes deHvered by King Louis to his
brother, the Emperor Napoleon.*
The downfaU of the French Empire and the
restoration of general peace in Europe at last put
an end to depredations upon American commerce.
* St, Pap, vol. iii, p. 170, vol. iv, pp. 426-448, vol. v, pp. 62-
70, 208, 487, vol. vi, p. 76, vol. vii, pp. 89, 169, vol. ix, pp. 196,
197 ; For, Rd, vol. ii, pp. 669-678 ; Doc. 102, pp. 793-795.
2 St. Pap, vol. vii, pp. 314-330, 342-348, 369, vol. viii, pp. 205-
233, 304^323, vol. ix, pp. 90-119.
» Ibid. vol. ix, p. 39, vol. xi, p. 492.
* For. Rd. vol. v, pp. 600, 601.

CHAPTER XII
THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS
The depredations committed upon American com
merce during the wars of the French Revolution and
Empire gave rise to claims for indemnity against
several European powers. The satisfaction of these
demands involved long delay and many difficulties.
Early claims against England were paid under
a provision of Jay's treaty, and the final account
with her was settled by the War of 1812. The
claims against Spain were ultimately adjusted by
the treaty of 1819, in connection with the purchase
of Florida. A treaty with Denmark in 1830 pro
vided for the payment of indemnity by that nation ;
the claims against Denmark were partiaUy offset
by counter-claims of that power against the United
States.* Demands upon Naples and Holland were
persistently urged for many years, and in each case
payment was refused. FinaUy the appearance of a
strong United States squadron in the Bay of Na
ples in 1832 induced the king to make compensa
tion.' The claims against HoUand " were dropped
and most of them were subsequently, in conformity
* Tr. and Conv. p. 1286 ; St. Pap. vol. iv, p. 490, vol. v, pp. 42-
48, vol. ix, p. 106 ; Boston Monthly Magazine, January, 1826.
' St. Pap. vol. xi, pp. 487-519 ; Richardson, vol. iii, p. 149 ;
No. Amer. Rev. October, 1825 ; Griffis's Life ofM. C, Perry, oh. xi.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 269
with the suggestions of the Dutch govemment,
presented for payment by France under the treaty
of 1832, and were aUowed and paid." '
The demands upon France fall into two classes,
according as the spoliations took place before or
after the ratification of the convention of Septem
ber 30, 1800. Depredations committed under the
decrees of the French RepubHc were disposed of,
as far as international negotiations were concerned,
by the conventions of 1800 and 1803. Seizures un
der the imperial decrees of Napoleon later became
the subject of negotiation. The claims founded on
this latter class wiU be considered first.
Demands of indemnity for spoliations under the
empire were urged upon Napoleon at an early period.
In the faU of 1812 Joel Barlow, the American min
ister to France, made a fruitless journey to Wilna
in West Russia in order to confer with the French
minister of foreign relations, having been encour
aged to believe that satisfactory terms could be
made at that time ; but Napoleon's disastrous Rus
sian campaign had just come to an end, and he was
in fuU retreat from Moscow. Obviously nothing
could be done then, and Barlow died on the return
journey to Paris.' Albert Gallatin went to France
1 For, Rd. vol. V, pp. 598-629; Tr. and Conv. p. 1311 ; Whar
ton, vol. ii, pp. 50-54; House Ex. Doc. 117, 24th Congress, 1st
Session, p. 87 ; No. Amer. Rev. October, 1825. For the terms of
the French treaty of 1832 (concluded July 4, 1831), see next
page. 2 St. Pap. vol. viu, pp. 323-361, vol. ix, pp. 213-219 ; Todd's
Life of Barlow, ch. ix.

270 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
in 1816 and began a long and tedious negotiation,
which lasted with intermissions nearly fifteen years,
being brought to a conclusion in 1831 by WilHam
C. Rives. The Bourbon government of the Resto
ration was hostile to the American claims, and its
ministers evaded, delayed, and postponed; but with
the accession of Louis PhUippe in 1830 the atti
tude of the French became more conciliatory. Com
promise was necessary, but finaUy, July 4, 1831, a
treaty was concluded, and ratified the next year, by
which France agreed to pay twenty-five milHon
francs, which was only about one fifth the amount
of loss from the depredations. The United States
agreed to pay France one and a haK miUion francs
to satisfy certain claims of the French. Even after
this the conduct of the French govemment was
marked by Indifference and neglect, and the Cham
ber of Deputies for several years refused to appro
priate money to put the treaty into effect. Amity
between the two nations became strained to the
point of breaking off diplomatic relations. At last,
in 1836, Great Britain having offered mediation,
the matter was arranged and the French govern
ment took steps to discharge the obligation. The
commission appointed under an act of Congress to
execute this treaty aUowed claims against HoUand
and also some against Spain and Naples.*
' Tr. and Conv. pp. 1309-1312 ; Richardson, vol. ii, pp. 265-276,
vol. iii, pp. 100-107, 129-132, 135-145, 152-160, 178-185, 188-214,
215-222, 227 ; Rep. Sen. Com, vol. vi, pp. 47-71 ; Ho. Ex. Doc.
117, 24th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 86, 87 ; Wharton, vol. ii, p. 54 ;

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 271
The depredations committed by the French be
fore 1801 gave rise to claims which may be further
divided into two classes. First are those which were
the subject of the second article of the convention
of 1800, and which were surrendered by the United
States when the convention was ratified with the
condition imposed by Bonaparte, that "the two
states renounce the respective pretensions which
were the object of said article." The second class
of claims comprises those which were the subject
of the fourth and fifth articles' of the conven
tion of 1800, and were settled by the convention of
1803, when the United States assumed them to the
extent of twenty miUion HArres as part of the price
paid for Louisiana. They were chiefly founded
on debts due for supplies furnished, for losses
on account of the embargo of 1793 at Bordeaux,
and for property captured but not condemned.
There was great delay in carrying out the pro
visions of the convention of 1803, which caUed
forth an acrimonious correspondence between the
United States minister, Robert R. Livingston, and
the American commissioners appointed to adjust the
claims and distribute the indemnity. A so-called
conjectural note appended to the treaty gave a list
of losses which was intended to aid the adjustment
No, Amer, Rev, October, 1826 ; American Quarterly Review, June,
1835 ; Parton's Life of Jackson, vol. iii, ch. xl. For lists of claims
against France, Naples, Holland, and Denmark, see For. Rd. vol.
vi, pp. 384-553.
1 See Appendix II.

272 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
of claims, but it was merely an inaccurate memo
randum, and, being the subject of much discussion
and difference of opinion, it proved more of a hin
drance than a help.'
There now remains to be considered only the
single class of claims, the subject of the second
article of the convention of 1800, which have given
rise to a vast amount of discussion, in and out of
Congress, from the time of the French Revolution
to the present day. These are what people commonly
mean when they speak of the French spoUation
claims or the old French claims.'
For the sake of getting rid of the obUgations
imposed by the treaties of 1778 and 1788, which
had caused embarrassment in the past and were
likely to in the future, the United States wUHngly
relieved France of all obligation to the claimants ;
but the American merchants and mariners who had
been despoiled derived no benefit from this arrange
ment. They were debarred from the opportunity of
prosecuting their claims against France, and their
only hope of relief lay in the sense of justice of
their own government, which had bartered the claims
for a substantial equivalent.
The claimants made their first application to
Congress for relief in 1802, shortly after the con
vention was ratified. The committee to which the

' Doc. 102, pp. 779-832, Tr. and Conv. pp. 1307, 1308.
' For a review of the subject, see Wharton, vol. ii, pp. 714-
728.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 273
matter was referred made a report reciting the
history of the spoliations, but no action was taken.
In 1807 another committee made a report very
favorable to the claimants, also without result. In
1818 a Senate committee, and in 1822 and 1824
House committees, made the only unfavorable re
ports, except a very few minority reports, that have
ever been submitted. Both houses then caUed for
all the papers relating to the case, and this resulted
in the pubHcation, in 1826, of much material never
before printed.' The effect of the greatly increased
understanding of aU the circumstances, due to this
exposition of the case, was shown in a rapid suc
cession of committee reports during the next few
years. By 1885 the total number of reports in
both houses of Congress had reached forty-eight,
all favorable except the three early ones already
mentioned. In 1835 a biU appropriating five
miUion doUars passed the Senate, but faUed in the
House for lack of time ; subsequently four other
bills passed the Senate. In 1846 a biU providing
the same amount passed both houses, only to be
vetoed by President Polk. In 1855 a similar bill
was vetoed by President Pierce. In 1885 an act
was passed referring the matter to the Court of
Claims for its opinion. The court then began an
examination of the claims, many of which were
thrown out by reason of insufficient or defective
evidence. Those which could be proved were
1 Doc. 102.

274 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
favorably reported upon.* It was then necessary
for Congress to appropriate money, K it saw fit,
to pay the claims, and bills for this purpose have
been passed from time to time, although they have
sometimes met with strong opposition. In 1896 a
biU appropriating a mUHon doUars was vetoed by
President Cleveland. The end has not yet (1908)
been reached, and some of the old claims are stiU
pending.' This has never been, strictly speaking, a party
question, although most of the opposition to recog
nizing the claims has been on the part of Democrats.
Some of the most notable names among the advo
cates of the claimants are MarshaU, Madison, John
Quincy Adams, Webster, Clay, Edward Everett,
Rufus Choate, and Charles Sumner. On the other
side, besides the three presidents who declared their
opinions in vetoes, are to be found Calhoun, Benton,
John A. Dix, and John Sherman.
Those who have urged the justice of paying
these claims have done so on the ground that the
old treaties imposed obligations on the United
States which the government was anxious to get
rid of ; that it used the claims, which were the
* The opinions of the court were delivered by Judge John
Davis ; see Ct. Claims Rep, vol. xxi, pp. 343-407, 435-443, vol. xxii,
pp. 28-57* 411-464.
" No. Amer. Rev. January, 1826, July, 1827 ; Amer, Quart. Rev.
September, 1831 ; Richardson, vol. iv, p. 466, vol. v, p. 307, vol. ix,
p. 683 ; Bg>. Sen. Com, vol. i, pp. 274-378 ; Tr. and Conv. pp. 1308,
1309.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 275
property of its citizens, to purchase the renuncla^
tion by France of these treaties; and that these
citizens are entitled to reimbursement under the
Constitution of the United States, which provides
that no " private property be taken for pubHc use
without just compensation."
The arguments against the claims are based
chiefly on the supposition that they were of no
value, and that therefore the government was under
no obligation to the claimants. It is said that they
were worthless, because France would never have
paid them ; but, it Is repHed, France paid other old
claims, and there is no reason to doubt that she
would have settled these. The French admitted their
Hability for injuries inflicted by their privateers
upon American commerce. In 1794 they declared
their disposition to "make good the losses which
circumstances inseparable from a great revolution
may have caused some American navigators," and
during the negotiations of 1800 they never denied
their liabUity. These facts, in the opinion of Judge
Davis, dispose of the contention of the defendants
in the Court of Claims that " it was the right of
France to retaliate upon the United States" for
failure to carry out the guarantee and other pro
visions of the old treaties.' Madison when Secretary
of State wrote to Charles Pinckney, February 6,
1804 : " The claims, again, from which France was
* Doc. 102, pp. 77, 263 ; Ct. Claims Rep. vol. xxii, pp. 455, 456;
for case of defen4ants, see Ibid, 11-18, 20-27.

276 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
released, were admitted by France, and the release
was for a valuable consideration in a correspondent
release of the United States from certain claims
on them." *
It is said that the claims were worthless because
no equivalent was received for them, the treaties
having already been abrogated by Congress in 1798.
Yet although abrogated, the American ministers
were forced to recognize the treaties as subjects of
negotiation In 1800 ; and many have accepted the
French opinion that Congress had no right to ab
rogate them, as this could be done only with the
consent of both nations, except in case of war.'
This leads to an argument much relied upon, which
was that the hostilities between the United States
and France constituted a true war which wiped out
both the claims and the treaties. But neither party
declared war, and the weight of authority seems to
favor the view that technically there was no war, or
at least only partial or imperfect war. Moreover, it
may be said, it is not necessary to prove that there
was no war. It made no difference whether there
was or not, except perhaps as to claims on accoimt
of captures made during the war.' Regardless of the
hostilities, the claims and the treaties were subjects
1 Doc. 102, p. 795.
' In the opinion of the court of claims the treaties were actually
abrogated in 1798 ; Ct. Claims Rep. vol. xxii, pp. 416-418, 425.
' As to whether or not war existed, see Wharton, vol. ii, pp.
718-721, vol. iii, pp. 234-238 ; Ct. Claims ijcp. vol. xxi, pp. 367-
375, vol. xxu, pp. 11-17, 32-35, 427-429.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 277
of negotiation, and when Bonaparte, after the cessa
tion of hostilities, proposed his amendment to the
conditional ratification of the United States Senate
and that amendment was accepted, it proved that
both parties regarded the claims, and the treaties
too, as live issues which had not been settled by war.
What seems to be the strongest argument against
the claimants is furnished by the Louisiana treaty
of AprU 30, 1803, and the convention of the
same date relating to claims. The preamble to the
treaty expresses the desire " to remove all source of
misunderstanding relative to objects of discussion
mentioned in the second and fifth articles of the
convention of the 8th Vendemiaire, an 9 (30th Sep
tember, 1800)." ' The preamble to the convention
represents the two nations as " being desirous, in
compliance with the second and fiith articles of the
convention of the eighth Vendemiaire,' ... to secure
the payment of the sums due by France to the citi
zens of the United States." Livingston, who with
Monroe negotiated for the United States in 1803
and signed the treaties, in a letter to Talleyrand,
February 24, 1804, says : " The preamble of the
Convention expressly asserts that its object was to
secure the payment of the sums due to the citizens
of the United States, in compliance with the 2d and
' " . . . prevenir tout sujet de m^sintelligence r^lativement aux
objets de discussion mentionn^s dans les articles 2 et 5 de la con
vention," etc.
' " . . . voulant en execution des articles 2 et 5 de la conven
tion," etc.

