YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Pizarro in Cu y-jf H^WVrL; /* r'»ii Ji.'i ACc'ilJf'K vl?^ Tfte TempZe 0/ Tolometo. PICTORIAL HISTORY AMERICA; EMBRACING BOTH THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN PORTIONS ifW^^^^^^S^I^W ' OF THE NEW WORLD BY S. G. GOODRICH, HARTFORD: PUBLISHED BY HOUSE & BROWN. 1847. STEREOTYPED BY GEORGE A. CURTIS, » ENGLAND TVPB AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY, BOSTON. CONTENTS. GEOGRAPHICAL VIEW OF AMERICA. CHAPTER I. pag* Geographical Description of North and South America, . . . . 11 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. CHAPTER II. Account of the alleged Discovery of America by the Northmen, . . 21 DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE SPANIARDS. CHAPTER III. State of Geographical Science — Efforts of the Spaniards and Portuguese — Proceedings of Columbus, 27 CHAPTER IV. Columbus discovers America, 37 CHAPTER V. Various Discoveries of Columbus in America — Return to Spain, . . 46 CHAPTER VI. Second Voyage of Columbus to America — His Third Voyage — His Fourth Voyage — His return to Spain and his Death — Sufferings of the Natives, 57 CHAPTER VII. Spanish Discoveries on the Continent — Proceedings of Cortez, . . 67 CHAPTER VIII. Final Conquest of Mexico — Death of Cortez — Guatimala, ... 76 CHAPTER IX. Discovery of the South Sea — Conquest of Peru, 86 CHAPTER X. Historical Sketch of the Peruvian Empire — Proceedings of the Spaniards in Peru, , 99 CHAPTER XI. Conquest of Chili — Paraguay — Rio de la Plata, Ill 1* VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. page Proceedings in Venezuela and Guiana — Commercial Operations in South America, *2* BRAZIL. CHAPTER XIII. Discovery of Brazil — Settlement and Progress, 137 CHAPTER XIV. Progress of the Colony, 145 CHAPTER XV. Progress of the Colony, 152 CHAPTER XVI. Flourishing Condition of Brazil — The Mines — Policy of the Government — Present State of the country, . , 162 WEST INDIES. CHAPTER XVII. Porto Rico, Cuba, Jamaica, &c. — Slaves and the Slave Trade, . . 167 CHAPTER XVIII. The Buccaneers, 175 CHAPTER XIX. St. Domingo, 188 SPANISH SETTLEMENTS. CHAPTER XX. Peru, 197 CHAPTER XXI. Peru, continued, 206 CHAPTER XXII. Peru, continued, .......... 216 CHAPTER XXIII. United Provinces — Banda Oriental, 003 * CHAPTER XXIV. Paraguay— Chili _ g34 CHAPTER XXV. Colombia — Venezuela — New Grenada — Ecuador — Bolivia a.. "•* . • 244 CONTENTS. Vll CHAPTER XXVI. PAGx Mexico — Texas — Central America, 252 BRITISH AMERICA, &c. CHAPTER XXVII. Canada 262 CHAPTER XXVIII. Canada, continued 272 CHAPTER XXIX. Canada, continued, .......... 279 CHAPTER XXX. Nova Scotia, 285 CHAPTER XXXI. Nova Scotia, continued — Hudson's Bay Territory — Russian America — Greenland, 295 UNITED STATES. CHAPTER XXXII. Florida, 301 CHAPTER XXXIII. Florida, continued, . 313 CHAPTER XXXIV. Florida, continued, 323 CHAPTER XXXV. Virginia, 330 CHAPTER XXXVI. Virginia, continued, 339 CHAPTER XXXVII. Virginia, continued, 351 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Massachusetts, • . 362 CHAPTER XXXIX. Massachusetts, continued, 377 V1U CONTENTS. CHAPTER XL. pagb Massachusetts continued — Connecticut, 387 CHAPTER XLI. New England Colonies, 396 CHAPTER XLII. New Hampshire — Connecticut — Rhode Island — New Haven, . . . 407 CHAPTER XLIII. New York, 413 CHAPTER XLIV. New Jersey — Pennsylvania — Delaware — Maryland — North and South Carolina — Georgia, 422 CHAPTER XLV. United Colonies of New England — Philip's War, 433 CHAPTER XLVI. The Charters of the New England Colonies revoked — Sir Edmund Andros, 443 CHAPTER XL VII. Massachusetts, 451 CHAPTER XLVIII. Witchcraft in Salem, 460 CHAPTER XLIX. New England, 471 CHAPTER L. Indian Wars in the South, 477 CHAPTER LI. Collision with the Canadian Indians, , 494 CHAPTER LII. Same subject continued, ........ 4gj CHAPTER LIII. The French War, 497 CHAPTER LIV. Troubles with England, ... CHAPTER LV. The same subject continued, , -„. CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER LVI. page The same subject continued, ... .... 532 CHAPTER LVII. Battle of Lexington — Opening of the Revolution . , . 541 CHAPTER LVIII. Progress of the Revolution, 556 CHAPTER LIX. Declaration of Independence — Capture of New York, .... 564 CHAPTER LX. Progress of the War, 574 CHAPTER LXI. Burgoyne's Expedition and Capture, 587 CHAPTER LXII. Negotiations with France, 608 CHAPTER LXIII. Progress of the War., . 620 CHAPTER LXIV. Arnold's Treason — Progress o'f the War, . ... 636 CHAPTER LXV. Progress of the War — Surrender of Cornwallis — Peace, .... 645 CHAPTER LXVI. The Confederation — The Constitution — Washington President, &c, . 664 CHAPTER LXVII. French Revolution — Adams President — Madison President — War with England, \f 674 CHAPTER LXVIIL Progress of the War, . . 601 CHAPTER LXIX. Events of the War, 70J. B 2 CONTENTS. CHAPTER LXX. PAGE Progress of the War — Negotiations at Ghent — Hartford Convention — Peace, 725 CHAPTER LXXI. War with Algiers — Monroe President — John Quincy Adams President — Jackson President, ........ 743 CHAPTER LXXII. Jackson's Administration, continued — Van Buren President — Harrison President — Administration of John Tyler, ..... 757 CHAPTER LXXIII. Mr. Polk's Inauguration. — Relations with Mexico. — Proclamation of War by the President. — Discussion in relation to Oregon. — Military Opera tions, . . 770 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. CHAPTER LXXIV. Early Notions respecting the American Indians — Their Origin — General Remarks — Indians of the United States, ..... 794 CHAPTER LXXV. Indians of Mexico— Central America — South America — General Remarks. 813 PICTORIAL VIEW OF AMERICA. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. CHAPTER I. The continent of America includes an extent of territory equal to one half of the continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; and con stitutes about three tenths of the dry land on the surface of the globe. It is bounded east and west by the great Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. On the west, the Pacific separates it from Asia, and at Behring's Straits, in the north, the two continents come almost in contact. On the north is the Arctic Ocean, divided by huge frozen islands into bays and inlets. On the east, the Atlan tic separates it from Europe and Africa. On the south, it presents a storm-beaten cape to the expanse of the Southern or Antarctic Ocean. The northern boundary of America is now found to ex tend to about 70° north latitude. The" southern extremity of the. 12 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. continent, on the Straits of Magellan, is in lat. 54° south. Hence America comprehends the whole of the tropical and temperate, with part of the Arctic climates, on both sides of the equator. Its extent from north to south is about 9000 miles. This great con- -^--"^SoiirTi Polo The Western Hemisphere. tinent is nearly separated into two portions by the narrow Isthmus of Panama. It will be more proper, therefore, to describe North and South America separately. North America extends from 8° to 70° north latitude, and from 55° to 168° west longitude, and contains an area of about 7.500,- 000 square miles, exclusive of the islands in the neighborhood of Baffin's Bay and Barrow's Strait. Presenting a broad front to the Arctic Sea, it gradually expands in width to about 50° north latitude, when it again contracts its dimensions until it reaches the Isthmus of Panama. Its winding outline presents a great extent of seacoast, which is estimated to amount to about 9,500 miles on the eastern, and somewhat more on the western side, in addition to the frozen shores of the northern border. It may be divided into five physical regions. 1. The table-land of Mexico, with the strips of low country on its eastern and western shores. 2. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. 13 The plain lying between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean, a country with a mild and humid atmosphere as far north as 55°, but inhospitable and barren beyond. 3. The great cen tral valley of the Mississippi, rich and well wooded on the east side ; bare but not unfertile in the middle ; bare, dry, sandy and almost a desert on the west. 4. The eastern declivities of the Allegany mountains, a region of natural forests, and of mixed, but rather poor soil. 5. The great northern plain beyond 50°, four fifths of which is a bleak and bare waste, overspread with innumerable lakes, and resembling Siberia both in the physical character of its surface and the rigor of its climate. South America lies between the 12th degree of north, and the 56th degree of south latitude, and extends in breadth from 36° to 81° of west longitude. It comprises 6,500,000 sqtiare miles. Its coast is less indented by bays than North America, but it presents the same tapering form to the south. Its greatest breadth, about six degrees "south of the equator, is 3,200 miles, and its length 2 14 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. 4,500. South America may also be divided into five distinct physical regions. 1. The low country on the shores of the Pacific, about 4,000 miles in length, and from 50 to 200 in breadth. The two extremities of this district are fertile ; the middle is a sandy desert. 2. The basin of the Orinoco, surrounded by the Andes and their branches, and consisting of wide plains nearly destitute of wood, but covered with a high herbage during a part of the year. 3. The basin of the Amazon, a vast plain, with a rich soil and a humid climate, and exhibiting a surprising luxuriance of vegetation. 4. The great southern plain of the Plata, in parts dry and barren, and in parts covered with a strong growth of weeds and tall grass. 5. The high country of Brazil, eastward of the Panama and the Uruguay, presenting alternate ridges and valleys, thickly covered with wood on the Atlantic slope. Mountain ranges, characterized by their lofty boldness and im mense extent, stretch across this continent, and give it a peculiar and striking character. One chain, the* longest on the'face of the GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. 15 globe, and with one exception the loftiest, appears to extend from its northern to its southern extremity. By far the most distin guished portion is that colossal range, which, under the name of Andes, traverses South America along the shore of the Pacific. Commencing at the Isthmus of Panama, and throwing some lateral branches along the northern coast, it continues in its progress southward, always swelling in magnitude, till almost beneath the equator it shoots up into the summits of Chimborazo and Antisana, Chimborazo. believed, till lately, the loftiest peaks on the globe; while it spreads terror by the tremendous volcanoes of Pichincha and Cotopaxi. In passing through Peru, it continues still very lofty, and on reaching its southern region forms a vast knot or mass, amid whose peaks tower Ilimani and Sorata, which recent observation has proved to exceed even Chimborazo in height, though still inferior to the highest summits of the Himmaleh. In its progress behind Chili, this great chain continues to form an exceedingly steep, though not very broad, ridge. It becomes less considerable as it approaches the southern limit of the continent, and the pecu liarly dreary and desolate aspect which it there assumes is owing less to elevation than to the wintry severity of the climate. The heights on the adjacent isle of Terra del Fuego do not exceed 6,000 feet ; and even the formidable cliffs with which Cape Horn faces the tempests of the Southern Ocean do not rise higher than 1,600 feet. 16 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. The same chain extends from the Isthmus of Panama north* ward. The isthmus is occupied by a ridge of moderate elevation ; but after a short interval it swells into that great plain of table land, upwards of 6,000 feet high, which covers the greater part of Mexico and Guatemala, and converts the tropical climate of those latitudes into a temperate one. From this level shoot up much higher the snowy, conical peaks of Orizaba, Popocatepetl and Toluca, the two former of which send forth formidable volcanic eruptions. Beyond Mexico this great elevation is partly pro longed in the great chain of the Rocky Mountains, which run parallel to the northern Pacific, and bound on the west the valley of the Mississippi. Though their cliffs are steep and rugged, they by no means equal the elevation of the Andes, scarcely at any point surpassing 12,000 feet. Beyond the 55th parallel they rap idly sink, though a branch, about 2,000 feet high, runs along the western bank of the Mackenzie river, and even along the shores of the Arctic Ocean. Very high mountains are seen at different parts of the shore of the northern Pacific, particularly in the 60th parallel, where mount St. Elias is supposed to exceed 16,000 feet. Apalachian chain — the White Mountains. In North America an eastern chain, the Apalachians or Alle- ganies, may be traced, in a continuous ridge parallel to the Atlan tic. Detached and somewhat irregular branches spread through Canada, Labrador and the vicinity of Hudson's Bay. The moun tains which, resting around the Gulf of Mexico, form the West India islands, appear to be elevated summits of the same range. After disappearing for a small interval in the delta of the Orinoco it appears again in numerous ridges, which spread wide over Guiana On the southern side of the Amazon, Brazil is traversed by seve- GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. 17 rai successive ranges, which are in some degree prolonged to the La Plata, beyond which they sink finally into the vast plains of the Pampas. All these eastern ranges are very low, when com pared with the grand western chain.' They are generally from 2,000 to 3,000 feet in elevation, and seldom exceed 6,000. They are not the seat of violent volcanic action. Several of the West India peaks, however, are somewhat higher than the above, and one or two are volcanic. The plains of the American continent are almost as remarka ble as its mountains. There are three systems. One is the plain along the Atlantic, between that ocean and the eastern range of mountains, now occupied by the southeastern parts of the United States and Brazil. The former portion is moderately, and the latter luxuriantly fertile. The second plain is on the opposite side of the continent, between the great western chain and the Pacific. It is narrow and moist, and of various aspects and pro ductions. But the plains which extend through the centre of the continent, between the great ranges of the eastern and western mountains, are of prodigious extent, exceeding even those which cover so great a part of Asia and Africa. While the latter have a vast portion of their surface doomed to a hopeless sterility by heaps of moving sand, the interior plains of America are, almost throughout, completely watered, and overgrown in many places with an excessive luxuriance of vegetation. It is true they display solitudes as vast, and tenanted by races as savage, as the most dreary deserts of the Old World. But this backward state is evidently owing to the unfavorable and inland site of these vast tracts, being destitute of maritime intercourse. Even the rich moisture of the ground, covered with dense and tangled forests and lofty grasses, though it marks the natural luxuriance of the soil, obstructs the first efforts of cultivation. The great plain between the Rocky Mountains and the Allega- nies extends without interruption to the Polar Sea; so that one of its borders is covered with the palms and the splendid foliage of the tropic, while the other extremity sees the last scanty buds of Arctic vegetation expire. These northern plains present a very gloomy aspect, overspread with dreary pine forests, intersected by frozen lakes, and affording shelter only to numerous tribes of the elk, deer and other fur-clad animals. The extent of this plain is about 3,240,000 square miles. Another plain, almost equally vast and luxuriant, occurs in the heart of South America, where it occupies the basin of the Ama zon between the Andes and the mountains of Brazil. It is still 2* c 18 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. covered with unbroken forests, and tenanted by rude and savage tribes. The extent of this plain is about 3,120,000 square miles. In the northern quarter is the great plain of the Orinoco, estimated at 348,000 miles, covered with gigantic grasses, and almost uncul tivated at the present day. In the southern part of the continent is the immense surface of the Pampas, bordering the La Plata, and trodden by numerous herds of wild cattle. This plain com prehends 1,620,000 miles. Lofty plains or table-lands form a characteristic feature in the geography of the western continent. The principal one occu pies the whole of Mexico and part of Guatemala : it is 6,000 feet high. The Andes, within their lofty ridges, enclose very elevated sites, on which numerous cities are built. But the grandest natural features of America are her rivers, which in magnitude far surpass those of the other quarters of the globe. They are unequalled both in the length of their course, and the masses of water which they pour into the ocean. The principal of these rivers take their rise in the great western chain of mountains, from its eastern side, whence, being swelled by numerous streams, they roll their deep and spacious waters across the great interior plain, till they approach the eastern range of mountains. Here they receive a fresh and copious series of tribu taries, till, bearing the waters of half a continent, they reach the ocean. The Missouri takes its rise in the Rocky Mountains, and flows eastward into the great North American valley, where it is joined by the Mississippi, and receives from the Allegany chain the copious tribute of the Ohio : these combined floods, subse quently augmented by tributaries from the eastern and western ranges, thus bear southward into the Gulf of Mexico. In South America, the Amazon, after a long course along the foot of the loftiest Andes, rolls eastward across the great plain, receiving ample tributaries from the eastern ranges, till, on reaching the Atlantic, it becomes almost an inland sea. The La Plata, with its branches, collects all the southern waters of the Andes, and flows southeast to the Atlantic in the magnitude of an immense gulf. Inferior to these, yet maintaining a rank among the great rivers of the globe, are, in North America, the St. Lawrence which, with the Mississippi, derives its ample store of waters not from any mountain chain, but from that cold, watery region of forests and swamps, forming the northern prolongation of the great central plain,— and the Oregon, rising in the western declivity of the Rocky Mountains, and flowing west into the Pacific. In South America, another great stream, the Orinoco, takin°- its first rise in the Andes, is formed chiefly during its winding course GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. 19 among the inferior ranges that traverse the northern portion of South America. Though inferior to the two other gigantic streams in its neighborhood, yet, such is the store of waters it collects from this region of forests and swamps, that it pours its ample flood into the ocean by seven capacious mouths. The length of the navigable waters of the Amazon and its branches is estimated at 50,000 miles ; of the Missouri, 40,000 ; of the La Plata, 20,000 ; of the Orinoco, 8,000; and of the St. Lawrence, 2,000. The internal navigation of the western continent surpasses therefore, beyond all comparison, that of all the rest of the globe. Still another grand and characteristic feature of American geography may be found in the lakes of this country. The lar gest and most numerous are in North America. They are not mountain lakes, nor formed by mountain streams.' They origi nate in those great, wooded, watery plains in which the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence take their rise. The chain of connected lakes on the upper course of the latter river, form the largest bodies of fresh water in the world. Finally, the western continent is superior to the eastern, not only in its navigable waters, penetrating into its inmost recesses, but also in its not being defaced with sandy deserts to any remarkable extent. The desert of Atacama, in Peru and Chili, comprises only a narrow strip of country on the Pacific Ocean. The desert of Pernambuco, in the northeastern part of Brazil, is more extensive ; but both are insignificant when compared with those of the Old World. The wide tract at the eastern foot of the Rocky Mountains, which has been called the American De sert, and a similar tract at the eastern base of the Chilian Moun tains, are traversed by large rivers, and. produce an abundant vegetation. The western continent, therefore, although only half the size of the eastern, has at least quite an equal amount of useful soil. Two thirds of the surface of the Old World are unproductive, and much of the remaining soil is poor ; while more than two thirds of the New World are not only productive, but for the most part fertile to the highest, degree. We shall close this description of the western continent with a brief view of its political divisions at the present day. The northern part of America belongs to Russia and Great Britain, so far as the right of discovery and the possession of a few settle ments, thinly scattered over an icy and barren waste, afford those powers a claim to the property. These regions are peopled by wandering tribes of aborigines, but their numbers are few. The European settlements are insignificant, except those of the British on Hudson's Bay. South of this country is the more populous 20 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AMERICA. district of British America, extending to the 42d degree of lati tude, containing the flourishing colonies of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. The inhabitants are mostly of European descent, and the government is dependent on Great Britain. Next lies the republic of the United States, extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from forty-eight degrees north, nearly to the tropic. The eastern half of this immense territory is occupied by the Anglo-American race ; the western is still in possession of the aborigines, who however are daily receding and disappearing before the rapid progress of civilization. South of the United States is, first, the new republic of Texas, and next, the territory of Mexico, almost equal to the United States in extent, but less populous. This republic has a mixed population of Spanish and Indian 'descent, and large portions of the country are still in a savage state. Its limits extend to sixteen degrees of north latitude. The narrow portion of the continent which approaches the Isthmus of Darien is occupied by the republic of Guatemala, the inhabitants of which do not materially differ from those of Mexico. The West India islands, lying between North and South America, are colonies of several of the European pow ers, and are peopled by a mixture of the European and African race. One of these islands, Hayti, is independent, and has a population entirely African. The northern part of South America contains the republics of Venezuela, Ecuador and New Granada, with a few colonies in Gui ana, belonging to the British, French and Dutch. Proceeding south erly across the equator, we meet with the great empire of Brazil, occupying more than one third of the Southern continent. This empire, formerly a colony of Portugal, but now an independent territory, is peopled on its Atlantic borders by inhabitants of the Portuguese and African race. The interior is occupied chiefly by tribes of Indians. On the western coast lie the republics of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Chili. The republic of Buenos Ayres, or the United Provinces, extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Between Brazil and this territory lie the two small republics of Paraguay and Banda Oriental. All these republics are inhabited by people of Spanish and Indian descent. The continent now becomes narrowed toward a point, and offers to our view the savage and inhospitable region of Patagonia in which few inhabitants, except the aborigines, are to be found. The southern extremity of America is formed by the craggy and desert island of Terra del Fuego, tenanted only by a scanty population of natives, as rude and savage as their own bleak and storm-beaten shores. DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. CHAPTER II. Landing of the Northmen in America. The Welsh have a tradition of some celebrity, in- virtue of which they claim the discovery of the western world. Madoc, a Welsh chieftain, in 1170, fitted out several vessels on a maritime adventure. Proceeding to the westward, after a long navigation he arrived at " a fair and large country," in which many wonder ful things were seen. After leaving the greater number of his companions there, he returned to Wales, and prevailed on a num ber of his kindred and acquaintance to accompany him in a second expedition, from which he never returned. This is the substance of the Welsh tradition. There is no reason for serious belief that the Welsh ever crossed the Atlantic. The state of their naviga tion in the twelfth century was no way compatible with so long and hazardous a voyage. No trace of a Welsh settlement has ever been discovered in the western world. The resemblance affirmed to exist between some of the American languages and the Welsh is altogether fanciful. The discovery of America by the Northmen, in 1001, rests on stronger evidence; and strange as this may appear, the fact 22 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. becomes indisputable when we consider that the best authenti cated Icelandic chronicles unanimously affirm it; that their rela tions contain nothing that can admit of reasonable doubt; and that they are supported by several concurrent testimonies. There was, say those ancient chronicles, an Icelander, named Heriol, who, with his son Biarn, made every year a trading voyage to different countries, and generally wintered in Norway. Happening one time to be separated from each other, the son steered his course for Norway, where he supposed he should meet with his father ; but, on his arrival there, found he had gone to Greenland, a coun try but lately discovered, and little known to the Norwegians. Biarn determined, at all events, to follow his father, and set sail for Greenland; "although," says the chronicler, "he had nobody on board who could direct him on the voyage, nor any particular instructions to guide him; so great was the courage of the ancients. He steered by the observation of the stars, and by what he had heard of the situation of the country he sought." During the first three days he bore towards the west, but the wind varying to the north, and blowing strong, he was forced to run to the southward. The wind ceasing in about twenty- four hours, they discovered land at a distance, which, as they approached, they perceived to be flat and low, and covered with wood ; for which reason they would not go on shore, being con vinced it could not be Greenland, which had been represented to them as distinguishable at a great distance for its mountains covered with snow. They then sailed away towards the north west, and discovered a harbor which was formed by an island, but did not stop there. After some days they arrived in Green land, where Biarn met with his father. The following summer, namely, in the year 1002, Biarn made another voyage to Norway, where he informed one of the prin cipal lords of the country, named Count Eric, of the discovery he had made of some unknown islands. The count blamed his want of curiosity, and strongly pressed him to proceed with his discovery. In consequence of this advice, Biarn. as soon as he had returned to Greenland, began to think seriously of exploring those lands with more attention. Leif, the son of Eric Rufus, who had discovered Greenland, and who was still chief of the colony settled there, being desirous of distinguishino- him self like his father, determined to go thither himself; and prevail ing on Eric to accompany him, they fitted out a vessel with thirty-five hands; but when the old man was setting out on horseback to go to the ship, his horse happened to fall down under him— an accident which he considered as an admonition DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. 23 from heaven to desist from the enterprise ; and, therefore, return ing home, the less superstitious Leif set sail without him. He soon descried one of the coasts which Biarn had before seen, that lay nearest to Greenland. He cast anchor and went on shore, but found only a flat, rocky region, without any kind of verdure : he, therefore, quitted it, after bestowing upon it the name of Helleland, or the " Stony Land." A short navigation brought him to another place, which Biarn had also noted. In this land, which lay very low, they saw nothing but a few scat tered thickets and white sand. This he called Markland, or the " Woody Land." Two days prosperous sailing brought them to a third shore, which Avas sheltered to the north by an island. They disembarked there in very fine weather, and found plants which produced a grain as sweet as honey. Leaving this, they sailed westward in search of a harbor, and at length entering the mouth of a river, were carried up by the tide into a lake. As soon as they landed, they pitched their tents on the shore, not yet daring to wander far inland. The river afforded them plenty of very large salmon; the air was soft and temperate; the soil appeared to be fruitful and the pasturage very good. The days in winter were much longer than in Greenland, and they had less snow than in Iceland. Entirely satisfied with their new resi dence, they built houses and spent the winter there. But before the setting in of this season, a German of their com pany, named Tyrker, was one day missing. Leif, apprehensive for the safety of a man who had been long in his father's family, and who was an excellent workman, sent all his people in search of him. He was at length found, singing and leaping, and express ing the most extravagant joy. The astonished Greenlanders inquired the reason of such strange behavior. Tyrker informed them that he had discovered ivild grapes. Excited by this news. they immediately went to the place, and brought back severa' bunches to their commander, who was equally surprised. Leif still doubted whether they were grapes, but the German assured him he was born in a country where the vine grew, and that he knew them too well to be mistaken. Yielding to this proof, Leif named the country Vinland, or the Land of Wine. Leif returned to Greenland in the spring, but one of his brothers, named Thorwald, thinking the discovery yet imperfect, obtained from Eric this same vessel and thirty men. Thorwald, arriving in Vinland, made use of the houses built by Leif, and living on fish, which were very plenty, passed the winter there. In the spring he took part of his people and set out westward to examine the country. They met everywhere with very pleasing 24 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. landscapes, all the coasts being covered with forests, and the shores with a black sand. They saw a multitude of little islands, sepa rated by small arms of the sea, but no marks either of wild beasts or of men, except a heap of wood piled up in the form of a pyramid. Having spent the summer in this survey, they returned in autumn to their winter quarters: but the summer following, Thorwald being desirous of exploring the eastern and northern coasts, his vessel was a good deal shattered by a storm, and the remainder of that season was taken up in repairing her. He afterwards set up the keel, which was unfit for service, at the extremity of a neck of land, thence called Kiellar Nses, or Cape Keel. On his landing one day, attracted by the beauty of the shore he discovered three little leathern canoes, in each of which were three persons, seemingly half asleep. Thorwald and his com panions instantly ran and seized them all, excepting one who escaped ; and, by a ferocity as imprudent as it was cruel, put them to death the same day. Soon afterwards, as they lay on the same coast, they were suddenly alarmed by the arrival of a great number of these little vessels, which covered the whole bay. Thor wald gave immediate orders to his party to defend themselves with planks and boards against their darts, which quite filled the air ; and the savages, having in vain wasted all their arrows, after an hour's combat betook themselves to flight. The Norwegians called them in derision Skrsellings, or Mannikins. The chronicles tell us that these men were small and timid, and that there would be nothing to fear from a whole army of them : they add that these Skrsellings are the same people who inhabit the western parts of Greenland, and that the Norwegians who are settled on those coasts, had called the savages there by the same name. Thorwald was the only one who was mortally wounded, and •dying soon after, paid the penalty that was justly due for his inhuman conduct. As he desired to be buried with a cross at his feet and another at his head, he seems to have imbibed some idea of Christianity, which at that time began to dawn in Norwegian Greenland. His body was interred at the point of the cape where he had intended to make a settlement; which cape was named Krossa Ness, or Cape Cross. The season being too far advanced for undertaking the voyage home, the rest of the crew spent the winter there, and did not reach Greenland till the following spring. We are further told that they loaded the vessel with vines, and all the raisins they could preserve. Eric had left a third son, named Thorstein, who, as soon as he was informed of his brother Thorwald' s death, embarked the same year, with his wife Gudride and a select crew of twenty men. DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. 25 His principal design was to bring his brother's body back to Greenland. But, during the whole summer, the winds proved so contrary and tempestuous, that, after several fruitless attempts. he was driven back to a part of Greenland far distant from the colony of his countrymen. Here he was confined during the rigor of the winter, deprived of all assistance, and exposed to the severity of so rude a climate. These misfortunes were increased by a contagious sickness, which carried off Thorstein and most of the company. His widow took care of her husband's body, and, returning with it in the spring, interred it in the burial place of his family. Hitherto we have seen the Norwegians only making slight efforts to establish themselves in Vinland. The year after Thor stein' s death, proved more favorable to the design of settling a colony. A rich Icelander, named Thorfin, whose genealogy the chronicles have carefully preserved, arrived in Greenland from Norway, with a great number of followers. He cultivated an acquaintance with Leif, who, since his father Eric's death, was chief of the colony, and with his. consent espoused Gudride, by whom he acquired a right to those claims her former husband had on the settlements in Vinland. Thither he soon went to take possession, having with him Gudride and five other women, besides sixty sailors, much cattle, provision and implements of husbandry. Nothing was omitted that could forward the enter prise. Soon after his arrival on the coast, he caught a whale, which proved very serviceable to the whole company. The pas turage was found to be so plentiful and rich, that a bull they had carried over with them became in a short time remarkable for his fierceness and strength. The remainder of that summer and the winter following were spent in taking all necessary precautions for their preservation. The next summer, the Skrcellings came down in crowds and brought various merchandises for traffic. After staying there three years, Thorfin returned home with a valuable cargo of raisins and other commodities, the fame of which spreading through the north, drew many adventurers to Vinland. Such is the story of the settlement of Vinland; and it is a fortu nate circumstance that these ancient accounts have preserved not only the geographical descriptions, but also nautical and astrono mical facts, which, besides substantiating the narrations, serve to fix the position of the points of the American coast named above. Helleland is the island of Newfoundland; Markland is Nova Scotia; Vinland is Massachusetts and Rhode Island, in which latter state the chief settlement appears to have been made. 3 B 20 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY THE NORTHMEN. Kiellar Naes is Cape Cod, which the Northmen describe with per fect exactness as consisting of trackless deserts, and long, narrow beaches and sand hills. Krossa Naes is either the Gurnet at Plymouth, or Point Alderton at the entrance of Boston harbor. Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard and the Elizabeth Islands are also described with an accuracy that leaves no doubt of their identity. There is reason to suppose that the people of the north con tinued to make voyages to Vinland for a long time, and the Ice landic chronicles continue to speak of Vinland afterwards. A Saxon priest, named John, passed over to Vinland with an inten tion of converting the Norwegian colony; but we may conclude his attempt did not succeed, since we find that he was condemned to death. In the year 1121, Eric, a bishop of Greenland, went over there on the same errand, but we know not with what success. Since that time Vinland seems, by degrees, to have been forgotten in the north, and that part of Greenland which had embraced Christianity being lost, Iceland also fallen from its former state, and the northern nations being wasted by a pestilence and weak ened by internal feuds, all remembrance of the discovery was at length utterly obliterated ; and the Norwegian Vinlanders them selves, having no further connexion with Europe, were either incorporated with their barbarian neighbors, or destroyed. DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE SPAN IARDS. CHAPTER III. State of geographical science during the middle ages. — Origin of the spirit of maritime discovery. — Efforts of the Spaniards and Portuguese. — Ancient legends of the 'Atlantic Ocean. — Birth and education ef Christopher Colum bus. — His reasons for believing the existence of a continent in the west. — His attempt to carry Ms project of discovery into execution. — His scheme condemned by a learned body at Salamanca, and rejected by the Spanish court. — Persever ance of Columbus. — Quem. habeiia patronizes the undertaking. — Preparations for the voyage. MEatf ill $9 Columbus soliciting Queen Isabella to aid his projects of discovery. A thousand years had passed away since the barbarous nations of the north of Europe overthrew the Roman empire of the West, and erected new institutions upon its ruins ; yet the science of geography had made but little progress. The Western World was still unknown, and the intercourse between Europe and India was carried on through the Red Sea. The spirit of maritime discovery received its first impulse from the kings of Castile, in the beginning of the fifteenth century. These monarchs, in fol lowing up their conquests and settlements in the Canary islands, 28 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. led the way to further navigations into the Atlantic, in search of new islands in the west. Hence, also, arose the traffic Avith the African coast, and the splendor and wealth of the city of Seville, the great mart for slaves and other African productions: and hence the extraordinary zeal for nautical adventure along the coast of Andalusia. The Portuguese, emulous of the glory of their neighbors, entered into the same career, and pursued it with such vigor and perseverance, as to outstrip their precursors, by improv ing naval science and extending their commerce in a surprising manner. Their ships sailed along the western coast of Africa, and at length reached the Cape of Good Hope. Curiosity received a new stimulus from these discoveries ; the boundless ocean of the west offered a wide field for speculation. The annals of the Egyptians, cotemporary with the most ancient human records ; the marvellous narratives of Plato, concerning the Atlantic island, and its mighty monarchs and nations in the western ocean, re gained their lost reputation; and the credit which Alexander the Great gave to the opinion of Anaxarchus, respecting the existence of a new world, was now deemed to be well founded. These notions spread themselves over Europe, from the period of the Spanish conquest of the Canary islands, as literature and nautical science shed mutual light on each other. A number of ancient manuscripts were brought to light, in which many sayings were found relative to several countries, formerly seen, or con jectured to exist in the Atlantic Ocean. What chiefly impressed the minds of men, however, was the large island, abounding with navigable rivers, which, it was said, the Carthaginians had discov ered at a distance from the continent, the extraordinary fertility of which had induced them to inhabit it ; but the government, afraid that this happy colony might eclipse the mother country, ordered the settlers to evacuate it, and never to return thither under pain of death. The book in which this account was found, bore the name of Aristotle, and its authenticity no person dared to doubt. To" the narration of this philosopher several embellishments were added • for instance, that seven Spanish bishops, with a number of Chris tians, had fled thither, and found an asylum from the persecution of the Moors, the conquerors of Spain, in the eighth century. There were also fabulous, but still credited accounts, of Portuguese voyagers who had sailed to that island ; and the settlements were soon represented in books and maps under the name of the Seven tmons. At last it was reported that of a quantity of earth, brought from one of these western harbors, the third part was pure $old. This idle legend stimulated several mariners to set out in FABLES OF THE ANCIENTS IN RESPECT TO THE ATLANTIC. 29 pursuit of the ore ; and though they persisted in vain, yet their disappointment was not sufficient to discredit the story ; on the contrary, it spread still wider, and the island was actually repre sented under the name of Antilla on most of the maps of the fifteenth century. The island of Brandon was not less renowned and stood higher in fable. This name was given to a meteoric appearance which had been observed westward of the Canary islands ; and which induced the inhabitants of the Azores and Madeira, as well as the mariners who sailed to the coast of Africa, to fancy that they saw a country, which, however, only existed in their own imagination. This gave rise to a number of voyages of discovery in the Avestern ocean, and not a few, by the orders of the court of Portugal. Various pretended discoveries were soon represented on the maps, as realities. General maps of the unknown ocean were drawn, and filled with painted islands and continents, which no person had really visited or even seen. Notwithstanding this, after the mature consideration of all authorities, maps, and traditions, so little certainty could be attained, nay, even so little probability, that no person would venture to seek discoveries in such a bound less sea, unless he had yielded himself up wholly to the influence of rash credulity. The ancient Carthaginians, the Arabs of the middle ages, and the later adventurers of Portugal and Spain, had made researches in vain for this purpose. The unsuccessful perseverance of the latter seemed to be an evident proof, that, if those pretended west ern countries were really in existence, they were not, however, situated at a convenient distance from those shores to which the seamen, in the existing state of navigation, were under the neces sity of returning. As long as this necessity existed, adventurers dared not risk a distant voyage on the Atlantic wave ; nor could they be expected to persevere long enough in fruitless, hazardous, and expensive efforts. But at the time which Providence had deter mined as the period for opening a communication betAveen the two worlds, a man appeared, who was born for the achievment of dis coveries of incalculable importance to mankind. This was Christopher Columbus, or Colon, as he called himself after he had removed to Spain. He was born at Cogoleto, in the republic of Genoa, in 1446. His father, Domingo Colombo, a citizen of that republic, manufactured and dealt in woollen stuffs j his paternal estate in the duchy of Piacenza being too small for the decent maintenance of his family. Christopher cultivated the sciences at a tender age, and made such rapid progress in the Latin language, and the rudiments of 3* 30 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. the mathematics, as enabled him soon to understand the cosmo- graphic writers, of the reading of which he was particularly fond Portrait of Columbus. At the age of fourteen, he returned from the university of Pavia to his native country. He learned navigation, and pursued it three and twenty years successively, with such zeal and perse verance, that he remained at sea for a long time, in order to gratify his unbounded and praiseworthy curiosity. He made voyages on the seas frequented by Europeans, full of desire to sail farther than other navigators had ventured. He sailed through the Northern Ocean, a hundred leagues beyond Iceland, the Ultima Thule, or the boundary of Avhat had been thought navigable up to that day. At every place where he landed, he endeavored to open a trade with the natives, in order to obtain information of these countries. He compared the knowledge he acquired in this way with the accounts then in existence relative to those regions, and enriched them with his oavii observations. In this judicious practice, he was aided by his knoAA'ledge of the sciences auxiliary to navigation, — the use of sound astronomy, extensive geographic learning, and an able hand in delineating maps, and in making spheres and other instruments. In order to finish this career, and to reach that sublime point to which his towering mind prompted him, he settled him self at Lisbon, about the end of the reign of Alfonso the Fifth. The Portuguese, even at. that day, were celebrated as the first navigators in the world, and the ministry, led on by the Infant PROCEEDINGS OF COLUMBUS IN SPAIN. 31 Henry, and taught by experience, opened their arms to every for eigner, possessed of distinguished knowledge in cosmography and nautical science. Columbus was, therefore, received Avith the utmost cordiality, and he made several voyages to the newly- discovered lands. At this time his brother-in-law, who had been, for some time lieutenant of Porto Santo, informed him that the western winds had driven some Avood on that island, which ap peared to be Avorked without the help of iron; and that canes of uncommon size, like those described by Ptolemy in the remotest Indies, had drifted on shore. Similar signs of the existence of land Avere perceived upon the island of Madeira and the Azores, and farther to the west, on the ocean. These observations and incidents were confirmed by two dead bodies thrown by the sea on the shores, which differed in fea tures from those already known. Though Columbus was not weak ly credulous, yet these remarks and the westerly winds observed from time to time, which only continued for some days, inclined him to believe that there must be countries towards the west, and at an accessible distance. It did not surprise him that they had not yet been discovered, as no one had hitherto ventured into these parts of the ocean beyond a hundred leagues. He conjec tured, besides, on plausible grounds, that those countries might form the utmost bounds of the Indies ; and he concluded very justly that the passage to the eastern ocean would be much shorter and more convenient by the western road, than by that which the Portuguese endeavored to find southward, by sailing routid Africa. Full of the belief that he could find the continent of India by sailing to the west, he disclosed his plan to John II. , king of Por tugal. That monarch, however, influenced by certain of his counsellors, received the proposal with coolness : but, during the negotiation respecting this subject, Columbus Avas astounded and mortified to learn that the Portuguese had despatched a vessel on this discovery, under color of a voyage to the Cape Verd Islands. Fired with indignation at this act of meanness, he quitted Portu gal, and made an offer of his services to his native state of Genoa • but without success. He next despatched his brother Bartholo mew to England, with a proposal of the scheme to Henry VII. Bartholomew was detained and baffled by numerous obstacles, and Columbus proceeded to Spain, establishing himself at the seaport of Palos. In 1486, he obtained an interview Avith the Spanish sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella, at Cordova, when he explained to them his design. They gave it serious attention, and 32 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. ordered him to assemble a body of the most learned cosmographers, to consult and report upon the subject. The meeting of this learned body was held at Salamanca, where the court resided that winter. No journals of this famous con ference have been preserved : it is known, however, that Colum bus exhibited a Avritten statement of his plan, supported by argu ments, and that he labored hard to remove the difficulties raised against it. Some ridiculous objections have escaped oblivion, Avorthy of men who were ignorant of the first elements of geography. It was stated that the sea might be found ascending, so that the ships must climb, as it were, up-hill ; that the extent of the ocean was immense, and three years would not be sufficient to reach to the limits of the east; Objections of still greater absurdity were raised against the discovery of the western countries; it was urged that as they had remained unknown to the greatest philosophers which the world had ever produced, of course it was very unlikely that a new mariner should be better informed on the subject than they were; and, still further, supposing such countries to exist, they would be found desert and uninhabitable, because the human kind were confined to that part of the earth described by Ptolemy ; and, lastly, St. Augustine, a great author ity, had exploded the existence of the antipodes ! Columbus did not find it very difficult to dissipate the prejudices of the unlettered, with arguments at one time, the testimonies of writers at another, and the experience of the voyagers of their own day ; but he was not able to render himself intelligible to men devoid of practical knowledge and the true principles of science, while they were at the same time puffed up with sophistry and conceit. At last, the king and queen, Avearied perhaps by his importunities, sent him Avord that the cares and expenses attendant on the con quest of Granada would not permit them to embark in anything new, and that a more seasonable opportunity might present itself at a future day, when his proposals would be duly attended to. Columbus begged to be heard once more; but, finding the royal pair fixed in their resolves, he concluded that they were founded on the suggestions of the ignorant cosmographers, who deemed the proposed discoveries chimerical and visionary. He therefore interpreted the ansAver into a complete refusal- and hopeless of ever coming to a determination with the court he opened his scheme to two wealthy and opulent nobles whose maritime dominions contained ships and seamen ; but, finding that his proposal would not be listened to by either he wrote to PROCEEDINGS OF COLUMBUS IN SPAIN. 33 Louis XI. of France, with a view to commence a negotiation at Paris, and, in case he should not succeed, to go to London. He now departed from the court and went to Rabida, to see his eldest son, whom he intended to leave at Cordova, and bid adieu to his faithful friend, Fray Juan Perez. This divine, Avho had taken up his cause from the very beginning with enthusiasm, prevailed on him to defer his departure, promising to win over the mind of the queen, to whom he was confessor, and Avhose kind ness and attachment to the clergy were remarkable. This eccle siastic set forward immediately to the camp at Santa Fe, where the court was held, with the army then carrying on the siege of Gra nada. He presented the rational motives for adopting the plan— the weighty advantages of gain and glory that would flow from it, and the irreparable loss to the Spanish monarchy if any other power should seize upon it. He represented Columbus as an able, well-informed and judicious man, abundantly qualified for the task Avhich he proposed, and that it Avould be an irremediable mistake to let slip so fair an opportunity of aggrandizing the kingdom, particularly if he were permitted to depart from the country under any displeasure. Overcome by such a persuasive address, the queen desired Columbus to be sent for, and ordered that a sum of money should be advanced to defray his travelling expenses. Immediately, on his arrival, the negotiation was renewed. Columbus, warmed with ideas of splendor and glory, expressed himself in strong terms, and, among other things, wished to be invested with the titles of admiral and viceroy, with the authority and jurisdiction annexed to both. He was encouraged and favored by cardinal D. Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza, the first minister of the crown, who, at the request of Fray Juan Perez and the minister of finance, Quintanilla, had honored him with an audience, and conceived a very good opinion of his person and address. On the contrary, Prior Prado and several others looked on the under taking as too adventurous, and the projector as a vain, inflated man — considering the reAvard he demanded enormous, even if he should be able to fulfil his engagements. If he did not succeed, they deemed it an absurdity to confer such distinguished honors on a needy adventurer. It was not possible to accommodate the difficulty, as Columbus steadily adhered to the terms which he first proposed. HoAvever, he at length so .modified them as to offer to take upon himself one eighth part of the expenses of the equipment, if the same portion of the gain should be allowed him. Notwithstanding this, his terms seemed to be still too high for acceptance ; and Columbus gave up all hopes. Whilst the court E 34 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. and the whole nation were singing hymns and celebrating festi vals for the conquest of Granada, he saw himself neglected; and oppressed with the thoughts of having lost seven years in Spain, he made preparation to leave a country which he had considered as his home, with an utter uncertainty as to what fate would await him in France or England. Under all these impressions, his con stancy never deserted him ; he at last took leave of his friends, and set out for Cordova in January, 1492. He had scarcely departed, when Luis de St. Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical rents, warmed by love and fervent zeal for his country, addressed the queen, and energetically represented to her majesty that he " was greatly surprised, as she Avas ever considered as the protectress and support of great undertakings, that she should seem to want courage to put a plan in execution that would bring in immense wealth, tend to propagate the Christian religion among barbarous nations, redound to the glory of the crown, and add considerable countries to the royal dominion. It was peculiar to sublime and exalted minds to exert the utmost diligence in the discoveries of the wonders and mysteries of nature and the world, to dispel the doubts in Avhich they were involved, and to clear up the truth ; for Avhich reasons it would be glorious to attempt such important discoveries. It would betray something more than pusillanimity to give up such an enterprise for the paltry sum of 2,500 piastres, which was the . whole amount of what Columbus demanded. Nor were the Tewards and honors demanded by Columbus out of bounds, as he took upon himself a share of the expense, and risked his honor and life ; though it was very likely that he, as a prudent and judi cious man, would come off triumphantly. And if this prize should be gained by any other European power, Avho could estimate the loss and damage Avhich the kingdom and the croivn would sus tain? Friends and enemies would blame the pernicious pusil lanimity and ignorance which did not seize on an opportunity so seasonable, and their very descendants would feel the loss and shame of it." Quintanilla, who had entered during this address, seconded and confirmed St. Angel's opinions. The queen col lected courage, thanked them for their advice, and promised to undertake the whole affair herself for the croAvn of Castile. She added, that it would be necessary to delay the expedition till she had recovered from the Avar ; but if this delay should not fall in with their wishes, she was ready to mortgage her jewels for the requisite sum to fit out the equipment. St. Angel, filled with transport, offered to advance the whole, and hoped the royal com- CONTRACT WITH COLUMBUS. 35 mand would be immediately given to fit out the fleet without delay. A messenger was instantly despatched in pursuit of Columbus. He was overtaken on the bridge of Pinas, two miles from Gra nada ; and when he returned to the town of Santa Fe, he was received with such kindness and cordiality, that he forgot all the vexations he had undergone. The king took a part in the busi ness with pleasure, not only out of complaisance to the queen, but at the instance of several persons of high rank, at the head of Avhom Avas the first lord of the bedchamber, Juan Cabrero. All obstacles and difficulties immediately vanished. An order was issued to Juan de Coloma, secretary of state, to draw out the con tract with Columbus, according to his memorial and demands. The writings were finished on the 17th April, at Santa Fe, in the following terms : — 1. If Columbus should discover any islands or continent in the ocean, he was to retain in them, for himself and his heirs, the dignity of admiral, with the same honors and pre rogatives which the high admiral enjoyed in the district. 2. He was to be the governor-general of all the countries which should be discovered by him, or any person under his direction, and invested Avith the authority of nominating three persons to the special government of every island or province; the appoint ment to be at the choice of the king. 3. He and his lieutenants were to hear and determine all suits in laAV, arising out of the new commerce, in the same manner as the high admirals of Castile in their departments. 4. He was to have the tenth part of the profits of all Avares and fruits that should be acquired, by whatever means, Avithin the circuit of his admiraltyship. 5. He should contribute the eighth part of the expenses of fitting out whatever number of ships should be thought necessary to be employed in the commerce and intercourse of the new world, and at the same time receive the same quota from the profits that should be acquired. Agree ably to these articles, the stipulated privileges were granted to him on the 30th of the same month, at Granada, together Avith the title of Don, which was then only conferred on persons of high birth. The king and queen took care that everything necessary to fit out the equipment should be carried into immediate effect. They wrote letters to the princes who might be found to exist at the limits of the eastern and western oceans, requesting that their ambassador and minister might be received, favored and protected in the most honorable manner. An order Avas directed to the city of Seville to permit arms, provisions, and all other things neces sary for the voyage, to pass free of all duty. The town of Palos was bound to furnish the crown with two caravels, for three 36 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. months every year, and these two vessels were now appointed for the expedition. The care of finding a third ship to complete the number stipu lated by Columbus, and the requisite arrangements and prepara tion's for the whole, were left to himself; for which purpose, the sum of 17,000 florins, deemed to be sufficient, was paid into his hands, advanced by St. Angel. The king and queen besides, as a testimony to his personal merit, confirmed, at his request, the liberties and privileges of the mariners of Seville ; a favor which was very opportunely conferred, as he attracted their attention by it, and gained the confidence and esteem of the seamen. Under all these favorable omens he took leave of the court on the 12th May, filled with gratitude and satisfaction. Having arranged everything with respect to the maintenance and education of his two sons, Diego and Hernando, he proceeded to Palos, where the ships were to be fitted out. It was a difficult matter to find a sufficient number of seamen to undertake such a dangerous and laborious voyage. But what encouraged the peo ple most was the lively zeal and ingenuity of Fray Juan Perez, of Rabida, seconded by the example and authority of the brothers Pinzon, rich ship-owners, and well skilled in nautical affairs, who assisted, in person and by their fortune, in the advancement of the undertaking. They assumed part of the expenses which fell upon the admiral, persuaded a number of their friends and relations to embark with him, and accelerated by their activity the equipment of the three vessels with provisions for twelve months, and a crew of ninety men. The largest of the vessels was named Santa Maria, on board of which Columbus, as admiral, hoisted his flag. To the command of the second, called the Pinta, he appointed Martin Alonzo Pinzon.. The third, which carried latine sails, was named Nina, and was commanded by Pinzon, the third brother. The three crews numbered one hundred and twenty persons. They embarked in the name of God, having previously made confession and taken the sacrament, after the example of their devout admiral. CHAPTER IV. Columbus sets sail. — Fears of the crew. — Artifices of Columbus to dissipate their apprehensions. — Discovery of the variation of the compass. — Appearances of birds and sea-weed. — Alarm of the crew. — Murmurs, and resolutions to return. — Firmness and address of Columbus. — False appearances of land and disappoint ments of the crew. — Discovery of the island of Guanahani. — Columbus takes possession. — Description of the island and its inhabitants. — Discovery of gold among them. — More islands explored. — Intercourse with the natives. Columbus setting sail. On Friday, August 31, 1492, Columbus left the harbor of Palos with this little fleet, and steered tOAvard the Canary Islands. On the Monday folloAving, the Pinta broke her rudder. Some of the seamen, who had exhibited marks of fear in the harbor, were suspected as the cause of this serious accident, in hopes that it would induce the admiral to return to port. But the intrepid and dexterous Martin Alonzo endeavored to remedy the disaster by binding the rudder with ropes, which, however, were too feeble to resist a blast of wind, and only lasted four days. With much effort the three ships at last reached the island of Grand Canary. They were obliged to remain at this place about a month. With such vessels as these, Columbus, on the 6th of September, committed himself to an ocean, whose bounds were unknown, and 4 38 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. steered his course .directly to the west. At the last sight of land, many of the crew began to sigh and weep, and gave over all hopes of ever seeing home again. The admiral encouraged them Avith the flattering prospects of fruitful and extensive countries, and as he foresaw that their fears and despondency would in crease in proportion as they advanced on their voyage, he had the precaution to keep two journals; a secret one; in which he accurately noted down the ship's way, and a public one, inAvhich he artfully shortened it. He observed, to his great surprise, about two hundred leagues off the Isle of Ferro, that the needle did not point as usual to the north, but declined to the northwest. He marked doAvn this declination, hitherto unknown, and found that it increased in proportion as they advanced to the west. At first, he imagined that the needle Avas not, as commonly supposed, attracted or ruled by the polar star, but by some other fixed and invisible point ; but when these declinations were more frequently observed, he found that this hypothesis was not sufficient to explain the cause of such variations; for it was observed that several needles pointed at the beginning of the night to the north- Avest, and at break of day Avere parallel to the meridian. This * phenomenon, as it was then called, filled the captains and pilots ' with terror, and convinced them that all hopes must vanish when the mariner's compass became useless. But the ingenious Colum bus, whose presence of mind never deserted him, dispelled their fears by accounting for this phenomenon in a plausible manner. He ascribed it to the diurnal motion of the polar star round the pole. ,Thus the creAv were perpetually suspended between hope and fear. On the 9th September, the crew of the Nina perceived a tropic bird, Avhich appeared to have come from some land at no great distance. The next day, they saw a surprising flame of fire descend at a great distance ; and soon after, they discovered float ing fields of grass and marine plants which resembled beautiful meadoAvs. Some rejoiced very much at these presages of land; and their hopes were increased, Avhen one of the seamen found a living crab in the grass. Others feared the vessels might strike on hidden shoals, or that the grass might impede their course, which in fact soon occurred. They saw again a number of tropic birds, Iprid shoals of tunnies. They had now sailed upwards of four hundred leagues in an unknown sea, Avhen the captain of the Pinta declared that he had descried many birds tOAvards the Avest, and marks of land, enveloped in thick fogs, tOAvards the north. Columbus was of opinion, that it might be a cluster of small islands ; and as he was firmly persuaded that the Indian countries PROGRESS OF THE VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 39 must be farther ofSft he continued the same course toward the west, in a gentle and favorable breeze. The impatience and timidity of the crew, now burst forth into open murmurings. They had proceeded so far into the boundless deep, that the boldest mariner was affrighted. Even the fair and serene weather was regarded as the forerunner of destruction; they considered all countries that might afford any relief, as very remote; the almost continued easterly winds, with which they had begun their voyage induced them to believe that their return by the same track would be utterly impossible. Some time after, however, they recovered a little courage, when they saw more of those sea fowl, which, from the 19th September, had given them hopes of soon finding land. Even Columbus did not consider this impossible, in consequence of which he began to sound, and though ground could not be ' discovered two hundred fathoms deep, he continued to heave the lead. As the voyagers proceeded, a whale was noAv and then seen, as Avell as meadows floating on the surface of the water, in which small crabs and tortoises were found ; and small singing birds, Avhich seemed to be of the land kind, and which could not have come from any great distance. NotAvithstanding all these signs, however, when the shore so impa tiently sought for by every eye did not appear, the crews began to murmur afresh, and louder than ever. Nothing alarmed thlm so much as the continuance of the easterly Avind. Columbus in vain endeavored to persuade them that the smooth sea Avas caused by the shelter of some neighboring land ; he Avas neither believed nor respected, notwithstanding all his exertians to maintain his ascendency by alternate threats and promises. When his author ity was at last almost entirely gone, and even the sacred name of king was no longer respected, he gave over almost every hope of enforcing obedience and of continuing his voyage ; but happily, on the morning of the 23d, agreeably to the wishes of the crew, a northwesterly wind sprang up, and the sea became somewhat agitated. This Avas considered as a distinguished mark of divine favor; and the circumstance, together with the sight of more fish and fowl, once more calmed the turbulence of the mariners. But alas ! this was a short-lived joy. When the men reflected upon the fallibility of all these flattering omens, the great damage the ships had sustained, and the large tract of ocean which lay between them and their native country, a dreadful fear seized upon them all ; they began to plot and conspire, and in the agony of their grief cursed the author of their misfortunes, whom they characterized as an ambitious, fanatical schemer, whose only object was to gratify his wild ambition, atthe expense of their lives; 40 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. and that to hazard such a daring enterpris^against the opinion of so many learned and eminent men, was an imprudent temerity, which deserved the severest punishment. They had now made a voyage that was never equalled before ; if they advanced farther, their destruction was inevitable. The general determination was to return to Spain ; and some of the crew added that if the admiral did not immediately accede to this, they would throw him secretly overboard, and give out that he had fallen into the sea as he Avas consulting the stars. But such was the spirit and intrepidity of Columbus, notwith standing the imminent dangers which threatened him, that he determined to run the risk of his life, rather than relinquish his design. He had the address to sooth some Avith soft Avords and flattering promises; others with reproaches of cowardice, threats and menaces, in consequence of the full powers with which he Avas invested; he endeavored also to encourage some; to fan the sparks of honor in others, and to frighten the rebellious into proper subjection. He continued to steer west, except at one time, when he deviated to the southwest by the advice of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who fancied that he saAv land in that quarter; but it turned out to be a cloud. Fish, fowl and verdant spots often ap peared on the surface of the main once more. The malcontents were ready to burst forth into mutiny afresh, Avhen, on the evening of the fourth of October, besides the usual marks, a number of little birds appeared, flying in flocks. Similar objects followed in so great a quantity, and in such rapid succes sion, that some, whose imagination Avas inflamed by their impa tience to see land, imagined that they saw it at every moment, and scarcely could their lips refrain from the annunciation of a prospect so truly desirable. The thirst of gain had its share, however, in this anxiety ; for the king had promised a pension of thirty dollars, or ten thousand maravedis a year, to the one who first discovered land. The sagacious admiral observed that hope often disappointed, depressed the spirits ; and in order to prevent this, he ordered that the first person Avho should cry out "land!" should be utterly excluded from the royal boimty, if the land should not be discovered in three days after. Nevertheless, on the morning of the 7th October, the crew of the Nina, which was a quick sailer and usually ahead of the rest, believed to a certainty that they had discovered land, on which they hoisted a flag and fired a gun. It was soon found to be an illusion, and the disappointment had such an effect upon the minds of the crews, that the agitation was s'till greater than before. The tumult and confusion became so general, that, if Ave may FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 41 give credit to one historian, Columbus and the Pinzons, on the following day, found themselves so embarrassed and pressed on every side, as to be obliged to enter into an agreement with the crews, that if land should not be discovered in three days, he would return. This part of the narrative, however, is uncertain. On the morning of the 9th October, they breathed a fresh and odoriferous air, such as is felt at Seville in April. Every moment exhibited fresh marks of the neighborhood of land ; the soundings, the clouds, the varying winds, and other infallible appearances, revived their drooping spirits every moment. On the evening of the 11th they were all transported with joy, when they discovered a green rush ; a kind of fish that is usually found among the rocks ; a small plank ; a cane ; a stick artificially worked ; a grassy turf, which appeared to have been wafted from the shore, and a thornbush, bearing red berries. When the night approached, and Columbus Avas persuaded that they were near land, he assem bled the crew, and reminded them of the unspeakable obligations they were under to Almighty God, Avho had granted them such favorable weather, and Avho, notwithstanding their murmurs, had not deserted them till he had conducted them to the great object of their adventurous voyage. He also recalled to their recollection the first article of instruction which he had given them in the Canaries, that when they had sailed about seven hundred leagues from those isles, it Avould not be prudent to sail after midnight; and as he was certain that they would soon be blest with the sight of some shore, it was necessary to warn them to be watchful. He offered a silk waistcoat to the first that discovered land, in addition to the royal pension of thirty dollars. About ten o'clock at night, as he was making observations with his usual attention, on the quarter-deck, he saAv a light, someAvhat like a torch, carried from one place to another. At first, he called Pedro Gutierrez, a royal page, and afterwards the superintendent, Rodrigo Sanchez, who saw it likewise. It was remarked that this light rose, sunk, vanished, and instantly appeared again; it was concluded, there fore, that it was carried by hand. Near two o'clock in the morning, land was descried by the Pinta, at about two leagues distance. The first who had the good fortune to announce this welcome intelligence was a mariner by the name of Rodrigo, of Triana. The captain of the Pinta com municated the joyful news by the discharge of guns. The ships came together, and as soon as it was broad daylight, a flat and pleasant island appeared in view, full of limpid rivulets, and abundance of green bushes. The crews were filled with the liveliest transports of joy : the admiral lifted up his heart and 4* F 42 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. eyes to heaven, and poured forth ejaculations of thanks and praise to God. The whole crew joined in the psalm, Te Deum Lauda- mus, which he began to sing ; and as soon as they had paid their early vows to the Divine Author of all blessings, they gave themselves up to sport and pleasantry. Columbus, who had hitherto been considered as a vain, fantastic projector, Avas now changed by success into a hero in their eyes. The crew of his ship crowded around him as their guardian angel, and every oue did him homage. Landing of Columbus. In the mean time, as the vessels approached the shore, the nov elty of the spectacle brought together a number of the astonished natives. The admiral and captains went on shore, accompanied by armed men. The royal colors, flying in the air, were carried before the former, and the latter were preceded by the sta'ndard of the enterprise, on which a green crucifix with the initial letters of Ferdinand and Isabella were painted. As soon as they had reached the wished-for shore, they fell on the ground, kissed it, bedeAved it with tears of joy, and repeated their thanks to the Supreme Being, on their knees. Columbus then rose, and pro nounced the word Salvador, with a loud voice, as the name of the island, and as a testimony that he dedicated the first of his dis coveries to our Savior. He then took solemn possession of it in the name of the Castilian crown. The Spaniards instantly hailed the illustrious discoverer as admiral and viceroy of the island, COLUMBUS IN THE NEW WORLD. 43 and took the oath of allegiance to him as such ; many, at the same time, entreated his forgiveness for the sorroAV and distress they had caused him. The natives, who were present at all these scenes, Avere aston ished and perplexed at the novelty of the ships, the men, their color, dress, arms, and ceremonies. The Spaniards were nearly as much surprised. The islanders differed from them in almost every respect. Their features were regular, except the forehead, Avhich Avas uncommonly broad; their skin was of an olive color, like that of the inhabitants of the Canary islands ; their hair Avas thick, black, and erect, mostly cut off above the ears, hanging down the shoulders of some, or tied up with a string around their heads. They went quite naked, and were painted, or rather speckled Avith different colors. They appeared to be very mild-tempered, but extremely stupid ; so ignorant and destitute of any kind of know ledge, that they were incapable of' forming any conception of the new objects around them. The first impression seemed to raise in their minds an idea of a superior order of beings, in consequence of Avhich they ran away with the utmost precipitation ; but when they saw that no one pursued them, they returned with marks of the deepest humility. Some threw themselves prostrate on the earth, and others raised their eyes and hands to heaven, endeavor ing to express, by such gesticulations, that they considered the Spaniards as descended from heaven.* Columbus distributed several glass beads, little bells, and other trifles amongst them, which they preferred to gold and diamonds. Those who had not received any of these presents offered what ever they possessed for them. As the Spaniards were on their return to the ships, several of the natives followed them, and those Avho could not get into canoes, swam, and when they got a few glass b§ads and broken bits of glass, they returned quite contented. * The belief that the Spaniards were immortal beings continued a long time among the natives of the New World. The Indians of Porto Rico gave a remarkable in stance of this persuasion. Some time after the Spaniards had settled among them they were desirous of making an experiment, in order to determine whether the Span iards were mortal like themselves. One of their caciques prevailed upon a young Spaniard, by many entreaties, to pay him a visit. He was carried over a river, and when at the middle of the stream, the Indians dropped him into the water and held him under till he was drowned. They then carried him to the shore and called upon him to arise. No signs of life appeared, yet they could not be persuaded to believe him dead, and remained three days by him, expecting him every moment to return to life. Finding that the body began to putrefy, they reported the fact to the cacique, who nevertheless still remained distrustful. But after several days more spent in watch ing the body, with no signs but those of further decay, the Indians began to believe the Spaniards were mortal like themselves. t The consequence was a general insur rection a short time afterwards. 44 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. The first and second day passed away in this little commercial intercourse. The rudeness and poverty of the people were visible on every occasion. The only articles of barter Avhich they produced were spun cotton, parrots, sticks like lances, and javelins with points hardened in the fire, and sharp bones joined to them. These were the only arms they exhibited ; there Avere no un common animals to be seen, nor higher marks of art. Their edge- tools were made of sharp stones. With such instruments, and the aid perhaps of fire, they holloAved trunks of trees into canoes, the largest of which would carry forty-five men. These they rowed Avith oars or paddles, and if they Avere overset by accident, they were such expert SAvimmers, that they would turn their canoes over again, and bale out the Avater with holloAV gourds. But Avhat particularly excited the attention of the Spaniards Avere little pieces of gold, which some of the natives Avore suspended from their noses. Being asked by signs where they obtained this metal, they pointed to the south, where they said it was to be had in abundance. They also represented that savage and warlike men came to their island from the northwest, to plunder ; and that in the battles which took place they had received many wounds, the scars of Avhich they shoAved. Thus Columbus became con vinced of the existence of a continent, or rich islands, at no great distance at the south and west. Having passed three days at St. Salvador, Avhich the natives called Guanahani, he took on board seven of the inhabitants and sailed to a smaller island, about seven leagues distant. Without stopping there, he shaped his course to another, Avhich seemed to be larger than the last, and about ten leagues to the Avest. He cast anchor here, and took possession of it, by the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion. The inhabitants approached with the same marks of astonishment and respect as those of St. Salvador, whom they resembled so exactly in their persons, canoes, artificial works, and the fruits of the island, that they seemed to be one nation. From this island, Columbus sailed eight miles farther to the west, and reached a still greater island, level like the rest, beautiful, and encircled with delightful coasts. In all probability it was that which is called Cat Island in the modern charts; Colum bus called it Fernandina, in honor of king Ferdinand. He'immedi- ately despatched a native of St. Salvador Avith some trinkets as presents to the inhabitants, and ordered him to inform them, at the same time, of the pacific intentions of the Spaniards- in 'conse quence of which they did not fly; but they were not less amazed than the other islanders, and evinced the same high opinion of the Spaniards. As some of the seamen went ashore to procure COLUMBUS PURSUES HIS DISCOVERIES. 45 water, the natives assisted them in filling and carrying it to the boats. The usual barter immediately commenced, by Avhich it appeared that these islanders Avere not so limited in their ideas as the first, and that they were somewhat farther advanced in civiliza tion, for they made sharper bargains for their commodities. They Avore mantles of cotton, and the young Avomen above eighteen years of age, Avore skirts of the same material. Their houses, or huts, resembled tents, but Avere entirely destitute of ornaments, or any other thing Avorthy of attention, except sAvinging beds, which they called hammocks ; these Avere nets suspended from tAvo posts by cotton ropes. As to other matters, they differed little, or not at all, from the other islanders. The only land animals, Avere a kind of little dog Avhich did not bark ; there were some reptiles, such as lizards and serpents. They also saw fish of different shapes and very lively colors. What peculiarly attracted their attention were certain trees, Avith branches and leaves of various forms on each tree, and yet as different from each other as those of the reed and the mastic. When they sailed farther to the southAvest, they came to an island, which surpassed all those they had yet discovered, both in size and beauty. This island rose higher above the sea, and the interior Avas not so flat and uniform as the rest, but exhibited a variety of hills, beautiful meadoAvs and groves, and Avas well watered. Allured by such enchanting scenes, Columbus Avent on shore, took possession, and changed its old name of Samoete into that of Isabella, in honor of the queen. It is the same probably as that afterwards called Long Island. Columbus penetrated into it till he found a village, the inhabitants of Avhich fled, affrighted at the sight of the foreigners. They took courage, hoAvever, in a short time, and began to barter like the rest. Aloe plants Avere found, a vast number of singing birds, and a species of lizards, which are noAV known under the name of iguanas. CHAPTER V. Discovery of Cuba. — Beauty of the country, and improvement in the appearance of the inhabitants. — Columbus imagines il the realm of the Great Khan. — Sends an exploring expedition into the interior. — They discover tobacco. — Columbus directed southerly by the natioes for gold. — Desertion of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. — Mis takes of the Spaniards. — Discovery of Espanola. Description of the country and people. — Native appellations of the island. — The Spaniards obtain much gold. — They are visited by the cacique Guacanagari. — His courtesy towards the Span iards. — The admiral's ship wrecked on the coast of Espanola. — Humanity and generosity of the natives. — Columbus builds a fort on the island at Navidad. — He leaves a colony there. — Discovers the Carib Indians. — Sails for Spain.— Escapes the tempests and the Portuguese. — Arrives at Palos. Spaniards discovering tobacco. Columbus discovered Cuba at sunset, on the 27th of October. The next morning presented him a noble view of a most beautiful country, diversified with gently sloping hills, lofty mountains, and copious streams of Avater. The fleet anchored at the mouth of a river, in full vieAv of the most enchanting prospect. The shores were covered with green trees, some in vernal bloom, and others weighed down with fruit. The richness of the grass seemed to V1G !?V™ * Whkh d°theS thG fresh Valleys of Andalusia in the month of May. Columbus was so charmed with the view that he sprang ashore, took possession of the island and called it Juana COLUMBUS PURSUES HIS DISCOVERIES. 47 after Prince Don Juan. Two houses were found here, which con tained many fire-places, with nets, and fishing-hooks of bone ; they also saw a little clay, but none of the inhabitants appeared. The natives who had accompanied the Spaniards, pointed to the villages towards the west, in consequence of which Columbus on the next morning crossed the river and proceeded along the coast. In the course of a mile, he discovered another river, and a little far ther on, a large one called Mares, with an indifferent harbor, and a number of habitations along the shores. The fleet entered this haven, and Columbus, anxious to know the country, despatched some men in boats to the villages ; but the inhabitants ran away at their approach with the utmost haste. The cottages were of the same simple structure as the former, like tents covered Avith palm leaves,' but larger, and somewhat more finely decorated. The nets, hooks and fishing utensils were also proportionally better. Several tame fowls were seen, little dogs and heads of figures carved in Avood. It was supposed that these cots belonged to fish ermen, whom the Spaniards hoped to find by advancing into the country. Columbus communicating with natives of Cuba. Sailing farther along the coast, they met inhabitants, who inform ed them that by travelling four days' journey into the interior they would reach Cubanacan, and find plenty of gold. This name signifies the centre of Cuba; but Columbus, impressed with the notion that he had arrived at the continent, of India, understood it to mean the dominions of the Great Khan, a Tartar chief, famous in the narrative of Marco Polo. In this belief he sent four men on 48 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND- CONQUESTS. a journey into the interior ; one a Spaniard, another a converted Jew, familiar Avith the HebreAV, Arabic andChaldean languages, and the ot«her tAvo, natives. He furnished them Avith credentials to the Great Khan from the Spanish monarch, and gave them six days to return. These men journeyed about t.Avelve miles into the country, but discovered neither cities nor gold. Villages containing a thou sand inhabitants Avere seen, and the strangers Avere everyAvhere received as celestial visitants. A certain distinction of rank Avas observable in the people, and one individual appeared to be the sovereign or magistrate. Large quantities of cotton, both raAv and manufactured into cloth, Avere found in the houses. A single dAvell- ing contained above tAvelve thousand pounds. Here the Spaniards first saAV potatoes, also yams and cassava. A discovery of no less importance, although little regarded at the time, Avas also made dur ing this journey, — that of tobacco. The travellers Avere struck Avith a singular custom of these people, Avho Avent about Avith fire in their hands, lighting the leaves of a certain plant rolled up into tubes, and inhaling the smoke at one end. These tubes they called labacos, and the subsequent adoption of this practice of smoking by the Spaniards, caused them to transfer the name of tobacco to the herb, Avhich has since become so important an article of commerce all over the Avorld. The main object of the Spaniards Avas the discovery of Indian countries abounding in the precious metals, pearls, gums, spices and aromatics. Cuba offered them feAV traces of these desirable objects. Whenever they made inquiries of the natives for such articles, they pointed to the east, and repeated Avith animated ges tures the Avords Babeque and Bohio. It is doubtful Avhether the natives understood the questions Avhich dreAV forth these replies ; but as Columbus supposed himself in the East Indies, it was natural enough for him to imagine that those names might be given to some islands famous for their treasures, and perhaps Japan itself. Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the commander of the Pinta, had some of the natives of St. Salvador on board, and six others, Avhom he had taken Avith him from the port of Mares, and from them he had received particular accounts of the situation and size of Babeque and Bohio. In order to secure this rich discovery for himself, stimulated by self-conceit, and reckoning upon his nautical skill and experience, and the goodness of his vessel he deserted Columbus on the night of the 22nd, without paying attention to the signals made to him. The ship of Columbus was a dull sailer, which, Avith the contrary winds, prevented him from following the fugitive ; nor was he much inclined to leave a country which held out so many allurements, till he had examined it still farther. COLUMBUS PURSUES HIS DISCOVERIES. 49 The Spaniards, at every step of their progress, fell into fresh errors, because, without knoAving where they were, and without understanding the natives, they drew hasty inferences from uncer tain and vague accounts. The hope of discovering rich countries towards the east Avas increased by every novelty they saw. Colum bus left Cuba for a country in sight to the east, and steered with the more impatience to it, in proportion as the islanders he had on board, particularly those of Cuba, strove to dissuade him from it, by the repetition of the Avord " Bohio, Bohio," a name by which they had often signified a marvellous island abounding in gold. and Avhich they iioav repeated Avith exaggerated gestures ; but they described the inhabitants as hideous monsters and man-eaters. Columbus understood by this that they might be men of more bodily strength and mental civilization, who perhaps waged war with the inhabitants of the other isles. This opinion, their prodi gious Avealth, and the supposition that their country Avas the eastern coast of the Indies, induced him to conclude that this was the rich Cipango or Japan. The land, which rose very high above the water, exhibited verdant grounds betAvixt the high mountains, mostly cultivated like the fields of Cordova in the month of May. The harbor in which he cast anchor seemed to excel all that he had met Avith in his voyage. Many canoes appeared in view, some of them like galleys or barks, of seventeen benches for rowers. The shore was beautified with trees Aveighed down Avith fruits. As they advanced a little into the country, the ground became pictur esque and charming, watered by a gentle rivulet. All these delicious views promised a numerous population, though one house only was seen, and not one inhabitant. The harbor, as well as the cape, was called St. Nicholas, after the natal day of that saint Columbus noAV steered eastward along the coast, till he came to a harbor, with an island in the front of it. They named this island, from its shape, Tortuga, (Tortoise;) doubtless it was the harbor afterwards called Mosquitos. Columbus gave it the name of La Concepcion when he took shelter in it on the eighth of December, from a tempest, which compelled him to remain there for several days. In his course from the harbor of St. Nicholas, he perceived trees like scarlet oaks, and several fruit trees resem bling those of Europe, and some pines and myrtles. The cul tivated fields at a distance looked like fields of wheat and barley. They heard the notes of several birds^specially one that resembled the nightingale. They caught several groundlings, pollards, and other fish, frequent in Europe. The country bore such a resem blance to Spain that Columbus called this island Espanola, that is, Hispaniola — or " Little Spain." Subsequently it was called St. 5 G 50 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. Domingo, from the city of that name built there by the Spaniards. The natives of the neighboring islands gave it many names: Hayti, or high country, on account of its mountains ; Quisqueza, or the whole, on account of its extent ; Bohio, or the house, which perhaps Avas in allusion to the number, size and architec ture of the habitations. The common dwellings on the island at this day are called bohios, though they scarcely rival the cottages of peasants. They are of light wood- work, covered with branches and shrubs interwoven ; others are called boharques, composed of piles of wood driven into the earth, and joined at the top in a conical form, or the shape of a tent. The former were quite nu merous on the island. It is very natural to suppose that the names of them should be frequently heard in the answers of the islanders ; and also that they sounded, to the ears of an European, like Babeque, and therefore occasioned the Spaniards to take it for the name of a country. In like manner, the words Carib and Caniba, by which the gentle and dismayed inhabitants of the first discovered isles signified certain islands inhabited by a Avarlike and cruel race, were mistaken for the name of a country, under the dominion of the Great Khan. Thus Columbus raised the pile of his suppositions higher and higher. The picture Avhich his imagination had drawn of the excellence of this country, was further heightened by the report of those whom he had sent to explore it. They described it as a happy and fertile region, the season like spring, the trees in the full bloom of summer, and the fruit swelling in all the luxuriance of autumn ; the grass rich and fine, enamelled with flowers of every kind. Some cottages, roads and plantations left no doubt that there were inhabitants enough, but none of them were yet seen. On the 12th of December, after a crucifix had been erected on a prominent point, as usual, three of the crew, in passing over a mountain, unexpectedly espied a group of people, who hurried away at the sight of them. They captured, however, a young, well-shaped woman, who wore a little ring of gold in her nose. Columbus caused her to be dressed, gave her glass beads, and brass rings, and after having treated her kindly, dismissed' her, well pleased. He sent with her three of the islanders, and some Spaniards to visit her home, which she pointed out in the south east of the harbor. The messengers came back late at night, without having reached the j»lace, on account of its distance. On the following morning; nine armed Spaniards, with an isl ander, were despatched on an expedition. After a journey of nearly four miles, they came to a town of about four thousand inhabi tants, situated in a spacious and fertile vallev A t tv,c COLUMBUS PURSUES HIS DISCOVERIES. 51 of the Spaniards, the natives all ran aAvay. The islanders called out to them not to be afraid, as these strangers came from heaven, and instead of hurting any person, they would give those who came to them many fine things. On hearing this, they began to dismiss their fears, and by degrees they approached all together. Their fear Avas succeeded by admiration, respect, and submission. and each of them freely offered whatever he possessed, fruits, roots, parrots, and fish. A troop of them raised the young woman that had been dressed, on their shoulders, and sounded forth her happiness, as it were, and blessed her for the honor she had re ceived. They were so pleased Avith their guests, that when they saAV them prepare to return, sorrow and dejection Avere painted in their looks. The Spaniards were highly pleased with the kind ness, simplicity, and open-heartedness of these people. They appeared to be superior to any yet seen ; they were of a fairer color and handsomer shape, particularly tAvo females, who might have been mistaken for Spanish women. The grounds and cul tured fields excelled, in the opinion of the Spaniards, even those of Cordova. They saw a number of mastic trees, aloes, planta tions of cotton shrubs, but very few traces of gold. In Tortuga, they found a greater store of gold, partly in grains, and partly worked in plates. This metal the natives wore in their ears and noses, as ornaments, and yet they freely parted with it for any trifle whatever. Some of them, it is true, Avere cunning enough to drive good bargains ; they divided a leaf of gold as broad as the hand, into little pieces, and bartered each singly ; but most of them offered their gold without accepting any thing for it, as well as their gourd bottles, filled with Avater or food. An ambassador of Guacanagari, a considerable cacique, or pet ty king of that country, visited the Spaniards in a large canoe, accompanied with a number of attendants. He requested the admiral to come with his ships to his shore, and he would give him whatever he wanted. He presented Columbus with a girdle, four fingers in breadth, trimmed with white bones, like pearls, interspersed with red beads ; and a, mask, with the ears, tongue and nose of gold. Some of the Spaniards, therefore, went to this place, and were received with great joy and cordiality; men, wo men, and children assembling in croAvds to see and admire them. From the humblest individual, to the cacique himself, there was a visible emulation to wait upon and serve their heaven-descended guests, Avith the best things their houses could afford, in viands as well as cotton cloths, parrots, and pieces of gold. He that re ceived a trifle in return placed an inestimable value upon it. 52 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. On the 24th of December, the squadron bent their sails for the east, with a light land breeze; in a short time, they Avere entirely becalmed, so that they scarcely advanced three leagues the whole day. About seven o'clock at night, as the vessels were veering off a point of land, the sea being perfectly smooth, the admiral, who had not slept for the last tAvo days, threw himself down on his bed ; the crew did the same, as well as the steersman at the helm. This man, contrary to an express order, had committed it to the hands of ah inexperienced ship boy. In the course of an hour, the ship, drifted by the tide, struck on a sand bank. The cries of the boy aAvakened Columbus, Avho speedily ordered an anchor to be cast astern. The ship's master and a number of mariners, instead of obeying this command, sprang into the long boat, and hastened to the Nina, which was half a league distant. The admiral soon found that the ship was filling with water, and so forced by the current on one side, that all hopes of saving her were given over, notwithstanding her being lighted, and her mast cut aAvay. Fortunately, the calm continued, and Captain Vincent Yanez, acting up to his duty, obliged the disobedient hands to return immediately to the aid of the admiral, and at the same time sent him his own boat, so that Columbus and the whole crew were saved. On the 25th, at the break of day, the crew began to carry every thing on shore out of the ship, which was effected Avith admirable despatch ; a number of the natives, at the command of Guacana gari, came and assisted with their canoes. The generous cacique, filled Avith grief and compassion at the recital of this misfortune, omitted no friendly exertion to comfort and assist the Spaniards. Not content with the spontaneous zeal of his subjects, he person ally attended and took care of everything conveyed on shore. As soon as it was sufficiently light, he ordered all the goods to be put in a proper place near the village, and entrusted them to the care of an armed body of men, who were to watch over them during the night ; after Avhich they were placed in two large cottages, made ready for that purpose. The cacique was so much affected by Columbus's disaster, that he shed tears, and sent one of the most distinguished of his vassals, who endeavored, with tears in his eyes, to console the admiral Avith liberal presents, and the sincer- est demonstrations of friendship. On the following day, hegpaid Columbus a visit himself, and repeated his promises and friendly offers in the most expressive manner. At the same time, some canoes, filled with inhabitants from other places, came to exchange gold dust for Spanish com modities. A seaman also brought advice that a similar commerce COLUMBUS IN HAYTI. 