278 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
6th articles of the Convention of 8th Vendemiaire,
an 9 " ; and he appears to indicate In this and other
letters his opinion that the claims supposed to have
been surrendered by the United States in 1800
were to be settled under the provisions of the later
convention.' This apparent revival and settlement
of claims once renounced is the strongest point made
by President Pierce in his veto message.'
In regard to this matter, however, it may be said
that the fifth article of the convention of 1803 in
cludes among debts to be settled those specified in
the fourth and fifth articles of the convention of
1800, while it expressly excludes "prizes whose
condemnation has been or shaU be confirmed." It
was just this class of cases that formed the subject
of the second article of the earlier convention.
Livingston himself, writing to TaUeyrand, March
25, 1802,. regarding the second article, speaks of
" proof that the indemnities there spoken of were
intended to be confined to indemnities for captures
and condemnations only where the cases had been
finally decided upon." ' The second and fifth articles
were mentioned in the preambles of the treaty and
convention of 1803 doubtless because there had
been discussion as to the precise sort of Indemni
ties to which each article applied, and it was neces
sary to define the shades of difference more accu-
1 Doc. 102, pp. 789, 796, 829, B31.
^ Richardson, vol. v, pp. 315, 319-322 ; Wharton, vol. ii, pp. 716-
718. 8 Doc. 102, pp. 712, 717.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 279
rately. An attempt to do this was made in the
fourth and fifth articles of the convention of 1803,
but apparently with indifferent success. On this
point Judge Davis says : " The association of the
second and fifth articles of the treaty in the pre
amble of the treaty of 1803 has been deemed sig
nificant as showing an intention to revive and settle
the second article claims, . . . whereas the aUu
sion was intended to reaffirm the exclusion of these
claims. . . . What more natural, then, that, in re
hearsing the objects of the treaty of 1803, the two
articles should be brought together in the preamble,
the fifth article as embracing the debts due and the
second article as covering the express exception
made in the fifth article, which, includes ' debts con
tracted,' and excludes ' indemnities claimed on ac
count of captures and confiscations ' ? The language
of the preamble is, therefore, in compliance with
the second as well as with the fifth articles of the
treaty of 1800." * It is not quite easy to determine
Livingston's purpose in expressing himself as he
did in his letter to TaUeyrand concerning the pre
amble of the convention, unless it was to set forth
the opinion more clearly expressed by Judge Davis.
However, very little notice seems to have been taken
of this point, and it is evident that nearly all per
sons, on whichever side of the question, have taken
it for granted that from an international point of
view the claims had been renounced in 1801, and
* Ct, Claims Rep, vol. xxi, pp. 397, 398.

280 OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE
the arguments against the claimants have generally
been based on other grounds.
Assuming it to be granted that these claims
were valid against France, before they were sur
rendered, the question arises as to how far, legaUy
as weU as moraUy, the United States must be
held under obligation to reimburse the individual
claimants. On this point we may quote the opinion
of the Court of Claims, handed down by Judge
Davis, December 6, 1886 : " So far as we have yet
seen, not one of the spoliation claims could have
the sHghtest pretense of a successful result were
the investigation to be measured by the standard
set for us in other causes. . . . While the claims
of individuals now before us are not, from a
judicial point of view, legal rights, — that is, they
do not constitute causes of action, — they may be
none the less rights ; that is, they may be founded
on law but not enforceable in a court of law."
And the court concludes " that these claims (as a
class) were valid obligations from France to the
United States, that the latter surrendered them
to France for a valuable consideration benefiting
the nation, and that this use of the claims raised
an obligation founded upon right, and upon the
Constitution (which forbids the taking of private
property for public use without compensation), to
compensate the individual sufferers for the losses
sustained by them." *
' Ct. Claims Rq>. vol. xxii, pp. 29, 30, 31.

THE SPOLIATION CLAIMS 281
The French Revolution and the wars foUowing it
materiaUy affected the course of American history,
producing complications which threatened our weU-
being. Nevertheless, the national character was
strengthened and developed by difficulties which
caUed forth statesmanship and stimulated patriot
ism. This was partial compensation for the humUia-
tion which the weak young republic had to endure
at the hands of European powers.
The establishment of a naval force was so essen
tial to the weKare of the country, and at the same
time met with so much opposition, that it is not to
be regretted that circumstances so shaped them
selves at this early period as to make it necessary
to provide such a force. Some of the officers who
later became famous then got their first training,
and helped win consideration for the country
abroad, while at home national seK-respect was
preserved and increased. Notable contributions
were made to our history by the achievements of
the Navy.

APPENDIX

SOUBCES OF INFOKMATION

This list iuclndes most of the authorities consulted. The
abbreviations used in the footnotes are here indicated.
Other works, cited only once or twice, are also referred
to in footnotes.
State Papers and Publick Documents of the United States.
[Edited by T. B. Wait.] Third Edition. Boston,
1819. [St. Pap.]
A large amount of space in the first nine volumes is
devoted to relations with France under the Republic
and Empire. Vol. x comprises confidential documents.
American State Papers. Edited by Lowrie and Clarke.
Class I. Foreign Relations. Class vi. Naval AfEairs.
Class IX. Claims. Washington, 1832.
[For. Rei., Nav. A£E., Claims.]
Class I contains everything in Wait's series, with
additional material.
Compilation of Reports of Committee on Foreign Re
lations, U. S. Senate, 1789-1901. Washington, 1901.
[Rep. Sen. Com.]
Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United
States and Other Powers. Washington, 1889.
[Tr. and Conv.]
Contains notes of J. C. B. Davis on the various ne
gotiations, which are also treated in Lyman's Diplo
macy of the United States (Boston, 1828), Trescot's

284 APPENDIX
Diplomatic History, 1789-1801 (Boston, 1857), and
Moore's American Diplomacy (New York, 1905).
Public Statues at Large. Edited by Richard Peters. Bos
ton, 1845. [Statutes at Large.]
A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presi
dents, 1789-1897. By James D. Richardson. Pub
lished by Authority of Congress, 1900. [Richardson.]
XIX Congress, I Session [102]. Message from tbe
President, etc. In compliance with a resolution of the
Senate, May 20, 1826. Washington, 1826. [Doc. 102.]
Contains a large amount of material, including doc
uments, reports, letters, etc., on the French spoUations
before 1801.
A Digest of the International Law of the United States.
Edited by Francis Wharton. Washington, 1886.
[Wharton.]
Cases Decided in the Court of Claims. Vols, xxi and xxii.
Washington, 1886, 1887. [Ct. Claims Rep.]
Reports of Cases Aj-gued and Adjudged in the Supreme
Court of the United States. By William Cranch. New
York, 1812. [Cranch.]
Annual Report of the American Historical Association,
for the Year 1903. Vol. ii. Correspondence of the
French Ministers to the United States, 1791-1797.
Edited by F. J. Turner. Washington, 1904.
[Amer. Hist. Assoc]
Writings of George Washington. Collected and Edited
by Worthington Chauncey Ford. New York, 1889.
[Washington.]
The Works of John Adams. By Charles Francis Adams.
Boston, 1853. [Adams.]
Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Collected and Edited by
Paul Leicester Ford. New York, 1892. [Jefferson.]

APPENDIX 285
Narrative and Critical History of America. Edited by
Justin Winsor. Vol. viii, chap. vi. Wars of the United
States. By James R. Soley ; chap. vii. Diplomacy of
the United States. By James B. AngelL Boston, 1888.
[Narr. and Crit. Hist.]
Contains an extensive bibliography, with critical dis
cussion of authorities. For a bibliography of the French
spoliations, see Boston Public Library BuUetin, May,
1885.
The American Nation. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart.
Vol. xi. By John S. Bassett. Vol. xii. By Edward
Channing. Vol. xiii. By Kendrick C. Babcock. Vol.
XV. By William McDonald. New York, 1906.
Contains many valuable chapters written from the
most recent point of view and with exhaustive biblio
graphy. Other general works are Henry Adams's His
tory of the United States, McMaster's History of the
People of tbe United States, and Schouler's History
of the United States.
The Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution
and Empire, 1793-1812. By Captain A. T. Mahan,
U. S. N. Boston, 1894. [Mahan.]
A Contribution to the Bibliography of tbe History of
the United States Navy. Compiled by Charles T.
Harbeck. Riverside Press, 1906.
This list is indispensable to the student of naval
history.
United States Naval Chronicle. By Charles W. Golds
borough. Washington, 1824. [Nav. Chron.]
The author, who was forty-four years in the Navy
Department, had easy access to original material, and
has presented much valuable and reliable information.
Statistical History of the Navy of the United States. By

286 APPENDIX
Lieutenant G«orge F. Emmons, U. S. N. Washing
ton, 1853. [Emmons.]
Gives statistics and a list of captures.
Marine Rules and Regulations. Boston, 1799. By John
Adams, President of the United States. [Nav. Reg.]
These regulations were complied whUe the navy was
under the jurisdiction of the War Department, as is
shown by frequent references to the authority of the
Secretary of War ; they occupy 44 pages of a pamphlet
which contains also tbe act of March 2, 1799, for the
government of the navy.
History of the Navy of the United States of America.
By J. Fenimore Cooper. London, 1839. [Cooper.]
History of the United States Navy. By Edgar Stanton
Maclay. New York, 1894. [Maclay.]
The author has rendered an important service to
/ the student of naval history by bringing to light, from
the naval archives at Paris, the official reports of the
French commanders.
The Naval Temple, Boston, 1816.
Contains some of Truxtun's official reports.
BataiUes Navales de la France. Far O. Troude. Paris,
1867.
Histoire de la Marine Frangaise sous la Premibre R^
publique. Par Edouard Chevalier. Paris, 1886.
Histoire de la Marine Frangaise sous le Consulat et
I'Empire. Par Edouard Chevalier. Paris, 1886.
The accounts in French naval histories of the en
gagements in this war are brief and inaccurate.
The Frigate Constitution. By Ira N. Hollis. Boston, 1900.
[Hollis.]
First Cruise of the United States Frigate Essex, etc.
By Capt. George Henry Preble, U. S. N. Salem, 1870.
[Essex.]

APPENDIX 287
Lives of Distinguished American Naval Officers. By J.
Fenimore Cooper. Auburn, N. Y., 1846.
[Amer. Nav. Off.]
The Lives include Dale, Preble, Bainbridge, and
Shaw.
Commodore John Barry. By Martin I. J. Griffin. Phil
adelphia, 1903. [Barry.]
Contains many official letters (not elsewhere pub
lished) from the collection of Captain John S. Barnes,
of New York, and other sources.
Life of Silas Talbot. By Henry T. Tuckerman. New
York, 1850. [Talbot.]
Moses Brovra, Captain U. S. N. By Edgar Stanton
Maclay. New York, 1904. [Brown.]
Life and Services of Commodore WiUiam Bainbridge,
U. S. N. By Thomas Harris, M. D., Surgeon U. S. N.
Philadelphia, 1837. [Bainbridge.]
Life of Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry. By Alexan
der Slidell Mackenzie, U. S. N. New York, 1843.
[Perry.]
Life of Stephen Decatur. By Alexander SlideU Macken
zie, U. S. N. Boston, 1846. [Decatur.]
Memoir of Commodore David Porter. By Admiral
David D. Porter. Albany, 1875. [Porter.]
Biographical Sketch and Services of Commodore Charles
Stewart. Philadelphia, 1838. [Stewart.]
Autobiography of Commodore Charles Morris. Boston,
1880. [Morris.]
An Impartial Examination of the Case of Captain Isaac
PhUlips. Baltimore, 1825. [Phillips.]
The Yankee Tar. An Authentic Narrative of the Voy
ages and Hardships of John Hoxse, etc. Northamp
ton, 1840. [Hoxse.]

288 APPENDIX
A sailor's account of the cruises and battles of the
Constellation.
Periodicals : —
North American Review, October, 1825, January, Octo
ber, 1826, July, 1827 : Articles by Edward Everett
on French (and other) spoliation claims.
American Quarterly Review, September, 1831, June,
1835 : French spoUations. See also Democratic Review,
February, 1844; Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, Febru
ary, 1845, October, 1846 ; Atlantic Monthly, August,
1870, February, 1891 ; Magazine of American His
tory, July, 1884; and Boston Monthly Magazine,
January, 1826 : Caleb Cushing on claims against
Denmark.
American Historical Review, April, 1897, April, July,
1898, January, April, 1905 : western schemes of
France and other nations.
Proceedings of the U. S. Naval Institute, September,
1906 (No. 119) : " Early Naval Administration under
the Constitution," by Charles Oscar PauUin.
The Port Folio, January and March, 1809 : Sketch of
Commodore Truxtun, with letters not elsewhere pub
lished.
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
June, 1883: Extracts from the log of the frigate
Boston (with one or two errors of transcription).
Putnam's Monthly, May and June, 1853 : Articles by J.
F. Cooper on the frigate Constitution.
The United Service, July, 1883: "The Quasi-War
with France," by Lieut. Nathan Sargent, U. S. N. ;
November, 1889, to April, 1890 : " The United States
Revenue Cutter Service," by 1st Lieut. Horatio D.
Smith, U. S. R. C. S.

APPENDIX 289
Newspapers : —
Russell's Gazette, Commercial and Political (Boston
Commercial Gazette) ; Columbian Centinel and Mas
sachusetts Federalist (Boston) ; Massachusetts Mer
cury (Boston. Name changed in 1801 to The Mercury
and N. E. Palladium); Independent Chronicle and
Universal Advertiser (Boston) ; Thomas's Massachu
setts Spy, or Worcester Gazette ; Salem Gazette ; Con
necticut Courant (Hartford) ; Connecticut Journal
(New Haven) ; Gazette of the United States and
Philadelphia Daily Advertiser ; Federal Gazette and
Baltimore DaUy Advertiser.
The newspapers printed many letters and reports
not to be found elsewhere ; also shipping news and gen
eral news items, the latter to be accepted with caution.
MANTJSCRIPT SOURCES.
Massachusetts Historical Society. Pickering Papers.
[Pickering.]
Timothy Pickering was Secretary of State from
1795 to 1800, and the papers contain a good deal of
naval as well as political material.
The original log-book of the frigate Boston is in
tbe Library of the Society.
Adams Papers. Correspondence of President John Ad
ams. Charles Francis Adams, Esq., kindly caused an
examination to be made of this collection, which how
ever contains little naval material relating to the pe
riod concerned.
Wadsworth Papers, containing Truxtun's address : " To
the Midshipmen of the Navy, and particularly those
who serve with me." Extracts made with the permis
sion of R. K. LongfeUow, Esq.

290 APPENDIX
Navy Department. The correspondence of this period is
contained in a number of miscellaneous volumes and
is somewhat scanty, as the regular series of letters
from captains and other officers do not begin untU
later. The earlier material is arranged as foUows:
1. Correspondence on naval affairs under the War
Department, 1790-1798, in one volume ; 2. Letters
I from the Navy Department to the President, one vol
ume ; 3. Letters from the Navy Department to the
Secretary of War, one volume ; 4. Letters from the
Navy Department to Congress, one volume ; 5. Gen
eral letters from the Navy Department, first four
volumes ; 6. Letter Book, 15 May, 1799, to 18 July,
1807, letters from the Navy Department, one volume ;
7. Miscellaneous Letters to the Navy Department,
first volume ; 8. Letter Book of Captain Alexander
Murray : letters to tbe Navy Department, one volume ;
9. A few log-books. II
TREATIES
Only the most important articles and those giving
rise to controversy are given. The fuU text may be
found in Treaties and Conventions and in volume viii of
Statutes at Large. Treaties with France : —
1. Treaty of Amity and Commerce, February 6, 1778.
Ratified by Congress May 4, 1778.
Art. XVII. It shall be lawful for the ships of war of
either party, and privateers, freely to carry whitherso
ever they please the ships and goods taken from their
enemies, without being obliged to pay any duty to the
officers of the admiralty or any other judges ; nor shaU

APPENDIX 291
such prizes be arrested or seized when they come to and
enter the ports of either party ; nor shaU the searchers
or other officers of those places search the same, or make
examination concerning the lawfulness of such prizes,
but they may hoist sail at any time, and depart and
carry their prizes to the places expressed in their com
missions, which the commanders of such ships of war
shall be obliged to show ; on the contrary, no shelter or
refuge shall be given in their ports to such as shall have
made prize of the subjects, people or property of either
of the parties ; but if such shall come in, being forced by
stress of weather, or the danger of the sea, aU proper
means shaU be vigorously used that they go out and re
tire from thence as soon as possible.
Art. XXII. It shall not be lawful for any foreign pri
vateers, not belonging to subjects of the Most Christian
King nor citizens of the said United States, who have
commissions from any other Prince or State in enmity
with either nation, to fit their ships in the ports of either
the one or the other of the aforesaid parties, to seU what
they have taken, or in any other manner whatsoever to
exchange their ships, merchandises or any other lading ;
neither shaU they be aUowed even to purchase victuals,
except such as shaU be necessary for their going to the
next port of that Prince or State from which they have
commissions. Art. xxm. . . . And it is hereby stipulated that free
ships shaU also give a freedom to goods, and that every
thing shaU be deemed to be free and exempt which shall
be found on board the ships belonging to tbe subjects of
either of the confederates, although the whole lading
or any part thereof should appertain to the enemies of
either, contraband goods being always excepted. It is also

292 APPENDIX
agreed in like manner that the same liberty be extended
to persons who are on board a free ship, with this effect,
that although they be enemies to both or either party,
they are not to be taken out of that free ship, unless they
are soldiers and in actual service of the enemies.
Art. xxv. To the end that all manner of dissensions
and quarrels may be avoided and prevented, on one side
and the other, it is agreed that in case either of the par
ties hereto should be engaged in war, the ships and
vessels belonging to the subjects or people of the other
ally must be furnished with sea-letters or passports, ex
pressing the name, property and bulk of the ship, as also
the name and place of habitation of the master or com
mander of the said ship, that it may appear thereby that
the ship really and truly belongs to the subjects of one
of the parties, which passport shall be made out and
granted according to the form annexed to this treaty;
they shall likewise be recalled every year, that is, if
the ship happens to return home within the space of a
year. . . .
Art. XXVII. If the ships of the said subjects, people or
inhabitants of either of the parties shaU be met with,
either sailing along the coasts or on tbe high seas, by
any ship of war of the other, or by any privateers, the
said ships of war or privateers, for the avoiding of any
disorder, shall remain out of cannon-shot, and may send
their boats aboard the merchant ship which they shall
so meet with, and may enter her to number of two or
three men only, to whom the master or commander of
such ship or vessel shall exhibit his passport concerning
the property of the ship, made out according to the form
inserted in this present treaty, and the ship, when she
shall have showed such passport, shaU be free and at

APPENDIX 293
liberty to pursue ber voyage, so as it shaU not be lawful
to molest or search her in any manner, or to give her
chase or force her to quit her intended course.
Extract from the form of passport, annexed to the
treaty : He [the commander] will keep and cause to be
kept by his crew on board, the marine ordinances and
regulations, and enter in the proper office [remettra] a
list signed and witnessed containing the names and sur
names, the places of birth and abode of the crew of his
ship and of aU who shall embark on board her.
2. Treaty of Alliance, February 6, 1778. Ratified by
Congress May 4, 1778.
Art. XI. The two parties guarantee mntuaUy from the
present time and forever against aU other powers, to wit :
The United States to His Most Christian Majesty, the
present possessions of the Crown of France in America
as well as those which it may acquire by the future
treaty of peace : And His Most Christian Majesty guar
antees on his part to the United States their hberty,
sovereignty and independence, absolute and unlimited
as weU in matters of government as commerce, and also
their possessions, and the additions or conquests that their
confederation may obtain during the war, from any of the
dominions now, or heretofore possessed by Great Britain
in North America. . . .
8. Convention defining and establishing the Functions
and Privileges of Consuls and Vice-Consuls. No
vember 14, 1788. Ratifications exchanged January
6, 1790.
Art. IX. The Consuls and Vice-Consuls may cause to
be arrested the captains, officers, mariners, sailors and
all other persons being part of the crews of the vessels
of their respective nations, who shall have deserted from

294 APPENDIX
the said vessels, in order to send them back and trans
port them out of the country ; for which purpose the said
Consuls and Vice-Consuls shaU address themselves to
the courts, judges and officers competent, and shall de
mand the said deserters in writing, proving by an exhi-
bitioi^ of the registers of the vessel or ship's roU that
those men were part of the said crews. . . .
Art. XII. All differences and suits between the subjects
of the Most Christian King in the United States, or be
tween the citizens of the United States within the domin
ions of the Most Christian King, and particularly aU dis
putes relative to the wages and terms of engagement of
the crews of the respective vessels, and aU differences, of
whatever nature they be, which may arise between the
privates of the said crews, or between any of them and
their captains, or between the captains of different ves
sels of their nation, shaU be determined by the respec
tive Consuls and Vice-Consuls, either by a reference to
arbitrators, or by a summary judgment, and without
costs. No officer of the country, civil or miUtary, shall
interfere therein, or take any part whatever in the mat
ter ; and the appeals from the said consular sentences shaU
be carried before the tribunals of France or of the United
States, to whom it may appertain to take cognizance
thereof. 4. Convention of Peace, Commerce, and Navigation,
September 30, 1800. Ratifications exchanged July
31, 1801.
Art. n. The Ministers Plenipotentiary of the two
parties not being able to agree at present respecting the
treaty of alliance of 6th February, 1778, the treaty of
amity and commerce of the same date, and the conven
tion of 14th of November, 1788, nor upon the indemnities

APPENDIX 295
mutually due or claimed, the parties wiU negotiate further
on these subjects at a convenient time, and until they
may have agreed upon these points the said treaties and
convention shaU have no operation, and the relations of
the two countries shall be regulated as follows :
Art. ni. The public ships which have been taken on
one part and the other, or which may be taken before
the exchange of ratifications shaU be restored.
Art. IV. Property captured, and not yet definitively
condemned, or which may be captured before the ex
change of ratifications, (contraband goods destined to an
enemy's port excepted,) shaU be mutuaUy restored. . . .
Art. V. The debts contracted by one of the two nations
with individuals of the other, or by the individuals of
of one with the individuals of the other, shall be paid, or
the payment may be prosecuted, in the same manner as
if there had been no misunderstanding between the two
States. But this clause shall not extend to indemnities
claimed on account of captures or confiscations.
5. Convention for Payment of Sums due by France
to Citizens of the United States, AprU 30, 1803.
Ratifications exchanged October 21, 1803.
Art rv. It is expressly agreed that the preceding arti
cles shaU comprehend no debts but such as are due to
citizens of the United States, who have been and are yet
creditors of France, for supplies, for embargoes, and
prizes made at sea, in which the appeal has been pro
perly lodged within the time mentioned in the said con
vention 8th Vendemiaire, ninth year (30th September,
1800). Art. V. The preceding articles shall apply only, 1st,
to captures of which the council of prizes shaU have or
dered restitution, it being weU understood that the claim-

296 APPENDIX
ant cannot have recourse to the United States, otherwise
than he might have had to the Government of the French
Republic, and only in case of insufficiency of the captors ;
2d, the debts mentioned in the fifth article of the conven
tion contracted before the 8tb Vendemiaire, an 9, (30th
September, 1800,) the payment of which has been here
tofore claimed of the actual Govemment of France, and
for which the creditors have a right to the protection of
the United States : the said fifth article does not compre
hend prizes whose condemnation has been or shall be
confirmed. . . .
Treaty with Great Britain :
6. Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, No
vember 19, 1794. Ratification exchanged October
28, 1795.
Art. xxrv. It shaU not be lawful for any foreign pri
vateers (not being subjects or citizens of either of the
said parties) who have commissions from any other
Prince or State in enmity with either nation to arm
their ships in the ports of either of the said parties, nor
to sell what they have taken, nor in any other manner
to exchange the same ; nor shaU they be allowed to pur
chase more provisions than shall be necessary for their
going to the nearest port of that Prince or state from
whom they obtained their commissions.
Art. xxv. It shaU be lawful for the ships of war and
privateers belonging to the said parties respectively to
carry whithersoever they please the ships and goods
taken from their enemies, without being obliged to pay
any fee to the officers of the admiralty, or to any judges
whatever ; nor shaU the said prizes, when they arrive at
and enter the ports of the said parties, be detained ov

APPENDIX 297
seized, neither shall tbe searchers or other officers of
those places visit such prizes (except for the purpose of
preventing the carrying of any part of the cargo thereof
on shore in any manner contrary to the established laws
of revenue, navigation, or commerce,) nor shall such
officers take cognizance of the validity of such prizes ;
but they shaU be at liberty to hoist sail and depart as
speedily as may be, and carry their said prizes to the
place mentioned in their commissions or patents, which
the commanders of the said ships of war or privateers
shaU be obliged to show. No shelter or refuge shall be
given in their ports to such as have made a prize upon
the subjects or citizens of either of the said parties ; but
if forced by stress of weather, or the dangers of the sea,
to enter therein, particular care shaU be taken to hasten
their departure, and to cause them to retire as soon as
possible. Nothing in this treaty contained shall, how
ever, be construed or operate contrary to former and ex
isting public treaties with other sovereigns or States.
But the two parties agree that while they continue in
amity neither of them wiU in future make any treaty
that shaU be inconsistent with this or the preceding
article. . . .
in
DECREES
The following extracts include the essential provisions
of the more important decrees issued (A) by or under
the authority of the National Convention and the Exec
utive Directory of the French Republic and (B) by Na
poleon. The fuU text may be seen in Wait's State
Papers, volume vii, pp. 147-169.