53 had taken place on the shore, and that the Spaniards had profited considerably by it. This intelligence began to dissipate the gloom which hung over the face of the admiral. Guacanagari perceived the sudden transition, and guessing the cause of it, informed him that this metal Avas found in abundance at Cibao, which lay at no great distance ; and that he Avould procure him plenty of it, if he would accompany him to his habitation. His complaisant and hospitable reception by the inhabitants soon effaced the impression of all the hardships and dangers Avhich he had experienced at sea, nay, even the loss of his ship itself, Avhich he now began to consider as a favorable accident. The cacique treated him with venison, fish and other food, tarts of cassava, and several roots and delicious fruits. He ate very sparingly and soberly, himself, and after he had finished his repast, washed his hands, which he had pre viously rubbed Avith certain herbs. After this he conducted the admiral through a series of Avinding arbors and fragrant groves. On their return from this enchanting promenade, he made Colum bus a present of a mask, with pieces of fine gold suspended from the ears, eyes, nose and other parts. The neck was ornamented with a number of pieces of the same metal ; he also distributed similar precious toys amongst the Spaniards, who had accompanied their leader. Columbus, in grateful return, presented a number of European trinkets, which the islanders valued as something divine, and Avhich they eagerly showed their friends, repeating in a kind of transport the word turey, which in their language signifies heaven. They believed themselves capable pf discerning the most pure gold from the inferior kind by the smell ; the base gold they called guanin ; and Avhen they received some pieces of brass, silver, or any Avhite metal, they smelled, and declared them to be turey, of inestimable value, and gave pieces of guanin and fine gold for them. They were chiefly captivated Avith bells, for which they readily gave all that they possessed. They danced and leaped to the sound of them in a grotesque manner. A small buckle, or the head of a nail, were valued by them as the most precious of gifts. The cacique was not less rejoiced and transported at the present of a shirt and a pair of gloves. Columbus now informed the cacique that he had determined to leave a part of his men on the island, and set sail for Spain, whence he should speedily return with a greater Spree and abundance of valuable presents. In order more deeply lo impress the minds of the natives with an idea of the superiority of their visitors, he caused his men to perform sham-fights, in which the clashing of the swords,, the shooting of the cross-bows, the discharge of the musketry, and above all, the thunder of the cannon, produced a 5* 54 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. mighty effect. The force of a cannon ball, which pierced the side ol the stranded vessel, caused the simple islanders to fall upon the ground with surprise and terror. The Spaniards then erected a wooden tower, surrounded by a ditch, as the beginning of a settle ment, to which Columbus gave the name oiNavidad, or Christmas, from the day of the shipwreck. Feasts and entertainments fol lowed ; in one of which the cacique appeared, crowned with a golden diadem and attended by five inferior caciques, each Avith a golden crown. Much conversation was carried on respecting the country, and a certain province was spoken of, by the name of Cibao, which, of course, Columbus mistook for Cipango, the ancient name of Japan. The Spaniards also discovered a root which they imagined to be rhubarb. The islanders gave them every assistance in preparing their neAV settlement, and furnished them liberally with provisions. Columbus left thirty-nine persons at Navidad, under the com mand of Diego de Arana. He gave them directions to prosecute their discoveries along the coast, to cultivate the soil, search for gold, and conciliate the natives. .'W ith strong injunctions to preserve discipline and good order, which unfortunately never were heeded, he took leave of the colony January 4th, 1493, and coasted onward to the east. The second day he discovered the Pinta bearing down for him before the wind. The two commanders met, and Martin Alonzo attempted to excuse his desertion by pretending he had been bloAvn off by contrary winds. Columbus stifled his resentment at his treachery and falsehood, and listened to the detail of Pinzon' s adventures. He had made no discovery of impor tance, but he had obtained a considerable quantity of gold,. one half of which he had kept to himself, and distributed the rest among his crew. He had seized four men and two women of the natives, whom Columbus afterwards set at liberty. In the progress of Columbus along this coast, the Spaniards discovered red pepper and pimento. They also saw another nov elty, in the shape of fishes with heads like human beings. Colum bus called them sirens, but they were no 'other than the misshapen animal now known as the manati, or sea-coAv. ToAvard the eastern extremity of Espanola, they met with inhabitants of a neAV aspect. Their faces were black, their hair long and tied behind, with plumes of parrot's feathers stuck in their heads. They had'boAvs, arrows, and heavy clubs, and made demonstrations of hostility; but the Spaniards appearing friendly, they Avere induced to barter! One of them went on board the ship, and was regaled Avith presents. By the imperfect help of the Lucayan interpreters, they learned that in some parts of these regions the metal called guanin was RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 55 tound in lumps as big as the stern of a ship ; also that one of the islands was inhabited solely by women, who lived like the Amazons of old. An occurrence shortly after took place which confirmed the Spaniards in the belief that the warlike natives whom they iioav saw, Avere the Caribs, of whom they had received such terrify ing accounts from the harmless and timid islanders they had pre viously visited. A number of the Spaniards having gone on shore with the Indian they had so kindly treated, they were attacked from an ambush by upAvards of fifty men, Avhom they repelled, receiving hoAvever, some Avounds. NotAvithstanding this, the next morning the natives came down to the shore again and visited the ship with every demonstration of friendship. Their cacique spoke frequently of the neighboring islands of Martinico and Carib ; he also made Columbus a present of a golden crown. During the two folloAving days a brisk trade was carried on for provisions, but the natives always went armed. Four young men having gone on board, who appeared remarkably intelligent, they Avere secured for trans portation to Spain; and with these and six or seven previously obtained at the other islands, Columbus left the NeAV World and steered for home, on the 16th of January. His voyage was prosperous till the 12th of February, when, be lieving himself not far from the Azores, he Avas assailed by a furi ous storm, which separated the ships. The sailors put up vows to heaven, but the tempest waxed fiercer every hour, and destruc tion appeared inevitable. Columbus, thinking his consort had foundered, and doubting Avhether his oAvn ship avouH survive, was unwilling, nevertheless, that the world should lose the know ledge of the great discovery he had made. He accordingly wrote a short account of his proceedings, Avhich he inclosed in cere-cloth covered with Avax and placed in a tight water-proof casket, ac companied with a notice, offering a reAvard of a thousand ducats to any one who should deliver the package, unopened, to the Spanish sovereigns. This he threw into the sea, in hopes of its being picked up after his OAvn ship had gone to the bottom. But shortly after this, the gale abated, and they came in sight of the Azores. The Portuguese received Columbus roughly, and impris oned some of his men. Another gale drove him from his anchor age, and threatened his ship Avith destruction; but again his benignant star prevailed. He obtained the release of his men, and soon set sail. A third tempest overtook him as he approach ed the coast of Spain, and, just as the crew had given themselvef up for lost, they descried the promontory of Cintra, and made an unexpected escape into the Tagus. The fame of the discover} being quickly spread abroad, Columbus was invited to the court 56 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. of Lisbon, where he excited the envy and jealousy of the Portu guese, by his narration of the riches and wonders of the new-found countries. Leaving Lisbon, he again put to sea, and arrived, on the 15th of March, at Palos, from whence he had sailed seven months before. CHAPTER VI. Exultation of the Spaniards on the return of Columbus. — Honors paid lam by the court. — His second voyage to the New World. — He finds the colony al Navi- dad extirpated. — Builds another fortress. — Distress of the colonists. — The na tives become hostile. — Columbus defeats one hundred thousand of them in the battle of Vega Real. — Avarice of the Spaniards. — They impose tasks upon the natives, — Attempts of the islanders to starve their invaders. — Terrible cruelty of the Spaniards. — Discords among the colonists. — Civil war. — Return of Columbus to Spain. — Jealousies excited against him. — A new plan of government projected for the colony. — Third voyage of Columbus. — Discovery of Trinidad and the main land of South America. — HI success of the scheme of settlement. — The Indians reduced to slavery. — Intrigues against Columbus. — He is deposed from his authority and sent to Spain in fetters. — Vile ingratitude of the Spanish court. — Fourth voyage of Columbus. — His treatment by Ovando. — Loss of the Spanish homeward-bound fleet. — Columbus explores the coast of America. — At tempts a settlement there. — His disasters. — He is shipwrecked at Jamaica. — Re turns to Spain and dies. — The continent named after Amerigo Vespucci. — Greediness of the Spaniards. — Sufferings and extirpation of the natives. Columbus before the king and queen of Spain. Columbus, on landing, proceeded immediately to Barcelona, where the court resided. His journey was a continued triumph. The nobility and the people crowded to meet him, and folloAved him in throngs to the presence of Ferdinand and Isabella. He pre- H 58 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. sented to them the natives of the new-found countries, and exhi bited pieces of gold, birds, cotton, and many curiosities, which Avere interesting on account of their novelty. Such a variety of uncommon objects, exposed to the view of a people whose vanity, inflamed by imagination, magnified everything, made them fancy that they saw an inexhaustible source of riches forever flowing into their country. The enthusiasm spread, and reached even to the throne. At the public audience the sovereigns gave to Co lumbus, he Avas permitted to be covered in the royal presence, and to sit as a grandee of Spain. Thus he related his voyages to them. They loaded him with caresses, commendations and honors ; and soon after he re-embarked Avith seventeen sail, to make new dis coveries, and to establish colonies. He arrived at Hispaniola in 1495, with fifteen hundred men, sol diers, artificers, and missionaries, Avith provisions for their subsis tence, with the seeds of all the plants that were thought likely to thrive in this hot and damp climate, and Avith the domestic animals of the old hemisphere, of which there was not one in the new. Columbus found nothing but ruins and carcasses upon the spot where he had left fortifications and Spaniards. These plunderers had occasioned their own destruction, by their haughty, licentious, and tyrannical behavior. Columbus had the address to persuade his men, Avho Avere eager to glut their vengeance upon the natives, that it was good policy to postpone their revenge to another time. A fort, honored with the name of Isabella, was' now constructed on the borders of the ocean ; and that of St. Thomas was erected on the mountains of Cibao, where the islanders gathered from the torrents the greatest part of the gold they used for their orna ments, and Avhere the conquerors intended to open mines. While these Avorks Avere going on, the provisions that had been brought from Europe had been either consumed, or were spoilt. The colony had received nothing to supply the deficien cy; and soldiers, or sailors, had neither possessed the leisure, knoAvledge, nor inclination to produce fresh articles of subsistence. It became necessary to have recourse to the natives of the country, who, cultivating but little, Avere unable to maintain strangers, even though they Avere the most moderate persons of the old hemi sphere, for they yet consumed, each of them, as much as Avould have been sufficient for several Indians. These unfortunate people gave up all they had, and still more was required. Such contin ued exactions produced an alteration in their character, Avhich was naturally timid ; and all the caciques, except Guacanagari, Avho had first received the Spaniards in his dominions, resolved to unite SECOND VISIT OF COLUMBUS, 1495. 59 their forces, in order to break a yoke which was becoming every day more intolerable. Columbus desisted from pursuing his discoveries, in order to prepare against this unexpected danger. Although tAvo thirds of his followers had been hurried to the grave by hardships, by the climate, and by debauchery ; although sickness prevented many of those who had escaped these terrible scourges, from joining him ; and although he could not muster more than two hundred infan try and twenty horse to face the enemy, yet this extraordinary man was not afraid of attacking an army, assembled in the plains of Vega Real, which historians in general have computed at one hundred thousand men. The chief precaution taken was to fall upon the Indians in the night time. / The unhappy islanders were, in fact, conquered before the action began. They considered the Spaniards as beings of a superior order ; their admiration, respect, and fear Avere increased by the European armor ; and the sight of the cavalry, in particular, aston ished them beyond measure. Many of them were simple enough to believe that the man and the horse were but one animal, or a kind of deity. Had their courage even been proof against these impressions of terror, they could have made but a faint resistance. The cannonading, the pikes, and a discipline to which they were strangers, must have easily dispersed them. They fled on all sides. To punish them for their rebellion, as it Avas called, every Indian above fourteen years of age, Avas subjected to a tribute in gold, or in cotton, according to the district in which he lived. This regulation, which required assiduous labor, appeared the greatest of evils to a people who Avere not used to constant em ployment. The desire of getting rid of their oppressors, therefore, became their ruling passion. As they entertained no further hope of being able to expel them by force, the idea occurred to them, in 1496, of reducing them by famine. In this vieAV, they sowed no more maize, they pulled up the cassava roots that were already planted, and fled for refuge to the mountains. Desperate resolutions are seldom attended Avith success ; accord ingly, that Avhich the Indians had taken proved fatal to them. The products of rude and uncultivated nature Avere not sufficient for their support, as they had inconsiderately expected they would be ; and their asylum, however difficult of access, was not a secu rity from the pursuit of their incensed tyrants, who, during this total privation of local resources, accidentally received some pro visions from the mother country. The rage of the Spaniards was excited to such a degree, that they trained up dogs to hunt and devour these unhappy men ; and it has even been said that some 60 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. of the Castilians had made a vow to massacre twelve Indians every day in honor of the twelve apostles. Before this event, the island was reckoned to contain a million of inhabitants. A third part of this considerable population perished in these cam paigns, by fatigue, hunger, and the sword. Scarcely had the remains of these unfortunate people, who had escaped so many disasters, returned to their habitations, where calamities of another kind were preparing for them, when divisions arose among their persecutors. The removal of the capital of the colony from the north to the south, from Isabella to San Domingo, might possibly furnish a pretence for . some complaints ; but the dissensions had their chief origin in indulged passions, raised to an uncommon degree of fermentation beneath a burning sky, and not sufficiently restrained by an authority imperfectly established. When the business was to dethrone a cacique, to plunder a district, or exterminate a village, the commands of the brother of Colum bus, or of his representative, were readily obeyed. After shar ing the booty, insubordination followed; and mutual jealousies and animosities became their sole occupation. The Spaniards at length took up arms against each other, and war was openly declared. During the course of these divisions, Columbus was in Spain, whither he had returned, in order to answer the accusations that were incessantly renewed against him. The recital of the great actions he had performed, and the exposition of the use ful plans he meant to carry into execution, easily regained him the confidence of Isabella. Ferdinand himself began to be a little reconciled to the idea of distant voyages. The plan of a regular form of government was traced, Avhich was first to be tried at San Domingo, and afterwards adopted, Avith such alterations as experience might show to be necessary, in the several settlements, which in process of time might be founded in the other hemi sphere. Men skilled in the working of mines Avere carefully selected, and the government agreed to pay and maintain them for several years. On the 30th of May, 1498, Columbus sailed on his third voyage, Avith six ships. He touched at the Canaries, and despatched from thence three of his squadron direct to Hispaniola. With the other three he steered toward the Cape Verd Islands. Taking his de parture from this point he held a southwesterly course till he came within five degrees of the equator, where the heat of the air burst the wine-pipes and water-casks, and caused the crews to fear that the ships Avould be burned. After eight days of calm weather and intolerable heat, the air became a little cooler, and on the 31st of THIRD VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS, 1498. 61 July they discovered land, which proved to be the island of Trini dad, at the mouth of the Orinoco. Proceeding along the shore, he obtained a sight of some of the natives, who proved very hostile, and discharged showers of arrows at the ships. They had shields, the first defensive armor the Spaniards had seen in the New World. Columbus sailed through the gulf lying between Trinidad and the mouth of the Orinoco, struck with amazement at the mountainous billows which that great stream rolls into the ocean. On the coast of Paria they saw more of the natives, and held friendly inter course with them. They offered the Spaniards provisions and a sort of white and red wine. Considerable gold was discovered, and the natives directed them to a pearl fishery. From this coast they steered to Hispaniola. This was the voyage in Avhich the Spaniards first saAV the main land of America. The continent of North America had been discovered in June of the preceding year by the English navigators, John and Sebastian Cabot. The third visit of Columbus succeeded no better than the pre ceding in securing good order and prosperity in the colony. The form of government projected in Spain had not the desired effect — that of establishing a peaceable community. The people thought differently from their sovereigns. Time, which brings on reflection when the first transports of enthusiasm are passed, had abated the desire, originally so ardent, of going to the NeAV World. Its gold was no longer an object of irresistible temptation. On the contrary, the livid complexions of the Spaniards who returned home ; the accounts of the insalubrity of the climate ; of the num bers who had lost their lives, and the hardships they had under gone from the scarcity of provisions ; an unwillingness to be under the command of a foreigner, the severity of whose discipline was generally censured ; and perhaps the jealousy that was entertained of his groAving reputation ; all these reasons contributed to produce an insuperable prejudice against San Domingo in the subjects of the crown of Castile, the only Spaniards Avho, till the year 1593, Avere alloAved to embark for that island. The malefactors who accompanied Columbus, in conjunction Avith the plunderers that infested St. Domingo, formed one of the most unnatural kinds of society that had ever appeared upon the globe. Their mutual coalition enabled them to set all authority at defiance; and the impossibility of subduing them, made it necessary to resort to negotiation. Many attempts were made in vain. At length, in 1499, it Avas proposed that, to the lands which every Spaniard received, a certain number of islanders should be annexed, whose time and labor should be devoted to masters desti tute alike of humanity and prudence. This act of weakness on the 6 62 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. part of the government restored apparent tranquillity to the colony, but Avithout gaining for Columbus the affection of those who profited by it. The complaints made against him grew more loud and violent, and ere long proved effectual. This extraordinary man purchased upon very hard terms the fame which his genius and industry had procured him. His life exhibited a perpetual series of brilliant successes and deep misfor tunes. He was continually exposed to the cabals, calumnies, and ingratitude of individuals ; and obliged at the same time to submit to the caprices of a haughty and turbulent court, which by turns reAvarded or punished — noAV mortified him by the most humili ating disgrace, and now restored him to its confidence. The prejudice entertained by the Spanish ministry against the author of the greatest discovery the Avorld had yet seen, grew to such a pitch, that an arbitrator was sent to the colonies to decide between Columbus and his soldiers. Bovadilla, the most ambi tious, self-interested, unjust, and violent man that had yet visited the New World, arrived at St. Domingo in 1500 ; he deprived the admiral of his property, his honors and his command, and sent him to Spain in irons. Surprise and indignation were everywhere excited by this act of atrocious ingratitude; and Ferdinand and Isabella, overwhelmed with shame by the expression of the pub lic feelings, ordered the fetters of Columbus to be immediately taken off. They also recalled, with real or feigned resentment, the wretch, Bovadilla, Avho had so infamously abused his author ity. But to their disgrace it must be added that this was all the reparation made to Columbus for so atrocious an insult. To crown the black ingratitude of the Spanish court, they con stantly resisted the petitions and applications of Columbus to be reinstated in his office, which he had so ably filled. The reason alleged for this unkingly breach of faith was the great value and importance of the discoveries of Columbus, which would render the reAvard too magnificent ! After a fruitless attendance at court for two years, he gave up his solicitations, and requested merely to be sent upon a fourth voyage. Ferdinand and Isabella, eager to get rid of a man whose presence Avas a reproach to them, granted his request Avith alacrity. Four small vessels were pro vided for him ; and the discoverer of the Avestern world, broken down by age, fatigues and mortification, set sail once more, in May, 1502. His design was to proceed west, beyond the newly- discovered continent, and to circumnavigate the globe. On reaching Hispaniola he found a fleet of eighteen ships ready to depart for Spain. Columbus was refused admission into the har bor of St. Domingo, although his vessel was unseaworthy. His COLUMBUS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE. 63 knowledge of these regions enabled him to perceive signs of an approaching hurricane. Although the governor, Ovando, had refused him a shelter in the harbor, Columbus warned him of the approaching danger ; but his warning was disregarded ; the fleet put to sea ; and the ensuing night they were assailed by a furious hurricane, and the whole fleet, except three ships, went to the bot tom. In this wreck perished the malignant Bovadilla, together with the greater part of the men who had been most active in persecuting Columbus and oppressing the Indians. The treasure lost in the ships surpassed the value of two hundred thousand dollars. Columbus, by his prudent precautions, escaped the danger, and departed for the continent. He proceeded along the coast from the eastern point of Honduras to the Isthmus of Darien, searching in vain for a passage to the South Sea. Attracted by the appear ance of gold, he attempted to form a settlement at the river Belem, in Veragua ; but the natives, a more hardy and warlike race than the islanders, killed many of the settlers and drove the remnant aAvay. This unexpected repulse was followed by a long train of disasters. Storms, hurricanes, terrible thunder and lightning, and all the calamities that can befall the explorers of an unknown sea, kept Columbus in a continual state of anxiety and suffering. At last he was shipwrecked on the coast of Jamaica. No settlement had been made here, and Columbus despatched a few of his men in Indian canoes to Hispaniola for relief. The insolent Ovando; from a mean jealousy of the great discoverer, refused to grant him any assistance. Columbus remained in Jamaica, perpetually ha rassed by the mutinous conduct of his men. The natives, tired of the long stay of the Spaniards in their island, intercepted their supplies of provisions. Columbus, hoAvever, intimidated them by an artifice. An eclipse was at hand : he assembled the chief In dians, and informed them that the Great Spirit was angry at their behavior toAvard their visitors, and on that night the moon would be turned blood-red. They listened with incredulity, but when the moon began to change her hue, they were all struck with ter ror. They loaded themselves with provisions, and brought them to Columbus, entreating him to intercede with the Deity in their behalf. From that time their superstitious apprehensions kept them in implicit obedience to the Spaniards. After about a year's detention on the island, three vessels came to their relief, and the crews passed over to Hispaniola, where the once arrogant Ovando received his distinguished visitor with fawn ing sycophancy, and affected to treat him with every mark of honor and esteem. His complaisance, however, went no farther 04 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. than outward show. Columbus, finding no means of prosecuting ' his enterprise in this part of the world, returned to Spain m 1504, Avhere his miseries were crowned by the intelligence of the death of Isabella, whose favor and protection he had always consid ered his last resource. This was a blow from which he never recovered. Overwhelmed Avith calamities, disgusted with the ingratitude of those whom he had faithfully and successfully served, declining in age, and broken in health, he lingered a few years longer in poverty and neglect, making from time to time a fruitless appeal to the honor and justice of those who had given him " chains for a crown, a prison for a world ;" and finally closed his life at Valladolid, May 20th, 1506, in the 59th year of his age. Such Avas the end of this remarkable man, Avho, to the aston ishment of Europe, added a fourth part to the earth, or rather half a Avorld to this globe, Avhich had been so long desolate and so little known. It might reasonably be expected that public gratitude would have given the name of this intrepid seaman to the new hemisphere, the first discovery of which Avas OAving to his enter prising genius. This was the smallest homage of respect that could be paid to his memory ; but either through envy, inattention, or the caprice of fortune even in the distribution of fame, this honor was reserved for a Florentine adventurer, who did nothing more than folloAV the footsteps of a man, whose name ought to stand foremost in the list of great characters. Amerigo Vespucci, who had the art or the good fortune to give his name to the western continent, made a voyage to the coast of Paria, with Ojeda, a Spanish commander, in 1499. Some years afterward he entered the Portuguese service, and visited the coast of Brazil. His narratives of these voyages attracted much atten tion in Europe. , Either by a fraud of Vespucci or the carelessness of his transcribers, the date of his first voyage Avas altered from 1499 to 1497, and he passed for the first discoverer of the main land of South America, which was seen by Columbus the previous year. The misfortunes of the wretched natives began with the discov ery of America. Columbus, notwithstanding his humanity and his talents, increased them himself, by fixing the natives upon the lands Avhich he distributed to his soldiers. This plan, Avhich he had adopted merely to remove the embarrassments to which he Avas ex posed from an almost incessant spirit of rebellion, was continued and extended by Bovadilla, in the view of gaining the affections of "lie Spaniards. Ovando, Avho succeeded him, broke up these con nections, as he had been ordered by the court. Rest was the first enjoyment of these feeble beings, who had been condemned by force to labors which were neither consistent Avith the nature of OPPRESSION OF THE INDIANS IN THE WEST INDIES. 65 their food, their constitutions, nor with their customs. They then wandered about as vagabonds and did nothing. The conse quence of this indolence Avas a famine, which was fatal both to them and to their oppressors. It might have been possible to bring about some fortunate alteration in their state, with mildness, prudent regulations, and a great share of patience. But these slow and moderate measures were not suited to conquerors, who were eager to acquire and earnest to enjoy. They demanded that all the Indians should be distributed among them, in order to be employed in working the mines, in the cultivation of corn, or in any other kind of labor, of which they might be thought capable. Religion and political views were the two pretences made use of to palliate this dreadful system of oppression. It Avas urged that so long as these savages were tolerated in their superstitions, they would never embrace Christianity ; and would always remain in a condition to revolt, unless their dispersion should put it out of their power to make any such attempt. The court, after several dis cussions, resolved to adopt an arrangement so contrary to every sound principle of justice and policy. The whole island of His paniola was divided into a certain number of districts, and granted to the Spanish adventurers, in proportion to their rank, interest, or birth. The Indians attached to these precarious possessions, were slaves, whom, indeed, the law was always bound to protect ; but it never did this effectually either in Hispaniola or in the other parts of the neAV world, where the same system of slavery was af- tenvards established. Some commotions were the immediate con sequence of this arrangement, but they were checked by treachery, or by the effusion of blood. When slavery was completely estab lished, the produce of the mines became more certain. At first, one half belonged to the crown. This claim was afterwards reduced to one third, and at length limited to a fifth part. The treasures brought from Hispaniola excited the avarice even of those who would not Aventure to cross the s'eas. The grandees, the favorites, and those who had employments in the state, obtained some of this property, which procured them riches Avithout care, without expense, and withqut anxiety. They committed the care of them to agents, who were to make their own fortunes, while they increased those of their principals. In less than six years' time, sixty thousand Indian families were reduced to fourteen thousand; and the continent and the adjacent islands were ransacked for other natives to supply their place. These, when taken, Avere chained together like beasts. Such as sank under their burdens, were compelled to rise by severe blows. No intercourse passed between the sexes except by stealth. 6* i 66 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. The men perished in the mines, and the Avomen in the fields which they cultivated with their feeble hands. Their constitutions, already exhausted with excessive labor, Avere still farther impaired by an unwholesome and scanty diet. The fathers either swal lowed poison or hanged themselves on the trees under which they had just before seen their wives or their children expire. Thus Avasted away, the whole nation became extinct, and in a few short years the unfortunate islanders of the West Indies Avere swept from the face of the earth, scarcely leaving a trace of their existence behind them. CHAPTER VII. Discovery of Yucatan and Campeachy. — Expedition of Grijaha. — Discovery of the empire of Mexico. — Scheme of Velasquez for the conquest of this country. — Fernando Cortez. — His expedition to Mexico. — Intelligence of his invasion reaches Montezuma. — Character and behavior of that monarch. — He attempts to dissuade Cortez from his undertaking. — Resolute behavior of Cortez. — He burns his ships and throws off his dependence on Narvaez. — Arrives at Tlascala. — Forms an alliance with the Tlascalans and advances upon Mexico. — Indecision of Montezuma. — The Spaniards reach Mexico.— Magnificence of the city. — Re ception of Cortez by Montezuma. — Pusillanimity and treachery of that monarch. — Cortez takes the emperor prisoner. — Arrival of Narvaez in Mexico , and peril of Cortez. — Triumph of Cortez over his rival. — Insurrection of the Mexicans against the Spaniards. — Bloody battles in Mexico. — Death of Montezuma. The Spaniards burning their ships before their march to Mexico. Before these acts of horror had completed the ruin of the unhappy islanders of Hispaniola, settlements had been made by the Spaniards in Jamaica, Porto Rico and Cuba. Diego Velas quez, who founded the last of these establishments, undertook to prosecute further discoveries. The spirit of adventure, and the bold and insatiable avarice of the adventurers who flocked to his colony, afforded him ample means for carrying his designs into effect. An expedition, consisting of one hundred and ten persons, 68 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. embarked in three small vessels, at St. Jago de Cuba, on the 8th February, 1517, sailed to the west, and landed successively on the shores of Yucatan and Campeachy. They were received as enemies upon both these coasts; many of them perished in the contests they were engaged in, and the rest regained, in the utmost confusion, the port whence they had set out a few months before with such flattering expectations. Their return was marked by the death of Cordova, the commander of the expedition, who ex pired of his wounds. Till this period, the new hemisphere had presented little to the Spaniards but naked and wandering savages, without settled oc cupations or forms of government. They had now for the first time seen a people dwelling in houses, clothed, formed into a na tional body, and sufficiently advanced in the arts to convert pre cious metals into vases. This discovery, while it excited apprehensions of new dangers, presented, at the same time, the alluring prospect of a rich booty ; two hundred and forty Spaniards, therefore, Avent on board of four ships, fitted out by the chief of the colony at his OAvn expense. They began by verifying the reports brought by the preceding adventurers ; they then continued their voyage as far as the river Panuco, and thought they perceived in all parts still more evident marks of civilization. They often landed. Sometimes they were very warmly attacked, and sometimes they were received with a degree of respect bordering upon adoration. They found one or two opportunities of exchanging some trifles of the old hemisphere for the gold of the neAV one. The most enterprising of the Span iards were of opinion that a settlement should be formed in these beautiful regions ; but their commander, Grijalva, though active and intrepid, did not think his forces sufficient for so important an undertaking. He returned to Cuba, Avhere he gave an account, someAvhat exaggerated, of all he had seen, and of all he had been able to learn, concerning the empire of Mexico. The conquest of this immense and opulent region Avas imme diately resolved upon by Velasquez ; but he took some time in deliberating upon the choice of the agent he meant to employ on this occasion. He Avas apprehensive of entrusting the business to a man destitute of the qualities necessary to ensure its success, cr to one possessing too much ambition to bestoAV the honor of the achievement on him. His advisers, at length, determined his choice in favor of Fernando Cortez, the man among his lieuten ants whom his talents pointed out as the fittest person to execute the project, but at the same time, the most unfit to ansAver his own personal vieAvs. The activity, elevation of mind, and boldness, CORTEZ SETS OUT FOR MEXICO. 69 displayed by the new commander, in preparing for an expedition, the difficulties of which he foresaw and wished to remove, awak ened all the anxiety of a mind naturally suspicious. Velasquez Avas observed to be employed, first in private and afterward openly, in suggesting a plan for the withdrawing of the important commis sion, which he reproached himself with having inconsiderately given. But this regret was too late. Before the arrangements, contrived to keep back the fleet, composed of eleven small vessels, could be completed, Cortez had set sail on the 10th of February, 1519, with nine hundred sailors, five hundred and eight soldiers, sixteen horse, thirteen muskets, thirty-two cross-bows, a great number of swords, pikes, four falconets, and ten field-pieces. These preparations for invasion, however insufficient they may seem, had not even been furnished by the crown, which at that time only lent its name to the new discoveries and settle ments. The plans of aggrandizement Avere formed by private persons, who carried them into execution at their own expense. The thirst of gold and the spirit of chivalry, which still subsisted, were the two chief motives that stimulated such enterprises. These two powerful incentives hurried at once into the New World men of the highest and lowest class in society ; robbers, intent on nothing but plunder ; and men of lofty minds, who im agined they were pursuing the road to glory. This is the reason why the steps of these first conquerors Avere marked by so many crimes, and by so many extraordinary actions ; why their cupidity was so atrocious, and their bravery so astonishing. Cortez seemed to be animated with the tAvo passions of avarice and glory. In proceeding to the place of his destination, he attacked the Indians of Tobasco, beat their troops several times, compelled them to sue for peace, received homage from them, and obliged them to give him provisions, some pieces of cotton, and twenty women, among whom one, named by the Spaniards Donna Marina. rendered the most important services to Cortez as an interpreter. Montezuma was sovereign of the empire of Mexico when the Spaniards landed there. The monarch Avas soon informed of the arrival of these strangers. Throughout the vast extent of his kingdom, couriers were placed at different distances, who speedily acquainted the court with everything that happened in the most distant provinces. Their despatches were composed of pieces of cotton, upon which were represented, in pictures, the several cir cumstances of the affairs that required the attention of government. The figures were intermixed with hieroglyphic characters, which supplied what the art of the painter had not been able to express. It was to be expected that a prince, who had been raised to the 70 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. throne by his valor; who had extended his empire by conquest, who was in possession of numerous and disciplined armies, would have despatched troops immediately to disperse a handful of ad venturers, who dared to infest and plunder his dominions. But this step was neglected ; and the Spaniards, who had always an irresistible turn for the marvellous, endeavored to explain the cir cumstance by miracle ;— particularly as the conduct of Montezuma was so opposite to the character of the monarch, and so incompati ble with his situation. The writers of this superstitious nation, have not scrupled to declare to the whole world, that a short time before the discovery of the New World, it had been foretold to the Mexicans, that an invincible people from the east would soon come among them, who would in a terrible manner avenge the gods, irritated by their horrid crimes. Though Montezuma, as well as many other persons, might possibly be affected with superstition, there is no circumstance which can authorize us to impute this prevailing weakness to him, His political conduct, however, Avas not the wiser on this account. Since this prince had been upon the throne, he had no longer dis played any of the talents which placed him upon it. Sunk into a state of effeminacy and indolence, he despised his subjects and oppressed his tributaries. His mind was so debased and corrupted, that even the arrival of the Spaniards could not rouse him into action. He wasted in negotiation the time he should have em ployed in combat, and Avished to send away, laden with presents, the enemies he ought to have destroyed. Cortez, to whom this supineness Avas very convenient, omitted nothing that might con tribute to encourage it, and always treated with him on the most friendly terms. He declared that he Avas sent merely with orders to hold a conference with the poAVerful emperor of Mexico, on the part of the greatest monarch of the East. Whenever he was pressed to re-embark, he always represented, that no ambassador had ever been dismissed without being admitted to an audience with the sovereign. At length the deputies, finding him inflexible, were obliged, according to their instructions, to resort to menaces. They began to discourse in high terms of the opulence and strength of their country. Cortez then, turning to his followers, declared: This is exactly what we wished to meet with, — great danger and great wealth. He had then completed all his prepar ations, and gained every information that was necessary. Re solved, therefore, to conquer or to perish, he set fire to all his ships, that the impossibility of retreat might stimulate his sol diers to greater courage. Then, resolving to throw off his de pendence on Velasquez, he resigned his commission, and caused a CORTEZ IN MEXICO. 71 council of the Spaniards to be convened, who organized the whole expedition into a new body politic, and elected Cortez for their captain-general and chief magistrate, both civil and military. Armed with this new authority, Cortez laid the foundation of a settlement at Vera Cruz, where he left a small portion of his army and with the remainder pushed boldly for the capital of the Mexican empire. In the progress of this march, he arrived at the republic of Tlascala, which had ever been at enmity with the Mexicans, the latter having attempted to reduce it under their dominion. Cortez, not doubting but that they would favor his projects, demanded per mission to pass through their country, and proposed an alliance. A people, who had prohibited themselves from holding any kind of intercourse with their neighbors, and Avhom this unsocial princi ple had accustomed to a general mistrust of other men, could not be favorably inclined to strangers, whose manner was imperious, and who had signalized their arrival by insults offered to the gods of the country. Accordingly, the Tlascalans rejected, without hesita tion, the proposals of Cortez. The surprising accounts given of the Spaniards, astonished the inhabitants of Tlascala, but did not dismay them. They fought four or five battles, in one of which the Spanish troops were defeated. Cortez was obliged to intrench himself; and the Indians,. who wanted nothing but the powerful arms of the Spaniards to make them victorious, rushed to death upon his breastworks. But the result of all this was an alliance with the Tlascalans, who furnished the Spaniards with six thou sand troops to conduct their march, and assist them in their enter prise. With this reinforcement, Cortez advanced towards Mexico, through a fertile country, well watered, and covered Avith woods, cultivated fields, villages, and gardens. The soil produced a va riety of plants unknown in Europe. Birds of the brightest plu mage, and animals of new species, appeared in great abundance. Nature differed from herself only in assuming a more agreeable, and richer dress. The temperature of the air, and the continual, though moderate heat, preserved the earth in a constant verdure and fertility. On the same spot were seen trees covered with blos soms, and others with delicious fruits ; and the same kind of corn that was sown in one field was ready to be reaped in another. The Spaniards seemed to be insensible to the beauties of so novel and enchanting a scene; They saw that gold was the com mon ornament of the houses and temples ; that the arms, furniture and persons of the Mexicans, were adorned with the same metal. This alone attracted their notice. They resembled Mammon, 72 SPANISH DISCOVERIES ANB CONQUESTS. whom Milton describes as forgetting the Divinity in Heaven itself, having his eyes always fixed upon its golden porches. Montezuma's Avavering disposition, and, perhaps, the fear of staining his former glory, prevented him from marching against the Spaniards, at their arrival; from joining the Tlascalans, Avho had behaved Avith greater courage than he had done ; and lastly, from attacking conquerors Avho Avere fatigued with their own victories. He had contented himself Avith endeavoring to divert Cortez from his design of visiting his capital, but resolved, at last; to introduce him into it himself. Thirty kings or princes were subject to his dominion, many of Avhom Avere able to bring a numerous army into the field. He possessed considerable riches, and his power Avas absolute. It appears that his subjects Avere intelligent and industrious. They Avere, also, a warlike people, and had high notions of honor. NotAvithstanding all this, Cortez and his intrepid band fought their *\vay through all obstacles: army after army of the Mexicans fled before the invaders, who advanced victoriously toward the capital. The Avonder and admiration of the Spaniards at the scene Avhich burst upon their view, as they approached the lake of Mexico, is strikingly depicted in the simple and homely narrative of Bernal Diaz, a soldier in the army of Cortez. "When Ave beheld the number of populous towns upon the water and main land, the broad causeAvay Avhich ran straight and level over the Avater to the city, and the great tOAvers and temples of stone, which seemed to rise out of the Avater, Ave could compare it to nothing but the enchanted scenes we read of in Amadis de Gaul. To many of us, it appeared doubtful whether Ave Avere asleep or awake. Nor is the manner in which I express myself to be wondered at, for it must be considered that never yet did man see, hear, or dream of anything equal to the spectacle Avhich appeared to our eyes that day. I thought Avithin myself that this Avas the garden of the world. When Ave came near certain towers, close to the city, Montezuma, Avho was there, quitted his palanquin, and was borne in the arms of the princes, under a canopy of the richest materials, ornamented with green feathers, gold, and precious stones, that hung down in the manner of fringe. He was most richly dressed, and Avore buskins of pure gold, studded with jewels. The people spread mantles on the ground, lest his feet should touch it, and all who attended him, except the four princes, kept their eyes fixed on the earth, not daring to look him in the face. Who could count the multitudes of men, women and children that thronged the streets, the canals, the terraces, and the house-tops that day 1 We Avere astonished at the number ot canoes passing to and from CORTEZ IN MEXICO. 73 the main land, loaded Avith provisions and merchandise ; and we could now perceive that in this great city, and all the others of the neighborhood that were built in the water, the houses stood separ ate from each other, communicating by draw-bridges and boats,- and that they Avere built with terraced roofs. We saw, also, the temples and oratories of the adjacent cities, built in the form of tOAVers and castles, and others on the causeway, all painted white, and AVonderfully brilliant. The noise and bustle of the market place could be heard almost a league off; and those of us who had been at Rome and Constantinople, said, that for convenience, reg ularity and population, they had never seen the like." Montezuma received the Spaniards Avith every outward token of friendship and respect; commodious quarters were assigned them in the city. Cortez demanded of him to submit his domin ions to the crown of Castile. Had Montezuma possessed the tal ents or the courage to avail himself of the immense advantage which he possessed over his enemy, he might have annihilated him at a single blow, and the ancient empire of Mexico might perhaps have existed to the present day. But this feeble and pusillanimous monarch shewed neither ability nor resolution. Yet he did not hesitate to resort to perfidy to destroy his visitors. While he Avas loading Cortez with presents, caresses and honors in his capital, he privately despatched orders to attack the Span iards at Vera Cruz. Cortez, indignant at this treachery, or eagerly grasping at a pretext for violent measures, seized this occasion, and thus addressed his soldiers: — "It is absolutely necessary to surprise these barbarians with some extraordinary exploit. I am resolved to seize the emperor, and make myself master of his per son." This design being approved, Cortez instantly marched with his officers to Montezuma's palace, and told him that he must either follow him or die. The prince, Avhose pusillanimity could only be equalled by the boldness of his enemies, resigned him self into their hands. He was obliged to consent to the punish ment of his generals, who had acted only in obedience to his orders ; and completed his disgrace by submitting to do homage to the king of Spain. In the midst of these successes, intelligence was received that Pamphilio de Narvaez had just arrived from Cuba, Avith eight hundred infantry, fourscore cavalry, and twelve pieces of cannon, in order to take the command of the army and to punish the re fractory. These forces had been sent by Velasquez, who was dissatisfied that a few adventurers, sent out under his auspices, should have neglected all intercourse with him, declared them selves independent of his authority, and sent deputies into Europe, 7 J 74 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. to obtain the confirmation of those powers they had arrogated to themselves. Cortez, with no more than two hundred and fifty men, immediately marched against his rival, engaged and took him prisoner. He obliged the vanquished to lay down their arms, but afterwards restored them, and proposed that they should follow him. He gained their affections by his confidence and magna* nimity ; and these soldiers enlisted under his standard. He in stantly marched back with them to Mexico, where he had not been able to leave more than fifty Spaniards, who, with the Tlas calans, closely guarded the emperor. Commotions were excited among the nobility of Mexico, whose indignation was raised at the captivity of their prince ; and the indiscreet zeal of the Spaniards having prompted them to disturb a public festival, celebrated in honor of the deities of the country, by destroying their altars, and making a massacre of the wor shippers and priests, the people Avere provoked to take up arms. On his return to Mexico, Cortez found the Spaniards besieged on the spot where he had left them. It was a space of sufficient extent to contain the Spaniards and their allies, and was surrounded by a thick wall, upon which were placed towers at different dis tances. The artillery had been disposed in the best manner pos sible ; and the service had been always executed with as much regularity and vigilance as in a besieged place, or in the most exposed camp. The general was not able to make his way into :this kind of fortress, until he had encountered many difficul ties ; and when he at length entered it, the dangers still continued. Such was the obstinate fury of the Mexicans, that they crowded themselves through the port-holes of the cannon, from which they were repulsed with terrible slaughter. The Spaniards made frequent sallies, which were successful, yet failed to raise the siege. The Mexicans gave proofs of extraordi nary courage. They cheerfully devoted themselves to certain death. Naked and ill armed, they Avere seen to throw themselves into the ranks of the Spaniards, with a view of making their arms useless, or wresting them out of their hands. They were all pre pared to perish in order to rescue their country from the yoke of these foreign usurpers. The prisoners taken by the Mexicans Avere carried off to the great temple, and sacrificed to the god of Avar. The Spaniards, from the quarters they occupied, could behold the preparations making for the immolation of their companions, and their ears were appalled by the sound of the great drum, which announced their bloody orgies: a sound which a narrator who witnessed these terrible scenes assures us could be heard for three leagues. CORTEZ IN MEXICO. 75 The most bloody engagement was fought upon an eminence, from which the Mexicans overAvhelmed all that approached them with shoAvers of arrows. The party charged with dislodging them, was three times repulsed. Cortez was irritated by their resistance, and though seriously wounded, resolved to take the attack upon himself. Scarce had he got possession of this impor tant post, when two young Mexicans threw doAvn their arms, and came over to him as deserters. Placing one knee on the ground in a suppliant posture, they sprang upon him with extreme quick ness, and seized him, with a design of dashing him in pieces, by hurling him doAvn the precipice. Cortez, by his strength and dexterity, disengaged himself; and the two Mexicans died the victims of their daring but fruitless enterprise. This and many other exploits, which showed equal courage, made the Spaniards desirous of coming to terms of accommoda tion. At length Montezuma, still a prisoner, consented to become the agent in reducing his people to slavery. In all the pomp of the throne, he made his appearance upon the wall, to persuade his subjects to discontinue hostilities. Their resentment convinced him that his reign was at an end, and he was mortally wounded by the shower of arrows the Mexicans discharged at him. Montezuma, CHAPTER VIII. Effects of the death of Montezuma on the Mexicans. — They attempt to reduce the Spaniards by famine. — The Spaniards retreat from the city. — Errors committed by the Mexicans. — Battle of Otumba. — Heroism of Cortez. — He advances again upon Mexico. — Obstacles in his way. — He builds ships on the lake. — The emperor Guatimozin makes a brave defence. — Attack on Mexico. — -Capture of Guatimozin. — He is put to the torture. — His fortitude, and calamitous end. — Conquest of Mexico. — Description of the city. — Fate of the Mexicans. — Disappointment of the schemes of Cortez. — He returns to Spain. — His death. — Destruction of the Mex ican cities. — Their ancient splendor. — Bigoted vandalism of the Spaniards. — Conquest of Guatimala by Alvarado. — Foundation of the city of Guatimala. Cortez building ships in the lake. The death of Montezuma struck the Mexicans with a momentary surprise and terror, but caused no permanent intimidation or discouragement. They saw that their plans of attack and defence were equally defective. Unable to cope with their enemies, man to man, they changed their mode of warfare, and resolved to do nothing more than intercept the provisions, and reduce by famine an enemy whom superiority of discipline and arms rendered other wise invincible. The Spaniards soon had intimation of this design. Troops of Mexicans collected round the palace at a safe distance, so as to keep it in a state of blockade. Fortifications were erected .on the canal, and a body of men were despatched to the lake to CORTEZ IN MEXICO. 77 break down the bridges of the causeway and cut off the retreat of the Spaniards in that quarter. Cortez now perceived that nothing could save his army but an mstant retreat from the city. A council of war was held, and it was resolved to march out of Mexico that very night, before the Avorks of the enemy could be completed, and render their retreat impracticable. This measure required incredible despatch and, activity in the preparation. The bridge on the causeway was already broken doAvn. Cortez ordered a portable bridge of planks to be made, which might be borne on the shoulders of forty men, and of a strength sufficient to sustain the artillery and horses. He endeavored to conceal his design, by making neAV overtures for a negotiation ; and in the meantime improved every moment of the day in arranging the march of his troops. The men loaded them selves with as much gold as they could carry, but were obliged to leave behind them the value of seven hundred thousand dollars, for want of the means of transportation. Cortez endeavored to strengthen the resolution of his troops by addressing them in an energetic speech; and at midnight the whole army abandoned their quarters and marched in perfect order and profound silence along the causeway that led to Tacuba. But the Mexicans had not been ignorant of this proceeding. The design of Cortez had been suspected from the first, and the movements of the Spaniards were ciosely watched. Favored by the darkness of the night, they collected an immense fleet of canoes on both sides of the causeway, completely covering that quarter of the lake, and lay silently in wait for the retreating army. The Spaniards reached the first breach in the causeway without any suspicion of their danger ; but in the moment when the cavalry and artillery entered upon the bridge they had laid over it, they were astounded with the tremendous roar of martial instruments, and the shouts of innumerable multitudes of enemies. Clouds of arrows rained upon them in an instant, and the Mexicans rushed to the onset with the most fearless impetuosity, as if that moment were to offer them a rich revenge for all their wrongs. The Span iards, however, undismayed by this sudden and terrific assault,. passed the bridge, but on attempting to remove it, they found it SO' firmly wedged among the stones and mud, by the weight of the horses and cannon, that it was impossible again to raise it. Struck into a panie at this disaster, they rushed with precipitation toward the second breach, where they would have been cut off to a man, had the Mexicans continued the attack with the same regularity as at first.- The Spaniards were obliged to wade through the mud and water, laden with baggage and encumbered with their arms 7* 78 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. in darkness, confusion and terror. But the Mexicans, yielding to their natural impetuosity and fury, pressed to the attack in tumult and disorder; the canoes crowded upon each other, and were dashed in pieces against the causeAvay. Numbers of them, whose canoes could not get forward to engage, impatient of the delay, had thrown themselves into the water, and scrambling up the causeAvay where the Spaniards were to pass, formed in a body and obliged Cortez to present a double front and reneAV the engage ment. Actuated by despair, or animated by the example of their general, the Spaniards now fought with such fearless impetuosity that the Mexicans in front, unable to sustain the shock, instantly gave Avay, and were pursued Avith dreadful slaughter to the breach, Avhere thousands threAV themselves into the water or were tram pled to death by the cavalry. The carnage was so great that the chasm in the causeway was completely filled up with the dead bodies, over which, by the assistance of a beam left by the Mex icans, Cortez and a part of his army passed and continued their march to the third breach. This, fortunately for the Spaniards, their enemies had neglected to occupy, so that the retreating troops, aided by the shalloAvness of the water, reached the main land. But this which had escaped was only a small portion of the army. Cortez, having saved his advanced guard, returned with several of his officers to the relief of the main body. He found them overwhelmed by enormous multitudes,- Avho pressed on them with irresistible violence. All Mexico Avas now in arms ; and as fresh warriors every moment supplied the place of those who fell, ,the Spaniards began to sink under the weight of the torrent that poured in upon them from every side. Nothing but confusion and terror prevailed. Horse and foot, officers and soldiers, enemies and friends Avere mingled together, and many fell without knowing from what hand the blow came. The Spaniards, laden with gold and treasure, sunk in the waters under the weight of burthens Avhich avarice could not induce them to cast aAvay. Alvarado, the commander of this division, signalized himself by the most daring and intrepid aetions, and exhorted his men to a heroic defence ; but his exertions were of no avail. The number of the Mexicans increased, as did their fury, shouts and rage. Torrents of rain fell, and the darkness of the night was rendered more appalling by the cries for help and exclamations of despair uttered by the Spaniards, and the words " kill ! kill ! " fiercely shouted by the Mexicans. In this desperate extremity, Cortez made a charge upon the enemy with five horse, and made a path for his troops, while Alvarado, who was at the opposite side of the breach and In the most imminent danger, saved his life by an astonishing THE NIGHT OF BLOOD. 79 feat of agility. Poising himself on the shaft of his spear, he vaulted over and entirely cleared the pass, which to this day is distin guished by the name of Alvarado 's Leap. Many endeavored to follow him, but not one reached the other side. The greater part of the rearguard were killed, drowned, or taken prisoners. Such is the event known in Mexican history as the Noche tristet or "doleful night." Between fi-ve and six hundred Spaniards were killed, with two thousand Tlascalans. Most of the artillery, ammunition, baggage, and most of the treasure were lost. The survivors, reduced to less than half their number, Avere covered Avith wounds, dispirited and overwhelmed with fatigue. Their leader, as he reviewed the shattered remains of his army, was observed to shed tears for the loss of so many brave companions. The Mexicans, fighting in defence of their homes, had shown equal bravery, and lay dead by thousands — but who had any tears for them 1 The Spaniards were now completely in their power, and a single decisive blow would have utterly crushed the invaders; but the fatality which hung over this unhappy race,, withheld their arms from striking at the decisive moment. No sooner had the morning dawned and exposed to- the view of the Mexicans the field of battle, of which they were masters, than they perceived, among the slain, a son and two daughters of Montezuma; whom the Spaniards had attempted to carry off among their prisoners. This sight chilled them with horror. The thought of having murdered the children of their sovereign, after sacrificing the father, was too shocking for men whose minds Avere fettered and enervated by superstition and habits of blind obedience. They were afraid of adding impiety to regicide ; and employed in idle funeral rites, the time they owed to the preserva tion of their country. During this interval, the defeated Spaniards, who had scarce a soldier remaining that had not been wounded, had time to take breath, recover order and pursue their march. The Mexicans soon followed, harassed, and at length surrounded them in the valley of Otumba. The cannonade and musketry, the pikes and swords, did not prevent {he Indians, all naked as they were, from advancing and charging their enemies with great fury. Courage was just upon the point of yielding to numbers, when Cortez himself decided the fortune of the day. He had been informed, that with these natives of the New World the fate of the battle depended upon the royal standard. Their colors, the form of which was remarkable, and which were never brought into the field but on the most important occasions, were at no great distance from him. He immediately rushed forward with the bravest of his companions. One of them seized the standards and 80 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. carried them into the Spanish ranks. The Mexicans immediately lost all courage ; and throwing down their arms, betook them selves to flight. The Spaniards pursued their march, and arrived in the country of Tlascala, without farther opposition. Cortez did not relinquish either the design or the hopes of sub duing the empire of Mexico ; but he adopted a new plan, and proposed to make one part of the inhabitants assist him in the reduction of the other. The form of the Mexican government, the disposition of the people, and the situation of the city, favored his project. Among the great numbers of vassals in Mexico, Cortez con cluded there might be some who Avould be ready to shake off the yoke and join the Spaniards. He had remarked that the Mexi cans were held in great detestation by the petty states that were tributary to the empire, and that the emperors exercised their authority with extreme severity. He had likewise observed that the provinces in general disliked the religion of the metropolis, and that even in Mexico, the nobility and persons of fortune, whose intercourse with society had abated the force of their prejudices and softened their manners, had lost their attachment to this mode of religion ; and that many of the nobility were disgusted at the services exacted from them by their masters. After Cortez had been silently deliberating upon his projects, and bringing them to maturity, during six months, he marched out of his retreat, attended by five hundred and ninety Spaniards, ten thousand Tlascalans, and some other Indians, with forty cavalry, and eight or nine field-pieces. His march towards the centre of the Mexican dominions was easy and rapid. The petty nations which might have retarded or embarrassed it, were all easily subdued, or voluntarily submitted to the invaders. Cortez hastened to the attack of Mexico, the grand object of his ambition, and the ultimate end of the hopes of the army. The project was attended Avith great difficulty. Mountains, which for the most part were a thousand feet high, surrounded a plain of about forty leagues. The greater part of this immense space Avas occupied by lakes Avhich communicated Avith each other. At the northern extremity of the greatest of these, in the midst of a few small islands, had been built the largest city in the New World. Three causeways of different lengths, but all of them broad and constructed w^th solidity, led up to it. The inhabitants of the shores, too distant from these great roads, Avere accustomed to resort to the city in their canoes. Cortez made himself master of the lake, by means of some small vessels, the materials of Avhich had been prepared at Tlas- GUATIMOZIN. 81 cala ; and he ordered the dykes to be attacked by Sandoval, by Alvarado, and by Olid, to each of Avhom he distributed an equal number of guns, of Spanish troops, and of Indian auxiliaries. Everything had been disposed for a long time, on the part of the Mexicans, for an obstinate resistance. The means of defence had been prepared by Quetlavaca, who had succeeded his brother Montezuma; but who had perished by the small-pox, a disease first brought into these regions by a slave belonging to Narvaez. The empire was now governed by Guatimozin. The actions of this young prince Avere heroic and prudent. The fire of his look, the loftiness of his language, and his brilliant courage, produced every impression he wished upon his people. He disputed the ground with the invaders foot by foot, and never abandoned a single spot till it was strewed with the carcasses of his soldiers, and stained with the blood of his enemies. Fifty thou sand men, Avho had hastened from all parts of the empire to defend their master and their gods, had perished by the sword or by fire. Famine daily occasioned the most frightful ravages. To these numerous calamities, contagious diseases had been added, and yet all these circumstances had not been capable of shakingthe firmness of his soul, even for an instant. The besiegers, after a number of destructive battles, at length reached the centre of the city, which, however, Guatimozin did not yet think of giving up. He was at last prevailed upon to quit these ruins, Avhich could no longer be defended, and repair to the provinces, and carry on the war there. In the view of facilitating this retreat, some overtures of peace Avere made to Cortez ; but this artifice had not the desired suc cess ; and the canoe, in which this gallant and unfortunate mon arch had embarked, was captured on the lake. An officer of the Spanish revenue ordered Guatimozin to be stretched upon red-hot coals, to extort a confession of the spot where he had throAvn his treasures into the lake. The favorite of the emperor, who underAvent the same torture, complaining to him of his sufferings, the emperor replied, " Am / upon a bed of roses?" — an expression equal to any of those famous sayings which history has recorded as worthy the admiration of mankind ! — an expression which Mexicans would repeat to their children as household words, if ever the period should arrive when they resume the dominion of the country. These people have, perhaps, pre served the actions of their martyrs and the history of their perse cutions. In these it must be recorded, that Guatimozin was drag ged half dead from the flames ; and that three years after, he was publicly hanged, under pretence of having conspired against his tyrants and executioners ! K 82 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. The Spaniards, in their attacks on the city, were aided by up wards of two hundred thousand Indian allies, without whose assistance the empire would never have been subdued. Thus did the unfortunate Mexicans aid in shedding the blood of their country men and riveting the chains of slavery upon themselves and their posterity. Cortez continued to advance day by day, destroying the city as he proceeded, till, on the 13th day of August, 1521, Mexico surrendered. The siege, like that of Jerusalem, lasted seventy days, and cost the lives of tAvo hundred thousand men. Mexico suffered a Avorse fate from Cortez, than Moscow from Napoleon. The whole place was a heap of ruins. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, it was a most noble and opulent city. The magnificent descriptions of the Spanish writers are fully confirmed by the ruins of inferior cities, which remain to the present day at Palenque, Uxmal, and other places. Mexico con tained thirty thousand houses, an immense number of inhabitants, and superb edifices within its walls. The emperor's palace, built of marble and jasper, was of prodigious extent. It was orna mented Avith baths, statues, and fountains ; and was full of pic tures, which, though made only of feathers, were finely colored, brilliant and natural. Most of the nobles, as well as the emperor, bad menageries filled with the various animals of the new continent. Their- gardens were spread Avith plants of every species. Every production of the soil and climate that was scarce and brilliant, was an object of luxury to an opulent nation, where nature Avas beautiful and the arts imperfect. The temples were numerous, and in general magnificent ; but they Avere stained with blood, and adorned with the heads of the unhappy victims that had been sacrificed in them. One of the greatest beauties of this superb city, was a square, which was usually filled with a hundred thousand persons, over spread with tents and shops, where the merchants displayed all the riches of the country, and all the works of industry wrought by the Mexicans. Birds of all colors, brilliant shells, a profusion of flowers, and various pieces of workmanship in gold and ena mel, gave these markets a more beautiful and splendid appearance to the eye, than it is possible to meet with in the richest fairs of Europe. One hundred thousand canoes were constantly passing and repassing between the city and the borders of the lakes; which were ornamented with fifty cities, and with a multitude of towns and villages. The rest of the empire, as far as the respective situations would allow, offered the same spectacle ; but Avith the difference that is always observable between the capital and the provinces. This DISAPPOINTMENT AND DEATH OF CORTEZ. 83 nation, — the antiquity of which was not very remote ; which had no communication with enlightened people; which knew not the use of iron, and possessed only an imperfect species of writing and which was situated in a climate where the faculties of man are not called forth by Avant and rigorous necessity, — this nation, we are told, had risen to this degree of eminence by the genius of the people alone. As soon as the Castilians had conquered Mexico, they divided the best lands among themselves ; they reduced to slavery the people who had cleared them, and condemned them to labors in compatible with their constitutions and repugnant to their habits. This system of oppression excited general insurrections. These arose without a concurrence of measures, without a chief to direct them, and without a plan ; they were the effect of despair alone ; and ended to the disadvantage of the unfortunate Mexicans. An irritated conqueror, with fire and sword in hand, passed with ex treme rapidity from one extremity of the empire to the other, and left in all parts memorable traces of vengeance, the details of Avhich would make the firmest heart shudder. There was a bar barous emulation between the officer and the soldier, which should sacrifice most victims ; and even the great leader himself, perhaps, surpassed his troops and lieutenants in ferocity. Cortez, -however, did not reap the advantages he expected from so many acts of inhumanity. It became a maxim of policy in the court of Madrid, not to leave such of their subjects as had effected important discoveries, time enough to settle themselves in their authority. They were in perpetual fear that the conquerors might think of rendering themselves independent of the crown. If the conqueror of Mexico did not give an excuse for adopting such a system, he Avas at least, one of the first victims of it. The unlim ited poAvers he had at first enjoyed, were daily curtailed; and in process of time they were so exceedingly restrained, that he pre ferred a private situation to the vain appearance of an authority accompanied with the greatest mortification. He was even on the point of being seized and sent to Spain in irons, precisely as Columbus had been served ; but. the sudden death of Ponce de Leon, the officer ordered upon this service, saved the conqueror of Mexico from the indignity Avhich had been cast on the discov erer of the NeAV World. Disgusted and indignant at this pre meditated insult, he returned to Spain, where he was received with outward respect and honors, but not allowed to resume his authority in America. He closed his life in chagrin and disap pointment, December 2, 1547. The events described in this his tory, speak his character. Intrepid, enterprising, and prompt at 84 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. expedients, he was nevertheless, sanguinary and remorseless. He is said to have shown symptoms of compunction for the murder of Guatimozin, but it does not appear that the slaughter of half a million of men, sacrificed to his insatiate ambition, ever gave him an uneasy thought. The city of Mexico Avas rebuilt by the Spaniards, but hardly a relic of the ancient city is to be seen at the present day. The destruction which fell upon the capita*, was also shared by the inferior cities of the empire. The blind and fanatic zeal of the conquerors was directed with especial fury against the monuments of Mexican history and religion. The ravages of Avar levelled the cities to the ground, and monkish bigotry continued the devas tation by overthrowing the temples, statues and monuments, which abounded throughout the country. The researches of modern travellers have discovered tracts of territory streAved with the remains of noble palaces and enormous structures of various descriptions. These gigantic relics, covered with sculpture, paint ings and hieroglyphics, attest the ancient magnificence of the Mexican cities, and exhibit the most interesting testimonials of the progress of the arts among this singular people. They appear not to have knoAvn the use of iron, yet their statues and other monuments of sculptured stone, exhibit a surprising degree of delicacy and finish. Destitute of the mechanical helps Avhich give such enormous power to modern machinery, they Avere able, nev ertheless, to rear colossal structures, the remains of which, at the present day, strike us with wonder. The Mexicans, also, were familiar Avith astronomical science ; and their hieroglyphical writ ing, so far as we can judge from the imperfect relics within our reach, appears to have made an approach, like that of the Egyp tians, to a phonetic character, and to have become an incipient alphabet. The Spaniards destroyed, with indiscriminate fury, everything that could remind the conquered people of their ancient national existence, or their ailcient religion. The hieroglyphical writings, which contained the history and mythology of this peo ple, were committed to the flames, and thus immense piles of manuscripts Avere irretrievably lost, which Avere of inestimable value as affording the means of elucidating the origin, antiquities, institutions and manners, of the most powerful and civilized people of the Western World. Guatemala appears never to have formed a part of the empire of Mexico. At the arrival of the Spaniards it contained many distinct kingdoms or principalities. The subjugation of Mexico by Cortez, struck a terror into the people of Guatemala, and some of the chiefs sent embassies to the conqueror, offering to submit to CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA. 85 him, and acknowledge themselves vassals of the king of Spain. Cortez sent Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, who had been most active in the conquest of Mexico, to take possession of the country. Alvarado marched from Mexico in November, 1523, Avith three hundred Spaniards and a large auxiliary force of Mexi cans. He met, however, with much opposition in his progress. The Indians were defeated in Teguantepec, Soconusco and To- nala, and the Spaniards remained masters of those provinces. They next entered the kingdom of Quiche, where they met with a more serious resistance. The invaders, however, on the 14th of May, 1524, gained the victory in a great battle. Alvarado continued his march to the capital of the king of Kachiquel, who had sent his submission to Cortez. This prince received the Spaniards cordially, and on the 29th of July, 1524, the conquer ors laid the foundation of the ancient city of Guatemala. The conquest of the remaining provinces followed shortly after, al though many Avild districts have remained to the present day, very little explored or knoAvn by the conquerors. . CHAPTER IX. Search of Columbus for the South Sea.-Expedition of Ojeda and Nicuessa.- Nunez de Balboa penetrates into the country of Darien.— Discovers the Pacific Ocean.— Expedition of Pedrarias .—Foundation of Panama.— The invasion of Peru projected by Pizarro and Almagro.— Arrival of the Spaniards at Tumbez. —State of the empire of Peru on the arrival of the invaders .—Interview of the Inca Atahualpa with the Spaniards .—Massacre of the Peruvians.— Enormous ransom paid by the Inca.— Amount of spoil shared by the soldiers.— Atahualpa put to death.— Capture of Ouzco.— Conquest and devastation of the whole empire of Peru. Balboa discovering the Pacific Ocean. Columbus rightly conjectured that, beyond the continent he had discovered, was another ocean, Avhich terminated at the East Indies, and that these two seas might haAre a communication with each other. In order to discover this, he sailed, in 1502, as close along the coast of America as possible. He touched at all places that Avere accessible, and, contrary to the custom of other navigators, Avho behaved, in the countries they visited, as if they were never to return to them, he treated the inhabitants with a degree of kindness that gained their good will. The Gulf of Darien partic ularly engaged his attention. He thought that the rivers which ran into it might afford the communication he had sought through so many dangers and fatigues. Disappointed in these expectations, he wished to leave a small colony upon the river Belem, in the EVENTS LEADING TO THE CONQUEST OF PERU. 87 country of Veragua. The avidity, the pride, and the barbarism of his countrymen prevented him from having the satisfaction of forming the first European establishment upon the. continent of the neAV hemisphere. Some years elapsed after this, and still the Spaniards had not fixed themselves upon the spot. As the Spanish adventurers only received from government the permission of making discoveries, it seldom entered their minds to employ themselves in agriculture or commerce. The prospect of distant fortunes, that might have been made by these prudent means, was far beyond the prejudices of these barbarous times. Nothing but the allurement of immediate gain could stimulate men to enterprises so bold as those for which this century was distinguished. Gold, alone, attracted them to the continent of America, and made them brave dangers, diseases and death. By a terrible vengeance, the cruelty of the Europeans, instigated by their lust of mineral treasures, exhausted at once the tAvo hemi spheres of their inhabitants, and destruction fell equally upon the plunderers and the plundered. It was not till the year 1509, that Ojeda and Nicuessa formed, though separately, the design of making solid and lasting conquests. To encourage them in their resolution, Ferdinand gave to the first the government of the countries that begin at Cape de la Vela and terminate at the Gulf of Darien ; and to the second, that of all the space extending from this gulf to Cape Gracias a Dios. Both these adventurers Avere instructed to announce to the natives at their landing, the tenets of the Christian religion, and to inform them of the gift Avhich the Roman pontiff had made of their country to the king of Spain. If the savages Avere unwilling to submit quietly to a double yoke, the Spaniards Avere authorized to pursue them with fire and sword, and to reduce the nations to bondage. But it Avas more easy to grant by commission these absurd and atrocious privileges, -than to put the barbarous and superstitious adventurers Avho solicited such rights in actual possession of them. The Indians rejected every kind of intercourse with a set of rapa cious intruders, Avho threatened equally their life and liberty. Arms were not more favorable to the Spaniards than their perfid ious caresses. The people of the continent, accustomed to carry on war with each other, received them Avith a boldness unexperi enced in the islands that had been so easily subdued. Poisoned , arroAvs were shoAvered upon them from all quarters, and not one of those who Avere Avounded escaped death. To the arrows of the enemy, other causes of destruction were soon joined ; shipwrecks, unavoidable in these unknown latitudes; an almost continual 88 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. want of subsistence, in countries wholly uncultivated, and diseases peculiar to the climate, Avhich in many parts was found to be peculiarly unwholesome. The few Spaniards who had escaped so many calamities, and who could not return to San Domingo, collected themselves at St. Mary's, in the province of Darien. Here they lived in a state of anarchy, when Vasco Nunez de Balboa appeared among them. This man, Avho was honored by the companions of his crimes with the surname of Hercules, had a robust constitution, intrepid courage and popular eloquence. These qualities induced the soldiers to choose him for their chief, and all his actions proved that he Avas Avorthy to command the remorseless creAV whose suffrages he had obtained. Judging that more gold would be found in the inland parts than upon the coast, he marched Avith his band into the mountainous country of the isthmus. He found at first, it is said, a race of Albinoes, which are described as being covered with a down of glistening white; having no hair, and with red eyes. They could see well only in the night. They were feeble in body, and their faculties appeared to be more circumscribed than those of other natives. These savages, if it be true they existed, were few in number ; but others Avere presently found, of a different race, brave and hardy enough to defend their rights. These Avere distinguished by a very extraordinary custom, which was, that the husbands on the death of their wives, and the wives on the death of their husbands, cut off the end of a finger ; so that merely by looking at their hands, one might see whether they were widowers or AvidoAVs, and how often they had been so. Notwithstanding the ferocity of these people, Balboa, supported oy the obstinacy of his disposition, and spurred on by the insatia- ole cupidity of his soldiers; assisted too by packs of those blood- nounds, Avhich had been of such service to the Spaniards in all their conquests ; at length succeeded in destroying most of the inhabitants of Darien, and in dispersing or subduing the remainder. One day, as the conquerors Avere disputing together about gold, Avith a degree of Avarmth that seemed to threaten some act of violence, a young cacique overturned the scales in which they Avere Aveighing it. " Why," saidhe to them, with an air of disdain, "Avhy do you quarrel for such a trifle? If it be for this useless metal that you quit your country, and massacre so many people, I Avill conduct you into a region Avhere it is so common that it is employed for the meanest purposes." Being urged to explain himself more clearly, he assured them, that at a little distance from the ocean which washed the country of Darien, there was another ocean which led to this rich country. Trie Spaniards balboa's discovery of the pacific ocean. 89 immediately conjectured that this was the sea which Columbus had so earnestly sought after. An expedition thither was imme diately planned, and on the first of September, 1513, one hundred and ninety Spaniards, attended by a thousand Indians, who were to serve them as guides, and to carry their provisions and baggage, set out with Balboa at their head. From the place Avhence this troop began their march, to the point they aimed at, the distance was only sixty miles; but it was necessary to climb steep mountains, to pass wide rivers, to trav erse deep morasses, to penetrate thick forests, and to disperse, persuade or destroy so many tribes of fierce natives, that it was not till after a march of twenty-five days, that this band, accus tomed to dangers, fatigues and privations, arrived in sight of the South Sea, which now for the first time lay disclosed to the view of the Europeans. Without a moment's delay, Balboa, armed at all points, in the manner of the ancient chivalry, rushed into the ocean. " Spectators of both hemispheres" exclaimed this haughty leader, " I call you to witness that I take possession of this part of the universe for the crown of Castile. My sword shall defend what my arm hath given to it." The cross was planted upon the shore of the continent, and the name of Ferdinand was inscribed on the bark of some of the trees. Ceremonies like these were understood by the Europeans in those days to confer a lawful claim of dominion ; and accordingly the Spaniards believed they had a right to exact from the neighboring people a tribute in pearls, metals and provisions. Every testi mony united in confirming what had been at first said of the riches of the empire thus discovered, which was called Peru ; and the adventurers who now meditated the conquest of it, returned to Darien, where they were to collect the forces necessary for so difficult an enterprise. Balboa expected that he should be employed to conduct this great, design. His companions had placed their confidence in him, and he had thrown into the public treasury more Avealth than any other of these adventurers. In the opinion of the Spaniards the discovery he had just made had put him on a level with Colum bus. But, by an instance of that injustice and ingratitude so common in courts, where merit cannot prevail against favor; where a great commander is superseded in the midst of his tri umphs by some upstart or pretender; Balboa was overlooked, and Pedrarias was chosen in his stead. The new commander, as jealous as he was cruel, imprisoned his predecessor, brought him to trial, and caused him to be beheaded. ' His subalterns, by his orders, or with his consent, pillaged, burnt and massacred on 8* ' L 90 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. all sides, without any distinction between allies or enemies ; and it was not till after they had destroyed to the extent of three hundred leagues of the country, that, in 1518, he transferred the colony of St. Mary, on the borders of the Pacific Ocean, to a place that received the name of Panama. Some years passed away, and this establishment had not been able to fulfil the im portant purposes for which it was designed. At length, three men, of obscure birth, undertook at their own expense to subvert the empire of Peru, — an empire that had subsisted, with barbarian splendor, for ages. Francisco Pizarro, who is the most celebrated of this triumvirate, Avas the natural son of a gentleman of Estramadura. His educa tion had been so neglected that he could not read. The tending of flocks, which was his first employment, not being suitable to his character, he embarked for the New World. His avarice and ambition inspired him with inconceivable activity. He joined in every expedition, and signalized himself in most of them. Thus he acquired, in the several situations in which he was employed, that knowledge of men and business which was then necessary to advancement, especially to those who, by their obscure birth, had great difficulties to contend with. The use he had hitherto made of his natural and acquired abilities, persuaded him that nothing Avas above his talents; and he therefore formed the gigantic plan of invading Peru. He took for an associate, Diego de Almagro, whose birth was equivocal, but whose courage was notorious. He had ever been found temperate, patient and inde fatigable in those wars and expeditions in which he had grown old. In this school he had acquired a frankness, which is more frequently learnt amid scenes of danger and daring, than in other situations ; as well as that obduracy and cruelty which were but too common in those days. The fortune of the tAvo soldiers, though considerable, being found insufficient for the conquest they meditated, they admitted into their partnership Fernando de Luques, a mercenary priest, who had amassed prodigious wealth. 'As the basis of their association, the confederates agreed that each should engage the whole of his property in this enterprise; that the Avealth accruing from it should be equally shared, and that they should reciprocally ob serve an inviolable fidelity. The parts that each of them Avere to take in this great enterprise, were distributed as they deemed the good of the common cause to require. Pizarro Avas to com mand the troops, Almagro to conduct the supplies of provisions and stores, and Luques provided the funds. This plan of ambi tion, avarice and ferocity, was coupled with fanaticism. Luques PIZARRO S FIRST EXPEDITION TO PERU. 91 publicly consecrated a host, part of which he ate, and divided the rest between his two associates ; all three swearing by the blood of God, that, to enrich themselves, they would not spare the blood of man. Pizarro tracing the route to Peru. The expedition, commenced under these horrible auspices, set forward in November, 1524. It consisted of one vessel containing one hundred and twelve men and four horses. They sailed from Panama and steered southerly along the coast, but it was seldom that they were able to land ; and in the few places where it was possible for the Spaniards to get on shore, they met Avith nothing but plains deluged with water, impenetrable forests, with occa sional bands of savages little disposed to treat with them. Al magro, who followed and brought a reinforcement of seventy men, did not meet with more encouraging adventures ; and, in a very sharp engagement with the Indians, had even the misfortune to lose one of his eyes. More than one half of these intrepid Spaniards had perished by hunger, by the sword, or by the climate; when Los Rios, who had succeeded to Pedrarias, sent orders to those who had escaped so many calamities, to return to the colony without delay. They all obeyed except thirteen, Avho, faithful to their chief, Pizarro, resolved to folloAV his fortunes to the end. They found it still more unpromising as they proceeded, and were finally obliged to pass six months on the island of Gorgona, one of the most unwholesome and barren spots on the face of the globe. But at length their fortunes changed. With a small vessel, Avhich had been sent them merely from motives of compassion, to remove them from this place of desolation, they continued their 92 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. voyage, and landed at Tumbez, no inconsiderable village of the empire which they proposed one day to invade. , From this place, where everything bore the marks of civilization, Pizarro returned to Panama, where he arrived at the latter end of the year 1527, with some gold dust, several vases of that precious metal, some vicunas, and three Peruvians destined to serve as interpreters. Far from being discouraged by the misfortunes that had been experienced, the three associates were inflamed with a more ardent passion for treasures which were now better known to them. But they Avere in want of soldiers and provisions, and the colony refused them both these succors. In this emergency, Pizarro made a voyage to Spain, to solicit assistance from the court. They lent a favorable ear to his project, and authorized, without reserve, the levying of troops, and the purchase of provisions ; and added to this indefinite liberty every favor which drew nothing from the treasury. Nevertheless, the associates, by combining all their means, could not equip more than three small vessels, nor collect more than one hundred and forty-four infantry, with thirty-six horse. This was a feeble equipment for the great views that were to be fulfilled ; but in the New World the Spaniards expected every thing from their arms and their courage; and Pizarro did not hesitate to embark again from Panama, in February, 1531. The knowledge he had acquired of these seas, enabled him to escape the calamities that had thwarted his first expedition; and he met with no other misfortune than that of being obliged, by contrary winds, to land about a hundred leagues from the harbor of Tum bez, where he had intended to disembark. The Spaniards were in consequence forced to march by land. They followed the coast with great difficulty, compelling the inhabitants on their march to furnish them with provisions, plundering them of the gold they possessed, and giving themselves up to that spirit of rapine and cruelty Avhich distinguished the manners of those barbarous times. The island of Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil, was taken by storm, and the troops entered victorious into Tumbez, where a variety of evils combined to detain them for three whole months. The arrival of two reinforcements, that came from Nicaragua, afforded them some consolation for the anxiety they felt on account of this delay. These reinforcements, indeed, consisted only of thirty men each ; but they were commanded by Sebastian Benalcazar, and by Fernando de Soto, Avho had both of them acquired a bril liant reputation. The Spaniards met with little resistance in their first conquests. It is proper to glance at the explanation of so singular a fact, RECENT HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF PERU. 93 which is to be found in the history of the country they had inva ded. The empire of Peru, which, like most other kingdoms, was in its origin of small extent, had been successively enlarged. It had in particular received a considerable aggrandizement from the eleventh emperor, Huyana Capac, Avho had possessed himself by force of the vast territory of Quito, and who, to legalize as much as possible his usurpation, had married the sole heiress of the dethroned monarch. From this union, reprobated equally by the laAvs and by prejudice, Atahualpa was born, who, after the death of his father, claimed the inheritance of his mother. This suc cession Avas contested by his elder brother, Huascar, upon whose birth there was no stain. Two such powerful interests induced the competitors to take up arms. One of them had the people in his favor and the long-established custom of the empire ; but the other had previously secured the best troops. Atahualpa, who had the army on his side, was the conqueror, put his rival in chains, and becoming more powerful even than he had expected, Avas master of all the provinces. These troubles, which for the first time had agitated Peru, Avere not entirely appeased when the Spaniards appeared there. In the confusion in which the whole kingdom was still involved, no one thought of molesting them on their march, and they arrived with out the least obstruction at Caxatnalca. Atahualpa, Avhom par ticular circumstances had conducted into the neighborhood of the imperial palace, immediately sent them some fruits, corn, emeralds, and several vases of- gold or silver. He did not however conceal from their interpreter his desire that they should quit his territories ; and he declared that he would go the next morning to concert Avith their chiefs the proper measures for this retreat. To put ' himself in readiness for an engagement, Avithout suffering the least preparation of Avar to be perceived, was the only arrangement that Pizarro made for the reception of the prince. He planted his cavalry in the gardens of the palace, where they could not be seen ; the infantry AVas in the court ; and his artillery Avas pointed towards the gate where the emperor was to enter. Atahualpa came without suspicion to the place appointed, being attended by some fifteen thousand men. He Avas carried on a throne of gold, and the same brilliant metal glistened in the arms of his troops. He turned to his principal officers, and said to them : "These strangers are the messengers of the gods ; be careful of offending them." The procession was noAV drawing near the palace, which was occupied by Pizarro, when a Dominican friar, named Vincent de Valverde, with a crucifix in one hand and his breviary in the other, advanced to the emperor, stopped him in his march. 94 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. and made him a long speech, in which he expounded to him the Christian religion, pressed him to embrace that form of worship, and proposed to him to submit to the king of Spain, to whom the pope had given Peru. Valverde addressing the inca. The emperor, Avho heard him with a great deal of patience, replied, "Tam very willing to be the friend of the king of Spain, but not his vassal; the pope must surely be a very extraordinary man, to give so liberally what does not belong to him. I shall not change my religion for another, and if the Christians adore a God who died upon a cross, I worship the sun, who never dies." He then asked Vincent Avhere he had learned all that he had said of God and the creation. " In this book," replied the monk, present ing at the same time his breviary to the emperor. Atahualpa took Atahualpa holding the Bible to his ear. the book, examined it on all sides, put it to his ear, burst into a MASSACRE OF PERUVIANS. 95 laugh, and, throwing away the breviary, added, " This book tells me nothing about the matter." Valverde then turned towards the Spaniards, crying out in a loud voice, " Vengeance! my friends, vengeance ! Christians, do you not see how. he despises the gospel 7 Kill these dogs who trample under foot the law of God! " The Spaniards, vwho probably had with difficulty restrained that fury and thirst of blood, with which the sight of the gold and of the unbelieving Peruvians had inspired them, instantly obeyed the sanguinary call. Let the reader judge of the impres sion that must have been made on the Peruvians by the sight of the horses who trampled upon them, and by the noise and effect of the cannon, and musketry which beat them down. They fled with such precipitation, that they fell one upon another. A dread ful massacre ensued. Pizarro himself advanced tOAvards the em peror, ordered his infantry to put to the sword all that surrounded his throne, took the monarch prisoner, and the rest of the day pursued those who had fled. A multitude of princes of the race of the incas, the ministers, the flower of the nobility, all that com posed the court of Atahualpa, were massacred. Even the crowd of Avomen, old men and children, Avho were assembled from all parts to see their emperor, Avere not spared. While this carnage continued, Valverde ceased not to animate the murderers, who were tired with slaughter, exhorting them to use not the edge but the point of their swords, in order to inflict deeper wounds. When the Spaniards returned from this horrible massacre, they passed the night in drunkenness, dancing, and all the excesses of debauchery. The emperor, though closely guarded, soon discovered the ex treme passion of his enemies for gold. This circumstance deter mined him to offer them for his ransom as much of this metal as his prison, which was twenty-two feet in length and sixteen in breadth, could contain, heaped up to as great a height as the arm of a man could reach. His proposal Avas accepted. But while those of his ministers in Avhom he had most confidence, were employed in collecting gold, he was informed that Huascar had promised three times as much to some Spaniards, Avho had found an opportunity of conversing Avith him, if they would consent to reinstate him upon the throne of his ancestors. He was alarmed at this nego tiation ; and his apprehensions made him resolve to put to death a rival who appeared so dangerous. In order to dissipate the suspicions which such an action must necessarily excite in his keepers, Atahualpa urged with fresh zeal the collecting of the metals stipulated for the recovery of his lib erty. They were brought in from all sides, as fast as was possible, 96 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. amid the confusion which prevailed. These heaps of gold, inces santly exposed to the greedy eyes of the conquerors, so inflamed their cupidity, that it was impossible to delay any longer the distribution of it. The fifth part of the whole, which the govern ment had reserved to itself, was delivered to the agents of the treasury. A hundred thousand dollars were set apart for the body of troops which Almagro had just brought into the country, and which were still upon the coasts. Each of Pizarro's cavalry received eight thousand dollars, and each of his infantry four thou sand. The general and the officers had sums proportioned to their rank in the army. These fortunes, the most extraordinary that have ever been recorded in history, did not mitigate the barbarity of the Spaniards. Atahualpa had given his gold, and his name had served to keep the people in subjection ; it was noAV time, therefore, to put an end to his life. Valverde pronounced him a hardened despot, who ought to be treated like Pharaoh. The interpreter, Philippillo, who had a criminal intercourse with one of his women, seconded the design. Almagro was apprehensive, that, while he was suffered to live, the army of his colleague might be desirous of appropri ating all the booty to itself as a part of the emperor's ransom. Pizarro was instigated to the same bloody purpose by malice ; for the emperor had spoken of him Avith some contempt for not being able to read— which his common soldiers were accustomed to do. These circumstances, more perhaps than political reasons, occa sioned the emperor's death to be determined upon. The Span iards had the effrontery to bring him to a formal trial, as an usurper. He was condemned and strangled at the stake. Having murdered the inca, the Spaniards set off to plunder his capital, the noble city of Cuzco. The Indians were in great alarm Avhen they found the Spaniards Avere advancing upon that place ; for it was an anciently received opinion among them that whoever held the city of Cuzco, would become master of the whole empire. They attempted to appease their deities with sacrifices ; and in order to oppose the advance of the Spaniards, they took post at a narrow pass in a valley approaching the city. Pizarro, learning this design, ordered Almagro, Avith the greater part of the cavalry, to hasten forward and attack the enemy, while he made disposi tions to follow Avith the rest of the forces. Almagro advanced and engaged in many skirmishes with the Indians, in which the latter suffered great losses. Manco Inca Yupanguy, who had the strongest claims to the crown of Peru, left Cuzco to join his army. Perceiving it impossible to succeed in his design, or to hinder the advance of the Spaniards to Cuzco, he joined Pizarro, who received ENTRANCE OF THE SPANIARDS INTO CUZCO. 97 him joyfully, and bestowed marks of great honor upon him. The Indians were astounded at this intelligence, and, in their despera tion, resolved to burn Cuzco and carry aAvay the treasures of the city. Pizarro, being apprized of this intention, despatched Ferdi nand de Soto, and Juan Pizarro to prevent it ; but though these commanders exercised the greatest diligence, they found the Indi ans had plundered the temple of the Sun, Avhich was full of riches. They carried aAvay all this enormous wealth, together Avith the consecrated virgins, set fire to several parts of the city, and fear ing that the Spaniards Avere at their heels, they decamped with all the young people, men and women, leaving only the old and disabled. The Spaniards, however, with great exertions were enabled to extinguish the fire. . ii™iwiiwtinffiir:iiip|wp'« , , — ¦- mm^m\vM\mmmmk\gmBim^~ '»»'* 1PES ifiiispii'ii IB Jl 'IflliiE Jill ' ' HI Pizarro in Cuzco. Pizarro entered the great city of Cuzco in October, 1534, and the soldiers immediately began, Avithout opposition, to plunder the houses, Avhere they found immense quantities of gold and silver, both in bars and Avrought into vessels, ornaments, &c. They also found abundance of clothing and a great quantity of beads, called chaguira, much valued by the Indians; together with a large amount of articles manufactured of feathers. Pizarro gave or ders that all the plunder should be thrown into a common stock, the king's fifth subtracted, and the remainder equally divided. The confederate Indians stole a great variety of articles ; for the Spaniards, finding such abundance of treasure, disregarded almost 9 M » 98 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. eveiy thing but gold. It is said much more remained hidden than was found; the cloth alone was valued at tAvo millions of dollars. Pizarro then distributed the treasure, which, after deducting the king's fifth was divided into four hundred and eighty parts, each of Avhich amounted to four thousand dollars. No notice was taken of the precious stones ; every man took what he wished, and few regarded the silver. Cuzco was built on an uneven ground, surrounded by hills. On the north side stood, on an eminence, that mighty fabric of the incas Avhich the Spaniards call a fortress. The streets were long but narroAv; the houses of stone, wonderfully jointed without mortar. There were several royal palaces ; the chief temples of the sun were very magnificent, besides which there were four hundred others. There were a great number of silversmiths and other artificers always at work here, for the gold and silver brought into Cuzco never went out again. Some of the houses were gilt, and some plated with gold. Having sacked the capital, the Spaniards ravaged the whole country, displaying everywhere the same thirst of blood and plunder which had directed their actions from the beginning. Had they shown any degree of moderation and humanity, they would probably have made themselves masters of the empire with out farther bloodshed. A people naturally mild, accustomed for a long time i past to the most blind submission, ever faithful to the masters it had pleased Heaven to give them, and astonished at the terrible spectacle they had just been beholding, — such a nation would have submitted to the yoke without much reluctance. The plundering of their houses, the outrages done to their wives and daughters,— cruelties of all kinds succeeding each other without interruption,— such a variety of calamities stirred up the people to revenge, and they found commanders to guide their resentment. Numerous armies at first obtained some advantages over the invaders, but even these trifling successes were not durable. Sev eral of the adventurers who had enriched themselves by the ran som of Atahualpa, had quitted their standards and returned to Spain, that they might enjoy, in a more' peaceable manner, the wealth so rapidly, acquired. Their fortune inflamed the minds of men, in the old and in the new world, and multitudes hastened from all quarters to this land of gold. The Spaniards, in conse quence, multiplied faster in Peru than in the other colonies. They soon amounted to five or six thousand; and then all resis tance was at an end. Those of the Indians who were the most attached to their liberty, to their government, and to their religion, took refuge at a distance, among inaccessible mountains. Most of them, however, submitted to the conquerors. CHAPTER X. Historical sketch of the Peruvian empire. — Manco Capac. — Conjectures as to his origin. — Civilization of ttie Peruvians. — State of manners, arts and govern ment in Peru. — Dissensions among the Spanish conquerors. — Rupture between Pizarro and Almagro. — Defeat and death of Almagro. — Persecution of his ad herents. — Pizarro assassinated. — Massacres at Lima. — Usurpation and cruellies of young Almagro. — Vaca de Castro arrives in Peru. — Defeat of Almagro' s party at Chiapas. — The viceroy, Blasco Nunez. — Second insurrection. — Gonzalez Pizarro heads the rebels. — He enters Lima in triumph. — His arrogance and tyranny. — Gasca arrives in Peru. — Defeat and death of Gonzalez Pizarro. — Atrocities of Oarvajal. — End of the civil wars. — Death of the last of the Peru vian incas. Manco Capac and his wife first appearing to the Peruvians. The empire of Peru, according to the Spanish historians, had flourished for four centuries immediately previous to the con quests of Pizarro. According to the tradition of the country, it Avas founded by Manco Capac, and by his wife, Mama Ocllo, Avho appeared among the people about the year 1100, and claimed to be children of the sun. It has been conjectured that these two persons might be the descendants of certain navigators of Europe, or the Canaries, Avho had been shipwrecked on the coasts of Bra zil. To support this conjecture, it has been said, that the Peru- . vians divided the year, as we do, into three hundred and sixty-five 100 SPANISH "DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. days, and that they had some notions of astronomy, and certain monuments to mark the different movements of the heavenly. bodies, which the Spaniards, however, destroyed as being instru ments of Indian idolatry. It has been asserted that the race of the incas, or lords of Peru, as the descendants of Manco Capac were called, were whiter than the natives of the country, and that several of the royal family had beards ; and it is a known fact, that there are certain peculiar 'features, either ill-formed or regular, that are perpetuated and hereditary in some families of the royal line, though they do riot constantly pass from one gen eration to another. Lastly, it has been said, that it was a tradi tion generally diffused throughout Peru, and transmitted from age to age, that there would one day arrive, by sea, men with beards, and of such superiority in arms, that nothing could resist them. Manco taught his new subjects to cultivate the earth, to sow corn and pulse, to wear clothes, and to build houses. Mama Ocllo shoAved the Indian women how to spin, to weave cotton and wool ; and instructed them in all the occupations suitable to their sex, and in all the arts of domestic economy. The sun was the god of the Peruvians — the most natural jf all idolatry ; for what inanimate object is more likely to excite the homage of the ignorant, who are dazzled with its splendor, or of the grateful, on whom its benefits are lavished 1 The worship of the sun was instituted and sustained with" great splendor. Temples were erected to their deity, and a variety of imposing ceremonies were established and observed. The descendants of Manco and his Avife,were the only priests of the nation. There was among the people no indulgence for idleness, which was considered, with reason, as the source of all crimes. Those, who, from age and infirmities, were rendered unfit for labor, were maintained at the public charge, but on condition that they should defend the cultivated lands fromi the birds. The citizens were severally obliged to make their own clothes, to erect their own •dwellings, and to fabricate their own instruments of agriculture. Every separate family was accustomed to supply its own wants. The Peruvians were enjoined to love one another, and many circumstances were calculated to cultivate this sentiment. They had common labors, always enlivened by agreeable songs, the object of which was to assist every one who had occasion for suc cor; and the young women devoted to the worship of the sun, Avere required to make clothes, to be distributed by the emperor's officers to the poor, to the aged, and to orphans. They had also a custom of regarding each other as members of one single family, and that family the whole empire. All these circumstances1 POLITICAL AND CIVIL CONDITION OF THE EMPIRE OF PERU. 101 united, maintained among the Peruvians concord, benevolence, patriotism and public spirit; and contributed to substitute the sublime and amiable virtues, in lieu of personal interest, the spirit of property, and the usual incentives employed by other legisla tors. These virtues were reAvarded with marks of distinction, as much as if they had been services rendered to the country. Those who had signalized themselves by any exemplary conduct, or by any distinguished actions of advantage to the public good, Avore, as a mark of distinction, clothes made by the family of the incas. It is very probable that those statues, Avhich the Spaniards pre tended that they found in the temples of the sun, and which they took for idols, were the statues of men, who, by the greatness of their talents, or by a life replete Avith illustrious actions, had mer ited the homage or love of their fellow-citizens. It appears certain that the great men of the country Avere usu ally the subjects of poems, composed by the family of the incas for- the instruction of the people. There was another species of poetry conducive to morality. At Cuzco, and in all the other toAvns of Peru, tragedies and comedies were performed. The first were lessons of duty to the priests, warriors, judges, and persons of distinction, and presented to them models of public virtue. Comedies served for instruction to persons of inferior rank, and taught them the exercise of private virtues, and domestic economy. The Peruvians were entirely unacquainted with the art of writ ing, for their quipos, or knotted cords, so much celebrated by certain authors who were fond of the marvellous, appear to have been no more than a device for rendering calculation more expedi tious. These cords Avere of different colors ; each color represented a different object, and each knot a number. But as these knots, hoAvever varied or combined, could represent no moral or abstract idea, nor operation or quality of the mind, they could render no service as an instrument of language. The lands of the kingdom that Avere susceptible of cultivation were divided into three parts ; one appropriated to the sun, another to the inca, and a third to the people. The first were cultivated in common, as were likeAAase the lands of orphans, of AvidoAVS, of old men, of the infirm, and of the soldiers. These were cultivated immediately after the lands appropriated to the sun, and before those of the emperor. The season of this labor was announced by festi vals ; it Avas begun and continued with the sound of musical instru ments and the chanting of hymns. The emperor levied no tribute and exacted nothing from his subjects, but that they should cultivate his lands ; the whole produce of Avhich, being deposited in public 9* 102 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. magazines, was sufficient to defray all the expenses of the em pire. The Peruvians, though at the very source of gold and silver, knew not the use of coin. They had not, properly speaking, any kind of commerce ; and numerous arts, which owe their existence to the immediate wants of social life, were in a very imperfect state of advancement among them. All their science consisted in mem ory ; all their industry Avas propagated by example. The Peruvians had arrived at the art of fusing gold and siker, and of working them. With these metals they made ornaments, most of Avhich were Arery thin, for the arms, for the neck, for the nose, and for the ears; and also holloAv statues, all of one piece, and carved or cast in moulds. Vases were seldom made of these rich materials. The ordinary vases were of very fine clay, easily Avrought. The art of weighing was not unknoAvn amongst them, and scales are discovered from time to time, the basins of which are of silver, and in the shape of an inverted cone. Two kinds of stone were used for mirrors; the one Avas soft, the other hard; one Avas entirely opaque, the other had a small degree of transpa rency; one was black, the other of a lead color. Wool, cotton and the bark of trees were Avoven by these people into a cloth, which was used for wearing apparel. These stuffs were dyed black, blue and red, by the arnotto and other plants. The Peruvian em eralds were of all shapes. Those that have been, in later days, taken out of the tombs, — most of Avhich are in-lofty situations, where citizens of distinction Avere buried with their jeAvels, — prove that these precious stones Avere more perfect here, than they have been found elseAvhere. Pieces of Avorkmanship have been some times discovered in red and yelloAv copper, and others which par take of both colors. It has been conjectured that the Peruvians Avere acquainted with the art of mixing metals, for their wrought copper never rusts, and never collects verdigris; Avhich seems to prove that the Indians mingled something Avith it, as a preser vative from oxidation. It is to be regretted that the useful art of tempering it in this manner has been lost, either from Avant of encouraging the natives of the country, or from the contempt with Avhich the conquerors regarded everything that had no con cern Avith their passion for riches. It was, perhaps, with hatchets of copper or flint, and by inces sant friction, that they contrived to cut stones, to square them, and to join them without cement. Unfortunately, these instruments had not the same effect on Avood as upon stone, for the artisans who shaped the granite and drilled the emerald, never knew hoAV to join timber by mortices, tenons and pins, and in the ASSASSINATION OF PIZARRO. 103 buildings it was only fastened to the Avails by rushes. The most remarkable edifices had only a covering of thatch, supported by poles, like the tents of armies. They had but one floor, and no light, except by the entrances ; the interior consisted of detached apartments, having no communication Avith each other. But whatever were the arts which the Spaniards found in the country of Peru, the barbarians were no sooner masters of this vast empire than they disputed over its spoils with all the rage which their first exploits announced. The seeds of these divisions had been soAvn by Pizarro himself, who, on his return to Europe to prepare for a second expedition into the South Seas, had prevailed upon the ministry to give him a superiority in rank over Almagro This procedure, however, incensed Almagro to such a degree that Pizarro was compelled to waive it, in order to avoid an immediate rupture with his colleague. They were reconciled for a time, but the division of Atahualpa's ransom irritated again these two haughty and rapacious robbers. A dispute which arose concerning the limits of their respective governments, completed their animos ity ; and this extreme hatred led to the most sanguinary proceedings. After some negotiations, dishonest at least on one part, and consequently useless, recourse was had to the sword, in order to determine which of the two competitors should govern the Avhole of Peru. On the 6th of April, 1538, in the plains of Salinas, not far from Cuzco, in a severe battle between the armies of the two leaders, fate decided against Almagro, who was taken prisoner and beheaded. Those of his partisans who had escaped the car nage Avould willingly have reconciled themselves with the con quering party. But whether Pizarro did not choose to trust the soldiers of his rival, or whether he could not overcome a resent- ment that was too deeply rooted, it is certain that he always shoAved a remarkable aversion to them. They were not only excluded from all the favors that were profusely lavished upon the others, but they were stripped of the reAvards formerly granted for their services, and were also persecuted and exposed to con tinual mortifications. This treatment brought a great number of them to Lima- There, in the house of the son of Almagro, they concerted in secret the destruction of their oppressor. On the 26th of June, 1541, nineteen of the most intrepid Avent out, sword in hand, in the mid dle of the day, Avhich, in that hot country, is the time devoted to rest. They penetrated without opposition into the palace of Pizarro, and the conqueror of so many kingdoms was massacred in the centre of the toAvn that he had founded, and the inhabitants of Avhich were composed, of his own soldiers and adherents. Thus 104 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. fell by a violent death both the bloody Avretches Avho led their bands of murderers into this once peaceful and happy country. ilii IBS if Assassination of Pizarro. Those of the judges most likely to revenge the death of Pizarro were also murdered ; the fury of the assassins extended itself on every side, and all who ventured to appear in the streets or in the squares, were regarded as enemies and put to the sword. The houses and temples were filled Avith slaughter. The spirit of avarice, Avhich induced the revellers to consider the rich merely as partisans of the old government, Avas still more furious than that of hatred, and rendered them more active and more implacable. The picture of a place taken by assault by a barbarous nation, would convey but an imperfect idea of that spectacle of horror which those ruffians now exhibited, Avho wrested from their accomplices the booty of which they had been robbed. This terrible massacre was followed by enormities of another kind. The soul of young Almagro seems to have been formed for tyranny. Every one Avho had been in employment under Pizarro, Avas inhumanly proscribed. The ancient magistrates Avere deposed. The troops were put under the command of neAV officers. The royal treasury, and the Avealth of those Avho perished or were absent, Avere seized upon by the usurper. His accom plices, attached to his fortune by partaking in his crimes, were forced to give their support to measures Avhich filled them with horror. Those among them who suffered their Aveariness at these proceedings to become known, Avere either put to death in private or perished on a scaffold. During the confusion in Avhich a rev olution so unexpected had plunged Peru, several provinces sub- TROUBLES IN PERU. 105 mitted to this monster. Accordingly he caused himself to be pro claimed governor in the capital, and marched into the heart of the empire, to complete the reduction of every place that opposed or hesitated to acknowledge him. A multitude of ruffians joined him on his march. His army breathed nothing but vengeance and plunder; everything gave way before it. If the military talents of Almagro had equalled the ardor of his troops, the war had ended here; but he had lost his conductor, John de Herrada ; and his own inexperience left him to fall into the snares- that were laid for him by Pedro Alvarez, Avho had put himself at the head of the opposite party. In at tempting to unravel the plots of his rivals, he lost that time which he ought to have employed in fighting. In these circumstances, an event, which no one could have foreseen, changed the whole face of affairs. The licentiate, Vasco de Castro, who had been sent from Eu rope to try the murderers of old Almagro, arrived in Peru. As he was appointed to assume the government in case of Pizarro's death, all Avho "had not sold themselves to the tyrant, hastened to acknowledge him. Uncertainty and jealousy, which had for a long time kept them dispersed, were no longer an obstacle to their reunion. Castro, Avho was as resolute as if he had grown old in the service, did not suffer their impatience to languish, but in stantly led them against the enemy. The two armies engaged at Chupas, on the 16th of September, 1542, and fought with inex pressible obstinacy. Victory, after having Avavered for a long time, at the close of the day decided in favor of the government party. Those among the rebels who Avere most guilty, dreading to languish under disgraceful tortures,, provoked the conquerors to murder them, erying out like men in despair, "It was I who killed Pizarro." Their chief was taken prisoner and died on the scaffold. These scenes of horror were just concluded, Avhen Blasco Nunez Vela arrived, in 1544, in Peru, Avith the title and powers of viceroy ; the court had thought fit to invest their representative with a solemn dignity, and with very extensive authority, in order that the decrees he Avas commissioned to establish should meet with less opposition. These decrees were intended to diminish the oppression under Avhich the Indians were crushed, and more particularly to render these immense conquests useful to the Spanish crown. Among the ordinances now established, it Avas decreed that a portion of the Peruvians should be free from that moment, and the rest at the death of their oppressors ; that for the future they should not be compelled to labor in the mines; N 106 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. and that no kind of work should be exacted from them without payment ; that their public labor and tributes should be subjected to regulation ; that the Spaniards who travelled through the prov inces on foot should no longer demand that three of these wretched people should carry their baggage, nor five when they went on horseback ; and that the caciques should be freed from the obliga tions of providing the traveller and his suite with food. By the same regulations, all the departments or commanderies of the governors, of the officers of justice, of the agents of the treasury, of the bishops, of the monasteries, of the hospitals, and of all persons who had been concerned in the public troubles, were to be annexed to the domains of the state. The few lands that might belong to other proprietors, were to be subject to the same law after the actual possessors had ended their days, and their heirs, their wives, or their children, Avere to have no claim upon any part of them. Such was the disposition of the Spaniards in Peru, that when Nunez attempted to carry into execution the orders he had receiv ed from the old hemisphere, an insurrection was' the immediate consequence. Nunez was deposed, put in irons, and banished to a desert island, where he was to remain till he was conveyed to the mother country. Gonzalez Pizarro, the brother of Francisco, had then just returned from a hazardous expedition, which had carried him as far as the river Amazon, and had employed him long enough to prevent him from taking a part in the revolutions which had so rapidly succeeded each other. The anarchy he found prevailing at his return, inspired him Avith the idea of seizing the supreme authority. His fame and his forces enabled him to accomplish this design ; but his usurpation Avas marked Avith so many enor mities, that even the government of Nunez was regretted. He Avas consequently recalled from exile, and soon collected a suffi cient number of, forces to enable him to take the field against Pizarro. Civil commotions Avere then reneAved Avith extreme fury by both parties. No quarter Avas asked or given on either side. The Indians were forced to take part in this, as they had done in the preceding Avars ; some ranged themselves under the standard of the viceroy, others under the banners of Gonzalez. They dragged the artillery, levelled the roads, and carried the baggage. After a variety of advantages, for a long time, alternately obtained by the contending parties, fortune at length favored the rebellion. Under the walls of Quito, in the month of January, 1545, Nunez and the greater part of his men were massacred. Pizarro took the road to Lima, in which city the inhabitants DEATH OF GONZALEZ PIZARRO. 107 were deliberating on the ceremonies with which they should re ceive him. Some officers wished that a canopy should be carried for him to march under, after the manner of kings. Others, with adulation still more extravagant, pretended that part of the walls of the town and even some houses must be pulled down, as was the custom at Rome Avhen a general obtained the honors of a tri umph. Gonzalez contented himself with making his entrance on horseback, preceded by his lieutenants, Avho marched on foot. Four bishops accompanied him, and he was folloAved by the magistrates. The streets were strewn with flowers, and the air resounded with the noise of bells and various musical instruments. This homage completely turned the head of a man naturally haughty, and of a narrow understanding. He began to act the despot, and disgusted the people by the arrogance of his language. Had he possessed judgment and the appearance of moderation, he might have rendered himself permanently independent. The chief men of his party wished it. The majority Avould have viewed the event with indifference, or at least assent. But the character of the usurper prevented this. His blind cruelties, insatiable avarice, and unbounded pride, altered the dispositions of all who were favorable to his designs. Even the persons whose interests were most connected with those of the tyrant, wished for a deliverer. Such a person arrived from Europe in the person of Pedro de la Gasca. He was a priest, advanced in years, but prudent, dis interested, firm and sagacious. He brought no troops with him ; but he Avas intrusted by the government with unlimited powers. The first use he made of them was to publish a general amnesty, without distinction of persons or crimes, and a revocation of the severe laws that had rendered the preceding administration odious. This step alone secured to him the fleet and the forces of the mountainous provinces. If Pizarro, to Avhom the amnesty had been particularly offered, with every testimony of distinction, had accepted it, as he was advised to do by the most enlightened of his partisans, the troubles Avould have been at an end. His haughty temper and the habit of commanding, however, would not suffer him to descend to a private station ; and he had recourse to arms, in the hope of perpetuating his authority. Without losing a moment, he advanced towards Cuzco, where Gasca Avas assem bling his forces. On the 9th of April, 1548, a battle was fought four leagues from the city. One of the rebel general's lieutenants, seeing him abandoned at the first charge by his best soldiers, earnestly exhorted him to throw himself into the enemy's bat talions and perish like a Roman ; but Pizarro, dejected by this 108 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. sudden reverse of fortune, had not the spirit to perform this heroic act He quietly surrendered, and was beheaded on the scaffold. Nine or ten of his officers were hanged around him. A more disgraceful execution awaited CarVajal, the confidant of Pizarro, whose life and character may serve as a specimen of the Spanish conquerors of the New World. This man, in the his tories of that period, is charged with having massacred, with his own hand, four hundred men; of having sacrificed, by means of his agents, more than a thousand Spaniards, and of having de stroyed more than' twenty thousand Indians through excess, of labor. At a time Avhen the minds of others around him were depressed or wavering, he displayed a degree of courage which could hardly admit of comparison. He remained ahvays faithful to the cause he had espoused, although the custom of changing standards, according to circumstances, was then universally prev alent. He never forgot the most trifling service that had been rendered him, Avhile those Avho had once conferred an obligation upon him, might afterwards affront him with impunity. His cruelty became a proverb ; and in the most horrid executions ordered by him, he never lost anything of his mirth. Strongly addicted to raillery, he Avas appeased with a jest, Avhile he insulted the cry of pain, which appeared to him the exclarnation of cow ardice or weakness. His iron heart made-a sport- of every cruelty. He took away or preserved life for a trifle, because Ufe was a trifle in his estimation. His passion for wine did not prevent him from enjoying uncommon strength of body, and the dreadful vigor of his soul maintained itself to old age. At eighty-four years, he was still the first soldier and the first commander in the army. His death was conformable to his life. He was hanged and quar tered, without showing any remorse for his crimes, any depression at his sentence, or any uneasiness for the future. Another rebellion broke out after the death of Gasca, and was quelled after the usual amount of slaughter. This was the last scene of a tragedy, every act of Avhich had been marked with blood. Civil Avars have ahvays been cruel in all countries and in all ages ; but in Peru they were destined to have a peculiar char acter of ferocity. Those who excited them, and those Who en gaged in them, Avere mostly adventurers Avithout education and without character. Avarice, which had brought them into the New World, was joined to other passions which render domestic dissensions at once violent and lasting. All of them, without ex ception, considered the chief whom they had chosen, merely as a partner in their fortunes, Avhose influence was to extend only to the guidance of their hostilities. None of them accepted any pay. DISCOVERY OF THE MINES OF PERU. 109 As plunder and confiscation were to be the fruits of victory, no quarter was given in action. After the engagement Avas over, every rich man was exposed to proscription; and there were nearly as many citizens who perished by the hands of the execu tioner, as by those of the soldiers in battle. The gold that had been acquired by such enormities, was soon squandered in de bauchery and the most extravagant luxury, and the people Avere again exposed to all the excesses of military license that knows no restraint. Fortunately for this opulent part of the new hemisphere, the most seditious of the conquerors, and of those who followed their steps, had perished in these wars. Few of them had survived the troubles, . except those who had constantly preferred peace able occupations to the tumult and dangers of revolutions. What still remained of the agitation that had been raised in their minds, insensibly sank into a calm, as does the turmoil of Avaves after a long and furious tempest. Then, and then only, the Catholic kings might with truth style themselves the sovereigns of the Spaniards fixed in Peru. We have but one event to add to our history of this period. There was an inca, named Tupac Amara, still remaining. This legitimate heir of so many vast dominions, lived in the midst of the mountains, in a state of independence. Some princesses of his family, who had submitted to the conquerors, abused his inexpe rience and youth, and prevailed upon him to visit Lima. The Usurpers of his rights carried their insolence so far as to send him letters of grace, and assigned to him only a very moderate domain for his subsistence. He went to hide his shame and his regret in the valley of Yucay, where, at the expiration of three years, death, though still too tardy, put an end to his unfortunate ca reer. An only daughter, who survived him, married Loyola ; and from this union are sprung the houses of Oropesa and Alcaningas. Thus was the conquest of Peru completed about the year 1 560. The best mines of Peru were discovered after the conquest. That of Potosi, the richest in the Avestern world, was not known till 1545. An Indian, named Hualpa, chasing some wild animals on that mountain, laid hold of a shrub or tree, to aid his ascent in a steep place ; it came up by the roots and revealed a mass of the richest silver ore, which lay so near the surface that lumps of the metal clung to the roots of the plant. Hualpa kept the secret of this discovery for some time, but his rapid increase of wealth having attracted the notice of one of his countrymen, he revealed it to him. The two friends, as was natural in such a case, soon quarrelled, and tbe secret became divulged. The fame of this 10 110 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. wealth drew adventurers from all quarters, and the barren moun tain of Potosi quickly beheld a city spring up at its foot, contain ing seventy thousand inhabitants. The quicksilver mines of Guanca Velica were discovered in 1564. Sllii / ¦.;-^^^3y Hualpa discovering the mine CHAPTER XI. Almagro undertakes the conquest of Chili. — Losses suffered by the invaders in crossing the Andes. — Expedition of Valdivia. — Resistance of ihe_ Chilians. — Defeat and death of Valdivia. — Manners of the Araucanians .—•Their obstinate resistance to the Spaniards. — Colonization of Chili. — Paraguay. — Description of the inhabitants. — Discovery of the river Paraguay. — Expedition of the Spaniards, under Sebastian Cabot, to the Rio de la Plata. — Foundation of Buenos Ayres. — Assumption. — The Spaniards intermarry with the natives. — Colonization of the country. — Success of the Jesuits in civilizing the Indians. — Comparison of the policy of the Peruvian incas with that of the Jesuits. Almagro inarching against Chili. The conquest of Chili was undertaken by the Spaniards as soon as they had subdued the principal provinces of Peru. In the beginning of 1535, Almagro set out from Cuzco for this object, with five hundred and seventy Europeans and fifteen hundred Peruvians. He first traversed the country of Charcas, to Avhich the mines of Potosi have since given so much celebrity. To go from this country to Chili, there were but two Avays then known, and they were both considered as almost impassable. The first was along the borders of the sea, and presented nothing but burning sands, without water or other means of subsistence for a traveller. To pursue the second, it Avas necessary to cross steep 112 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. mountains of prodigious height, and covered with perpetual snows. These difficulties did not discourage Almagro, and he determined upon the latter route, for no other reason than because it was the shortest. This ambition caused the destruction of one hundred and fifty Spaniards and ten thousand Indians, who per ished by the way : but at length he accomplished his design, and Avas received Avith every mark of submission by the nations that had been formerly under the dominion of the Peruvian empire. The terror of his arms Avould probably have procured him greater advantages, had not some concerns of a private nature called him back to the centre of the empire. His little army re fused to pass the Cordilleras, and he was obliged to return by the Avay he had first rejected. His march was so favored by fortu nate accidents, that it suffered much less than had been feared. This success enlarged the views of Almagro, and precipitated him, perhaps, into those fatal enterprises which occasioned his death. The Spaniards appeared again in Chili in 1541. Valdivia, their leader, entered it Avithout the least opposition. The nations, hoAvever, that inhabited this country, had no sooner recovered from the astonishment with which they had been seized, on observ ing the European arts and discipline, than they wished to regain their independence. A war soon arose, which continued inces santly for ten years. If some districts, discouraged by repeated losses, resolved at last to submit, many of them obstinately per sisted in the defence of their liberty, though they Avere generally defeated. ^ There was one Indian captain, whom age and infirmities con fined to his hut. He was continually told of these misfortunes. MANNERS OF THE ARAUCANIANS. 113 The grief of seeing his people ahvays beaten by a handful of strangers, inspired him with courage. He formed thirteen compa nies, of a thousand men each, arranged them in file, and led them against the enemy. If the first company was routed, it was not to fall back upon the rest, but to rally, and be supported by it. This order, which was strictly obeyed, disconcerted the Spaniards. They forced through all the companies, one after another, without gaining any material advantage. As both the men and horses wanted rest, Valdivia retreated towards a defile, where he judged he could easily defend himself; but the Indians did not allow him sufficient time to secure his retreat. Their rearguard marched through by-ways, and took possession of the defile, while their vanguard followed the Spaniards with so much precaution, that Valdivia was surrounded and massacred, together with his hun dred and fifty men. It is said that the savages poured melted gold doAvn his throat, exclaiming with exultation, " Glut thyself with that metal of which thou art so fond ! " They availed therri- selves of this victory to burn and destroy many of the Spanish settlements ; and all of them had shared this fate, had they not re ceived timely assistance, by means of considerable reinforcements sent from Peru, which enabled them to defend their remaining posts, and afterwards to recover those they had lost. These fatal hostilities were renewed in proportion as the usur pers Avished to extend their empire, and frequently even when they did not entertain this ambitious design. The engagements were bloody, and for a long course of years were only interrupted by short truces. The following sketch of these people is agreea ble to the representations of the early Spanish writers : " The people of Arauco, or the Araucanians, are the most nu merous, the most intrepid, and the most irreconcilable enemies the Spaniards have had in these regions. They are often joined by the inhabitants of Tucapel, and of the river Biobio, and by those Avhose domains extend tOAvards the Cordilleras. As their manners bear a greater resemblance to those of the savages of North America than to those of the Peruvians, their neighbors, the confederacies they formed were always formidable. " When they go to war, they carry nothing with them, and want neither tents nor baggage. The same trees from which they gather their food, supply them with lances and darts. As they are sure of finding, in one place, what they had in another, they Avillingly resign any country which they are unable to defend ; all places are equally indifferent to them. Their troops, free from all incumbrance of provisions and ammunition, march with surpris ing agility. They expose themselves to danger, like men who 10* o H4 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. set little value on life; and if they lose the field of battle, they are not at a loss for magazines and encampments wherever there is ground covered with fruits. " These are the only people of the New World, who ventured to try their strength with the Spaniards in the open field, and who have thought of the use of the sling to lance the stroke of death from afar. They are so bold, that they will attack the best forti fied posts. They sometimes succeed in these violent attacks, because they are continually receiving succors, which prevent them from being sensible of their losses. If these be so considerable as to oblige them to desist, they retire a few leagues, and five or six days after, they direct their attacks to another post. These bar barians never think themselves beaten unless they are surrounded. If they can reach a place of difficult access, they think themselves conquerors. The head of a Spaniard, which they carry off in triumph, comforts them for the loss of a hundred Indians." In 1550, the town of Concepcion was built on an uneven and sandy soil, a little raised, upon the borders of a bay which is nearly four leagues in circumference, and has three ports, one of Avhich only is safe. The town was at first the capital of a colo ny ; but the neighboring Indians so frequently made themselves masters of it, that, in 1574, it was thought proper to deprive it of this distinction. In 1603, it was again destroyed by the Arauca- nians, but rebuilt. Since that period it has suffered much from earthquakes. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, Paraguay contained a great number of distinct nations, each consisting, for the most part, of a few families. Their manners must have been the same, and if there had been a difference in their characters, it would hardly have been noticed by the adventurers who first shed the blood of the native Americans. These nations lived by hunting and fishing, and upon wild fruits, and honey, which was commonly found in the forests, and roots that are yielded spontaneously by the soil. They Avere perpetually wandering from one district to another. As they had nothing to remove but a few earthen vessels, and as branches of trees could be found everywhere of which to build their huts, these emigrations were attended Avith feAV incumbran ces. Though they all lived in a state of absolute independence, yet the necessity of mutual defence had obliged them to form associations. Some individuals united under the direction of a leader of their OAvn choice. These associations, which were more or less powerful, in proportion to the reputation and abilities of the chief, were as easily dissolved as formed. The discovery of the river Paraguay was made in 1515, by CABOT DISCOVERS THE LA PLATA. 115 Diaz de Solis, a noted pilot of Castile. He and most of his men were mastered by the natives, who, to avoid being enslaved, some year' after, also destroyed the Portuguese who settled in Brazil. The two rival nations, Spain and Portugal, equally alarmed by these calamities, gave up all present thought of Para guay, and turned their avaricious views towards another quarter. The Spaniards accidentally returned to Paraguay in 1526. Sebastian Cabot, who, in 1496, had made the discovery of New foundland for the crown of England, finding that kingdom was too much occupied by domestic affairs to think of making settle ments in a new world, offered his services to Castile, where his reputation caused him to be fixed upon to conduct an important expedition. The Victory, celebrated for being the first ship that ever sailed round the world, and the only one of Magellan's squadron that returned to Europe, had brought back from the East Indies a great quantity of spices. The immense profit arising from the sale of these, occasioned the undertaking of a second expedition, the command of which was given to Cabot. In pursuing the track of the former voyage, he arrived at the mouth of the Rio de la Plata. Being either in wan of provisions, or compelled by the mutiny of his men, he put into the river. Sailing up the stream, he gave it the name of La Plata, because, among the spoils of a ftnv Indians, inhumanly put to death, some ornaments of gold and silver had been found. Cabot built a kind of fortress at the entrance of a river, descending from the mountains of Tucuman. The opposition he met Avith from the inhabitants of the country made him judge, that, in order to form a solid establishment, means Avere necessary superior to those he possessed. In 1530, he went to Spain, in order to obtain recruits. Those of his companions whom he left in the colony, were most of them massacred, and the few who escaped from the hands of the enemy soon aban doned the country. Some more considerable forces, led by Mendoza, came and set tled on the river in 1535, and laid the foundation of Buenos Ayres. They were soon reduced to the necessity of perishing with hun ger Avithin their palisades, or of devoting themselves to certain death, if they ventured6 out of them in order to procure subsist ence. A return to Europe seemed to be the only way of relief from so desperate a situation ; "but the Spaniards had persuaded themselves that the inland countries abounded in mines, and this belief induced them to persevere. They abandoned a place, where they could no longer live, and founded, in 1536, a colony on the island of Assumpcion, three hundred leagues up the coun- 116 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. try, but still jon the banks of the same river. By this change, they evidently removed farther from the assistance of the mother country, but they imagined it brought them nearer the source of riches, and their avidity was still greater than their foresight. They were again, however, reduced to the necessity of perish ing, unless they could succeed in gaining the friendship of the savages. The marriage of the Spaniards with the Indian women appeared calculated to effect this great object ; and it was accord ingly resolved upon. From the union of two such different nations sprang the race of Mestizoes, which, in process of time, became so common in South America. Thus it seems to be the fate of the Spaniards in all parts of the world to be a mixed race. The blood of the Moors still flows in their veins in Europe, and that of the savages in the Avestern hemisphere. The thirst of gold perpetuated the cruelty of the Spaniards, even after the connections they had formed. They wished to punish the Indians for their own obstinacy in searching for gold where there was none. Several ships, which were bringing them troops and ammunition, were lost, with all they had on board, by venturing too far up the river ; but even this circumstance could not prevent them from obstinately persisting in their avaricious views, though they had so long been disappointed in them, till they were compelled, by repeated orders from the mother coun try, to re-establish themselves at Buenos Ayres. This necessary undertaking had now become easy. The Span iards, who had multiplied in Paraguay, were strong enough to restrain or destroy the nations that might oppose them. Accord ingly, they met with little difficulty. Juan Ortiz de Zarate exe cuted the plan in 1580, and rebuilt Buenos Ayres upon the same spot which had been forsaken for forty years. Some of the petty nations in the neighborhood submitted to the yoke. Those which were more attached to their liberty, Avent to a greater distance, with a view of removing still farther, in proportion as their opres- sors should extend their establishments. Most of them at last took refuge in Chaco. This country, tAvo hundred and fifty leagues in length, and one hundred and fifty in breadth, is reckoned one of the finest in Amer ica, and is peopled with many thousands of savages. They form, as in other parts of the New World, a great number of nations, many of which even noAv remain but imperfectly known. Their territory is traversed by several rivers. The Pilcomayo, more considerable than all the rest, issues from the province of Charcas, and divides into two branches, seventy leagues before it empties itself into the Rio de la Plata. The course. of this river appeared INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS. 117 to be the most convenient way of establishing settled connections between Paraguay and Peru. It was not, however, till 1702, that an attempt was made to sail up the river. The people Avho dwelt upon the banks, understood very well that they should sooner or later be enslaved if the expedition were successful; and they prevented this misfortune by massacring all the Spaniards who were engaged in it. Nineteen years after, the Jesuits resumed this grand project; but when they had advanced three hundred and fifty leagues, they were forced to put back, for want of water. They were blamed for having undertaken it in the months of September, October and November, which, in these countries, constitute the dry season; and there is no doubt that the enterprise must have proved success ful at another period of the year. After incredible fatigues, which were for a long time useless, some missionaries at length succeeded in fixing three thousand of these wandering Indians in fourteen villages, seven of which were situated on the frontiers of Tucuman, four on the side of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, two towards Taixa; and one in the neighborhood of the island of Assumpcion. America had been laid waste during the course of a century, when the Jesuits brought into this country' that indefatigable activity, which, from their origin, had made them so successful in their undertakings. These enterprising men could not recall from the tomb the thousands of victims which had been sacrificed by the blind ferocity of the Spaniards ; they could not drag out of the boAvels of the earth the timid Indians, whom the avarice of the conquerors obliged daily to descend into the mines. Their anxiety was turned towards those savages, whom a Avandering life had, till then, preserved from tyranny and the SAVord. The plan was to draw them out of their forests, and to collect them into a national body, but at a distance from the places inhabited by the oppressors of the new hemisphere. These views were crowned with much success in California, among the Moxos, among the Chiquitos upon the river Amazon, and in some other countries. Nevertheless, none of their institutions acquired so great a degree of splendor as that which was formed at Paraguay, Avhich had for its basis the maxims followed by the incas of Peru in the government of their empire and in their conquests. The descendants of Manco Capac used to march to their fron tiers with armies, which at least kneAV hoAV to obey, to fight and to intrench themselves, and who, together with better offensive arms than those of the savages, had also shields and defensive weapons, which their enemies had not. They proposed to the 118 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. nation which they Avanted to unite to their government, to embrace their religion, laws and manners. These invitations were most commonly rejected. Fresh deputies were sent, who urged these matters more strenuously. Sometimes they were murdered ; and the savages fell suddenly upon the Peruvians. The troops that were attacked had generally the advantage ; but they suspended the fight the instant they had gained the victory, and treated their prisoners so kindly that these afterwards inspired their companions Avith an affection for conquerors so humane. A Peruvian army seldom began an attack, and the inca has often been knoAvn to forbear hostilities even after he had experienced the perfidy of the barbarians and several of his soldiers had been murdered. The Jesuits, who had no army, confined themselves to the arts of preservation. They penetrated into the forest in search of the savages, and prevailed upon them to renounce their old customs and prejudices, to embrace a religion which, however, they did not comprehend, and to enjoy the sweets of society, to which they had always been strangers. The incas had another advantage over the Jesuits, Avhich lay in the nature of their religion, and which was calculated to strike the senses. It is more easy to persuade men to Avorship the sun, which seems to announce its own divinity to mortals, than to adore an invisible God, and to believe doctrines and mysteries which they can hardly understand. Accordingly, the missionaries had the prudence to civilize the savages in some measure, before they attempted to convert them. They did not pretend to make them avowed Christians, till they had made them feel, in some degree, like men. As soon as they had assembled them in communities, they exerted themselves to provide everything for their subsistence and comfort. In this manner, by rendering them contented and tractable, they found it much easier to persuade them, formally, to embrace Christianity. The Jesuits imitated the example of the incas, in the division of land into three shares ; for religious purposes, for the public, and for individuals. They encouraged working for orphans, old people and soldiers ; they reAvarded great actions ; they inspected or censured the morals of the people ; they practised acts of benev olence ; they established festivals, and intermixed them with labo rious employments; they appointed military exercises; kept up a spirit of subordination; invented preservatives against idleness, and inspired the people with respect for religion and virtue. They educated the young, and taught them to sing hymns, while they moved in long processions. In a word, whatever was valuable POLICY OF THE INCAS AND JESUITS. 9 in the legislation of the incas was adopted, or even improved upon in Paraguay. Singing hymns. The incas and the Jesuits had alike established such a system of regularity and order, as prevented the commission of crimes, and removed the necessity of punishment. There was hardly such a thing as a delinquent in Paraguay. The morals of the people were good, and were maintained in this state of purity by still milder methods than had been practised in Peru. The crim inal laws had been severe in that empire ; they were not so among the Indians of Paraguay. Punishments were not dreaded there, and men feared nothing so much as the reproach of their own conscience. After the example of the incas, the Jesuits had established the theocratical government, with an additional help peculiar to the Catholic religion; this was the practice of confession, which, in Paraguay, brought the guilty person to the feet of the magistrate. There, far from palliating his crime, remorse made him rather aggravate it ; and instead of endeavoring to elude his punishment, he implored it on his knees. The more public and severe it was, the more did it contribute to quiet his conscience. By these means, punishment, which in all other places is a terror to the guilty, was here considered a source of consolation, as it stifled the pangs of remorse by the expiation of the guilt. The Indians of Paraguay had no civil laws, because they knew of no property ; nor had they any criminal statutes, because every one was his own accuser, and voluntarily submitted to punishment. Their only laws were the precepts of religion. There were more arts and domestic conveniences in the repub- 120 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. lies of the Jesuits, than there had been even in Cuzco itself, with out more luxury. The use of coin was unknown. The watch maker, weaver, locksmith and tailor, all deposited their works in public warehouses. They were supplied with every necessary of life, for the husbandman labored for them. The ministers of re ligion, assisted by magistrates who were chosen by the people, attended to the several wants of the whole community. There was no distinction of station ; and it appears to have been the only successful attempt at a political society, on an extended scale, where men have enjoyed that equality Avhich is the second of all blessings ; for liberty is undoubtedly the first. The incas and the Jesuits both inspired mankind with a rever ence for religion, by the dazzling pomp of external ceremonies. The temples of the sun were as well constructed, and as well ornamented, as the imperfect state of the arts, and the nature of the materials in use, would allow ; and the churches in Paraguay were very beautiful. Sacred music, that awakened human sensi bility, affecting hymns, lively paintings, the pomp of ceremonies ; everything, in a word, conspired to attract and to detain the In dians in these places of divine Avorship. where they found enjoy ment blended with the exercises of piety. . When the missions of Paraguay were taken out of the hands of the Jesuits, in 1768, they had arrived perhaps to the highest degree of civilization to which it is possible to bring savage nations, and which certainly far surpassed anything to be found in the rest of the new hemisphere. The laws were well observed ; an exact police was established; the manners Avere pure, and. all the inhabitants were united by brotherly love. All the arts of necessity were improved, and some of those of luxury Avere knoAvn. Plenty was universal, and the public stores Avere filled. In a Ajford, two leading objects of political government, tranquillity and contentment, seemed to be fully secured to these people. iipuch is the picture, at least, afforded by the Spanish writers, and it appears to have received the general assent of mankind, with little abatement of the favoring colors in which it is drawn. CHAPTER XII. Settlement of Venezuela and Guiana. — Story of El Dorado. — Settlement of Darien and California. — General view of the government of Spanish America. — Rapacity of the viceroys. — Monopoly of commerce by the mother country. — Despotism of the government. — Description of the several classes of the inhabitants. — State of the Indians. — Intercourse of the South Americans with Spain. — Fair of Porto Bello. — Integrity of the Spanish merchants. — Effect of the treasures of the Amer ican mines upon Spain. — Decline of that kingdom.— Effects of the war of the succession. — The trade of Peru opened to the French. — Tlie Asiento treaty with the English. — The Porto Bello trade opened to the English. — Factories estab lished by them in Spanish America. — Contraband trade. — Abolition of the galeons. Entrance to palace of El Dorado. Florida soon attracted the notice of the Spanish adventurers, and Avas invaded by them in the same daring spirit as the neigh boring countries. But as that territory now forms a portion of the American republic, we have reserved the account of this in vasion for the history of the United States. We shall now pro ceed to complete the history of the Spanish discoveries and con- «ests in the southern portion of the western hemisphere. The province of Venezuela was first visited by the Spaniards 11 p 122 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. under Ojeda, in 1499. The voyagers, on landing there, observed a village of Indian huts built upon piles, in order to raise them above the stagnant water Avhich covered the ground. They named the place Venezuela, from their usual propensity to find a resemblance between the objects they saw in America and those that were familiar to them in Europe. They made some attempts to settle here, but with little success. The final reduction of the province was accomplished by means very different from those to which Spain was indebted for her other acquisitions in the New World. The ambition of Charles V. often engaged him in undertakings of such variety and extent as to exceed the capacity of his reve nue. Among other expedients for supplying the deficiencies of his treasury, he had borrowed large sums of money from the Vel- sers, of Augsburg, the richest merchants then in Europe. By way of payment, or perhaps in hopes of obtaining a new loan, he bestOAved upon them the province of Venezuela, to be held as a hereditary fief of the croAvn of Castile, on condition that within a limited time they should make themselves masters of the country and establish a colony there. Under proper conductors this scheme might have been attended with good success ; but unfortu nately, its execution was intrusted to some of those soldiers of for tune Avho abounded in Germany in the sixteenth century. These adventurers, impatient to amass riches, instead of planting a colony that might have cultivated and improved the country, wandered from district to district in search of mines, plundering the natives with unfeeling rapacity, and oppressing them by the Imposition of intolerable tasks. In a few -years their avarice and extortions, in comparison with which those of the Spaniards were ^moderate, desolated the province so completely that it could hardly afford them subsistence ; and the Velsers relinquished a property from which they had no hope of ever deriving any advantage. When the wretched remainder of the Germans abandoned Venezuela, the Spaniards again took possession of it; but unfortu nately, the scenes of horror which the Germans had exhibited, were renewed by Carvajal, to whom was confided the government of this unhappy country. His barbarities rendered the depopula tion so complete, that, as early as 1550, a great number of negroes were imported from Africa, on whom the hopes of an unbounded prosperity were founded. But the habits of tyranny impelled the Spaniards to treat these slaves with so much severity that they revolted. Their rebellion was assigned as a reason for massa cring all the males, and this province once more became a deserU in which the ashes of negroes, Spaniards, Indians and Germanf GUIANA. 123 the oppressors and the oppressed, were intermingled. In conse quence of these ravages the country for a long time lay waste, and when new settlements were begun, they advanced so slowly that this part of the Spanish possessions remained comparatively ob scure and unproductive, while the other American colonies were in a flourishing condition. Guiana, or the territory extending from the Orinoco to the Ama zon, was peopled, at the time of its discovery, by a diversity of tribes, similar in their general character to the other natives of South America. The Orinoco was discovered by Columbus in 1498, but the country lay many years neglected. It was not till 1535, that the Spaniards thought of exploring it ; and being then disappointed in their search after mines, they regarded it as of so lit tle value that they founded but one settlement on the Orinoco. This country is remarkable, in the early history of America, as being the quarter in which was situated the fabulous region of El Dorado. The belief in the existence of this country cost Spain a greater expenditure of life and treasure than all her other conquests in the New World. There were, along the whole coast of the Spanish Main, rumors of an inland country which abounded with gold. These rumors undoubtedly related to the kingdom of Bogota and Tunja, now the Republic of New Granada. Belalcazar set out in quest of this country from Quito. Feaerman, who came from Venezuela, and Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, sought it by way of the river Madalena. Wherever these adventurers came there were rumors of a rich land at a distance. Similar accounts prevailed in Peru. In Peru they related to New Grenada ; there they related to Peru ; and thus adventurers from both sides were allured to continue the pursuit of an object which constantly fled before them. An imaginary kirigdom was soon shaped out as the object of their quest, and stories concerning it Avere easily invented and eagerly believed. It Avas said that a younger brother of Atahualpa fled from Peru after the destruction of the incas, took with him the main part of their treasures, and founded a greater empire than that of which his family had been deprived. Some times this imaginary emperor was called the Great Paytiti, some times the Great Moxo, sometimes the Enim, or Great Paru. An impostor at Lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of Manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths' street. He even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. The columns of the palace were de scribed as of porphyry and alabaster ; the galleries of ebony and radar 5 the throne of ivory, and the ascent to it was by steps of gold. 124 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. When Don Martin del Barco was Avriting his poem of the Ar gentina, which was about the time of Sir Walter Raleigh's first expedition to Guiana, a report was current in Paraguay, that the court of the Great Moxo had been discovered. Don Martin com municates it as certain intelligence, and expresses his regret that Cabeza de Vaca, had turned back from the Xarayes; for had he proeeeded in that direction, he would have been the fortunate discoverer. The palace, he says, stood on an island in a lake. It was built of white stone ; at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column five and twenty feet in height; on its top was a large silver moon, and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. Having passed by these keepers you came into a quadrangle, planted with trees and Avatered by a silver fountain which spouted through four golden pipes. The gate of the palace was of copper; it was very small, and its bolt was received into the solid rock. Within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver, and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. However manifestly these fictions were borrow ed from the romances of Amadis de Gaul and Palmerin of Eng land, they Avere not too gross for the greedy avarice of those to whom they were addressed. This imaginary kingdom obtained the name of El Dorado, from the fashion of its emperor, who Avas described as arrayed in the most whimsical and barbarous magnificence. His body was anointed every morning with a certain fragrant gum, of great price, and gold dust was then blown upon him through a tube till he was covered with it ; the Avhole was washed off at night. This the barbarian thought a more magnificent and costly attire than could be afforded by any other potentate in the world, and hence the Spaniards called him El Dorado, or the Gilded One. A history of all the expeditions which were undertaken for the conquest of this fabu lous kingdom, would form a volume no less entertaining than extraordinary. The belief in the existence of El Dorado was not extinct at the end of the sixteenth century, and Sir Walter Raleigh, though probably discrediting the marvellous part of the story himself, did not scruple to make use of the fable in alluring the English into a scheme of his own for colonizing Guiana. He led an expedition to that country in 1600, but after making an unsuccessful attempt to penetrate into the interior, he was forced to abandon the under taking and return to England. The deceits which he had practised in order to promote this measure were exposed and his character was ruined. Raleigh's expedition to Guiana brought him to the^ scaffold. CAYENNE. 125 The French formed a settlement at Cayenne, in 1635. This colony experienced many disasters. The merchants of Rouen Jill., ^MMmP^M View in Cayenne. formed a company for colonization here, and entrusted the man agement of it to Poncet de Bretigny, a man of ferocious disposition. He declared war both against the natives and the colonists, and was soon massacred. This misfortune checked the prosperity of the colony; but, in 1651, a ne.Av company was established, on a larger scale than the first. In Paris alone, seven or eight hundred settlers Avere collected. They embarked on the Seine for Havre de Grace, but, unfortunately, the virtuous Abbe de Marivault, who was the chief promoter of the undertaking, and who had been selected for director-general, was drowned as he was stepping into his boat. Roiville, a gentleman of Normandy, was then appointed general, but he Avas assassinated on the passage. Twelve of the principal adventurers who had committed this deed of violence, assumed the direction of affairs, and administered the government of the colony in a manner worthy of so atrocious a beginning. They- hanged one of their number, and banished three to a desert island ; two more died, and the rest abandoned themselves to every species of excess. The commandant of the citadel deserted to the Dutch with a part of his garrison, and those of the remainder who escaped hunger, sickness and the fury of the savages, Avhich had been roused by numerous provocations, abandoned the country, after Y fifteen months' stay, and fled to the leeward islands. They left 11* 126 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. behind them in the fort a large quantity of arms, ammunition and merchandise, with the dead bodies of six hundred of their wretched companions. In 1663, a new company was formed in France, under the direc tion of La Barre, master of requests, with a capital of about forty thousand dollars. By obtaining some assistance from the ministry, they were able to expel the Dutch, who had taken possession of the country. In 1667, the English became masters of the colony, and the Dutch again in 1676 ; but it reverted to the French, who still retain it. Surinam was founded by the French in 1640, but they aban doned it shortly afterwards, and were succeeded by the English, who made some progress in the settlement, when they were driven out by the Dutch. The colony was confirmed to them by the peace of Breda, and they remain masters of it at the present day. The Dutch formed a settlement on the Essequibo about the year 1602 ; this and the settlements in its neighborhood were subse quently taken by the French and English. They were recovered by the Dutch, and retained by them till 1781, when the colonies on the Essequibo and Demerara put themselves under British protec tion. In 1783 the French again took possession of this territory. The British subdued them in 1796, and they were restored to the Dutch at the treaty of Amiens, in 1802. The British took posses sion of them once more in 1803, and have retained them to the present day. A settlement was made by the Scotch at the Isthmus of Darien in 1696. They landed twelve hundred men, furnished with every thing necessary to establish a colony. The country was named Caledonia, and the town which they began to build, New Edin burgh. The design of the settlers was to gain the confidence of the natives, whom the Spaniards could not subdue, and with whom they were then at war ; to intercept the Spanish galeons, and, by combining with the British forces at Jamaica, to cut off the trade through Carthagena and Porto Bello, and compete with the Spaniards for the ascendency in this part of the world. This scheme aroused the jealousy of Louis XIV., who offered the court of Madrid a fleet to frustrate the attempt. The Dutch were still more alarmed, in the apprehension that this new company would one day rival them in the smuggling trade, of Avhich they enjoyed at that period a monopoly. But, above all, the Spaniards had reason to oppose it, and the government of Madrid threatened in consequence to confiscate the property of British merchants trading in their territories. Yet, had the scheme been encouraged by the English, there can be little doubt that a permanent establishment' CALIFORNIA. 127 would haA'e been effected, of great importance to their commerce. Some illiberal prejudices, hoAvever, excited the court against this enterprise. Scotland was yet a separate kingdom, and it was feared that the gold of America, by making that country rich, would withdraw it from its dependence on England. The permis sion to make this settlement was therefore revoked by king William; and he prohibited all the other British colonies from furnishing arms and ammunition or provisions to the settlement at Darien. The undertaking was therefore stifled in its infancy. California Avas discovered by Cortez in 1536, but he had no leisure to explore it. Several unsuccessful attempts were after- Avards made to form settlements there, and the losses and expendi tures consequent upon these failures had so far discouraged the Spanish government that the project was entirely given up, till, in 1697, the Jesuits offered to undertake it. Having obtained this permission, they devised a plan of legislation founded upon accu rate notions of the elimate, soil and character of the inhabitants. Their proceedings Avere not guided by fanaticism. They treated the natives with gentleness and conciliation, winning their favoi with gifts, instead of exciting their hostility by plundering them of their property. The hatred which the Californians bore against the Spanish name was overcome, the useful arts were introduced, and a considerable degree of civilization established among the inhabitants. The whole Spanish dominion in America was divided into two great governments ; one subject to the viceroy of New Spain, or Mexico, and the other to the viceroy of Peru. The jurisdiction of the former extended over all the provinces north of the Isthmus of Panama ; that of the latter, over all the South American prov inces. The inconveniences of this arrangement were felt at an early period ; and they became intolerable Avhen the remote prov inces had increased in population. So wide was the extent of these dominions, that many places subject to the jurisdiction of the viceroys, were at such an enormous distance from the capitals in which they resided, that no authority could effectually reach them. Some districts in the viceroyalty of Mexico lay at a dis tance of two thousand miles from the seat of government. Lima, the capital of the viceroyalty of Peru, Avas at a still greater dis tance from some of its dependencies. The people in these remote quarters, could hardly be said to enjoy the benefits of civil gov ernment. The oppression and insolence of petty magistrates were grievances that were borne in silence, as no redress could be obtained, except by a long and expensive journey to the capital. A partial remedy for these evils was at length applied, at the be- 128 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. ginning of the last contury, by the establishment of a third vice- royalty at Santa Fe de Bogota, the capital of the new kingdom of Granada, the jurisdiction of which extended over the whole kingdom of Tierra Firme and the province of Quito. Subse quently a fourth viceroyalty Avas erected, comprising the provin ces of Rio de la Plata, Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Tucuman, Potosi, and a few other districts. The limits of the viceroyalty of New Spain Avere likeAvise contracted, and four of its remote provinces, California, Sinaloa, Sonora and New Navarre, formed into a sepa rate government, Avithout, however, the rank of a viceroyalty. The. viceroys of these rich and extensive countries, not only rep resented the person of their sovereign, but possessed his royal prerogatives in their utmost strength, within the precincts of their own governments. Their authority was supreme in every de partment, military, civil and criminal. They presided in every tribunal, and had the sole right of nominating to offices of the highest importance. The external pomp of their government corresponded with its real dignity and power. The court was formed upon the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards. They possessed a household regularly established ; nu merous attendants and insignia of command, and made a display of pompous magnificence which hardly bore the semblance of delegated authority. The government of Madrid, with character istic jealousy, being conscious of all this, and of the innumerable opportunities the viceroys possessed of amassing Avealth, permit ted them to remain in office only a few years ; which circumstance only increased their rapacity, and added to the ingenuity with Avhich they labored to improve every moment of poAver, which they knew was hastening fast to a period. They Avere then suc ceeded by others, who had the same motives to pursue the same conduct ; and being generally chosen out of families of distinc tion, decayed in fortune, the provinces thus became exhausted hy avarice and oppression. The viceroys were aided in their government by officers and tri bunals similar to those in Spain. The administration of justice was vested in courts known by the name of Audiences. These Avere eleven in number, dispensing justice to as many districts. Their sentences were final in all cases of property beloAv the value of six thousand dollars ; above this, the case Avas subject to review, and might be carried by appeal before the Royal Council of the Indies in* Spain. The first object of the Spanish government, after reducing the native Americans to subjection and establishing the colonies in perpetual dependence on the parent state, Avas to secure a mo- GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 129 nopoly of their commerce. In order to prevent the colonies from making any efforts in trade or manufacture that might interfere with the business of the mother country, they prohibited, by the severest penalties, the establishment of the staple manufactures of Spain, and the culture of the vine and olive. The inhabitants trusted to old Spain both for articles of luxury and prime neces sity. In exchange for these, the colonies sent to Spain the pro duce of their mines and plantations. All that they produced flowed into the ports of Spain, and nearly all that they consumed issued from them. No foreigner could enter one of the Spanish American settlements without express permission ; foreign vessels were excluded from their ports, and the penalty of death and con fiscation was denounced against all Avho presumed to trade with them. Nor did the jealousy and narrow maxims cf the Spanish government stop here. All communication was prohibited be tween one province and another along the Pacific Ocean, though each of these yielded peculiar productions, which could have been interchanged, to the great promotion of the wealth, industry and happiness of the people. Hostile nations have enjoyed more inter course with each other than was permitted to the Spaniards of Mexico, Peru, New Granada and Guatemala. Such is the general outline of the ancient government of Spanish America, — a system dictated by avarice and ambition, selfish and short-sighted, and rendered still more oppressive by superstition Never, perhaps, was a despotism established Avith so little regard to the rights of humanity ; the natives enslaved, the colonists subjected to the arbitrary will of a constant succession of hungry and rapacious rulers, Avho preyed upon their vitals with the re morseless greediness of so many vultures ; prohibited from sup plying their own Avants, from intercourse with foreigners or the neighboring colonies of their own countrymen, and obliged to purchase the produce of the mother country at an extravagant price. In order to secure the monopoly at Avhich she aimed, Spain conducted all her trade with America by means of tAvo fleets with strong convoys, one named the galeons, and the other the jiota ; they Avere equipped annually, and sailed from Seville, touching at Cadiz. In consequence of such a restricted mode of communi cation, the profits on merchandise exported to America, generally amounted to two and three hundred per cent. Population Avas not likely to make rapid advances in settle ments where men had so few inducements to think of their posterity ; nor was industry likely to flourish under all these dis couragements. As a further check upon both, the Catholic reli gion, under the same form as in Spain, was established here, with Q 130 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. its full train of archbishops, bishops, deans and other dignita ries, exacting a tenth out of the produce of the planter. This tax on industry, which is no slight oppression to society even in its most improved state, was highly grievous to the infant colonies, as it affected every article of prime necessity. The industry of the planter was taxed in every stage of its progress, but so fertile were the regions which the settlers occupied, that population gradually increased, in spite of every hindrance from the govern ment, and the colonies were filled with citizens of various distinct orders. Among these the natives of Old Spain held the first rank, by the name of chapetones ; and from the jealousy of the Spanish court in securing the dependence of the colonies, every office of importance was filled from this class of persons. Those, who, by their birth or long residence in America, might be suspected to have any interest separate from that of the mother country, were the objects of distrust to such a degree that it amounted nearly to an exclusion from all offices of trust or authority. The chape tones,. therefore, were raised to such a pre-eminence in Spanish America, thdt they looked down with disdain on every other order of men. The Creoles, or descendants of Europeans settled in America, formed the second class of subjects in the Spanish colonies. Some of these were the posterity of the original conquerors, and others belonged to the noblest families of Spain, but by the enervating influence of a sultry climate, and other causes, the original vigor of their minds became so entirely broken, that the greater part of them were accustomed to waste life in luxurious indul gence. Commerce was too laborious an employment for them; and the interior traffic of the colonies, as Avell as that with Spain, was carried on solely by the chapetones, who acquired immense wealth by this means, at the same time that they engrossed the emoluments of government. The various passions excited by this distinction of rank and character, settled down into the most im placable hatred between these two classes, Avhich, even at an early period, broke out into occasional ferments. From a refinement in their distrustful policy, the court of Spain cherished the seeds of discord, and fomented this mutual jealousy, hoping to prevent the two most powerful classes of its subjects in the New World from combining against the parent state. The further effects of these animosities, as exhibited in the revolutions to Avhich Spanish America has been subjected during the present century, will he described in another portion of this Avork. The third class of colonists was a mixed race, the offspring either of an European and a negro, or of an European and Indian, RACES IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. 131 the former a mulatto, and the latter a mestizo. The several stages of descent in their race, and the gradual variations of shade, until the African black, or the copper-color of America brightened into an European complexion, were accurately marked by the Spaniards, and each distinguished by a peculiar name. The mechanic arts Avere chiefly carried on by this mixed race, Avhose form is remarka bly robust and hardy. The negroes held the fourth rank, and Avere chiefly employed in domestic service. They were much caressed by their masters, whose manners they imitated, and Avhose passions they imbibed. Their dress and external appear ance were hardly inferior to that of their lords. Elevated by this distinction, they assumed a tone of superiority over the Indians, and treated them with such insolence, that the antipathy between the two races became deep and inveterate. The Indians formed the fifth and the most depressed order of inhabitants in that country which belonged to their ancestors. By the edict of Charles V., Avhich caused such disturbances, the Indians Avere exempted from involuntary services ; but so much inconvenience was experienced in carrying this edict into literal execution, that, after many fruitless attempts, the project was abandoned ; and measures were taken to secure the labor of the Indians, and make them contribute to the support of government, at the same time regarding them as freemen. A yearly tax was laid upon every male from eighteen years of age to fifty, and the nature and degree of the services required were fixed with preci sion. Every Indian was either an immediate vassal of the crown, or a dependent upon some person to whom the district where he lived had been granted for a limited time, under the name of an encomienda. In the former case about three fourths of the tax were paid into the royal treasury; in the latter, the same proportion Avent to the holder of the grant. According to the same rule, the benefit arising from the services of the Indians, accrued either to the crown, or to the grantee of the encomienda. The nature of the work was not only defined, but a recompense, seemingly equi table, assigned. On many occasions, however, both from the avarice of individuals and the exactions of the magistrates, un reasonable tasks were imposed, the term of labor prolonged, and they were made to groan under all the insults and wrongs of an enslaved and degraded people. The mines were the great source of their oppression. Their constitutions were exhausted, and their bodies worn down, by extracting ore from the bowels of the earth, and refining it by a process no less laborious than un healthy. How often must they have cursed the fatal wealth of their soil, Avhich not only tempted the Spaniards to conquest, but 132 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. doomed them to a condition more completely wretched than that of any other vanquished race ! Porto Bello, on the Gulf of Darien, although situated in a most unhealthy spot, became at one period the theatre of the richest commerce that ever was transacted on the face of the earth. The gold, silver and other productions of Peru and Chili, were carried annually thither from Panama, to be exchanged for the manufac tures of Europe, while, on the other hand, the galeons arrived from Spain, laden with every article of necessity and luxury. At this period Porto Bello was filled Avith people, its harbor crowded with ships, and the neighboring fields covered with droves of mules, laden with the precious metals. Instead of poverty and solitude, its characteristics on ordinary occasions, the town ex hibited, during the season of the fair, the most imposing show of wealth and activity. Bales of goods, chests of treasure, and bustling crowds everyAvhere met the eye. As soon as the galeons were unloaded, and the merchants of Peru with the president of Panama had arrived, preliminaries of the fair began. The depu ties of the several parties repaired on board the admiral's ship, Avhere the prices of the different commodities were settled, in presence of the commander of the galeons and the president of Panama. The estimate was not adjusted according to the intrin sic value of each article, but by its scarcity or plenty ; and the ability of the agents Avas shoAvn in forming their combinations so judiciously, that the cargo imported from Europe should absorb all the treasures that were sent from Lima. It was regarded as a bad market when goods were left unsold for want of money, or money remained unexpended for Avant of goods. In the former case, and in that only, the Spanish merchants were permitted to go and traffic in the South Sea; and in the latter, only, the Peru vian merchants might make remittances to Spain, for the purchase of goods. The prices being settled, the business of the fair began. This was neither tedious nor difficult, but Avas conducted with that simplicity and confidence Avhich accompany extensive commerce. No bale of goods was ever opened; no chest of treasure Avas examined; both Avere received on the credit of the persons to whom they belonged; and the exchanges were made with so much honesty, that this liberal confidence Avas never abused. Chests of gold Avere found more than once mixed among chests of silver; and articles Avere contained in the bales not mentioned in the invoice, but all these were accurately accounted for on the return of the galeons. There was known one instance of fraud. In 1654, all the coined silver Avhich was shipped from Porto Bello THE FAIR OF PORTO BELLO, ETC. 133 to Europe, was found to have one fifth of alloy. The Spanish merchants, with their usual integrity, sustained the whole loss, and indemnified the foreigners by whom they were employed. The fraud was detected, and the author of it, who was no other than the treasurer of the mint at Lima, publicly burnt for his vil- lany. The reputation, therefore, of the Peruvian merchants suf fered no stain. The fair of Porto Bello was limited to forty days, on account of the insalubrity of the place. After this, the galeons returned to Spain by the way of Cuba, often with twenty millions of dol lars in money and goods. The two toAvns of Porto Bello and Panama, which were the main channels of communication be tween Spain and her most valuable colonies, were reduced almost to nothing after the galeons Avere abolished. The quantity of gold and silver entered at the Spanish ports from America, exceeded tAventy millions of dollars per annum, besides what was smuggled. It might naturally be supposed that such a torrent of treasure must have rendered Spain the richest country in the universe. But the event proved other- Avise. All the greedy rapacity and oppression of the Spanish conquerors have been unable to prevent Spain from sinking into one of the poorest and feeblest poAvers in Europe. When the American mines were first opened, and the intercourse be tween the mother country and her colonies became active, the industry and manufactures of Spain were so thriving that she was able to ansAver the groAving demands of the American set tlements. The manufactures in avooI, and flax, and silk, were so considerable, as to furnish not only sufficient for her own con sumption, but afforded a surplus for exportation. And when a new market for them was opened, to Avhich she alone had ac cess, this new employment must have augmented her industry. But a sudden and enormous influx of wealth must ever bring pernicious consequences in its train, by overturning all sober plans of industry, and breeding a taste for Avhatever is wild, extrava gant and daring in business and action. The treasures of Spain Avere accordingly squandered by Charles V. in attempts to over turn the liberties of Germany, and by the imbecile and arrogant Philip II. , Avho imagined his feeble intellect equal to the task of subjugating all Europe. Spain Avas thus drained of men and money. The calamities of the country Avere increased by the bigot, Philip III., who wantonly expelled from his dominions a million of industrious Morescoes, who constituted the life of the Spanish manufactures. The demands of the colonies continued to increase in proportion 12 134 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. as the parent state declined in population and industry. The Spaniards, finding industry discouraged at home, repaired with eagerness to the New World ; and another drain of her population was opened in Spain by the flow of emigrants to the west. Thinned of people and void of industry, she was unable to sup ply the increasing demands of her colonies, and had recourse to her neighbors. The manufactures of the Low Countries, of Eng land, France and Italy, which her wants called into existence, or animated Avith new vigor, furnished in abundance whatever she required. In vain did the fundamental law of Ferdinand and Isabella, excluding foreigners from the trade of America, oppose this innovation. Necessity, more poAverful than written statutes, defeated its operations, and forced the Spaniards themselves to concur in eluding it. Relying on the fidelity and honor of the Spanish merchants, who lent their names to cover the transaction, the English, the French and the Dutch sent out their manufac tures to the Spanish colonies, and reaped the enormous profits created by the misgovernment of the court of Madrid. That probity, which is the pride and distinction of the Castilians, was the security of foreigners in this traffic. Neither the dread of danger, nor the allurements of profit ever induced a Spanish agent to betray the trust confided in him. Before the middle of the seventeenth century, not more than a tAventieth part of the commodities exported to Spanish America was the growth or fabric of the parent state. All the rest was the property of foreign merchants, though entered in the name of Spaniards. The treasures of the New World may be said from this time to have belonged not to Spain, but to foreigners. The court of Madrid were astonished and distressed to behold their American wealth vanish almost as soon as it appeared. In their desperation and perplexity they had recourse to many wild and ineffectual schemes. The exportation of gold and silver was made a capital crime ; but this laAV, like the former, was eluded, and Philip IV., unable to supply Avhat was requisite in circulation, attempted to raise copper coin to the value nearly of silver. The lord of the mines of Mexico and Peru was driven to the necessity of uttering base money ! Under the feeble monarchs with whom the reign of the Austrian line in Spain terminated, no remedy was applied to the evils under Avhich the national trade and industry languished. These evils continued to increase, and Spain, Avith dominions more extensive and opulent than any other European state, possessed neither money, vigor, nor industry, At length the violence of a great national convulsion aroused the slumbering genius of the land in ETC. 135 the war of the succession, at the beginning of the last century. This war rekindled, in some degree, the ancient spirit and energy of the nation; while the various powers Avho favored the pre-. tensions of the Austrian or Bourbon candidate for the throne, France, England and Holland, sent formidable fleets and armies to their support, and remitted immense sums of money to Spain, which were spent there. Part of the American treasure, of which the kingdom had been drained, flowed back ; and as soon as the Bourbons obtained quiet possession of the throne, they discerned this change in the spirit of the people, and took advantage of it. Accordingly the first object of Philip V. Avas to suppress an inno vation which had taken place during the Avar, and which over turned the whole system of the Spanish commerce with America. The English and Dutch, by their superiority in naval power, having acquired such command of the sea as to cut off all com munication between Spain and her colonies, the court of Madrid, in order to furnish the settlements with those necessaries of life, without which they could not subsist, opened the trade of Peru to the French. The privilege of this trade was granted by Louis XIV. to the merchants of St. Malo, who entered into it with vigor and prosecuted it upon principles very different from those of the Spaniards. They supplied Peru Avith European commodities at a moderate price and in large quantities. Such an abundance of goods flowed into every province of Spanish America, as had never before been seen ; and if this intercourse had been con tinued, the commerce with Spain must have ceased and the dependence of the colonies on the mother country speedily come to an end. Peremptory orders were therefore issued, prohibiting the admission of foreign vessels into any part of Peru or Chili, and a Spanish squadron was sent into the South Sea to enforce the new system. But though Spain by this means repelled one encroachment on her commerce, she became exposed to another, hardly less fatal. At the peace of Utrecht, Philip V. transferred to Great Britain the Asiento, or privilege of supplying the Spanish colonies with slaves, and added to this grant the more extraordinary favor of allowing the English to send annually to the fair of Porto Bello, a ship of five hundred tons, laden with European commodities. By virtue of this contract, which was vested exclusively in the South Sea Company, British factories were established at Carthagena, Pa nama, Vera Cruz, Buenos Ayres, and other Spanish settlements ; and the company was farther permitted to freight, in the ports of the South Sea, vessels of four hundred tons, to convey negroes to all the ports of Peru, and to bring back the produce of their sales in gold and silver, free of duty. 136 SPANISH DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. Thus the veil Avith which Spain had hitherto covered the affairs of her colonies Avas removed. The agents of a rival nation resid ing in the towns of most extensive trade and of chief resort, had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted with the interior condition of the provinces. The merchants of Jamaica, and other English colonies that traded to the Spanish main, Avere accord ingly enabled to carry on the contraband trade Avith a facility and success never before equalled. This, however, was not the most fatal effect of the Asiento upon the commerce of Spain. The agents of the British South Sea Company, under cover of the importation which they were authorized to make by the ship sent annually to Porto Bello, poured in their goods without measure or restraint. Instead of a ship of five hundred tons, as stipulated by the treaty, they employed one of more than double that size. She Avas accompanied by three or four smaller vessels, which, mooring in some neighboring creek, supplied her clandestinely with fresh bales of goods as fast as the first were sold. The inspectors of the fair and the officers of the revenue, corrupted by exorbitant presents, connived at the fraud. In this manner, almost the, Avhole trade of Spanish America fell into the hands of foreigners. The immense commerce of the galeons, formerly the pride of Spain and the envy of other na tions, Avas ruined by this competition, and the squadron itself, reduced from fifteen thousand to tAvo thousand tons, served hardly any other purpose than to bring home the royal revenue arising from the fifth on silver. The attempts of the Spanish government to check this contra band trade, by the establishment of guarda costas on the coast of the Spanish main, precipitated her into a Avar with Great Britain, , in consequence of which the latter obtained a release from the Asiento, and Avas left at full liberty, by the treaty of Aix la Cha pelle, to regulate the trade Avith her colonies without being re strained by any foreign engagements. Subsequently to this, the Spanish government permitted a considerable part of the Ameri can trade to be carried on by register ships, which Avere despatch ed by merchants in Seville and Cadiz in the intervals between the voyages of the galeons and the flota. The advantages of this new arrangement were soon felt; the contraband trade was checked, the number of register ships increased, and in 1748, the galeons were finally abolished, after having been employed above two centuries. All the register ships for the Pacific Ocean were obliged to take their departure from Cadiz and return thither, so that the American commerce remained still under the restraint of a species of monopoly. . ,: BRAZIL. CHAPTER XIII. Discovery of Brazil. — Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. — Attempt of the French, under Villegagnon, to establish a settlement at Rio Janeiro. — Expulsion of the French. — Convicts transported to Brazil. — De Souza appointed governor. — Hostility of the natives. — Introduction of the Jesuits. — They pacify the natives. — Contrast of " the Spanish and Portuguese policies in the conquest of America. — The Cariges. — Anecdote of Farnahaca, a Brazilian chief. — Slaves brought into Brazil. — New attempts of the French. — The Brazilian philosopher. Modern hunters of Brazil. Brazil Avas first discovered by Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the companions of Columbus in his first voyage. Seven years after this, Pinzon and his nephew Arias obtained a commission to make further discoveries. They sailed from Palos, with four caravels, in 1499, and came in sight of Cape St. Augustine, Jan uary 26, 1500. They gave this headland the name of Cape Con solation, landed, cut inscriptions on the trees, and took possession of the country for the crown of Castile. They had some hostile dealings with the natives, and coasted south as far as the mouth of the Amazon. From this* point they sailed northwardly as far as the Orinoco, and returned to Spain Avith specimens of cinnamon, 12* R 138 BRAZIL. ginger, Brazil wood and other commodities. The Spaniards, however, made no attempt to colonize this country, as it was found to lie within the limits which had been assigned to the Portuguese. In fact, before the Pinzons returned to Spain, it had been taken possession of by that power. The Portuguese discovered it by accident. In 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral sailed from Lisbon, with a fleet, for the East Indies ; the passage thither round the Cape of Good Hope having first been discovered by Vasco da Gama. The fleet, in order to avoid the calms on the coast of Africa, stood a great distance to the west, and, on the 24th of April, saw land in lat. 17° south. They steered along the shore, and, on the 3d of May, landed at a harbor, Avhich they named Porto Seguro. This being the day dedicated to the holy cross, Cabral named the country, Terra Cabral taking possession of Brazil. Nova de Vera Cruz, or New Land of the Holy Cross. The forests abounded with trees producing a beautiful dye-Avood as red as fire, to which the Portuguese gave the name of brazil, from braza, a live coal. This name afterwards was applied to the whole coun try. Cabral took possession of it in the name of the crown of Portugal. He sent a vessel back to Lisbon Avith the news of his discovery, and proceeded on his voyage to India. The king of Portugal immediately fitted out three ships, under Amerigo Vespucci, who sailed to Brazil in 1501. Vespucci ex plored the coast as far south as the 52d degree of latitude, but made no settlement, and returned to Lisbon after a voyage of six teen months. He made a second voyage in 1503, in which he lost all his fleet but his OAvn ship, established a settlement on the coast, RIO JANEIRO. 