298 APPENDIX
A. Decrees of the RepubUc.
1. May 9, 1793 :
Art. I. Ships of war and privateers may seize and
carry into the ports of the Repubfick, neutral vessels
which are whoUy or in part loaded with provisions, being
neutral property bound to an enemy's port, or with
merchandise belonging to an enemy.
Art. II. Merchandise belonging to an enemy is de
clared a lawful prize, selzable for the profit of the cap
tor. Provisions being neutral property, shaU be paid for
at the price they would have sold for at the port where
they were bound.
Art. III. In all cases neutral vessels shaU be released
as soon as the unlading of the provisions or the seizure
of the merchandise shaU be effected. The freight shaU
be settled at the rate paid by the charterers. A proper
compensation shaU be granted for the detention of the
vessels by the tribunals, who are ready to adjudge the
prizes. 2. July 2, 1796 (14 Messidor, an 4) :
All neutral or allied powers shall without delay be
notified that the fiag of the French RepubUck wiU treat
neutral vessels, as to confiscation, search or detention
[visite ou prehension], in the same manner as they shaU
suffer the English to treat them.
3. March 2, 1797 (12 Ventose, an 5) :
Art. V. Agreeably to the 21st article of the treaty of
London of the 19th of November, 1794, every individual
known to be American, who holds a commission given
by the enemies of France, as also every mariner of that
nation making a part of the crew of private or publick
ships [navires ou vaisseaux] of the enemy, shall be from
that act alone declared a pirate and treated as such, with-

APPENDIX 299
out aUowing him in any case to show that he had been
forced by violence, menaces or otherwise.
Art VI. In conformity to the law of the 14th Febru
ary, 1793, the regulations of the 21st October, 1744, and
of the 26th July, 1778, as to the manner of proving the
right of property in neutral ships and merchandise, shaU
be executed according to their form and tenor. In conse
quence every American vessel shaU be a good prize
which has not on board a fist of the crew [r61e d'equi
page] in proper form, such as is prescribed by the model
annexed to the treaty of the 6th February, 1778, a com
pliance vrith which is ordered by the 25th and 27th
articles of the same treaty.
4. January 18, 1798 (29 Nivose, an 6):
Art. I. The character of vessels in what concerns their
quality as neutral or enemy shaU be decided by their
cargo ; in consequence every vessel found at sea, laden
in whole or in part with merchandise coming [prove-
nants] from England or her possessions, shaU be declared
good prize, whoever may be the proprietor of these
productions or merchandise.
B. Imperial Decrees.
5. November 21, 1806 (Berlin decree) :
Art. I. The British Islands are declared iu a state of
blockade. Art. II. AU commerce and correspondence with the
British Islands are prohibited. In consequence, letters
or packets addressed either to England, to an EngUsh-
man, or in the English language, shall not pass through
the post office and shall be seized.
Art. in. Every subject of England, of whatever rank
and condition soever, who shaU be found in the coun-

300 APPENDIX
tries occupied by our troops or by those of our aUies,
shall be made a prisoner of war.
Art. rv. AU magazines, merchandise, or property
whatsoever, belonging to a subject of England, shall be
declared lawful prize.
Art. V. The trade in English merchandise is forbid
den ; aU merchandise belonging to England or coming
from its manufactories and colonies is declared lawful
prize. Art. VI. One half of the proceeds of the confiscation
of the merchandise and property, declared good prize by
the preceding articles, shaU be applied to indemnify
the merchants for the losses which they have suffered
by the capture of merchant vessels by English cruisers.
Art. VII. No vessel coming directly from England or
from the English colonies, or having been there since the
publication of the present decree, shaU be received into
any port.
Art. vin. Every vessel contravening the above clause
by means of a false declaration, shaU be seized and the
vessel and cargo confiscated as if they were EngUsh
property. 6. December 17, 1807 (Milan decree) :
Art. I. Every ship, to whatever nation it may belong,
that shaU have submitted to be searched by an English
ship or to a voyage to England or shall have paid any
tax whatsoever to the English government, is thereby and
for that alone declared to be denationalized, to have for
feited the protection of its king and to have become
English property.
Art. II. Whether the ships thus denationalized by the
arbitrary measures of the English government enter
into our ports or those of our aUies, or whether they fall

APPENDIX 301
into the hands of our ships of war or of our privateers,
they are declared to be good and lawful prize.
Art. m. The British islands are declared to be in a
state of blockade both by land and sea. Every ship, of
whatever nation or whatsoever the nature of its cargo
may be, that saUs from the ports of England or those of
the English colonies and of the countries occupied by
English troops and proceeding to England or to the
EngHsh colonies or to countries occupied by English
troops, is good and lawful prize, as contrary to the
present decree, and may be captured by our ships of
war or our privateers and adjudged to the captor.
rv
VESSELS m SERVICE, 1798-1801
This is believed to be a complete hst of vessels of tbe
regular navy down to 1801, arranged in groups accord
ing to the year in which their active service began ; and
also includes eight revenue cutters transferred from the
Treasury Department, nine gaUeys built for harbor de
fense under the act of May 4, 1798, and three vessels
temporarily impressed into the service in the West Indies.
The names of the various commanding officers are also
given. Vessels retained in the navy after the war are in
dicated by italics.
Regular Navy :
1798. United States, 44, Barry.
Constitution, 44, Nicholson, Talbot.
Constellation, 36, Truxtun, Murray.
Ganges, 24, Dale, Tingey, MuUowny.
Portsmouth, 24, McNeiU.
George Washington, 24, Fletcher, Bainbridge.

302 APPENDIX
Merrimack, 24, Brown.
Delaware, 20, Decatur, Baker, Spotswood.
Montezuma, 20, Murray, Mullowny.
Baltimore, 20, PhiUips, S. Barron, Cowper,
Herald, 18, Sever, RusseU.
Norfolk, 18, Williams, Bainbridge, Calvert.
Richmond, 18, S. Barron, Speake, C. Talbot, Law.
Pinckney, 18, Heyward.
Retaliation, 14, Bainbridge.
1799. Insurgente, 36, Murray, Fletcher.
General Greene, 28, Perry.
Adams, 28, Morris, Robinson.
John Adams, 28, Cross.
Boston, 28, Little.
Connecticut, 24, Tryon, Derby.
Maryland, 20, Rodgers.
Patapsco, 20, Geddes.
Warren, 20, Nevpman, J. Barron.
Augusta, 14, McElroy.
Enterprise, 12, Shaw, Sterrett.
Experiment, 12, Maley, Stewart.
1800. President, 44, Truxtun.
Congress, 36, Sever.
Chesapeake, 36, S. Barron.
Philadelphia, 36, Decaturt
New York, 36, Morris.
JEssex, 32, Preble.
Trumbull, 24, Jewett.
Revenue Cutters :
Pickering, 14, Chapman, Preble, HiUar.
Eagle, 14, Campbell, Bunbury.
Scammel, 14, Adams, Fernald, Jones.
Governor Jay, 14, Leonard.

APPENDIX 303

Virginia, 14, Bright.
Diligence, 12, J. Brown.
South Carolina, 12, Payne.
General Greene, 10, Price.
For temporary service :
Conquest of Italy, 12, Watson.
Amphitrite, 5, Porter.
Sally, Hull.
GaUeys :
Charleston.
South Carolina.
Beaufort. St. Marys.
Savannah.
Protector.Governor Williams.
Governor Davie.
Mars.

COMMANDING OFFICERS, 1798-1801
This list comprises aU the captains appointed in the
navy before 1801 ; also the masters and fieutenants com
mandant. Some of the revenue officers in command
of the cutters were not transferred to the regular navy.
A few officers appointed to command the galleys are
not included. Officers retained in the navy after the
war are indicated by italics.
Captains :
John Barry, June 4, 1794-Sept. 13, 1803.
Samuel Nicholson, June 4, 1794-Dec. 29, 1811.
Silas Talbot, June 4, 1794-Sept. 23, 1801.

304 APPENDIX
Richard Dale, June 4, 1794-Dec. 17, 1802.
Thomas Truxtun, June 4, 1794-1802.
James Sever, July 18, 1794-June 18, 1801.
Stephen Decatur, May 11, 1798-Oct. 22, 1801.
Christopher Raymond Perry, June 7, 1798— AprU 3,
1801.
Richard V. Morris, June 7, 1798-May 16, 1804.
Alexander Murray, July 1, 1798-Oct. 6, 1821.
Isaac PhiUips, July 3, 1798-Jan. 10, 1799.
Daniel McNeill, July 17, 1798-Oct. 27, 1802.
Thomas WiUiams, July 17, 1798-May 28, 1799.
Thxymas Tingey, Sept. 3, 1798-1801. Nov. 22, 1804-
Feb. 23, 1829.
Patrick Fletcher, Sept. 9, 1798-1800.
Jonathan Chapman, Sept. 10, 1798-Jan. 25, 1799.
George Cross, Sept. 10, 1798-1801.
Samuel Barron, Sept. 13, 1798-Oct. 29, 1810.
Moses Brown, Sept. 15, 1798-AprU 3, 1801.
Moses Tryon, Sept. 16, 1798-1801.
Richard Derby, Feb. 22, 1799-May 12, 1801.
George Little, March 4, 1799-Oct. 22, 1801.
John Rodgers, March 5, 1799-Aug. 1, 1838.
Edward Preble, May 15, 1799-Aug. 25, 1807.
John Mullowny, May 21, 1799-Sept. 26, 1801.
JoMies Barron, May 22, 1799-AprU 21, 1851.
Thomas Baker, June 15, 1799-April 13, 1801.
Henry Geddes, Sept. 24, 1799-April 11, 1801.
Thomas Robinson, Sept. 24, 1799-Sept. 26, 1801.
WUliam Bainbridge, May 20, 1800-July 27, 1833.
Hugh G. Campbell, Oct. 16, 1800-Nov. 11, 1820.
Masters Commandant :
Cyrus Talbot, May 21, 1799-Oct. 23, 1801.
David Jewett, June 1, 1799-June 3, 1801.

APPENDIX 305
Timothy Newman, July 1, 1799-Aug. 15, 1800.
WilHam Cowper, July 13, 1799-April 3, 1801.
Richard Law, Dec. 16, 1799-April 2, 1801.
Charies C. RusseU, Jan. 15, 1800-Oct. 23, 1801.
Benjamin HiUar, Feb. 8, 1800-1800.
John A. Spotswood, Feb. 15, 1800-June 4, 1801.
Lieutenants Commandant :
Charles Stewart, March 9, 1798.
Isaac Hull, March 9, 1798.
Archibald McElroy, March 11, 1798.
Andrew Sterrett, March 25, 1798.
Josias M. Speake, July 3, 1798.
John Shaw, Aug. 3, 1798.
M. S. Bunbury, Aug. 4, 1798.
Thomas Calvert, Sept. 4, 1798.
Samuel Heyward, Oct. 31, 1798.
Mark Fernald, June 10, 1799.
John H. Jones, June 12, 1799.
James P. Watson, June 29, 1799.
George Price, July 19, 1799.
William Maley, Aug, 1, 1799.
David Porter, Oct. 8, 1799.
Revenue Officers (not transferred to the navy) :
Francis Bright.
John Brown.
John W. Leonard.
John Adams.
James Payne.

306 APPENDIX VI
THE NAUTICAL DAY
The confusion of the civil and the nautical day,* result
ing in the insertion of twenty -four imaginary hours, seems
first to occur in the ^' Naval History " of Thomas Clark
(1813) ; he was followed by Cooper and others. The
error does not appear in earfier and contemporary ac
counts (see letter in the text, p. 166 ; also " Port Folio,"
January, 1809, p. 35). Investigation having called atten
tion to the method of reckoning time used in the early
days of the navy, a request for more precise information
produced the following letter from Robert W. WiUson,
Professor of Astronomy in Harvard University : —
Cambkidge, January 3, 1909.
Dear Dk. Allen, — I send you what I have been
able, in a limited time, to gather in regard to the " Nau
tical Day."
The reliance of the English and American seaman of
the last quarter of the eighteenth century was Moore's
" Practical Navigator " of which the 13th edition was
published at London in 1799. In this there is no trace
of the usage in question.
An American edition of Moore edited by Dr. Bow-
ditch was published in 1799. In this I find on p. 223 the
following: "Although the time used in the Nautical
Almanac and sea account differ one day from each
other. ..."
A second edition (1800) has the same phrase, p. 201.
Dr. Bowditch published his "Practical Navigator"
as an improvement on Moore's, and in the first edition,
1 See above, p. 166.