139 and carried home a cargo of brazil wood, the value of which tempted many private adventurers to that country, and an estab lishment of these volunteer colonists Avas soon formed at St. Sal vador. The Portuguese government, however, strangely neglected this valuable territory, and the French began to turn their eyes in that direction. In 1558, Nicolas Villegagnon, a Frenchman, a knight of Malta, and an officer of high rank in the French navy, sailed on an expedition to Rio Janeiro. He formed a settlement on an island in that harbor, which still bears his name. The design was to make this country an asylum for the Huguenots; and the leaders of that party in France used every effort to pro mote it. Among these was the celebrated Admiral Coligny, and the fortress on the island was called after his name. A colony of Protestants was collected and sent out from France, under his protection. Two clergyman of that persuasion were selected at Geneva, with fourteen students of divinity, to act as pastors ; and there was reason to hope that the Reformation would take root here, and in process of time fill the south as well as the north of the NeAV World with a Protestant people. But Villegagnon seems to have been unworthy of his trust. He persecuted his followers, who had fled from Europe to avoid persecution, till he drove them from this asylum also. The Portuguese settlers, jealous of this encroachment, and alarmed at the progress of the reformed faith in this new country, sent a force from San Salvador, who drove the French from the island, and demolished their fortress. The remnant of the Protes tant garrison retired to the continent, and were well received by the Tamoyas Indians, Avith whom they had formed an alliance. They fixed themselves in a neAV situation near Rio Janeiro, where they maintained themselves by new accessions of people from Europe for ten years. But, in 1565, the Portuguese despatched another expedition against them. After a struggle of two years, the French were expelled from all their fortresses, and the colony was completely crushed. The court of Lisbon ordered a survey to be taken of the country, and, having ascertained that it afforded neither gold nor silver, held it in such contempt, that they sent to it no other colonists than condemned criminals. India in those days attracted all the attention of the Portuguese. It was the road to fortune, to power, and to fame. The great exploits of the nation in the east, and the wealth brought from that quarter, inflamed the imagination of every one. No person Avent voluntarily to America ; but, fortunately for Brazil, those unhappy men whom the inquisition had doomed to destruction. were added to the convicts already transported thither. By the 140 BRAZIL. united industry of these exiles, Avho procured, from the island of Madeira, slips of the sugar-cane, Avhich they cultivated with great care, sugar, which had hitherto been used only in medicine, by reason of its scarcity, Avas furnished in such plenty as to become an article of luxury. The rich and great Avere everywhere eager to procure this new species of indulgence ; a taste Avhich proved extremely favorable to Brazil. The court of Lisbon, notwith standing its prejudices, began to be sensible that a colony might become beneficial to the mother country without producing gold or silver. It now looked Avith less contempt on an immense re gion Avhich chance had thrown in its way, and which it had long considered as a place only fit to receive the refuse of the kingdom. Brazil had hitherto been left to the capricious management of the settlers ; but it was at length thought to deserve some kind of attention from the government. Thomas de Souza, a man of abilities, was accordingly sent thither, in 1549, as governor. He built a city, to which he gave the name of St. Salvador. Souza began Avith reducing the desperate herd, Avho composed the greater part of the colony, into a state of proper subordination, and bring ing their scattered settlements nearer together. He next applied himself to acquire some information respecting the natives, with whom he knew he must be continually engaged either in traffic or war. It was no easy matter to accomplish this. Brazil was full of small nations of Indians, some of which inhabited the for ests ; others lived in the plains and along the rivers. Some had settled habitations, but the greater number led a roving life. Most of them had no intercourse with each other. Those who Avere not divided by hostilities, were kept apart by hereditary hatred and jealousy. Such manners did not dispose the Brazilians to submit tamely to the yoke which the Portuguese wished to impose. upon them. At first they only declined all intercourse Avith the invaders ; but finding themselves afterwards pursued, in order to be made slaves and employed in the labors of the field, they took the resolution of murdering all the Europeans, Avherever they could seize them. The friends and relatives of the natives that Avere taken also ventured to make attempts to rescue them, and were sometimes successful. This brought an increase of enemies against the Portuguese, Avho were forced to attend to the double occupation of labor and of war. Souza did not bring forces sufficient materially to change the situation of affairs. By building a city at St. Sal vador, he gave a centre to the colony ; but the honor of settling, extending, and making it really useful to the mother country, was reserved for the Jesuits, Avhom he brought in his train. MISSION OF THE JESUITS. 141 Those intrepid and enterprising men, who have always been prompted by motives of religion or ambition to undertake the greatest designs, dispersed themselves among the Indians. Such of the missionaries as were murdered from hatred of the Portuguese name, were immediately replaced by others, who appeared to be inspired only with sentiments of peace and charity. This mag nanimity confounded the barbarians. By degrees they began to place some confidence in men Avho seemed to seek them only Avith a view of making them happy. Their attachment to the mission aries grew up into a passionate fondness. When a Jesuit was expected in one of their nations, the young people flocked to meet him, concealing themselves in the Avoods along the road. As he drew near they sallied forth, played upon their pipes, beat their drums, danced, and made the air resound with joyful songs. They omitted nothing that could express their satisfaction. At the entrance of the village the old men and chief inhabitants were assembled, who expressed as much joy, but with more sedateness. A little farther on stood the women and young girls, in a respect ful posture suitable to their sex. There all joined and conducted the father in triumph to the place where they were accustomed to hold their assemblies. There he instructed them in the fundamen tal principles of religion ; exhorted them to regularity of manners, to a love of justice, brotherly kindness, charity, and to an abhor rence of human blood. After this he baptized them. As the Jesuits were too few in number to transact all the business themselves, they frequently deputed some of the most intelligent natives in their stead. Proud of so honorable an office, these Indians distributed hatchets, knives and looking-glasses among the savages, and represented the Portuguese as harmless, humane and good people. They never returned from their excur sions Avithoj.it bringing with them some of their countrymen, who followed them from motives of curiosity. When those savages had once seen the Jesuits, it was Avith difficulty they ever quitted them.. If they returned home, it was to invite their families and friends to come and share their happiness, and to display the pres ents they had received. Should any one be inclined to doubt these happy effects of humanity and kindness in dealing with savage nations, let him only compare the progress which the Jesuits made in a short time, in South America, with what the fleets and armies of Spain and Portugal were not able to effect in the course of two centuries. While multitudes of soldiers were employed in changing two populous and civilized empires into deserts, inhabited chiefly by roving savages, a few missionaries have changed little wandering 142 BRAZIL. tribes into great and civilized nations. If these active and cour ageous men had been less infected with the spirit of the church of Rome ; if when formed into a society in the most intriguing and corrupt court in Europe, they had not insinuated themselves into other courts to influence all political events ; if the chiefs of the society had not made an ill use of the very virtues of its members, the Old and New World would still have reaped the advantage of their unquestionable zeal, talent and industry. The Brazilian Indians had too much cause of hatred against the Europeans, not to mistrust their kindness. But this diffidence was in some measure removed by a signal act of justice. Tho Portuguese had formed the settlement of St. Vincent on the sea- coast, in the twenty-fourth degree of south latitude. There they traded peaceably with the Cariges, the mildest and most civilized nation in all Brazil. The advantages Avhich they reaped from their intercourse could not restrain the Portuguese from seizing upon seventy of the Cariges, in order to make slaves of them. The persons who had committed the offence were condemned to carry the prisoners back to the place whence they had been taken, and to make the proper excuses for so heinous an insult. Two Jesuits, who were employed to dispose the Indians to accept of this satis faction, which would never have been offered but at their desire, gave notice of their commission to Farnacaha, the most respectable man of his nation. He came out to meet them, and embraced them with tears of joy. " My fathers," said he, "we consent to forgive all that is past, and to enter into a fresh alliance with the Portuguese ; but let them for the future be more moderate, and more observant of the rights of nations. Our attachment entitles us at least to equitable treatment ! We are called barbarians, yet Ave respect justice and our friends." The missionaries having engaged that for the future their nation should religiously observe the laws of peace and justice, Farnacaha proceeded thus: — "If you doubt the faith of the Cariges, I will give you a proof of it. I have a nephew, for whom I have a great affection ; he is the hope of my family, and the comfort of his mother ; she would die of grief, if she should lose her son. Yet I will deliver him to you as a hostage. Take him along with you —cultivate his young mind; take care of his education, and instruct him in your religion. Let his manners be gentle and pure. I hope, when you return, you will instruct me also, and enlighten my mind." Many of the Cariges followed the example of Farna caha, and sent their children to St. Vincent's for education. The Jesuits were too artful not to take advantage of this circumstance; but it does not appear that they had any intention to enslave tho THE BRAZILIAN PHILOSOPHER. 143 Indians. Avarice had not yet possessed the minds of these mis sionaries, and the interest they had at court secured sufficient respect in the colony, at once to gratify their ambition and to make the situation of their converts a comfortable one. This season of tranquillity was improved to the advantage of the sugar-trade, by means of the slaves procured from Africa. No sooner had the Portuguese established settlements on that coast than they brought away a great number of negroes, who were employed in Portugal in domestic uses. That practice, one of the first which contributed to corrupt the character of the nation, was introduced much later into the American settlements, where it Avas not established till the year 1530. The prosperity of the Portuguese colony, Avhich was visible in all the markets of Europe, excited the envy of the French. They attempted to make settlements successively at Rio Janeiro, Par- aiba, and the island of Maranham; but their levity would not permit them to wait the usually sIoav progress of infant estab lishments ; and, merely from inconstancy and impatience, they gave up prospects that were sufficient to have encouraged any- other nation to persevere. France, however, derived one advan tage from these fruitless invasions ; the honor of making mankind acquainted Avith the character of the Brazilians, in regard to which we should otherwise have remained in almost perfect ignorance, as the jealousy of the Portuguese government, like that of Spain, excluded all foreigners from their settlements, and they haAre throAvn no light upon that subject themselves. The following dialogue, in Avhich Lery, to whom we have already been much indebted for information, was an interlocutor, is a valuable mon ument of the natural good sense of those savages, notwithstanding the barbarity of their manners. The native Brazilians being greatly surprised to see the French take so much pains to procure their Avood, one of their old men said to Lery, "What reason can induce you Frenchmen to come so far, to get wood for firing? Is there none in your own coun try ?" " Yes," replied Lery, " and a great deal too, but not such as yours, which Ave do not burn, but in the same manner as your people employ it, to dye their plumes and boAv-strings, — Ave also use it in dyeing." "Very well," said the Brazilian, " but do you require so great a quantity?" "Yes," replied Lery, "for in our country there are some merchants who have more red and scarlet cloth than you ever saw here. One of these will buy several cargoes of this wood." " Ha ! " said the Brazilian, " thou tellest me wonders." Then pausing a little upon the information he had received, his curiosity operated thus : — " But this rich man, 144 BRAZIL. of whom thou talkest, is he never to die?" "Yes, yes," said Lery, "as well as others." On which the Brazilian inquired, to whom all his wealth belonged Avhen he was dead. " It goes," replied Lery, " to his children, or, if he has none, to his brothers, sisters, or nearest of kin." " Truly," concluded the Brazilian, "I noAV perceive that you Frenchmen are great fools. Must you Avork so hard, and cross the seas, to heap up riches for those that come after you, as if the earth, that has fed you, were not suffi cient for them also ! We have children and friends, Avhom we love, as thou seest; but as Ave are sure that after our death, the earth, which has provided for our subsistence, will likewise pro vide for theirs, we give ourselves no concern about the matter." The French were inflamed Avith that love of riches, which, in those days, made all the maritime powers of Europe attempt es tablishments in the NeAV World. The Dutch, Avho had become republicans from persecution, and merchants from necessity, were more persevering, and, in consequence of that, more successful than the French, in their attempts upon Brazil. Other causes, hoAvever, conspired to favor their designs. t Mil F^HjlL^KS^ IP CHAPTER XIV. Conquest of Portugal by the Spaniards. — The Dutch trade with Brazil. — They invade the country and capture St. Salvador. — Policy of the Spanish court. — St. Salvador retaken by the Portuguese. — Success of the Dutch cruisers. — Further attempts of the Dutch on Brazil. — Capture of Olinda. — Expedition of Maurice of Nassau. — Success of the Dutch. — Revolution in Portugal. — The Dutch gov ernment of Brazil. — They neglect the colony. — Conspiracy against them. — Clavalcante heads an insurrection of the Portuguese. — The Dutch expelled from Brazil, and the country secured to the Portuguese by treaty. The Portuguese, in the very meridian of their prosperity, when in possession of a prodigious commerce, and an extensive empire on the coast of Africa, in Arabia, India, the isles of Asia, and in one of the most valuable parts of America, were struck down by one of those unexpected blows, which, in a critical moment, de cide the fate of nations. Don Sebastian, one of their greatest princes, in an unfortunate expedition against the Moors of Bar bary, perished with the flower of his army, in 1581. In conse quence of this disaster, the Portuguese fell under the dominion of Spain. Nor Avas this their only misfortune. The inhabitants of the low countries, whom the tyranny and cruelty of Philip II. had excited to revolt, and Avho had throAvn off the Spanish yoke Avith indignation, were not satisfied with erecting themselves into a free state, and supporting their independence by a successful defensive war ; but, flushed with the juvenile ardor of a growing commonwealth, pursued the Spaniards into the utmost recesses of their extensive dominions, and grew rich and powerful by the spoils of their former masters. They fell upon the Portuguese possessions in the East Indies, and made themselves masters of almost all the settlements of that depressed nation in Asia. After this, they began to turn their eyes towards America, and the truce of 1609 gave them time to bring their designs to maturity. This enterprise was committed to Jacob Willekens. Precau tions had been taken to procure the necessary information re specting the country. Some Dutch ships had ventured to visit Brazil, in defiance of the law that prohibited the admittance of strangers. As they greatly undersold, according to the custom of their country, the commodities that came from Spain and Portu gal, they met with a favorable reception. At their return, they 13 s 146 ERAZIL. reported that the colony was in a species of anarchy; that foreign dominion had stifled, in the breasts of the Portuguese, the love of their country ; that self-interest had corrupted their minds ; that the soldiers were turned merchants ; that they had forgotten the art of war ; and that Avhoever should invade the country with a competent force, would infallibly surmount the trifling obstacles that might be opposed by the Portuguese. Willekens, furnished Avith this intelligence, steered for Brazil, in 1624. San Salvador, the capital, betrayed by the coAvardice of the governor, surrendered on the appearance of the Dutch fleet. Don Miguel de Texeira, the archbishop, alone supported the honor of his nation. Believing that, in such an emergency, the service of his country superseded the common obligations of his function, he took arms, and, at the head of his clergy and a few scattered forces, attempted a resistance. The Dutch, hoAvever, found an immense booty in San Salvador, and in a short time made them selves masters of the Avhole district of Bahia, the largest and richest province in Brazil. The neAvs of this loss threAV Portugal into the utmost conster nation; but the Spanish ministry were rather pleased, than dis composed, by it ; they Avere comforted for the triumph obtained by the most inveterate enemies of their country, by reflecting on the mortification which the Portuguese must experience. Ever since the Spaniards had given a sovereign to this unfortunate people, they had met with an opposition in their tyrannies, which offended the haughty spirit of their despotic government. An event that might reduce the pride of Portugal, and render her more tractable, appeared, therefore, to them a fortunate circum stance. But though Philip IV. had harbored these base senti ments, he thought the majesty of his throne required of him some outward demonstrations of resentment against the Dutch. He accordingly wrote to the Portuguese of the first rank, exhort ing them to make such "vigorous efforts as the present exigencies required. This they Avere already inclined to do, as most of them had possessions in Brazil. Self-interest, patriotism, the desire of throwing a damper upon the joy of their tyrants, all concurred to quicken their alacrity. The monied men lavished their treasures; others, Avho had more influence than wealth, levied troops ; every one was eager to enter into the service. In a few months, twenty-six ships were fitted out, and sailed, in the beginning of the year 1626, in company with such ships from Spain as the slow and cautious policy of that court had allowed to assist the expedition. They were commanded by the Marquis de Valduesa, and arrived safe in the bay of All Saints, in Brazil. OPERATIONS OF THE DUTCH WEST INDIA COMPANY. 147 The Dutch, since their conquest of San Salvador, had suffered many hardships. The archbishop, at the head of fifteen hun dred men, had often defeated their parties, and cut off their pro visions ; and he held them closely blocked up, when death put a period to his persevering efforts. This misfortune, hoAvever, pro duced no revolution in favor of the Dutch, Avho continued in the same condition till the arrival of the united fleets of Spain and Portugal. These disembarked four thousand men under the com mand of Don Manuel de Mengis, and found it easy to reduce a place already fatigued Avith a long siege. The governor would have attempted resistance, but the garrison obliged him to capitu late. The success of the Dutch West India Company by sea made amends for this loss. Their ships never came into port, but Avhen laden Avith the spoils of the Spaniards and Portuguese. Their prosperity Avas so great as to give umbrage even to the powers most interested in the Avelfare of Holland. The ocean Avas covered Avith their fleets. Their admirals endeavored, by useful exploits, to preserve their confidence. The inferior officers aspired to promotion, by seconding the valor and skill of their commanders. The soldiers and sailors fought Avith unparalleled ardor; nothing could discourage these resolute and intrepid men. The fatigues of a seafaring life, sickness, and repeated engage ments, seemed only to harden them for Avar, and to increase their emulation. The company encouraged this fervid spirit, by fre quently distributing rewards. Exclusive of their pay, the sailors Avere alloAved to carry on a private trade, Avhich proved a great encouragement, and procured a constant supply of men. As, by this Avise regulation, their interest Avas immediately connected with that of their employers, they Avished to be ahvays in action ; they never struck to the enemy, nor ever failed to attack their ships Avith that degree of skill and persevering courage, Avhich must ahvays insure success. This prosperity emboldened the West India Company to make a second attempt on Brazil. Henry Touk, the Dutch admiral, appeared on the coast of Pernambuco, in the beginning of 1630, Avith forty-six ships of Avar. Thierry, of Wardenburg, Avho com manded the land forces, disembarked Avith tAvo thousand four hundred men, and made himself master of the city of Olinda, after an obstinate resistance. This invasion spread terror over the Avhole country, and the Dutch took advantage of it quickly, to reduce the Avhole neighboring district. The Portuguese made a vigorous but ineffectual effort, the year folloAving, to expel the invaders. The Dutch not only kept possession of Pernambuco, 148 BRAZIL. but subdued the districts of Tamaraca, Paraiba, and Rio Grande, in the years 1633,1634 and 1635. All these furnished annually a large quantity of sugar, dye-wood, and other valuable commodi ties. The Dutch were so elated with the acquisition of this wealth, which now flowed to Amsterdam, instead of Lisbon, that they determined to conquer all Brazil, and entrusted Maurice of Nas sau with the conduct of an enterprise for that object. He reached the place of his destination in the beginning of 1637. He found the soldiers so Avell disciplined, the officers so experienced, and so much ardor in every one to engage the enemy, that he imme diately took the field. He Avas successively opposed by Banjola, Rocca de Borgia, and the famous native chief, Carneron, the idol of his people, Avho was passionately fond of the Portuguese. Brave, active and cautious, this savage commander lacked no qualification of a great general, but a scientific, knowledge of the art of war. These several chieftains exerted their utmost efforts to defend the places under their protection ; but their endeavors proved ineffectual. The Dutch reduced the districts of Sierra, Seregippe, and the greater part of Bahia. Seven of the fourteen provinces into which Brazil is divided, had already submitted, and the conquerors flattered themselves that one or two cam paigns more would make them masters of all the possessions of their enemies in that part of America, when an unexpected revo lution gave a new turn to affairs. The Portuguese had never borne with patience the yoke of ¦Spain, which everything conspired to render grievous. Philip II. , alike cruel, avaricious and despotic, had endeavored to de grade and insult them, that he might obtain pretexts for his oppressions. His son, Philip III., who too closely followed his •maxims, and thought it better to reign over a ruined nation, than be indebted to their good will for submission, had suffered them, as we have seen, to be deprived of a multitude of conquests, whieh were a source of riches, power and glory to them, and which they had acquired by much effusion of blood. Philip IV., the successor of that weak prince, who had still less understand ing #ian his father, openly and contemptuously attacked their administration, their privileges, their manners, and everything that was most dear to them. These repeated outrages united all the Portuguese, whom Spain had been laboring to divide. A con spiracy, which had been forming for years with incredible secrecy, broke out in December, 1640, when the Spanish ministers were expelled from Lisbon, and the Duke of Braganza placed on the throne of Portugal. The example of the capital was followed OPERATIONS OF THE DUTCH WEST INDIA COMPANY. 149 by that of the whole kingdom, and by all that remamea of the settlements formed, in happier times, in Asia, Africa and America. John IV., the new king, united his interests and his resent ments with those of the English, the French, and all the enemies of Spain. On the twenty-third day of June, 1641, he concluded an offensive and defensive alliance Avith the United Provinces of Holland, for Europe, and ten years' truce for the East and West Indies ; during Avhich period each party Avas to retain what Avas. then in their possession. Some misunderstanding, however, arose, relative to this article of the treaty. The Dutch, under different pretexts, refused to restore certain places taken after the time mentioned in the truce ; and the king of Portugal, piqued at that conduct, took the resolution of permitting his subjects in Brazil to act for their own and his interests, Avithout seeming to take any part in their proceedings. His officers accordingly af fected to live in perfect harmony with their new allies. Nassau was recalled, together with the greater part of his troops, as an unnecessary charge to the company ; and the government of the Dutch possessions in Brazil was committed to Hamel, of Amster dam, Bassis, a goldsmith of Haarlem, and Bullistraat, a carpenter of Middleburg. In the council founded by this triumvirate resided all authority; and their administration was such as might have been expected from men of their condition. They readily entered into the par simonious views of the company. Their OAvn inclinations even led them to push these vieAvs to a blamable excess. They suf fered the fortifications, already too much neglected, to go to decay ; they sold arms and ammunition to the Portuguese, Avho paid them such an exorbitant price for these articles, as ought to have awa kened their jealousy; and they granted to all the soldiers Avho desired it, leave to return to Europe. Their Avhole ambition, in a Avord, was to amass wealth by gaining and saving. In this con duct they were confirmed by the applause of the avaricious and Aveak men Avho were entrusted with the direction of the compa ny's affairs. With a view to increase still further the profits of- their countrymen, they began to oppress such of the Portuguese as resided under their government. Tyranny made rapid pro gress, and Avas at last carried to an excess, Avhich at once roused resistance and inspired the most desperate purposes. The victims of these proceedings, who had secret assurances of protection from the Portuguese court, wasted no time in com plaints. In 1645, the boldest of them united to take revenge. Their design was to massacre all the Dutch who had any share in the government, at an entertainment in the city of Maurice, the 13* 150 BRAZIL. new capital of Pernambuco ; and then to attack the people, who, suspecting no danger, would be unable to resist them. The plot was discovered, but the conspirators had time to leave the town, and retire to a place of safety. Their chief, named Antonio Cal- valcante, Avas a Portuguese of obscure birth. From a common servant, he had risen to the rank of a merchant. His abilities had enabled him to acquire a large fortune; his probity had gained him universal confidence, and his generosity had procured him an infinite number of friends. Calvalcante was not discouraged by the disappointment. Ac quainted with the wishes of his countrymen, as well as with the Aveakness of the Dutch, he ventured to commence hostilities Avithout consulting the court. His name, his virtues, and his objects, assembled the Brazilians, the Portuguese soldiers, and even the colonists, about him. He inspired them Avith his own ardor, his activity, and his courage. They determined to conquer or to die with him. He ravaged the territories of the Dutch ; he was frequently victorious in skirmishes ; but he did not allow himself to slumber over success. Some checks which he met with, served only to display the firmness of his spirit, the extent of his capacity, and the elevation of his mind. He assumed a threatening aspect, even after a disaster, and appeared yet more formidable by his perseverance than by his intrepidity. Though never publicly supported by government, he spread such terror among his enemies, that they dared no longer to keep the field. At that period of his glory, the purpose of his generous efforts was in danger of being defeated, and all the blood spilt during a struggle of ten years, might have been shed in vain. The Dutch had frequently complained of the hostilities in Brazil, and the court of Portugal had as often disavowed them, and even declared that they Avould one day punish the authors of these disturbances. As the republic Avas then engaged in a war with England, some regard Avas paid to these evasive answers; but no sooner did any prospect of peace appear, than effectual measures were taken by the Dutch for humbling the Portuguese in Europe and America. John IV., unwilling to risk the issue of a war with so powerful a nation, exerted himself in earnest to put an end to the hostilities in Brazil. Clavalcante, who had now no resource for the completion of his designs, but in his fortune, his interest and his abilities, did not even deliberate whether he should obey. " If the king," said he, " Avere but informed of our zeal and our success, and acquainted with his OAvn> interest, far from disarming us, he would encourage ns to pursue our undertaking, and would support us with all his power." In consequence of TREATY OF 1661. 151 this way of thinking, he determined to hasten his operations, lest the ardor of his companions should abate. Accordingly, he made a last effort, and Avith the assistance of Baretto, Vidal, and some others, Avho were able and willing to serve their country, he com pleted the ruin of the Dutch. Such of these republicans as escaped the sword and famine, evacuated Brazil agreeably to a capitula tion signed on the twenty-eighth day of January, 1654. The peace, concluded three months after, betAveen England and the United Provinces, seemed to place the Dutch in a condition to recover a valuable possession, which had been lost by an ill-judged parsimony. But both the republic and the West India Company disappointed the general expectation. No attempt was made for that purpose ; and the treaty which adjusted the claims of the contending powers, in 1661, secured to Portugal the sole possession of Brazil, in consideration of the sum of one million seven hun dred thousand dollars, which that crown engaged to pay to the United Provinces. Thus did the Dutch part with a conquest which might have become the richest of all the European colonies in the New World, and which Avould have given the republic a degree of consequence which it could never have acquired from its own territory, nor even from its East India possessions. CHAPTER XV. Improvements in the colony. — Condition of the natives. — Extension of the settlements. — The river Amazon. — Expeditions of Orellana and Orsua. — The tyrant Aguirre. — Settlement of Para. — Expedition of Texeira across the continent to Quito. — Scheme for navigating the Amazon. — Mission of the Spanish. Jesuits in Brazil. — Indolence of the natives. — Settlements on the Rio de la Plata. — Estab lishment at St. Sacrament. — -Expulsion of the Portuguese from that place. — It is restored to them by treaty. — Final adjustment of the boundaries with the Span iards. — -History of the Paulists. — Their lawless and profligate life. — They enslave the Indians. — Ravages committed by them. — Attempts of the Portuguese to pene trate into the interior. Orellana sailing in search of the nation with temples of gold. As soon as the Portuguese were entirely freed from the Dutch, they employed themselves in placing Brazil in better condition than it had hitherto been, even before the war. The first step taken for this purpose, was to regulate the condition of such of the natives as had already submitted, or might hereafter be reduced to subjection. Upon an attentive examination, it Avas found that the accounts, which represented these savages impatient of any control, were without foundation. The first impression made upon them by the sight of the Europeans, was a sense of danger mingled with diffidence. The conduct of the Portuguese con- THE JESUITS AMONG THE INDIANS. 153 firmed their suspicions, and rendered them ferocious. The diffi culty of understanding one another gave still more frequent occasion for animosity on both sides. If, on more mature acquaint ance, the Indians sometimes renewed their hostilities, it was commonly because they Avere roused to vengeance by the rapa- ciousness, cruelty and perfidy of that ambitious power which had come to disturb the peace of this part of America. On other occasions they might perhaps be charged with imprudence, in too hastily taking up arms from false apprehensions of danger; but never with injustice or duplicity. They were always found true to their promises, to the faith of treaties, and to the sacred rights of hospitality. The just idea which was at length enter tained of their character, induced the Portuguese to collect them into villages along the coast, or some little Avay up the country. By this means a communication was secured between the remote settlements of the Portuguese ; and the savages, who infested the intermediate parts by their depredations, Avere kept at a distance. Some missionaries, mostly Jesuits, were entrusted with the tem poral and spiritual government of these neAV communities. These ecclesiastics, according to the best information, were absolute tyrants ; such as retained any sentiments of moderation or human ity, whether from indolence or superstition, kept those little societies in a state of perpetual infancy. . They neither improved their understanding nor their industry, beyond a certain degree ; and possibly, had they been eArer so willing, they might have found it difficult to have been more serviceable to them ; for the court of Lisbon, while it exempted the Indians from all taxes, subjected them to the labors of vassalage. This fatal laAv made them depend ent upon the neighboring commandants and magistrates, Who, under the usual pretence adopted by men in office, of making them Avork for the public, too often imposed labors upon them for their own selfish purposes. Those Avho Avere not employed for them as their spiritual directors, were generally idle. If they shook off their natural indolence, it Avas to go hunting or fishing, or to culti vate as much cassava as was necessary for their own subsistence. Their manufactures were confined to some cotton girdles or sashes, to cover their loins, and the arrangement of a few feathers to adorn their heads. Those among them who were most industrious, procured the means of purchasing a few articles of cutlery, and other things of small value. Such was the state of the Brazilian natives, who had submitted to the crown of Portugal, and whose number never exceeded two hundred thousand. The independent natives had little intercourse with the Portuguese, except by the captives which they sold them. 154 BRAZIL. or those of their number that were made such, for the purpose of servitude. A sense of mutual interest made acts of hostility less frequent betAveen the two nations, and a total cessation of them at last took place. The Portuguese have not been in danger from the natives, since 1717, and have not molested them since 1756. While the court of Lisbon was engaged in regulating the inte rior concerns of the colony, some of the subjects of Portugal were devising the means of extending it. They advanced to the south towards Rio de la Plata, and to the north as far as the Amazon. The Spaniards seemed to be in possession of both these rivers; and the Portuguese Avere determined to expel them, or to share the navigation with them. The Maragnon or Amazon, no less famous for its length of course than for that vast body of water with Avhich it swells the ocean, derives its common name, the river of Amazons, from the fabulous relation of Orellana, a Spaniard, who sailed down it ; and who, among other marvellous particulars, described a republic of female warriors inhabiting its banks. This absurd fiction the fond credulity of the age believed ; and what more particularly excited the Spaniards, was another circumstance in Orellana's story. He described a nation on the banks of the river, whose temples were covered with gold. In quest of this rich country Orellana himself embarked in 1644, with four hundred men, and the title of governor over all the regions he should conquer ; but a train of disasters ruined his ships ; his men perished by diseases, or were cut off by the natives ; and he himself fell a victim to his own vainglorious ambition, in attempting to realize some part of the tale he had invented. The civil war of Peru prevented any second attempt to take possession of the country bordering on the Amazon, till the year 1560, when, tranquillity being restored, Pedro de Orsua, a Spaniard distinguished for his talent and bravery, offered to reneAV the undertaking. He accordingly set out from Cuzco, Avith seven hundred men ; but these adventurers proved to be unprincipled and lawless desperadoes. They massacred their commander, and selected for their leader, Lope de Aguirre, a native of Biscay. With their consent he assumed the title of king; and while he was a man of ferocious and bloody disposition, destitute of common humanity, he promised them all the treasures of the NeAV World. Inflamed with such flattering hopes, these desperate men sailed down the Amazon into the Atlantic Ocean, and landing at Trini dad, murdered the governor and plundered the island. The coasts of Cumana, Caracas and St. Martha, were still more severely treated, because they were richer. The plunderers next EXPEDITION FROM BRAZIL TO QUITO. 155 penetrated into NeAV Granada, and were advancing towards Quito and the interior part of Peru, when they were unexpectedly attacked and dispersed by a body of troops hastily assembled. Aguirre, their chief, seeing no way to escape, marked his despair by an atrocious action. " My child," said he to his only daughter, Avho attended *him in this expedition, "I thought to have placed thee upon a throne, but the event has not answered my expecta tions. My honor and thine OAvn Avill not permit thee to live and be a slave to our enemies. Die then by a father's hand ! " Hav ing uttered these words, he plunged a dagger into her heart. His strength soon failed him; he was taken prisoner, and suffered the punishment due to his crimes. The inhabitants of the country believe, to this day, that the soul of " the tyrant. " wanders in the savannas, like a flame that flies at the approach of man. After these unfortunate expeditions, the river Amazon was entirely neglected, and seemed to be totally forgotten for half a century. Some attempts Avere again made to resume the discovery of the countries stretching along its banks, but with no better success than formerly. The honor of surmounting every difficulty. and acquiring a useful knowledge of that great river, was reserved for the Portuguese. They had built a town called Para, near the mouth of the river. At this place Pedro de Texeira embarked in 1638, and with a great number of canoes, full of Indians and Por tuguese, sailed up the river, as far as the confluence of the Napo, and then up the Napo, which brought them almost to Quito, whither he proceeded by land. Notwithstanding the enmity sub sisting between the Spaniards and Portuguese, though at that time subject to the same prince, Texeira Avas received at Quito with the regard and confidence due to a man who had performed a signal service. He returned in company with Da Cunha and de Astieda, two learned Jesuits, who were appointed to verify his observations and to make others. An accurate account of these two successful voyages was sent to the court of Madrid, where it gave rise to a very extraordinary project. The communication between the Spanish colonies had long been found very difficult. The Buccaneers at that time infested both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and interrupted their navi gation. Even those ships which had reached Havana and joined the fleet, were not perfectly safe. The galeons Avere fre quently attacked, and taken in whole squadrons by the Dutch ; and they were always pursued by privateers, who seldom failed to carry off the straggling vessels. The river Amazon, it was hoped, would remedy all these inconveniences. It was thought to be even an easy matter, to convey thither the treasures of New 156 BRAZIL. Granada, Popayan, Quito, Peru, and of Chil'i itself, by navigable rivers, and that, descending the fiver, they would find the galeons ready in the harbor of Para to receive them. The fleet from Brazil would then have joined and strengthened the fleet from Spain. They Avould have sailed with great security in latitudes little frequented by cruisers. But the revolution" which placed the duke of Braganza on the throne of Portugal, put an end to these important projects. Each of the two nations was then intent only upon securing to itself that part of the great river which best suited its own situation, ' The Spanish Jesuits undertook to establish a mission in the coun try lying between the Amazon and the Napo, and near the con flux of these two rivers. Every missionary, attended only by one man, took with him hatchets, knives and needles, and all kinds of iron tools, and penetrated into the thickest of the forest. There they spent whole days in climbing up the trees, to see if they could descry any hut, perceive a smoke, or hear the sound of a drum or fife. When they were assured by some of these tokens that any savages were in the neighborhood, they advanced towards them. Most of them fled ; but those whom the mission ary could reach, were easily allured by such presents as were offered therri This Avas all the eloquence the missionary could employ, and all that he had occasion to exert. When he had assembled a few families, he led them to the spot where he had determined to build a village ; but they were not easily persuaded to take up their abode there. As they Avere accustomed to rove about, they found it an insupportable hardship to remain forever in the same place. The state of savage independence in which they had always lived, they thought preferable to the social life that was recommended to them ; and their unconquerable aversion to labor induced them to return constantly to the forests, where they passed their lives in idleness. Even those who were re strained by the authority or paternal kindness of their pious legislators, seldom failed to disperse in their absence, though ever so short, and their death always occasioned a total subversion of the settlement. But the perseverance of the Jesuits at last conquered these ob stacles, apparently invincible. Their mission, Avhich began in 1637, gradually acquired some degree of firmness, and, before the dissolution of the order, consisted of thirty-six villages, twelve of which were situated along the Napo, and tAventy-four on the banks of the Amazon. The number of inhabitants, however, in these villages was very inconsiderable, and the increase must always have been sIoav. The women of this part of America THE INDIANS ST. SACRAMENT. 157 are not fruitful ; the climate is unhealthy, and contagious distem pers are frequent. These obstructions to population' were aug mented by the natural stupidity of the people. Of all the Indians whom the Jesuits had collected, they found none so intractable and incapable of being roused to exertion, as those inhabiting the banks of this river. Every missionary was obliged to put him self at their head, in order to make them pick up the cocoa, the vanilla and the sarsaparilla, which nature spontaneously offers them. Their whole property, usually, consisted of a hut open on all sides, and covered with palm leaves ; some fishing tackle ; a tent, a hammock, and a canoe. It was impossible to inspire them with a desire beyond these articles. They Avere so well satisfied with what they possessed, that they wished for nothing more. They lived unconcerned, and died without fear : and if happiness consists more in an exemption from the uneasy sensatioh that attends want, than in the multiplicity of enjoyments that our wants create, these Indians may be said to have been the happiest people upon the face of the earth. The Portuguese paid more attention to their settlement towards the Rio de la Plata. They had established themselves, in 1679, at St. Sacrament, opposite Buenos Ayres, when they Avere acci dentally discovered by the Spaniards. The Guaranis, under the command of their spiritual leaders, hastened thither to make amends for the neglect of government. They attacked the newly- erected fortifications of the Portuguese with great intrepidity, and demolished them. The court of Lisbon, which had built great hopes upon that settlement, was not discouraged by this misfor tune, and requested that, till such time as their claim could be adjusted, the Portuguese might be alloAved a place Avhere they could be sheltered from the storms, if forced by stress of Aveather to enter the Rio de la Plata. Charles II. , of Spain, Avho dreaded war and hated business, was weak enough to comply with their request, only stipulating that the place so granted should be con sidered his property ; that no more than fourteen Portuguese fam ilies should be sent thither ; that the houses should be built of Avood and thatched ; that no fort should be erected ; and that the governor of Buenos Ayres should have a right to inspect both the settlement and the ships Avhich should come into its harbor. If the Jesuits Avho conducted the war had also been trusted with the negotiation, such a permission Avould never have been granted. It was impossible that a fixed settlement in such a situ ation, however inconsiderable, should not become a frequent source of altercation Avith enterprising neighbors, whose claims were very strong ; Avho were sure of the protection of all the ene- 14 158 BRAZIL. mies of Spain, and whose vicinity to the settlements of their countrymen would enable them to take advantage of every oppor tunity to aggrandize and fortify themselves. The event soon discovered the danger that might have been foreseen. Immedi ately on the elevation of a French prince to the throne of Spain, while all was still in confusion and uncertainty in regard to the consequences of that great revolution, the Portuguese restored the fortifications of St. Sacrament with amazing celerity. The pre caution which they took, at the same time, of threatening the tribe of Guaranis, by ordering some troops to advance towards their frontiers, induced them to hope that they should prevent any 'dis turbances from that quarter. But they were mistaken. The Jesuits, having detected the artifice, brought their converts to St. Sacrament, which was already besieged. Those brave Indians, on their arrival, offered to mount the breach, though they knew it was but just opened. When they began their approach, some batteries were fired upon them from the town, but they stood the cannonade without breaking their ranks, nor could they be re strained by the fire of the small-arms, which killed many of them. The intrepidity with Avhich they continued to advance, raised such astonishment among the Portuguese that they fled to .their ships and abandoned the place. The misfortunes Avhich Philip V.' experienced in Europe, pre vented this success from being of any advantage. The settle ment of St. Sacrament was firmly re-established by the peace of Utrecht. Queen Anne, Avho made that peace, and who neither neglected her own interests nor those of her allies, required Spain to give up this contested spot. Being noAv under no apprehen sion, the Portuguese of St. Sacrament began to carry on an im mense trade with Buenos Ayres. This contraband traffic had long subsisted, though in an inferior degree. Rio Janeiro fur nished Buenos Ayres with sugar, tobacco, Avine, brandy, negroes, and Avoollen goods ; and received flour, biscuit, dried or salt meat, and money. As soon as the tAvo colonies had a safe and commo dious mart of trade, their connexions were unlimited. The court of Madrid, Avhich soon perceived the road the treasures of Peru were taking, showed great marks of discontent; and this in creased as the injury complained of grew to a greater height. A perpetual source of division was thus opened between the two nations ; and as the conciliatory methods proposed from time to time Avere found impracticable, an open rupture was expected to be the consequence. At last, however, matters were adjusted. It was agreed at Madrid, on the thirteenth day of January, 1750, that Portugal should give up to Spain the colony of St. Sacra- THE PAULISTS. 159 ment, and the north banks of Rio de la Plata ; together with the village of St. Christopher, and the adjacent lands situated between the rivers Ypara and Issa, which fall into the river Amazon. Spain, on her side, gave up all the lands and habitations border ing on the east side of the river Uruguay, from the river Ibicui, to the north ; the village of Santa Rosa, and all others on the eastern bank of the Guarapey. In the district of St. Vincent, the southernmost in Brazil, and nearest to Rio de la Plata, thirteen leagues from the sea, is a toAvn called St. Paul. It was founded by those convicts who were first sent from Portugal to America. As soon as they perceived that they were to be subjected to the restraints of law, they withdrew from the place they had first inhabited, intermarried hvith the natives, and in a short time became so profligate that their fellow- citizens broke off all intercourse with them. The situation of their town, which could be defended by a handful of men, against the most powerful armies that could be sent against them, inspired them with the resolution of being subject to no foreign power; and their ambition Avas successful. Profligate men, of all nations, resorted in great numbers to this establishment. All travellers were shut out from the neAV republic, under the severest prohibi tions. In order to gain admittance, it was previously necessary to promise to settle there, and candidates were subjected to a severe trial. Those Avho could not go through that kind of noviciate, or Avho were suspected of perfidy, Avere barbarously murdered, as Avere all Avho had any inclination to quit the community. A pure air, a serene sky, a temperate climate, — though in the twenty-fourth degree of south latitude,- — and a territory abounding with corn, sugar, and excellent pasture, conspired to induce the Paulists to lead a life of indolence and effeminacy ; but that rest lessness so natural to fierce spirits, — that habit of roving, acquired by a lawless banditti, — that desire of dominion, Avhich is nearly connected with a love of independence, — the progress of freedom, Avhich leads men to wish for glory of some kind or other, and to be emulous of distinguishing themselves, — all these causes, combined or separate, prompted the Paulists to forego an easy life, and to engage in toilsome and hazardous excursions. The first object of these excursions was to procure slaves. When they had depopulated the adjacent country, they proceeded to the province of Guayra, where the Spanish Jesuits had collec ted and civilized the Guaranis. These neAV Christians were ex posed to such violences, and so many of them Avere carried off, that they suffered themselves to be persuaded to remove to the unAvholesome banks of the Parana and the Uruguay, which they 160 BRAZIL. still inhabit. They reaped little advantage, however, from this compliance; for it was found that they could enjoy no safety, unless they were alloAved to defend themselves with the same weapons as those with which they were attacked. To request that they should be furnished with such arms, was a matter of too delicate a nature to be proposed abruptly ; it was necessary, in the first place, to show the propriety of such a measure. Spain had laid it down as a fundamental maxim, never to introduce the use of fire-arms among the Indians, lest these unfortunate victims of her insatiable avarice should one day make use of them to free themselves from a yoke Avhich they found so galling. The lawgivers of the Guaranis applauded this jealous precaution in regard to slaves, who were kept under by compulsion ; but they thought it unnecessary in respect to men who had voluntarily submitted to the king of Spain, and who were too sensible of the benefits they noAv possessed, ever to think of revolting, so long as they Avere permitted to enjoy their freedom. In a word, they plead ed the cause of their converts so well, that, in spite of opposition and prejudice, they obtained their request. The Guaranis were indulged with fire-arms in 1639, and soon made such good use of them, that they became the bulwark of Paraguay, and were able to repel the Paulists. These desperate men now resolved to procure by craft, what they could no longer obtain by force. Dressed in the habit of Jesuits, they repaired to the places Avhere the missionaries Avere accustomed to resort in quest of converts, and there they set up crosses. They made some trifling presents to the Indians they met with, and some of the most intelligent among them made a short discourse in the Indian language, with which they were generally acquainted, on the nature of Christianity, accompanied Avith the Avarmest exhortations to induce their auditors to embrace it. When, by these artifices, they had assembled a number of prose lytes, they proposed to conduct them to a certain place, where everything was in readiness to make them happy. The greater part followed them implicitly ; and when they arrived at a par ticular station, the troops that lay concealed, rushed out upon the credulous Indians, loaded them Avith fetters, and carried them off. Some, who made their escape, gave the alarm, which produced a general suspicion, extremely prejudicial to the pious purposes of the Jesuits, but which also occasioned a termination of these deceitful practices. The Paulists afterwards carried on their depredations in another quarter, and extended them as far as the river Amazon. They are said to have destroyed no less than a million of Indians. Those THE PAULISTS. 161 who escaped their fury, in an extent of three or four hundred leagues, became more savage than in their original state. They fled for safety to the caves of the mountains, or dispersed them selves among the darkest recesses of the forests. Their persecu tors did not share a better fate ; having all gradually perished in these dangerous excursions. Unhappily, however, for Brazil, their place was supplied by vagabond Brazilians, fugitive ne groes, and Europeans, who were captivated with a roving life. The same spirit continued to prevail at St. Paul's even after some particular circumstances had induced that disorderly society to acknowledge the dominion of Portugal. But their excursions were afterwards carried on in such a manner, that they rather promoted than obstructed the views of the mother country. By folloAving the course of several rivers, they attempted to open a way into Peru by the north of Paraguay. The vicinity of lake Xarayes put them in possession of the gold mines of Guiaba and Montegrosso, which they Avorked without meeting any opposition from Spain. They would have carried their usurpations further, had they not been prevented by the Chiquitos, a formidable tribe of Indians. 14* CHAPTER XVI. Flourishing condition of Brazil. — Productions of the country. — Discovery of gold mines. — Method of working them. — Discovery of diamonds. — The diamond com pany. — Submission of the Paulists. — General policy of the Portuguese govern ment. — Removal of the court to Brazil. — Its effects upon the country. — Brazil made a kingdom. — Becomes independent of Portugal. — The emperor Don Pedro. — Present government of the country. Slaves washing for gold. While these restless and enterprising men were ravaging the banks of the Amazon and the Plata, and the mountains of Peru, the seacoasts of Brazil were daily improving. This colony sent annually to the mother country thirty-two million pounds of sugar, which was not only enough for its own consumption, but sufficient to supply a great part of Europe ; Avhile it produced a considerable quantity of tobacco, which could be disposed of to advantage either in Africa or the European markets. The other productions were capivi, a balsamic oil, which distils from incisions made in a tree ; ipecacuanha, well known as a mild emetic ; cocoa, which grew wild in some places, and was cultivated in others; cotton, superior to that of the Levant or the Carribee islands; indigo, which the Portuguese have never sufficiently attended to; hides, the produce of cattle that run wild as in other parts of South America ; and lastly, brazil wood. BRAZIL WOOD — GOLD MINES. 163 The tree producing this wood, wliich gives its name to the country, is as tall as the oak. But he who judges of the quantity of the timber by the size of the trees will be much deceived, as the bark forms the greater part of the plant. The trunk is commonly crooked and knotty. The leaves are small, roundish and of a bright green ; the blossoms, which resemble lilies of the valley, are of a lively red, and exhale a fragrant smell. The wood takes a fine polish, but its chief use is for the red dye. The tree gener ally grows in dry, barren and rocky grounds. It is found in most parts of Brazil, but chiefly in Pernambuco. The best grows ten leagues from Olinda, the capital of that province. In exchange for these commodities, Portugal supplied Brazil with flour, wine, brandy, salt, woollen goods, silks, linen, hard- Avare, and paper ; in a word, with all the articles which Europe exports to America, except gold and silver stuffs, which the mother country excluded from her colonies. The whole trade was carried on by a fleet, Avhich sailed every year from Lisbon and Oporto in the month of March, and consisted of about twenty ships for Rio Janeiro, thirty for Bahia, and as many for Pernambuco, and seven or eight for Para. The ships parted Avhen they came to a certain latitude, and proceeded to their respective destinations. They afterwards met at Bahia, to sail for Portugal, which they reached in September or October, the year following. Notwithstanding the errors in government which generally pre vailed, though not in the same degree, in all parts of Brazil, it had long been in a prosperous way, when, towards the beginning of the eighteenth century, the discovery of the gold mines gave it an additional lustre. The circumstances that produced this discov ery are variously related ; but the most common opinion is, that a caravan of Portuguese, who went from Rio Janeiro in 1695, pen etrated into the continent, and meeting with the Paulists, received fron? them gold dust, which they understood was procured from the mines of Parana, in exchange for European commodities. A few years after, a company of soldiers from Rio Janeiro, who were sent to quell a rebellion of some Indians in the inland parts, found, on their march, some gold fish-hooks, and were informed that many torrents rushing from the mountains brought gold into the valleys. Upon this information strict search was made ; and though few veins of gold were found so rich as to answer the purpose of Avorking for any time, the gold picked up in such valleys as had been overflowed, and in the sands of rivers, after the waters had subsided, almost exceeded belief. This labor was chiefly per formed by negroes. If the slave procured the quantity of gold required of him, his master could claim nothing more. The over- 164 BRAZIL. plus was his own property. It was some consolation to him to be able to alleviate the burden of slavery, and have a prospect of purchasing his freedom, by the very toils that are attached to that state. If we were to estimate the quantity of gold that Brazil annually furnished, by the fifth Avhich the king of Portugal received, it might be computed at ten millions of dollars ; but we may venture to assert, without exaggeration, that the desire of elud ing the duty, deprived the government of one third of the produce. There are very few diamond mines. Till the last century none were known except in the East Indies ; and some apprehensions were entertained that the continual wars in that country Avould put a stop to this source of riches ; but these were removed by a discovery at Serro do Frio, in Brazil. Some slaves, who were con demned to look for gold, used to find little bright stones, which they threw away among the sand and gravel. Some curious miners preserved several of these pebbles, which were shown to Pedro de Almeyda, governor-general of the mines. As he had been in the East Indies, he suspected that they were diamonds. In order to ascertain this, the court of Lisbon, in 1730, despatched Da Cunha, the minister to Holland, to make the necessary inqui ries. He put some of them into the hands of able artificers, who, having cut them, declared that they Avere very fine diamonds. The Portuguese immediately searched for them, with such success, that the Rio Janeiro fleet, in 1732, brought home eleven hundred and forty-six ounces. This caused them to fall considerably in price ; but the ministry took such measures as made them soon rise to their original value, which they have maintained ever since. They conferred on a company the exclusive right of search ing for, and selling diamonds ; and even to restrain the avidity of the company itself, it was required to employ no more than six hundred slaves in that business. The company, however, were afterwards permitted to employ as many as they pleased, on»con- dition of paying a certain sum, amounting to about three hundred dollars, for every slave. But in both contracts the court reserved to itself all diamonds that were found above a certain size. The gold and diamond mines, added to a rich culture, ought to have made Brazil the most flourishing colony in the New World. In order to effect this, however, it was necessary that the country should be preserved from intestine commotions and foreign inva sions. Both these objects were therefore taken into consideration. All the mines are situated in the districts of St. Vincent and Rio Janeiro, or in the adjacent lands. Some were in the hands of the Paulists, and the rest lay exposed to their inroads. As those banditti were too numerous and too brave to be brought under REMOVAL OF THE COURT OF PORTUGAL TO BRAZIL. 165 subjection by force, it was thought advisable to treat with them. As they could make no use of their newly-acquired wealth, with out a free communication with those parts where the conveniences and luxuries of life were to be purchased, they were more tracta ble than was expected. They consented to pay, like the rest of the Portuguese, a fifth of their gold to the crown; but they determined the amount of this tribute themselves, and never made it what it should have been. The government prudently winked at the fraud. It was foreseen that these connexions and the new way of life of the Paulists would gradually soften their manners, and that sooner or later they Avould be brought to submission. This revolution accordingly happened in 1730, when the whole republic of the Paulists acknowledged the authority of the court of Lisbon, and were placed on the same footing with the other Por tuguese in Brazil. During the remaining part of the last century the country offered little to attract the notice of the historian. The policy of the government was narrow and illiberal. -'• Industry Avas neg lected, and commerce fettered by restrictions and monopolies. The attention of the government Avas engrossed by the search for gold and diamonds. Foreigners were excluded from the country or jealously watched, and trade was confined to the fortified ports. This state of things continued till the beginning of the present century, when a great change was effected in the political and social condition of the country by the emigration of the court of Portugal to Brazil. The design of removing the court of Portugal to Brazil, as affording an asylum to a weak government against the oppressions of its more powerful neighbors, had been long entertained in the mother country. In 1761, the Marquis de Pombal had determined on the measure, and preparations AY.ere made to transport the royal family across the Atlantic ; but as the danger of invasion subsided, the project was abandoned. But in 1808, when the French inva ded Portugal and overran the kingdom, the court abandoned the country and took up their residence at Rio Janeiro. This event resulted in great advantages to the Brazilians. In January, 1808, the king issued a royal charter, abolishing the old exclusive system of trade, and granting to the inhabitants of Brazil the commerce of all foreign nations, and opening all the ports of the country. Shortly after, another decree permitted the free exercise of industry to all classes of people. The press, which for three centuries had been prohibited, was now established in the country, and, in 1808, the first book was printed in Brazil. Nothing can mark more emphatically the deplorable state of darkness and ignorance in 166 BRAZIL. which this fine country had been kept by the government, than this simple fact. Brazil was made a separate state in 1815. A royal decree, of the 16th December, elevated it to the dignity of a kingdom, thence forth, to be called the kingdom of Brazil, which with the European territories should constitute the United Kingdoms of Portugal, Algarves and Brazil. In 1817, an insurrection broke out at Per nambuco, but although it was speedily quelled, the country continued to be agitated by disturbances which were augmented by the political fluctuations in the mother country. It was plain ly to be perceived that a strong disposition existed in the people of Brazil to detach themselves entirely from Portugal. This inclination manifested itself in a variety of ways, and at length became so decidedly pronounced, that a general legislative and constituent assembly of deputies from every part of the country, was called to take the subject into consideration. On the 12th October, 1822, Don Pedro, son of the king, was proclaimed con stitutional emperor of Brazil ; all connexion with Portugal was rent asunder and formally abjured by the people, and Brazil became an independent power. The king of Portugal, acknowledged her independence, and was recognised as emperor, with the succession of Don Pedro. Ten millions of dollars were paid by Brazil for this acknowledgement. Don John remained in Portugal, and Don Pedro governed Brazil as regent. Don John died on the 10th March, 1 826, and Don Pedro became emperor of Brazil. The country, however, continued in an unset tled state, and the government prospered so little under his sway that he was forced to abdicate the croAvn on the 6th of April, 1831. His infant son, Pedro II. , succeeded, and the government has since been administered by a regency in his name. Since these occur rences, Brazil has been involved in wars with her neighbors, and has suffered from internal embarrassments and convulsions ; but the government of the country has undergone no change, nor have the vicissitudes of its history afforded any events which can interest the general reader. [1842.] THE WEST INDIES. CHAPTER XVII. Settlement of Porto Rico by Ponce de Leon. — Insurrection of the natives. — The Spaniards settle in Cuba. — Behavior of the cacique Hatuey. — Extirpation of the Cubans. — Havana founded. — Jamaica settled by the Spaniards — conquered by the English. — Barbadoes, Antigua, Nevis, St. Christopher's, the Virgin Islands, Grenada, Tobago, St. Vincent's, Dominica, Trinidad, acquired by the English — Martinique, Guadaloupe, Deseada, Marie Galante, by the French — other islands by the Dutch, Swedes and Danes. — Introduction of slaves from Africa by Las Casas. — The slave trade. — The Asiento. — Abolition of slavery in the British West Indies. The settlement of Hispaniola by the Spaniards has already been described. Their next important acquisition Avas the island^ of Porto Rico. Although this island had been discovered by 168 THE WEST INDIES. Columbus in 1493, the Spaniards made no attempt to settle it till 1509, when the pursuit after gold carried them thither from Hispaniola, under the command of Ponce de Leon. They met with no resistance from the natives, who had been fully informed of the hard fate Avhich had overtaken their neighbors. They, too, regarded the invaders as superior beings, to whose authority they willingly submitted. A little intercourse, however, with their visitors having convinced them that they Avere mortal men, they rose in insurrection and massacred a hundred of the Span iards. Ponce de Leon made a vigorous attack upon the insurgents and defeated them with great loss. During the struggle, his forces were recruited by a fresh arrival from St. Domingo, which caused the natives to believe that the Spaniards Avhom they had massa cred were come to life again. Struck with terror by this impres sion, they submitted again to the yoke. They subsequently met with the fate of the natives of Hispaniola, being condemned to the mines, where they all miserably perished. Mora at Havana. Cuba was the next island occupied by the Spaniards. Diego de Velasquez, in 1511, invaded the eastern part with four ships. This district was under the government of a cacique named Hatuey, a native of Hispaniola, who had fled from that island to escape the tyranny of the conquerors. A number of his country men had followed him in his retreat, where he formed a little state and ruled in peace. He saw at a distance the Spanish sails, and dreaded their approach. He called his people around him, and exhorted every man to throw all the gold he possessed into the sea. " Gold," said he, " is the god of the Spaniards, and we THE WEST INDIES. 169 must not expect any happiness as long as the Spaniard's god remains among us. They seek him in every place. Were he hidden in the bowels of the earth, they would discover him. Were we to swallow him, they would plunge their hands into our bowels and drag him out. There is no place but the bottom of the ocean that can elude their search ! " Animated by thte ha rangue, the Indians threw all their gold into the sea. The Spaniards landed in Cuba, attacked and dispersed the natives. Hatuey was pursued, taken, and condemned to be burnt to death. When he was fastened to the stake, and waited only for the application of the torch, a priest advanced and proposed to baptize him, Avith a promise of the joys of paradise. " Are there any Spaniards in that happy abode?" asked the cacique. "Yes," replied the ghostly comforter; "but none except good ones." " The best of them," replied the savage, "are bad enough. I will not go where there is any danger of meeting one. Leave me alone to die ! " The cacique was burned, and Velasquez found no more enemies to oppose him ; yet this easy submission did not secure the tranquillity of the unhappy Cubans. Wanton massacres, the labor of the mines and the small-pox, soon swept away the whole population, and nearly reduced the fertile island of Cuba to a desert. Little progress was made in the settlement till 1519, when the pilot Alaminos first sailed through the Bahama channel, carrying to Europe the news of the success of Cortez in Mexico. It was judged that this would be the most convenient route for the ships sailing between Mexico and Europe, and it was desirable to pos sess a seaport on the passage. This led to the foundation of Ha vana, which, originating with the Mexican trade, received subse quently a great augmentation from the Porto Bello and Carthagena traffic. Cuba continues to be a Spanish colony to the present day. Jamaica, now in possession of the British, was first settled by the Spaniards in 1509. Diego Columbus, the son of the discov erer, sent to that island from St. Domingo a body of seventy men, under Juan de Esquimel. These were soon after joined by other adventurers, the whole constituting a band of blood-thirsty wretches. There was no gold in Jamaica, yet these barbarous invaders never sheathed their swords while one of the inoffensive islanders remained alive. The settlement of the island went on slowly, and it contained a population of no more than three thou sand, half of whom were slaves, when, in 1655, a British force, ¦under Penn and Venables, made themselves masters of it. Since that time it has remained a British colony. t5 v IHHHP9K War in /Ac West Indies. Castle in . WEE^t^. fc -^ '-^ HKS^'''- fJ\W- Sjts^PmK.'.I^S'^&g Bfc— — ^^ ^^mJ®' *.-£ -~;.^ ptt= HnPuE'k. 2 \Unlfi B ISI b»» 11 Plantation in Jamaica. THE WEST INDIES. 171 Barbadoes, the most easterly of all the West India islands, appears never to have had any aboriginal inhabitants. In 1627, some English families settled there, but without any authority from the government. Two years after, a regular colony was established in the island by the Earl of Carlisle. The whole sur face was covered with enormous trees, but the industry and perse verance of the British settlers soon cleared the soil to such a degree as to make it one of the most productive territories belong ing to that nation in this quarter. Antigua was found, totally uninhabited, in 1628, by some Frenchmen, who fled from the Spaniards at St. Christopher's. Hardly any attempt at a settlement was made there till 1666, when Lord Willoughby, to whom Charles II. had granted the island, sent a colony thither. The sugar-cane was first planted here in 1680. Nevis was occupied by the .English in 1628, and Montser- rat in 1632. St. Christopher's was the nursery of all the English and French colonies in the West Indies. Both nations arrived in that island on the same day, in 1625. They shared the island between them, signed a treaty of perpetual neutrality and alliance against their common enemy, the Spaniards. Unfortunately for the peace of the settlers, many things, as the woods, the fishing, the harbors, and the salt-pits, were all held in common, Avhich soon led to jealousies, encroachments and hostilities. When war broke out between the mother countries, the islanders fought with a degree of animosity not to be seen elsewhere. They alternately drove each other from the plantations, but, in 1702, the French were totally expelled, and the treaty of Utrecht confirmed the British in the possession of the whole island. The Virgin Islands are about sixty in number, but all are small. The Spaniards for many years resorted to them solely for the pur pose of catching turtle. The Dutch made a small settlement at Tortola, one of the group, but, in 1666, they Avere driven from it by the English, who soon after dispersed themselves over the neigh boring islands and rocks. There they lived, during nearly a cen tury, in a semi-barbarous state, employed solely in raising cotton. After the peace of 1748, they turned their attention to sugar. Before this period there was no form of regular government in the islands. They are now in the possession of the British. Grenada was first settled by the French, in 1651. On their arrival they gave a few hatchets, some knives, and a barrel of brandy, to the chief of the Caribs they found there ; and imagin ing they had purchased the island with these trifles, assumed the sovereignty, and soon acted as tyrants. The savages, unable to 172 THE WEST INDIES. contend with them by open force, murdered all whom they found alone or defenceless. Troops were sent from France to defend the settlement. All the natives were exterminated by the sword, except a small remnant who escaped to a steep rock. Here they were besieged by the invaders, and, preferring to die rather than fall into the hands of their enemies, they leaped from the preci pice and were dashed to pieces. A subsequent conquest, con firmed by the treaty of 1763, secured this island to Great Britain. Tobago received a Dutch settlement in 1632, but the natives joined with the Spaniards of the neighboring island of Trinidad, against them. Most of the settlers were massacred, and the rest abandoned the island. The Dutch neglected the island for twenty years, but, in 1654, sent a new colony thither. The Eng lish and French afterwards disputed the possession of it, and the French prevailing, Louis XIV. restored it to the Dutch. These two latter nations afterwards being at Avar, the French invaded the island, laid it completely waste, and carried aAvay all the inhabitants. They did not, hoAvever, replace them with their own people, and Tobago lay neglected and desolate till Great Britain "took possession of it, and by the treaty of 1763, it Avas confirmed to that power. The Bahama Islands having been speedily depopulated by the Spaniards who shipped off the natives to work in the mines in other places, were left desert and abandoned for more than a cen tury. In 1629 the English took possession of New Providence and established themselves there till 1641, when they were driven out by the Spaniards, who murdered the governor and committed other acts of cruelty. In 1666, the English again settled in these islands, and remained till 1703, when the French and Spaniards again expelled them and destroyed their plantations. The Baha mas then became a rendezvous for pirates, who were finally sup pressed by the English, under Captain V\700(jes Rogers, who became governor of New Providence. The other islands were then colo nized by the English, and remained quietly in their possession till the war of the American revolution, when they were attacked, in 1776, by the American squadron under Commodore Hopkins, who captured New Providence and carried off the governor. In 1781 the Spaniards again took possession of these islands, but they were retaken by the English and confirmed to them by the treaty of 1783. The Bermudas were discovered in 1522 by Juan Bermudez, a Spaniard, who found them uninhabited. Sir George Somers was wrecked on them in 1609, on which account they were sometimes •called after his name. He built a small vessel of cedar, without THE WEST INDIES. 173 any iron except one bolt in the keel, and sailed to Virginia. The islands were settled shortly after by the English, and have ever since remained in their possession. St. Vincent's was first colonized in 1719 by the French from Martinique. They had much trouble, even at that late period, in subduing the fierce Carib natives. The British acquired the island by the treaty of 1763. Dominica was settled about the same time, and in like manner came into the hands of the British. St. Lucia received a colony of English in 1639, but they Avere all massacred by the Caribs. The French next began a settle ment in 1650, but it did not succeed. The island changed hands between the English and French several times, but was finally established under the British dominion. Trinidad was first colo nized by the Spaniards in 1535. Great Britain obtained posses sion of it in 1797, and still holds it. Martinique and Guadaloupe were settled by the French in 1635. They subsequently obtained possession of Deseada, Marie Galante and St. Martin's. These, Avith the small islands called the Saints, now belong to the French. Curacao was first pos sessed by the Spaniards in 1527. It was captured by the Dutch in 1634. This nation acquired afterwards St. Eustatia, Saba and half of St. Martins, which still remain in their power. The Danes obtained possession of St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix; and the Swedes, .of St. Bartholomew, and now retain them. While we deplore the cruelties which, blotted out a whole race of men from the face of the earth, our regrets are augmented by the contemplation of another evil which grew out of this calamity, the introduction of negro slavery into America. The extermina tion of the unfortunate islanders could not fail to excite a certain degree of sympathy even among the Spaniards ; and a philan thropist arose who claimed the name of protector of the Indians. This was Bartholomew de Las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, who, smitten with compassion for the Avretched Americans, took up their cause, and used every exertion to check the oppressions of the conquerors. He openly asserted the injustice of reducing them to servitude, and pleaded the cause of humanity with such effect at the Spanish court, that Cardinal Ximenes, the regent, despatched him, with four associates, Xp America, Avith full powers to remedy the evil. These commissioners set all the natives at liberty. But the want of hands to till the soil, drove the well- meaning Las Casas to an expedient Avhich drew incalculable woes upon the western Avorld. He proposed to purchase negroes from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, and trans port them to the West Indies. Negroes had been carried to St. 15* 174 the west indies. Domingo as early as 1502 ; but these were few, and the importa tion was soon prohibited, for the alleged reason that they taught the natives insubordination. The scheme of Las Casas, unfortunately, met with favor at the Spanish court. Charles V., in 1517, granted a patent for the Charles V. signing a patent for sending negroes to America. exportation of four thousand negroes annually to Hispaniola. This patent was assigned to some Genoese merchants, and the slave trade became from that time a regular and established traffic. The English engaged yi this business in 1562, and the French and Portuguese in 1564. The latter people had carried slaves from Guinea to Lisbon as early as 1442. The project of Las Casas, hoAvever, gave this traffic the main impulse, and organized it into a permanent system. The English pursued the slave trade with great ardor. They made settlements on the African coast, from which they not only furnished their own West India colonies Avith negroes, but so far monopolized the business as to obtain, in 1689, the Asiento, or contract from the Spanish government for supplying the colonies of that nation, also, Avith slaves. As late as 1770, the number imported into America by the English exceeded forty-seven thousand in a single year. .. trTthis manner the Wes)t India islands became filled with^an African population, which still continue in a state of servitude except in the British colonies and the independent island of Hayti. The slave trade was prohibited by the British government in 1805 ; and by act of parliament, all the slaves in the British West Indies were set free on the 1st of August, 1834. Twenty millions sterling Avere paid the OAvners of the slaves as an indemnity. CHAPTER XVIII. THE BUCCANEERS. Origin of the buccaneers. — Their enmity towards the Spaniards. — Their expedi tion to California. — Their mode of life. — They become formidable. — History of the buccaneer Montbar. — Michael de Basco. — The buccaneers take Venezuela. — Exploits of Morgan. — Capture of Porto Bello. — Morgan s expedition to Pa nama. — His treachery towards his associates. — Van Horn, Grammont, Godfrey,. Jonque and De Graffe. — Capture of Vera Cruz. — Expeditions to the South Sea. — Terror of the Spaniards. — Grammont's conquest of Campeachy. — Ex travagance of the French buccaneers. — Expedition of Pointis. — Capture of Carthagena. — Sack of the city. — Immense booty of the captors. — Treachery of Pointis. — Second capture of Carthagena. — Final extinction of the buccaneers. Buccaneers making an attack. Before the English had made any settlement at Jamaica, and the French at St. Domingo, some pirates of both nations, Avhc- have since been so distinguished by the name of buccaneers, had driven the Spaniards out of the small island of Tortuga, situated at the distance of two leagues from $t. Domingo, and fortifying themselves there, had made incursions with amazing intrepidity against the common enemy. They formed themselves into small companies, consisting of fifty or a hundred each. These bands styled .themselves "The Brethren of the Coast;" but they soon became famous to the world by the name of buccaneers ; a word of dubious etymology, but which appears to have been derived 176 THE WEST INDIES. from the practice, adopted by these adventurers, of drying by smoke the flesh of the cattle they killed in St. Domingo,— a prac tice called buccan by the natives. The dress of a buccaneer at first usually consisted of a shirt dipped in the blood of some animal he had killed ; a pair of trowsers ; a leathern girdle, from which hung a sabre and several knives ; a hat Avithout a brim ; shoes of raw hide, and no stockings. Armed with heavy mus kets, and accompanied by dogs, they ranged the woods and sa vannas of St. Domingo, and subsisted upon the cattle they killed, selling their hides to such vessels as touched upon the coast. As their numbers increased, they ventured to make inroads upon the Spanish settlements. The Spaniards, unable to expel these trou blesome neighbors, adopted the expedient of starving them out, by killing all the cattle in the island. This drove the buccaneers to piracy. Boats were all their naval force. These were scarcely large enough for a person to lie down in, and they had nothing to shelter them from the heats of a burning climate, nor from the rains that fall in these torrid regions. They were often in want of the most necessary supports of life. But all these calamities were forgotten at the sight of a vessel. They never deliberated on an attack, but proceeded immediately to board the ship, of what ever size she might be. As soon as they threw out their grap pling-irons, the vessel was easily taken. In cases of extreme necessity, the buccaneers attacked the people of every nation; but they fell upon the Spaniards at all times. They thought that the cruelties they had exercised on the Ameri cans, justified the implacable hostility they had SAVorn against them. But this extraordinary kind of humanity was heightened by personal resentment, from the mortification they felt in seeing themselves debarred from the privilege of hunting and fishing, which they justly considered as natural rights. Such was their infatuation, that, whenever they embarked on any expedition, they used to pray to Heaven for success ; and they never came back from their plundering excursions without constantly thank ing God for the victory. The ships that arrived in America from Europe, seldom tempted their cupidity. They would have found nothing but merchandise in them, the sale of which would not have been very profitable, and would have required too constant an attention. They always waited for the ships on their return, when they were laden with the gold and silver of Peru. If they met a single ship, they never failed to attack her. They followed the large fleets, and any vessel that straggled or remained behind, was inevitably lost. The Spaniards, who trembled at the sight of these implacable enemies, THE BUCCANEERS. 177 commonly surrendered without resistance. Life was granted to them, if the cargo proved a rich one ; but if the conquerors were disappointed in their expectations, the crew were frequently thrown into the sea. A body of fifty-five buccaneers, who had sailed into the Pacific Ocean, proceeded as far as California. To return into the Atlan tic, they were obliged to sail three thousand leagues against the wind, in a canoe. When they Avere at the straits of Magellan, they were seized with rage at having made no plunder in so rich a quarter of the world. They steered back for Peru. Here they Avere informed that in the port of Yauca was a ship, the cargo of which was valued at several millions of dollars. They imme diately attacked and captured her with all this enormous treasure. When the buccaneers had gathered a considerable booty, they held their rendezvous first at the island of Tortuga, in order to divide the spoil. If any one among them was convicted of per jury, which seldom happened, he was left, as soon as an opportu nity offered, upon some desert island, as an infamous person. The first shares of the booty were always given to those who had been maimed in battle. If any one had lost a hand, an arm, or a leg, he received tAvo hundred crowns. An eye or a finger, lost in fight, was valued at half that sum. The Avounded were allowed half a dollar a day for two months, to enable them to have their Avounds cured. If the company had not money enough to enable them to fulfil these sacred obligations, the whole company were bound to engage in some fresh expedition, and to continue it till they had acquired a sufficient stock to enable them to satisfy such honorable duties. After this act of justice and humanity, the remainder of the booty Avas divided. The commander, in strictness, could only lay claim to a single share like the rest ; but they complimented him with two or three, in proportion as they were satisfied with his skill and conduct. When the vessel in which they cruised, was not the property of the company, the person who had fitted it out, and furnished it with necessary arms and provisions, was entitled to a third of the prize-money. Favor had never any in fluence in the division of the booty, for every share was rigidly determined by lot. This probity was extended even to the dead. Their share was given to their families. If there were no friends or relatives, it was distributed to the poor and to churches, which were to say masses for the person in whose name these benefac tions were given. They afterwards indulged themselves in profusion of all kinds. Unbounded licentiousness and every kind of debauchery were 178 THE WEST INDIES. carried to the utmost pitch of excess, and were checked only when their money was gone. The possessors of millions were often ruined in an instant, and, destitute of clothes and provisions, they returned to sea, and the new supplies they acquired were soon lavished in the same manner. The Spanish colonists Avere reduced almost to despair at finding themselves a perpetual prey to these ruffians, and at length grew weary of venturing to sea. They gave up all the benefits of commerce and mutual intercourse, and kept themselves apart in their separate states. They were sensible of the inconve niences arising from such conduct ; but the dread of falling into the hands of savage and rapacious pirates had greater influence over them than the dictates of honor, interest and policy. Such was the commencement of that spirit of inactivity, whieh con tinued in Spanish America down to the present century. This despondency but served to increase the boldness of the freebooters. As yet, they had only appeared in the Spanish settlements, in order to carry off provisions ; and even this they had done very seldom. They no sooner began to find their cap tures diminish, than they determined to recover by land what they were losing at sea. The richest and most populous commu nities of the continent were plundered and laid waste. The culture of lands was now neglected as well as navigation, and the Spaniards dared no more appear in their public roads, than sail in the latitudes frequented by their enemies. Among the buccaneers who signalized themselves in this new species of excursions, Montbar, a gentleman of Languedoc, par ticularly distinguished himself. Having by chance in his infancy met with a circumstantial account of the cruelty of the Spaniards in the New World, he conceived an aversion for them, which he carried to a degree of frenzy against that nation. Upon this point, a story is told of him, that Avhen he was at college, and acting in a play the part of a Frenchman, who quarrelled with a Spaniard, he fell upon the person who personated the Spaniard with such fury that he Avould have strangled him, had he not been rescued out of his hands. His heated imagination continually represented to him innumerable multitudes of people massacred by savage monsters who came out of Spain. He became animated with an irresistible desire to avenge so much innocent blood. The enthu siasm to which this spirit of humanity worked him up was turned into a rage more cruel than the thirst for gold, or the fanaticism of religion, to Avhich so many victims had been sacri ficed. The ghosts of these unhappy sufferers seemed to rouse him and call upon him for vengeance. He had heard some account THE BUCCANEERS. 179 of the Brethren of the Coast, as the buccaneers were then called They were represented as the most inveterate enemies of the Spanish name ; he therefore embarked for America to join them. On the passage he met with a Spanish vessel, attacked her, and as was usual in those times, immediately boarded her. Montbar, with a sabre in his hand, fell upon the enemy, broke through them, and, hurrying twice from one end of the ship to the other, levelled everything that opposed him. When he had compelled the enemy to surrender, leaving to his companions the task of dividing so rich a booty, he contented himself with the savage pleasure of contemplating the dead bodies of the Spaniards lying in heaps upon the deck. His savage disposition, as well as that of the other buccaneers Avho attended him, having obliged the Spaniards to confine them selves within their settlements, these freebooters resolved to attack them there. This new method of carrying on war, required superior forces, and their associations in consequence became more numerous. The first considerable body of troops was formed by Lolpnois, a Frenchman, Avho derived his name from Sables d'- Olonne, the place of his birth. From the abject state of a bonds man, he had gradually raised himself to the command of two> canoes and twenty-two men. With these, he Avas so successful as to take a Spanish frigate on the coast of Cuba. A slave, hav ing observed that all the men Avho were wounded were put to> death, and fearing lest he should share the same fate, attempted to save himself by a perfidious declaration, but very consistent Avith the part he had been destined to take. He assured the buc caneers that the governor of Havana had put him on board to serve as executioner to all the buccaneers he had sentenced to be hung, not doubting in the least that they would all be taken prisoners. The savage Lolonois, fired Avith rage at this declaration, ordered all the Spaniards to be brought before him, and cut off their heads, one after another. He then repaired to Port au Prince, at which place were four ships, fitted out purposely to sail in pursuit of him. He took them, and threw all the creAVs overboard except one man, Avhom he saved. This person he sent with a letter to the governor of Havana, acquainting him with what he had done, and assuring him that he would treat in the same manner all the Spaniards that should fall into his hands. After this expedition, he ran his canoes and prize ships aground, and sailed with his frigate to the island of Tortuga. Here he met Avith Michael de Basco, who had so highly distin guished himself in capturing, under the cannon of Porto Bello, a Spanish ship, Avith a cargo valued at above a million of dollars, 180 THE WEST INDIES. and by other actions equally daring. These two adventurers gave out that they were going together upon an important expe dition, and they were joined by four hundred and forty men. This corps, the most numerous which the buccaneers had yet been able to muster, sailed to the Bay of Venezuela, which runs up into the country for the space of fifty leagues. The fort at the entrance was taken, the cannon spiked, and the whole garrison, consisting of two hundred and fifty men, put to the sword. They then re-em barked, and proceeded to Maracaibo, on the western coast of the lake of the same name, at the distance of ten leagues from its mouth. The city, Avhich had become rich and flourishing by its trade in skins, tobacco and cocoa, was deserted. The inhabitants had retired with their effects to the other side of the bay. If the buccaneers had not lost a fortnight in riot and debauch, they would have found at Gibraltar, near the extremity of the lake, everything that the inhabitants had secreted, to secure it from being plun dered. On the contrary, they met with fortifications lately erected, which they had the useless satisfaction of capturing, at the ex pense of a great deal of blood. The inhabitants had already removed to a distance the most valuable part of their property. Exasperated at this disappointment, they set fire to Gibraltar ; and Maracaibo would have shared the same fate, had it not been ransomed. Beside the sum they received for its ransom, they also carried off all the crosses, pictures, and bells of the churches, intending, as they said, to build a chapel in the island of Tortuga, and to consecrate this part of their spoils to sacred purposes. Such was the religion of these barbarous people, who could make no other offering to Heaven than that which arose from their robber ies and plunder ! While they were idly dissipating the spoils they had captured on the coast of Venezuela, Henry Morgan, the most renowned of the English freebooters, sailed from Jamaica to attack Porto Bello. His plan of operations was so Avell contrived, that he surprised the city, and took it without opposition. In order to secure the fort with the same facility, he compelled the women and the priests to fix the scaling ladders to the walls, from a full conviction that the gallantry and superstition of the Spaniards Avould never suffer them to fire at the persons they considered as the objects of their love and reverence. But the garrison Avere not to be deceived by this artifice, and yielded only to the force of arms ; the treasures that were carried away from this famous port were acquired by the buccaneers at the expense of much bloodshed. The conquest of Panama was an object of much greater impor tance. To secure this, Morgan thought it necessary to sail in the THE BUCCANEERS. 