APPENDIX 307
Newburyport, 1802, occurs this sentence : "... a civil
day is reckoned from midnight to midnight, and is di
vided into 24 hours ; the first 12 hours are marked A. m.,
the latter 12 hours P. M., being reckoned from midnight
in numerical succession from 1 to 12, then beginning
again at 1 and ending at 12. Astronomers begin their
computation at the noon of the civil day, and count the
hours in numerical succession, from 1 to 24, so that the
morning hours are reckoned from 12 to 24. Navigators
begin their computation at noon, 12 hours before the
commencement of the civU day (and 24 hours before the
commencement of the astronomical day) ; marking their
hours from 1 to 12 A. M. and P. m. as in the civU com
putation." The same passage occurs in the subsequent editions
till 1880. The copyright having become the property of
the government in 1866, a complete revision was made
under the direction of the Bureau of Navigation in 1881,
in which the nautical day is ignored. The doctrine was
taught at Comer's Commercial College in Boston cer
tainly as late as 1858, though Coffin's text-book of about
that date says " now rarely used."
Bowditch's Navigator had an immediate success and
came into competition with Moore's book on both sides
of the Atlantic. I have in my library a copy of " The
improved Practical Navigator ... in a complete Epi
tome of Navigation . . . originaUy vrritten and calcu
lated by Nathaniel Bowditch, revised, re-calculated, and
newly arranged, by Thomas Kirby . . . second edition,
London, 1806."
This contains on p. 193 the foUowing: "In addition
to these modes some have thought it proper to notice a
third which they have termed the nautical or sea day ;

308 APPENDIX
but this is, in fact, not a third mode of marking or ex
pressing time ; it is only an application of the civU day
to nautical occurrences ; but as a ship's journal, or daily
account, is made up on each civil day at noon, it has
been said that the nautical day ends at noon. This, how
ever, is not so; for, though the day's occurrences on
board a ship, or its journal, are made up or concluded
every day at noon, yet the dates of these occurrences are
all expressed in the civil time, as happening either at 1
A. M. or 2 p. m. &c. of the civil day."
From all this, and especially from the phrase " some
have thought it proper " in the English edition of Bow
ditch, I conclude that the use of the nautical day was
a purely American practice whose history it would be
interesting to trace. Your episode furnishes a striking
instance of the confusion Ukely to arise between the two
modes of reckoning time, and perhaps helps to explain
why the custom was allowed to lapse.
Very truly yours,
Robert W. Willson.

INDEX

INDEX

Adams, John, president, appoints
envoys to France, 23; his speech
offends the Directory, 23; his
election disliked in France, 25,
26, 32; messages of, 38, 55, 245;
revokes exequaturs of Ji^ench
consuls, 39; nominates Wash
ington to command the army,
39; appoints officers, 50, 51 ; and
secretary of the navy, 64; an-
thorized to increase the navy,
55, 56; and to commission privar
teers, 58, 59; author of navy reg
ulations, 60; appoints generals,
60; instructions of, 63. 64. 66,
79, 106, 117, 132, 137, 166; his
correspondence, 67, 104, 107,
108, 122, 130; dismisses Phillips,
80. 81 ; addresses of Congress to,
86; relations with Guadeloupe,
87, 88; called upon to retaliate,
88; his policy as to prisoners, 89,
129; relations with San Domin
go, 113, 114; opens trade'with
San Domingo, 114. 115; retains
Truxtun, 121; promotes Talbot,
122; announces the death of
Washington, 137; his opinion of
Maley, 147; his speech to Con
gress, 223; appoints envoys to
negotiate with France, 245, 246;
approves a peace establishment,
255.
Adams, John Quincy, 274.
Adams, U, S. frigate, 56; on the
Gaudeloupe station, 127, 133,
177, 193, 218; takes prizes, 128,
177; returns to New York, 178;
on the San Domingo station,
216; retained in the service, 262,
255, 257.
Adet, Pierre Auguste, French min
ister to the United States, 16, 18.
Africa, British frigate, 21.
Aigle, French privateer, 201.
Algiers, 41. 42, 56, 221.
Alliance. U. S. frigate, 41, 49.
Alliance with France, 1, 2, 247.

Amory, WUliam, lieutenant of
marines, 183.
Amour de la Patrie, French priva
teer, 90.
Amour de la Patrie, French priva
teer, 204.
Amphitrite, prize schooner, 216,
Antigua, 76, 128, 129, 149.
Archer, John, lieutenant, 101.
Armament of American ships, 57*
68, 99. 171, 214.
Army, 39, 60.
Atlantic. American armed vessel,
236, 237.
Augusta, U. S. brig, 133, 179, 187.
188, 199, 216.
Aux Cayes, 179, 188.
Bainbridge, William, lieutenant, in
command of the Retaliation, 72;
surrenders to the French, 73, 74;
saves American ships, 74; at
Gaudeloupe, 75, 91; returns
home. 75, 87; master command
ant, in command of the Noriolk,
117; reports being chased by a
French frigate, 118, 119; on the
San Domingo and Havana sta
tions, 120; returns to New York
with the Norfolk, 190; captain,
in command of the George Wash
ington. 221.
Baker, Thomas, captain, 149, 173.
Balance, French privateer, 235.
Baltimore, U. S. ship, cruise of, 65,
68; on convoy duty, 71, 77, 79;
off Havana, 76; held up by a
British squadron, 77-^0; in
Truxtun's squadron. 83; on the
Gaudeloupe station. 111, 128,
133, 193; Barron in command of,
121; takes prizes, 130, 193.
Barbadoes, 82, 127, 215.
Barlow, Joel, 37, 269.
Barney, Joshua, 49  ' ^-' '"'¦ '
Barras, Paul Jean Frangois Nico
las, president of the French
Directory, 22, 23.

312

INDEX

Barreaut, captain, in conaniand of
the Insurgente, 74, 94; surren
ders to Truxtun, 94, 98; his re
port, 95-98; his orders, 99, 100.
Barron, James, lieutenant, 69.
Barron, Samuel, captain, in com
mand of the Baltimore, 83, 121 ;
of the Constellation, 121; trans
ferred to the Chesapeake, 121;
cruising, 217.
Barry, John, captain, 48; senior
oflSoer of the navy, 49, 89; in
command of the United States,
63, 66; cruising, 66, 67, 69; sails
for the West Indies, 67; returns,
68, 69; commodore, in command
of a squadron, 69, 72, 81, 86; his
squadron, 81 ; his station and or
ders, 82; attempts to exchange
prisoners, 90, 91 ; sends a convoy
home, 92; mentioned, 107, 111,
124; returns to Philadelphia.
108; recruiting, 108, 109; re
ceives cruising orders, 109, 110,
113; sails for France with en
voys, 110; in command of the
Gaudeloupe station, 220; returns
home, 221.
Basse Terre, 38, 75, 91, 163, 200.
Bayonne decree, 264.
Bellamy, 27.
Benton, Thomas Hart, 274.
Berceau, French corvette, 177; her
action with the Boston, 210-
214; surrenders, 211, 212, 214;
her force, 211, 212; her losses,
211, 212, 214; taken to Boston,
215; is given up, 216, 250.
Berlin decree, 263, 267.
Blake, Joshua, midshipman, 147.
Bonaparte, Joseph, 247.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, first consul
of France, receives American
envoys, 247; ratifies the treaty,
260, 271, 277. See Napoleon.
Bonaparte, French privateer, 112.
Bordeaux, embargo at, 31, 36, 271.
Boston, U. S. frigate, built, 56, 116 ;
launched, 116; on the San Do
mingo station, 116, 133, 178,
179, 187; captures the Flying
Fish, 116; attacked by pica
roons, 178; returns to Boston,
179; cruising, 210; her action
with the Berceau, 210-214; her
losses, 211, 212; her force, 214,

215; returns to Boston, 215;
retained in the service, 252, 255,
257.
Bosworth, Nathaniel, lieutenant,
152.
Bradford, Gamaliel, 239, 240.
Brown, Moses, captain, in com
mand of the Merrimack, 81, 92;
on convoy duty, 92, 207; takes
prizes, 112.
Cabot, George, 54.
Calhoun, John Caldwell, 274.
Calliope, American brig, 37.
Calvert, Thomas, lieutenant. 190.
Cape Francois, French commis
sioners at, 35; privateer from.
65; opened to American trade,
114; cruising off, 116, 120, 190;
naval rendezvous at, 120, 124.
148, 180, 188, 191, 199, 208, 216;
news of peace brought to, 220.
Carmick, Daniel, captain of ma
rines, 183, 184.
Carronades, 57.
Carthagena, 190, 192.
Cassius, French privateer, 18.
Cayenne, 75, 82, 123, 124, 127, 194,
195, 196, 211.
Chapman, Jonathan, captain, 66.
Charming Betsey, American
armed schooner, 226, 227.
Chesapeake, American armed ves
sel, 233.
Chesapeake, XT. S. frigate, built,
56; affair ot the, 77; goes into
commission, 121; cruising, 217;
retained in the service, 252, 255,
257.
China, American armed ship, 159.
225.
Choate, Eufus, 274.
Cinclnnatus, American ship, 38.
Citoyenne, French privateer, 201.
Claghorne, George, naval con
structor, 48.
Claims. See Spoliation claims.
Clay, Henry, 274.
Clement, Louis Marie, lieutenant.
on the Berceau, 212; report of,
213, 214.
Cleveland, Grover, president, 274.
Clinton, George, 16.
Columbus, French armed ship,
228.
Commerce, American ship, 37.

INDEX

313

Commerce, protection of, 83-85,
133, 222, 223, 224, 254, 264. See
Spoliations.
Congress, approves neutrality, 4;
Genet desires reference of dis
putes to, 10; forbids service on
foreign privateers, etc., 10, 11,
37; provides for defense, 38, 39,
41, 42, 56. 56; abrogates French
treaties, 39, 247, 248, 276; au
thorizes construction of frigates,
42, 45; and the appointment of
officers, etc., 60, 51; establishes
the marine corps, 53; and the
Navy Department, 54; author
izes more ships, 56-67; and pri
vateering, 58, 59, 225; prescribes
regulations, 69, 60; provides
other defensive measures, 60,
61; authorizes captures, 61, 63,
66; passes retaliation act, 61, 88;
authorizes seventy-fours, etc.,
85; well disposed to the navy,
86; calls for report on prisoners,
88, 89; restricts intercourse with
France, 106, 106, 113, 115; votes
Truxtun a gold medal, 177; rati
fies treaty, 221, 249, 250, 277;
receives President's speech, 223;
and report on navy, 252; pro
vides for peace establishment,
255; authorizes suppression of
piracy, 262; passes embargo and
non-intercourse acts, 263, 264;
discusses possible war with
France, 266; passes bills for
relief of claimants, 270, 273,
274; claimants make applica
tion to, 272, 273; makes appro
priations, 274.
Congress, TJ. S. frigate, built, 56,
131; on convoy duty, 132, 151;
sails for the East Indies, 151;
dismasted, 162, 153, 159; men
tioned, 154, 155, 156; on the San
Domingo station, 191, 208, 209,
216; her narrow escapes, 209;
returns home, 217; retained in
the service, 252, 255, 257; or
dered to Washington, 258; off
Mt. Vernon, 268, 259.
Connecticut, U. S. Ship, 66; on the
GuEideloupe station, 128, 133,
193, 199; off Porto Rico, 129;
takes prizes, 129, 130, 149, 193;
cruising, 221.