181 latitudes of Costa-Rica, and to procure guides in the island of St. Catharine, to which the Spaniards transported their malefactors. This place was so strongly fortified that it might have stopped the progress of the most intrepid commander. Notwithstanding this, the governor, on the first appearance of the buccaneers, sent privately to concert measures how he might surrender without incurring the imputation of cowardice. The result of this consul tation was that Morgan in the night time should attack a fort at some distance, and that the governor should sally out of the cita del to defend this important post ; that the besiegers should then attack him in the rear, and take him prisoner, which would occa sion a surrender of the place. It was agreed that a brisk firing should be kept up on both sides, without doing mischief to either. This farce was admirably carried on. The Spaniards, without being exposed to any danger, appeared to have done their duty ; and the freebooters, after having totally demolished the fortifica tions, and put on board their vessels a prodigious quantity of war like stores, which they found at St. Catharine's, steered towards the river Chagres, the only channel by which they could proceed towards Panama. At the entrance of this river stood a fort, built upon a steep rock, against which the waves of the sea constantly beat. This bul- Avark, very difficult of access, was defended by an officer, whose extraordinary abilities were equal to his courage, and by a garri son that deserved such a commander. The buccaneers for the first time met with a resistance that could only be equalled by their perseverance. It was a doubtful point Avhether they Avould suc ceed, or be obliged to raise the siege, when an accident happened, that proved favorable to their wishes and fortune. The comman der was killed, and the fort accidentally took fire. The besieg ers, taking advantage of this double calamity, made themselves masters of the place. Morgan left his vessels at anchor, with a sufficient number of men to guard them, and sailed up the river in his boats for thirty- three miles, till he came to Cruces, where the stream ceased to be navigable. He then proceeded by land to Panama, which was only five leagues distant. Upon a wide plain that lies before the city, he met a considerable body of troops, whom he put to flight with the greatest ease, and entered into the place, Avhich was now abandoned. Here were found prodigious treasures, concealed in the wells and caves. Some valuable commodities were taken from the boats that were left aground at low water. In the neighboring forests were also rich deposites. But the party of buccaneers who 16 182 THE WEST INDIES. were making excursions into the country, little satisfied with their booty, exercised the most shocking tortures on the Spaniards, negroes and Indians, to oblige them to confess where they had secreted their riches. A beggar, accidentally going into a castle which had been deserted through fear, found some fine clothes, Avhich he put on. He had scarcely dressed himself, Avhen he was perceived by the invaders, who demanded where his gold was. The unfortunate man showed them the ragged clothes he had just thrown off. He was instantly put to the torture, but, as he made no discovery, he was given up to some slaves, who put an end to his life. Thus the treasures the Spaniards had acquired in the New World by massacres and tortures, were extorted from them in the same manner. Panama was burnt, and the buccaneers set sail with a great number of prisoners, Avho were ransomed a few days after. The expedition proceeded to the mouth of the Cha- gres with a prodigious booty. Before the dawn of the day that had been fixed upon for the division of the plunder, Morgan, Avith most of the Englishmen of the band, Avhile the rest of the pirates were in a deep sleep, stole away silently from the rendezvous and sailed to Jamaica in a vessel which they had laden with all the spoils of the enterprise. This instance of treachery, the first of its kind that had happened, excited a rage and resentment not to be described. The remaining English pursued the robber, in hopes of Avresting from him the booty, but without success. The French, the sharers in the loss, retired to the island of Tortuga, from whence they made several expeditions. But they were all trifling, till, in the year 1683. they attempted one of greater importance. The plan of this expedition was formed by Van Horn, a native of Ostend, though he had served all his life among the French. His intrepidity Avould never let him suffer the least signs of cow ardice among those Avho were associated Avith him. In the heat of an engagement he Avent about his ship, and immediately killed those who shrunk at the sudden report of a gun or pistol. This extraordinary discipline had made him the terror of the coward, and the idol of the brave. In other respects, he readily shared Avith the men of spirit and bravery the immense riches that were acquired by so fierce and Avarlike a disposition. When he ventur ed upon his expeditions, he generally sailed in a ship which Avas his own property. But these new designs requiring greater means to carry them into execution, he took to his assistance Grammont, Godfrey and Jonque, three Frenchmen, distinguished by their exploits, and Lawrence de Graff, a Dutchman, who had signalized THE BUCCANEERS. 183 himself still more. Twelve hundred buccaneers joined these famous commanders, and sailed in six vessels for Vera Cruz. The darkness of the night favored their landing, which was effected at three leagues from the place, at which they arrived with out being discovered. The governor, the fort, the barracks, and the posts of the greatest consequence, — everything, in a Avord, that could occasion any resistance, was taken by break of day. All the citizens, men, women and children, were shut up in the churches, whither they fled for shelter. At the door of each church were placed barrels of gunpowder to blow up the building. A freebooter with a lighted match was to set fire to it upon the least appearance of an insurrection. While the city was kept in such terror it was easily pillaged ; and after the buccaneers had carried off what, was most valuable, they made a proposal to the citizens, who were kept prisoners in the churches, to ransom their lives, by a contribution of two millions of dollars. These unfortunate people, who had neither eaten nor drank for three days, cheerfully accepted the terms. Half the money was paid the same day; the other part was expected from the inland part of the country ; when there ap peared, on an eminence, a considerable body of troops advanc ing, and near the port, a fleet of seventeen ships from Europe. At the sight of this armament, the buccaneers, Avithout any marks of surprise, retreated quietly with fifteen hundred slaves they had carried off as a trifling indemnification for the money they ex pected. The final settlement of the account they deferred to a more favorable opportunity. These ruffians sincerely believed that whatever they pillaged or exacted by force of arms upon the coasts where they made a descent, was their lawful property; and that religion, as well as custom, sanctioned the right not only to what they had already received, but even the interest of that part of the sum that was not yet paid. Their retreat Avas equally daring and successful. They boldly sailed through the midst of the Spanish fleet, which allowed them to pass Avithout firing a gun ! The Spaniards, in fact, were rather afraid of being attacked and beaten. They would not probably have escaped so easily, if the vessels of the pirates had not been laden with riches, or if the Spanish fleet had been freighted with any other effects than such merchandise as was little valued by the buccaneers. A year had scarcely elapsed, when, on a sudden, they were seized with the desire to invade Peru. They expected, undoubt edly, to find greater treasures upon a sea hitherto little frequented by them. Four thousand men directed their course to this part 184 THE WEST INDIES. of the new hemisphere. Some of them came by the continent, others by the Straits of Magellan. If the intrepidity of these bar barians had been directed by a skilful and respectable com mander, to, one single uniform end, this important colony would have been l<5st to Spain. But their natural character was an invincible obstacle to such a result. They always formed them selves into several distinct bodies, sometimes so small as ten or twelve in number, who acted together or separately, as the most trifling caprice directed. Grognier, L'Ecuyer, Picard and Le Sage, were the most distinguished officers among the French; David, Samms, Peter, Wilner and Townley, among the English. Such of these adventurers as arrived in the South Sea by the Isthmus of Darien, seized upon the first vessels they found along the coast. Their associates, who had sailed in their own vessels, Avere but poorly provided. Weak, however, as they were, the ad venturers defeated, sunk, or took all the ships that were fitted out against them. The Spaniards then suspended their navigation. The buccaneers were forced to make descents upon the coasts to get provisions, or to go by land and plunder those cities where the booty was secured. Universal terror prevailed throughout Spanish America; the approach of the freebooters, and even the fear of their arrival dis persed the people. The Spaniards, grown effeminate by the most extravagant luxury, enervated by the peaceful exercise of their tyranny, and reduced to the state of their slaves, never Avaited for the enemy, unless they surpassed them in numbers at least twenty to one ; and even then they commonly suffered defeat. They retained nothing of the pride and nobility of their origin. They were so much degenerated, that they had lost all notions of the art of war, and were even scarcely acquainted with the use of fire-arms. They Avere little better than the native Americans whom they trampled upon. This extraordinary cowardice was increased by the idea they had conceived of the ferocious men who attacked them. Their monks had depicted them in the same hideous colors with which they portrayed evil spirits ; and they themselves had overcharged the picture. Such representations, the offspring of a wild and terrified imagination, imprinted on every mind the utmost aversion and terror. Notwithstanding the excess of their resentment, the Spaniards only wreaked their revenge upon their foes when they were no longer able to inspire terror. As soon as the buccaneers had quitted the place they had plundered, if any one of them had been killed in the attack, his body was dug up, mutilated, or made to pass through the various kinds of torture, that would have been THE BUCCANEERS. 185 practised upon the man had he been alive. This abhorrence of the freebooters was extended even to the places on which they had exercised their cruelties. The cities they had taken were excommunicated ; the very walls and soil of the cities "which had been laid Avaste, were anathematized, and the inhabitants aban doned them forever. While such piracies were committed on the Southern Ocean, the northern seas were threatened Avith the same outrages by Gram mont. He Avas a native of Paris, by birth a gentleman, and had distinguished himself in a military capacity in Europe ; but his passion for Avine, gaming and debauchery, had induced him to join the buccaneers. His virtues were almost sufficient to have atoned, in some measure, for his vices. He was affable, polite, generous and eloquent; he was endued with a sound judgment, and was a person of approved valor, which soon made him the chief of the French buccaneers. As soon as it was knoAvn that he had taken up arms, he was immediately joined by a number of brave associates. Grammont' s design was to attack Campeachy. The governor of St. Domingo, who had at length prevailed upon the king of France to approve of a project for fixing the bucca neers in some place, and inducing them to become cultivators of the soil, Avas desirous to prevent the concerted expedition, and therefore forbade it in the king's name. Grammont, Avho had a greater share of sense than his associates, Avas not on that ac count inclined to comply, and sternly refused obedience to this order. His ansAver greatly pleased all the freebooters, who im mediately embarked for Campeachy. This occurred in 1685. They landed Avithout opposition. At some distance from the coast they Avere attacked by eight hundred Spaniards. These they defeated and pursued to the town, where both parties entered at the same time. The cannon they found Avere immediately levelled by the invaders against the citadel. As these had little effect, they Avere contriving some stratagem to enable them to become masters of the place, Avhen intelligence was brought that it Avas abandoned. There remained in it only a gunner, an Eng lishman, and an officer of such signal courage that he chose rather to expose himself to the greatest danger than basely fly Avith the rest. The commander of the buccaneers received him Avith marks of distinction, generously released him, gave him all his effects, and besides, complimented him with some valuable presents. Such influence have courage and fidelity, even on the minds of those Avho seem to violate all the laAvs of society. The conquerors of Campeachy spent tAvo months in searching the environs of the city for tAvelve or fifteen leagues round, carry- 16* x 186, THE WEST INDIES. v ing off everything of value that the inhabitants had secreted. When all the treasure collected from every quarter Avas deposited in the ships, a proposal Avas made to the governor of the province, Avho still kept the field, with nine hundred men, to ransom his capital. His refusal determined the buccaneers to burn it, and demolish the citadel. The French portion of them, on the fes tival of St. Louis, Avere celebrating the anniversary of their king ; and, in the transports of their patriotism and intoxication, they burnt stores of logAvood to the value of two hundred thousand dol lars. After this extravagant instance of folly, which Frenchmen alone could practise, the buccaneers returned to St. Domingo. A feAV enterprising men had fitted out, in 1697, in the ports of France, and under the sanction of government, seven ships of the line and a proportional number of smaller vessels. This fleet, commanded by Commodore Pointis, conveyed troops for the land service ; their destination being against Carthagena, one of the richest and best fortified towns of the New World. The French expected that this expedition Avould be attended with great diffi culties ; but they hoped these would be surmounted, if the bucca neers Avould assist them, which in fact they engaged to do, out of complaisance to Ducasse, governor of St. Domingo, a man highly esteemed by them. Carthagena was accordingly attacked by the united forces, and the buccaneers, whose boldness could not be restrained, did even more than was expected from them. No sooner had they per ceived a small breach in the Avails of the lower town, than they stormed the place, and planted their standards upon the ramparts. They carried the other works with the same intrepidity. The tOAvn surrendered, its capture being attributable to the buccaneers. All kinds of enormities folloAved the surrender. The French general, who was an unprincipled, greedy and cruel man, broke every article of the capitulation. Although the apprehensions of an army, that was collecting in the inland country, had made him consent that the inhabitants should keep half" their movable effects, yet everything was given up to indiscriminate plunder. The officers were the first thieves ; and it was not till they had gorged themselves with the spoils, that the soldiers were suffered to ransack the houses. As for the buccaneers, they were kept in employment out of the tOAvn while the treasures were seized. Pointis pretended that the spoils did not exceed a million and a half or tAvo millions of dollars. Ducasse valued them at six mil lions, and others at eight millions. The buccaneers, according to agreement, were to receive one quarter of the Avhole. They Avere, however, given to understand that their profit would amount to but forty thousand crowns. THE BUCCANEERS. 187 The ships had set sail when this statement Avas made to these intrepid men, who had decided the victory. Exasperated at this treatment, they resolved immediately to board the general's ship, which, at that time, was too far distant from the rest of the fleet to receive assistance. -This infamous commander was upon the point of being massacred, when one of the malecontents cried out, "Brethren, why should we attack this rascal? He hath "carried off nothing that belonged to us. He hath left our share at Car thagena, and there Ave must go to recover it." This proposal was received with general applause. A savage joy at once suc ceeded that gloomy melancholy which had seized them, and without further deliberation, all the ships of the buccaneers sailed back to Carthagena, again took possession of the city, and having imprisoned all the men in the cathedral, demanded a million of dollars as their ransom. One of the priests mounted the pulpit, and made use of all the influence that his character, his authority and his eloquence gave him, to persuade his hearers to give up all their gold, silver and jewels. The collection made after this ser mon not furnishing the sum required, the buccaneers again fell to plundering the city. From the houses they proceeded to pillage the churches and even the tombs, but Avith no great success ; and the instruments of torture were at length produced. Four citi zens, of the greatest distinction, were seized, to extort a confession where the money was concealed. They all protested their igno rance with so much sincerity and firmness, that avarice itself was disarmed. Some muskets Avere, however, fired off, to induce a belief that these unfortunate men had been shot. Every one ap prehended the same fate; and that very evening two hundred thousand dollars were produced. The following days produced also something more. Despairing, at length, to add anything to what they had already amassed, the buccaneers set sail. ¦ On their voyage homeward, they fell in with a fleet of Dutch and English ships, both those nations being then in alliance with Spain. Sev eral of their smaller vessels were either taken or sunk ; the rest escaped to St. Domingo. Such Avas the last memorable event in the history of the bucca neers. They subsequently dispersed and settled in various parts of the West Indies. History will preserve their memory as a most remarkable race of men. Without any regular and fixed system of government, without revenues, Avithout any degree of subordination, they ravaged extensive countries, and became the terror of Spanish America and the astonishment of the age in which they lived. Had they been animated with the spirit of conquest, as they were with that of rapine, they would have sub dued the whole of the Western World. CHAPTER XIX. Depopulation of St. Domingo. — Settlement of Tortuga. — Establishment of the French in St. Domingo.-. — Effect of the French revolution on the island. — The mulattoes petition for political privileges. — Enfranchisement of the colored popu lation. — Vincent Oge attempts a revolt. — General insurrection of the slaves. — Massacre of the inhabitants. — Landing of the British. — Arrival of a French army. — Toussaint L' Ouverture. — Expedition of Le Clerc. — Destruction of his army. — Independence of Hay ti. — Reign of Dessalines. — Christophe. — Petion. — Civil war. — Christophe crowned king. — His reign and overthrow.— Union of aU parts of the island under President Boyer, Christophe crowned king of Hayti. The Spaniards having, in about half a century, exterminated the whole native population of St. Domingo, estimated, at more than two millions, remained the sole masters of this beautiful island. The gold mines being exhausted, the whole territory became little better than an abandoned waste, and they remained the undisputed and useless possessors of this fertile soil, till 1630, when some English and French, who had been driven out, of St. Christopher's, took refuge there and established themselves on the northern coast. The little island of Tortuga, two leagues from the 'shore, offered them a secure retreat. From this spot they issued to hunt wild animals in St. Domingo, and sold their hides ST. DOMINGO. 189 to the Dutch. The culture of tobacco .increased their means of subsistence, and the colony received great augmentations from various quarters. Out of this establishment grew the celebrated band of freebooters, whose history we have just related. This settlement alarmed the court of Madrid, and they gave orders for its destruction. The commander entrusted with this commission, took the opportunity when the Tortugans were mostly abroad, hunting and fishing, and hanged or put to the sword all he found in the island. The others stood upon their defence, and, placing at their head an Englishman named Willis, retook the island in 1638, and fortified it strongly. Willis collected recruits of his own nation, and soon found himself strong enough to give law to the whole band. He began to act the tyrant, which dis gusted particularly the French portion of his subjects, and they called in their countrymen from St. Christopher's. The English were expelled, and the Tortugans continued to be engaged in hostilities with the Spaniards, Avho drove them from the island three times successively, but the French as often recovered it. The court of Versailles at length acknowledged this colony, and sent Bertrand D'Ogeron to establish laws and superintend the government. D'Ogeron carried women to Hispaniola, who were sold for wives to the planters. The settlement began to flourish, and was increased by the acquisition of a great number of slaves which the French captured from the Spaniards and English. The Spanish government, after many ineffectual attempts to expel the French, at length consented to their stay, and at the treaty of Ryswick, in 1691, Spain formally ceded to France the western half of the island. In 1776, a new boundary line was agreed upon, and a liberal commerce opened between the tAvo na tions. The French portion of the island far surpassed the Spanish in productiveness and Avealth. The former increased rapidly in population and culture, while the latter declined in both ; and it was not till the year 1765, that it began to show any symptoms of prosperity. The political convulsions of Europe, however, were destined to exercise a most important influence upon this island. When the French revolution broke out, the colony of St. Do mingo had attained the summit of prosperity. It was the boast of the French that their half of this fertile island was worth all the remainder of the West Indies. The political enthusiasm of the mother country spread to the colonies, and the revolutionary frenzy seized upon the minds of the more wealthy part of the colonists. In the midst of a population of slaves, who outnum bered the rest of the inhabitants in the proportion of seven to one, 190 THE WEST INDIES. they planted the tree of liberty, deposed the existing authorities, and preached the doctrine of equality and the rights of man. The conduct of the white colonists, however, seemed to create but little sensation among the negroes ; but the mulattoes, who were already free, and at least equal in number to the white population, soon set up their claim to an equality of rights for their whole class. A mulatto, by the name of Lacombe, presented a petition to the proper authorities, in which he demanded " all the rights and privileges of man." The petition was voted to be treasonable, and the author sentenced to the galloAVS. At Petit Goave, a planter was torn in pieces, without trial, for having pre sented a petition in favor of the people of color, and all who had signed it were banished from the colony. These violent measures against the mulattoes, who Avere in general a wealthy and respectable body of men, Avere followed by a declaration, on the part of a self-constituted general assembly of the whites, " that they would rather die than share their politi cal rights Avith a spurious and degenerate race." This race, how ever, had powerful advocates of their OAvn class in France, who, through the means of Brissot, La Fayette and Robespierre, the leading members of the society called "Friends of the Blacks," ultimately procured the decree of the 15th of May, 1791, by which all people of color, resident in the French colonies, born of free parents, were entitled to the full enjoyment of the privileges of French citizens. It was on this occasion that Robespierre uttered that memorable exclamation, Avhich at once put an end to all the hopes and intrigues of the colonial planters resident in Paris, — " Perish the colonies rather than sacrifice one iota of our principles ! " There had been in Paris, the preceding year, a young mulatto, named Vincent Oge, Avhose widoAved mother held a coffee plantation in St.. Domingo. This youth determined by force of arms to cause the rights of his class to be respected. He landed secretly at Cape Francois, reached his mother's dwelling. and was joined by about three hundred of his own color ; but they were soon dispersed or made prisoners. Oge escaped into the Spanish part of the island, but having been betrayed, was tried, condemned and executed. More than twenty others shared the same fate. These judicial massacres created the utmost horror among the mulattoes, and, by changing the guilty into martyrs of liberty, separated forever the class of mulattoes from that of the Creoles. The revolutionary spirit continued to increase among the whites ; the constituted authorities were insulted or overthrown ; and at length the slaves began to display symptoms of disorder. In ST. DOMINGO. 191 August, 1791, on the occasion of a fire at a plantation in the north, and an attempt made by a slave, at another place, on the life of the bailiff, all the negroes on these tAvo plantations were seized as criminals and made the victims of Creole justice. In a few days, a general insurrection of the slaves broke out; the negroes set fire to the plantations ; the whole northern part of the island was in flames and all the whites that fell into the hands of the insur gents were put to death without distinction of sex or age. Those who escaped, fled into the town of Cape Francois, Avhere a gene ral consternation prevailed. The domestic blacks were locked up ; a great fury was excited against the mulattoes, as the sup posed instigators of the insurrection, and numbers of innocent men of this class were put to death. The population flew to arms, and all hands Avere employed in fortifying the town, which the negroes approached in detached parties, carrying fire, pillage and massacre all over the surrounding country. In four days, the whole French part of the island lay in ashes. The fire which they set to the plantations of canes, the sugar-mills, the dwelling-houses and stores, covered the face of heaven during the day with volumes of smoke. In the night the horizon Avas in a blaze like that of volcanoes, which communicated to every object the glowing tint of blood. The whites, on the other hand, tortured and massacred all the negroes, whether guilty or innocent, that fell into their hands. After a while they attempted conciliation, but the negroes had become organized under leaders, and refused submission. In this terrible Avar, blood Avas poured forth in torrents. Within two months after the revolt began, upAvards of two thousand whites, of all ages and conditions, were massacred. One hundred and eighty sugar plantations, and nine hundred coffee, cotton and indigo settlements Avere destroyed, and twelve hundred Christian families reduced from opulence to such a state of misery as to depend for food and clothing on charity. Of the insurgents up Avards of tAvo thousand perished by the sword or famine, and some hundreds by the hand of the executioner. An insurrection folloAved in the Avest ; all the country for thirty miles round Port au Prince was burnt and laid waste. Meantime the decree of the 15th of May was repealed by the National Assembly at Paris. When this intelligence reached St. Domingo, the mulattoes, believing themselves betrayed by the whites, flew to arms; the most bloody conflicts ensued. Three commissioners had been sent from France Avith an armed force to regulate the affairs of the colony and carry into effect the decree of the National Assembly. Their arrival caused the utmost terror 192 / THE WEST INDIES. among the whites, from the suspicion of a design to declare a gen eral emancipation of the negro slaves. The commissioners acted in a most arbitrary manner, cashiered three governors, and finally quarrelled among themselves. All was confusion and uproar. Terrified at these scenes, and apprehensive of still more dreadful ones, thousands of persons, of all descriptions, embarked with the wrecks of their fortunes for the United States. Some of the planters repaired to England, and made such representations to the government that an expedition under General Whitelocke was sent from Jamaica to occupy such parts of the island as might be wil ling to put themselves under British protection. On the 19th Sep tember he took possession of Jeremie, and a few days afterward of the port and harbor of St. Nicholas ; but the town refused to sub mit and joined the republican army raised by the three jacobin commissioners. This army consisted of the troops brought from France, the national guards and the militia, amounting to fourteen thousand whites ; to Avhich were added a motley band of slaves who had deserted their masters, and negroes from the jails ; making altogether a force of tAventy-five thousand men. The commis sioners, not thinking this army sufficient to repel the attack of the British, proclaimed the total abolition of negro slavery. In conse quence of this, upwards of one hundred thousand blacks fled to the mountains and possessed themselves of the natural fortresses of the interior. A desperate band of thirty or forty thousand armed negroes and mulattoes ravaged the whole of the northern districts, more intent on plunder than on opposing the progress of the English, who, after several skirmishes, became masters of the western coast of the island. On the capture of Port au Prince by the English, the republican commissioners retired towards the mountains, but finding the mulattoes and blacks in possession of the heights, under the mulatto general, Rigaud, and a negro by the name of Toussaint L'Ouver- ture, they deemed it necessary to abandon a country which their own rash precipitation had plunged into ruin. Toussaint L'Ouverture soon became the leader. This man was born a slave, and continued so for nearly fifty years. When the insurrection broke out he refused to join in it, and assisted in procuring his master a passage to the United States. After this, he joined the French forces, and rose by successive steps to the rank of brigadier general. He obtained such influence that all the proceedings of the French commissioners were directed by him. The Directory at Paris became jealous of him, and sent out General Hedouville to observe his conduct and restrain his ambi tion. Toussaint, however, refused to submit to his management. ST. DOMINGO. 193 Bonaparte, on becoming first consul, confirmed him as comman der-in-chief, and Toussaint succeeded in freeing the island from the English. He introduced order and discipline into the gov ernment, and under his sway the colony advanced, as if by enchantment, towards its ancient splendor. The lands Avere again put under cultivation ; all the people appeared to be happy, and considered Toussaint as their guardian angel; both blacks and whites regarded him Avith esteem and confidence. The general enthusiasm which he had excited was sufficient to instil vanity into the strongest mind, and he had some excuse for saying he was the Bonaparte of St. Domingo ! He had in early life stored his memory with an incoherent jumble of Latin phrases from the psalter, of which he made a Avhimsical use after his ele vation. Sometimes a negro or mulatto would apply to be made a magistrate or judge : " Certainly," he would reply ; — " you un derstand Latin, of course 1 '? — " No, General." — " How ! — wish to be a magistrate, and not know Latin !" — and then he would pour forth a torrent of Latin jargon, which sent the sable candidate away Avith the opinion that the general was a most portentous scholar. The prosperity of the colony was unfortunately of short con tinuance. After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte, urged on by the expelled planters and mercantile speculators, determined to recover the colony, reinstate the former proprietors and subjugate the emancipated slaves. For this purpose he despatched his bro ther-in-law, General Le Clerc, with a force of twenty-five thousand men. On the appearance of the fleet in the bay of Samana, Toussaint exclaimed, "We shall all perish; — all France is come to St. Domingo." The army landed, and several desperate battles were fought. Le Clerc at last found himself under the necessity of proclaiming liberty and equality to all the inhabitants, with the reservation, however, of the approval of the French govern ment. The negroes, tired of the Avar, deserted their leaders, and a treaty of peace was concluded, by which the sovereignty of France over the island was acknoAvledged and a general amnesty granted. In direct violation of this agreement, Toussaint was seized by Le Clerc and carried to France, where he died in prison. This outrage on the person of their favorite chief exasperated the blacks to a high degree. They flew to arms, and organized themselves under leaders, among whom Dessalines and Christophe soon became conspicuous. They spread slaughter and devasta tion among the French, who could offer little resistance against them on account of the excessive heat of the summer — 1802. Le Clerc and most of his officers were attacked by sickness, and all the reinforcements sent from France suffered successively from 17 T 194 THE WEST INDIES. the pestilence. Yet they continued to practise great barbar ities towards the unfortunate blacks. In the midst of these scenes of horror, Le Clerc died, and the command devolved on General Rochambeau, who fought several battles with varied success ; but the losses sustained in these actions, added to disease, reduced the French to the necessity of shutting themselves up in their strong holds, while the blacks were daily increasing in number and confidence. By the end of the year 1802, no less than forty thousand Frenchmen had perished. Dessalines, now commander-in-chief of the negro army, advanc ed to the plain of Cape Francois, to besiege the French in their head-quarters. A bloody battle followed, in which neither could claim the victory. The French were said to have tortured their prisoners, and then put to death five hundred of them. Dessalines, nearing of this, caused five hundred gibbets to be erected, and after selecting all the French officers, made up the number out of the other prisoners, and hung them up at break of day in sight of the French army. The misery of the French was completed by the breaking out of the war with England, in 1803. A British squadron blockaded Cape Francois; the town was reduced hy famine, and Rochambeau surrendered at the end of the year. On the first of January, 1804, the independence of the island was formally proclaimed, and it resumed its aboriginal name of Hayti. Jean Jacques Dessalines was appointed governor-general for life. His first act was to encourage the return of those blacks who had taken refuge in the United States. He next excited the people to a horrible massacre of the whites, Avhich took place on the 28th of April. By a series of cruelties and perfidies he got rid of all whom he conceived to be his enemies, and on the 8th October, 1804, procured a Capuchin missionary to crown him em peror, by the name of Jacques I. On this occasion he signed a constitution declaring the empire of Hayti to be a free, sovereign and independent state. It proclaimed the abolition of slavery, the equality of rank, the equal operation of the laws, the inviolability of property, &c. Under this government the island rapidly ad vanced to prosperity. Dessalines, though a cruel and sanguinary tyrant, was not without skill in the art of government. When emperor, he appointed his ancient master to the office of butler to his household, which he said was precisely what the old man wished for, as his love for wine made up for the abstemiousness of Dessalines, who drank only water. Dessalines closed his bloody career on the 17th October, 1806, being assassinated by the mulatto soldiers of Petion. At his death Christophe was called to the head of the government, and a con- ST. DOMINGO. 195 stitution projected which should guarantee the safety of persons and property. A proclamation Avas issued, denouncing the crimes of which Dessalines had been guilty, and, among other things, accused him of having robbed the public treasury of twenty thousand dollars for each of his twenty mistresses. Christophe, however, deplored the fate of Dessalines, and affirmed that he had been put to death by the mulattoes Avithout inquiry into his conduct. The blacks, always jealous of the mulattoes, attacked Petion, who with his adherents escaped into the southern and western districts, where a new constitution was prepared, and on the 27th Decem ber, 1806, Petion was proclaimed president of the republic of Hayti. A civil Avar noAV sprang up between the partisans of the two chiefs, till at length, by a sort of tacit agreement, the mulatto president fixed himself in the south and west, while Christophe established himself in the north, where, on the 2d of June, 1811, the royal croAvn Avas placed on his head and he was proclaimed Henry I., king of Hayti. King Henry established his court and government in all the pomp of an European monarchy. He maintained an army of twenty-five thousand men. He created orders of nobility, with princes, dukes, earls, barons and chevaliers, knights of the grand cross, &c. He set up a sort of feudal system, partitioning out the vacant lands among his retainers. He founded a royal college, established schools, endowed an academy for music and painting, built a theatre, patronised the arts, and encouraged magnificence in dress. He was born a slave in the island of St. Christopher's, from whence he took his original name ; yet his literary acquire ments were respectable, and he spoke French and English well. The country prospered under his administration, and for a time he ruled in tranquillity. Petion, the president of the republic, Avas a native mulatto of the island, and received an education at the military academy of Paris. His manners were shy, but his disposition was gentle and conciliatory. He appears to have governed with equity and mod eration, and enjoyed the full confidence of his people. He was evidently much superior to the men by Avhom he was surrounded ; and it is believed that he died of chagrin, on finding his schemes of philanthropy and political improvements impracticable among the barbarous population of Hayti. His death took place in 1818. He was succeeded by Jean Pierre Boyer, Avho is still at the head of the government. Christophe reigned nine years ; but, in the midst of apparent peace and prosperity, he lived in continual suspicion of plots against his life. He distrusted his officers and the persons about 196 THE WEST INDIES. him. His palace was defended with all possible care, and he never journeyed without strict precautions for his safety, carrying loaded pistols, and surrounding himself with his body-guard. His fears were not entirely groundless ; numerous circumstances had diminished his popularity, and prepared the way for his downfall. He became severe, arbitrary and tyrannical; he no longer consulted his nobles and principal officers on public affairs ; he displaced and degraded them, from ill-humor and caprice, and at length losing all the affections and confidence of his people, he became as much the object of their dread as he had formerly been of their admiration. At length, a burst of passion impelled him to order a barbarous massacre of a number of mulatto Avomen. This extinguished the last spark of attachment that lingered in the breast of the people. A mutiny of the soldiers broke out shortly afterwards. Christophe gave orders to put the ringlead ers to death. The soldiery, instead of executing this order, took sides with the mutineers, and Christophe, in despair, shot himself through the head with a pistol, in October, 1820. This was the end of the Haytian monarchy. An attempt in deed was made by the conspirators to maintain the old govern ment, and one of Christophe's nobles, Romaine, the prince of Limbe, endeavored to get himself proclaimed king. He was foiled in his attempt, and the people invited Boyer into their territory. Boyer inarched to Cape Francois, at the head of twenty thousand men, and was proclaimed the sole authorized chief of Hayti. The Spanish portion of the island voluntarily pla'ced itself under his government in 1821. Since this event the three governments have remained united. In 1825, a treaty was concluded with France, by which the independence of Hayti Avas acknowledged on condition of the payment of one hundred and fifty millions of francs, in five annual instalments. This treaty has been censured as imprudent and highly prejudicial to the Haytians, by draining their country of ah enormous sum of money, Avhich they could not pay without the most ruinous sacrifices, and for which they received no equivalent. Hayti, at present, has little commerce, but being free from intestine commotions, the island may in time recover a portion of its former prosperity. A fatality, however, seems to hang constantly over this fair territory. On the 7th day of May, 1842, the whole island was shaken by an earthquake, which destroyed the town of Cape Haytien, formerly Cape Fran cois, with ten thousand inhabitants, leaving scarcely a third of the population remaining. SPANISH SETTLEMENTS. CHAPTER XX. Peru. — Insurrection of Tupac Amaru. — Character of this leader. — His attempts in favor of the Peruvians. — Becomes the patron of the Indians. — Apprehensions of the Spaniards. — Commencement of the insurrection. — Trial and execution of Arriaga. — Policy of Tupac Amaru. — Conquest of Quispicancha by the Indians. — They advance upon Cuzco. — Battle of Sangarara. — Slaughter of the Spaniards^ — Triumphs of Tupac. — He assumes the crown of Peru. — Expedition against Puno. — Defeat of the Indians. — Siege of Puno. — Invasion of Chucuito. — Ad ventures of Tomas Catari. — Rebellion in Chayanta. — Arrival of a Spanish army from Buenos Ayres, — Defeat of the Indians. — Cruelties of the Spaniards. — Oruro taken and plundered by the Indians. — Furious excesses of the insurgents. — War of extermination. — The whole of Peru raised m arms. — Tupac marches- upon Cuzco. — Defence of the city by the cacique Pomacagua. — The siege of Cuzco raised. — Retreat of Tupac. The native Peruvians, after their subjugation, quietly submit ted, for more than two centuries, to the yoke of their conquerors. To a casual observer, all memory of their ancient independence and the glories of the empire of Manco Capac appeared to be lost. But toward the close of the eighteenth century, events occurred, which proved, in the most striking manner, that the national spirit was not extinct among the Peruvians, nor the remembrance of their better days entirely out of their thoughts. Groaning under the severest bondage, their minds still dAvelt upon the days of their independence, and they wanted only a leader to encourage them to burst their fetters, and rise in rebellion against their tyrannical masters. Such a leader they found in Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, com monly known by the name of Tupac Amaru, which he took upon himself by right of his maternal descent from the Inca of that name, the last of the sovereigns of Peru, put to death by the- Spaniards. This celebrated individual first attracted attention in Peru, by assuming the Peruvian name, proving his descent from Manco Capac, and urging his pretensions, before the court of Lima, to the vacant marquisate of Oropesa, Avhich had been granted to Sayri Tupac, his ancestor. Of a noble physiognomy and a robust frame, vast designs, vehement passions, firmness of enterprise, and intrepidity amid dangers, but Avith only the imper fect education which he could acquire by a few years' study at the colleges of Cuzco and Lima, he conceived the bold design of 17* Servants— Natives of Peru. Festive costumes of Indians. INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 199 delivering his countrymen from the tyranny under which they groaned. Tupac Amaru, in the first place, endeavored to procure some mitigation of these unparalleled burdens, by gaining the coopera tion of several eminent dignitaries in the church, led by the Bishop of Cuzco, a noble Peruvian, and using their influence with the government in behalf of the oppressed Indians. Yet, foresee ing that persuasion would avail but little with their avaricious and cruel masters, he resorted to other means of redress, by assiduously courting popularity among his countrymen, exhibit ing himself as the protector of the injured, alleviating the suffer ings of the distressed by pecuniary aid, and thus gradually leading the whole nation to regard him as the descendant and rightful representative of their ancient sovereigns. In the meantime, the Peruvians, who sympathized in the miseries of the Indians, urged upon the advisers of the crown the necessity of a reform in the internal administration of the country, in such strong terms, and expressed so decided a belief that some fearful political crisis was impending, that the Spanish court began to listen to their representations. Accordingly, two noble Peru vians, Don Ventura Santelices and Don Bias Tupac Amaru, were called to Spain, to aid the council of the Indies in devising means to improve the condition of the Indians. Probably they Avould have succeeded, had they not prematurely perished by chance or by assassination, — the one at Madrid, the other on his passage back to Peru. Tupac Amaru now came forward in person, and made new exertions. But his zeal only seemed to draw upon him the animosity of the petty despots of the provinces, who lorded it over his subject race. These men, seeing that the failure of San telices and of Don Bias Tupac Amaru had not cooled the Inca's ardor, now doubled the burdens of his countrymen, and think ing thereby to crush the rising spirit of resistance, pushed their tyranny beyond the verge of human endurance. Their madness hastened the crisis which they strove to avert. The Indians grew desperate, and now first breaking forth into a determined insur rection, rallied round the Inca. The commencement of the revo lution was signalized by an act of vengeance, performed with all the solemnity of the law, and therefore the better calculated to strike terror into the hearts of the Spaniards, and to arouse the courage of the Peruvians. Don Antonio Arriaga, corregidor of Tinta, Avas infamous for the cruelty and rapacity which he exer cised on the Indians of his province. Tupac Amaru brought him to Tunja Tuca, under pretext of a sedition, and then instituting his trial with his own official registers, caused him to be con- 200 PERU. demned as a public robber, and executed on the gallows, in the name of the king of Spain, on the 10th of November, 1780. All the odious forms of taxation and bondage were abolished from this instant, and the flames of civil war burst out in Peru. Tupac Amaru Avas cautious and wary in the introductory scenes of the revolution, because he wished to conciliate the timid among his nation, and lull his enemies into security, by making them regard his proceedings in the light of a mere local tumult. Hence, all his proclamations, decrees and other formalities atten dant on the opening of his insurrection, appeared in the name of the king. Adhering to this plan, and pretending to be in the exe cution of the king's mandates, he passed rapidly into the province of Quispicancha, with the intention of causing the corregidor Cabrera to undergo the fate of Arriaga; but Cabrera, anticipa ting his purpose, escaped by a hasty' flight, leaving his rich maga zines and the treasures of the government to be distributed among the Indians. By these movements, the neighboring provinces were now thrown into general consternation, and Tupac Amaru, actively extended the flame, disseminating his edicts, wherein, calling on the names of the Incas and of liberty, he sought to awaken the national enthusiasm of the Peruvians. The consternation soon spread to the city of Cuzco, and meas ures were taken to oppose the Inca's progress. A body of troops, amounting to about six hundred Spaniards, Creoles and Indians, marched out and encamped at Sangarara, not far from Cuzco. They were immediately attacked by a much superior body of Indians, and compelled to take refuge in the church. Tupac Amaru proposed to them to submit on honorable terms, which were disdainfully rejected. The situation of the besieged was rendered hopeless by an unexpected accident. Their poAvder- magazine exploded, blew off a part of the roof of the church, and opened a breach in the walls. Still these determined men main tained their resolution with all the heroism to Avhich their nation owes its wonderful conquests. Discharging a cannon through the breach, they killed seven of the Indians near the person of Tupac. After which, they threw open the doors of the church, and trusted their fate to the desperate attempt of forcing a way through the surrounding multitude of enemies. In this they failed. Of six hundred and four combatants, who had occupied the church, all died heroically, sword in hand, except about sixty Creoles and Indians. The result of this victory was of the utmost consequence to the Inca. Success had now crowned his arms, and he dexter ously took advantage of the respect and terror which it inspired. INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 201 In most places where the intelligence reached, nothing was now heard among the Indians but acclamations in favor of the deliverer of Peru. He, therefore, assumed the symbols of the ancient gran deur of his progenitors, and bound around his temples the imperial borla of the Incas. Elated by his recent triumphs, after an inef fectual attempt on Cuzco, he directed the principal division of his forces towards Puno. He himself, having received letters from his wife, informing him that his exploits had excited attention in Lima, and it was therefore necessary to collect all his strength, retraced his steps towards Tinta. The expedition against Puno, was unsuccessful. The Indians displayed the greatest resolution and obstinacy in their attack on the place, as, if they succeeded in the capture of Puno, there would have been nothing to inter rupt their march toward the important city of La Paz. In one engagement, the Indians, to the number of five thousand, were beaten by about eight hundred Spaniards. They penetrated, however, to Puno, and besieged the city, eighteen thousand Indians occupying the eminences which commanded the district; but they Avere finally repulsed ; on which, exasperated rather than disheartened by defeat, they suddenly turned away from Puno, and poured themselves, like a torrent, over the unprotected province of Chucuito. No province adhered to Tupac Amaru more devotedly than Chayanta. This arose from the commotion in which it was already involved, from the folloAving causes : — There lived in Chayanta, an Indian named Tomas Catari, Avho felt the liveliest sensibility to the wrongs of his countrymen, and before the rising of Tupac Amaru, had protested against some extraordinary acts of oppression perpetrated by the corregidor Don Joaquin De Aloz. Placing no confidence in the court of Charcas, which was noto riously corrupt, Catari carried his complaints directly to the viceroy. Buenos Ayres was at this time governed by Don Juan De Vertiz, — a man of unimpeachable integrity, and of mild, pacific and amiable virtues. He saw with disgust the abuses which custom authorized, but he could afford no other relief than to order the royal audience to examine the matter judicially. Catari returned to his province, concealing his dissatisfaction, and giving out, in mysterious language, .that redress was about to be afforded by a superior power. His real object was to prepare his nation to shake off the yoke of servitude. Shortly after his return, Catari was thrown into prison by Aloz. under the false pretext of his having killed a partisan of the gov ernment. The Indians immediately released him by force. From that time forward, he experienced the greatest vicissitudes of for- 202 PERU. tune. : at one moment persecuted by Aloz ; at another, protected by the Ind ians. While his exertions were suspended by imprison ment, his brothers, Damaso and Nicolas, zealously promoted his designs. The Indians were to assemble in the village of Pocoata, to prepare the subscription list for the mila of Potosi. Aloz, apprehending the meeting might- end in some popular tumult, hastily collected a guard of two hundred men for his defence, but Damaso, nevertheless, demanded the release of his brother, who was then confined in the jail of Chuquisaca. This demand brought on an altercation, in the course of which, Aloz shot an Indian with his pistol. The incensed natives instantly marched from all quarters to the public square, where Aloz awaited them with his troops drawn up in order of battle. They attacked him with an enthusiasm which supplied every defect of arms and dis cipline, and after a sanguinary contest, killed or routed the whole Spanish force, and made Aloz himself prisoner. The audience of Charcas were filled with dismay. They gladly released Tomas Catari, trusting to his influence for the preservation of Aloz, whom the Indians compelled as the price of his life, to send an order for the seizure of a cacique, named Lupa, odious on account of his subserviency to the government. The cacique Avas put to death by them, and his head was affixed on the gates of Chuquisaca. But the misfortunes of Tomas Catari were not yet finished. At the moment when his reputation and seeming security were the greatest, he was made prisoner. The whole population of the country flew to his rescue, but too late : for he was immediately put to death. The rage of the Indians noAv passed all bounds; and the manifestoes of Tupac Amaru, proclaiming independence, and the empire of their ancient monarchs, reaching them at the very height of this popular resentment, they seized upon the occasion with inconceivable ardor, ¦ to signify, by acclamation, their unanimous adhesion to the Inca. The disturbances in Chayanta had before this obliged the vice roy of Buenos Ayres to send a force to quell them, commanded by Don Ignacio Flores, who, for that purpose, was invested with very ample poAvers. Stimulated by the presumption of the Indians, who were now proclaiming the new Inca, and still more by the complaints of the audience of Charcas, who censured the slowness of his operations, Flores Avaited not for the veteran troops speedily expected from Buenos Ayres, but attacked the Indians Avithout delay, and gained a complete victory. He took sixty prisoners, and Avith the view of inspiring the vanquished with greater terror, put them all to torture and death. This pre cipitate act inflamed the Indians with such furious hatred of the INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 203 Spaniards, that all Avere now ready to throAV away their lives, as martyrs in the cause of liberty, and the insurrection raged more violently than ever. In the meantime, a succession of the most tragical events was taking place in the rich town of Oruro, the capital of a district of that name. In Carabaya and Paria, too, the Indians were all in arms, and had killed some of the principal Spaniards, and sent their heads to Tupac Amaru. The corregidor, fearing a hostile irruption into the tOAvn, enlisted a corps of four hundred men, com posed chiefly of Cholos, the offspring of whites and mestizoes, esteemed the hardiest and most active class of the population. Everything was then apparently tranquil ; but never was repose more fallacious. The neAV recruits, practising the most profound dissimulation, determined to take advantage of their situation to enrich themselves out of the pillage of the town. To obtain arms, which were not yet delivered to them, they first spread a rumor that the European Spaniards designed to assassinate them in their quarters. The next night, they raised a cry that the insurgent Indians were approaching. On their arms being given them, their true object was developed. A part remained in their quarters; the rest took post on a hill, and sounding their trumpets, gave the signal for the Indians of the mines to rush into the town and begin the plunder. The European Spaniards were the first objects of their fury. They had taken refuge in the house of one of the wealthiest of their number, and there collected their silver for safe keeping. The Indians and Cholos, finding the house fortified, set fire to it, and thus compelling the unfortunate Spaniards to come forth, put them all to the sword. They found in the house upwards of seven hundred thousand dollars. But this rich plunder served only to sharpen their avarice the more. To crown the miseries of this devoted town, the Indians of other provinces, amounting to twenty thousand in number, now flocked into it, and for ten days Oruro wore the aspect of a city taken by storm. Not a commercial house in the place but was pillaged. The churches Avere profaned, the female population driven into the convents; dead bodies scattered over the public squares. Such was the dis astrous spectacle which the rich city of Oruro exhibited. In toxicated with their success, the insurgents would have reduced it entirely to ashes, but for the interposition of a noble Indian, Don Lope Chungara, who united with the inhabitants to rescue it from complete destruction, and thus diverted the fury of the Indians into a different channel. Similar excesses were committed elsewhere, particularly in 204 PERU. Sicasica and Cochabamba. The Indians of this latter district conspired to cut off every Spaniard, whether European or American. They pursued this Avar of extermination for some time, unresisted, sparing neither age, sex, nor condition. The proclamation of Tupac Amaru had here fallen among men whose native ferocity, hardened by oppression and confirmed by igno rance, displayed itself in acts of savage violence, at which humanity shudders. But their courage was not equal to their cruelty. They were repeatedly routed by a small Spanish force and compelled to fly to the fastnesses of the mountains. The rapid progress of the insurrection soon made it necessary for the viceroy of Peru to put in motion the troops of Lima. The theatre of the war was now so far extended, as to require the exertion of the whole military force of the country. Tupac Amaru used the greatest diligence in raising recruits, and then marched for Cuzco, causing himself to be received on the AVay, under a pavilion, with all the ostentation of sovereignty. He halted on the heights of Yauriquez, a fe^v leagues from Cuzco, and summoned the city to surrender. His enterprise had been encouraged by several of its noblest citizens ; and it was in reliance upon their cooperation, that he hoped to gain possession of Cuzco. But his faithless friends hesitated for a few days, and all was lost. Pomacagua, the celebrated cacique of Chincheros, and other caciques, who adhered to the Spaniards, led their followers to the defence of the city. The threatened danger inspired even the clergy with war like ardor. While the dean of the church was proceeding to cele brate the publication of the bull, he was forced to assume the military garb, and place himself in front of his squadron. The friendly Indians sallied out alone to attack the besiegers, but suf fered great slaughter. The Spaniards, however, with the cholos, speedily joined in the engagement, changed the fortune of the day, and compelled Tupac Amaru to raise his camp, and fall back upon Tinta. Virgin of the sun. Female Indian, as the Minerva of Peru- Persons of the middle class of Peru. 18 CHAPTER XXI. Peru continued. — Progress of the insurrection of Tupac Amaru. — Adventures of Juan Apasa. — His extravagant conduct. — He attempts the total extirpation of the Spaniards. — His authority over the Indians. — Atrocities perpetrated by his command. — The Indians assault La Paz. — Desperate battles. — Siege of La Paz. — Defeat of the Indians by Valle. — Capture of Tupac Amaru. — His brother Diego, assumes the command of the Peruvians. — Siege of Puno. — Expedition of Valle for its relief. — Desperation of the Indians. — The Spaniards abandon Puno. — Pillage of that town by the Indians. — Cruelties of Tupa Catari. — Siege of La Paz. — Arrival of a Spanish force under Flores. — The siege raised and recommenced. — Trial and execution of Tupac Amaru. — Barbarous cruelty of the Spaniards. — Vindictive spirit of the Indians. — Exploits of Miguel Bastidas. — Siege of Sorata. — The Indians inundate the place. — Sorata taken and sacked. — The Indians press the siege of La Paz. — Desperate condition of the place. — Arri val of Reseguin, and relief of the city. — Defeat of the Indians by Reseguin. — Consternation of the Indians. — Submission of their leaders. — Trial and execution of Tupa Catari. — Narrow escape of the Spaniards, — Obstinate warfare of the Indians of LoSkYungos. — Battle of Hucumarimi. — Defeat of the Indians, and termination of the insurrection. A new personage noAV began to make a figure in these impor tant scenes, Avho soon rendered himself no less terrible to the Spaniards of La Paz, than Tupac Amaru and the Cataris were in other provinces. This was an Indian called Juan Apasa, who, having intercepted a courier sent by Tupac Amaru to Tomas Catari, Avhen the latter no longer lived, deceived the Indians with the belief that it Avas directed to himself, assumed the name of Tupa Catari, and the state and pretensions of the inca's viceroy. He Avas a baker by trade, and as ignorant as presumptuous. He succeeded in attaining the authority of a Peruvian Masaniello. Extravagance, madness, effrontery, vanity, sagacity and fertility of expedients and ideas adapted to his situation, went to make up the character of this adventurer. The great city of La Paz was the centre of his operations. He began by sending orders in every direction, having for their object the revival of the usages of the ancient Peruvians. He commanded the Indians to hold assemblies on the mountain tops ; to eat no bread ; to drink no water from the springs; to burn the churches, and abjure the Christian faith. Every Spaniard indiscriminately, or in the com prehensive language of the proclamation, every one who wore a shirt, was doomed to death. Charged with these instructions, an INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 207 Indian made his appearance at Tiguina, whose exterior was well calculated to inspire alarm. His neck Avas bound with a rope, and he bore a knotted cord in his hand. Calling thrice with a loud voice, he summoned the Indians together, and explained the meaning of these symbols. The cord around his neck denoted that he would be hung if he departed from truth. The knot on the cord intimated that as he was forbidden to unloose this on the way, so was it unlaAvful to open the message of his Inca, king Tupa Catari. After these preliminaries he untied the mysterious knot, and published in the name of the king, a peremptory decree, imposing the rights of his new legislation, and commanding the instant execution of the proscribed Spaniards. The tumultuary voices of the concourse signified prompt obedi ence. They ran to the church, where the Spaniards had sought refuge ; forced them out by setting it on fire, and killed them all without mercy. From thence they proceeded to the sanctuary of Cobacabana, and repeated the same act, killing all but the priests. These atrocities portended the storm Avhich was speedily to break upon La Paz. The protection of this important pass had been committed to Don Sebastian de Segurola, an officer of great military talents. He attempted to dislodge a small party of eighty Indians, who annoyed him with their slings, from a neigh boring height. Thrice did the Spaniards gain the summit, each succeeding time with fresh assailants ; and thrice were they driven back with loss, before they could overpower this handful of brave men. Discomfiture under such circumstances was more useful to the Indians than victory.. It taught them their strength. Accordingly, in his next enterprise, Segurola sustained a signal defeat. Ascertaining that some auxiliaries sent from Sorata, had fallen into the hands of the Indians, Avho were masters of the heights of La Paz, he resolved to attack them on three sides. But the incessant flights of stones from the slings of the Indians, and the huge masses of rock, which they rolled down the sides of the mountain, drove the Spaniards from the field. Segurola made another attempt, with four field-pieces and a larger force than before. The Spaniards succeeded in ascending about half Avay up the eminence, but were again repulsed by the Indians, who fought with enthusiastic energy, routed the Spaniards, pre cipitated themselves down the mountain Avith the rapidity of a torrent, pursued their flying enemies to the gates of La Paz, and laid close siege to the city. Meantime, Valle, at the head of sixteen thousand men, had marched in quest of Tupac Amaru, and although meeting with constant resistance, at last penetrated to Tungasuca. Sound 208 PERU. policy would have dictated to Tupac Amaru the plan of avoiding pitched battles in. the open plain. In this mode of warfare the Spaniards had every advantage, by the superiority of their arms, their discipline, and the skill of their leaders. If the Indians had confined themselves chiefly to the highlands, of which they had the entire command, they might, by repeated short incursions into the plains, have prolonged the war at pleasure. Instead of this, they risked all their strength in a general engagement, and were de feated, leaving the field of battle covered with their dead. Tupac Amaru himself narrowly escaped by flight, and was not long afterAvards taken prisoner, with his wife and sons. It was imag ined that the capture of the Inca would put an end to the insur rection; but the Indians rallied again under his half brother, Diego Cristobal Tupac Amaru, who prosecuted the war with unabated vigor. They were extremely anxious to reduce the town of Puno, from Avhich they had been once repulsed. Diego Cristobal renewed the attempt with greater obstinacy, and with talents Avhich, under more propitious circumstances, must have ensured success. He invested the town on all sides, and after several skirmishes at the outposts, made a simultaneous assault at several different points. The divisions of his troops, all acting in concert, drove the besieged up the streets, into the heart of the town ; but here the Spaniards made a desperate stand, and at the close of the day forced the Indians to retire. Four days in suc cession Avere these animated assaults repeated with the most obstinate courage, before' Diego abandoned the enterprise in de spair, and retreated into Carabaya. While these events were passing, Valle was endeavoring to relieve Puno. In his progress thither, he was repeatedly attacked by the Indians, Avho resolutely disputed every inch of the way, and who, although repeatedly vanquished, yet yielded most dear- bought victories to the Spaniards. On one occasion, a small body of eighty Indians, when attacked, chose a voluntary death; by throAving themselves over a high precipice, rather than surrender to the Spaniards. In consequence of these delays, before Valle reached Puno, it Avas again invested by Tupa Catari, Avith a host of ten thousand Indians. They prepared for battle, and Valle had the fairest prospect of success ; but, fearful of losing the fruit of- his late victories, he imprudently ordered Puno to be evacuated, and fell back upon Cuzco. Nothing could have been more ill- judged than this movement. The Indians Avere enriched by the pillage of Puno, and its dependent villages, where they found a hundred thousand head of cattle, together with other valuable spoil. Shortly afterwards, they completely routed a large body INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 209 of Spaniards in Sicasica. Elated by success, Tupa Catari now concentrated all his forces, and bent his whole strength to the reduction of La Paz. Here it was that this extraordinary adventurer held his court. His actions were indicative of mad caprice, which sudden eleva tion from the lowest condition to the exercise of unlimited power, usually engenders in the human breast. Surrounded with all the pomp of an Asiatic despot, he ruled the submissive Indians with an Asiatic despot's prodigality of life. To secure obedience to his mandates by the influence of terror, he established twenty- four places of execution in the circumference of the blockading lines. Never was the gallows unemployed. Indians, who de serted from the city ; those of his own soldiers and captains, who betrayed the least sign of cowardice or of despondence ; all who in any way thwarted his humor, were condemned to death, and their execution was precipitated to take away the chance of repentance. No ties of religion or decency controlled his will, and the Indians were at length shocked by his sacrilege and impiety. Their murmurs induced him, therefore, to assume a devout exterior. He caused a temporary chapel to be erected, in which, sitting beneath a canopy at the side of his queen, sur rounded by ambassadors, and by his principal officers, he cele brated mass with the most imposing ceremonials. Nevertheless, the Indians still yielded him implicit obedience, and prosecuted the siege of La Paz, under his orders, with a con tempt of death, an assiduity, and a patience of fatigue, never sur passed. Segurola had contracted his entrenchments within the narrowest limits, leaving out all the suburbs of the city, on account of the smallness of the garrison. His only hope was in holding out until Don Ignacio Flores, who was collecting troops for that purpose in the, province of Tucuman, should come to his relief. The Indians kept La Paz closely besieged for one hundred and nine days, and scarcely a day passed without a vigorous assault on their part, or a desperate sally of the Spaniards. The besiegers had six pieces of artillery, which caused the city great damage ; but, impatient of delay, and enraged at the determined resistance they met with, they attempted to set fire to the place. When this and all other expedients failed, and they saw that the assaults and sallies only produced mutual carnage, without bring ing the siege any nearer to a close, they promised themselves final success from the all-conquering power 6f famine. The besieged were noAV reduced to the utmost extremity of distress, and must speedily have surrendered the smoking ruins of the city, had not 18* a 2 210 PERU. Flores arrived at this very conjuncture, and saved La Paz from total destruction. We will not stop to describe the march of Flores and his troops from Tucuman. The name and influence of Tupac Amaru had extended to the ridges of Salta and Jujui, and the whole Indian population was in arms for the Inca. The route to La Paz was a continued succession of battles. Even after passing the city of Chuquisaca, five sanguinary engagements took place, in one of which Tupa Catari himself commanded, and was routed with great slaughter. Finally, Flores reached La Paz, and forced the Indians to raise the siege, but the relief which he afforded was of short duration. A considerable body of Indians encamped on a hill near the city; Flores and Segurola attempted to dislodge them. The Spaniards marched to the assault in three columns, commanded by their best officers, but were repulsed in such con fusion, that scarcely a single man escaped uninjured. Flores, therefore, retreated to a post about four leagues from the city, and the vigilant Indians instantly resumed their old stations on the heights of La Paz. A portion of the Spanish forces, contending that their term of service had expired, deserted and separated to their respective homes. All these circumstances compelled Flores to go in quest of new auxiliaries, and in the meanwhile to aban don La Paz to its fate. During the progress of the first siege of La Paz, the trial and execution of Tupac Amaru and his family had taken place. When tortured, to compel him to disclose his accomplices, he nobly replied, "Two, only, are my accomplices ; myself and you who interrogate me; you, in continuing your robberies on the people, and I, in endeavoring to prevent you :" a short sentence, which defines the nature of the Spanish government. The sen tence of death was executed on him with a studied cruelty dis graceful to the Spaniards. His judges seem to have indulged in a spirit of personal vengeance, while pronouncing the doom of the law. He was forced to look on and behold the death of his Avife, his children and his kindred ; his tongue was next plucked out by the hands of the hangman, and he was then torn asunder limb from limb, by four wild horses. Such was the fate of a patriot and hero, aa'Iio was only goaded into his attempt to vindicate the rights of his nation by arms, after the failure of reiterated efforts to procure an improvement of their condition by peaceable means. He did not fall unavenged. The savage vindictiveness displayed in the manner of his execution, produced an effect directly con trary to that which the Spaniards anticipated. The Indians fought, after this event, as if each individual had the death of his INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 211 dearest kinsman to revenge; and the survivors of the family of Tupac Amaru imbibed new hatred toward their oppressor. His brother, Diego Cristobal, united and sustained the interest of the Indians no less effectually than he had done, and a new adven turer arose, — Miguel Bastidas, otherwise named Andres Tupac Amaru, claiming to be the son, but being in fact the nephew of Jose Gabriel. The superior talents and sanguinary character of this individual made him still more terrible to the Spaniards. He Avas at this time only seventeen years of age, but he dis tinguished himself above all the Indian chiefs, by the siege and destruction of Sorata. The Spaniards of the province of Larecaja had collected all their treasures in Sorata, Avhere they entrenched themselves, and, being well supplied with provisions and ammunition, courage ously awaited the Indians. Andres Tupac Amaru, by the influ ence of the name he bore, gathered an army of fourteen thousand men, and beleagured the town. The Spaniards, unintimidated by his threats, made a brave defence, but were subdued at last by the laborious ingenuity of the Indians. A ridge of lofty moun tains, called Tipuani, overlooked Sorata. Availing himself of the great number of men at his command, Andres dug a spacious dam on the side of the town, and conducted into it all the numer ous mountain torrents of Tipuani, now swelled by the melting of the snoAvs. When his artificial lake was filled, he poured out upon Sorata the whole immense body of water, which tore up the entrenchments, washed away the houses, and submerged the whole tOAvn beneath an irresistible deluge. There was no longer any barrier to oppose the impetuosity of the Indians. They rushed into the place as the water subsided, and in a sack of six days' duration, gained possession of an immense booty, and glut ted their rage in the indiscriminate slaughter of the Spaniards. After gathering the fruits of this important victory, Andres marched his forces to assist in the protracted siege of that ill- starred city. Tupa Catari Avas much dissatisfied Avith the move ments of Andres, who, he foresaw, would thus divide with him the glory of success, without having participated in half the labors of the siege. But after some altercation, they agreed to bury their jealousy in the common zeal for assuring the triumph of their nation. The new siege presents a repetition of the same scenes Avhich marked the former, except that the ardor and obstinacy of the parties seem to have been augmented by the greater hope of success entertained by the one, and the increased peril of the other. Flores, in the meantime, was diligently engaged in assembling 212 PERU. forces at Oruro, where an army of five thousand men was at length formed, and placed under the command of Don Jose de Reseguin. This officer was brave, prudent, and indefatiga ble. He set forth on his march to La Paz without delay, and, fortunately for the city, his march was not much impeded; for La Paz was on the very point of yielding to the Indians. In structed by the advantage they had obtained from the inundation of Sorata, they threw a strong dam across the river Chuquiaco, one of the sources of the main branch of the Amazon, which flows through the middle of La Paz. This huge mole was fifty yards high, a hundred and twenty long, and twelve thick at the founda tion. Only two days before the arrival of Reseguin, the water burst the embankment, and rose so high as to inundate the three bridges of the city. The terror which this artificial flood inspired, and the probability of its being repeated with still worse effects, presented to the inhabitants the alternative of abandoning the city, or remaining exposed to the horrible catastrophe of Sorata. Such was the perilous condition of La Paz, when the waving of the Spanish banners on the distant heights, and the murmur of martial sounds announced to the joyful inhabitants the approach pf Reseguin. The Indians, conscious of their inability to cope with these new enemies, precipitately fled before them. Reseguin halted at La Paz three days to refresh his troops, and then marched in pursuit. He overtook them, drawn up as usual on the upper side of a sloping ground, and joined battle without hesitation. He com pelled them, after an obstinate struggle, to retreat and save them selves among the ravines of the mountains. After Reseguin's victory, universal consternation and despon dency took possession of the Indians, in the place of their former energy and patriotism. Persuaded that all was lost, if they contended further, since every combat afforded fresh triumph to their enemies, they still distrusted the proffered clemency of the Spanish government. But, finally, allured by the promises of Reseguin, Tupa Catari and Andres Amaru wrote letters to him from the place of their retreat, embracing the proposed conditions. Diego Cristobal sent, at the same time, to claim the benefit of the amnesty published at Lima. Reseguin, fearing some treachery, dexterously required these chiefs to make their submission in person. Tupa Catari was unwilling to do this without a safe conduct, but Andres came in with his principal adherents, and being very cordially received by Reseguin, made a formal capitu lation, and swore allegiance anew to the king, as the condition of his own- and his companion's pardon. INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 213 Although Reseguin possessed a robust constitution, his health had sunk beneath the hardships of the active service, and he now labored under severe illness ; nevertheless, having set out for the districts which still maintained a show of war, he persisted in marching thither, and entered the villages on the shoulders of the Indians, who, as basely humble in adversity as they were fiercely proud in prosperity, greeted his entry with their acclamations. While these Indians were prostrating themselves at the feet of Reseguin, Tupa Catari was exciting others to continue the war. Reseguin, considering the machinations of this chief the only obstacle to peace, resorted to artifice to obtain possession of his person. He corrupted Tupa Catari's most intimate friend, and by this means succeeded in making him prisoner. He was tried, condemned, and sentenced to the same punishment which Tupac Amaru had suffered. After being torn asunder by horses, his head was sent to La Paz, and his limbs were distributed in various places as a terror to the Indians. The auditor of Chili, Don Francisco de Medina, was attached to Reseguin, in quality of judicial adviser. He began by the premature imprisonment of Andres and his chiefs, Avho had sur rendered under a solemn pledge of free pardon. This act was regarded by Diego Cristobal as a violation of the public faith, and he lost no time in stirring up the Indians aneAV. Had he improved this opportunity for attacking Reseguin, the attack must have been fatal to the Spanish general, for he Avas extremely sick, and his army, reduced to three hundred and ninety-four men by the desertion of the militia, was in no condition to withstand the Indians. But Diego let slip the propitious moment, and it never again recurred. The Indians Avere groAvn weary of the contest, and in almost all the provinces about La Paz, claimed the benefit of the indulgence and delivered up their chiefs. Diego soon followed their example. Persuaded that the cause of his nation was hopeless, he sent a memorial to Don Jose del Valle, in the beginning of the year 1782, praying for the royal pardon. The flame of the revolution was nearly extinct, but it still sent forth a few broken flashes in the remote provinces. The Indians of Los Yungas, especially, and those of a valley called the Que- brada of the river Abaxo, in Sicasica and Chulumani, held out with great obstinacy. Arrogant with their many victories over the small detachments sent against them, they maintained a fierce and savage independence. At length, Flores assembled a powerful force and commissioned Reseguin to finish the Avar. This expe dition was memorable for the many bloody victories gained over the Indians, who were entirely ignorant of military discipline, had 214 PERU. but few fire-arms, and were principally armed with slings. The royal army from Tucuman, Buenos Ayres and Cochabamba, con sisted of regular troops. The Buenos Ayreans were armed and equipped like European soldiers; the Tucumans composed the cavalry, and were armed with butcher-knives, and ropes twenty- five or thirty yards long, which they used in catching Avild cattle. The arms of the Cochabambians were short clubs, loaded Avith lead, to which a rope of two or three yards in length was fastened, and Avhich were used like slings, and were very deadly weapons. The Indians were scattered all over the plains, in no regular order or rank, and were nothing more than an undisciplined rabble. The Tucuman horsemen first rode among the Indians, and threw them doAvn with their ropes, and the Cochabambians followed and despatched them Avith their clubs. The battle of Hucumarimi, being the most obstinately disputed of all that were fought during the revolution, and the most suc cessful for the Spaniards, acquired the name of the decisive. The country here Avas broken into precipices and irregular acclivities, among which, on the side of a mountain, the Indians had encamped. The impediments which they threw in the way of an attack, Avere enough to appal the stoutest hearts. Scarcely had the Spaniards begun the ascent, when shoAvers of stones, mingled with great masses of rock broken off by levers, and rolled down the sides of the mountain, filled the assailants with consternation. In spite of all this, by great exertion, climbing from cliff to cliff, they succeeded in driving the Indians from their seemingly impregnable post. The Indians were struck with superstitious dread. They thought the Spaniards fought by en chantment. No longer making any systematic resistance, they were hunted like wild beasts from mountain to mountain. Every thing now conspired to put an end to the insurrection. Leaders Avere no more, except Diego Cristobal, who, although he submitted under the formal guarantee of an amnesty, and continued to live tranquilly in his family, was afterwards arrested, under the pretext of a new conspiracy, and executed in the same cruel way with his brother and Tupa Catari. The great body of the Indian population quietly returned to vassalage, and resumed the yoke of slavery. Such Avas the issue of an insurrection, Avhich filled Peru with bloodshed and misery for the space of tAvo years, and of a war in which, if we may believe the authority of Don Vincente Pazos, himself a native of La Paz, one third of the population of Peru perished by the hand of violence. Twenty years after these events, this writer saw the plains of Sicasica and Calamaca, for INSURRECTION OF TUPAC AMARU. 215 an extent of fourteen leagues, covered with heaps of unburied human bones, lying in the places where the Avretched Indians fell, to bleach in the tropical sun. Their unfortunate attempt produced no permanent or important change in their condition ; none of their grievances were abolished except the repartos. They were rigidly prohibited the use of arms. The tribute pressed more heavily afterwards, and Avas more strictly levied ; and the unfor tunate Peruvians were treated more contemptuously, in revenge of their unsuccessful and disastrous rebellion. CHAPTER XXII. Peru continued. — Conspiracy of Vbalde. — State of public feeling in Peru.— Neglect of the government of Madrid. — Invasion of Spain by Napoleon. — In trigues of the French emissaries.— Character of the South American viceroys.— Temper of the people. — Revolutionary movements in 1809.— Interference of the neighboring provinces. — Chilian affairs. — Blockade of the Peruvian ports by Lord Cochrane. — Invasion of Peru by San Martin. — Pusillanimous behavior of the viceroy. — Capture of a Spanish frigate at Callao. — San Martin advances upon Lima. — Flight of the viceroy. — The liberating army enters Lima. — Independence of Peru proclaimed. — Movements of the royalists. — Surrender of Callao.— Arrival of the Colombian troops.— Departure of San Martin from Peru. — Disasters of the country. — The congress dissolved. — Lima retaken by the Spaniards. — Arrival of Bolivar in Peru. — 'He is appointed dictator. — Imbe cility of the Peruvians. — Lima revisited by the royalists. — Second campaign of Bolivar in Peru. — Battles of Junin and Ay acucho.— Final defeat of the Span iards, and liberation of Peru. — Factions and disturbances in the country. — Es tablishment of the republic of Bolivia. — The Bolivian constitution introduced into Peru. — Discontent of the people. — Insurrection of 1827 .—Distracted state of the country. — Conspiracies and revolutions.— Transactions of Gamarra and Salaverry.- — General character of this portion of South American history. The suppression of Tupac Amaru's insurrection completed the subjugation of the Peruvian Indians, Avho, from that period to the present day, have remained quiet. Ideas of national indepen dence, however, appear to have taken root in the country, and it was not long before they began to manifest themselves openly. As early as 1805, Ubalde, an eminent jurist of Cuzco, excited the alarm of the government by his revolutionary designs. He/ gained a large party of adherents, but before their schemes could be put in operation, they were betrayed. Ubalde and eight others were put to death at Cuzco, and more than a hundred of his party were exiled. The particulars of this plot are not dis tinctly known, but independence was the main object. Ubalde, on the scaffold, predicted that the Spanish dominion in South America would soon be overthroAvn. It Avas impossible that he could, at this early period, have foreseen the occurrences in Spain, which shortly after paved the way for the emancipation of the Spanish American colonies; and his dying declaration affords us reason to believe that the project of throwing off the yoke of the mother country had been cherished in Peru to a greater extent than has generally been imagined. INTRIGUES OF FRENCH EMISSARIES. 217 The revolt of Peru took place at a later period than that of most of the other Spanish American states. Yet in order not to inter rupt the continuity of our narrative, we shall pursue the thread of Peruvian history unbroken to the end. The dominion of Spain was maintained in America by a very small number of Spanish troops. From the year 1805, nothing material happened to lead the Avay to a revolution for some years. Not that the people Avere well satisfied with their condition; on the contrary they were highly discontented, and every year petitions and details of their grievances Avere sent to Spain. These the court of Madrid knew perfectly Avell how to evade, and no redress ever was granted. How long this state of things would have continued without pro ducing a new Tupac or Ubalde, more fortunate than the first, we can only conjecture. But the desire for a neAV state of things was quickened in a wonderful manner by unforeseen events in Europe. The seizure of the Spanish crown by Napoleon, in 1808, loosened at once those ties Avhich united the Spanish Americans to the mother country, roused them from the apathy in Avhich they had languished for three centuries, and produced a revolution which utterly overthrew the empire of Spain in the Avest. Napoleon, having placed his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain, designed to transfer the American colonies in the same manner. Such was his contempt for the sluggish temper and want of national spirit which appeared in all the Spanish race, that no serious obstacle seemed to present itself in the way of this design. He despatched emissaries to all parts of Spanish America. These Avere men of powerful talents, and well skilled in the business of intrigue. Under assumed characters, and by all sorts of artful practices, they used their influence to widen the breach betAveen Spain and the colonies, in the expectation that by dividing the Spanish empire into fragments, it would be more easily transferred piecemeal to a new master. The Spanish Americans, instigated by such advisers, and finding themselves cut off from all communication Avith Spain, as that kingdom was noAV solely intent on its own preservation, were in great doubt how to act. At first the mass of the population appeared to reject all idea of throwing off their allegiance, and would not listen to any proposal for transferring their country to French control. The Spanish American rulers, however, showed a different spirit ; all of them, with the exception of the viceroy of Mexico, were willing to acknowledge Napoleon and declare their allegiance to him. But they were borne down by the popular will. The colonies never acknowledged the French authority. Napoleon, for several years, waged a sanguinary war with the Spanish people, in vain attempts 19 b2 218 PERU. to establish his dominion over them. The colonies, of necessity, were led by gradual steps to assume their own government. When the intelligence of Napoleon's invasion of Spain reached Peru, in the summer of 1809, a popular movement took place, and provincial juntas were established at Quito and La Paz. This revolutionary design, however, was at once defeated by the vice roys of Peru, Buenos Ayres, and NeAV Granada, Avho sent armies and dissolved the juntas. Peru remained tranquil for ten years, Avhile the neighboring provinces were engaged in the war of their independence. At length the Chilians, having defeated the Span ish army in the decisive battle of Maypu, in 1818, conceived the design of securing their independence by expelling the Spanish from Peru. A naval armament was fitted out in 1819, and com menced hostilities by blockading the Peruvian ports and captur ing their ships. This fleet consisted of three heavy frigates and four smaller vessels. It was commanded by Lord Cochrane, an English adventurer ; and a great portion of the crew Avere English and Americans. In August, 1820, an army of about five thousand men, called the "liberating army," under General San Martin, embarked at Val paraiso for the invasion of Peru. They landed at Pisco, about a hundred miles south of Lima, on the 11th of September. A Span ish army had taken post near this place, with the design of oppos ing the landing of the Chilians, but they fell back to Lima with out risking a battle. The viceroy of Peru attempted to gain time by negotiation, and an armistice of eight days was agreed upon, during which a conference was held by> commissioners appointed by both parties. Nothing, however, resulted from the negotiations, and the Chilian army moved fonvard in the direction of Lima. A detachment of a thousand men, under Colonel Arenales, defeated a Spanish force sent to oppose him, and many districts declared in favor of the invaders. On the 3d of December, the disaffection among the Spanish troops had proceeded so far that a whole regiment, with its officers, went over to the liberating army. Callao, the seaport of Lima, was at that time defended by strong batteries andji Spanish squadron, comprising a frigate, two sloops of war, and fourteen gunboats. On the night of the 5th of November, Cochrane, with the boats of his fleet, cut the frigate out of the harbor. He was unable, however, to capture the place, but continued to hold it blockaded. In the mean time, San Mar tin, finding his army too weak for assaulting or besieging Lima, took post near the port of Huacho, about seventy-five miles north of that capital. For six months he occupied this post, recruiting REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS. 219 his forces and cutting off the supplies of the enemy. Further attempts were made to accommodate affairs by negotiations ; but after another unavailing truce, the Chilian army, early in July, 1821, advanced upon Lima. The viceroy, more alarmed for his own safety than mindful for the preservation of his capital, imme diately fled from the city at the head of his troops. The inhabi tants were throAvn into the greatest consternation ; part escaped to Callao; the Avomen and children took refuge in the convents, or scattered themselves over the neighboring country. Those of the inhabitants who remained, held a meeting, and resolved to make terms with the invaders. A deputation was sent, inviting San Martin to enter the city. He accepted the invitation, and an nounced that he came, not as a conqueror, but as a liberator. By these means the apprehensions of the people were dissipated, and those Avho had deserted the city returned to their homes. On the 12th of July, 1821, San' Martin made his entry into Lima, where he was received Avith acclamations; and on the 28th, the independence of Peru was formally proclaimed. San Martin took the title of Protector of Peru. A provisional govern ment was organized, and measures Avere taken to establish the affairs of the country on a permanent basis. The whole course of this portion of our history will show, hoAvever, that the govern ments of Spanish America seem destined to know nothing of per manency. Early in September, the royalist army, which had fled to the interior, made its appearance again near Lima. A battle Avas expected, but the Spaniards marched to Callao, possessed them selves of the treasure lodged in the castle, and then retreated. Shortly after, Callao surrendered to the patriots. Nothing more of consequence took place for nearly a year; but in July, 1822, San Martia proceeded to Guayaquil, where he had an interview with Bolivar, who then commanded the Colombian armies. Bolivar detached a portion of his troops to reinforce the liberating army, but no military operations followed for several months. On the 20th of September, the first Peruvian congress convened, and appointed an executive junta of three persons to administer the government. San Martin declined the office of commander-in- chief of the Peruvian armies, and left that c&untry for Chili. The departure of this general Avas the commencement of a long train of disasters for the new republic of Peru. In January, 1823, an army, despatched on an expedition to the south, was defeated and dispersed. General discontent among the people followed, and everything was throAvn into confusion by the illegal dissolu tion of the congress in February. The royalists took advantage of these troubles, and in June a strong Spanish force, under Gen- 220 PERU, eral Canterac, appeared before Lima. The patriots abandoned the place and took refuge in Callao. The royalists took posses sion of Lima, and levied contributions upon the inhabitants. The patriots were unable to raise an army sufficient to oppose the enemy, and the rising spirit of independence appeared to be effectually crushed. Such was the state of things Avhen Bolivar, who had brought the Avar of independence in the northern provinces nearly to a close, received an- invitation from the Peruvians to interfere in their behalf. He acceded to the proposal, and having a strong force under his command, quickly made his way to Lima. The Spanish army fled before him ; he entered the city in triumph, and was appointed dictator until the Spaniards should be ex pelled. The Peruvians, however, were utterly incapable of acting in concert, or devising means for the defence of the country. Factions and dissensions distracted all their counsels. Insurrec tions arose against the government of Bolivar and the congress, and in February, 1824, Canterac, Avith a royal army, again took possession of Lima, while Bolivar Avas absent in Colombia, rais ing reinforcements. In June, Bolivar again crossed the Andes, at the head of an army of three thousand five hundred men, defeated a Spanish force sent to check his approach, and on the 6th of August encountered the main body of the royalist cavalry on the plains of Junin. A severe battle was fought at this place, in which Bolivar's troops were victorious. Nearly all the Spanish cavalry were destroyed, and the liberating army pursued the fugitives towards the valley of Jauja. The united forces of Colombia and Peru, amounting to six thousand men, were now placed under the command of General Sucre. In December, 1824, he took post at Ayacucho, near the encampment of the enemy. The royal force under Canterac, ¦amounted to nine thousand men. On the 9th of December, the two armies joined battle, and after great slaughter, the royalists were defeated so thoroughly, that those of them who survived the battle, capitulated on the spot. A treaty was signed by Canterac and Sucre, by which all the royal troops in Peru, all the military .posts, artillery, magazines," and territory occupied by the Spaniards in the country, Avere surrendered to the victors of Ayacucho. This overthrow completely prostrated the Spanish power in Peru. On the 10th of December, the Peruvian congress was again in stalled. Bolivar was declared anew the political and military head of the republic, and a gift of a million of dollars tendered him for his services, which he declined accepting. Lower Peru being thus liberated, Sucre marched into Upper Peru, where INSTABILITY OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN GOVERNMENTS. 