Conquest of Italy, prize brig, 129,
149, 150, 163.
Constellation, U. S. frigate, 47;
launched, 48; fitted out, 65;
;. armed with carronades, 57, 120;
cruise of, 64; her second cruise,
65, 68; on convoy duty, 71;
Truxtun's flagship, 83, 93; her
action with the Insurgente, 93-
98; her force, 99; her losses, 100;
receives prisoners, 101, 102; at
St. Christopher, 103, 104; re
turns home, 104; luck of, 105;
sails again for the West Indies,
121; mentioned, 139, 217; meets
the Insurgente, 150, 163, 176;
on the Guadeloupe station, 162,
189; chases the Vengeance, 163,
164; and fights her, 164-171,
199; her force, 171; her crew.
172; her losses, 172; her fire,
174; after the battle, 175, 176 ;
at Jamaica, 176; returns home,
177; on the San Domingo sta
tion, 188, 190, 191; at Havana,
192, 220; in a gale, 218, 219;
retained in the service, 252, 255,
257.
Constitution, U. S. frigate, 47;
built and launched, 48; fitted
out, 66; sails from Boston, 69,
70; on convoy duty, 71, 77; in
the West Indies, 72, 105; in Bar
ry's squadron, 81; chases the
Insurgente, 105; sails home with
a convoy, 107; at Boston, 112,
122, 188; Talbot's flagship, 115,
124, 133, 182; cruise proposed
for, 123; cruising, 124; wins a
race, 125; on the San Domingo
station, 182-187, 199, 216; mana
a cutting-out expedition, 182;
returns home, 217; retained in
the service, 252, 256, 257.
Consuls, French, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 19,
20, 39; American, 36.
Convoys, to and from Havana, 65,
66, 71, 77, 113, 181, 182, 220;
to and from St. Thomas, 76, 111,
118, 119, 196, 207, 221; to and
from St. Christopher, 91, 92, 93,
149, 207, 244; diffloulties of, 92,
93, 160, 161; to and from the
West Indies, 107, 110, 133, 194;
chased by a French frigate, 118,
119; Stoddert's opinion of, 123;

314

INDEX

from Surinam, 125, 195; to and
from the East Indies, 132, 151,
157-161; during 1799, 133; at
tacked by pirates, 139-145; on
the Gaudeloupe station, 194.
Cooper, James Fenimore, 58, 306.
Court of Claims, 273, 275, 280.
Cowper, William, lieutenant, 101;
master commandant, 105; in
command of the Baltimore, 130.
Cross, George, captain, 133, 193.
Croyable, French privateer, cap
tured, 65, 112; name changed to
Retaliation, 65.
Cuba, 81, 83, 113, 192, 221.
Curasao, 38; cruising about, 82,
149, 207; the Vengeance at, 1 68-
174, 177, 190, 196; included in
the Guadeloupe station, 194;
American interests in, 196; out
rage by a privateer trom, 196; a
French expedition attempts the
capture of, 196-199; Americans
in the defense of, 198; the
French driven off, 199; action of
privateers off, 226, 227.
Cygne, French privateer, 200.
Dale, Richard, captain, appointed
in the navy, 49; dispute as to
rank, 50, 64; in command of the
Ganges, 63, 64; in command of
the Mediterranean squadron,
258.
Dana, Francis, 23.
Davie, William Richardson, envoy
to negotiate with France, 246;
arrives in Paris, 247; negotiating,
248, 249.
Davis, John, judge, 274, 275, 279,
280.
Deane, Silas, 1.
Decatur, Stephen, captain, in com
mand ot the Delaware, 64, 66;
captures the Croyable, 66; senior
officer off Cuba, 83, 113; in com
mand of the Philadelphia, 178,
217.
Decatur, Stephen, midshipman,
64, 66, 90; lieutenant, 109; men
tioned, 178.
Decrees of France, under the re
public, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31-34, 35,
37, 269, 297, 298, 299; in the
West Indies, 32, 35, 261; im
perial decrees, 260, 263, 264, 265,

269, 297, 299-301 ; pretended re
vocation of, 266; seizures under,
266; Spanish decrees, 267.
Delaware, U. S. ship, cruise of, 64
captures the Croyable, 65, 112
ordered to the West Indies, 66
sails, 67; returns, 69; off coast of
Cuba, 83, 113; on the Guade
loupe station. 111, 133, 193; at
Curacao, 149, 173.
Democrat, French privateer, 91 .
Denmark, spoliations by, 266, 267;
claims against, 268.
Derby, Elias Hasket, Jr., 229.
Desfourneaux, Etienne, French
general, governor of Guadeloupe,
75; releases prisoners, 75, 87, 88,
91; his correspondence, 87, 88,
89; declares Guadeloupe open to
trade, 88, 92; capture of the In
surgente reported to, 95; his
orders, 100; declares war, 103;
exchanges prisoners, 104; re
called, 128.
Dessalines, Jean Jacques, 260.
Deux Amis, French privateer,
204.
Deux, Anges, French privateer
178.
Diana, French schooner, 205, 206.
Diligence, U. S. schooner, 82,
Directory, Executive, of France,
22; refuses to recognize U. S.
envoys, 23; solicits a bribe from
them, 24; treats them with dis
courtesy. 25, 26; decrees of, 33;
prize cases to be referred to, 103,
104; agent of, 114; interviews
of Logan with, 246; overthrown,
247.
Discipline in the navy, 132, 134-
136.
Dix, John Adams, 274.
Dominica, 82, 202, 244.
Eagle, U. S. brig, 82, 111, 133, 193,
195,221.
East Indies, 132, 151, 156-159,
221.
Eliza, American armed ship, 225,
226.
Ellsworth, Oliver, envoy to ne
gotiate with France, 246; ar
rives in Paris, 247; negotiating,
248, 249.
Embargo, at Bordeaux, 31, 36,

INDEX

315

271; in American ports, 263,
266.
Embuscade, French frigate, 4, 5,
9.
England, at war, 3, 14; complaints
of, 5; ministers of, 5, 9; navy of,
8. 134; privateers ot, 9, 29, 71,
262; relations with, 16, 17, 29,
264; spoliations committed by,
17, 29, 260, 263, 266; reparation
demanded of, 21, 22; impress
ments by, 32, 78, 79; naval su
premacy of, 35; arrogance of
her naval officers, 76-79, 111,
181; orders in council of, 260,.
263, 265; war declared against,
266; claims against, 268; treaty
with, see Treaties.
Enterprise, D. S. schooner, built,
133; her first cruise, 148, 149;
returns home with dispatches,
176, 199; on the Guadeloupe
station, 194, 199, 221; returns
to the West Indies, 199; en
counters a Spanish brig, 200
captures privateers, 200-204:
and the Flambeau, 201, 202;
her record, 203; retained in the
service, 257; sent to the Mediter
ranean, 268.
Esperance, French brig, 130.
Essex, U. S. frigate, built, 56, 131 ;
launched, 132; on convoy duty,
132, 151, 157-161; sails for the
East Indies, 151; in a gale, 163,
154; in Table Bay, 156, 156;
cruising in the Straits of Sunda,
157-159; chases a French cor
vette, 158; sails home with a
convoy, 159; in the Indian ocean,
160; arrives in New York, 161 ;
retained in the service, 252, 255,
257; sent to the Mediterranean,
268.
Estaing, Charles Hector d', ad-
mu-al, 215.
Everett, Edward, 274.
Experiment, U. S. schooner, built,
133; on the San Domingo sta
tion, 133, 139, 179, 187, 199,216;
attacked by picaroons, 139-144,
145, 146; her officers, 146, 147;
takes a Danish vessel, 148;
cruising, 204-208; takes prizes,
204, 205, 207; rescues ship
wrecked people, 207, 208.

Fauchet. Jean Antoine Joseph,
French minister to the United
States, 12, 13, 16, 21,22.
Favorite, American armed ship.
238.
Fenwick, Joseph, 36.
Ferrand, Louis, general, 261.
Flambeau, French brig, captured
by the Enterprise, 201, 202.
Flambeau, French schooner, 207.
Fletcher, Patrick, captain, 81, 114,
209.
Florida, 12, 13, 268.
Flying Fish, Danish brig, 116, 117.
France, negotiations with, 1, 13,
23-27, 246, 247-249, 269, 270,
277; complaints of, 2, 16, 17-22,
26; republic of, 3, 8, 110; does
not insist upon guarantee. 7;
national convention of, 7, 29-31 ,
35; government ot, 10, 12, 13,
14, 16, 22, 23, 36, 247, 250, 270;
relations with, 17, 18, 22, 41, 61,
245, 251; feeling against, 38,
265; intercourse with, suspend
ed, 39, 61, 106, 106, 116; peace
with, 219, 220, 221; navy of,
223 ; empire of, 267; consuls of,
decrees ot. Directory ot, priva
teers ot, spoliations committed
by, treaties with, war with, see
the various words.
Franklin, Benjamin, 1.
Frigates ot 1794, authorized, 42;
plans tor, 43-46; armament of,
43, 46, 57; dimensions ot, 46;
construction of, 46-48, 56, 131;
launching ot, 48, 121, 217.
Gallatin, Albert, 265, 269.
Ganges, U. S. ship, 56; cruise of,
63, 64, 68; Tingey's flagship, 83,
111; takes prizes. 111, 192; her
orders, 221.
Geddes, Henry, captain, 198.
Gembeau, French privateer, 177.
General Greene, U. S. frigate,
built, 56, 112; at Havana, 113:
on the San Domingo station.
113, 115, 116, 120, 133, 180; as
sists in the capture ot Jacmel.
180, 181, 186; off the Mississippi,
181; returns home, 182; re
tained in the service, 252, 255,
257, 258.
General Greene, U. S. sloop, 83.

316

INDEX

General Massena, French priva
teer, 178.
Genet, Edmond Charles, French
minister to the United States,
arrives at Charleston, 4; fits out
privateers, 4, 5, 8, 11; his con
duct, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10. 11, 16; does
not press the guarantee, 7; re
buked by the French govern
ment, 8; his recall requested,
10; plans conquest ot Louisiana,
12; recalled, 12, 13, 17; remains
in the United States, 13, 15; his
character, 14.
Genius, American armed brig,
228.
George Washington, U. S. frigate,
56; in Barry's squadron, 81; re
turns home, 107; cruising, 110;
on the Guadeloupe station. 111;
on the San Domingo station,
114; in the Mediterranean, 221,
257.
Gerry, Elbridge, envoy to negoti
ate with France, 23, 38; his inter
views with X,Y, and Z, 23-26;
his interviews with Talleyrand,
23, 25; bribe demanded of, 24;
corresponds with Talleyrand, 26,
27, 245.
Goldsborough, Charles W., 102,
286
Gonaive, 115, 139, 140, 142, 145,
178, 179.
Governor Jay, U. S. schooner, 83.
Guadeloupe, position of, 34, 35;
taken by the British and recap
tured by the French, 35; ren
dezvous of French cruisers, 35,
38; squadron ordered to, 72;
change of governors at, 76, 128;
prisoners at, 76, 76, 87, 88, 89,
91, 103, 104, 128, 129, 194, 202,
203; privateers of, 76, 88, 89,
104, 128, 129, 189, 193, 200, 204,
206, 219, 228; declared open to
trade, 88, 92; at war with the
United States, 103; naval sta
tion of, 111, 121, 124, 133,162,
163, 178, 193, 194, 199, 210, 217,
218, 220; frigates at, 127, 128;
French force trom, 196-199.
Guarantee ot French possessions,
2, 3, 7, 247, 249, 276.
Gunnery of Americans, 100.
Guns, 67.

Haiti, revolution in, 34, 260, 261
French commissioners in, 34, 36
naval operations about, 83
ports of, 114. See San Domingo.
Hamilton, Alexander, major-gen
eral, 60, 181.
Hautval, L., 27.
Havana, convoys to and from, 66,
66, 71, 77, 113, 181, 182, 220;
the Baltimore at, 76, 77; the
American consul at, 79; cruising
off, 83, 133, 192; naval station
of, 120, 133, 190, 192; Murray at,
150, 192, 220; mentioned, 179,
200, 237; action of privateers
near, 233.
Henry, Patrick, 246.
Herald, U. S. ship, in Barry's
squadron, 66, 68, 81 ; at Boston,
67; on the coast, 68; on the San
Domingo station, 133, 187, 188,
199; off Porto Rico, 162; bears
news of peace, 221.
Heureuse Rencontre, French pri
vateer, 177.
Higginson, Stephen, 107, 131.
Hillar, Benjamin, master com
mandant, 210.
Hiram, American ship, 242, 243.
Hirondale, French privateer, 37.
Holland, at war with France, 3;
United States envoys in, 22, 23,
245; spoliations committed by,
29, 266, 267; ally of France, 35,
266, 267; complaint to minister
of, 196; claims against, 268, 269.
Hottinguer, 27.
Howe, James, 172.
Hugues, Victor, governor ot
Guadeloupe. 35, 75.
Hull, IsEiac, lieutenant, on the
Constitution, 70, 122; leads a
cutting-out expedition, 182'
186; letter of, 216.
Humphreys, David, 108.
Humphreys, Joshua, shipbuilder;
42; views of, 43-45; builds frig
ate United States, 47.
Hussar, French armed ship, 125,
126.
Impressment ot American seamen;
17, 32, 77-80, 88, 171.
Industry, American armed ship,
239, 240.
Insurgente, French frigate, in the

INDEX

317

West Indies, 74; chases Ameri
can vessels, 74; her action with
the Constellation, 93-98, 171;
surrenders, 94, 98; loses her top
mast, 94, 96, 99; her force, 99;
her losses, 100; with a prize crew,
101 , 102, 204; at St. Christopher,
103, 104; chased by the Consti
tution, 105; taken into the ser
vice, 126; makes a European
cruise, 126, 127; at Lisbon, 126;
at Gibraltar, 127; off Cayenne,
127; in the West Indies, 127-
129, 133, 149, 150, 163; at Ja
maica, 150, 176; at Havana,
150. 192, 220; lost at sea, 209,
210, 250.
Jacmel, 148, 179; siege of, 180, 181.
186, 187.
Jaloux, French privateer, 69.
Jamaica, 37, 150, 166, 171, 176,
176, 177, 189, 190. 217.
Jarvis, James, midshipman, 166,
167, 177.
Jason, French privateer, 193.
Jay, John, concludes treaty with
England, 17, 20, 21.
Jay's treaty. See 'Treaties.
Jefferson, Thomas, secretary ot
state, 5, 7, 9, 10; his opinion of
Genet, 6; requests his recall,
10; issues a circular, 11; fears
war with Spain, 12; resigns, 16;
minister to France, 41; presi
dent, reduces the navy, 256,
257; his view of trade with
Haiti, 260; fits out a naval
force, 261.
Jeremie, 116, 179, 188, 191.
Jewetti David, master-command
ant, 191.
John Adams, U. S. frigate, built,
66; off Surinam, 125; off Porto
Rico, 193; captures privateers,
193; at St. Christopher, 197;
retained in the service, 252, 266,
257.
Enox, Henry, secretary ot war, 42,
45; appointed major-general,
60.
Lee, Arthur, 1.
Leogane, Bight ot, 115, 139, 146,
178, 187.