221 General Olaneta still held out against the patriots, in defiance of the treaty of Ayacucho. His force was soon dispersed, and the revolutionary government established. The royalist general, Rodil, who had thrown himself into the castle of Callao, surren dered in January, 1826, after a siege of thirteen months, and not a Spanish soldier remained in Peru. The country was now entirely free from foreign rule ; but the Spanish Americans have never understood the art of self-govern ment, and the Avhole history of their independent communities is little else than a narrative of factions, dissensions and constantly recurring political changes, presenting a never-ending scene of confusion, out of which it is seldom possible to extract anything Avorthy of the reader's attention. A comprehensive outline of the remaining history of Peru, is all that will be necessary. Boli var exercised much influence at the head of the government. Through his exertions, the district of Upper Peru was erected into an independent state, and named Bolivia. A constitution was formed under his auspices, and he Avas appointed president of Bolivia for life. In 1826, Bolivar managed to procure the adop tion of this constitution in Peru, Avhere it added greatly to his power, as it not only confirmed him in the government of the country for life, but likewise alloAved him. to appoint his successor, and released him from all responsibility for his actions. This arbitrary government proved highly distasteful to the Peruvians, and they seized the occasion, when- Bolivar was absent in Colom bia, to rise in insurrection. Accordingly, in January, 1827, a com plete revolution was effected in Peru. The Bolivian constitution was annulled, and a new government organized, combining the properties of a federal and a central system, with a president cho sen for four years, a national congress and separate provincial governments. The republic of Peru, however, has never yet possessed a gov ernment adapted to the taste and capacities of the people. The country has, ever since the commencement of the revolution, been constantly distracted by parties struggling for power, and by civil Avars and revolutions, caused by the conflicts of these parties. Scarcely has there been a temporary lull of peace for this ill-fated country during the whole of this period. In 1835, four chiefs in arms were striving for the supremacy. When one of them suc ceeded in making himself powerful, the others united against him; but as soon as they were victorious, they fell again to hos tilities with each other. During the four years' administration of General Gamarra, there Avere no less than fourteen conspiracies against his person and government, all Avhich he had the good 19* 222 PERU. fortune to detect and crush. But Gamarra, Avho had obtained his office by his intrigues and the ruin of his predecessor, had no sooner closed his administration, in January, 1834, than he was seen to raise the standard of rebellion, and hasten the ruin of his country, by authorizing insurrections against the government with his example. Although frustrated in this treasonable pro ceeding, in the course of the year following he Avas again at the head of an armed faction, in open and sanguinary rebellion. But his partisans were totally dispersed at the battle of Yanacocha, by the President Orbegoso, and Gamarra Avas sent into banish ment. Rapacious upstarts, struggling for ascendency, continued to fill the country with tumult, confusion and bloodshed. Lima suffered from the depredations of a formidable band of freebooters, led by a negro, named Escobar, Avho kept the city in terror. The- foreign property owed its protection to the English, French and American marines, from the ships of war in the port. General Vidal delivered Lima from the plunderers, and Escobar was shot in the public square. A spurious president, General Salaverry, comes next upon the scene, and on the 7th of February, 1836, the battle of Socabaya Avitnessed his downfall. He was condemned to death by a court martial, and shot with his adherents at Arequipa, on the 18th of February, 1836. General Santa Cruz, the president of Bolivia, interposed hisV influence for the regulation of the affairs of Peru. Insurrections - and revolutions in the Spanish American states now excite so ! little attention in other parts of the world, that no one has been » found to record the more recent convulsions and changes in Peru. The reader will judge, from the picture of that country which has already been offered him in these pages, Avhether a more detailed history of these events Avould repay him for the perusal. mm ?7ffl)ft CHAPTER XXIII. Buenos Ayres, or the United Provinces ok Rio de la Plata. — Invasion of South America by the British. — Expedition of Beresford and Popham against Buenos Ayres. — Capture of the city. — Exultation in England. — Oppo sition of the Spanish Americans. — Exertions of Liniers. — Insurrection at Buenos Ayres. — Liniers attacks the city. — Defeat and capture of the British army. — Capture of Maldonado and Monie Video, by the fleet. — Expedition of General Whitelocke against Buenos Ayres. — Obstinate defence of the city by the inhabitants. — Slaughter and repulse of the British. — Proposal for a capitu lation. — Anecdote of the Spanish sailors. — The British forces evacuate the country. — Liniers appointed viceroy. — Parties at Buenos Ayres. — A French' envoy from Napoleon arrives in the country. — Proclamation of Liniers in favor of Napoleon. — Proceedings of Elio al Monte Video. — Liniers displaced and restored. — Arrival of Goyeneche from Spain. — Ferdinand VII. acknowledged at Buenos Ayres. — Arrival of Cisneros, the new viceroy. — Banishment of Liniers. — Spirit and feeling of the people. — Ideas of independence circulated. — Embar rassments of Cisneros. — He convenes a congress. — Cisneros deposed. — A pro vincial junta established. — Affairs in Monte Video and the interior. — Civil war. — Liniers defeated and put lo death. — Independence. — An army despatched to revolutionize Chili. — Affairs in Peru and Paraguay. — Banda Oriental. — Elio, Captain General. — War between Banda Oriental and Buenos Ayres. — Proceedings of Artigas and Rondeau. — Siege of Monte Video. — Interference of the Portuguese of Brazil. — Dangers of the Buenos Ayrean government. — Treaty with the Portuguese. — Troubles and conspiracies. — The constituent congress. — San Martin. — Surrender of Monte Video. — Artigas chief of Banda Oriental. — Capture cf Santa Fe. — Formal declaration of independence. — Conquest of Banda Oriental by the Portuguese. — Constitution of the United Provinces. — Intrigues of the French. — General character of the recent transac tions in this country. The Spanish Americans Avho made the earliest demonstrations of a Avish to throw off the government of the mother country, were those of Buenos Ayres. In 1806, Avar existed between Spain and Great Britain, and the neglected state of the province of La Plata- offered strong temptations for an invasion on the part of the Eng lish. The Spanish government maintained only a feAV wretched troops at Buenos Ayres and Monte Video, and a feeble naval force at the latter place. The viceroy, Sobremonte, Avas a person des titute of energy and capacity ; Spain Avas absorbed in European politics ; her marine had been annihilated by the fatal defeat of Trafalgar, and everything invited the cupidity of the English; yet the invasion was undertaken without orders from the govern- 224 provinces of rio de la plata. ment. A fleet and army, under Commodore Popham and General Beresford, which had been despatched against the Cape of Good Hope, after effecting the conquest of that colony, proceeded to Buenos Ayres, in 1806, and on the 8th of June, arrived in the mouth of the river La Plata. A general consternation seized the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres Avhen the squadron appeared in sight of that city. Not more than three hundred muskets could be found for the defence of the place, and these the inhabitants had not the skill to use. A shoAv of defence was attempted by the viceroy, but the only military movement Avas made by a single troop of cavalry Avho undertook to harass the British army of two thousand men, on their march to Buenos Ayres. The viceroy, panic-struck, fled for safety to Cordova, and the British took pos session of Buenos Ayres on the 28th of June. When the neAvs of this conquest reached England, it excited the greatest exultation both in the government and the people. It was believed that Great Britain had made a permanent acqui sition of a most valuable colony, and councils AArere immediately held to devise means to turn it to immediate profit. The popu lation of the country was represented as deeply disaffected towards the Spanish rule, and moreover too effeminate and slothful to offer any resistance to the arms of the invaders. The British govern ment immediately took measures for the regulation of the colony, as if their authority had been completely established and the peo ple had become quiet British subjects. The most extravagant expectations were indulged of commercial profits in the introduc tion of British manufactures into the market of this rich and thriving country. Never Avere sanguine hopes more severely contradicted. Instead of conquering the Avhole province, the British forces had, in fact, only made themselves masters of the city of Buenos Ayres. The neighboring villages submitted only from the fear of military execution, and the invaders dared not penetrate into the interior. The Spaniards, "too, when the first moments of panic were over, appeared to rouse as from a dream or lethargy, and exhibited a degree of energy and resolution Avhich astonished their enemies. Inflamed with indignation at the unmanly conduct of their leader, and chagrined at seeing foreigners in possession of their capital, they began to meditate upon the means of driving them out of the country. An active and resolute leader Avas found in Liniers, a French officer in the Spanish service. He exerted himself Avith great industry, in the districts north of the river, in collecting and arming the people. A secret correspondence Avas set on foot between him and certain persons within the city. Arms were CAPITULATION OF THE ERITISH AT BUENOS AYRES. 225 distributed and secreted in Buenos Ayres", and a regular insurrec tion organized under the guidance of Puyrredon, a magistrate, and a person of great talent and address. Liniers having collected a considerable force at Colonia, oppo site the city, the British attempted to drive him from this post, but without success, and, on the 1st of August, Liniers crossed the river Avith his whole army, and marched to the attack of the city. Buenos Ayres was a large open place, difficult to defend with the force commanded by Beresford. He, therefore, judged it more advisable to meet his enemy at a distance ; and a smart action took place the next day, in which the British had the advantage ; but this was only a temporary check to the Spaniards, for torrents of rain, which continued to fall for three days afterward, disabled the English troops, which were all infantry, from active Operations. The Spaniards, on the contrary, being abundantly supplied with horses, found the bad roads no great impediment, and approached the city in various directions. On the evening of the 10th they had occupied all the avenues to the place. The toAvnsmen then took up arms, rose in insurrection, and the house-tops were covered with people ready to cooperate in the attack upon the British troops. Surrounded with enemies, the British commander saw at once that his post was untenable, and Avould have escaped across the stream of the Chello, but a violent storm rendered this impossible. On the morning of the 12th the combined attack began. The British occupied the castle and great square, and planted their cannon towards the principal streets which led to those points. The Spaniards advanced with their artillery along the avenues, Avhile the roofs of the houses were covered with musketeers, who could pour their fire upon all below Avithout any hazard to them selves. The attacking columns in the streets Avere repeatedly checked in their advance, but the fire from the house-tops made dreadful havoc and threatened the British with utter destruction. The British commander had now no choice, but to surrender or see his army slaughtered to the last man. A capitulation was therefore proposed, and immediately accepted ; the whole army surrendered prisoners. The Spaniards engaged in this action were computed at above twenty thousand, seven hundred of whom were killed and wounded. The British loss Avas stated at one hundred and sixty-five. Thus, after a turbulent and preca rious possession of Buenos Ayres for fifteen days, the city proved only a trap for the British army; and their ministry at home were occupied in framing regulations for its government, and despatch ing valuable cargoes to supply the demands of its commerce, c2 226 PROVINCES OF RIO DE LA PLATA. several months after the Spaniards were established in quiet re possession of the place. The squadron, however, continued in the river, and being shortly after reinforced, made an attempt on Monte Video. This proving unsuccessful, they took possession of Maldonado, near the mouth of the river, where they found a secure port for their shipping. Being strengthened by additional reinforcements, the attack on Monte Video was repeated a year afterwards, and on the 3d of February, 1807, after a close siege and great slaughter, Monte Video fell into the hands of the British. The hostile temper of the Spaniards prevented them, for some time, from attempting to regain their lost footing at Buenos Ayres ; but early in the summer, they received large reinforcements of troops, and on the 25th of June, an army of twelve thousand men, under General Whitelocke, proceeded from Montevideo up the river, and disembarked about thirty miles from Buenos Ayres. They drove a body of Spanish troops before them, and on the 30th, arrived before the city. There were no Avails or fortifications to repel the assault of the British, and the Spanish troops were few and undis ciplined. The inhabitants, nevertheless, determined to make an obstinate defence, and the manner in which the city is built ena bled them to do this with remarkable success. Buenos Ayres is divided pretty equally into squares of four or five hundred feet each. The walls of the houses are built up in a solid manner, with flat roofs, so that the whole city may be considered an assemblage of fortresses. The inhabitants were animated with intense animosity against the British. The master of each house, surrounded with his children and slaves, was posted on its roof and amply supplied Avith arms and ammunition. The doors weTe strongly barricaded, and the main avenues of the city obstructed by ditches cut across them. The Avhole male population, and a great. portion of the females of Buenos Ayres, Avere engaged in the defence. The British army moved to the attack on the 5th of July. The troops marched in separate columns, each having its distinct point to assail. As the columns entered the city, they were greeted Avith a furious and overAvhelming fire from the roofs and windows. At every step they encountered a fresh storm of shot and missiles. Grape-shot were poured upon them from every corner ; musketry, hand-grenades, bricks and stones rained from the house-tops. Every dwelling Avas a fortress, and all its tenants Avere indefatigable in its defence. For ten hours the battle raged without diminishing the ardor and obstinacy of the combatants on either side. Some of the detachments were totally destroyed by the fire of the citizens. Others had their retreat cut off, and REPULSE OF THE RRITISH AT BUENOS AYRES- 227 were forced to surrender in the streets. Others took shelter in convents and churches, and after terrible slaughter, yielded to overwhelming numbers. Only two of the posts assailed by the British remained in their hands at the end of the conflict, and after a loss of twenty-five hundred men in killed, wounded and prisoners. Notwithstanding the disastrous issue of the attempt, the British commander determined to repeat the attack on the following day ; but he was deterred by a communication from the Spanish com mander, Liniers, who proposed to deliver up his prisoners on condition that the British should immediately evacuate the country. Extraordinary as this proposal may seem, General Whitelocke found himself compelled to listen to it by the follow ing singular circumstances. When the British fleet arrived in the river, the commodore, Sir Home Popham. with equal inhumanity and impolicy, turned ashore, on the desolate island of Lobos, two hundred Spaniards, the creAvs of some vessels which had fallen into his hands. These men were exposed to the danger of star vation on a barren rock, that the British might not be encumbered with their prisoners. They lived for some time on the flesh of seals and shell-fish ; and at length some of them contrived to form a sort of raft, with bags of seal-skins inflated Avith air, and by the help of this, floated themselves to the main land. A vessel was despatched to Lobos, which brought away the remainder. Some of these men were carried to Buenos Ayres, Avhere the relation of their story inspired the inhabitants with horror and indignation against the British, and these feelings were by no means dimin ished at the period of the attack on the city. Liniers represented » to General Whitelocke that the prisoners were in danger of a general massacre, as, from the exasperated state of the populace, he could not answer for their safety, should the British persist in their attack. These representations had so much effect with Whitelocke, who appears not to have possessed an uncommon degree of firmness, that, after a slight hesitation, he agreed to the terms, and signed a treaty agreeing to withdraw all the British forces from Buenos Ayres in ten days, and from South America in two months, leaving at Monte Video the artillery and stores uncon- sumed, Avhich were found there. Thus a wanton act of cruelty on the part of the invaders, led the way to their overthrow and disgrace in the end. It is remarkable that the repulse of the British at Buenos Ayres, resembles, in many circumstances, the defence of New Orleans. Both cities were attacked by regular troops, and defended by irregulars. Both attacking armies com prised about the same number of men, and the loss of the as- 228 PROVINCES OF RIO DE LA PLATA. sailants was of similar amount on both occasions. General Whitelocke, at his return to England, was tried by a court- martial, and cashiered. Thus, at the end of the year, the British were completely ex pelled from a territory over Avhich they imagined they had estab lished a firm dominion. Liniers became the popular idol, and Avas appointed Viceroy of the province. He appears to have behaved, at first, with prudence and moderation, and at the same time Avith inflexible fidelity to the king of Spain. But the most embarrassing troubles soon arose. Napoleon seized the throne of Spain, and attempted to possess himself of her colonies. Two parties soon sprung up at Buenos Ayres. The more enlightened among the native population, some of whom had long secretly cherished the desire of independence, felt a wish to seize this opportunity to throw off the Spanish yoke forever. But those of European birth, comprising almost all in authority, were inter ested in the continuation of the ancient government, and opposed all revolutionary ideas. With the mass of the inhabitants, any notion of change Avas too bold. Liniers, in his embarrassment, was obliged to temporize, and incurred the suspicion of both parties. In July, 1808, a French vessel, with an envoy from Napoleon, arrived at Buenos Ayres, Avith despatches to Liniers, informing him of the transfer of the crown of Spain, and calling upon the authorities in South America to give their allegiance to the new government. Liniers, a Frenchman by birth, was not disinclined to this step; but convened the municipality and the court of audience for consultation. This meeting were of opinion that the extraordinary occurrences in Spain should be officially announced to the people ; but they appear to haA^e been undeci ded on any step beyond this. Liniers, aAvare of the hostility of the people toAvard the French, gave, in his proclamation, but an obscure account of the recent occurrences, and exhorted the inhabitants, in the name of Napoleon, to remain quiet, and use their endeavors to preserve the tranquillity of the country. But factions and dissensions soon began to throAV the country into confusion. Elio, the governor of Monte Video, formed a party in opposition to Liniers, Avhom he accused of disloyalty. The European Spaniards Avere more numerous at Monte Video than at Buenos Ayres. They united with the officers of the army' and navy, and created a junta, Avhich acknoAvledged the dependence of the country on the crown of Spain. A serious attempt Avas made by the same class of persons in the capital, to remove Liniers from the station of viceroy. They succeeded so far as to place him under the necessity of resigning; but this was no POPULAR COMMOTIONS. 229 sooner known, than the native militia took up arms in his sup port, restored him to authority, and banished his enemies to Patagonia. Liniers now sent an expedition against Monte Video, where Elio had assumed the title of Viceroy ; but while this was in progress, Don Josef de Goyeneche arrived from Spain, for the purpose of mediating between the two parties. He had sufficient influence to cause the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres to acknow ledge the supremacy of Spain, and proclaim Ferdinand VII. Through his exertions the people were induced to rise in all parts of the city, in January, 1809, and demand the establishment of a provincial junta. Liniers, however, maintained his influence with the army, and by their help was enabled to defeat this movement. Liniers did not long enjoy this triumph. In August, 1809, Cisneros, a newly appointed viceroy, arrived from Spain, and Liniers was deposed from his office by the junta which he had overthrown a few months previous. He was exiled to Cordova ; but the new viceroy found it more easy to remove his predecessor than to establish himself in his place. The ebullition of loyalty that had proclaimed Ferdinand, Avas of short duration. The Spanish Americans began to feel that they had power in their hands ; and their successes in defeating two British armies, en couraged them to think they possessed valor also. Notwithstand ing the exertions that had been made by the court of Spain to prevent the introduction of books and newspapers into the coun try, many had been clandestinely imported and eagerly read, and some intelligence was gained of the events in progress in other parts of the Avorld. The natives had been forbidden to visit Europe or send their children thither for instruction; yet some had evaded this prohibition, and returned with a keen sense of the wrongs Avhich their country was suffering under the leaden yoke of Spain. Reform, innovation and independence began to be spoken of in confidential whispers, and speedily became the topics at political meetings. Commotion followed commotion, and in May, 1810, the viceroy, Cisneros, finding his embarrassments and perplexities alarmingly increased by the disasters of the Spaniards in Europe, Avas compelled to announce his inability to manage the government. The municipality of the city requested him to call a congress, Avhich he proceeded to do. The congress established a provisional junta for the government of the country, and one of its first acts was to depose the viceroy and send him to Spain. The 25th of May, when this government went into action, has ever since been observed as the anniversary of Buenos Ayrean independence. 20 230 PROVINCES OF RIO DE LA PLATA. Monte Video and the interior provinces disapproved of these proceedings. Liniers raised an army. of tAvo thousand men, and began a civil war, by laying waste the country around Cordova, to check the approach of the troops from the capital. General Nieto collected another force in Potosi. The junta of Buenos Ayres gave the command of their army to Colonel Ocampo, who straight way took the field. On his approach to Cordova, the troops of Liniers abandoned him, and he was taken prisoner, with many of his adherents. Liniers, Concha, the bishop of Cordova, with several other persons of distinction, were condemned and executed. Thus fell the first leader in this revolution by the hands of the people Avhom he had assisted to tread the first steps in the career of their emancipation. The leaders at Buenos Ayres feared his great popularity, and saw in him a formidable obstacle to their designs. The country Avas now, in fact, entirely separated from Spain. The die was cast, and the leaders of the revolution had no choice but to advance or be crushed by a counter-revolution. They boldly asserted that the sovereignty of Spain over the colonies had temporarily ceased with the captivity of the king, and that each colony had a right to take care of itself. The spirit of indepen dence made such rapid progress, that, in the course of the year 1810, the whole viceroyalty, excepting the province of Paraguay and the tOAvn of Monte Video, threw off the authority of the .crown and acknoAvledged that of the provincial junta. They professed, at the same time, an intention to return to their alle giance to Ferdinand on his restoration to the throne; but this was an event Avhich feAv expected, and feAver still desired. The junta, shortly after the commencement of their administra tion, despatched a force, under Don A. Jonte, to Chili, to revolu tionize that country. This expedition was crowned Avith full success ; the royal government Avas overthroAvn, a provincial junta established, and Jonte Avas continued in Chili, as charge' d'affaires from the government of Buenos Ayres. About the same time Ocampo was ordered to march against the royalists, who had collected in con siderable stren gth in Upper Peru. Ocampo defeated this force, and subjugated a great part of the district. In the meantime, Velasco, the governor of Paraguay, had raised an army and menaced Buenos Ayres. Belgrano, at the head of a small body of Buenos Ayrean troops, marched against him, and a battle Avas fought on the banks of the Tacuari, Avhere Belgrano was defeated. Subsequently, hoAvever, Velasco was deposed, and a junta was established in Paraguay, which formed an alliance with Buenos Ayres. FACTIONS AND ANARCHY. 231 Elio had been appointed, by the regency of Spain, Captain General of the province of Rio de la Plata, and in that capacity he governed the province of Monte Video, or the Banda Oriental, and was noAV the most dangerous and poAverful enemy Avith Avhich the government of Buenos Ayres were at war. Artigas, a native of Monte Video, and a captain in the royal service, having deserted and joined the Buenos Ayreans, that government em ployed him, in conjunction with General Rondeau, to conduct an expedition against Banda Oriental. They obtained a signal vic tory over the royalists at Las Piedras, in May, 1811, and laid siege to Monte Video. Elio, finding himself unable to hold out long without assistance, applied to the Portuguese of Brazil, and through the influence of the Princess Charlotte, who was sister to Ferdinand of Spain, obtained an army of four thousand men and a subsidy of money. Before these allies, hoAvever, could render any important service, a treaty Avas concluded between Monte Video and Buenos Ayres, in November, 1811, by virtue of which the siege of Monte Video was to be raised, and the Portuguese troops Avere to be sent home. The siege Avas accordingly raised, but the Portuguese, instead of returning to Brazil, began to commit acts of hostility in the territory of Rio de la Plata. The councils of the patriots, in the meantime, were distracted by violent factions, and the Avhole country Avas filled with disor der and violence. The royalists were advancing from Peru at the same moment that the country Avas threatened by the Portu-r guese army. Fortunately, at this critical moment, the government of Buenos Ayres had the address to conclude an armistice with the Portuguese, by which their troops were AvithdraAvn and a treaty of peace followed. Nothing, however, appeared able to restore tranquillity to the country, or place its government upon anything like a firm foundation. A bold and bloody conspiracy was shortly after detected, having for its object to put to death all the members of the junta and all the partisans of the revolution. Numerous executions followed. The royalist army of Peru was defeated in Tucuman, and the fears of an invasion from this quarter were dissipated. But dissensions multiplied in Buenos Ayres, and in 1812, two separate assemblies claimed the sovereign power and both were dissolved by military force. Hostilities Avere resumed with Monte Vi'deo, and various military operations took place, Avhich produced no general results. On the 31st of January, 1813, a body called the "constituent congress," assembled at Buenos Ayres, and made some alterations in the executive government. The campaign in Peru proved disastrous; great alarm was felt at Buenos Ayres, and a supreme 232 PROVINCES OF RIO DE LA PLATA. director was created as executive magistrate. General San Martin, afterwards conspicuous in the history of Chili, now began to attract notice. He obtained some important successes over the royalists, and in April, 1814, a small fleet was equipped, under Commodore Brown, an English merchant of Buenos Ayres. This fleet captured some of the enemy's vessels and blockaded Monte Video. Shortly after the town surrendered. Difficulties immediately arose between Artigas and the govern ment of Buenos Ayres. Artigas demanded that Monte Video should be given up to him as chief of Banda Oriental. The gov ernment refused this, and hostilities followed. Artigas became master of the country and defeated the Buenos Ayrean troops. Meantime, anarchy reigned in that city, where two rival factions were struggling for power. Artigas invaded their territory, and captured the town of Santa Fe. Revolutions took place at Buenos Ayres, and the rival factions persecuted and proscribed each other. But at length, under the government of the supreme director, Puyrredon, something approaching to tranquillity began to prevail, and the congress, on the 9th of July, 1816, formally announced the independence of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata. In December, 1816, the Portuguese from Brazil again invaded the Banda Oriental Avith an army of ten thousand men. They captured Monte Video on the 20th of January following, and succeeded in retaining possession of the country till 1825, when they Avere expelled by a revolution. During all this period the country was filled Avith tumults, factions and bloodshed, a detail of Avhich would be tedious to the last degree. In February, 1818, three commissioners from the government of the United States visited the South American provinces for the purpose of inquiring into the condition and prospects of the revolutionary governments. A constitution was published in May, 1819, by Avhich a govern ment was established similar to the federal government of the United States. The French government, in 1819, set on foot an intrigue to convert this province into a monarchy, under a prince of the house of Bourbon. A proposal to this effect was made to the Buenos Ayrean government, and the Duke of Lucca suggested as the neAV monarch. The French were to furnish an army and fleet to carry this plan into effect, and to use their influence Avith the Spanish court in procuring the acknowledgement of the indepen dence of the country. The congress held a secret session on this proposal, and, strange as it may seem, gave it their approval. PARTY STRUGGLES. 233 The popular feeling, however, was so strongly manifested against it, that no attempt was made to carry the scheme into execution. It would only tire the reader's patience to give a longer history of the factions, conspiracies, revolutions and civil wars, which, doAvn to the present moment, have continued to distract and deso late this unfortunate country. On the 10th of July, 1823, a con vention, or preliminary treaty of peace, was concluded between the commissioners appointed by the king of Spain and the gov ernment of the United Provinces ; this convention, hoAvever, was not ratified by the Spanish government. The independence of the United Provinces of La Plata was acknowledged by the congress of the United States in 1822, and a treaty of commerce Avas concluded with Great Britain in 1825. Domestic troubles were renewed shortly after ; the union of the provinces was dis solved, and separate governments Avere established. Nothing permanent, however, was effected, and the country has been ever since kept in a state of turbulence by the struggles of the two parties called the Unitarians and the Federalists ; the one attempt ing to create a central, and the other a federal government. 20* d2 CHAPTER XXIV. Paraguay.— Rebellion of Anlequera in 1722.— He defeats the king's troops, and takes possession of Assumption. — His design of making himself king of Para guay. — Intrigues of the bishop. — Arrival of Zabala. — Flight of Antequera.— Restoration of the royal authority. — Capture and execution of Antequera. — Revolutionary doctrines of Ferrand Mompo. — Second insurrection. — Death of Ruiloba. — A defender of Paraguay created. — Battle of Tabati. — End of the insurrection. — Separation of Paraguay from Buenos Ayres. — Independent gov ernment. — Rise of Dr. Francia. — His influence in the state. — Becomes Dictator of Paraguay for life. — His extraordinary government. — Despotism of his politi cal system. — Complete seclusion of Paraguay from the rest of the world. — Fran- cia's treatment of travellers. — Character of his army. — His private life and eccentricities. — His death. — Present state of the country. Chili. — Commence ment of the revolution. — Intrigues of the Carreras. — Civil dissensions. — Inva sion of the country by Pareja. — Expulsion of the Spaniards. — Carrera displaced from the command of the army. — O'Higgins his successor. — Second invasion of the Spaniards under Gainza. — Revolution. — Treachery of Gainza. — Troubles at Santiago. — Expedition of the Spaniards under Osorio. — Re-establishment of the royal authority in Chili. — Persecutions of the Spaniards. — Arrival of the libera ting army, under San Martin, from Buenos Ayres. — Battle of Chacabuco. — San Martin enters Santiago. — Movements of Osorio. — Battle of Talca. — Defeat of the Chilians. — Firmness of San Martin. — Resolute conduct of the Chilians. — Battle of Maypu. — Total defeat of the Spaniards. — Establishment of the inde pendence of Chili. — Civil dissensions. — War of Benavides. — Present state of the country. The republic of Paraguay is rendered remarkable by a very early attempt at revolution in that country in the early part of the last century. The chief personage engaged in this undertaking, was Don Josef de Antequera, a knight of Alcantara, and a man of high family, genius and learning. He was appointed governor of Paraguay by the provincial council, in a manner somewhat illegal, in consequence of the disaffection of the inhabitants toward his predecessor, Avho was obliged to flee the country. The viceroy of Peru issued an order, in 1722, deposing Antequera, which took no effect. The new governor disregarded all the orders of the viceroy, and avowed his determination to maintain himself in his office by force. It soon became evident that he aimed at the sovereignty of Paraguay. Negotiations were at tempted by the Spanish authorities, but all pacific measures proved useless, and Antequera Avas pronounced a rebel. The king's lieutenant at Buenos Ayres, marched against him, with an REBELLION OF ANTEQUERA. 235 army of several thousand men. A battle took place, and the king's troops were defeated with great slaughter. Antequera en tered Assumpcion, the capital of Paraguay, with triumphal pomp. The royal standards taken in battle were trailed before him on the ground, and he displayed his own banners in the cathedral, Avhere a Te Deum Avas chanted for his victory. He still, how ever, nominally maintained his allegiancej but, in the meantime, exerted himself in amassing a great treasure, and making other preparations for a design, which he is said to have entertained, to proclaim himself Don Josef I., king of Paraguay. It is the opinion of the Spanish writers, that, had Antequera taken this bold and decisive step immediately upon his victory over the royal army, the tide of fortune would have turned com pletely in his. favor. But his over-cautious and temporizing policy checked the popular feeling Avhich had burst out in his support. While he hesitated, influences were at work to under mine his popularity. The bishop of Paraguay, by secret ma noeuvres, detached the populace from the revolutionary cause, and before the aspirant for the crown of Paraguay had summoned the courage to proclaim himself king, the number of his adherents had diminished to such a degree as to render this attempt too hazardous. In this emergency, Don Bruno de Zabala arrived from Peru, at the head of an army of six thousand Indians and eight hundred Spaniards, with orders from the viceroy to send Antequera prisoner to Lima. The usurper of Paraguay saved himself by flight. Zabala entered Assumpcion, without opposi tion, on the 24th of April, 1725, and made himself master of a vast amount of treasure abandoned by the fugitives. The royal government was restored, and tranquillity speedily reestablished. Antequera fled to Cordova, where he took refuge in a convent. A sentence of outlaAvry Avas passed upon him, and a price set on his head. He abandoned his asylum, and fled through by-roads to La Plata, where he hoped the royal audience would espouse his quarrel. But the privileges of this court having been cur tailed by the viceroy of Lima, this resource failed him, and he Avas arrested and thrown into prison at Lima. After a confine ment of five years, he was declared guilty of high treason, and sentenced to be beheaded on the 5th of July, 1731. So great, hoAvever, Avas the popular ferment on this occasion, and so deep Avas the interest which Antequera had excited by his able Avritings, that the viceroy was obliged to mount his horse, and put himself at the head of his cavalry, to prevent the rescue of Antequera by the populace. The rescue would probably have taken place but for the precaution of the viceroy, who ordered 236 PARAGUAY. him to be shot on his way to the scaffold, where his body was afterwards beheaded. New commotions took place at Assumpcion, where revolutionary doctrines were promulgated by Ferrand Mompo, an associate of Antequera. This man, with a degree of boldness and eloquence which raised him to great popularity, openly asserted that the authority of the people was greater than that of the king himself; and it strikes us with no little surprise, that the modern liberal doctrine of the sovereignty of the people should have been fear lessly and openly preached in the capital of a colony of the most bigoted and despotic court of Europe more than a century ago. The consequence of this was the formation of a popular govern ment in Paraguay, in 1730, established solely by the people. But as might be expected, factions soon arose, and Mompo was seized by a loyalist partisan and sent to Buenos Ayres; he contrived, however, to escape on the road, and fled to Brazil. When the intelligence reached Assumpcion, of the execution of Antequera and his associate Mena, who perished with him, great excitement and indignation were produced among the people, who regarded (them as martyrs to liberty. The Jesuits were expelled from their college, and an army Avas raised to defend the popular cause. The royal governor, appointed for Paraguay, Don Manuel de Ruiloba, advanced against them, at the head of an army of seven thousand men. No opposition could be made to this strong force, and Ruiloba entered Assumpcion in July, 1733. The royal authority was reestablished, and all officers of the revolutionary party were displaced. This soon produced another insurrection, and Don Manuel was killed by the populace two months after wards. Paraguay had again an independent government, with a chief magistrate, bearing the title of Defender. In 1735, Zabala collected an army, and marched against Paraguay. A battle Avas fought at Tabati, in which the insurgent forces were utterly defeated. This blow completely crushed the insurrection in Paraguay. The revolutionary leaders were put to death or ban ished, and the authority of the king of Spain was reestablished, and continued for the greater part of a century. We have, in the preceding chapter, given an account of the revolutionary movements by which Paraguay became separated from Buenos Ayres early in the present century. The destiny of Paraguay from that time has been singular. The inhabitants, like those of all the other revolted Spanish colonies', began their career of independence by various puerile attempts to establish republican forms and appellations in their government. They created consuls and legislative bodies, but in the course of three FRANCIA THE DICTATOR. 237 or four years, the whole state sunk under the absolute control of one man, who may be pronounced the most remarkable personage that has figured in the modern history of South America. This Avas Gaspar Rodrigo de Francia, commonly known as Doctor Francia. He was a native of Paraguay, and never was out of South America. He was educated by the monks of Assumpcion and subsequently at the University of Cordova, in Tucuman, Avhere he received the degree of Doctor of Theology. This man became dictator of Paraguay, and for nearly thirty years reigned over that country with a despotic tyranny surpassing that of any European monarch. On the breaking out of the revolution, Francia was in the prac tice of the laAv at Assumpcion. He was elected to a popular office, behaved independently, flattered no party, and professed his sole political object to be the entire separation of Paraguay from Spain, and its erection into an independent republic. On the establish ment of the provincial junta, he was appointed secretary of that body, with a deliberative voice; but all was confusion. The army, as usual on such occasions, seemed inclined to take the lead, and, for a time, terror and dissension alone prevailed. Francia, however, at this critical moment, obtained an ascen dancy which he never afterAvards lost. His superior talents, address and information, placed him above all others in the despatch of business, and nothing of importance could be done without him. Tranquillity was restored, and it was settled that the government should be consular. Francia and a colleague were appointed consuls for one year, each in supreme command four months at a time. Francia took care to secure for his share the first and last portions of the year. Two curule chairs were prepared on this occasion ; one bearing the name of Caesar, and the other that of Pompey. Francia eagerly took possession of the former. His ambitious views no one could mistake; but the grand blow yet remained to be struck. By the most consummate art and management, and by the influence which he possessed over the troops, he succeeded in getting himself appointed dictator, in 1814; and once dictator, every instrument was within his reach for the prolongation of his office. Three years afterwards he was made dictator for life. Now commenced one of the most extraordinary events in all history, the reign of the autocrat of Paraguay. From the moment when he found his footing firm, and his authority quietly submit ted to, his whole character appeared to undergo a sudden change. Without faltering or hesitation, without a pause of human weak ness, or a thrill of human feeling, he proceeded to frame the most 238 PARAGUAY. extraordinary despotism that the world has ever seen. He reduced all the population of Paraguay to two classes, of which the dictator constituted one, and his subjects the other. In the dictator was lodged the whole power, legislative and executive ; the people had no power, no privileges, no rights, and only one duty — to obey. All Avas performed rapidly, boldly and decisively. He knew the character of the weak and ignorant people at whose head he had placed himself, and who had the temerity to presume that they possessed energy and virtue sufficient to found a repub lic. The middling classes were annihilated, and there was no gradation between the ruler and the populace. By what precise means he was enabled to obtain so extraordi nary a power, and to preserve it, undisturbed by revolution or popular disaffection, during a long period, in which every other state of Spanish America has been constantly shaken with intestine convulsions, can be understood perhaps only by those who are familiar Avith the character of the South Americans. But the fact is no less authentic than extraordinary, that the inhabitants of Paraguay delivered themselves up, bound hand and foot into the power of an unrelenting and ferocious despot, who reduced them to absolute slavery, ruined their commerce and agriculture, shut them up from the rest of the world, and dragged to the prison or the scaffold every.man in the country Avhose talents, wealth or knowledge, opposed any obstacle in the way of his tyranny. One of his first measures was to cut off all intercourse Avith every place beyond the boundaries of Paraguay. No human being Avas allowed to leave the country or despatch a letter abroad. In enforcing this prohibition, the dictator was assisted by the peculiar geographical features of the country. In the midst of an immense and thinly peopled continent, it stands alone and impenetrable, surrounded by large rivers and extensive forests and morasses, frequented only by ferocious savages, wild beasts and venomous serpents. The vigilant guard maintained by the troops of the dictator, at all accessible points of his empire, ena bled htm to isolate it completely from the rest of the world. The only possibility of escape was by seizing the occasion when the river Paraguay overflowed the surrounding plains, by which means a small number of individuals have succeeded in eloping from the tyrant's dominion, and acquainting the world with the internal policy of this extraordinary empire. Foreign travellers, who were visiting that region for scientific purposes, have been imprisoned with the dictator's subjects, and escaped by good for tune after long and tedious detention. When the independence REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN CHILI. 289 of the South American republics was acknowledged by Great Britain, a notification of this event Avas sent to Francia, with a request that all British subjects in his realms might be set at liberty. This fortunately procured the release of all the English in Paraguay. Several conspiracies were formed against him, but none Avith any success. The sanguinary punishments which folloAved their detection served to strike a deeper terror- into the people and ren der their submission more abject. His regular army consisted of five thousand men, from whom he always took care to exclude all persons of education or belonging to wealthy families. Very strict discipline was enforced in all that related to their conduct as soldiers ; but when off duty, they were at perfect liberty, led licentious lives, and were seldom reprimanded for any misconduct toward the citizens. It is easy to understand Avhy an army like this should feel unbounded attachment to its master. The dicta tor, however, lived in constant fear of assassination ; his guards were sometimes ordered to shoot any man who should dare to look at his house in passing through the street. He cooked his own A'ictuals, in apprehension of poison, and never smoked a cigar without previously unrolling it, for the same reason. His conduct on many occasions exhibited eccentricities similar to those of Charles XII. of Sweden. He was subject to periodical fits of hypochondria, which often produced acts that indicated a disor dered intellect. After ruling Paraguay in this despotic manner for twenty-eight years, Francia died in 1842, aged about eighty. The government of the country, according to the last accounts, Avas administered by five consuls, but as this region has been avoided by all travellers for a long time, very little is known of the recent transactions there. In Chili, a revolutionary movement took place as early as 1810, in consequence of the intelligence of the transactions in Spain. The captain general was compelled to resign, and the popular voice elevated to his situation, the Count de la Conquista, who immediately convened a meeting of the persons of most influence in the country to take measures for instituting a new order of things. A general congress Avas determined on, and the election fixed for the 11th of April, 1811. On that day a counter-revolu tionary attempt was made by Figueroa, a royalist ; but this Avas suppressed by the popular party, and the conspirators were pun ished by death or banishment. The congress, as soon as they were organized, passed a decree permitting all persons Avho were dissatisfied with the changes in the government, to leave the country with their effects, within six months. The children of 240 CHILI. slaves, born in future, were declared free, and many other regula- tions made to reform the abuses of the ancient government. The new government, however, was soon beset Avith difficulties. Three brothers, of the name of Carrera, sons of a wealthy land holder of Santiago, put themselves at the head of the disaffected, and having obtained great influence with the troops, they com pelled the congress, in November, 1811, to depose the junta, and appoint three neAV members. This junta, in which one of the Carreras had procured a place, attempted to render themselves absolute. On the 2d of December, they dissolved the congress, and reigned without control, relying for their support solely on the army. These usurpers, however, fared no better than the government which they overthrew; conspiracy after conspiracy troubled their administration, and at length they fell to quarreling among themselves. The viceroy of Peru took occasion of these disorders to make an attempt to crush the revolution ; and, early in 1813, despatched General Pareja with an army to Chili. Pareja took Talcahuana and Concepcion, but on the night of the 12th of April, he was surprised by the Chilian troops, under Carrera, who gave him a signal defeat. Pareja and his officers escaped to Peru, but most of the invading troops were made prisoners. Carrera, after the victory, conducted in so lawless a manner, and his troops committed such devastations in the district of Concepcion, that the inhabitants declared for the royalists. The junta accordingly removed him from the command, and replaced him by O'Higgins, who subsequently rose to great notoriety. The invasion from Peru was renewed in the spring of 1814, hy the arrival of an army, under General Gainza. Several actions were fought, in which the royalists Avere defeated. Another rev olution took place, the junta was deposed, and Don F. Lastra was placed at the head of the government, with the title of supreme director. The viceroy of Peru offered proposals for an accommodation, in consequence of which, the director proposed terms of capitulation to Gainza. These terms were accepted, and Gainza agreed to evacuate Chili in tAvo months, and that the viceroy should acknowledge the revolutionary government of Chili. Hostages were delivered on each side, and a short suspen sion of arms followed. But Gainza's conduct was only a piece of treachery, to gain time till his army could be reinforced from Lima. By the intrigues of the Carreras, the director, Lastra, was deposed in August, 1814, and the junta reestablished. Great indignation was excited in Santiago, the capital, by this violent and corrupt proceeding. O'Higgins marched upon the city; a BATTLE OF CHACABUCO. 241 skirmishing began between his army and Carrera's troops, and a bloody battle and civil Avar Avere about to commence, when intel ligence arrived that the capitulation was broken ; this put an end to the dissensions for the moment, and O'Higgins submitted to the authority of the junta. The Spanish General, Osorio, who had succeeded Gainza, approached, at the head of four thousand men. The Chilians fled before him; he took possession of Santiago, Valparaiso and all the principal places, and at the end of October, 1814, the Spanish authority. Avas completely reestablished in Chili. The inhabitants became the victims of royal vengeance, and arrests, imprisonments, banishments and executions, filled the country with grief, suffering and terror. For upwards of two years the royal sAvay was exercised in Chili Avith the utmost rigor. At length the government of Buenos Ayres, as Ave have already related, despatched an army under San Martin, for the liberation of Chili. The army began its march in January, 1817, and by incredible exertions and perse verance, crossed the lofty chain of the Andes, and arrived in Chili with very little loss. The royalist forces met them at Chacabuco, on the 12th of February, and were defeated and put to the rout. San Martin pursued his victorious march to Santiago, where he was received by the inhabitants with acclamations, and made supreme director; he declined the office and bestOAved it on O'Higgins, Avho had commanded a division of his army. The Spaniards were expelled from almost all parts of Chili, but the strong fortress of Talcahuana still held out, and this enabled the Spaniards to send a reinforcement of five thousand men to Chili. Osorio now found himself at the head of an army of eight thou sand men, Avith Avhich he advanced upon the capital. On the 19th of March, 1818, O'Higgins, with a division of the Chilian army, attacked him at Talca, and gave him a severe check, but Osorio retrieved his fortune, by suddenly falling upon his enemy the same night, before the remainder of the Chilian army could arrive. The Spaniards obtained a complete victory ; one half the Chilian army was dispersed and all their baggage and artillery Avere taken. San Martin, however, did not despair of the fortunes of the republic in consequence of this disaster. He circulated proclama tions throughout the country, calling upon the inhabitants to rise in their defence, and made the most untiring exertions in every quarter to raise a force sufficient to oppose the enemy. The zeal of the people seconded his labors, and in a short time a new army was gathered, and took post on the river Maypu, towards which Osorio was now advancing. On the 5th of April the Spanish 21 e2 242 chili. army reached the Maypu, and discovered the Chilians drawn up to oppose them. San Martin, perceiving that his enemy wished to delay the attack, took advantage of the ardor and enthusiasm with which his troops Avere inspired at the sight of the Spaniards, and led them instantly to the attack. The battle continued from noon till six in the evening, and was fought with an obstinacy and courage which render it one of the most memorable as Avell as most bloody and decisive combats recorded in the history of the South American "revolutions. The whole Spanish army Avas destroyed ; the general with a few horsemen alone escaped when he saw the day Avas lost. Everything belonging to the army fell into the hands of the victors ; two thousand Spaniards were killed, and above three thousand made prisoners ; the Chilians lost one thousand killed and wounded. *» The victory of Maypu set the seal on the independence of Chili, and the patriots were soon enabled to carry the war into the enemy's country, by invading and revolutionizing Peru, as we have already related. But although Chili was by these events completely released from the dominion of Spain, she has enjoyed little tranquillity in any portion of her subsequent career. The outward forms of a republic have been preserved in her govern ment, while parties have struggled for the ascendency and filled the country with turbulence. For several years the southern frontiers were disturbed by the depredations of an outlaw named Benavides, a Spaniard, who put himself at the head of the Arau- canian Indians, and desolated the country with fire and sword, and the commission of bloody atrocities unsurpassed in the history of savage warfare. His success, and the authority he had acquired over the Indians, induced him to think himself a power ful monarch, and he attempted to establish a navy. He captured several American and English vessels which touched on the coast of Chili for refreshments, and made himself master of a large amount of property, arms and military stores. The Spaniards encouraged him in his piracies and murders, and furnished him with troops and artillery. But his bloody career Avas cut short by the Chilians, who despatched an expedition against him in October, 1821. Arauco, his capital, Avas taken, his forces defeated, and Benavides compelled to flee. He Avas taken prisoner in February, 1822, tried and executed. O'Higgins was compelled to resign the office of supreme director, in 1823, and was succeeded by General Ramon Freire. In Janu ary, 1826, the archipelago of Chiloe, .which till that time had remained in the hands of the Spaniards, submitted to the govern ment of Chili. In May, 1827, the form of government underwent JUAN FERNANDEZ. 243 another change, but the result did not secure the tranquillity of the country, Avhich has for many years been agitated like Buenos Ayres, by the dissensions of tAvo parties, the one endeavoring to establish a central and the other a federal government. The island of Juan Fernandez, in the Pacific Ocean, fell into the hands of the Chilian government, aud has been retained by them to the present day. This island is known to most readers as the residence of Alexander Selkirk, a Scotchman, Avho lived alone upon it from 1705 to 1709, Avhen he Avas discovered, and taken off by Captain Woodes Rogers. Selkirk's adventures are generally considered as having suggested to De Foe the subject of his story of Robinson Crusoe ; though of this fact there is much doubt During the vicissitudes of the revolution in Chili, many persons were banished to this island for their politics; and it is occupied at the present day as a place of confinement for con demned criminals. Alexander Selkirk discovered on Juan Fernandez. CHAPTER XXV. Colombia. — Conspiracy of Espana in Caracas. — Expedition and failure of Miranda. — Breaking out of the revolution in Venezuela and New Grenada. — General character of the Spanish American revolutions. — Rise of Bolivar. — His mission to London. — He enters the army. — Arrival of Miranda in Venezuela.— He is appointed commander-in-chief. — Earthquake in Caracas. — Conduct of the priests. — Arrest and death of Miranda. — Reeslablishment of the Spanish author ity. — Cruelties of the royalists. — Successes of Bolivar. — Bloody excesses of the armies. — Bolivar's entry into Caracas. — He assumes the litle of liberator and dictator. — Atrocities of Boves and Rosette. — Retaliation of the insurgents. — Defeat of Bolivar at La Puerta and San Mateo. — He captures Bogota. — The congress of Angostura. — Bolivar crosses the Cordilleras. — Victories of Tunja and Bojaca. — The royalists expelled from New Grenada. — Bolivdr appointed president and captain-general. — He returns to Venezuela. — Armistice. — Battle of Carabobo. — Defeat and expulsion of the Spanish army. — Formation of the repub lic of Colombia. — Bolivar appointed president. — Final expulsion of the Spaniards, from Colombia. — Civil dissensions. — Insurrection of Paez. — Convention of Ocana. — Bolivar assumes absolute power. — Altempt.lo assassinate him. — General disaffection of the people. — Distracted state of the country. — Resignation of Bol ivar. — Dismemberment of Colombia and formation of the republics of Venezuela, New Granada and Ecuador. — Death of Bolivar. — His character. — Formation of the republic of Bolivia. The rapacity, despotism and oppression of the Spanish gov ernment gave rise to conspiracies and insurrectionary movements in the districts which afterwards formed the republic of Colombia, for many years previous to the general revolt occasioned by the French invasion of Spain. As early as 1797, an attempt to raise the standard of independence was made in Venezuela, by tAvo natives of Caracas, Don Josef de Espana, corregidor of Macuto. and Don Manuel Gual, an officer in the army. The plot com prised a large number of persons, the most distinguished in the colony for their talents, virtues and wealth. Their object was to .possess themselves of the heads of the government, and to keep them as hostages till a treaty could be made with the court of Spain for a redress of grievances and a general change in the government. The insurrection Avas fixed for the 14th of July, 1797, but, on the evening previous, the design was betrayed by one of the conspirators, Avho, struck with fear, Avent to the Cathe dral, and rang the bell. The alarm being raised, the magistrates were brought together, and the plot was revealed. Most of the EXPEDITION OF MIRANDA. 245 conspirators Avere arrested, but the two leaders made their escape. The king, Avhen the whole affair Avas knoAvn, became convinced that the people had been driven to rebellion by the intolerable oppressions of his officers, and ordered that the prisoners should be treated with clemency. Espana, on this intelligence, gave himself up. But the authorities of Venezuela disregarded this order, and Espana, with five of his companions, Avas put to death. The discontents of the people Avere not quieted ; and in the year 1805, General Miranda received a great number of letters from Venezuela, entreating him to put himself at the head of an expe dition for revolutionizing the< country. Miranda agreed to the proposal, and proceeded to the United States, where he collected a body of a few hundred adventurers. The expedition sailed from New York, in 1806, and reached the coast near Puerto Cabello, in May. Here Miranda made an attack, but was repulsed by the Spanish gun-boats. He proceeded to Trinidad, recruited his forces, and returned under the convoy of a British sloop of war. On the 7th of August, he landed at Coro, where he remained unmolested for twelve days, though a considerable Spanish force was posted only four leagues distant. Miranda, however, found the people of the neighborhood lukewarm,in the cause of revolt ; and shortly after, he was deserted by his British auxiliaries, who had promised him powerful aid. He was there fore obliged to abandon the expedition, with the loss of many of his men, who were taken and hanged. The Spanish dominion continued but a few years longer. The great revolution burst out in 1810. The captain-general of Car acas Avas deposed on the 19th of April, and a popular congress convened to organize a new government for Venezuela. The same was done at Bogota, the capital of NeAV Granada, which erected itself, at first, into a separate republic. The congress of Venezuela published a declaration of independence on the 5th of July, 1811, and this example was followed by the other provinces, Avhich were afterwards united in the republic of Colombia. The history of this revolution, like that of most others of the Spanish American states, is filled Avith a perplexing and most wearisome detail of political changes, party maoeuvres, factions, intrigues, negotiations, plots and counter-plots, and marches and counter-marches of political and military leaders. Of these scenes the reader has had already a sufficient specimen in the preceding chapters, to give him a general picture of the. South American revolutionary troubles. It will not be expected of us to repeat these details in the remainder of this history; their sameness exhibits the operation of the identical causes which we have 21* 246 COLOMBIA. before specified, while the confusion in which they are involved, and their lack of general and permanent results, cause them to leave but a vague and transitory impression on the mind of the reader. Those things alone which are intelligible and significant, form the proper topics for history, and to these Ave shall confine our narrative. The whole control of the revolution soon became engrossed in the hands of one individual, who, for many years, became the most prominent and powerful man in South America. This man Avas Simon Bolivar, a native of Caracas, who, as early as 1810, Avas sent to London as agent from the revolutionary government, to solicit aid from the British. That government, however, deter mined to remain neutral. Bolivar returned to Venezuela, where he was made colonel in the independent army, and governor of Puerto Cabello. General Miranda had returned to this coun try, and was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces. The Spaniards sent armies into the country, and many actions were fought. The patriots were generally successful till 1812, when they experienced a terrible calamity. On the 26th of March, an earthquake destroyed, either entirely or in part, the city of Cara cas, and ten or tAvelve others, killing twenty thousand persons. Earthquake at Caracas. This dreadful catastrophe, happening on the very day and hour in Avhich the revolution broke out two years before, the clergy seized upon the occasion to alarm the superstitious fears of the people, and excite them in favor of the royal cause, by represent ing it as a judgment from heaven upon the revolutionists. Priests, monks and friars, Avere stationed in the streets, vociferating in the BOLIVAR. 247 midst of credulous multitudes trembling with fear, Avhile the royalist troops were getting possession of the whole country. Miranda, in despair, capitulated, and was preparing to leave the country, when he Avas arrested by the patriots as a traitor. He was delivered up to the royalist general, Monteverde, and sent to Spain, where he died in a dungeon. Venezuela Avas noAv entirely in the hands of the royalists, and deeds of revolting ferocity and plunder reduced the whole country to a frightful state of misery ; old men, women and children were seized and massacred as rebels. One of Monteverde's officers cut off the ears of the patriots, and had them stuck in the caps of his soldiers for cockades. In this state of things, Bolivar began to shoAv the firmness and energy of his character. He raised a small force, and in December, 1812, entered upon a campaign against the royalists. He defeated them at Teneriffe, Ocana and Cucuta, and by an expedition to Bogota, increased his army to two thousand men. Marching back, along the Andes, he invaded Venezuela, and defeated the royalists in several other battles. The war now assumed the most bloody character; the terrible cruelties of Monteverde obliged the patriots to commence repri sals, and the most horrible butcheries were the consequence. The cause of independence Avas now more prosperous. Bolivar de feated Monteverde at Lostaguanes, and on the 4th of August, 1814, he entered the city of Caracas in triumph. The joy of the people exceeded all bounds, and this Avas undoubtedly the most brilliant day in Bolivar's whole career. The whole population crowded to meet him with acclamations, and he Avas drawn into the city in a triumphal car by twelve beautiful young ladies, of the first families in Caracas, Avhile others crowned him Avith laurels and strewed his way Avith floAvers. Bolivar was now in the possession of unlimited power in this part of the country, and assumed the title of Liberator and Dictator of the Avestern provinces of Venezuela. This gave great offence to the democratic party, and charges were uttered against him of studying his own aggrandizement; yet the enthusiasm in his favor confirmed the dictatorial power in his hands. In the mean time, the royalists at a distance Avere still deluging the country with blood. Boves and Rosette, two of their generals, in a march of four hundred miles from the Orinoco to the Ocumare, with an army of slaves and vagabonds, murdered every individual who refused to join them. General Puy, a negro assassin and a robber in the royal interest, having murdered hundreds of the patriot inhabitants of Varinas, Bolivar, to deter him from the repetition of such atrocities, ordered eight hundred Spaniards in 248 COLOMBIA. La Guayra and Caracas, to be arrested and shot, in Februaiy, 1814. This was retaliated by the royalists, who massacred their prisoners in Puerto Cabello. The patriots, hoAvever, did not repeat these dreadful reprisals, and Bolivar, in July, 1816, formally pro claimed, "no Spaniards shall be put to death except in battle; the war of death shall cease." Success continued to fluctuate between the patriots and royal ists. On the 14th of June, 1814, a battle was fought at La Puerta, in which Bolivar was defeated, with the loss of fifteen hundred men. Another action occurred on the 17th of August, at San Marco, the estate of BoliA'ar. Here the Liberator's army was surprised by the "infernal division" of Boves, a legion of negro cavalry, with black crape on their lances, Avho rushed Avith hideous shouts from an ambush, and scattered Bolivar's Avhole force by the suddenness and impetuosity of their assault; the general escaped only by the fleetness of his horse. Bolivar's family mansion was burnt to the ground, and he Avas ultimately compelled, in September, to leave the royalists in possession of all Venezuela, when thousands of the patriots deserted to their ranks. He repaired to New Grenada, where the government employed him in their army^to "subjugate the revolted province of Cundi- namarca. Bolivar captured the city of Bogota, which afterwards became the capital of Colombia. He returned to Venezuela in 1816, but was again defeated. Notwithstanding, he persevered in his exertions, and in December of the same year, he convened a general congress. In March, 1817, he Avas enabled to give the royalists a severe check. Numerous transactions took place betAveen the patriot and royalist forces during this and the following year, but our limits will not admit of a detailed account of them; victory remained nearly balanced between the tAvo parties, but the cause of inde pendence was gaining strength. In 1819, the congress of Vene zuela assembled at Angostura, and Bolivar surrendered all his authority into their hands. The congress required him to resume the supreme power, and exercise it until the independence of the country should be fully established. Bolivar re-organized his forces, and set out on his march across the Cordilleras, to effect a junction with General Santander, who commanded the republican army in New Grenada, that their united arms might act with greater efficiency. In July, 1819, he reached Tunja, where he defeated the royalist troops and captured the city. On the 7th of August, the Spanish army, under the viceroy, Samano, advanced to meet him at Bojaca, where a severe battle was fought, which resulted in the complete triumph of the patriots. The viceroy BATTLE OF CAROBOBO. 249 fled from the field of battle, and the whole province of New Grenada was conquered by this victory. Bolivar entered the capital in triumph, and was appointed president and captain- general of the republic. Having amply recruited his army, he returned to Venezuela, where, on the 17th of December, 1819, a union between the two republics was decreed by the congress through his influence. He then took the field, at the head of the strongest army that had yet been collected by the patriots. The Spaniards, after many de feats, agreed to an armistice of six months, in November, 1820. Morillo, their general, returned to Spain, leaving his army under the command of La Torre. At the termination of the armistice the two armies resumed active operations ; and, on the 23d of June, was fought the decisive battle of Carobobo ; the Spaniards, under La Torre, Avere entirely defeated, and their broken and scattered forces saved themselves by fleeing to Puerto Cabello. This victory Avas the finishing stroke to the Avar in Venezuela; by the end of the year, the Spaniards were driven from every part of Venezuela and NeAV Granada, except Puerto Cabello and Quito. The two provinces Avere noAv united into one state, called the Republic of Colombia. The installation of the first general conr gress took place on the 6th of May, 1821, at Rosario de Cucuta. A constitution was adopted on the 30th of August. Bolivar was appointed president, and Santander vice-president. Puerto Ca bello surrendered in December, 1823, and all the Spanish forces had been expelled from the southern part of the republic before this period; so that, at the beginning of 1824, the republic of Colombia was totally freed from foreign enemies. But at the moment when affairs seemed most prosperous, the republic began to be disturbed Avith civil discords. General Paez, a mulatto, and one of the most distinguished officers of the revo lution, had received the command of the department of Venezuela. In the execution of a laAv for enrolling the militia of Caracas, he gave so much offence to the inhabitants by his arbitrary conduct, that they obtained an impeachment against him before the senate. Being notified of this in April, 1826, and summoned to appear and take his trial, he refused to obey, but placed himself at the head of his troops, and called around him all the disaffected per sons in Venezuela, who formed a very strong party. These persons objected to the central government ; some of them wish ing for a federal system like that of the United States, and others desiring a total separation from New Granada. Various disorders broke out in other parts of the republic, and a great portion of the f2 250 COLOMBIA. country refused obedience to the Colombian constitution. An attempt was made to accommodate matters by a convention at Ocana, for amending the constitution, in March, 1828, but the violence of parties and the disturbed state of the country pre vented the convention from doing anything, and they soon sep arated. Affairs now came to a crisis ; the country was threatened with anarchy, and Bolivar took a bold and decisive step, by dissolving the Colombian congress, on the 27th of August, 1828, and assum ing absolute authority. This act was preceded by addresses from various municipal bodies, calling upon Bolivar to put an end to the public disorders, by assuming the supreme command. Whether these addresses were procured by his intrigues, in order to give a plausible color to his usurpation, we have no means of knowing. He organized a neAV government to suit his OAvn vieAvs, and soon began to feel the consequences of the bold step he had taken, in the conspiracies that were plotted against him. On the 15th of September, 1828, an attempt Avas made to assassinate him. His aid-de-camp was killed, but Bolivar's life was saA'ed by the cour age of his officers. Generals Padilla and Santander Avere charged with this plot, and condemned to death by a special tribunal. Padilla was executed, but the punishment of Santander was com muted for banishment. Various others suffered death. The country was more and more agitated by violent factions ; many military leaders aspired to the supreme command, and the efforts of Bolivar to prevent dissension excited insurrections. Bolivar was denounced as a usurper and a tyrant. Venezuela claimed her independence; and Bolivar, finding it impossible to unite the factions and create a spirit of harmony under his rule, resigned all his authority to the congress at Bogota, in 1830. He retired to Carthagena, dispirited and broken down by the calamities of his ^country. Bolivar's retirement from public life removed every obstacle to the division of the republic of Colombia. In 1831, it was formed into three independent states, Venezuela, New Gre nada and Ecuador, which have continued to the present day. On the 17th of December, 1831, Bolivar died at San Pedro, near Carthagena, at the age of forty-eight. He Avas by far the most celebrated of all the South American revolutionary leaders; and during many years was considered the " Washington of the south." Yet, notwithstanding his brilliant successes, he outlived both his power and his reputation. At the period of his death he had lost all influence over his countrymen, and he died tainted with the suspicion of having engaged in an intrigue for introduc ing foreign aid to restore monarchy in Colombia. As a warrior, COLOMBIAN GENERALS. 251 he deserved all his fame ; but as a legislator, he has been, perhaps, over -rated. FeAV of his political institutions Avere permanent; though this was partly owing to the semi-barbarouis and intracta ble temper of the people with Avhom he had to deal. His merits as a military leader are much enhanced by the character of the troops whom he led to victory. His armies often consisted chiefly of destitute adventurers, eager only for pay and plunder ; ragged Creoles, Indians, naked negroes, and cavalry of half savage Llaneros and mountaineers riding wild horses. The desertion of whole regiments, first to one side and then to the other, according to the momentary chance of success, sufficiently shows their degraded moral condition. The generals with whom his command was divided, were principally of the most uncivilized description. Arismendi could neither write nor read ; Paez was a brutal mulatto bull-hunter, just out of the deserts ; and General Bermudez always took the field in a dirty blanket, with a hole in the middle for his head ; yet envy, jealousy, and fierce, reckless ambition Avere common to them all. The character and habits of such a people greatly increase our opinion of the talents of the individual Avho conducts them from an abject state of oppression to independence and social improvement. The republic of Colom bia is no more, yet as long as it continues to be remembered, it will owe that circumstance to the name of Bolivar. The republic of Bolivia was formed out of the provinces of Upper Peru, which under the Spanish dominion were governed as a dependency of Buenos Ayres. These provinces were Avrested from the Spaniards by the victory of Ayacucho, in December, 1828. General Sucre, who, at the head of the Colombian forces, gained this victory, soon cleared the country of the royalist forces, and no obstacle existed to the formation of an independent gov ernment. A congress assembled at Chuquisaca, in August, 1825, and lodged the supreme authority provisionally in the hands of Sucre, while, as a testimonial of their gratitude to Bolivar, they requested him to frame a constitution for them. Bolivar accord ingly drew up a plan of government, founded on a representative basis, but of a very complicated and inconvenient character. The chief magistrate is a president Avho appoints his own suc cessor, nominates to all offices, exercises the whole patronage of the government, and is irresponsible for his actions. This consti tution Avas adopted by the congress, and went into operation iu December, 1826. CHAPTER XXVI. Republic op Mexico. — Origin of the revolution. — Deposition of the viceroy.-. Insurrection of Hidalgo. — Capture of Guanaxuato and Valladolid. — Hidalgo pro claimed generalissimo. — He advances to Mexico. — His unaccountable retreat. — He is attacked by the royalists and defeated. — Capture and death of Hidalgo. — Progress of the revolution. — Proceedings of Morelos and Calleja. — Tlie national assembly. — Declaration of Mexican independence. — Disasters of the revolutionists, — Capture and execution of Morelos. — Discords among the revolutionary leaders. — Arrival of General Mina. — His march into the country. — His capture and exe cution. — Successes of the Spaniards. — The revolution suppressed. — Affairs of Spaing — Revival of troubles in Mexico. — Tfie viceroy Apodaca. — State of parties. — Renewal of the insurrection. — Rise of Iturbide. — He marches against the inde pendents. — His dissimulation and intrigues. — Plan of Iguala. — Embarrassment of the viceroy. — He is deposed. — Iturbide establishes his authority. — Arrival of O'Donoju in Mexico. — Treaty of Cordova. — Iturbide in supreme power. — He summons a corles. — Slate of parties. — Intrigues of Iturbide. — He is proclaimed emperor. — He dissolves the cortes. — His embarrassments. — Insurrection against him. — Defection of Santa Ana and Guadalupe Victoria. — Abdication of Iturbide. — He is banished to Italy. — His return to Mexico and death. — Distracted stale of the country. — Santa Ana becomes the head of the government. Republic of Texas. — Dissatisfaction of the Texans with the Mexican government. — State convention. — Commencement of hostilities. — Capture of Goliad and San Antonio de Bexar. — The Mexicans expelled from Texas. — Invasion of Texas by Santa Ana. — Attack of San Antonio. — Obstinate defence of the garrison. — Declaration of Independence. — Capture of Goliad by the Mexicans. — Massacre of Colonel Fanning's company. — Alarm of the inhabitants. — Battle of San Jacinto and defeat of the Mexicans. — Capture of Santa Ana. — Establishment of the independence of Texas.. Republic of Central America. — Connexions of Guatimala with Mexico. — Civil war. — Constitution established. — Anarchy and wretched condition of the country. — Government of Carrera. The movements toward a revolution in Mexico began Avith the French invasion of Spain in 1808. The Mexicans were unani mous in their dislike of the French ; and the viceroy, whatever his private inclinations might have been, received such contradic tory orders from the king of Spain, from Murat, who then com manded at Madrid, and from the council of the Indies, that he proposed calling a junta, composed of representatives from each province, as the only means of preserving the country from the horrors of anarchy. The European Spaniards in the capital viewed this scheme with jealousy, as calculated to. place the Creoles on an equal footing Avith themselves. They entered into a conspiracy against the viceroy, took him prisoner in his palace, insurrection of hidalgo. 253 sent him to Spain, and assumed the reins of government. A new viceroy was despatched to Mexico, who encountered new plots and troubles ; and in 1810, an insurrection, consisting principally of the natives and mestizoes, rose openly against the government. Cathedral of Mexico. These men were led by Hidalgo, a priest of some talents, and an enthusiast in the cause of independence. From Dolores, Avhere they first assembled, they marched upon the Avealthy city of Guanaxuato, which they took and pillaged. The viceroy de spatched his forces to suppress the rebellion, but the whole coun try through Avhich Hidalgo passed, took np arms and joined him. Acting with great policy, he abolished the tribute paid by the aborigines, which brought all the Indians to his standard. Valla- dolid fell into his hands, and on the 24th of October, the priest Hidalgo Avas proclaimed generalissimo of the Mexican armies. On this occasion he threw aside his sacerdotal robes and appeared in uniform. He advanced upon the capital, and in three days entered Toluco, not more than twelve miles from Mexico. The royal forces were scattered throughout the country, and Mexico was in imminent danger. After some skirmishes the independent army approached to the heights of Santa Fe, where the royalists, Avith a much inferior force, were drawn up to defend the city! Mexico was on the point of seeing a conquering army enter her gates, Avhen, to the astonishment of every spectator, Hidalgo sud- 22 J54 MEXICO. denly Avheeled to the right-about, and marched away. This extraordinary proceeding was never explained. Hidalgo retreated to the neighborhood of Guadalaxara. The royalists now had leisure to collect a strong force, and pursued him. A sanguinary battle was fought on the 17th of January, 1811, Avliich ended in the total defeat and dispersion of the inde pendent army. Hidalgo made his escape, but was closely pursued from post to post, till at length his retreat was cut off; when, by the treachery of one of his OAvn men, he was betrayed and made prisoner with all his staff, on the 21st of March. Fifty of his officers Avere executed on the spot. Hidalgo was tried and shot, at Chihuahua, on the 20th of June, 1811. The death of Hidalgo did not stop the progress of the revolu tion in other quarters. In the meantime, the whole country had risen in insurrection, and many leaders began to act separately. The most remarkable among them was Morelos, another priest, Avho, with great activity, talents and success, maintained the rebellion in the southern provinces, and organized a junta or cen tral government, which, in September, 1811, assembled at Zaca- turo, in Meehoacan. This town was soon after captured by Calleja, a royalist general, and the junta dispersed. Morelos penetrated into the highlands of Tenochtitlan, where he fought many battles with Calleja during a period of three months. He took Acapulco, Oaxaca, and many other towns, and convened a congress at Apatzinjan, in the province of Valladolid. This con gress took the name of the National Assembly, and declared the independence of Mexico on the 13th of November, 1813. A con stitution was framed, and proposals for a suspension of hostilities Avere made to the royalists, but Avithout effect. Calleja, who was now appointed viceroy, Avith the title of Conde de Calderon, prosecuted the Avar againt the insurgents with vigor and the most barbarous cruelty. Morelos involved himself in difficulties by surrendering his authority to the congress at this critical period. All his military plans Avere defeated by the inter ference and delays of that body. In consequence of this, he no longer met with any success in his daring enterprises, and in November, 1815, he Avas taken prisoner, carried to Mexico and shot. Many of the insurgent chiefs maintained the conflict for some time, but they did not act in concert with one another. Teran, one of these leaders, dissolved the congress by force, which contributed still more to promote dissension among them. The war was feebly carried on until the arrival of a new parti san from Europe. This was General Mina, nephew of the guer rilla chief, so celebrated in the war in Spain. He sailed from RISE OF ITURBIDE. 255 England with a small force, in May, 1816, and after visiting the United States, where he received some reinforcements, landed at Galvezton, in November. From this place, after organizing his forces, he proceeded to Soto la Marina, in April, 1817, and took up his march for Mexico. He penetrated six hundred miles into the interior, defeating the enemy at various points. At one time his troops Avere reduced to less than three hundred men; at other times they were increased to fourteen hundred. He displayed great courage and talent, but on the 27th of September, he was surprised and taken prisoner at Venadito, and a few Aveeks after, tried and shot. This was a heavy disaster to the Mexicans ; but the forms of the revolutionary government continued to be kept up, though the congress were driven from place to place by the royal armies. The war languished in every quarter, and all the strong places were at length taken by the Spaniards. In 1820, the revo lution was considered at an end, and the country grew tranquil. The establishment of a constitution in Spain, in 1820, suddenly changed the course of affairs in Mexico. The European Span iards, and the Creoles, Avho had before made common cause in the royal interest, now divided into two parties, royalists and constitutionalists. The viceroy, Apodaca, was a royalist, and Avished to suppress all attempts to establish a constitution in Mex ico. The cause of the insurgents received new strength from the Spanish and Mexican constitutionalists, and the insurrection again looked threatening. Apodaca raised a small army and despatched it to crush the remnant of the insurgent forces. He gave the command to Don Augustin Iturbide, a Creole, but a royalist, and an officer who had distinguished himself in the Avar against the independents. It is supposed that at this moment Iturbide began to entertain those designs of self-aggrandizement which afterAvards led him to the throne of Mexico. His very first steps exhibited art and dissimulation. The priests and Europeans furnished him with some money, and on his march, he seized on a convoy of specie belonging to the Manilla merchants. He formed a junction with Guerrero, one of the patriot chiefs, and had the address to persuade Apodaca that it was only an act of pardon, by which the adherents of the revolution would be brought over to the royal cause. Emissaries, in the meantime, were despatched to every part of the country, and they executed their mission so ably that the inhabitants were everywhere ready to declare in favor of independence. " On the 24th of February, 1821, at the little town of Iguala, on the road from Mexico to Acapulco, Iturbide issued a proclamation, which has since been known by the name of the "Plan of Iguala." 256* mexico. Its professed object was to conciliate all parties ; to establish the independence of Mexico, and still to preserve its relationship to Spain. To accomplish this, the crown of Mexico Avas to be offered to the king of Spain, and in case of his refusal, to one of his bi Jthers, on condition of his residing in the country. Though Iturbide had manifestly exceeded the poAvers which he had received from his superior, yet the viceroy, thunderstruck at this unexpected event, and seeing that the proposal met the wishes of a great majority of the people, took no decisive steps against him. The royalists, who were numerous in the capital, alarmed at this indecision and delay of Apodaca, instantly deposed him, and placed Don Francisco Novello, an artillery officer, at the head of affairs. But the disorders inseparable from such violent changes, gave Iturbide time to augment his forces, strengthen his party, and gain all the northern and Avestern provinces. Before the month of July, the whole country acknoAvledged his authority, with the exception of the capital, in which Novello had shut him self up with all the European troops. In this state of things, General O'Donoju arrived at Vera Cruz, from Spain, with the office of constitutional viceroy. Iturbide hastened to the coast, held an interview with the new functionary, and persuaded him to accept the plan of Iguala, as an armistice and final settlement, with the proviso that it should be approved by Spain. This agreement was called the treaty of Cordova, from the town Avhere it Avas made. It provided that commission ers should be sent to Spain Avith the offer of the crown, and that in the interim a governing junta and a regency should be ap pointed; and that a cortes should be immediately convened to form a constitution. The royalists were deeply chagrined at this proceeding, and the garrison of Mexico refused to obey O'Donoju, when he ordered them to evacuate the city. Iturbide obtained possession of Mexico'by capitulation, and established a junta and regency, but in such a foTm that all the power remained in his hands. A cortes Avas summoned, which met on the 24th of Feb ruary, 1822, and soon found themselves divided into three parties; the Bourbonists, or friends of the plan of Iguala; the republicans; and the partisans of Iturbide, Avho wished to elevate him to the supreme poAver. Amidst all this dissension, Iturbide had little difficulty in playing off one party against another in such a man ner that no effectual opposition could be thrown in the way of his ambitious schemes. An accident helped him onward. The royalist garrison of Mexico, which had capitulated and were now encamped at Toluca, entered into a conspiracy to effect a counter revolution. Iturbide detected the conspiracy, and seized this ABDICATION OF ITURBIDE. 257 occasion to Avithdraw from the capital all the troops disaffected to his cause. Meantime, his emissaries were at work, intriguing in the army, and on the' evening of the 18th of May, they assembled the soldiers, harangued them, and distributed money among them. The soldiers marched out of their quarters, drew up in front of Iturbide's house, Avhere they were joined by a mob of the loAvest class of people. At ten o'clock in the evening this multitude began their shouts of "Long live Iturbide, Augustin the First, Emperor of Mexico ! " These cries, with salvos of fire-arms, con tinued till morning, and the members of the cortes unfriendly to Iturbide's ambitious views, were' advised, from a pretended regard for their safety, not to attend the meeting that day, for fear of the soldiery. Forty members absented themselves in consequence. and the cortes having assembled, amidst the shouts of the soldiery and the mob, Iturbide was proclaimed emperor. Most of the provinces submitted to this usurpation without delay or complaint. Thus, in a short career of little more than two years, an obscure individual was enabled to seat himself on a throne. But his downfall was as rapid as his rise. Dissensions soon broke out betAveen him and the cortes, to which he put an end by dissolving that body on the 30th of October, 1822, precisely as Cronrwell dismissed the Long Parliament, and Bonaparte the Chamber of Deputies. Iturbide, however, possessed very little of the genius of these great leaders. He was unable to reconcile the officers of the army, or the men of influence in the country, to these daring measures. He formed a neAV legislative assembly, composed of persons favorable to his views, but they had not the skill to make his cause popular. Several of the chief officers of the army declared against him, and prepared for resistance. Iturbide began to be terrified at the storm which he saw gathering against him on all sides. General Santa Ana, who had assisted in elevat ing him to the throne, took up arms against him. Guadalupe Victoria joined his forces to those of Santa Ana ; the provinces fell off from the emperor, and at length Iturbide, utterly despairing of his fortunes, convoked the old cortes, on the 8th of March, 1823, and on the 19th of that month, abdicated his crown. Thus, after a troubled and disastrous reign of ten months, his Imperial Majesty of Mexico and Anahuac reluctantly threw doAvn his sceptre. He was permitted to leave the country and reside in Italy, Avith a pension of. twenty-five thousand dollars. His exile, however, did not restore tranquillity to the country. The struggles of opposing factions kept everything in confusion, and Iturbide, before the end of a year, miscalculating his influence over his countrymen, had the presumption to imagine that he 22* g2 "258 TEXAS. could reenact the drama of Napoleon's return from Elba, and regain his throne by merely showing himself in Mexico. Accord ingly, embarking with his family and two or three attendants, he landed in Mexico on the 12th of July, 1824. On attempting to proceed into the interior in disguise, he Avas discovered and arrested. The government had previously outlaAved him, and he was shot by order of the local authorities at Padilla, in Tamau- lipas, on the 19th of July. Since the death of Iturbide, hardly anything has taken place in Mexico, which it is possible to make either interesting or intelli gible to the reader. The country has been perpetually distracted by factions, conspiracies and revolutions. General Santa Ana placed himself at the head of the government in 1832, and with some vicissitudes of fortune, has continued to be the leading man down to the present day. The constitution of Mexico Avas formed in 1824, on the model of that of the United States. The state of Yucatan revolted a year or two since, and is now waging a war for independence, against the central government. The Republic of Texas has been formed out of that portion of Mexico adjoining Louisiana. This province, having been peopled by emigrants from the United States, did not readily submit to the arbitrary proceedings by which Santa Ana elevated himself to the , supreme authority. Under the Mexican federal government, Texas and the adjoining province of Coahuila, formed a single state. The first symptom of disaffection was shown in an endeavor to procure a separation from Coahuila. An agent was despatched to Mexico for this purpose, in 1833, who Avas arrested and imprisoned on a charge of treason. This only increased the discontent of the people of Texas, and a revolutionary spirit soon manifested itself in popular meetings all over the country. Com mittees of safety Avere appointed, and a general convention of the states was convened in 1834. Both sides now prepared for war, and great numbers of volunteers flocked to Texas from the United States. Hostilities began in September, 1835, and on the 2d of October an action took place at Gonzales, in which the Mexicans were defeated and put to the rout. On the 9th, the fort and town of Goliad Avere captured by the Texan forces. General Austin was appointed commander-in-chief. The Texan army, amounting to one thousand men, next besieged the tOAvn of San Antonio de Bexar, Avhich Avas defended by an equally strong Mexican force. After a close siege of a month, intelligence was received that a large body of Mexican troops was approaching for the relief of the garrison. This determined the besiegers to storm the place immediately. On" the 6th of Decern- MASSACRE OF TEXAN PRISONERS. 259 ' ber, they advanced to the assault, and after a severe action, made prisoners of the whole garrison. Hardly had they taken posses sion of the town, Avhen the Mexican reinforcement arrived, and another action was fought, which resulted in the capture of the whole detachment. These successes completed the triumph of the Texan cause ; not a Mexican soldier remained upon the terri tory. But this triumph was only temporary. In the meantime, Santa Ana was making vigorous preparations for crushing the insurrec tion. On the 23d of February, 1836, he appeared before the town of San Antonio, at the head of a body of one thousand men, the advanced guard of the Mexican army. The town was immediately taken, but the fort held out, although garrisoned by only one hundred and fifty men. A constant bombardment Avas kept up by the besiegers, yet, on the 1st of March, a detachment of thirty- two men from Gonzales, succeeded in forcing their way through the Mexican lines and throwing themselves into the fort. The Mexicans were soon reinforced to the number of four thousand five hundred men, and at midnight of the 6th of March made a desperate assault upon the place. The garrison fought des perately till daylight, when only seven of them were found alive. These were all put to the sword. The Mexicans, it is said, lost a thousand men in this affair. The Texans, however, were not dispirited by this disaster. On the 2d of March, a general convention, held at the town of Wash ington, declared Texas a sovereign and independent state. The Mexican army, immediately after the capture of San Antonio, advanced upon Goliad, which Avas garrisoned by a body of three hundred and fifty men under Colonel Fanning. That officer, in obedience to orders from his commander, blew up the fort and retreated, but after marching a few miles he was surrounded in a prairie, by a body of two thousand Mexicans. Fanning's party defended themselves with great courage, and the Mexican com mander proposed a capitulation. Fanning agreed to the proposal, and surrendered on a stipulation that. his men should be shipped to NeAV Orleans within eight days. The Mexicans marched their prisoners off to Goliad, and, on the 26th of March, shot them all in cold blood, with the exception of four, who made their escape. General alarm and dismay now pervaded the country, and a great many inhabitants sought shelter in the American territory. The Indians were rising in the north, and the invading army continued to massacre all that opposed them. It was found neces sary to order a strong force of United States troops to the Texan frontier to keep the savages in check. The Texan army, which 260 GUATEMALA. , was now commanded by General Houston, retreated before Santa Ana, till they reached the river San Jacinto, where they made a stand. The Mexicans came up, and, on the 21st of April, a most sanguinary and decisive battle was fought at this place. The Mexicans were double in strength to their opponents, yet the attack of the Texans Avas made Avith such courage and fury, that in fifteen minutes the Mexicans were completely routed ; six hun dred of them were killed on the spot, and as many more taken prisoners. Of the Texans, twenty-six Avere killed and wounded: Santa Ana fled from the field, and Avas pursued fifteen miles by the Texan mounted riflemen, when his horse foundered and he took shelter' in the woods. Here, after a long search, he was found hidden in the top of a tree, and made prisoner. Santa Ana was compelled to sign a treaty, by which the Mexi can troops were withdrawn from Texas, and agreed not to serve against that country during the war of independence. Santa Ana, after some detention occasioned by the exasperated feelings of the people against him, was set at liberty, and proceeded to Washington. President Jackson furnished him with a passage to Vera Cruz, in a ship of war of the United States. The indepen dence of Texas seems to have been permanently established by the victory of San Jacinto. The United States formally recognised it on the 3d of March, 1837, and Great Britain on the 16th of November, 1840. These examples have been imitated by most of the other maritime powers of Europe. Hostilities have contin ued between Texas and Mexico to the present day, but no serious attempts at invasion have been made by the Mexicans. The government of Texas is modelled on that of the United States. Guatemala, or the Republic of Central America, proclaimed its independence on the 15th of September, 1821. When Iturbide became emperor of Mexico, three of the provinces of Guatemala, Honduras, Costa Rica and Chiapa, declared for a union with that empire. A civil war was the immediate consequence, but some little quiet being restored in 1823, the congress took measures for the regulation of affairs ; and, on the 22d of November, the Consti tuent Assembly promulgated a constitution, establishing the gov ernment on a federal system. The republic of Central America has been the most unfortunate of all the Spanish American states. , Its history, from the first moment, down to the hour at which this page is written, has been literally nothing but the history of an anarchy. The constitution has been a dead letter from the begin ning; the union of the provinces has been discord and civil war; the government has been military force ; and authority and law have existed only in the will and caprice of partisan leaders CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. 261 Civilization has retrograded, and the country labors under such a combination of evils continually augmenting, that it is difficult to imagine any conjuncture of circumstances Avhich can, within any short period, restore order and regular government in this misera ble territory. The chief personage Avho figures in the anarchy of Guatemala, at present, is Carrera, a military leader of the lowest extraction. This personage, illiterate, narroAv-minded, vindictive, ferocious, arbitrary, and devoured by ambition, controls all the proceedings of the nominal government, by being at the head of the army. He. is the idol of the priests, the banditti and the soldiery; and is a strange compound of the Jacobin and the Inquisitor. His sway is absolute at the capital. The other provinces take care of themselves as Avell as they can. Alvarado marching upon BRITISH AMERICA. CHAPTER XXVII. Canada.— Dwcouery of Canada by Cartier .—Second expedition— Discovery oftk St. Lawrence. — Roberval's expedition. — Pontgrave and Champlain.— Quebec founded.— Discoveries of Champlain.— Establishment of the company of New France. — Indian wars. — Jesuits in Canada. — Slow progress of the colony.— Ecclesiastical government of Canada. — Hostilities of the Iroquois. — Earthquakes. Quebec. Canada was discovered by Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, in France. He was entrusted, at the recommendation of Chabot, admiral of France, with a commission of discovery, as the French had begun to catch" the general spirit of maritime enterprise^ Cartier sailed from St. Malo with two ships, on the 20th of April, 1534. Though these were called ships in the narrations of that day, they Avere neither above twenty tons burthen, Avhich shows that naval architecture had made but small progress among the French. On the 10th of May, they saw the shores of Newfoundland, near Cape Bonavista, and steering to the south, along the coast, landed at a harbor, which Cartier named St. Catherine's. Thence, proceeding westward and northward, he entered the Gulf of St. DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE. 263 Lawrence, and passed in sight of Bird's Island, which he called Isles Aux Oiseaux, from the multitudes of sea-fowls that covered them. After some days spent in sailing along the western coast of Newfoundland, he crossed the gulf and entered a wide and deep inlet, which he named Baie de Chaleur, on account of the intense summer heat which the voyagers experienced while exploring its shores. This bay appears to have been already knoAvn to the Spaniards, and in very old charts it is termed Bay des Espagnols. After exploring the greater part of the gulf, he returned towards France, on the 15th of August, and arrived at St. Malo in twenty-one days. During the folloAving year, in consequence of the favorable report he gave of his voyage, he Avas invested Avith the command of three ships, of superior size, and well equipped with all sorts of necessaries. On board the largest of these, " La Grande Hermi- one," he embarked on the 19th of May, and on the 26th of July he Avas joined by the other vessels, which had been separated from him during a storm, at an appointed place of rendezvous within the Gulf of St. Lawrence. They then proceeded together on their course up the great river St. LaAvrence, so named, accord ing to some, from Cartier having either returned to the gulf on the 10th of August, the festival of St. Laurente, or his having called a cape on the coast of Cape Breton, at the entrance of the gulf, by the name of the Cape St. Laurente, Avhich was afterwards given to the gulf and river of Canada. There appears, however, some uncertainty in the account transmitted us on this subject. He named the island of Anticosti, Assumption, an appellation which it did not long retain. On the 1st of August, he Avas driven into a harbor on the north coast, which still retains the name of St. Nicholas, which he gave it. He then proceeded up the river St. LaAvrence, until he entered the Saghunny, from which he continued his course, passing the islands, which he named Isle aux Coudres and Isle de Bacchus, now Orleans. He then proceeded in the Hermione until his ship grounded on the shoals of Lake St. Peter, from Avhence in two boats he explored the river to the island where Montreal now stands, and which Avas at that time inhabited by a tribe of the Huron nation, who lived in a village called Hochelaga. The river was then designated the Great Hochelaga, and afterwards, before it acquired that of St. Law rence, the River of Canada. Cartier was received by the natives Avith great kindness and hospitality. He returned from the village of Hochelaga on the 5th of October, and on the 11th he arrived at a river which still bears his name, but which he named the St. Croix. Here he wintered, and dur- 264 BRITISH AMERICA. ing the inclemency of that season, Cartier and his creAV weie subjected to a violent attack of scurvy, which the natives taught them to cure by means of a decoction prepared of the bark of the species of fir which yields the Canada balsam of our pharmaco peia. He returned next summer to France ; but, notwithstanding the favorable and unexaggerated account of the countries he explored, four years elapsed before any farther attempt was made to prosecute his discoveries. In January, 1540, Francois de la Roque, Seigneur de Roberval, received a patent from Francis I., declaring him Seigneur de Norembegue, (the name by which nearly all North America was then designated,) with all the power and authority possessed by the king in this quarter. Early in the summer of 1540, Roberval, with a squadron of five vessels, sailed for America, Jacques Car- tier having the supreme naval command. This voyage was suc cessful, and a fort was erected on some part of those coasts, but whether in Cape Breton or in Canada appears* quite uncertain. It was, however, injudiciously selected ; the spot was much exposed both to the cold and to the incursions of the natives. Cartier was left at this station as commandant; but he was so harassed by the Indians, who were offended at strangers taking unceremonious possession of a hold in their country, and having despaired of the return of M. Roberval, that he embarked with all his people in order to return to France. On the banks of Newfoundland he met M. de Roberval, with some vessels carrying men, arms and provisions, and, returning with him, reassumed the command of the garrison. M. de Rober val then sailed up the St. Lawrence, and landed at Tadousac, at the mouth of the Saghunny. He made also some attempts, of which we have no very authentic accounts, to explore Labrador; but. for some time after this period, Newfoundland was not known to be an island. We have no information) on Avhich we can rely, as to what occured for some years afterAvards, when we find Cartier embarking again for America, under the viceroy, Roberval, and with the brother of the latter, a personage whose martial reputa tion was so brilliant, that the chivalrous king, Francis I., ahvays designated him the " Gen d'arme d' Annibal." Fate decreed that this voyage should be sealed by calamity. After leaving France the slightest information respecting this spirited expedition has never been traced ; and for more than sixty years, American colo nization and the glory of discovery seem to have been forgotten or disregarded by the French government. The disastrous attempt of the Marquis de la Roche, in 1598, has been described elsewhere; and also, in the history of Nova Scotia, the departure of M. Pont- CANADA. 265 grave, the associate of M. de Monts, from Acadia, to trade at Tadousac. M. de Charwin had previously made two voyages, in 1600 and 1601, to Tadousac, and returned to France with val uable cargoes of furs. He died soon after. M. Pontgrave, who was at first an intelligent merchant in a house at St. Malo, and afterwards an expert navigator, who made several voyages to Acadia and Canada, succeeded, along with M. Chatte, governor of Dieppe, who had procured a charter with all the privileges of that formerly granted to M. la Roche, in form ing a company of merchants at Rouen, for prosecuting discoveries under the king's commission, and establishing settlements on the River of Canada. The celebrated navigator, Samuel Champlain, being associated with them, accompanied Pontgrave, in 1603, to Tadousac, from Avhence he sailed up the river as far as Hochelaga, which he found nearly deserted, and to the Falls of St. Louis, now called the Rapids of Lachine. He then returned to Acadia, and afterwards, on an exploring expedition in the Gulf of St. Law rence, was nearly lost on Cape Breton, at Cape Mabon, a name corrupted from Avhat he termed it, "Mal-ban." He Avintered at Justau Corps, now named Port Hood. The spirit that actuated the company of which Champlain was an associate, Avas exclusively governed by the gains attendant on the peltry trade, to which all other considerations were made sub servient. Champlain, however, inherited from nature a mind, the scope of which extended far beyond the mere collection of peltry ; and to his enterprising spirit and superior judgment, does Canada owe the founding of Quebec on a spot, the choice of which, for the capital of a great transatlantic empire, does him immortal honor. On the 13th of July, 1608, Champlain fixed on a most commanding promontory, on the north side of the River St. Law rence, for the site of his settlement, the name of which is said to have originated from its very peculiar and striking appearance, when it first burst into view on sailing up the St. Lawrence. This caused a mariner, who was stationed on the foretop of the Hermione, to shout loudly to those on deck, the words "Quel- bep." * Here he left a few settlers ; and on returning next year with Pontgrave to Canada, he found his young colony in quiet possession of their establishment, and clearing and cultivating the soil with tolerable success. At this period the Algonquins, who inhabited the adjacent coun try, and the Montagnes or Mountaineers, who occupied the hilly *Note. A more probable origin of the name of Quebec may be found in the Algonquin word Quilibec, which means a bold and lofty promontory. 23 H2 266 BRITISH AMERICA. grounds, and the banks of the Saghunny, together with the Hurons of the upper codntry, were in alliance, as the common enemy of the powerful Iroquois nation. Champlain, by joining these tribes in their wars against the Iroquois, committed a fatal error, which exposed the French settlements in Canada to all the calamities of savage warfare for nearly a hundred years ; and the introduction of fire-arms, first among the Algonquins and after wards among the other Indian nations, was turned to the most terrible account, for more than a century, against the European settlements. Champlain explored the Ottawa, and many other parts of the country, before he returned to France, Avhere he succeeded in forming, under the patronage of the Prince of Conde, who assumed the title of viceroy of New France, a new association at Rouen. He returned to Canada in 1612, taking with him four Recollet friars for the purpose of converting the savages. The war with the Iroquois seems principally to have occupied the next eight years; and, in 1620, Champlain brought his family to Canada. The Prince of Conde surrendered his viceroyalty this year to the Marshal de Montmorency, who continued Champlain as his lieu tenant. Two years after, the Duke de Ventadour, having entered into holy orders, took charge, as viceroy, of the affairs of New France, solely with the view of converting the savages ; and for this purpose he sent some Jesuits to Canada, to the great mortifi cation of the Recollets. A number of Calvinists, associated with their leader, the Sieur de Caen, were at this period actively engaged in the fur trade; and the jealousies and bickerings maintained between them and the Catholics, arising in reality from the spirit of trade, but attrib uted, as usual, to religious scruples, greatly retarded the prosperity of the French settlements. Cardinal Richelieu endeavored to put an end to these causes of dissension by establishing the Company of New France. This company, consisting of one hundred associ ates, engaged to send three hundred tradesmen to New France, and to supply all those Avhom they settled in the country with lodging, food, clothing and implements, for three years, after which period they would allow each man sufficient land to sup port him, Avith the grain necessary for seed. The company also engaged to have six thousand French inhabitants settled in the countries included in their charter, before the year 1643, and to establish three priests in each settlement, whom they Avere bound to provide with every article necessary for their personal comfort, as well as the expenses attending their ministerial labors, for fif teen years ; after which, cleared lands were to be granted by the CANADA. 267 company to the clergy for maintaining the Catholic church in New France. The prerogatives which the king reserved to him self, were, the supremacy in matters of faith ; homage, as sover eign of New France, with the acknowledgement of a crown of gold, weighing eight marks, on each succession to the throne of France ; the nomination of all commanders and officers of forts ; and the appointment of the officers of justice, whenever it became necessary to establish courts of law. The royal charter then granted to the company of New France and their successors forever, in consideration of their engagements to the crown, the fort and settlement of Quebec, all the territory of New France, including Florida, Avith all the countries along the course of the great River of Canada, and all the Other rivers which discharge themselves therein, or which throughout those vast regions empty themselves into the sea, both on the eastern and western coasts of the continent Avith all the harbors, islands, mines and rights of fishery. The company were further empow ered to confer titles of distinction, which, however, required, in the creation of marquisates, earldoms, baronies and counties, the confirmation of the sovereign, on the recommendation of the Cardinal de Richelieu, superintendant-in-chief of the navigation and commerce of New France. The exclusive right of traffic in peltries and all other commerce, for fifteen years, with the excep tion of the right to fish for cod and Avhales, was also granted to the company. This celebrated charter was signed in April, 1627, and created the greatest and most flattering expectations. The administra tion under a viceroy being omitted, the company continued M. Champlain as governor of Canada; but untoAvard circumstances, particularly the capture by the English, under Sir David Kirk, of the first ships sent from France Avith stores, reduced the colony to great distress. He even appeared with his squadron before Quebec, and might easily, had he knoAvn the famished condition of the garrison, have compelled it to surrender. The prosperity of NeAV France Avas not only retarded, but even the powerful mind of Champlain, so fertile in expedients on occasions of diffi culty, was subjected to the most vexatious mortifications by various unfortunate circumstances. The hostilities of the savages were not the least of the evils that perplexed him; and the Iroquois soon perceived the advantages which the continued jeal ousies and quarrels between the Catholics and Protestants enabled them to obtain over men whom they considered the usurping occupiers of their country. In 1629, a period when Champlain was reduced to the utmost 268 BRITISH AMERICA. extremity, by the want of every article of food, clothing, imple ments and ammunition, and exposed to the incessant attacks of the Iroquois, Sir David Kirk, commanding an English squadron, appeared again before Quebec. The deplorable situation of the colony, and the very honorable terms of capitulation proposed by him, induced Champlain to surrender the fortress of Quebec, with all Canada, to the ^crown of England. Kirk's generosity to the colonists induced most of them to remain ; but, in 1632, three years afterwards, Canada, with Acadia, was restored, by the treaty of St. Germains, to France. The following year, Cham plain, who was most justly appointed governor, sailed with a squadron, carrying all necessary supplies, to Canada, where he found, on his arrival, most of his former colonists. The affairs of NeAV France now assumed a more prosperous aspect; and means were adapted for maintaining all possible harmony among the inhabitants, and preventing, as far as practicable, those religious disturbances Avhich had previously convulsed the colony. The company was taught, by former experience, that their indiscrimi nate acceptance of all Avho presented themselves as adventurers ready to embark for New France, constituted the leading cause of disorderly conduct and unsteady habits among the colonists; and it was therefore determined that in future none but men and women of unexceptionable character should- be sent to New France. In 1635, the Marquis de Gamoche, who had, some years before, joined the society of the Jesuits, commanded the establishment of that order at Quebec ; and Ave must acknowledge that this insti tution was, for the time, very useful in maintaining order, and preserving or inculcating morality, among the colonists. The death of Champlain, who was drowned this year in the lake which bears his name, was a grievous misfortune to Canada. In establishing and maintaining the colony, he surmounted difficul ties that few men would have had courage to encounter, and Tinder which thousands of men, with minds even above the com mon standard, Avould have succumbed. The soundness of his judgment, which led him to conclude that a region possessing such advantages as Canada, must, in the common course of events. become a great empire, stimulated and supported him in prose cuting, with undaunted perseverance, the vast undertaking in which he engaged. During the greater part of his active life, the sole object of his heart Avas to become the founder of a colony, which, he felt confident, would eventually attain to a summit of extraordinary power and grandeur. His anticipations have, since that period, been realized beyond those of most men who I CANADA. 269 have spent their lives, like him, in great undertakings. After his death, however, although the governor, M. de Montmagny, entered into the views of his predecessor, yet, as he lacked the experience, the scientific and professional abilities, and probably the confi dence of the inhabitants, which his predecessor had enjoyed, the improvements of the society slackened, and the fur trade alone seems to have been followed with any spirit. The ardent spirit of enthusiasm which went forth during that age, to accomplish the conversion of the aborigines of America, led to the establishment of religious institutions in Canada ; and although these establishments did little for the immediate improve ment of the colony, yet, as points of possession, occupied by per sons whose avocations were professedly holy and useful, they formed the foundation on which arose the superstructure of those morals and habits that still, and will long, characterize the Gallo- Canadians. The conduct of the nuns was, however, highly rep robated in the following century. The company of New France, who fulfilled none of the stipu lations of their charter, and who also found means to prevent the complaints of the inhabitants being heard, by the -ministers of the crown, did nothing tOAvards settling or cultivating the country; and the forts Avhich they erected at Richelieu and other places, were merely posts of defence, or store-houses for carrying on the fur trade. The habits of those employed in the service of the company, were also described as generally licentious, with char acters stamped with infamy. From among those men arose the race of vagabonds, known since that period by the name of Coureurs du Bois. Under such management, Canada languished for several years, while the Iroquois, with more experience in war, continued to harass the colony with unabated ferocity. The settlement at Montreal, which was very much exposed to the ravages of the Iroquois, suffered severely, and its extinction Avas only prevented by the arrival of M. D'Aillebout, in 1647, from France, with a reinforcement of one hundred men. In 1658, the Marquis d'Argenson arrived in Canada with the commission of governor- general ; and in the following summer Laval, Abbe de Montigny, and titular Bishop of Petrie,. landed at Quebec, Avith a brief from the pope constituting him' apostolic vicar. Curacies were at the same time established in Canada. The condition of the colony, at this period, appears to have been truly wretched. • Its defence and support were completely neglected by the company of New France, the associates of which, reduced to forty in number, at last gave up even the fur trade, for the seigneurial acknowledgement of one thousand beaver skins. 23* 270 BRITISH AMERICA. The Iroquois, who had spread terrible destruction among their old enemies, the Hurons and Algonquins, seemed also determined at this time to exterminate the French, and several hundreds of their warriors kept Quebec in a state little short of actual blockade, Avhile another band massacred a great number of the settlers at Montreal. The governor, who complained of ill health, requested his recall, and, in 1661, "he Avas relieved by the Baron D'Avargour, an officer of great integrity and resolution, but considered too inflexible for the situation he held. His decisive measures appear, however, to have saved Canada ; the defenceless state of which. and the natural beauty and importance of the country, he stated in such forcible language to the king, Avho was previously ignorant of its value or condition, that he immediately ordered four hun dred troops, with all necessary supplies, to Canada, accompanied by a special commission. Their arrival gave life and confidence to the colonists, who were then, for the first time, enabled to cultivate the soil Avith any security. A tremendous earthquake, which seems to have agitated the whole of Canada and a vast extent of the adjacent countries in 1663, is described by the French Avriters of that time, as accom panied by the most alarming phenomena, rendered more than usually terrific by the continuation of the shocks for nearly six months. About the same time, on the 5th of February, a loud rumbling noise, seemingly occasioned by the detonation of the atmosphere, was heard throughout the whole of these regions. The terrified inhabitants, having never heard of an earthquake in the country, at first conceived their houses to be on fire, and immediately flew out of doors, when their astonishment Avas increased by the. violent agitation of the earth and everything on its surface. The walls shook, the bells of the churches rang, and the doors flew open and closed again of themselves. The forest trees were seen all in violent motion, some thrown up by the roots, then with their tops bending nearly to the ground, first to one side, then to the other, or laid prostrate on the surface, from which again they were thrown up into the air. The ice, which covered the lakes and rivers, in many places some feet thick, was broken open, and frequently thrown, with rocks and mud from the bottom, up into the air. Clouds of dust obscured the sky. The waters Avere impregnated Avith sulphur, exhibiting yellow or reddish colors. From Tadousac to Quebec, about one hundred and thirty miles, the St. LaAvrence appeared white and thickly impregnated Avith sulphureous matter. The convulsion of elements produced the most awful and incessant sounds, roaring at one time like the sea, then reverber- CANADA. 271 ating like the rolling of thunder, and again as if mountains were bursting, and the rocks Avhich composed them cracking and rolling over each other. The darkness was rendered still more awful by the frequent flashes of lightning, or by the lamenta tions of the women, the cries of the children, and the howling of dogs and other animals. Walrusses and porpoises were said to have been seen as far up the St. Lawrence as Three Rivers, Avhere they never appeared before, as if equally terrified with the inhabitants of the land ; the former howling in the piteous man ner peculiar to them. The first shock continued without inter mission, for about half an hour ; this was followed by a second, equally violent. Thirty shocks were numbered during the night, and the whole country continued to be violently agitated at inter vals until the end of July. The company of New France, Avho had all along mismanaged the affairs of Canada, and who even lost the vast profits of its trade by neglecting, from ill-timed avarice, to provide for the exi gencies of the colony, at length surrendered their charter to the king, the powers and immunities of which were transferred, in 1664, to the company of the West Indies. Discovery of the great lakes. CHAPTER XXVIII. Tranquillity of the colony. — Mortality among the savages. — Voyages of Joliel and Marquette. — Discovery of the Ohio, the Mississippi and the Great Lakes. — Voyages of La Salla, Tonli and Hennipen. — English expedition against Quebec. — Ravages of the Iroquois. — Administration of De Vandreuil. — An English army poisoned by the savages. — General state of Canada. — Indian massacres. — Wolfe's expedition. — Capture of Quebec. — Submission of the whole province to the British. wm &s*a Death of Wolfe. From the year 1668, we find trie affairs of Canada so far pros perous, that little apprehension was entertained as to the colony being established on a permanent foundation, although the ferocity of the savages left no grounds for expecting a cessation of hostili ties for any definite period. The fur trade, however, was in a great measure intercepted by a fatal calamity, previously unknown to the inhabitants of the western Avorld. The small pox, more terrible to the savages than all the fire-arms of Europe, made its appearance this year among the tribes north of the St. Lawrence ; and its ravages carried off more than half their number. This contagion and the use of ardent spirits have probably since that time destroyed a greater portion of the aborigines of North Amer- CANADA. 273 ica, than war and all the diseases to which they were previously subjected. Fort Frontenac was built in 1672,, where Kingston now stands, for the purpose of awing the Indians, by Louis de Baude, Count de Frontenac, for whom, hoAvever, the right of ground was ob tained with great adroitness by his predecessor, M. de Courcelles, a man of great personal worth and practical abilities, but neither gifted with the splendid talents, nor blemished with the preju dices or defects of M. de Frontenac. During the administration of M. de Frontenac and his predecessor, M. de Courcelles, the French explored the greater part of Canada, and the savages were taught to regard the colonists with some degree of awe. M. Perrot, an indefatigable traveller, visited all the nations in the vicinity of the great lakes, who shortly afterwards sent deputies to meet the sub- delegates of the Intendant of New France, at the Falls of St. Mary, where they finally agreed that he should possess and occupy the place in the name of his sovereign, and a cross was then erected, on which were placed the arms of France. A tribe of the Hurons, who were converted and guided by Father Mar quette, were soon after established at Michilimakinak ; and the Iroquois, who were converted and separated from the rest of their nation, were settled about the same time on the south side of the St. Lawrence, at the Falls of St. Louis, near Montreal. In 1672, M. Talon, who, -during the period when he held the office of Intendant General, in which he Avas succeeded by M. de Chezneau, had extended the authority of France into the most distant part of Canada, concluded, from the reports of the Indians, that there existed, west of the great lakes, a vast river, which some of the savages called Mississippi, and others Meshashepi ; and the course of which flowed towards the south. He, there fore, determined not to leave America until he should ascertain the truth of this important information. For this purpose he employed Father Marquette, who had previously travelled over the greater part of Canada, and who was besides peculiarly qualified to gain the confidence and esteem of the savages. M. Joliet, a merchant of Quebec, and a man of well known abilities and experience, was associated with Father Marquette, in order to- examine more fully the commercial resources of the countries they should discover. They proceeded , to Lake Michigan, ascended' the river, which falls into an arm of the lake called Green Bay, nearly up to its source; from whence they crossed the coun try to the River Esconsin, or Wisconsin, which they descended until it unites with the Mississippi. The magnitude and depth of the Mississippi, even at this point, so many thousand miles frolft; I '2 274 BRITISH AMERICA. its mouth, exceeded the most exaggerated accounts they had received from the Indians. They floated down the stream, which was deep, smooth and seldom rapid, in a bark canoe, until they arrived at some villages of the Illinois, a few miles below the confluence of the Mississippi and the Missouri. The Illinois, who had heard of, but never before seen the French, seemed anxious to form an alliance with them, and they treated Marquette and Joliet with great hospitality. Leaving the Illinois, they descended the river to Arkansas, or about thirty degrees north, when the exhausted state of their stock, and the belief that the river dis embogued in the Gulf of Mexico, induced them to return. They ascended the Mississippi to the point where it receives the Illinois, up which they proceeded, and then crossed the country to Michi gan, Avhere they separated, Marquette remaining among the Miami s, while Joliet proceeded to Quebec. Although the Mississippi Avas thus discovered by way of Can ada, yet the advantages Avhich the discovery held out were neg lected for some time, in consequence of the death of Father Marquette and the return of M. Joliet to France. In 1678, the Sieur de la Salle, accompanied by the Chevalier Tonti, an Italian, arrived from France. He had previously spent some years in Canada, where he maintained a favorable understanding Avith M. de Frontenac. The king having granted him the seigniory of Cataracony, he proceeded thither and rebuilt the fort with stone. He then constructed a vessel and sailed to Niagara, accompanied by Tonti and Father Hennepin, a Flemish Recollet. Here they remained during the winter, attending to the fur trade; and on the following summer, they built a vessel for navigating Lake Erie. They sailed up that lake, and proceeded afterwards by different routes to Michilimakinak. Hennepin then proceeded to the Illinois, and La Salle returned to Cataraqui. Hennepin was afterwards despatched to the Mississippi, which he ascended to the Falls of St. Anthony. Three years were spent by La Salle. Tonti and Father Hennepin, in exploring these extensive regions and endeavoring to secure the alliance of the savages and the gains of the fur trade. Their sufferings on many occasions Avere exceedingly severe, and the difficult situations in which they frequently found themselves among the Indian tribes, required extraordinary address and resolution. On the 2d of February, 1682, La Salle, having reached the Mississippi, determined on sailing down to the ocean. On the 4th of March, he reached Arkansas, of which he took formal possession ; and on the 9th of April, he arrived at the Gulf of Mexico, by one of the mouths by which the Mississippi passes through its delta to the sea. He CANADA. 275 returned by the same route to Canada ; but, suffering severely from fatigue and sickness, he first sent Tonti before him, Avith the news of his discovery. The vast regions explored by these bold, adventurous men, Avatered by such immense rivers as the Mississippi and its'magnif- icent tributaries, although for some years closely connected with the affairs of New France, do not claim further notice in this portion of our history. Their great importance, as a part of the vast empire Avhich ,now forms the American Republic, we shall notice when treating of the United States. The peace of Canada still continued to be disturbed by various causes, which readily excited the ferocious spirit of the Iroquois, and which involved the Hurons, Algonquins and Abenaquis, in the wars occasioned by their suspicions, or by the jealousies of the French and English colonists. During the war which ensued between England and France, an expedition, fitted out under the command of Sir W. Phipps, sailed from Boston for the conquest of Quebec, and appeared in October, 1690, as far up the river as Tadousac, before its destination for Quebec was known. The defence of the tOAvn required all the vigilance of M. de Frontenac, and he lost no time in placing it in a fit condition to stand a siege. The squadron, consisting of thirty- four vessels of different descriptions, Avith seven thousand men on board, advanced as far as Beaufort, when Phipps sent a flag of truce to summon the tOAvn to surrender, which summons was gallantly rejected by M. de Frontenac. On the 18th, the English troops disembarked near the river St. Charles, but not without great loss by the sharp fire from the French musketry. Four of the largest ships, which anchored opposite the town, commenced a bombardment; but the fire from the batteries was directed with such effect, as to compel these vessels to remove up the riA^er, beyond the range of the fortifications. A sharp skirmish took place between the troops next day, in which neither side appears to have obtained much advantage; and, on the 20th, an action was fought, in which the English at first had the advantage, and pursued the French to the palisades of a large house, but here the French made a gallant stand, and compelled the English to retreat towards Beaufort, from which place they reembarked two days after, Avhen Sir W. Phipps raised the siege, and sailed with his squadron doAvn the river on the 23d. Seven or eight of his vessels Avere lost in the Gulf of St. LaAvrence. Before Phipps left Boston, it was arranged that a strong body of troops should march against Montreal, in order to create a division in the French forces. This Avas prevented by the defeo- 276 BRITISH AMERICA. tion of the Iroquois; and M. de Frontenac was consequently enabled to concentrate all his strength to defend Quebec. This circumstance, the failure of ammunition, and the approaching winter, rendered it expedient for Phipps to abandon the enter prise. In the following year the Iroquois renewed their depredations. About one thousand Avarriors appeared at the mouth of the Ottawa, landed on the Island of Montreal, at Point au Trembles, pillaged and burned thirty houses and barns, and carried off sev eral prisoners, whom they put to the most cruel tortures. Depre dations and cruelties were also extended to many of the other French settlements ; and various skirmishes took place between the French troops and the Iroquois, in which great numbers on both sides, and several French officers of rank and distinction, Avere sacrificed. The French, at last, treated their prisoners with nearly as much cruelty as was practised by the savages ; and M. de Frontenac, at length, by the unremitting vigor of his measures, secured the defence of the colony so far that, in 1692, the inhabi tants were enabled to cultivate their lands. The commerce in furs, although frequently interrupted, was also renewed and car ried on'with considerable advantage. In 1695, the fort at Frontenac was rebuilt, and additional se curity extended to the outposts at Michilimakinak and St. Joseph. In the following year M. de Frontenac made an expedition to the country of the Iroquois, and without proceeding to such extremity as his force empowered him, he burnt some of their villages, and liberated a number of French prisoners. Peace was concluded by England and France in 1698, and the English and French governors entered mutually into arrangements for maintaining harmony with the Indians. Although either the English or French, could now have crushed forever the power of the Iroquois, yet the anxieties manifested by each government to conciliate the regard of those savages, Avere carried to an extent which must have greatly flattered those people. This gave them an opinion of themselves that nothing but the jealousies of the English and French could Avarrant, and Avhich the savages Avell knew how to turn to their own advantage. Soon after the conclusion of a treaty of friendship with the Iro quois, Louis Count de Frontenac died, in the seventy-eighth year of his life, twenty of which he had spent in Canada, where his vigorous administration and his great personal abilities preserved the colony, with little assistance from France, and always secured to him the confidence of the king, the respect of his officers, even of those who Avere hostile to many of his measures, and the CANADA. 277 esteem of the Indians. He was succeeded by the Chevalier de Callieres, Avho had been for some years governor of Montreal, which office was supplied in the person of the Chevalier de Vau- dreuil. Some difficulties arose soon after in maintaining a good understanding with the savages, which were principally occa sioned by the English governor ; but the address of the French missionaries gave M. de Callieres an ascendant, which he held with great tact and able management, until his death, in 1703. His loss Avas great to Canada ; and although his powers of mind wanted the splendid points that cast such brilliant lustre on the government of M. de Frontenac, yet, from his great excellence of character, he was beloved and respected by all ; and having never violated his word to the Indians, he always retained their implicit confidence. The Marquis de Vaudreuil was then appointed to the chief command, on account of his great services in Canada, and agreeably also to the unanimous petition of the inhabitants to the king. The Indian tribes, among whom jealousies were fo mented by the English, and by numerous murders among them selves, occasioned much embarrassment in the affairs of Canada, during the administration of M. de Vaudreuil. He, however, managed to prevent the colonists from being molested, and the trade and cultivation of the country continued to improve and prosper. England and France being again at war, an expedition was sent, in 1709, from New York, which Avas joined by a great body of Iroquois and Mahingans. M- de Ramsey, Avith one thousand regular troops, together with a body of militia and savages, were sent to intercept them ; but the Avant of confidence in this com mander, or some jealous feelings entertained by the other officers, rendered the expedition fruitless, and it returned to Montreal with a few prisoners only. M. de Vaudreuil, however, lost no time in putting Quebec in a proper state of defence, and took every pre caution, by strengthening the outposts, to prevent the English entering Canada. The English were at this time fully confident of success; but the policy of an Iroquois chief not only blasted the hopes they had reasonably entertained, but subjected the army to the most severe distress. While the Iroquois warriors Avere exulting in the pros pect of entirely destroying the French, this crafty leader, to whom they had always listened with respect and deference, said to his people, " Ah ! but I have been considering what Avill become of us, if we destroy the French, who keep the English in check. The latter will then assuredly crush us in, order to possess our 24 278 BRITISH AMERICA. country. Let us not, therefore, foolishly bring certain ruin upon ourselves, merely to indulge our passions or to please the English. Let us rather leave the French and English in a position which will make either of them set a high value on our friendship." This was their former and favorite system; but as they considered it shameful to desert the English openly, they concluded on effect ing their purpose by enveloping their treachery under the most profound secrecy and diabolical cruelty. "The lawless savages," says Raynal, "the religious Hebrews, the Avise and warlike Greeks and Romans, in a word, all people, whether civilized or not, have always made what is called the rights of nations to consist in craft or violence." The English army halted on the banks of a small river, where they encamped and. Avaited for the artillery and ammunition, which were following at a slower rate than the march of the main body of the troops. The Iroquois, who, in the meantime, spent their leisure hours in hunting, flayed all the animals they killed, and sunk their skins in the river, a little above the English camp. The English, who had no suspicion of the fatal treachery, continued to drink of the poisoned water, and such numbers were carried off in consequence, that it soon became necessary to sus pend all military operations. They were, therefore, compelled to return to NeAV York, where they learned that the destination of the fleet, which was to proceed Avith troops to besiege Quebec, was changed, and that they were ordered to Lisbon, to protect Portugal from the Spaniards. Soon after the peace of Utrecht, the English built a fort on the banks of Lake Ontario, which secured them a great share of the fur trade. The French, also, rebuilt the fort at Niagara, and strengthened their garrison at Detroit, which commanded the great line of intercourse in their dealings with the Indians of the west, as Avell as the track of communication with Louisiana, the Illinois and the Mississippi, which Avas frequently interrupted by the warlike Antigamis, and their allies the Sioux and ChickasaAvs. M. de Vaudreuil, at length, brought these savages to pacific over tures ; and as a means of increasing the population of the French settlements and strengthening the garrison, he proposed that one hundred and fifty of the convicts Avhich Avere condemned in France to the galleys, should be annually sent to Canada. At this period, (1714,) there Avere no more than four thousand five hundred men, from fourteen to sixty years of age, able to bear arms, in all Canada, while the English colonies could raise about sixty thousand. CHAPTER XXIX. General state of Canada. — Indian massacres. — Wolfe's expedition. — Capture of Quebec by the British. — Submission of the whole province to the British. — Government adopted for Canada. — The British constitution introduced into Canada. — Maladministration. — Disaffection of the Canadians. — Demand for reforms. — Insurrection of 1837. — The American "sympathizers." — Affair of the steamboat Caroline. — Lord Durham appointed governor. — Battle of Odell- town. — Declaration of independence. — Battle of Prescott. — Incursion of the sympathizers at Sandwich. — The insurrection suppressed. — Affair of MLeod. Farm in Canada. Canada enjoyed a long period of tranquillity under the adminis trations of De Vaudreuil, and Beauharnois, Galissoniere, Jonquiere, Longueil and Du Quesne, his successors. In 1755, the Sieur de Vaudreuil Cavagnal assumed the government. The origin of the Avar, which broke out at this period between England and France, Avill be related in the history of the United States. Canada was soon menaced with hostilities. The defeat of Braddock took place in 1755, and the following year the Marquis de Montcalm, who had arrived in Canada from France, with a strong force, destroyed the English fort of Oswego, the outAvorks of Fort George, and a flotilla, designed to attack Crown Point. Fort George was cap tured by the French and Indians the year after, and tAvo thou sand people Avere massacred by the savages, under the command of Montcalm. This outrage, instead of striking a terror into the British and Americans, aroused them to resistance, and led the way to a series of vigorous military operations, which, in a short space of time, resulted in the total overthroAv of the French 280 BRITISH AMERICA. power in North America. A grand scheme was projected for the conquest of Canada, by attacking Quebec, Fort Niagara, Ticon deroga and Crown Point. The army despatched against Quebec was placed under the command of General Wolfe; the fleet designed for the same service was commanded by Admiral Saunders. General Amherst marched against Ticonderoga and CroAvn Point, and Sir William Johnson, who succeeded General Prideaux, against Niagara. In the month of June, 1759, the English fleet reached the island of Orleans, where Wolfe landed Avith an army of eight thousand. The French disposable forces, exclusive of the garri son of Quebec, consisted of about ten thousand men, with a reserve of tAvo thousand. Wolfe first attempted the entrench^ ments of Montmorenci, landing his troops under cover of the fire from the ships of war; but he was gallantly repulsed by the French. After some delay, it was determined to effect a landing so as to carry the Heights of Abraham, above Quebec. This daring resolution Avas effected on the 1.2th of September, with surprising secrecy and intrepidity. The ships of war sailed nine miles up the river, above Quebec, to Cape Rouge. This feint deceived M. Bourgainville, who, with his division of the French army, proceeded still farther up along the banks of the river, to prevent the British debarking. During the night the English ships dropped doAvn silently Avith the current to Wolfe's Cove, and at four o'clock in the morning the troops began to land. At eight, the British army ascended the precipitous heights, with tAvo field-pieces in front ; the forty-eighth regiment and the light infantry forming a. reserve, and the royal Americans covering the landing. The Marquis de Montcalm, who Avas then at Beauport, marched across the St. Charles on the 13th, and imprudently formed in front of the British army, with only one field-piece, and before he could concentrate all his disposable forces. He then advanced most gallantly ; but the scattered, quick firing of the troops, which commenced when Avithin about two hundred and fifty yards of the English line, Avas far from' being so effective as that of the British. The latter moved forward regularly, firing steadily, until within twenty or thirty yards of the enemy, when they gave a general volley, and the French were soon after routed. Bour gainville had just then appeared in sight, but the fate of Canada was decreed,— the critical moment was gone, — and he retired to Point au Trembles, where he encamped, and from thence he retreated to Three Rivers and Montreal. There was also a body of French troops near Beauport, which were not engaged. Had CANADA. 281 all the forces been concentrated under Montcalm, it is doubtful if the heroism of the British troops could have secured the victory. The most extraordinary bravery was displayed both by the Eng lish and the French. Both armies lost their commanders. Wolfe expired with victory accompanying the close of his splen did career. At the age of thirty-five, when but few men begin even to appear on the theatre of great deeds, inheriting no family pretensions, and unassisted by faction or intrigue, he held a com mand of the highest responsibility, and with a truly unblemished character, fulfilled the most sanguine expectations of his country. The Marquis de Montcalm, an officer of equal bravery, died of his wounds a few days after. Quebec capitulated on the 18th, to General Murray, Avho succeeded to the command. He, however, committed a most egregious error sometime afterwards, by leaving Quebec to attack M. Levi, who was encamped with the French army at Sillery, and who completely defeated General Murray, and compelled him to retire within the walls of Quebec, Avith the loss of his artillery and nearly one third of his army. The fort at Niagara was in the meantime reduced by Sir Wil liam Johnston, and the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point by General Amherst. They were consequently enabled to concen trate their forces and form a junction with General Murray. Previously to this, on learning that the English fleet was in the St. LaAvrence, and that the armament sent from France to relieve Quebec Avas captured in the Bay de Chaleur, by a squadron from Louisburg under Captain Byron, the French forces retreated to Montreal, where the governor-general, M. de Vaudreuil, deter mined to make a desperate stand. Being, however, invested by the united forces of the three British generals, he found further resistance useless, and capitulated on the 8th of September, 1760, Avhen Montreal and all the French fortresses in Canada Avere surrendered to Great Britain. The peace of 1762 secured the permanent possession of Canada to that nation. An attempt was made at first to give an English form of gov ernment to Canada, but this policy Avas changed at the period of the American revolution, and care was then taken to separate Canada as much as possible from the other British colonies, by a close observance of French usages. In 1791, however, through the exertions of Mr. Pitt, a constitution was established, similar in general spirit to that of Great Britain, with legislative bodies con sisting partly of hereditary and partly of representative members. There appears to have been considerable mal-administration from the beginning, and the Canadians were uttering constant com plaints. Nothing particularly worthy of attention occurred for a 24* j2 282 • BRITISH AMERICA. long period, except the events connected with the war of the rev olution and that of 1812, which are reserved for the history of the United States. Great uneasiness began to manifest itself among the Canadians in 1834. Complaints against the authority of the council which was appointed by the crown, and the oppressive action of the law of tenures, showed the deep dissatisfaction of the people Avith the government. These grievances increased from year to year ; the legislature became involved in altercations with the governor ; the English cry of " Reform" was raised in Canada, and, in 1837, the Canadian House of Assembly boldly protested against the arbi trary conduct of the British government, and declared that they should suspend their deliberations till the proposed reforms were effected. The French population, particularly, were enthusiastic in their opposition to the British government, and one of their class, Papineau, distinguished himself above all others of the reform party in the legislature. Towards the end of 1837, the disaffection had risen to an alarming height. The troops were put in preparation for a popular outbreak, and reinforcements ordered from Halifax. A great popular meeting of the French patriots was held at St. Charles, in the county of Richelieu, and many attended with arms. They set up a pole, surmounted by a cap of liberty; Papineau and other popular orators addressed them; patriotic hymns were sung, and the whole assembly took an oath to devote themselves to their country. This was the signal for open insurrection. Acts of violence soon followed, and many arrests were made. A troop of cavalry, escorting a number of prisoners, was attacked and put to the rout by the insurgents. The disturbances extended from the city of Montreal to the Niagara frontier. The revolutionary forces were much augmented by bands of adventurers, or " sympathizers," from the United States. This caused much ill blood betAveen the two nations, and led to an affair which threatened to involve the United States and Great Britain in war. A body of the revolutionists had encamped on Navy Island, in the River Niagara, just above the falls. A steamboat called the Caroline, belonging to an American, had been employed in making trips betAveen the American shore and this island. On the night of the 29th of December, 1837, while the Caroline was lying at Schlosser, within the limits of the state of New York, she was boarded by an armed party of British, set on fire, and sent over the cataract. One of her crew was killed. This occurrence became the subject of a long correspondence between the American and British governments, which we shall advert to more particularly in its place. CANADA. 283 The British had a strong military force in Canada, and the attempts at insurrection, in 1837, were quickly suppressed. Papi neau and other leaders fled the country ; others were arrested. In 1838, Lord Durham was appointed governor-general of Canada; but before he could reach his government, the insurrectionary movements had recommenced. On the 30th of May, a body of persons, principally from the American border, captured and burnt the British steamboat Sir Robert Peel, in the St. Lawrence. Acts of hostility against the government now began to multiply, not withstanding the most strenuous exertions made by the troops to suppress them. An insurrection at Montreal was projected, but the plot was discovered in season ; the leaders were arrested, and guards placed all over the city. The country, however, was now rising. On the 6th of November, four thousand of the insurgents collected at Napierville, but withdrew on the approach of a strong British force. A body of sympathizers, on their march to join them, were attacked and defeated by the British, with the loss of several killed, three hundred stand of arms, and a field-piece taken. On the 9th, a battle was fought at Odelltown, where a body of nine hundred insurgents attacked the royalists, who were posted in a church ; the former were repulsed, with the loss of one hundred killed and Avounded. Early in November, a meeting of fourteen thousand persons, principally of the French population, Avas held near Montreal. A declaration of independence Avas issued, and various reforms proclaimed ; among others, the abolition of feudal tenures and the confiscation of the crown lands. On the 12th, a force of five hun dred sympathizers crossed the St. Lawrence from the American shores, and landed at Prescott, in Upper Canada. The British had three armed steamboats and a strong force of regulars, marines and militia, at that place. The invaders took possession of a stone building and a windmill. The British attacked them, but were repulsed with great slaughter, and drew off to a place of safety. Four days afterwards, the British received a strong rein forcement of troops, with heavy artillery. The attack was now repeated, and after repeated assaults, which continued till near night, the sympathizers were defeated, and two hundred and forty of them taken prisoners. In the meantime, the sympathizers extended their incursions as far as the Detroit frontier. On the 4th of December, a body of four hundred landed at Sandwich and burnt a steamboat and the military barracks. The president of the United States issued his proclamation, calling upon the mili tary and civil authorities and all good citizens to use their utmost endeavors to suppress these lawless irruptions ; but from the great 284 BRITISH AMERICA. extent of the Canadian frontier, and the small force maintained at the military posts, such proceedings could not be wholly prevented. All the attempts of the insurgents, however, proved unavailing; the rebellion was crushed by the vigilance and activity of the Canadian government, and the prisoners were put upon their trial. Many were executed, but the greater part were transported to Van Diemen's Land, where they remain to the present day. Lord Durham resigned his office, and soon after, the British parliament united the two provinces of Canada into one. The new govern ment went into operation in February, 1841. During this year the amicable relations between the United States and Great Britain were seriously threatened, by an occur rence which greAV out of the affair of the steamboat Caroline. In January, 1841, a British resident in Canada, named M'Leod, while on a visit to the state of New York, was arrested and im prisoned at Lockport, on a charge of having been concerned in that affair. The British cabinet now, for the first time, avowed the act of the destruction of the Caroline, and their minister at Washington called upon the American government for the imme diate liberation of M'Leod, on the ground that he was not respon sible for his conduct when acting under orders from his superior. The American secretary of state replied that M'Leod's offence was one committed against the laws of the state of New York, and that the federal authority could not interfere. Much more cor respondence ensued, and the subject caused great excitement both in the United States and England. M'Leod was indicted for murder at Utica in New York, and the announcement of this proceeding caused great indignation and threats of war in Eng land. The borders of Canada Avere again menaced with distur bances, and during the progress of the trial, a party of royal dragoons crossed the Vermont line, made prisoner of an American citizen, and carried him off into Canada. The governor, however, instantly disavowed this act, and set the prisoner at liberty. The trial of M'Leod took place at Utica, and after the examination of a great number of witnesses, it was fully proved that he had no share in the destruction of the Caroline. On this ground, he was acquitted, and allowed to return to Canada unmolested. Since this period nothing has happened to disturb the tranquillity of the province. CHAPTER XXX. Nova Scotia discovered by Cabot. — Expedition of De Monts. — Settlement on the St. Johns. — Port Royal. — Labors of Potrincourt.~— Settlement of the French at Mount Desert.— The English attack the Acadian settlements, and expel the French. — Attempt of Sir William Alexander lo colonize the country with English. — The Baronets of Nova Scotia. — The country restored to France. — La Tour's colony. — Heroism and tragical fate of Madame La Tour. — Nova Scotia subjected by the arms of Cromwell. — Expedition of Phipps against Port Royal. — The country again ceded to the French. — Expedition of Colonel Church against Nova Scotia. — Final acquisition of the country by Great Britain. Discovery of Nova Scotia. The discovery of Nova' Scotia by Cabot, in 1497, and the pos session taken of Newfoundland by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and afterwards of the continent by his brother, Sir John, form the foundation of right by which England claimed Nova Scotia and the adjacent countries. The spirit of colonizing it, hoAvever, seems to have languished on the part of the English. It was otherwise with France. De Monts, a French Protestant, and a gentleman of enterprising, resolute spirit, obtained a commission, in 1603, from Henry IV, of France, constituting him governor of all the countries of America, from forty to forty-six degrees north, under the name of New France, Avhich included Nova Scotia, then and long after called Acadia. Several French adventurers having previously visited Acadia and Canada, the vast profits they real- 286 BRITISH AMERICA. ized by bartering European commodities for furs, created at that time an extraordinary spirit of enterprise among the French merchants ; and, as De Monts had, by his charter, secured a monopoly of the fur trade, a great number of the wealthy men readily associated themselves with him. They soon equipped and fitted out four ships, loaded with all necessary stores and suitable goods; and in March, 1604, they sailed from Havre. De Monts having the chief command, accompanied by Samuel Champlain, the celebrated navigator of the St. Lawrence, as pilot, and Potrincourt and Champdore, with numerous volunteer adventurers. De Monts arrived, on the 15th of May, at the har bor in Nova Scotia, which now bears the name of Liverpool, where he found a French adventurer, named Rossignol, trading without commission for furs with the Indians. He confiscated this man's property, naming the harbor Port Rossignol, as if to console him, for the loss of his wealth, by this mark of honor. From this place De Monts coasted westward to Port Morton, where he landed and formed an encampment. De Monts soon after despatched a ship to Tadousac, a spacious harbor on the north side of the St. Lawrence, at the mouth of the river Saghunny. The other two vessels were ordered to cruise along the shores of Cape Breton and the island of St. John, and off the coast of Acadia, within the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in order to prevent unauthorized adventurers from trading with the natives. De Monts, in the ship immediately under his command, then proceeded Avesterly and sailed into St. Mary's Bay, where he discovered iron ore. He traversed the coasts of the Bay of Fundy, which he called La Baie Franchise ; and, by the narrow strait now called Digby Gut, on the east side, entered a beautiful and extensive basin, with which, and the surrounding prairies and luxuriant woods, Potrincourt Avas so much charmed as to select it for his place of settlement. He, accordingly, received a grant of it from De Monts, named it Port Royal, and soon after returned to France, for the purpose of carrying out his family and the means of establishing himself in Acadia. De Monts, meantime, discovered, on the festival of St. John, a large river, Avhich he named after that saint. He afterward sailed southward till he came to the river now called St. Croix. On a small island at the entrance of this river, they commenced form ing a settlement, by clearing some acres of land, building a maga zine, a place of worship, several houses, and erecting a fort and battery. This place had, however, scarcely any advantage to recommend it, except its being easily defended. It Avas most im- providently chosen, as it afforded neither fresh water nor proper NOVA SCOTIA. 287 fuel for winter, nor was it the haunt of game. Out of the Avhole number of seventy-six, which formed De Monts' colony, thirty-seven were carried off by scurvy, produced by living on salt meat and having no water but what Avas procured by melting snow. When the Avinter broke up, De Monts, after examining the coast as far as Cape Cod, in search of a more fit place for settlement, resolved on abandoning St. Croix, and removing altogether, along with Pontgrave, who had then arrived with supplies from Europe, to Port Royal. In this place they soon established themselves, and, with the usual success of the French in negotiating with the savages, secured the friendship of the Indians. De Monts sailed for France in autumn, leaving Pontgrave, Champdore and Cham plain, in command of the colony. In May following, De Monts and Potrincourt sailed from France, and after a tedious passage, reached Canseau, from whence he de spatched a party of Indians to communicate his arrival to the settlers at Port Royal. Pontgrave had previously attempted to explore the coast south of Cape Cod, agreeably to the instructions of De Monts, but was driven back and shipwrecked near the entrance of Port Royal. In consequence of this disaster, he built tAvo small vessels, and putting all he could on board of them, and leaving two volunteers in charge of the remaining stores, he then proceeded to Canseau, before the arrival of the messengers from De Monts, but returned on meeting with a boat's crew Avhich De Monts had left at that place. It was considered that, notwithstanding the energy of De Monts, the settlements of Port Royal would have been unsuccessful, were it not for measures pointed out by Lescarbot, a gentleman bred to the law, but who, from personal attachment, accompftiied Potrin court. He showed the urgent necessity of importing and breed ing domestic cattle, and of cultivating the soil, in order to become independent of the Indians for food, or of receiving supplies of provisions from Europe. The settlers would then, he contended, be more secure in trading with the natives, by living more com pactly, and not subjected to chance for the means of procuring food. De Monts left Acadia for France, in August, 1606. Still anxious to establish a colony further south, he despatched Potrincourt, in another vessel, to explore* the country to the southward of Cape Cod; but this, like his former voyage, was quite unsuccessful, and he returned to Port Royal in November, where he was received with great joy, friendship and respect, by Pontgrave Lescarbot and Champlain. The winter being remarkably mild and the spring early, these respectable adventurers appear, from 288 BRITISH AMERICA. Lescarbot's account, to have passed their time most agreeably and socially. At their principal mess-table, Pontgrave, Champlain, Lescarbot, and twelve others, dined, taking upon them the offices of president and caterer, in daily rotation. They diverted them selves in making short hunting excursions, and in employing their people in building two small shallops, and in erecting a mill. After Avaiting, however, a long time for the arrival of De Monts with supplies from France, a vessel at last appeared from Can seau, bringing only a few provisions and stores, and the mortify ing information that the charter of De Monts was revoked, in consequence of the remonstrances made against it by the French merchants, and that he was therefore under the necessity of re linquishing all connexion with Acadia. The highminded Potrincourt, distressed, but not disheartened, at this intelligence, received at a time when the colony was so far established, that nothing but a substantial right to the soil and some further assistance in the way of supplies, Avere necessary to ensure its prosperity and permanency, resolved to return to France, for the purpose, if possible, of obtaining both. He did not leave Acadia, however, until he was enabled to carry with him samples of wheat and other agricultural produce, some native animals and several specimens of minerals, Avhich, on his arrival in France, he presented to the king. He succeeded in obtaining a grant of Port Royal, encumbered, hoAvever, with a stipulation to provide for two Jesuits, Avho were to accompany him for the con version of the savages. This condition Avas exceedingly disa greeable to such a spirit as that of Potrincourt; and soon after his arrival at Port Royal, he did not scruple to let them knoAv his determination to exclude them from all interference Avith his affairs. Hef justly told them "that their duty was limited to teaching men the way to heaven, and that it remained for him to govern and direct those under him on earth." Potrincourt, who, unAvisely, though honestly, despised them, made their situation far from agreeable; and their repeated complaints against him and his son, Biencourt, Avere apparently terminated by the arrival of a vessel, despatched in 1613, by their patroness, a pious lady, of the name of De Gaucherville. This ship, having on board two priests and some emigrants, carried away the two Jesuits from Port Royal ; and, sailing out of the Bay of Fundy, they fixed on the island of Mount Desert, lying a few miles north of Penobscot Bay, as a proper situation for a settlement. Here they commenced by erecting a cross, setting up the arms of their lady patroness, and naming the place St. Saviour's. While proceeding rapidly with their buildings and improve- NOVA SCOTIA. 289 ments, they were surprised by an English ship-of-war from Vir ginia, commanded by Captain Argall, who pillaged the place and compelled them to surrender as prisoners of war, for having en croached upon and settled within the English limits. One of the Jesuits was shot through the head, while urging the settlers to defend themselves ; two ships that lay at anchor were seized, in one of which most of the prisoners were sent to France; the others Avere carried to Virginia. This affair led to the fitting out of an armament from Virginia, commanded by Argall, for the purpose of dislodging the French settled in Acadia. Argall, piloted by the Jesuit, Beart, who thirsted for revenge against his persecutor, Potrincourt, proceeded to Port Royal, now commanded by Bien- court, the son of Potrincourt, and destroyed the fort, but spared the mills and cornfields. Biencourt attempted to treat with him, offering Argall an equal share in the trade, if he could obtain the protection of England, and the person of the hated Jesuit ; but the conference ended by some of the French associating themselves with the savages, others leaving the place for Quebec, to join Champlain, and by those who surrendered being sent to England. This outrageous proceeding of Argall, during a time of pro found peace between England and France, cannot be defended on the slightest ground of justice ; and it may be safely assigned principally to the thirst for plunder, and partly to religious bigotry. By this unwarrantable waste, robbery and violation pf private property, to which force alone gave authority, the first settlement made in Acadia was destroyed in 1613 or 1615, after prospering for eight or ten years, and without experiencing a share of that ferocious opposition from the savages, which proved so dreadfully fatal to the early attempts of the English at colonization. Although the French settlements in Acadia were djstroyed, the country was neglected by England until 1621, Avhen Sir William Alexander obtained a grant of the whole territory called Acadia from James I., and the name of the country was changed to that of Nova Scotia. Sir William was an accomplished gentleman of high literary attainments, the author of several tragedies, and well known at the court of James I., Avho afterwards appointed him a secretary of state, and created him a baron, with the title of Viscount Stirling. During the summer which followed the date of his patent, Sir William Alexander despatched a vessel, with a small colony, for Nova Scotia, which, owing to delay and a long passage, Avas forced to winter at Newfoundland. This ship proceeded on her voyage in the spring, visited a few harbors in Nova Scotia, and then returned to England, without any attempt being made to establish a settlement. A most Utouiait 25 K2 ^ 290 BRITISH AMERICA. account of the country and climate Avas published from the de- criptions of those who performed this voyage. From the time Port Royal was destroyed, to 1623, great num bers of French and several Dutch adventurers resorted to the province, and occupied different parts of the country, where they carried on a profitable fur trade, as well as a fishing at Canseau and in some other harbors. The Avar with France, however, which commenced in the early part of the reign of Charles I., completely crushed the French plantations in Acadia; and that monarch not only confirmed the grant to Sir William Alexander, but completed what James had intended, namely, the establish ment of the order of baronets of Nova Scotia. The institution of this order was ratified by parliament, and the number limited to one hundred and fifty. Certain stipulations contained in the grants of land attached to these titles, were at first required to be fulfilled before they were confirmed by the king. At present the title of baronet of Nova Scotia is conferred without regard to number, according to the sovereign's pleasure, and with all the privileges and rank of baronets of Scotland. In 1627, Sir William Alexander, assisted by a French Calvin- ist, by the name of Kirckt, who fled to England from Dieppe, in France, on the score of religious persecution, fitted out a few ves sels, well armed, for Nova Scotia. This squadron, commanded by Kircht, who was also made a baronet, under the title of Sir David Kirk, proceeded on the voyage, and fell in with a fleet of French transports, laden with stores and one hundred and thirty- five pieces of ordnance, intended for Quebec and Port Royal. These vessels they captured, and in the following year reduced Port Royal. No settlement, however, was made at this period ; and two years after, Sir William Alexander, discouraged at the failure of his attempts to colonize Nova Scotia, transferred the whole, except Port Royal, to Claude de la Tour, a French Protes tant, who was on board the transports captured by Sir David Kirk. La Tour possessed wealth, spirit and an enterprising mind; and while residing, after his capture, in England, he married a lady of the queen's household, and Avas knighted. He proceeded to Nova Scotia, Avhere he had a son, Etienne de la Tour, still at Cape Sable, and commanding a fort on the part of France. No entreaty which his father could use, would induce him to submit to the power of England, and in consequence Sir Claude was •unsuccessful in forming a settlement. The treaty of St. Germain, in 1632, gave Nova Scotia, with Cape Breton and Canada, again to France ; and a long train of unfor tunate and vexatious circumstances attended the American colo- NOVA SCOTIA. 291 nies in consequence. Canada, Acadia, Cape Breton and St. John's Island, were then placed under the government of a company of merchants. These were embodied by royal charter, and styled, "The Company of New France," under whose vassalage Acadia was now governed by M. Razillais. The lands of the colony were divided principally between the governor, Avhose share fell to his successors, Daubre Charnise Mon. Denys and Etienne de la Tour. The jealousies of Charnise and La Tour, arising prin cipally from rivalship in the fur trade, partook for many years of a similar spirit to that which" directed the predatory warfare of feudal chieftains ; and Mon. Denys, Avho occupied the country from Cape Canseau to Gaspe, and who built a fort and resided at Chedebucto, where he carried on a profitable fur trade, was finally ruined by the intrigues of his countrymen, and driven from this country. La Tour's principal establishment was on the river St. John. His wife appears, from the records of that period, to have been a most extraordinary woman, possessing fortitude and courage sel dom surpassed even, by the heroines of romance Madame de la Tour, having had occasion to visit England, on the affairs of her husband, engaged, on her return, Avith the master of a vessel, to land her at the river St. John. This person, instead of doing so, proceeded to Cape Breton and the countries within the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he continued during the summer, trading with the savages, and afterwards sailed for Boston. Madame de la Tour Avas detained during this period on board the ship of this European savage, suffering all the miseries of a protracted voyage and the most painful uneasiness of mind. On landing at Boston, she commenced an action against the villanous captain, and recovered about two thousand pounds damages. She then pro ceeded to the fort at the river St. John, where, during the absence of her husband, she Avas besieged by Charnise, whom she beat off with extraordinary heroism, by disabling his ship, and killing and wounding several of his men. Some time after, the brutal Charnise, taking again the advantage of La Tour's absence, attacked his fort, and Madame de la Tour, with astonishing bravery, undertook its defence ; but, at length, in order to save the lives of her feAv remaining men, she accepted the terms of capitulation proposed by Charnise. On entering the fort, this brutal tyrant, enraged at having been once so gallantly repulsed, and a second time so gallantly resisted by a female, hanged all the prisoners except one, whom he com pelled to execute the rest. He then led Madame de la Tour, with a halter round her neck, to a tree, where she was exposed for 292 BRITISH' AMERICA. some time, and then hanged ; although some accounts state that she died from the effects of the indignant treatment she had re ceived, and grief for the fate of her brave and faithful people. Charnise then destroyed the fort, and carried the ordnance and all La Tour's effects to Penobscot, to which place he had removed from La Have. La Tour's own character, however, was none of the fairest, and the records of Massachusetts Bay charge him with disgraceful conduct. He afterwards went to Canada and Hudson's Bay, where he was concerned in the fur trade, but returned on the death of Charnise, whose widow he married ; and by the death of a pious lady of St. Omer's, a sister of Charnise, he became pos sessed of all his property in Nova Scotia. La Tour remained in peaceable possession till 1654, when an armament, despatched by Oliver Cromwell, conquered the province. Disgusted with his own countrymen, who Avere about to dislodge him by intrigue and force, Avhen Acadia submitted to the arms of England, "La Tour transferred his allegiance, and two years after, he obtained a grant of his lands from Cromwell. He afterwards sold his lands and property in Nova Scotia, to Sir Thomas Temple, who, after spending large sums in forming establishments and securing a profitable share in the fur trade, was most unjustly deprived of the whole by the treaty of Breda, which ceded the province again to France. An armament, sent in 1690, from Massachusetts, under the command of Sir William Phipps, retook Port Royal, levelled its fortifications, and burnt the establishments at Chedebucto. The object of this expedition appears to have been more to annoy the French than to possess the country. It was, however, considered as a conquered province, and added, by a new charter, to the gov ernment of Massachusetts. Some aggressions on the part of France, who still occupied the usual places of resort for the fur trade, and the demolition by Villibon, the French governor, and the Baron Castine, reinforced by two ships of war, of the English fort of Pemaquid, were resented by an expedition from Boston, under the command of Colonel Church. He sailed up the Bay of Fundy, drove most of the Acadians to the woods, and on the refusal of those who surrendered to join the English in pursuit of the Indians, he burnt their church and all their houses, destroyed their cattle, and demolished the dikes which guarded their rich marshes from the sea. In 1696, the treaty of Ryswick gave Nova Scotia again to France, and that government soon after entered with spirit and resolution into measures for colonizing the province, and securing NOVA SCOTIA. 293 its fur trade, and especially its fisheries. The latter, in which for some time the English had participated largely, became the fertile cause of dispute between the NeAV England colonists and the French in Nova Scotia. The French government also encour aged the pirates, who infested the coasts, to commit depredations on the shores of Massachusetts and on the English fishing ves sels, by offering them an asylum, and the means of disposing of their plunder at La Have. The people of New England retalia ted in 1704, by despatching Colonel Church a second time, with about six hundred troops, to pillage the French settlements in Nova Scotia. He proceeded to Passamaquoddy, where he burnt all the houses, and seized the property of the inhabitants. He then crossed the bay to Port Royal, and serit boats, with a detach ment, to Minas, where they plundered and destroyed three flour ishing villages. On their return to Port Royal, Church discovered that the fortresses built since he destroyed the place eight years before, were too strong to be taken by the force under his com mand. He, therefore, sailed to Chignecto, where he laid waste all the settlements, and carried all the plunder to Massachusetts. The New England states, still unwilling to relinquish the con quest of Nova Scotia, raised a thousand troops, who were despatched, in 1707, with two ships of war, to take Port Royal ; but they were repulsed by M. Subercuse, who succeeded Brouil- lard. The same force was soon after sent again from New England to Port Royal, but they returned a second time equally unsuccessful. The conquest of Port Royal, was, however, determined upon by the English; and, in 1710, an armament, commanded by General Nicholson, an able and brave officer, consisting of four men-of-war, nineteen transports, and four provincial regiments, appeared before Port Royal. With the exception of those on board one vessel that was wrecked, the troops landed without difficulty. Batteries were immediately erected by the English, and, after a heavy cannonading on both sides, the garrison capitu lated. The conditions were most honorable both to General Nicholson and the gallant Subercuse. Notwithstanding this, France still seemed anxiously disposed to regain possession of Nova Scotia; but the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, secured the province to England. The name of Port Royal Avas now changed, in honor of Queen Anne, to Annapolis ; the fortifications were repaired and strength ened, and General Nicholson appointed as. first resident British governor. He arrived at Annapolis in 1714, but could not suc ceed in obtaining the allegiance of the French settlers, who, by 25* 294 BRITISH AMERICA. the capitulation of Port Royal, were alloAved two years to retire with their effects from the province. In 1719, Colonel Phipps arrived, and succeeded Governor Nicholson ; and, by the royal instructions, established a council to assist him in managing the civil affairs of the colony. The province, at this period, Avas re sorted to only by trading adventurers, and there Avere no resident inhabitants but the Acadian French. These colonists, although abandoned by their hereditary sovereign, refused to transfer their allegiance to the British crown. Clinging, with extraordinary affection and lingering hopes, to France, it was long, and then with wonderful reluctance, before many of these unfortunate and ill-used people were induced to swear fealty to the king of Eng land. From this period to the peace of 1763, that succeeded the conquest of Louisburg and Canada, Nova Scotia was incessantly harassed by the savages. CHAPTER XXXI. Slow progress of the settlement. — Indian hostilities. — The Acadian French. — Conquest of Cape Breton and St. John's.— Expedition of D'Anville against Nova Scotia. — Disasters of the French. — Cape Breton given up. — Foundation of Halifax. — Indian wars. — Expedition to Chignecto. — Continuation of hostili ties by the Indians and Acadian French.— Capture of Beau Sejour. — Devasta tion of Chigntcto and expulsion of the French inhabitants. — Expedition of Admiral Holborne. — Re-conquest of Cape Breton. — Nova Scotia and its depen dencies finally secured to Great Britain. Hudson's Bay Territory. — The Boston settlers. — Prince Rupert's expedition. — Incorporation of the Hudson's Bay Company. — Discoveries of Hearne, Mackenzie, Ross, Parry, Franklin and Back. Russian America. — Discoveries of Behring and Tchirikow. — Settle ments of the Russians. The settlement of Acadia was long disregarded by the British, although the governors issued proclamations, which stated their readiness to grant lands on favorable terms to emigrants. But the New England and Southern States were at this time in a con dition to afford abundant room for new settlers, and the emigrants, especially farmers, preferred removing to those places where others had previously gone, and of whom, or of their success, they had some knowledge. Very few, therefore, except trading adventur ers, resorted for a long time to Nova Scotia. A considerable fishery was, previously to 1720, established at Canseau harbor ; but during the autumn of that year, a desperate attack was made on this place by the Indians, several persons were killed, all the property plundered, and the merchants ruined. It became, at length, necessary to resort to resolute and effective measures against the Indians. On the west coast of the Bay of Fundy, the Abenaqui tribe were entirely governed by a Jesuit priest, named Pere Ralle, and by a son of the Baron Castine, who was half Indian. The latter, whom they considered their cacique or leader, was arrested, but soon afterwards released. He and Pere Ralle resided at Kennebec ; and an expedition against the Indians and Acadians settled in this place, Avas despatched from Massa chusetts, which defeated both with great slaughter, and among the killed was Pere Ralle. The chapel, crucifix, and all that was considered idolatrous, were then destroyed, the goods plundered, and the buildings subjected to conflagration. The fate of Pere Ralle Avas much deplored by the Indians, and it was maintained 296 BRITISH AMERICA. that the provincials, after he was killed, treated his body with the most brutal barbarity. Soon after the beginning of the war with France, in 1744, Can seau was destroyed by an expedition sent from Louisburg. The Indians, also, recommenced their hostilities ; and, under the direc tion of a French priest, and with some troops, under the command of an officer from Cape Breton, besieged Annapolis. They were, however, compelled to raise the siege. Annapolis was again attacked by about one thousand Indians and several Acadians, commanded by French officers. These were also repulsed, and Louisburg and the island of St. John were taken the folloAving year, by the New England troops, under General Pepperel, as already related in the history of the United States. The conquest of Cape Breton and St. John's was of serious consequence to France, while it secured Nova Scotia, in a great measure, against the depredations of the savages, and gave the British ships-of-war the advantage of all the harbors on the coasts of America, with the consequent effectual means of annoy ing the commerce of France. The harbor of Louisburg and the possession of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, were, however, objects of too much importance to the French nation, to be abandoned to England, without an extraordinary effort to recover these colo nies. One of the most powerful fleets that had ever left France for North America, was therefore equipped for sea, provided with immense stores of artillery, ammunition and provisions, and having on board about four thousand regular troops. The su preme command was given to the Duke D' An ville. They sailed, early in the summer of 1 746, from Rochelle, unobserved by the English, and escaped the pursuit made by Admiral Lestock. The disasters which this expedition experienced, are scarcely par alleled by the fate of the invincible Armada of Spain. After a passage of nearly three months, D'Anville, with three ships, reached Chebucto, where one of his ships had arrived before him. He died a few days after. Several other vessels arrived, after experiencing great hardships; and the second command, under the vice admiral, was assumed by M. de la Jonquire, governor of Canada. But the wretched condition of the troops that had arrived from France, and the great number of ships Avith stores and troops, which were either lost or not accounted for, called for a council of war, in which the bombardment of Louisburg, according to the original plan, was relinquished, and an attack upon Annap olis determined on, much against the advice of Vice Admiral Destournelle, who noAV had the chief command: Upwards of NOVA SCOTIA. 297' twelve hundred men were lost during the voyage from France, and the majority of the survivors were reduced to a condition of helpless debility by scurvy and fever. It was found necessary to allow them time to recover, and encampments were accordingly formed for their accommodation. The infection was then caught by the Indians, several hundreds of whom became its victims : great numbers of sailors and troops were carried off by disease, after landing. Destournelle, reduced to that state of bodily weak ness and depression of mind, which usually causes delirium, ter minated his life by running a SAVord through his body. The fleet, reduced from seventy to forty ships, with the remaining troops, left Chebucto on the 13th October. The measure of ca lamity, however, was not yet completed. A tremendous storm dispersed the fleet off Cape Sable, drove them from the coast back to France, Avhere most of them arrived in a shattered, disabled, and miserable condition. This formidable fleet, which raised such glorious hopes in France, and caused proportionate terror in the British colonies, would, no doubt, had it been attended Avith even common for tune, have repossessed France of all the colonies she claimed in America. The power of England was now, however, in the ascendant; and, in the beginning of May, another fleet of thirty- nine ships, most expensively equipped, and destined for America, under the command of the gallant Jonquiere, was defeated by Admiral Anson. M. Ramsay still remained in Nova Scotia, holding the province in a state of alarm ; but the intelligence of Jonquiere's defeat destroyed all the sanguine hopes he had enter tained of success, and he soon after retired to Canada. Cape Breton was restored to France by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle. The British noAV undertook, in earnest, the settlement of Nova Scotia. Chebucto, on the east coast of the province, was fixed upon for a capital, on account of its safe and capacious harbor. The Hon. Edward Cornwallis, governor of the province, arrived in 1749, with about four thousand adventurers, at Chebucto har bor ; and having selected the sloping side of a peninsula on the west side of the harbor, for the site of a town, laid it out accord ing to a regular plan, and named it Halifax, in honor of the Earl of Halifax, then president of the Board of Trade and Plantations. The Indians, meantime, plundered Canseau, attacked Dart mouth opposite Halifax, scalped some of the inhabitants, mur dered nearly half the crews of two ships in Halifax harbor, and carried off several prisoners, Avhom they sold at Louisburg. They were incessantly committing murders along the coasts, and it was impossible to guard the colonists effectually against enemies, who l2 298 BRITISH AMERICA. sprung with the agility and fury of tigers from the thickets, or who came along silently in their birch canoes during night. The governor of Louisburg pretended, as formerly, that he had no control over them, and that the premiums for English prisoners were given from motives of humanity, to prevent the horrible tortures which the savages would inflict upon them, or their ex cruciating death by the murderous scalping-knife. Major Lawrence, Avho Avas despatched with a small detach ment to Chignecto, found that the inhabitants, on learning that he was approaching, had burnt their houses and joined La Corne ; and, after an unsatisfactory interview with this officer, he re turned to Halifax. A force of one thousand men was sent, in consequence, to Chignecto, under Major Lawrence. He effected a landing with some difficulty and sharp skirmishing, and the loss of several men. The French and Indians saved themselves by escaping across the river and joining La Corne. He then built a fort, which served to overawe the French, and to check the incur sions of the Indians. Major LaAvrence succeeded to the administration of the govern ment in 1754, and soon after an expedition from New England, under the command of Colonel Monkton, proceeded to Chignecto, where it Avas joined by four ships-of-war and a detachment of regular troops. After bombarding and taking a block-house and battery, Fort Beau Sejour, which mounted twenty-six pieces of artillery, was stormed, and the garrison made prisoners and sent to Louisburg. The fort on Bay Vert Avas then invested and taken. In both great stores of ammunition and provisions were found. To secure the peace of the province, and to deprive tbe Acadians from assisting the French or encouraging the Indians, it was determined by Governor Lawrence to remove them from Nova Scotia, unless they subscribed to the oath of allegiance. The Acadians were, therefore, Avithout any intimation as to the object of calling them together, commanded to appear before Colonel Fessenden, at Grand Pre ; and in consequence of this summons, about four hundred men assembled. They were then shut up in the church, which was noAV turned into a garrison, where they were told that they were immediately to be removed from the province, and distributed among the other colonies, and that their lands and cattle were forfeited to the crown. This order was rigidly executed. Many of these people fled to the woods and joined the Indians ; others found their way to Canada and the island of St. John. The villages were laid waste, and their houses burnt to ashes. The whole of the settlements at Chignecto and Minas were destroyed. HUDSON S BAY. 299 When Mr. Pitt was appointed premier, that sagacious states man soon discovered that if Great Britain did not humble France, by conquering Cape Breton and Canada, the power of England would be abridged by the loss of her trade and the ruin of the American colonies. He, therefore, Avithout delay, adopted mea sures for effecting this object. A most powerful fleet Avas equip ped, which sailed immediately for Halifax. This fleet, consisting of one hundred and fifty-tAvo ships, commanded by Admiral Boscawen, and having on board an army of eleven thousand troops, under General Amherst, arrived at Halifax in April, 1758, and were joined by the provincial troops. On the 28th of May, this powerful armament, consisting of one hundred and fifty-seven ships and sixteen thousand troops, sailed from Halifax. The con quest of Louisburg, which is related in another part of this his tory, with the surrender of St. John's Island, established the prosperity of Nova Scotia; and this Avas further secured by the capture of Quebec by Wolfe, and the final conquest of Canada. By the treaty of Paris, in 1763, France relinquished all claim to Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Cape Breton and St. John's Island, and from that time these countries have formed a part of the British empire in America. The island of St. John's, now called Prince Edward's, was sepa rated from the jurisdiction of Nova Scotia, in 1767. New Bruns- Avick and Cape Breton Avere formed into separate governments, in 1784. Cape Breton was subsequently re-annexed to Nova Scotia. The settlements of the British on Hudson's Bay, were begun nearly two centuries ago. A French voyager, Grosseliez, on landing at Nelson's River, about the year 1660, found there a number of New England settlers from Boston ; but of this colony little more is known. In 1668, a settlement was made at Fort Charles, under the patronage of Prince Rupert, and the next year the Hudson's Bay Company was incorporated. This company exists to the present day, and holds the same sort of monopoly in that region that was formerly exercised in Asia by the British East India Company. The rest of the world are in a great measure excluded from the territories of the Hudson's Bay Com pany. From time to time, settlements have been established at various other places within the jurisdiction of the company ; but the history of their government consists of nothing but the narra tives of hunting excursions and bargains with the natives, and the adventures of travellers who have endeavored to penetrate into the interior, or coast along the shores of these barren and in hospitable regions. Hearne, an enterprising traveller, discovered the Coppermine River in 1770, and following the stream down to 300 BRITISH .AMERICA. its mouth, discovered the Arctic Ocean. Mackenzie penetrated to Slave Lake, in 1 789. The progress of northern discovery languished during the wars of Europe; but, in 1818, the British government despatched sev eral expeditions by sea and land, which have determined nearly the Avhole outline of the northern coast, from Hudson's Bay to Behring's Straits. Captain Ross, in 1818, and Captain Parry, in 1819, sailed on their first voyages to the north. The North Georgian Islands, about the seventy-fifth degree of latitude, ap pear to have been the limits of their approach toward the pole, Both these commanders made repeated voyages, and wintered in a high northern latitude. The scientific observations made by them are highly interesting ; but the northwest passage to Asia has not yet been effected. The travels of Lieutenant Franklin and Captain Back have also added much to our knowledge of the geography of these regions, although no discovery of any commercial value appears to have been the result. They have ascertained that the Arctic Ocean bounds the continent of Amer ica on the north, and that the country along its shores, and wherever they penetrated into the interior, is a frozen desert, or scantily peopled by roaming Indian tribes, in the lowest state of savage life. Russian America owes its sovereignty under the Muscovite power, to the discoveries of Behring and Tchirikow, who, in 1728, first saw the straits which separate America and Asia. The Russian voyagers subsequently extended their discoveries southwardly along the American coast towards Nootka Sound, and at a late period, made a few establishments for hunting and trade Avith the Indians on the coast. The limits of the Russian territory in America are bounded on the south by the parallel of fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude; but the sover eignty is little more than a name. A single settlement at Sitka, on the continent, and two others at Kodiak and Illuluk, on the island of Oonalashka, engaged in the fur trade with the Indians, comprise all the actual Russian possessions in America. Greenland is sometimes considered as belonging rather to America than to Europe. More than ten centuries ago, it was visited by the Danes and Nonvegians, Avho established them selves in the country, the Danes on the west coast, and the Nor wegians on the east. About the year 1400, the Norwegian colony, then comprising one hundred and ninety villages, Avas shut up by the ice, and nothing was heard of it afterwards. The western colony still exists, and comprises about twenty settle ments, subject to the crown of Denmark. UNITED STATES CHAPTER XXXII Discovery of Florida by Ponce-de Leon. — The Fountain of Youth. — Expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez.-— Hurricane. — Narvaez undertakes the conquest of the country. — Capture of Apalachen.— Difficulties encountered by the Spaniards. — They construct boats to return to their fleet.-— Voyage along the shore. — Their adventures and sufferings. — Humanity of the natives. — -Terrible fate of the ex ploring party. — Proceedings of Alvaro de Nunez. — He sets out on u journey to Mexico and the South Sea. — Adventures on the route. — He crosses the Missis sippi. — Sufferings of Alvaro and his companions. — They arrive at Mexico. The Fountain of Youth. Ponce de Leon, one of the companions of Columbus on his second voyage, was the discoverer of Florida. He was appointed governor of Porto Rico, but after exercising this authority a short time, he was displaced ;, yet he had a mind too active and ardent to remain at rest. A new object attracted his attention and absorbed his whole soul. He Avas assured by a number of Indians, that in some part of the Bahama islands there was a fountain called Bimini, of such wonderful virtue, that the man who bathed in its 26 302 THE UNITED STATES. waters, whatever his age, was restored at once to the full bloom and vigor of youth. This marvellous tale inflamed the eager curiosity of the Spanish chieftain. He spent many months in sailing along these coasts, landing at every point, and plunging into every pool of water, always hoping to rise in a state of bliss ful renovation. The consequence of such long and incessant agitation, under a burning sky, was that, instead of the brilliant rejuvenescence which he so vainly hoped to obtain, he brought upon himself all the infirmities of a premature old age. Instead of a second youth, he arrived at a second childhood, and never displayed the same vigor, either of body or mind, as before he entered upon his delusive search. It is seldom, hoAvever^ that extraordinary efforts of human ac tivity fail of leading to some important consequences. While Ponce was beating about restlessly from shore to shore, in search of the mysterious fountain, he came in view of a more extensive range of land than any he had yet seen. It was covered with magnificent forests, intermingled with flowering shrubs, which presented an enchanting aspect. This discovery was made on Easter Sunday, 1512; from which circumstance, or the flowery appearance of the country, the name of Florida was bestowed upon it. In navigating along the shore, the ships were violently agitated by the currents from the Gulf Stream, Avhich rushes with concentrated force through the Bahama channels, and from which, the southern cape received the name of Corrientes. The Spaniards still continued to give the name of island to all newly- discovered land. In vain did the natives assure them that Flor ida formed part of a vast continent, of which they even named various nations and provinces. Some years elapsed before the Spaniards could learn to vieAv Florida as a part of the Ameri can continent. When at last they did so, they hesitated not to claim as Florida, and as belonging to Spain, the whole of North America. Ponce de Leon, having at length renounced his unfortunate search after the Fountain of Youth, determined to make the most of his real discovery. He repaired to Spain, and obtained from the king authority to lead an expedition into Florida, Avith the title of Adelantado, Avhich included the poAvers of governor and commander-in-chief. Finding Porto Rico disturbed by an insur rection of the Caribs, he was obliged to take the field against them ; but being unequal to his former exertions, he made an un fortunate campaign, and lost much of his former reputation. At length, he contrived to equip an expedition for Florida ; but his constitution, exhausted by visionary hopes and fruitless efforts, EXPEDITION OF NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 303 being now unfit for the fatigues of such a voyage, he was obliged to put into Cuba, where he died. The Spaniards from Cuba soon found their way to Florida ; and made expeditions, which at length resulted in the iniquitous practice of carrying off the Indians as slaves. A considerable time elapsed before attempts were made for the actual conquest and occupation of Florida. The next memorable expedition was that of Pamphilo de Narvaez, in 1528. His fleet touched first at the island of Dominica, where it remained for some days, to supply itself with provisions and horses. Here, no less than a hundred and forty members of the expedition declined proceeding farther, — a course which their chiefs seem to have had no power to prevent. The fleet proceeded to St. Jago de Cuba. where they continued for some time, refitting and taking in sup plies. One of the ships being sent to a port at some distance for provisions, Alvaro, the master, went on shore with a few of his men, — when they were assailed by a hurricane so tremendous, that the like had scarcely ever been witnessed even in these climates. The walls and houses were continually falling round them. They hurried out of the tOAvn, seven or eight linked to gether, by which means alone they could avoid being carried before the wind, and sought refuge in the woods; but here the trees falling, torn up by the roots on every side, caused almost equal alarm. At night they seemed to hear loud cries, with the sound of flutes, drums and trumpets. In the morning the hurricane subsided ; but there appeared such a scene of deso lation as they had never before witnessed. The trees lay strewed on the ground, and every leaf and plant appeared to be destroyed. On turning to the sea, they beheld a spectacle still more doleful ; for, instead of their vessel, only a few planks were floating on the face of the deep. They searched long for the remnants which might have been cast ashore ; but found only a little boat, carried to the top of a tree, some clothes torn in pieces, and two bodies of men so mangled that they could not be recognised. No time was lost in rejoining the main body of the expedition, Avhich, having found a harbor, had suffered less. The armament was now reduced to four hundred men and eighty horses; and Narvaez, in compliance Avith the general opinion, determined not to attempt landing in Florida till the depth of winter had past. On the 20th of February, 152S, the fleet again set sail, and having suffered considerably from tempests in coasting along the coasts of Cuba, ran across from Havana to the shore of Florida. On the 12th April, they found themselves, at the mouth of an open bay, where they saw a village. They landed, and hoisted the king's 304 THE UNITED STATES. standard. When the natives appeared^ they made long discourses, with many signals and gestures, of which the Spaniards could interpret nothing, except that they contained urgent entreaties for them to depart, and vehement threats in case of non compliance ; but finding, probably, that they were not strong enough to execute these menaces, they retreated into the interior. In this village was a house so large that it could contain three hundred persons. An excursion Avas then made into the interior, and another village was visited, in which the Spaniards discovered a number of coffins. These they burnt Avith the bodies in them, a pro ceeding very little calculated to conciliate the natives. The avidity of the Spaniards Avas, however, very strongly excited by the view of some very fine clothes, and especially of some golden ornaments worn by the Indians. In reply to their eager inquiries respecting them, a country situated at some distance in the interior Avas mentioned, by the name of Apalachen. It was now time for the governor to consider what course he Avas to pursue in exploring and conquering Florida. Miruelo, a pilot whom they brought from Cuba, had undertaken to guide them into a secure and commodious harbor, instead of which he had brought them into a mere open road, and noAV declared him self quite out of his reckoning, and at a loss whither to steer. Narvaez, whose mind was full of the reported wealth of Apala chen, proposed to push at once into the interior, leaving the ves sels to find their way along the coast at leisure. On the 12th of May, 1528, the Spaniards, three hundred strong, of whom forty were cavalry, set out on their march into the inte rior. They travelled fifteen days Avithout seeing any habitation. No long time Avas required to consume their provisions, after which they became dependent on some Avild palm trees. Amid the exhaustion to which this hungry toil reduced them, they were obliged to spend a day in crossing a broad and rapid river, on the opposite side of which they found a village. Here, in answer to their eager inquiries respecting Apalachen, the Indians informed them that the Apalachens Avere their own enemies, and that they were ready to aid in Avhatever might be undertaken against that people. After having held some friendly communication and ob tained guides, the Spaniards proceeded ; but soon reached. another river, still more rapid, and which could be crossed only by con structing a large canoe. Juan Velasco, a bold horseman, having at tempted to swim the stream, was drowned, together with his horse. This disaster cast a gloom over their minds ; however, the horse being found by the Indians, was made to afford the only hearty meal they had enjoyed for many days. They had still a long THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 305 march to perform, over tracts sometimes mountainous, sometimes marshy, encumbered with large trees blown doAvn by the tem pests, and often blocking up the road. At length, on the twenty- sixth of June, they arrived in sight of a village which was an nounced as Apalachen. Joy took possession of their hearts and they returned fervent thanks to heaven that they had come to the end of this long and dreary journey. Narvaez desired Alvaro, with fifty infantry and nine cavalry, to enter and take possession of the town. This he easily effected, as all the men were absent, probably on a hunting excursion, and only women and children left in the place. The warriors, how ever, soon appeared and greeted the unwelcome intruders with a shower of arrows, one of which killed a Spanish horse. When fairly attacked, however, they were unable to bear the shock of the Spanish troops, and retreated into the woods. They appeared two days after, in a pacific attitude, and besought the invaders, if they could not recover their houses, that they might, at least, have their wives and children. This was granted, the Spaniards only retaining one of their caciques as a hostage. It was soon found, however, that their enmity was in no degree abated. Next day they made an attack so furious that they succeeded in setting fire to some of the houses, and though again quickly repulsed, they fled Avith such celerity into the woods and marshes, that only one could be killed. Next day an equally brisk attack was made with a similar result. The Spaniards had not long remained at Apalachen when they became satisfied that the brilliant wealth which had lured them to this perilous expedition was a perfect chimera. The country was mountainous and rugged, and covered with extensive marshes, which, both from their depth and the large trees strewed across them, were exceedingly difficult to pass. On strict enquiry, it appeared that the farther they proceeded in this direction, the more barren and rugged they would find it. They now began to feel themselves in an evil plight. Though the Indians could not face them in the field, they hemmed them closely in, and every man or horse that straggled from the main body was overwhelmed with a shower of arrows. At length, it was discovered, that to the south was the country of Ante, now called the bay of St. Mark, which abounded in maize. So valuable did this acquisi tion appear, that the Spaniards, renouncing all their dreams of gold and conquest, set out in search of the coast of Aute. They were obliged to cross lagoons and marshes deeper than any they had hitherto encountered. On the second day, while they were struggling through the water breast deep, the air was 26* m2 306 THE UNITED STATES. suddenly darkened by clouds of arrows, shot by invisible hands. These were from the Indians who had lodged themselves along the banks of the lake, or behind the trees which floated on its sur face. With bows eleven or twelve spans long, and as thick as a man's arm, they discharged arrows to the distance of two hundred yards, with almost unerring precision, and such force that they penetrated the thickest armor, and grievously wounded both man and horse. Sometimes a single wound caused immediate death. The Indians, when seen, being tall, naked, and moving with pro digious swiftness, had almost the appearance of supernatural beings. No movement of resistance or attack could be made till the Spaniards were extricated from the lagoon; and even then the ground was so encumbered, that the cavalry could not act, and it was only by dismounting and pursuing the enemy on foot, that it became possible to drive them to a little distance. They soon re-appeared, and allowed the Spaniards no rest till after their stock of arrows was exhausted. The expedition then pro ceeded without farther molestation, and in nine days arrived at Aute. The natives had abandoned the place, but a good store of maize was found, and after another day's march, they came to the banks of a river which appeared to open at some distance below, into a broad arm of the sea. This was probably the bay of Pensacola. The situation of the Spaniards was now such' as called for the most serious reflection. All their brilliant hopes had vanished. Nearly a third of their number had perished. More than a third of those that remained labored under disease. There was thus every reason to fear that, either in attempting to retrace their steps or to march along the coast in search of their fleet, the whole would perish. A general meeting was called, and every one was asked what he had to propose. After long deliberation there appeared only one resource. This was to construct small boats, and sail along the coast, till they should find their fleet. It was difficult to conceive of a scheme more desperate. They had nei ther knoAvledge of ship-building, nor any implements of the art, nor any materials out of which sails, ropes and rigging could be constructed. Impelled by necessity, however, they went to work. One of them, out of wooden pipes and the skins of wild beasts, contrived to make a pair of bellows, by the operation of which their stirrups, spurs and cross-bows were converted into nails, saws and hatchets. Their shirts, cut open and sewed together, made sails ; the juice of a species of pine was a substitute for tar. Cypress moss served as oakum ; the fibres of the pine with loose hair, formed a species of rope. A horse was killed every three ADVENTURES IN FLORIDA. 