Letombe; French consul-general
to the United States, 16, 39.
Little, George, captain, in com
mand of the Boston, 116; takes
the Flying Fish, 116; held liable
for damages, 117; on the San
Domingo station, 179; his re
port of his action with the Ber
ceau, 210-213, 215; brings her
into Boston, 216.
Little Sarah, French privateer, 9.
Livingston, Robert R., U. S. min
ister to France, 251, 271, 277.
278, 279.
Logan, George, 246.
London Packet, American armed
ship, 232, 233.
Louis XVI, king ot France, 1, 2, 3.
Louis, king ot Holland, 267.
Louis Philippe, king of the French;
270.
Louisa, American armed ship, 241;
242.
Louisa Bridger, British schooner;
206.
Louisiana, 12, 13, 251, 262, 271.
McElroy, Archibald, lieutenant;
179.
McHenry, James, secretary of war.
63.
McNeill, Daniel, captain, 81, 125,
126, 133, 194.
Madison, James, 6, 7; secretary of
state, 274, 276.
Magicienne, French schooner, cap
tured by the Merrimack, 112.
118. See Croyable and Retalia
tion.
Maitland, Thomas, general, 114.
Maley, William, lieutenant, in
command of the Experiment,
139; attacked by picaroons, 139;
his arrangements, 140, 141, 143;
his conduct, 143, 145, 146, 147;
wishes to surrender, 146; com
plaints against hun, 147; re
signs, 148.
Marine corps, 39, 41, 64.
Marshall, John, envoy to negotiate
with France, 23; his interviews
with X, Y, and Z, 23-26; his
interviews and correspondence
with Talleyrand, 23, 25, 26;
returns to the United States,
26, 38; his opinion ot Talley-

318

INDEX

rand, 27; favors paying claims,
274.
Martinique, 34, 38, 90, 91, 128,
149, 163, 193, 195, 207, 243.
Maryland, U. S. ship, 56; off Suri
nam, 125, 127, 133, 194, 195; on
the Guadeloupe station, 193;
sent to France, 221.
Mercator, Danish schooner, 148.
Mercer, John Fenton, midshipman,
130.
Merlin de Douai, Philippe An
toine, 24.
Merrimack, U. S. ship, 66; in
Barry's squadron, 81, 92; on
convoy duty, 92, 93, 107, 207,
221; on the Guadeloupe station,
111, 193; recaptures the Retali
ation (Magicienne), 112, 118;
takes prizes, 112, 199; off Cura
cao, 197-199; returns home, 221.
Milan decree, 263, 267.
Molly, American armed ship, 227,
228.
Monroe, James, U. S. minister to
France, 16, 22, 23, 277.
Montezuma, U. S. ship, in the
West Indies, 68, 72, 73; chased
fay a French frigate, 74; cruising,
75, 76, 83, 110; on convoy duty,
91, 92; at St. Christopher, 104,
111.
Morris, Charles, midshipman, 131 ;
209, 256.
Morris, Gouverneur, U. S. minister
to France, 10, 16, 29, 30.
Morris, Richard Valentine, cap
tain, in command of the Adams,
128, 133; takes prizes, 128, 177;
in command of the Guadeloupe
station, 129, 178; transferred to
the New York, 218.
Morris, Robert, 43.
Mount Vernon, American armed
ship, 229-232.
Mullowny, John, captain, 110, IJl,
192.
Murray, Alexander, captain, in
command of the Montezuma,
72, 83; his reports, 73, 76, 91,
110, 126, 127, 128, 150, 190, 191,
218, 220; at St. Thomas, 76;
returns home sick, 110; in com
mand of the Insurgente, 126;
cruising, 126-129. 149, 150, 163,
176; at Lisbon, 126; at St. Chris

topher, 128, 189; at Jamaica;
150, 176; at Havana, 150, 192,
220; in command of the Constel
lation, 188; and of the San Do
mingo station, 188-192, 209;
cruising, 218-220; conveys news
of peace, 220.
Murray, William Vans, U. S. min
ister to Holland, 245; envoy to
negotiate with France, 246, 246;
arrives in Paris, 247; negotiat
ing, 248, 249.
Mutine, French privateer, 162.
Nancy, American armed ship, 237.
Naples, spoliations by, 266, 267;
claims against, 268.
Napoleon I, emperor, power of,
260; sends an expedition to
Haiti, 260; issues decrees, 263,
264, 265; declares them revoked,
265; influence of, 266; receives
American prizes, 267; claims
against, 269. See Bonaparte.
Navy Department, establishment
of, 39, 46, 54; general orders of,
63, 66, 79, 80, 106, 117, 132, 137.
Navy, U. S., reestablishment ot,
necessary, 41, 281; first vessels
ot, authorized, 42; building of,
47, 48; officers for, 49-51; ex
pansion of, 50, 51, 63, 55-57; on
a war footing, 51, 61, 62; enlist
ment in, 61, 108, 109, 161; pay
of, 61, 52; ration of, 52, 53; reg
ulations for, 52, 53, 64, 58, 59,
60, 286; humiliation of, 76, 77;
at the end of 1798, 81-83; re
port on, 84; increase ot, au
thorized, 85; public opinion in
favor of, 86; in 1799, 87; gun
nery of, 100; at the end ot 1799,
132, 133; discipline in, 132, 134-
136; at the end of the war, 221;
prizes taken by, 222; cost ot,
222 ; protection afforded by, 222,
224, 254; compared with the
French navy, 223; reduction of,
252, 255-257; increase of, re
commended, 253-255; on a peace
footing, 267; breaks up piracy,
261, 262; ships of, 301; officers
ot, 303.
Nereid, British frigate, 197, 199.
Neutrality, proclamation of, 3, 14;
armed, 20.

INDEX

319

'Newman, Timothy, master-com
mandant, 193.
New York, U. S. frigate, 66, 218,
221, 252, 258.
Nicholson, Samuel, captain, 48;
appointed in the navy, 49; in
command of the Constitution,
69, 105; receives orders, 70, 71,
72 ; on convoy duty, 71 ; gives up
an English prize, 105, 106; re
turns home, 107; on shore duty,
107.
Niger, British privateer, 71, 105.
Norfolk, U. S. brig, in the West
Indies, 72, 73; chased by a
French frigate, 74; cruising, 76;
in Truxtun's squadron, 83, 104,
106; at St. Christopher, 104,
117; on the Guadeloupe station,
111, 117; escapes from a French
frigate, 118, 119, 121; on the
San Domingo station, 120; on
the Havana station, 120. 133,
192; at Carthagena, 190; re
turns to New York, 192.
Officers, naval, 49-54; pay and
rations of, 51-63; hardships of,
134-136; in the American and
French navies, 223; reduction
ot, 255, 256; selection of, 266;
character of, 266, 257; list of,
303-305.
Paris, general, 128.
Patapsco, U. S. ship, 56; on the San
Domingo station, 133; at New
Orleans, 181 ; on the Guadeloupe
station, 194, 197; at Curacao,
196, 197, 198, 199; returns
home, 203.
Perry, Christopher Raymond, cap
tain, in command of the General
Greene, on the Havana and San
Domingo stations, 113; at Jac
mel, 180, 181 ; thanked by Tous
saint, 186.
Perry, Oliver Hazard, midshipman,
113.
Perseverance, American armed
ship, 226.
Perseverance, American armed
ship, 235, 236.
Philadelphia, U. S. frigate, built,
56, 178; on the Guadeloupe sta
tion, 178, 193, 221; cruising,

217, 218; takes prizes, 218; re
tained in the service, 252, 255,
257; sent to the Mediterranean,
258.
PhUlips, B. H., U. S. consul, 197.
Phillips, Isaac, captain, in com
mand of the Baltimore, 66; off
Havana, 76; on convoy duty,
77; his experience with a Brit
ish squadron, 77-81; dismissed
from the navy, 80, 81, 121.
Pichon, Louis Am^d^e, French
secretary of legation at the
Hague, 245.
Pickering, Timothy, secretary of
state, 16, 31, 89, 114, 234.
Pickering, U. S. brig, in Barry's
squadron, 66, 67, 81; on the
coast, 68; on the Guadeloupe sta
tion, 111, 128, 193; lost at sea,
210.
Pierce, Franklin, president, 273;
278.
Pinckney, Charles, 275.
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, U.
S. minister to France, 16; not
received, 22; appointed envoy
to negotiate, 23, 38; his inter
views with X, Y, and Z, 23-26;
and with Talleyrand, 23, 25, 26;
leaves Paris, 26; appointed
major-general, 60.
Pinckney, U. S. brig, 83, 120, 133.
Piracy, in the Mediterranean, 41,
42, 253, 268; West Indian, 82,
261; on the coast of Cuba, 113;
in the Bight of Leogane, 115,
120, 139-144, 146, 146, 188; at
Carthagena, 191 ; at the mouth
of the Mississippi, 262.
Pitot, A. M., captain of the French
frigate Vengeance, 168, 169,
174, 175.
Planter, American armed ship,
228, 229.
Polk, James Knox, president, 273.
Porter, David, midshipman, on
the Constellation, 98, 99; with
prize crew of the Insurgente,
101; hardships of, 134-136;
lieutenant, on the Experiment,
139; wounded, 143; in com
mand, 146; his conduct, 146,
147; prize master of the Deux
Amis, 204; brings her into port,
205; in command of the Am-

320

INDEX

phitrite, 216; master-command
ant, seizes privateers, 262.
Porter, David Dixon, admiral, 99,
102, 134, 146.
Porto Plata, 182-186.
Porto Rico, 37, 119, 208; Ameri
can prisoners at, 66. 193; cruis
ing about, 72, 81, 83, 129, 161,
162, 193, 196, 209, 220; included
in the San Domingo station,
133; depredations of privateers
about, 161, 162.
Port Republicain, 114, 115, 144,
179, 188.
Portsmouth, U. S. ship, 66; in
Barry's squadron, 81; off Suri
nam, 125, 133; sails for France,
220.
Preble, Edward, lieutenant, in
command of the Pickering, 82;
captain, in command ot the
Essex, 132, 151; his journal and
reports, 164-159; at Cape Town,
155, 156; in the East Indies,
156-159; his voyage home, 159-
161.
President, U. S. frigate, built, 66;
Truxtun's flagship, 217; cruis
ing, 221; retained in the service,
252, 255, 257; sent to the Med
iterranean, 258.
Prince Rupert's Bay, 82, 92, 93.
Prisoners, French, at Ft. Mifflin,
65; American, at Porto Rico, 67,
193; at Guadeloupe, 78, 87, 88,
91, 128, 194, 202; treatment of,
76, 88, 89, 202; released, 75, 87,
103, 203; French, at St. Thomas,
76; exchange of, 82, 89, 91, 104,
128, 129, 194, 202, 203; French,
in the United States, 88, 89; on
the Insurgente, 101, 102, 104;
at St. Christopher, 104, 194,
206; President's views on, 129;
American, on the Vengeance,
171, 175; French, taken by the
Trumbull, 191; American, at
Cayenne, 195, 196; French, on
the Deux Amis, 204, 205; on the
Berceau, 211; at Boston, 215.
Privateers, of France, in American
ports, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 18,
19, 247; corrupt ownera of, 24,
30; their bases in the West In
dies, 35, 82, 88, 89, 91, 115, 261;
Americans interested in, 36;

trom Guadeloupe, 76, 88, 89, 91;
104, 128, 129, 178, 189, 193, 200,
205, 219; in the East Indies,
157-159; actions of, etc., with
Americans, sec names of various
vessels; spoliations committed
by, see Spoliations; privateers
of Great Britain, see England; of
Spain, see Spain; of the United
States, 58, 69, 226-242.
Prizes, taken by Americans during
1799, 133; during the war, 222;
given up under the treaty, 250,
251 ; taken by the French, 5, 6,
8, 9, 11, 12, 18, 19. See Decrees,
France, Spoliations, Treaties,
and names of vessels making cap
tures.
Quincy, Josiah, 264.
RambouiUet decree, 264.
Randolph, Edmund, secretary of
state, 16, 22, 29.
Rating of ships of war, 57.
Ration, of navy, 62, 53; of prison
ers, 89.
Retaliation, U. S. schooner, 65;
cruising, 72-74; captured, 73,
74, 117, 222; taken to Guade
loupe, 75; sent to the United
States with prisoners, 87, 88;
sent back with French prisoners,
89; recaptured by the Merri
mack, 112, 222. See Croyable
and Magicienne.
Revenge, French privateer, 226,
227.
Revenue cutters, the only armed
vessels before 1798, 41, 87; ser
vice established, 56; strength of,
increased, 66; taken into the
navy, 67, 61; cruising, 66, 68,
71 : on naval stations. Si, 82, 83;
returned to the Treasury Depart
ment, 267; list of, 302, 303.
Revolution, American, 1,2, 20, 41,
49, 60, 116, 134, 215, 266.
Revolution, French, 2, 14, 28, 30,
223, 272, 275, 281.
Richmond, U. S. brig, 56, 83, 111,
216.
Rigaud, Benoit Joseph Andr^, dis
putes the authority of Tous
saint, 115, 116; his ports and
piratical barges, 115; loses Jac-

INDEX

321

mel, 180, 181, 186; evacuates
ports, 187; leaves San Domingo,
188; his officers, 191; captured,
206; at St. Christopher, 206.
Rives, William Cabell, 270.
Robespierre, Maximilien Marie
Isidore, 14.
Robinson, William D., 197.
Rodgers, John, lieutenant, on the
ConsteUation, 94; letter by, 94,
95, 101 ; prize master of the In
surgente, 101 , 102, 103; captain,
106; in command ot the Mary
land, 133; discipline ot, 134-
136; cruising off Surinam, 194,
195; takes treaty to France, 221.
RMe d'equipage, 32, 33, 249.
Russell, Charles C, master com
mandant, 81, 162, 187, 221.
St. Bartholomew, 203, 205.
St. Christopher, 82; naval rendez
vous, 83, 111, 117, 128, 129, 149,
162, 189, 196, 197, 190, 221;
convoys from, 92, 207, 244; the
Constellation and Insurgente at,
102-104; prisoners at, 104, 194;
prizes brought to, 149, 195, 200,
204, 205; Murray ordered to,
150, 163; Rigaud at, 206; at the
end ot the war, 221.
St. Laurent, commodore, in com
mand of a French squadron,
74.
St. Thomas, convoys from, 76,
111, 118, 119, 195, 207, 221;
mentioned, 116, 177, 228; the
Enterprise at, 199; the Constel
lation at, 220.
SaUy, American sloop, 183, 184.
San Domingo, 34; naval station at,
113, 133, 139, 146, 161, 180, 182,
189, 216, 221; American trade
with, 113, 114, 115, 189; its
ports opened, 114, 116, 120;
piracy ot, 116, 139, 145; cruising
off, 115, 116, 120, 178, 189, 190;
Talbot in command of, 124, 126,
133; civil war in, 186-188, 205;
change ot commanders at, 188,
189, 209, 216; city ot, 207, 208,
260; French commander at, 261.
See Haiti.
Sandwich, French privateer, 183-
186.
Sans PareU, French privateer, 69.

Scammel, U. S. schooner, 82, 126,
133, 194.
Senes, Louis Andr^, captain, in
command of the Berceau, 210,
211, 212, 213, 215.
Sever, James, captain, appointed
in the navy, 49; in command of
the Herald, 66; and of the Con
gress, 131, 151; his character,
131; his report, 151-153; on the
San Domingo station, 208; his
seamanship, 209; salutes Mount
Vernon, 258.
Shaw, John, lieutenant, command
ing the Enterprise, 148, 199,
202; bearer of Truxtun's dis
patches, 176, 177; his reports,
199, 200, 201; is relieved, 203.
Sherman, John, 274.
Shirley, Ambrose, sailing-master,
101.
Shot, weight of, 58.
Skipwith, Fulwar, U. S. consul-
general at Paris, 27, 36, 36.
Smith, David, 171.
Smith, WiUiam, U. S. minister to
Portugal, 234.
Somers, Richard, midshipman, 66;
lieutenant, 109.
Sophia, U. S. brig, 27, 87.
Spain, 3; danger of war with, 12,
13; privateers of, and spoliations
committed by, 29, 261, 262, 266,
267; ally of France, 36, 261;
neutrality ot, violated, 186; de
crees of, 267; claims against,
268, 270.
Spencer, English ship, 106, 106.
Spoliation claims, against France,
22, 28, 36, 247, 248, 249, 250;
classes of, 269, 271; for spolia
tions after 1801, 269, 270; set^
tied, 270; for spoliations before
1801, 271; part of them settled,
271; unsettled claims, 272; at
tempts to settle, 272-274; re
ferred to the Court of Claims,
273; not yet settled, 274; argu
ments for the claimants, 274,
276; against, 275-278; justice ot
claims acknowledged by France,
275; classes of claims defined,
278, 279; opinion of the court,
280; claims against Denmark,
England, Holland, Naples, and
Spain, 268.

322

INDEX

Spoliations of American commerce,
by France, 16, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31,
32; in the West Indies, 29, 32,
34, 37, 38, 66, 222, 261; in
French ports, 36; cases of, 37,
38; in the East Indies, 151, 157,
169; under the empire, 260, 261,
262, 263, 264, 266; by other
belligerents, see Denmark, Eng
land, HoUand, Naples, and
Spain.
Sterrett, Andrew, lieutenant, on
the ConsteUation, 100, 101;
takes command of the Enter
prise, 203.
Stevens, Edward, U. S. consul-
general in San Domingo, nego-'
tiates with Toussaint, 114; re
ports fight with pirates, 139-
144; praises Maley, 140, 141,
143, 147; borrows ammunition,
144; assists Toussaint, 186, 187;
writes to Talbot, 188.
Stewart, Charles, lieutenant, on
the United States, 66; on re
cruiting duty, 109; takes com
mand of the Experiment, 148;
pursuing privateers, 204, 205,
206; his letters, 205, 207; rescues
shipwrecked people, 207, 208.
Stoddert, Benjamin, secretary of
the navy, appointment of, 64;
views and recommendations of,
54, 84, 85, 252-256; his letters
to the President, 67, 68, 104,
107, 122, 123, 147; dismisses
PhUlips, 80; his letters to Barry,
82, 86, 108, 113; his reports to
Congress, 84, 88, 262; secures
sites for navy yards, 86; his
opinion of officers, 107; of the
Magicienne, 112; his letters from
the President, 122, 129, 147;
suggests a European cruise, 122;
his letter on Porto Rico, 161 ; to
Talbot, 189; his orders, see
Navy Department; reports and
letters sent to, see names of
various officers.
Sumner, Charles, 274.
Surinam, Talbot ordered to, 124;
Portsmouth cruising off, 125,
133; English take possession of,
125, 126; Maryland cruising off,
127, 133, 194, 195; in the Guade
loupe station, 193.

Talbot, SUas, captain, appointed
in the navy, 49; dispute as to
his rank, 49, 50, 120, 122; in
command of the Constitution,
115, 122, 124; and of the San
Domingo station, 115, 125, 133,
148, 180, 199, 209, 216; his re
port on piracy, 145; plans a cut
ting-out expedition, 182, 184; his
report, 182-184; receives a let
ter from Toussaint, 186; returns
home, 188; is commended, 189.
Talleyrand-P^rigord, Charles Mau
rice de, French minister of for
eign affairs, 23; his interviews
and correspondence with U, S.
envoys, 25; attempts to ne
gotiate with Gerry, 26; affects
ignorance ot X, Y, and Z, 27;
again attempts negotiations,
245; promises to respect envoys,
246; receives letters from Liv
ingston, 277, 278, 279.
Tartuffe, French privateer, 90.
Tingey, Thomas, captain, 83, 111,
267.
Tobago, 35, 37, 82.
Toussaint L'Ouverture, Domi
nique Francois, general, Haitian
revolutionist, 34; negotiates
with the United States, 113, 114;
opens ports to American trade,
114; at war with Rigaud, 115,
116, 180, 186-188; his relations
with American officers, 120, 180,
186, 187, 192; provides ammu
nition, 144; besieges Jacmel,
180, 186; defeats Rigaud, 188,
191; demands surrender of San
Domingo city, 208; overthrown
and sent to France, 260.
Treaties, with France, obligations
under, 1, 2, 247, 248, 260, 290-
294; disputed interpretation of,
2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 18, 19, 20, 32,
33; new treaty desired, 13, 23;
violation ot old treaties, 28, 30,
31 ; abrogation ot, 39, 247, 248,
276; convention of 1800, 220,
221 , 249-251 , 264, 269, 271 , 272,
277, 278, 279, 294; negotiation
of, 247-249, 275, 276; conven
tion of 1803,251,269,271,277,
278, 279, 296; treaty of 1831,
269, 270; treaty with England,
17-21, 29, 32, 247, 248, 268, 296;

INDEX

323

treaties with Denmark and
Spain, 268.
Trianon decree, 265.
Trumbull, U. S. ship, 56; on the
San Domingo station, 179, 188,
216; captures the schooner
Vengeance, 191, 192.
Truxtun, Thomas, captain, ap
pointed in the navy, 49 ; dispute
as to his rank, 49, 50, 120, 121;
in command of the Constella
tion, 64, 71, 79; commodore, in
command of a squadron, 83, 93,
111; reports his action with the
Insurgente, 93, 94, 99, 100, 101;
and his arrival at St. Christopher,
102, 103; exchanges prisoners
and returns home, 104; men
tioned, 106, 170; on the Guade
loupe station, 111, 117, 121, 133,
162, 178; his discipline, 134-136;
his advice to midshipmen, 136,
137; his dispatches, 149, 176;
his orders to Murray, 160, 163;
reports his action with the Ven
geance, 163-166, 173, 175, 177;
his address to his crew, 176; at
Jamaica, 176; receives a gold
medal, 177; at St. Christopher,
206, 207; transferred to the
President, 217; cruising, 217,
221.
Tryon, Moses, captain, 129, 133.
United States, U. S. frigate, 47;
buUt and launched, 48; fitted
out, 55; at Philadelphia, 63;
first cruise of, 66, 67, 68, 69;
captures privateers, 69, 90, 91;
Barry's flagship, 69, 81, 89, 92;
at Guadeloupe, 91; gets a new
crew, 108, 109; European cruise
proposed for, 110, 123; saUs tor
France, 110, 124, 247; again in
the West Indies, 220; returns
home, 221; retained in the ser
vice, 252, 255, 257; ordered to
Washington, 258.
Vengeance, French frigate, at
Guadeloupe, 128; her action
with the Constellation, 163, 171,
199; at Curacao, 169-174, 190,
196; her injuries, 169, 170, 171,
173, 174; her armament, 172;

her crew, 172; her casualties,
172, 174.
Vengeance, French privateer, 19.
Vengeance, French schooner, 191,
250.
Virginia, U. S. schooner, 83.
Volontaire, French frigate, 74, 76.
War in Europe, 2, 3, 17, 28, 34, 36,
44, 85, 260, 268, 281.
War with France, preparation for,
39, 50, 53, 54-57, 58, 59, 60-62;
no declaration of, 61; effect of
the first year of, 83, 84; second
year of, 132, 133; end of, 220,
221; review of, 222-224; effect
ot, on treaties and claims, 248,
276.
War of 1812, 17, 70, 100, 125, 266,
268.
Warren, U. S. ship, 120, 133, 192,
193, 221.
Washington, George, president, 2 ;
issues proclamation of neutral
ity, 3; his views on privateers in
American ports, 5; wishes them
held in port, 9; requests Genet's
recall, 10; revokes exequatur of
a French consul, 11; also of a
British consul, 21 ; messages of,
28, 66; appointed lieutenant-
general, 39; signs navy biU, 42;
his views as to rank of generals,
60; his death, 137, 258.
Washington, American armed
ship, 234. ,
Washington, American brig, 243,
244.
Watson, James P., lieutenant, 160.
Webster, Daniel, 274.
West Indies, defense ot, guaran
teed, 2, 3, 7; conditions in, 36,
36, 260, 261.
Wilkinson, James, brigadier-gen
eral, 181.
WUliams, Thomas, captain, 72.
WUliamson, James, 235.
X Y Z mission, 23-27, 38.
YeUow fever, 110, 113, 193.
Young, Moses, 266.
Young, Samuel, purser, 212.
ZUpha, American schooner, 87.

CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS
U . S . A

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