307 days, and its flesh distributed, partly to the working hands, and partly as a dainty to the sick. In short, with such ardor did the work proceed, that having begun on the 4th of August, they had completed, on the 22d of September, five boats. In each of these were embarked from forty to fifty persons; but they were so crowded that they could not move or turn in the boat, of Avhich not more than a fourth part was above the water. In this plight, however, it behoved them to sail. After proceeding six days, they approached an island and descried five canoes, belonging to Indians, who immediately abandoned them. The canoes being taken and attached to their boats, enabled the Spaniards to place themselves in a somewhat better condition. They sailed on thirty days, without finding any secure haven, or opportunity of refreshment. The scarcity of food was now felt ; and that of water was so extreme, that many were driven to drink sea-water, which, Avhen taken in any quan tity, proved fatal. Their sufferings were aggravated by a severe storm, which continued for six days ; at the end of which they seemed on the point of perishing, when, on turning a cape, they discovered a fine and secure bay, with a large Indian town. Here they were received most cordially and hospitably by the natives. Before each door stood vessels of water, from which they quenched their thirst, and they enjoyed a hearty meal of roasted fish. Pres ents were exchanged, and such a cordial intercourse established, that Narvaez agreed to spend the night under the roof of the cacique. This calm was of short duration. At midnight the village was attacked by a hostile tribe of Indians ; the cacique fled with all his people, and the Spaniards were left to maintain, alone, a desperate conflict. The governor himself and all his people were wounded, before the enemy could be repulsed ; and they had no choice left but to re-embark. They touched afterwards at another populous bay ; but being involved in a quarrel with the natives respecting two of their people who had been lured away, they Avere obliged again to put out to sea. Their situation became now every moment more critical. Their remnant of provisions was draAving fast to a close, and the shat tered barks could scarcely be got forwards. That of the governor, being the best manned, noAV began to pull ahead at a' rate with which the others were unable to keep pace. Alvaro called out to ask orders how he was to proceed ; to which Narvaez replied that the time was past for giving or receiving orders, and that it rested with every man to save his life as he best could ; he then pushed on, and was soon out of sight. Alvaro with another of the barks continued the voyage for four days ; but having only half a handful 308 THE UNITED STATES. of maize daily for each man, and encountering severe weather, they were reduced to the most extreme distress. On the evening of the fourth day, the crew gave out, and fell down half dead over each other. Alvaro being alone capable of any exertion, the master called to him, that he must take the helm, as he himself would certainly die that night. Alvaro took the post, but after a few hours' rest, the master resumed it. Towards morning they heard the sound of breakers, and found the vessel in six fathoms water, which led to the hope of being near land. Daylight con firmed this hope, and, after a severe shock in crossing the breakers, the boat was got near to the land, and the exhausted crew crept ashore upon their hands and feet. Here they kindled a fire, cooked the maize which they had still left, and began to feel their strength and spirits revive. Alvaro desired Lope de Oviedo, the most vigorous of the company, to mount a tree and see what land it was. Oviedo reported that it was an island, and so well culti vated, that it appeared almost a Christian land. He was then desired to advance a little into the country, though with caution. He soon found a village with only women and children in it ; but three archers speedily appeared, Avith others behind, who, following Oviedo, quickly reached the shore and formed a circle of about a hundred around the Spaniards. They were well armed and tall, and, to the alarmed eyes of the Spaniards, appeared almost gigantic. Alvaro, who had not six men Avho could rise from the ground, saw clearly that he had nothing to hope from resistance, and that his only course was to endeavor to propitiate the stran gers. This he sought to do by courtesy, and by offering them toys. He met a most kind and gracious return ; the Indians gave him arrows, their surest pledge of confidence ; they regretted much having no provisions with them, but promised by next morning to return with a copious supply. The Indians fulfilled their engagement, and, both this day and the following, brought fresh stores of figh, roots and other pro ductions of the soil. Alvaro, having formed a stock of these sufficient to last for some time, determined to set sail and pursue his voyage. For this purpose it was a matter of great labor, in their weak state, to haul the boat out of the sand in which it was fixed, and put it afloat ; in doing this it was even necessary to strip themselves naked, throwing their clothes into the boat. A fresh calamity overtook them, more dreadful than any former one. A violent wave overset the boat, which sunk with all the clothes, and carried down three of the Spaniards : the rest with difficulty reached the shore. They threw themselves, in despair, naked on the sand. Their former condition, deemed so wretched, appeared ADVENTURES OF ALVARO IN FLORIDA. 309 almost happiness, when compared with that extremity of misery at which they had now arrived. As they looked at their emaciated bodies, in which every bone could be counted, each felt sympathy for his companions, mingled with a more intense feeling of his own misery. While they lay in this state the Indians came up with a fresh supply of provisions ; but at the view of their changed and dreadful condition, set up loud cries of lamentation, which were heard at a great distance, and were continued for half an hour without intermission. As soon as their plaint had somewhat abated. Alvaro asked his companions, without fear of being understood by the Indians, what was to be done in this extremity, and whether they ought not to ask shelter from strangers who showed so tender a concern for their sufferings. There happened, however, to be several of the party who had accompanied Cortez in his expedition to Mexi co, and had seen from a distance the dreadful pomp Avith which their countrymen had been sacrificed in the temple of the Mexican god of war. These adjured Alvaro, by all that was sacred, to abide every extremity rather than deliver them into the hands of men from whom they might expect a fate of similar horror. Alvaro looked round him. His companions were lying stretched on the sand, on the point of perishing. His position Avas quite desperate, but for the Indians; and their tender lamentations, with the kindness and pity which beamed from their eyes, made it surely at least possible that their intentions might not be of the horrible nature now suggested. Disregarding, therefore, the ter rors and remonstrances of his comrades, he related his disaster to the Indians, and entreated the shelter of their hospitable roof. The Indians gave the most cordial consent, only proposing that they should remain a short time round the fire which had here been kindled, till they should hasten and prepare for their recep tion. In a few hours they returned, and then led, or rather car ried the Spaniards to their village, scarcely allowing their feet to touch the ground. They had kindled large fires at short distan ces, where the naked and shivering bodies of the Spaniards had from time to time the heat restored to them. On reaching the village, it was found that a house had been- specially constructed for them, and had been .brought by large fires into a comfortable temperature. All this care and kindness abated in no degree the fear of the Spaniards. The Indians bade them a cordial good night, and, retiring to their own habitations, began, according to the custom of their country, to sing and dance through the even ing ; but these cheerful sounds, instead of tranquillizing the Span iards, heightened their alarm, being deemed only the festal pomp 310 THE UNITED STATES. which was to celebrate their immolation. They lay sleepless, seeming to feel at every moment the sacrifical knife stuck in their breasts. It was not till morning dawned that a ray of hope began to possess their minds. The Indians then entered with a plentiful breakfast ; and the same kindness being continued from day to day, the alarms of the Spaniards were at length composed. They learned, soon after, that there were other Spaniards at no great distance, who proved to be the crew of another bark that had been shipwrecked, though not in so disastrous a manner. These had preserved their clothes, though only those which they wore. Fate did not cease to persecute this unfortunate creAV. There followed such a series of cold and stormy weather, that the Indi ans could neither find the roots on which they commonly sub sisted, nor carry on their fishery. A severe scarcity ensued, Avhich fell with peculiar weight on the strangers, Avho could expect nothing from the Indians, and had neither the same skill nor means to provide for themselves. Five of the Spaniards, who Avere in a detached station on the coast, were reduced to such an extremity, that they resorted to the horrible remedy of devouring each other ! This they continued till there remained but one, Avho survived only because " there was nobody to eat him." The Indi ans were shocked beyond measure on learning this, and ever after viewed the whole body of Europeans with an altered eye. The condition of the Spaniards grew worse and worse, so that, in the course of the season, famine and disease had reduced their num ber from eighty to fifteen. The Indians were at the same time attacked with a pestilential malady, which carried off half of them. Under the deep distress which this occasioned, a supersti tious idea seized them, that all the calamities of this dreadful winter had originated in a magic and malignant influence, exer cised by the strangers. They took it therefore into deliberation, Avhether they should put them to death ; but an old Indian very reasonably argued, that if the Spaniards had possessed this super natural power, they Avould surely have used it in protecting them selves ; whereas the fact was, they had suffered still more severely than the Indians. So just a view of the subject carried conviction to the minds of the savages. The Spaniards had, however, entirely lost their former favor ; they were reduced to the station of slaves, and were obliged to perform the most laborious offices, particularly that of digging the earth, and searching at the bottom of the marshes for the roots on which they subsisted. To this, indeed, was added the office of physicians, which they were called upon to exercise. In vain did they plead their profound ignorance of the healing art; no credit ADVENTURES OF ALVARO. 311 was given to this denial ; and, after persuasion had been used in vain, notice was given to them, that all allowance of food was t& cease till they should enter on their medical functions. Thus starved into doctors, they at length began their practice, which was exceedingly simple, being modelled on that of the Indians. They merely blew upon the patients, and uttered Spanish words, which were considered as magical, when, to their utter astonish ment, all the patients declared that from that moment they felt the greatest relief. As the success of their practice, however, did not bring any improvement in their situation, Alvaro contrived' to make his escape to the continent, where he set on foot a petty traffic which succeeded Avonderfully. It consisted in carrying into the interior, shells, marine plants, and other productions of the sea, for which he brought in exchange, hides, red ochre for the savage" toilet, flints for arrow heads, and cane for arrows. The perpetual hos tility of the natives among themselves caused them to-stand much in need of a foreign and neutral hand to carry on these transactions. Alvaro, in his capacity of merchant, was therefore well treated by the savages. He spent several years in this manner, and at length re gained sufficient confidence in his undertaking to plan a scheme for penetrating to Mexico and the South Sea. Two of his officers, Andre Dorante and Alonzo de Castiglio, accompanied him on this desperate adventure. They journeyed westward into the country, and found the inhabitants barbarous and poor, without any of the gold Avhich they so greedily coveted. At one place the Indians made prisoners of the Spaniards and kept them for slaves, oppress ing them with hard labor and nearly starving them. After some time, they made their escape and pursued their journey to the Avest. In their progress through the country they gave themselves out for the " Children of the Sun ;" Avhich title, with their skill in medi cine, gained them a favorable reception, and they travelled from * tribe to tribe, guided, venerated and protected. They passed first a large river coming from the north, which Avas probably the Mississippi; then, travelling thirty leagues over a populous plain, they came to a rugged, arid and dreary tract, fifty leagues in extent, being the desert Avhich now separates the United States from the Texan and Mexican territory. In this route they suffered severely from thirst and hunger ; but it was still worse when, having crossed another broad river, the Rio del Norte, they came to a range of desert, steep and barren moun tains — the continuation of the Cordilleras, passing into the chain of the Rocky Mountains. Here the Indian guides, overcome 312 THE UNITED STATES. by fatigue and himger, lay down, and declared it impossible to proceed. Alvaro, impelled to resentment, used high words and threats, to which they at last yielded. Soon after, a severe malady attacked and carried off eight of the Indians, when the poor creatures, imagining that the anger of Alvaro had induced him to employ magical powers to produce this effect, implored on their knees that he would forgive them, and cease to slay them in this terrible manner. At length they met a party of Indians who had a little maize, the sight of which was like that of land to a storm- tossed mariner. They followed them to their village ; but learned that the maize was not cultivated in this high and arid tract, though, in proceeding Avestward, they Avould soon arrive at a fer tile country on the seacoast. Alvaro began noAV to inquire about the Christians, when he Avas informed that in the southwest was a wicked people of that name, who plundered and murdered all that fell in their way, and never were known to do a good action. He was carefully warned to avoid all communication with them. Alvaro found ample proofs of the correctness of this report, as he proceeded over a large plain, which the ravages of the Spaniards had reduced almost to a complete desert. Continuing to insist upon proceeding to meet the Christians, his guides re luctantly accompanied him ; but nothing could equal their aston ishment when told that Alvaro was himself a Christian. This they declared to be utterly impossible, since everything was con trary in the two parties. The one came from the east, the other from the west ; — the one were naked and on foot, the other were clothed and on horseback ;— the one healed those who were sick, the other killed those who were well ; — the one showed no signs of avarice, while the other seemed to have no object in life, but to steal whatever they could reach. Alvaro and his party fully justified this bad character given of their countrymen. On his arrival at the Spanish settlements, Alvaro had much difficulty to prevent the Spaniards from making prisoners of the poor Indians who had served as his guides. This, and the opinion which he frankly expressed of their own conduct, inflamed them with such resentment, that his countrymen made him a prisoner, and sent him over a range of mountains so desolate and rugged that two of the party perished on the road. On his arrival, however, at Compostella, the capital of New Galicia, he was very cour teously received, and much displeasure was expressed by the gov ernor at the conduct of the frontier Spaniards. At Mexico his reception was still more cordial, and he found his long journey and sufferings at an end. CHAPTER XXXIII. Expedition of Fernando de Soto. — Enmity of the Floridians. — Cruelties of the Spaniards. — Arrival at Vitachuco. — Plot to exterminate the Spaniards detec ted. — Battle of Vitachuco and defeat of the Indians. — The Spaniards make slaves of the natives. — A second plot of the Indians. — Tlie Spaniards massacre theii slaves. — They reach Apalachen. — Adventure of Capafi. — Prospects of gold. — The Spaniards march ivestward. — Courtesy of a Floridian princess. — Singular behavior of a native. IMMmBBB 'i ' \f I 'i 11 Indian princess in a barge Fernando de Soto was the next adventurer in Florida He had been a companion of Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and was seized with a desire to rival Cortez in glory, and Pizarro in wealth. He made a proposal to Charles V. to conquer Florida at his own cost; the offer was accepted, and Soto was appointed governor of Cuba, with absolute power over that unlimited extent of country which then bore the name of Florida. The expedi tion seemed a brilliant and promising one. The Spaniards looked tor another conquest as rich as that of Peru. Noblemen and wealthy proprietors were eager to embark in the enterprise; 27 n2 314 THE UNITED STATES. houses and lands were sold to purchase military equipments, chains for captives, and other instruments for the subjugation of a people who were believed to possess immense stores of gold. Six hundred men, selected from a multitude of applicants, enlisted under the banner of Soto, and sailed in May, 1539, from Cuba. They landed, a fortnight after, at the bay of Espiritu Santo, in Florida. The Spaniards were well equipped for the undertaking. They had nearly three hundred cavalry, abundance of stores, blood hounds, and a drove of swine, which would rapidly increase in that favorable climate, and afford them an unfailing supply of provision. They first marched against the town of Hirriga, gov erned, like all the Floridian states, by a cacique named after the capital. Soto had humane intentions, but the Indians held the Spanish character in detestation, and could not understand the justice of the papal grant, by virtue of which the invaders de manded the surrender of their country to the king of Spain. The former sovereign of Hirriga had his nose cut off, and his mother murdered by the Spaniards. It is not surprising, therefore, that Soto found himself an unAvelcome visitor., His offers of alliance were received by Hirriga, Avith the reply that the heads of the Spaniards would be welcome, but not their bodies. Foiled in this attempt, Soto advanced upon the city of Urribaracaxi, which he found abandoned by the inhabitants. They next marched to another city, called Acuera, from which they were repelled ; they now turned their course into the country of Acali, which they found free from the dangerous marshes that had so much incommoded them heretofore. Here they were received with an appearance of friendship ; but as they were constructing a bridge to cross a wide river, hundreds of Indians started up from the bushes, discharging clouds of arrows, and calling them base robbers and other insult ing names. They escaped, however, Avithout any other loss than that of a favorite dog. The Spaniards next marched into the province of Vitachuco, which, contrary to the usual custom in Florida, Avas divided among three brothers. Ochile, the youngest, was surprised in his capital by the Spaniards, and taken prisoner ; upon which he either was or appeared to be gained over, and undertook to plead the cause of the Spaniards Avith his eldest brother, who was much the most powerful, and bore the name of Vitachuco. He sent to acquaint him that these strangers Avere ascertained to be children of the sun and of the moon, and rode on animals so, swift, that nothing could escape them ; that they behaved in the most friendly manner towards those who received them well, but committed the ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 315 most dreadful havoc Avhere they experienced contrary treatment. He earnestly exhorted him, therefore, to take the more prudent part. Vitachuco answered, in the most disdainful terms, that the solar and lunar descent of the Spaniards was a ridiculous fable ; that whatever outward appearance they might assume, doubtless they Avere, like all the rest of their countrymen, traitors, murder ers, robbers, and children of the devil; that, if they were the honest men they pretended to be, they would stay at home and cultivate their own soil, instead of coming into distant climates to expose themselves, by their robberies, to the execration of mankind. He aftenvards sent messages to the Spaniards, filled with the most violent and indeed chimerical menaces. He told them that if they entered his country, he Avould command the earth to open and SAvallow them up ; the mountains betAveen which they marched, to unite and crush them ; he Avould poison the Avater, the plants, and the very air. When, however, he saw the Spaniards continuing to advance, and learned from various quarters how very formidable they Avere, he assumed a different tone. He Avent to meet Soto, and made many apologies. His only anxiety now was, how he could do him the greatest honor. He tendered his own submission and that of his subjects, and wished to learn what quantity he Avould require of provisions, and of everything useful to him that his territory afforded. Soto received his sub mission in the most gracious manner, and professed his entire oblivion of the past. But the hatred of Vitachuco Avas still as deep and deadly as ever, and all this courteous seeming was only to cover a plot. The prince led the Spaniards to his tOAvn, and provided the best accommodation it could afford. At the same time, as if to do them honor, he summoned his Avarriors from every part of his territory, and appointed a day in which they were to be drawn up and exhibited in full array. He then disclosed to a number of his chiefs, that, on a signal given, they should fall suddenly on the Spaniards, and exterminate them at one blow. They ap plauded the scheme, and declared their eagerness to sacrifice themselves, if necessary, in so glorious an undertaking. One of them, however, communicated the fatal design to the Spaniards. Soto resolved to dissemble, and to turn the plot of the Indians against themselves. He expressed the pleasure it would give him to see the Indian pageant, and added that in order to heighten the pomp of so great a day, he would also bring out his OAvn Spaniards in full armor and in order of battle. Vitachuco would gladly have dispensed with this honor ; but he had no pretence 316 THE UNITED STATES. for refusing; and, not aware that all was discovered, hoped still to effect his object by surprise. On the appointed day, the Indians appeared, drawn up on a plain in front of the town, having a Avood on one side, and a range of marshes on the other. The Spanish troops marched out of the town, Soto and Vitachuco marching together at their head. As they approached the spot where Soto was to have been seized, a musket was fired, at which signal, twelve Spanish soldiers sur rounded the cacique, and made him prisoner. The Indian army seeing this, raised a loud shout and rushed on to battle. Soto mounted his favorite horse, Azeituno, and Avith a too daring valor, which was usual with him, rushed foremost upon the enemy. The Indians met him with a shower of arrows, aimed particu larly at Azeituno ; and that gallant steed, Avhich had so often borne its rider to victory, was pierced with eight arrows, and fell down dead. Soto fell with him, and was in imminent danger ; but the Spanish cavalry instantly rushed on and charged the enemy. The loose infantry of the Indians were broken, dis persed and scattered in every direction. Some hundreds, the flower of the army, who had been placed in the rear, could escape only by throwing themselves into a lake. The Spaniards occu pied all the shores, but the Indians continued floating in the water, and obstinately refused to surrender. They even locked themselves three or four together, on the backs of whom one stood and discharged arrows as long as they had any remaining. They waited anxiously for night, hoping" in the dark to effect a landing and escape into the woods. The Spaniards, however, invested the lake six deep, and effectually opposed every attempt to land. In the morning the Indians Avere in a miserable state, half dead with cold and fatigue ; yet they still turned a deaf ear to the urgent invitations of the Spaniards, who assured them of safety and good treatment if they would surrender. At length, a few, quite over come, approached the shore ; but the greater part, after touching it, again plunged into the water. When it was seen, however, that the few who landed Avere kindly received, others followed. By mid-day two hundred had surrendered, and in the evening there remained floating only seven, who seemed determined to perish in the water rather than yield. Soto hereupon sent out half a dozen' of his best swimmers, who seized them by the hair and pulled them on shore. After they had recovered from their almost life less state, they were asked Avhat could lead them to persevere in so obstinate a resistance. They replied that having been invested by their master with the highest commands, they considered 'themselves bound to answer such confidence by sacrificing them- ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 317 selves in his cause. They felt themselves dishonored in having been spared by the clemency of Soto, and it would be an additional kindness if he Avould put them to death. The high loyalty and courage breathed in these sentiments were congenial to the ideas of the Spaniards, who even shed tears of admiration; and the seven, with general consent, were left at liberty to go to their homes. Soto at the same time used every effort to gain over Vitachuco. He admitted him again to his table, and assured him that however dreadful his conduct had been, the memory of it would be entirely effaced, provided he now acted up to his former professions of fidelity. Soto had thus far followed the course most likely to conciliate the Indians. This plan, hoAvever, having been adopted, it ought to have been followed consistently. But the Spanish commander, unfortunately, began to think that some penalty was necessary to deter other Indians from imitating the example of Vitachuco ; and the plan he devised was the most injudicious that can be con ceived. He caused his prisoners to be distributed among the Spaniards, whom they Avere to serve as slaves during their stay in the city. These proud chiefs and warriors were thus compelled to act as cooks and scullions, and to perform all the most menial offices. Soto, it is said, meant to set them at liberty at his depart ure, which was to take place soon ; but he did not communicate this intention to Vitachuco, to whom it appeared that his bravest subjects were thus doomed to hopeless and humiliating bondage. That fierce thirst for revenge .which had been lulled in the breast of this savage chieftain was awakened anew in all its force. The Indians were disarmed, but they were at large, and in their domesticated state had the Spaniards within their power. It appeared to Vitachuco that if each Indian killed his master, the detested race would be at once extinct. The plan was embraced with ardor, and the secret faithfully kept. Three o'clock, while he Avas at dinner, was the time fixed by Vitachuco for executing his purpose. At this moment he threAv back his shoulders, cracking his bones in a manner peculiar to the Indians, and uttering a shout so loud, that it could be heard at the distance of a quarter of a mile; he then sprang up, and seizing the general by the arm,. dealt such a blow, that Soto fell senseless to the ground, and the blood gushed from his mouth. The hand of the Indian was lifted to strike another stroke, Avhich Avould have closed forever the career of Soto ; but the Spanish chiefs, starting from the table, darted at once upon the cacique, who fell, pierced by twelve wounds. Meantime all the Indians had heard the loud cry, and, starting up, seized such weapons as their servile employment 27* 318 THE UNITED STATES. afforded, — spits, pots, platters and chairs, — and struck them with fury against the Spaniards. Two or three men were killed on the spot; almost all the rest received wounds. They soon rallied, however, and took to their arms ; but much embarrassment Avas felt by many, who held it beneath their dignity to kill their own slaves. All they would deign to do Avas to drag them to the great square, to be despatched by the arroAVS of auxiliary Indians ; but many of the prisoners shook themselves free, throwing down and trampling upon their masters. However, at last nearly all per ished, with little loss on the part of the Spaniards. After this dismal and bloody catastrophe, the Spaniards could have little satisfaction in remaining at this place. They merely spent four days in dressing their wounds, and then set forward for Apalachen, which still bore, in their estimation, somewhat of that brilliant character which had lured Narvaez onward. Their march lay through the province of OssEtchile, Avhere they found, as usual, the capital deserted and the Indians Avatching every opportunity to harass and cut them off. Nothing serious occurred, till they arrived at the marsh or lagoon in which the army of Narvaez had suffered so dreadfully. The Indians were pre pared for them, and had occupied every post from which they could be conveniently annoyed. The Spaniards, like their pre decessors, found the marsh deep, and difficult to pass. It cost them two days to effect the passage ; but being continually on the watch, and passing the most difficult parts in the night, unper- ceived by the enemy, they Avorked their way across without any very serious loss. They had still to fight every step of their way to Apalachen, the Indians constantly hovering round them, and keeping up such a perpetual hoAvling, that the Spaniards could scarcely obtain a moment's sleep. It Avas announced to them that at Apalachen they would find a formidable force prepared to resist them; but on their arrival the city Avas abandoned, the cacique, Capafi, having retreated into the mountains. Soto sent parties in many directions to explore the country beyond Apalachen, when it was found only in one quarter to be of that rugged and mountainous character which had been reported to Narvaez. The other districts Avere tolerably productive in millet, roots and nuts ; so that, finding no lack of provisions, he deter mined to take up here his Avinter quarters. The Indians, however, continued their harassing Avarfare. Soto resolved upon a despe rate effort to terminate it, by seizing their prince. Capafi had sought refuge in the heart of a thick forest, on a spot accessible only by a narrow defile Avhich the Indians had fortified by pali sades, and considered almost impregnable. The Spaniards, how- DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 319 ever, pulled up the stakes, cut the cords, and soon forced their Avay through the successive barriers to the retreat of Capafi. The chosen troops, and all the principal chiefs of the Indians rallied round their cacique in this utmost peril, but could not Avithstand the superior arms and discipline of the assailants. It was in vain to attempt removing the prince, Avho was so excessively corpulent that his only mode of locomotion Avas by creeping on all fours, — a process much too sIoav for this exigency. His chiefs were there fore obliged to produce him to Soto, at the same time falling on their knees, and entreating him rather to take their lives than do the smallest injury to their beloved monarch. The Spaniards were so moved by this loyalty, that Soto received the captive prince with courtesy, and his Aveighty person was respectfully conveyed to the capital. Soto, however, was much disappointed to find that the hostil ities of the Indians, instead of ceasing, became only more active and formidable. They Avere impelled to redoubled efforts, in hopes of effecting the deliverance of their chief. Capafi, at the urgent request of Soto, sent repeated orders to them to desist, but without effect. As the general complained heavily upon this subject, and hinted his doubts of the cacique's sincerity, the latter observed that his chiefs, considering him in a state of captivity, regarded the orders sent by him as not emanating from his own free will, but dictated by the Spaniards. If, however, an arrangement were made by which he might have an interview with his principal officers, he Avas confident of being able to persuade them of his sincere Avish for peace, and to make them to desist from their pres ent courses. This was rather a delicate transaction; however, Soto seeing no hope from any other course, at length agreed upon the trial. An appointment Avas made Avith the principal chiefs to assemble in a forest six miles from Apalachen ; and the prince was sent thither under a strong guard. They arrived in the evening on the borders of the forest, and messengers were sent to the chiefs, by whom a meeting was arranged for the folloAving day. During the night, the Spaniards formed a close circle round the cacique and stationed sentinels at. every point to prevent all possibility of escape They hailed, therefore, the dawn of morn ing, under the full confidence of a happy issue to their mission. To their utter dismay the cacique was not to be found, and tidings soon arrived that the Indians Avere carrying him off in triumph. The Spaniards returned very disconsolate to Apalachen, and reported to Soto that the watch had been so strictly kept as to leave no possibility whatever of Capafi having escaped by human means. It Avas, therefore, beyond a doubt that the devil, or one 320 THE UNITED STATES. of those mighty magicians with whom the Indians have such extensive dealings, must have wafted his ponderous body through the air. Soto, on strict inquiry, saw much reason to conclude, that Morpheus, shedding his heavy dews on the wearied eyelids of the Spaniards, had been the power, under favor of whom Capafi had crept out of the circle. However, the misfortune could not now be remedied ; and these being his chosen and trusty chiefs, he did not choose to quarrel with them, but was fain to acquiesce in the supernatural solution of the affair. Some time Avas noAV spent in making inquiries, and at length the ears of the Spaniards Avere greeted Avith the most alluring tales of a yelloAv metal and a Avhite metal which abounded in the west. No doubt was now entertained that another Peru was within their reach. They continued their march. A cacique, named Patofa, gave them a most unnecessary and indeed cum brous escort of three or four thousand men ; to which, it appears, he was prompted by hostile vieAVS against a neighboring power, in which he erroneously hoped that the Spaniards would assist him. Such zeal did he display in their service, that, on their com plaining of an Indian who had neglected his duty, he condemned him to drink up the nearest river. To execute this task, four of the stoutest Indians were provided Avith rods, to beat him lustily whenever he made a moment's pause in drinking. The luckless fellow drank and drank, till his stomach could receive no more ; then being compelled to pause, the blows began to descend with out intermission, and he was forced to flyback to the pool, till some of the bystanders, moved with pity, ran to Soto, and per suaded him to save the man's life. The Spaniards then set forth with their cumbrous escort, and proceeded for six days through a desert ; during which, hoAvever, they were copiously supplied with provisions. At the end of that period, the Indians declared themselves unable to tell where they were, or whither the road led. Soto appealed to Patofa, whether this was not a suspicious circumstance, and Avhether he could expect him to believe that, of so great a crowd, not one had ever been led, by war or hunting, into this quarter. The prince, hoAvever, solemnly asserted that this Avas the territory of their enemies, the Cofaciquis, by whom they were generally beaten. The two parties, therefore, continued to proceed till they came to a broad river, which they had no possible means of crossing. The diffi culty was much aggravated by the failure of their provisions. Parties Avere despatched both up and down the river, in search of a passage, but for five days Avithout success. During that time, they suffered the greatest extremities of hunger, which they were DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 321 obliged to palliate by killing a number of their favorite dogs ; and even these scarcely afforded a mouthful to each. At length they found some villages, where they obtained a supply of food ; but the Indians, indulging their old enmity, and encouraged by the presence of their Spanish allies, began plundering and murdering on all sides. This was quite contrary to all the views of Soto ; and the presence of these Indians being thus every way useless and burdensome, he was happy in being able to prevail on them, in a friendly manner, to go- home. After some further travelling, the Spanish general was fortunate enough to discover, on the opposite side of the river, the city of which he was in quest. Ortiz and an Indian cried out across the stream, that some peaceably disposed strangers wished to treat of an alliance with their cacique. Hereupon, six of the most re spectable inhabitants, Avith their attendants, entered into a boat and passed the river. On being introduced to the general, they bowed first to the sun in the east, then to the moon in the west, and, lastly, to the general, to whom they put the usual question, whether he wished peace or war ? Soto replied, peace, with the addition of a passage over the river, and through the country, and a needful supply of food. It was with regret that he sought to give them this trouble, but he hoped to be able to make some suitable return. The Indians replied, that there Avould be every disposition to grant his request ; but, unfortunately, the country labored under a severe scarcity, and was also suffering from a pestilential disease ; but they served an amiable and gentle prin cess, to whom the whole matter should be reported. The Indians returned to the city, and, soon after, an ornamented barge was seen putting off from the shore, with another attending it ; and, in the first, an elegant female, Avho, it was soon perceived, must be the princess herself. She arrived, and quite enchanted the Spaniards by her beauty, her grace, and the courtesy of her demeanor. She assured Soto, that, notwithstanding the reigning scarcity, she had: provided two large houses for the accommodation of his people, and had lodged in them six hundred measures of millet; besides,. she possessed granaries, out of wliich, if necessary, a larger supply could be draAvn. She then untied a string of large pearls, which formed three circles round her neck, reaching even to her girdle, and gave them to Ortiz to deliver to the general. Soto observed,. how much greater pleasure it Avould give him, if she would present it Avith her own hand, Avhich, as a sign of peace, could not be con sidered an offence against the nicest decorum. After some modest reluctance, the princess advanced and complied with this request: The Spaniards found themselves more at home here than in any o2 322 THE UNITED STATES. of the friendly countries through which they had lately passed. Though in former cases the natives had shown amity, it had been in a rough, constrained, half-reluctant manner; but there Avas something free and cordial among the Indians of Cofaciqui, Avhich made them feel at once like old acquaintances. No time Avas lost in preparing boats and rafts, and the army passed over in safety. On inquiring into the state of the country, Soto learned that the princess had a mother, who held a sort of independent establish ment at tAventy leagues distance. He expressed a* wish to see the old lady, Avho Avas accordingly invited ; but, instead of comply ing, she transmitted a sharp reprimand to her daughter, for having admitted into her capital, strangers of whom she 'knew nothing. The young princess was so little affected by this re monstrance, that she concurred in a plan devised by Soto, to send a detachment and bring the mother by force. A young chief, Avith some servants, was sent with the Spaniards as their guide. This chief, Avho had hitherto been one of their most agreeable friends, Avas no sooner on the road, than, to their surprise, he sunk into a gloomy reverie, and heavy sighs every moment burst from him. At length, taking his quiver, he began drawing out all the arrows, which were so beautiful that the attention of the Spaniards was engrossed in admiring them, when he took one of the sharpest, pierced his own heart, and instantly expired. His attendants burst into tears, and said that this chief, being equally attached to both princesses, the present necessity of failing in duty to one or the other of them, had agitated his mind, and impelled him to this fatal deed. They proceeded, however, to search for the old lady, but found that she had deserted her home ; and the Indians represented that, in attempting to follow her, they might be surrounded and cut to pieces. The Spaniards therefore re turned. CHAPTER XXXIV. Disappointment of the Spaniards in their search for gold. — Temples of pearls — Discovery of Mobile. — Reception of the Spaniards by the natives. — Battle of Mobile and destruction of the town. — Courage of the Indian women. — The Span iards cross the Mississippi. — Adventure ofReinoso. — Death of Soto. — Despon dency of his men. — They march for Mexico. — Conspiracy of the Indians Bgainst them. — Their fleets of war-canoes . — The Spaniards escape down the Mississippi. — Great extent of their researches. — Fruitless result of all the Spanish expeditions in Florida. *m MI Temple of Tolomeco. Meantime, anxious inquiries were made about the productions of this country, and particularly the white and yellow metals before mentioned. The princess answered that they Avere abun dant, and specimens were quickly produced. That instant dis pelled all the brilliant dreams, under the influence of Avhich the Spaniards had undertaken this long and hazardous1 expedition. The yelloAV metal proved to be brass or copper ; the white metal was nothing but a stone, like quartz, which crumbled in the hand. Under this mortifying disappointment their only consolation was found in pearls, which were found here in abundance, though 324 THE UNITED STATES. they could not form any judgment as to their value. The princess told them they might take as many as they pleased out of a large temple, which seemed also to be the cemetery of her ancestors, and which was lavishly adorned with them. This fact, which is positively asserted in the Spanish narratives, cannot but appear very singular, when contrasted with that reverence for ancestry which usually distinguishes nations in this stage of society. This and another temple were found in reality to contain pearls suf ficient to have loaded the whole army, — an abundance which of itself afforded a pretty strong presumption that they were of small value. The other temple was that of Tolomeco, the most spa cious edifice in Florida. It was a hundred paces long, by forty broad, the roof formed by six mats placed over each other, and brilliantly adorned- with shells and pearls. The gate was orna mented with twelve statues of giants in full armor, and all round the interior of the walls were ranged statues of men and women of the ordinary size, the men completely armed. The intendants of the Spanish monarch were proceeding to levy his fifth upon the pearls and other precious articles found in the temple, — a measure which Avas stopped by Soto, on the pretence that they could not encumber themselves with such a burden, but doubtless from a Avell-grounded fear of provoking the hostility of the natives. The Spaniards proceeded on to Mauvila (Mobile,) a frontier town strongly palisaded, and consisting indeed of only eighty houses, but each of these divided into various apartments, and containing numerous families. Soto, it is said, Avas advised by one of his officers not to enter the place ; but he thought his men stood in need of the shelter of a roof. On their arrival they were entertained Avith every show of rejoicing ; their horses Avere sent to a commodious place without the city, and they Avere regaled with the dances of some beautiful Indian females, who, in Florida, peculiarly excelled in this exercise. Quedrado, however, who had been directed to reconnoitre the place, brought a very alarm ing report, — that the houses were filled with armed warriors, collected from different parts of the country, — that all the children and women had been removed, except those who were young and "fit for the battle." Soto, however, determined to avoid any overt act which might excite or indicate hostility, and merely sent round a warning to all his men to be on their guard. Dinner being ready, notice Avas sent to Tascaluca, who usually sat doAvn with the Spaniards ; but he Avas deeply engaged in council with his chiefs, and sent for answer, that he would come presently. An interval having passed, a second notice was sent, which brought a similar answer; but as he did not come, Ortiz was DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 325 despatched to say that the dinner was on the table, and that he might come or not, as he chose. This message was received by a chief who came out of the council, and who replied,-^-" Base robbers, is it thus you speak of the great Tascaluca?" He fol lowed up this speech by giving the signal for a general attack. All the Indians rushed forth, and fell in one mass upon the Span iards. Avho retreated with their faces turned towards the enemy, yet hardly maintaining their ranks amid clouds of arrows, Avhich killed several and wounded many. The Indians pursued them beyond the walls, and succeeded in killing several horses, and taking a considerable booty. When the Spaniards, however, reached their horses they mounted and formed in order of battle. The undisciplined natives could not withstand their shock, but Avere driven back, and sought refuge within the walls. There, being placed under cover, they sent forth such clouds of arrows and missiles, that the Spaniards were driven back in their turn. By a repetition of feigned flights, they drew the enemy out of their shelter, and gave them a succession of defeats. When the Indians were thus considerably weakened, and a Spanish division, which was in the rear, had come up, Soto mus tered his strength, and determined to storm the place. He caused the cavalry, as the best armed, to dismount, buckle their armor close round them, and stooping their heads, to rush forwards and force open the gate. They succeeded, and entered ; at the same time the foot soldiers broke doAvn a part of the parapet, and rushed in along with them. The Spaniards Avere soon masters of all the streets and open places ; but the enemy, from the houses, annoyed them to such a degree, that they at length resolved on the dreadful expedient of setting fire to the place. The effect was immediate in a town built only of reeds and timber ; — in a feAv minutes both armies Avere involved in vast volumes of flame and smoke. Many Indians, especially females, perished amid the flames, presenting a spectacle which, it is said, deeply affected the conquerors. A number of the Indians rushed out and endeav ored to renew the combat in the fields, but without success. In the last extremity, they now called on their females to come for- Avard. A number of these heroines had not waited the call, but fought side by side with their husbands ; and now at the general summons they rushed forth in one body against the Spanish troops. The latter felt their Castilian gallantry revolt against this species of combat ; they merely, i t is said, warded off the blows of their fair assailants, whose fury soon evaporated, and by sunset the Avhole force of the Indians was put to rout. Thus closed the dreadful battle of Mauvila. The Indians who fell are stated 28 326 THE UNITED STATES. by Vega at eleven thousand, but by the more probable estimate of a Portuguese narrator, at twenty-five thousand. The number of the Spaniards killed on the spot 'was only eighteen ; but of the Avounds, upwards of seven hundred were dangerous, besides num berless slight injuries, which scarcely any one had escaped, Soto, proceeding still northwest and into the interior, passed Avithout much molestation through the territory of the ChickasaAvs, crossed the Mississippi and traversed the provinces of Colima and Quigante. But when he came to Tulla, a more fierce resistance was experienced than from any former nation. This arose chiefly from the female warriors, who fought side by side Avith their hus bands, and rivalled them in valor. After a hard contest they were driven into the town, where they still continued the battle. Reinoso, one of the Spanish officers, having mounted into an upper chamber, five Indian ladies rushed upon him, seized him by the legs and arms, and began beating him with all their might. Reinoso, though his men were beloAv, deemed it unbecoming a soldier to call out for aid against such assailants ; yet he was wholly unable to resist, and the blows descended with such force and rapidity, that he could not long have survived. Luckily, in the struggle, his leg forced its way through the thin wicker parti tion Avhich formed -the floor, and appeared to a Spaniard who was in the room beloAv, and who, thinking this an odd adventure, and that it had much the appearance of a Spanish leg, called two or three of his companions, and running up, delivered Reinoso out of the hands of the Amazons. Juan Serrano, having obtained possession of one of these heroines, endeavored to employ her as a domestic servant ; but she Avas continually calling upon him, either to kill her, or to set her at liberty, and throwing at him pots and pans, so that he Avas not sorry at last Avhen she made her escape. Soto began noAV seriously to consider the situation into which he had brought himself. He had plunged again deep into Florida, Avithout any favorable result. He Avas continuing to go onAvard, he knew not where or Avhy, with an army gradually mouldering away. He became sensible that the plan which he had rashly abandoned, of building and fortifying a tOAvn on the sea-coast, and opening a communication Avith Havana and Mexico, Avas the only one which afforded a promise of any solid establishment. He was now, hoAvever, so distant from the coast, that he doubted being able, with his reduced force, to make his way thither through so many nations. He determined to march direct to Chucagua, build there his town, and construct two brigantines, which might sail down the stream into the Gulf of Mexico. The Spaniards, DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 327 then retracing their steps, marched rapidly, viewing the interme diate countries only as a passage, and avoiding all intercourse with the natives ; so that they effected a march of nearly three hundred miles in a short time. They were involved in some dis putes betAveen the states of Avilca and Guachoia ; but Soto was hoping to effect his objects in the course of the winter, when a disease, of which the foundation had probably been laid by his labors and anxieties, carried him off after an illness of seven days. Soto seems to have merited a more fortunate close to his adven turous career. The Portuguese narrator calls him virtuous and valiant. He was imbued, indeed, with the same unjust and tyran nical principles which actuated the other conquerors of America, and which were sanctioned in their eyes by false principles, both of loyalty and religion ; but he tempered these principles Avith singular humanity, and combined daring valor with much pru dence and discretion. Had the plan of settling Florida not been frustrated by the fierce valor of the natives, it might have been effected under better auspices than the other and more splendid conquests and establishments of the Spanish nation. On the death of Soto a deep and general despondency seized the expedition. After a short deliberation, it Avas resolved to follow out the design, on which their hearts had long been fixed, of renouncing Florida forever, and making their way by the most direct course to Mexico. Their first project Avas to proceed directly across the continent. This they hoped to effect by marching due west, turning neither to the right nor the left; and in this Avay they made a hundred leagues at full speed, never inquiring what countries they Avere going through, or holding any communication Avith the inhabitants. By this blind advance, however, they found themselves entangled in wild and dreary forests, and saw before them a chain of rugged and trackless mountains. These Avere probably a branch of the Cordilleras, Avhich they might have avoided by a slight detour ; but they Avere discouraged, and deter mined to hasten back to the Chucagua, and there construct a flotilla Avhich might convey them to Mexico. They suffered much on the road, by the scarcity of provisions, the severe cold, and the incessant hostility of the natives. On reaching the Missis sippi, they seized on Aminoia, a considerable place, composed of two contiguous toAvns. The natives did not willingly admit them, but Avere driven out after a short resistance. As soon as the troops were refreshed from their fatigues, and the rigor of the winter was over, Moscosco, Avho had succeeded to the command, applied Avith the utmost vigor to the building of seven brigantines, Avhich were judged sufficient to embark the 328. THE UNITED STATES. remaining troops. They iioav learned that a general confederacy had beeU formed among the neighboring tribes for their destruc tion. An envoy from one of the caciques privately assured the Indian female captives that they would soon be delivered from the odious yoke of the strangers, whose heads, stuck on lances, would adorn the porches of the temples, while their bodies, suspended from the tops of the trees, would become the prey of the birds. These fair prisoners, moved either by pity or a tenderer sentiment, gave notice of the danger. Fortunately for the Spaniards, this design Avas checked by an inundation of the river, which converted all the surrounding plain into a sea, and made the streets of Ami- noia, passable only in canoes. They were thus enabled, by the end of July, 1543, to complete their brigantines ; but the enemy now determined to attack them in their passage down the river. For this purpose they had provided nearly a thousand war canoes, larger than those in the rest of Florida. They were variously adorned with brilliant colors, — blue, yellow, red and green ; but each canoe with the oars, and even the arroAvs and plumes of the boatmen, were all of one color. It was discovered from the inter preter that the Indians spoke with contempt of the cowards who were flying before them in vain, but who had escaped being the prey of the dogs on land, only to be devoured by the river mon sters. Accordingly the voyage down for ten days was one con tinued battle, in which the Spaniards were obliged to remain strictly on the defensive, being now less than five hundred in number and with their ammunition nearly exhausted. Every one of them, notwithstanding his armor, was more or less wounded, and all their horses were killed except eight. Having got the start of the enemy by about a league, they landed at a village for provisions ; but were so closely followed that they were obliged to abandon their horses, and saAv miserably perish this remnant of the three hundred and fifty noble steeds with which they had landed in Florida, and Avhich had been the . main instrument of their victories. Soon after, the Indians, by a feigned relaxation in the pursuit, induced three barks Avith fifty-two men, rashly to separate from the rest, when they Avere suddenly surprised and overwhelm ed, the whole being killed or drowned, Avith the exception of four. They continued to follow the Spaniards during that day and the fol lowing night; but next morning, when they saw the sunrise, they raised loud shouts, and sounded all their instruments in thanks giving to that great luminary, for the victory he had granted. They then desisted from the pursuit, Avhich had been continued without intermission for four hundred leagues. Moscosco, with THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 329 all that remained of his troops reached the ocean Avithout farther difficulty. The Portuguese narrator has given an estimate of the Spanish marches, Avhich makes them amount, in all, to above five thousand miles. This is certainly extravagant ; yet they were very exten sive, including, in various directions, the whole of Florida and Georgia, and even touching Carolina. Nothing, hoAvever, can be more misplaced than the title of "Conquest of Florida," Avhich Spanish pride has not scrupled to affix to the narrative. With the exception of the deep track of blood Avith Avhich their steps were almost everywhere marked, the Spaniards left Florida, as they had found it, in full possession of the native tribes. It was not till the year 1565, that any permanent settlement Avas made by the Spaniards in Florida. In that year Pedro Melendez Avas sent on an expedition for the colonization of the country, and founded the city of St. Augustine. The French, in the meantime, had formed settlements in Carolina, and bloody contests ensued between the tAvo nations, which ended in the total extirpation of the French. The subjugation of the native Floridians, however, has hardly been accomplished even at the present day. B^tLdll •"j ¦:Hr: mm W$m=y- - - jail flips' * ^-5^. -i^feiX^S^siJ^ m±M 28* p2 C HAPTER XXXV. Virginia. Discovery of the United Stales by John and Sebastian Cabot. — Voyage of Verazzani— First attempts of the English to settle North America. — Unsuc cessful expedition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert .— Voyage of Amidas and Barlow — Sir Walter Raleigh's first endeavors at the settlement of Virginia.— Disastrous fate of the early adventurers. First attempt of the English to settle North America. Henry VII., of England, narrowly missed the glory of attach ing to his name and that of his country the discovery of the Western World. But though he had lost the chief prize, he showed a disposition to encourage those who embarked in these novel and brilliant adventures. A serious offer Avas soon made to him from a respectable quarter. Such are the strange vicissi tudes of human destiny, that the English, who, Avith their descend ants, were to become the greatest maritime people in the world, ventured not then to undertake distant voyages, except under the guidance of Italians, — a people whose vessels are now hardly ever seen out of the Mediterranean. Finding encouragement, hoAV- ever, from the rising spirit of the English nation, a Venetian mariner, named Giovanni Gabotto, Avhose descendants, under the DISCOVERIES OF THE CABOTS. 331 name of Cabot, now live in NeAV England, came over Avith his three sons to settle in England. He presented a plan to Henry, for a western Aroyage of discovery. It met with the approbation of the king, and Cabot set sail for the west. On the 24th of June, 1497, he saAV land, Avhich he named Prima Vista. This was Newfoundland. He then sailed along a considerable extent of coast north and south, Avhen, finding the whole to be a continent with no opening to the westward, he re turned to England. This Avas the first discovery of the continent of America ; for it was not till the following year that Columbus saw the main land of South America, where the Orinoco pours its vast flood into the ocean. It is remarkable, and seems to indicate a very supine state of feeling upon these subjects, that while the Spanish discoverers found such numerous historians, not a single narrative should exist of the memorable voyage of Cabot. The most authentic account is contained in a writing made on a map drawn by Cabot's son, Sebastian. It is very brief, and merely states the discovery of Newfoundland and the appearance of the country. The natives were clothed in the skins of Avild beasts. In Avar they used boAvs, arrows, darts, wooden clubs and slings. The land was barren and bore no fruit ; while bears and stags of an enormous size roamed in great numbers over it. Fish were plenty ; among them were sea-wolves, salmon, and soles a yard long. But above all, there was a great abundance of the fish called bacalaos, or cod. One more meagre testimony is contained in the chronicle of Fabyan, who saw three natives brought over by the Cabots from Newfoundland. "These were clothed in beasts' skins, and did eat raw flesh, and spake such speech that no man could understand them." Two years after, he saw them dressed like Englishmen in Westminster palace, — " which that time I could not discern from Englishmen, till I Avas learned what they Avere ; but as for speech, I heard none of them utter one Avord." Such are all the records which England has seen fit to preserve of this her earliest and one of her most illustrious naval exploits. John Cabot soon died, and Sebastian, the most intelligent of his sons, not finding sufficient encouragement in' England, repaired to Spain, where the ardor for discovery still continued. He was readily received into ¦ service, and despatched by the king to the coast of Brazil, where he discovered the Rio de la Plata. He became the most eminent person of his age for nautical science, and obtained the distin guished title of Piloto Mayor of Spain. On the accession of Edward VI., when the English nation caught at last the full enthusiasm of maritime adventure, Sebas tian Cabot Avas invited back to England, and made Grand Pilot 332 THE UNITED STATES. of the kingdom. Whether he made a second voyage to America is uncertain ; but he formed the plan and drew up instructions for the expedition sent under Sir Hugh Willoughby and Chancellor, to attempt the discovery of India by the northeast. In 1500, the Portuguese, under Cortereal, visited Newfoundland and Labrador, but made no settlement. The earliest voyage along the coast of North America, of which we have any detailed account, is that of John Verazzani, a Flor entine, who, under the patronage of Francis I. of France, sailed in 1524, to discover lands in the west. He appears to have touched first at Carolina or Florida. Large fires were seen burning on shore ; but he sought in vain for a good harbor. After sailing south and north in this fruitless search, he landed in a boat. The natives came down to the shore in considerable numbers, but on the approach of the Europeans, ran away. At length, being sat isfied that they had nothing to fear, they brought provisions to their visitors, assisted them in drawing their boat on shore, and viewed with surprise and admiration the dress and white skin of the strangers. They were tall, handsome, swift of foot and naked, except the furs which were tied round their waist by a girdle of plaited grass and hung down to the knees. The coast was sandy, rising into low hills ; but as they proceeded, it became loftier, and was covered with magnificent Avoods, not of the common forest trees, but palm, cypress, and others unknown to Europe, and which diffused the most delicious perfume. This spot appears to have been Cape Fear, in North Carolina. They now proceeded along the coast, which turned to the east ward, and appeared very populous, but so Ioav and open that even a boat could not approach it. In this emergency, a young sailor offered to swim ashore, and open an intercourse with the natives. They crowded to receive him ; but just as he had arrived within a few yards of the land, his courage failed, and he attempted to turn back. A high wave struck him, and he was thrown on the beach half dead. The natives immediately stripped him naked, and carried him to a large fire which they had kindled. His friends in the ships never doubted that he was about to be roasted alive and eaten ; and the youth himself was at first of the same opinion. But he was soon assured of his safety when they merely brought him so near as to place him in a comfortable degree of warmth. They viewed with an eager but a kindly curiosity, the whiteness of his skin and the other novelties of his appearance. On his making signs that he wished to return, they took leave of him Avith marks of warm affection, accompanied him to the shore, and watched him with their eyes till he reached the vessel. VOYAGE OF VERAZZANI. 333 Verazzani now sailed onward, and saAv the coast of Virginia, Like the former land, it was beautiful, and covered with noble trees. The canoes of the natives were hollowed out of a single tree by the use of fire. The men had all fled, and they overtook only two females, one of whom AVas old, and the other young, tall and handsome. The old woman was soon prevailed upon to eat of the victuals which they offered her, and even allowed them to take a little boy from her arms, which the crew wished to carry aAvay. The young woman, on the contrary, threw all their pres ents indignantly on the ground, and when they attempted to carry her off, she uttered such frightful screams that they desisted. Sailing a hundred leagues farther, the voyagers came to a fine sheltered bay, surrounded by gentle hills, and receiving a great river, so deep that loaded ships might ascend it. This was proba bly the Hudson ; but dreading accidents, they only went up the stream in their boats, and found a country equally rich and beau tiful, which they left with regret. The hills, to their anxious view, appeared to afford some promise of mineral riches. From this place they sailed fifty leagues eastward along the coast, and came to an island ten leagues from land, apparently Martha's Vineyard. It was covered Avith gentle and finely- wooded hills. Twenty canoes, filled with natives, appeared, and approaching within fifty paces, set up shouts of wonder and as tonishment. The voyagers threw them bells, mirrors, and other little toys, which soon enticed them on board the ships. Veraz zani thought them the handsomest men, and the most civilized in their manners, that he had yet seen in the newly-discovered coun try. Their color Avas lighter than that of the more southern people, and their forms even approached to the beauty of the antique. They became intimate with the voyagers, who made several excursions with them into the country, and found it cov ered with noble forests. They showed, however, an extreme jealousy of their women, whom they would on no account allow to approach the vessels. Even the queen, while her royal hus band spent a long time on board, examining the ship and commu nicating by signs and gestures with the crew, was left with her female attendants in a boat at a little distance. Again setting sail, they proceeded a hundred and fifty leagues along a coast running first to the east and then to the north, which shoAvs that they were now upon the shores of New Eng land. The country was in general similar to that which they had left, though it gradually became higher, and sometimes rose into mountains. Fifty leagues further, in the direction of east and north, brought them to a region of thick and dark woods, doubt- 334 THE UNITED STATES. less the State of Maine. Here they stopped and endeavored to open an intercourse with the natives, but found them shy and unfriendly. They were tempted, indeed, by the display of trin kets which the crew exhibited, but this led to no satisfactory results. They came doAvn to the shore, where a violent surf Avas breaking, and accepted a few knives and fish-hooks, which the sailors passed to them by a rope ; but declined all further inter course. There was no temptation to linger here, and the voyagers pursued their course fifty leagues further, during which they counted thirty islands, separated by narrow channels. This Avas, probably, Penobscot Bay ; leaving which place, they came next to Newfoundland, and then returned to France, having completed a survey of more than two thousand miles of coast. The high hopes excited by the successful result of this voyage were not realized by the French. Verazzani, on his second expe dition, was killed and devoured by the natives, if we may believe the accounts given at the time ; though neither the date, place nor circumstances of this catastrophe, are stated by any contem porary writer. We must return to England to pursue the history of the discovery and settlement of the territory now under con sideration. The accession of Queen Elizabeth produced a great and per manent change in the spirit of the English nation with regard to maritime affairs. That prudent princess, though never liberal of treasure, inspired and seconded the enterprising spirit of her peo ple, which combining with their antipathy to the Spanish, impelled them especially to adventure in the regions of the west. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, in Devonshire, formed the first design of leading a colony to America. Aided by Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir George Peckham, he equipped a fleet of five ves sels, and sailed for the west, May 11th, 1583. One of the ships put back on the second day, but the rest held on their course, and after being retarded by westerly winds and heavy fogs, reached the banks of Newfoundland about the end of July. This spot they knew, without heaving the lead, by the incredible number of seafowl, which darkened the air. Thirty-six vessels, from Europe, were found fishing upon the banks. Gilbert appears to have conducted in a very arbitrary and unjustifiable manner toward the foreigners, robbing them of their stores Avithout scruple ; but the queen's commission Avas judged a sufficient Avarrant for almost any act of power in this quarter. He took possession of the country around the harbor of St. John's, but his crew became discontented, and plotted against him. The country was dreary and barren ; the weather was stormy ; ship VOYAGE OF AMIDAS AND BARLOW. 335 after ship was lost, and finally Sir Humphrey himself. A single vessel of all the squadron returned to England. The disastrous issue of this enterprise did not, hoAvever, check the spirit of adventure. In the year 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh, one of the most remarkable men that adorned the reign of Eliza beth, undertook, at his sole charge, a grand scheme of colonization, for which he obtained an ample patent from the queen. He did not proceed in person upon the expedition, but despatched two vessels under the command of captains Amidas and Barlow. These adventurers, in order to avoid the disasters which Gilbert had suffered from the northern mists and tempests, took a circui tous route by the Canaries and the Bahama channel, after which they steered to the north. On approaching the land, they Avere greeted with a gale of the most delicious odors, such as might have been exhaled from a garden of flowers. They approached cautiously, and found themselves on a long line of coast, but without any appearance of a harbor. The shore was low and sandy, but green hills rose in the interior, and the woods exhibited such a profusion of grapes as had never been seen by those who had travelled in the finest wine countries of Europe They sailed a hundred and tAventy miles before they found a landing-place. On landing and mounting the nearest hill, they were surprised to discover that the whole of this range of coast was an island. It was that long strip of land which incloses Pamlico Sound, in North Carolina. The English spent two days here without seeing any people ; but on the third, a boat with three men approached, one of whom landed on the beach. The English sent a boat on shore, which he fearlessly awaited, and began to speak fluently in an unknown tongue. He cheerfully accepted their invitation to go on board ; ate their food, drank their wine, and, receiving some presents of dress, departed highly pleased. Other natives soon appeared, and at length came the king's brother, Granganimeo, with a train of forty or fifty attendants. They Avere handsome men, very cour teous in their demeanor, and treated their chief with the most abject submission. They spread a mat for him to sit upon, and stood round him in a circle, none speaking, except four, marked as chiefs by red pieces of copper on their heads, — and these whis pered in a low tone to each other. The English began to make presents, first to Granganimeo, and then to his officers ; but he took all these and put them into his own basket, making signs that all things should be presented to him alone. Commerce was the next business, for which a quantity of valuable skins, brought by the natives, formed a desirable object. The English now dis- 336 THE UNITED STATES. played their goods and trinkets, and the chief instantly fixed upon a tin plate, which he applied to his breast, and having made a hole in the rim, hung it round his neck, declaring that he was now invincible, and fearless of an enemy. For this plate he gave twenty valuable skins. After more traffic, equally profitable, and excursions to various parts of the coast, particularly to Roanoke, where they found a queen, who treated them with great kindness, they returned to England. The two captains gave the most flattering account of the coun try on their return. " The soil," said they, " is the most fruitful, sweet, and plentiful and wholesome of all in ihe world. We found the people most gentle, loving and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as lived after the manner of the golden age." These reports enchanted Raleigh, and filled the kingdom with high expectations. The queen honored this land of promise by naming it Virginia, in allusion to her unmarried state, of which she was fond of making an ostentatious mention. Raleigh expended almost his whole fortune in equipping a second expedi tion. This consisted of seven ships, the largest of which was one hundred and twenty tons burthen. Ralph Lane was ap pointed governor. The fleet Avas commanded by Sir Richard Granville,— a man accounted one of the chief ornaments of Eng lish chivalry. He steered first tOAvards the West Indies, and reached Virginia on the 29th of June, 1585. He landed his colony, and discovered Chesapeake Bay. At the head of Roanoke Sound, they found a chief named Menaton, who commanded seven hun dred fighting men. The chief, Avith his favorite son, they took prisoners. The former was set at liberty, but the latter was retained as a hostage. Menaton gave the English an enticing description of the country. Pearls were represented as so abundant in the upper country of the Moratiks and the Mangoaks, that not only their fur garments, but the beds and the Avails of the houses were bedecked with them. Much was said, also, of a wonderful species of copper, which was found high up in the sands of the river. These accounts highly inflamed the imagination and cupidity of the English, and the utmost eagerness Avas felt to push fonvard to this rich country. Menaton assured them that in ascending the river, they Avould find relays of men with provisions, at every point, and that the people would be prepared to give them the kindest reception. Forty of the adventurers, therefore, embarked in two boats, and proceeded up the stream. Great was their dis appointment when they passed three days without seeing one of the natives, or an article of food. All the towns were deserted, and every useful thing carried away. The English now began DISASTERS OF THE SETTLERS OF VIRGINIA. 337 to suspect they were betrayed ; but unwilling to abandon at once their golden hopes, sailed on two days longer, subsisting on the flesh of two dogs made into a soup, with sassafras leaves. Still they found neither men nor food on shore, and saw only lights at night moving to and fro in the interior. At length, in the after noon, a voice from the AVoods called out, " Manteo!" This was the name of one of their Indian guides, and a joyful hope arose that a friendly intercourse was about to be opened. Manteo, however, on hearing the voice, and a song which followed it, bade them be on their guard. Presently a cloud of arrows fell among them. They immediately landed and attacked the savages ; but they escaped into the forest. The English kept Avatch all night, and in the morning set out on their return to the coast. They reached their companions just in time to prevent a gen eral rising of the natives. Hostilities, hoAvever, soon broke out, and the enmity of all the tribes became firmly rooted. In the hopes of starving the English, they had abstained from sow ing any of the lands around the settlement. No fresh supplies arrived from England at the time expected. While they were in this forlorn condition, a fleet of twenty-three vessels came in sight; this was the squadron of Sir Francis Drake, returning from his victorious expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies. The colonists gladly seized this opportunity to return to England, and every man embarked without scruple. A few days after this hasty abandonment of the colony, arrived a vessel from England, with ample stores; and the crew, to their amazement, found no colony to relieve. They sailed along the coast, and made excursions into the country, but all search being vain, they returned to England. A fortnight after, arrived Sir Richard Grenville, with three Avell-appointed vessels, bringing everything requistie to place the settlement in the most flourishing state. Great was his dismay when neither the colony nor the ship sent for its relief, nor any trace of the English was to be discovered. He also returned to England, leaving fifty men on the island of Roanoke, to hold the place till he should arrive with more ample supplies. All these disasters did not discourage Raleigh. He sent out three more ships, with one hundred and fifty persons, under John White, as governor. They arrived on the 22d of July. On landing and searching for the fifty men of the colony, they found only the bones of one, — a dreadful spectacle, which told too dis tinctly the fate of the rest. The fort was razed to the ground ; the houses were in ruins and overgrown with grass, on which deer were browsing, and all was melancholy and desolate. White, 29 q2 338 THE UNITED STATES. however, sent invitations to the neighboring chiefs, to open a friendly intercourse, assuring them that all should be forgiven and forgotten. They returned a courteous answer, saying that they would reply within eight days. Meantime, the English learned the history of the unfortunate settlers. They had been surprised and attacked by three hundred Indians. They re treated into their storehouse,. Avhich the assailants set on fire Part of them perished in the flame, part were massacred, and the remainder fled into the woods, Avhere they Avere heard of no more. Irritated by this relation, and hearing nothing from the chiefs to whom he had made his overtures, White determined on instant revenge. He attacked a party of the natives, as they were sitting round a fire, and pursued them into a thicket, when it was discov ered that they belonged to one of the tribes friendly to the Eng lish. This ill-judged burst of resentment was the only exploit performed by Governor White; and the colonists, Avho suffered unexpected privations and hardships, forced him to return imme diately to England for further supplies. Much delay followed, and it was not till 1590, that another expedition reached Virginia, when a scene of desolation similar to the former, again presented itself in the place occupied by the unfortunate colony. The houses were demolished, and a great part of the stores were found buried in the earth. This led at first to the hope that the settlers had removed to some other spot in the neighborhood ; but as no trace was ever found of them, there cannot be a doubt that the whole miserably perished. JP«S1B1 CHAPTER XXXVI. Virginia continued. — Voyage of Newport. — Discovery of Chesapeake Bay. — Adventure of Captain Smith and Pocahontas. — Smith explores the Chesapeake. — Cultivation of Tobacco. — Vicissitudes of the colonists. — Massacre by the In dians. — Dissolution of the London Company who held tlie charter of the colony. — III success of their administration. Settlement of Jamestown. These repeated disasters at length discouraged Raleigh, who had expended nearly his whole fortune Avithout any prospect of a return. Grenville, meantime, had died. Raleigh made no farther attempts to colonize Virginia. The design Avas therefore sus pended for some years; but, in 1602, it received a new impulse from a voyage made by Bartholomew Gosnold, to the coast of New England, or North Virginia, as it was then called. Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt and others, obtained a patent for South Virginia, as a company of merchants and adventurers; and on the 19th of December, 1606, three vessels sailed from London, under the command of Captain NeAvport. Many persons of distinction were in this expedition ; among others Captain John Smith, who was destined to become 340 THE united states, celebrated in the history of Virginia. He possessed all those qualities of firmness, courage and perseverance, which could fit him for the arduous task of founding a colonial establishment. He had been appointed one of the council for the government of the colony. The president of the council was Edward Maria Wingfield ; but Smith, from the force of his character, was allowed to take a leading part in the very outset of the undertaking. He soon excited the jealousy of his colleagues, who charged him with a design of making himself king of Virginia. Upon this vague accusation, he was arrested and kept in close confinement above a year. Towards the end of April, 1607, they came nearly in sight of the coast of Virginia, when they met a violent storm, which drove them out of their reckoning, and they sailed three days without any view of the expected land. So disheartened were they by their long passage, that they were on the point of steering back to England, when they came in sight of an unknown cape at the entrance of a spacious gulf. This Avas Cape Henry, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, where the beauty and fertility of the shores surpassed all they had yet seen of the American continent. Their first intercourse with the natives, however, showed that a deep feeling of hostility against the English had become rooted in their minds. A party from the ship having gone on shore for recreation, the savages came creeping down the hills on all fours, with their bows in their mouths, and when sufficiently near, dis charged a cloud of arrows, Avounding two of the -English. A volley of musketry sent them back to the woods with loud cries. When the ships reached Cape Comfort, they saw five more natives, who at first were shy, but at length invited the English by signs to come ashore to their town. They proceeded to it by rowing across a river, while the savages swam, holding their bows and arrows in their mouths. The reception of the strangers was singular. The Indians made a doleful noise, laying their faces to the ground and scratching the earth with their nails. " We did think they had been at their idolatry," says the narrator. After this greeting, they spread mats on the ground and covered them with such dainties as the country afforded, including tobacco, which they smoked out of Hong, ornamented pipes. They then entertained their visitors with a dance, " beating their hands, shouting, howling, and stamping like so many wolves or devils." After this entertainment, the English departed in peace. Proceeding higher up the bay, they came among people who had probably never before seen Europeans. Here they were :received still more cordially. The king, or Werrowannee, of SETTLEMENT OF JAMESTOWN. 341 Rappahannoc, met them with all his train, — "as goodly men," says one of the adventurers, " as I have seen of savages or Christians. His body was painted all of crimson, with a chain of beads about his neck ; his face painted blue, besprinkled with silver ore, as we thought; his ears all hung with bracelets of pearl, and in either ear a bird's claw beset with fine copper or gold. He entertained us in so modest a proud fashion as though he had been a prince of civil government." He invited the English to his house on a hill covered with the finest corn-fields ; the vales Avere watered by beautiful rivulets. One of the English having a very strong target, which could resist shot, set it up for an Indian to shoot at. The Indian took his arrow of cane, an ell in length, headed Avith a sharp stone, and shot the target through. A steel target was then set up, against which the arrow was broken in pieces ; on which the Indian took out another, bit it in a rage, and went aAvay. A fine river was next discovered, to which they gave the name of James's river, in honor of king James I., from whom they held their patent. Ascending this river forty miles, they selected a spot on its banks for a settlement. A town Avas begun, named Jamestown. But their provisions soon began to fall short ; sick ness spread among them, and at the end of summer, fifty of the settlers had died. In their distress, all eyes were turned towards Smith, whose courage and enterprise were well known. Believ ing him to be the only man who could provide a remedy for their evils, they released him from confinement, and gave him the supreme command. Smith set forth to collect provisions in the surrounding country. The Indians, knowing the famishing con dition of the English, received them with derision, and demanded their muskets, swords, and other valuables. Finding it impossi ble to trade, the English fired a volley and frightened the savages into the woods. Smith's party then entered a village, which was found Avell stocked with provisions. They proposed to carry these off without delay, but Smith insisted upon remaining till the Indians returned, as he had no doubt they Avould do ere long. Soon they heard a hideous noise, and a body of sixty or seventy Indians issued from the woods. They were painted black, Avhite and red, and advanced singing, daneing, and bearing in front their okee, or idol, — an image of skins stuffed with moss, painted, and hung with chains of copper. In this style they made a furious attack upon the English, but Avere driven back to the woods, Avith the loss of their idol and several of their men. This defeat appeared to dishearten them, and presently a venerable personage came out with overtures of peace. A treaty was 29* 342 THE UNITED STATES. concluded, terms of barter Avere agreed upon, and the English obtained a boat-load of provisions. After some further excursions, Smith returned to Jamestown, and found a scheme on foot to break up the settlement and return to England. He put down this attempt, and set out to explore the Chickahominy, a branch of James's river. He sailed so far up that his boat could be forced onward only by cutting down the trees which overhung the stream. At length, he was obliged to abandon the boat, and proceed in a canoe with four of his party, two of whom were Indians. Twenty miles further up, he left his men at the canoe, and went into" the woods to shoot game. In this he did not observe his usual caution. The Indians, who had been all this time Avatching his movements, attacked the canoe and killed the tAvo Englishmen. Smith suddenly found himself surrounded by two or three hundred infuriated savages. Never theless, he defended himself with amazing intrepidity. He seized his Indian guide, tied him to his body, and presented him to the enemy as a shield. In this position he retreated towards the canoe, but before he could reach it, he sunk to the middle in a swamp, where he was surrounded and taken prisoner. He now gave himself up for lost. The Indians tied him to a tree, and formed a circle around to shoot him. The presence of mind of this remarkable man did not, however, desert him even Avhen he saAv death before his eyes. Before a bow could be drawn, Sfnith excited the attention of their chief, Opecancanough, by exhibiting an ivory compass-dial; this caused a moment's delay, which the ingenious adventurer improved to explain its use ancf application to the heavenly bodies. Curiosity and the love of mystery, were strong with the savages; the chief and his officers were struck with wonder and admiration. On a signal given, all the bows and arrows were dropped, and Smith Avas unbound, and conducted under a guard to the chief tOAvn of the Indians. He was then led from town to town, and exhibited to the women and children, who flocked in crowds to the sight, and received him with strange yells and dances. Tilvery day they set before him as much bread and venison as would have fed twenty men; but no one sat down to eat Avith him. This and the lack of all other marks of kindness in the behavior of the natives, induced him to think they were fattening him for slaughter. After he had been led about the country sufficiently, the sava ges performed a grotesque conjuration over him, which lasted for three days. The chief performer was a grim figure, having his face painted black with coal and oil, and numerous stuffed skins of snakes and Aveasels fastened by the tails to the crown of his SMITH SAVED BY POCAHONTAS. 343 head, and hanging down in a frightful manner over the face and shoulders. He Avas assisted by others still more hideous, with Avhite eyes and striped skins of red and black. These demo niacal figures intermingled circles of meal and corn with bundles of sticks, explaining to their victim that the meal was the Indian country, the corn the sea, and the sticks England, and that this Avas done to discover Avhether he meant them well or ill. When this incantation Avas over, he Avas led before PoAvhatan, the chief of all that part of Virginia, and whom the English dignified with the title of emperor. Powhatan arrayed himself in the utmost pomp on this solemn occasion. He Avore an ample robe of raccoon skins, from which all the tails were hanging. Behind him stood tAvo long roAvs of men, and behind them tAvo more of Avomen, all- with their faces and shoulders painted red, their heads bedecked with white down, and chains of white beads round their necks. One of the queens gave Smith a towel to wash his hands, and another, a bundle of feathers to dry them. The fatal moment was now approaching. Two large stones Avere placed before the savage chief, and the attendants, rushing in a body upon Smith, dragged him forward and laid his head upon one of the stones. The executioner raised his ponderous club, and another instant would have ended the life of the hero of Virginia. 'But at this Pocahontas saving Smith. critical moment, Pocahontas, the favorite daughter of Powhatan, was struck with those emotions of humanity and tenderness, which are the ornament of the sex. Regardless of the savage hearts and barbarous manners of her countrymen, and discarding all thoughts of the dignity of her birth, she rushed to her father, 344 THE UNITED STATES. and pleaded for the life of the stranger. Her interposition was repelled with coolness, and obstinacy by the haughty chieftain. The princess, finding her entreaties insufficient to shake his bloody resolution, then flung herself upon the bosom of the captive, laid her head upon his, and declared that the bloAV aimed at his life must first fall upon her. The romantic intrepidity of this savage maiden at length touched the heart of the barbarous king. The life of the captive was spared, and he Avas retained at the court of the Virginian chief, where he amused him and his daughter by making bells, beads, and other trinkets of European fashion. Another adventure soon followed. Smith was conveyed to a house and placed alone by a large fire. Presently he heard a frightful noise, and Powhatan rushed in, Avith two hundred of his men, having their faces blackened, and disguised in every terrify ing manner that a savage fancy could invent. Again the prisoner looked for instant death, but Avas relieved by the information that these were signs of peace and friendship. He was then granted his liberty, on condition of sending the king two culverins and a mill-stone. Smith returned to Jamestown, which he reached at a critical moment. The colonists Avere again in despair, and had been fitting up a pinnace to convey them back to England. He took decisive measures at once, and declared that the voyage must be abandoned, or he would cause the pinnace to be sunk. Finding him resolute, they gave up the project. Pocahontas, continuing her generous kindness, sent them provisions every three or four days, till a fresh ship arrived from England. After this, Smith set out to complete his survey of the shores of the Chesapeake. He crossed first to the eastern shore, and coasted upwards. He was variously received, the natives in general coming " in much surprise, asking what they were, and what they would." He always used the means of conciliation ; and generally succeeded, by friendly explanations and presents of beads, in opening an amicable intercourse. But in some cases, the savages were obsti nate in their hostility, and Smith was forced to intimidate them by the terrors of his musketry. In one place, he was nearly killed by the sting of a poisonous fish, and, by his own desire, his friends dug a grave for him. His rapid and unexpected recovery, however, saved the adventurers from so irretrievable a loss. After a fortnight spent in this pursuit, the men became tired of laboring at the oar, and being seconded in their murmurs by some days of bad weather, obliged their commander to return home, though much against his will. He set his face toward Jamestown, full of regret at not having seen the Massowomeks, — understood to he SMITH ASCENDS THE POTOMAC. 345 the most numerous and powerful of all the nations in those parts, — and the great river Potomac, the fame of Avhich had come to his ears. Suddenly, to his great surprise and delight, he came to the broad mouth of this famous river, which presented so grand a spectacle that the men recovered their spirits, and agreed to ascend it. They found the country populous, but hostile; and at one place an ambuscade of three or four thousand men, grimed, painted and disguised, started up from the thickets with yells and screams, like demons from the infernal regions. However, upon the mere grazing of the English musket-balls upon the Avater, " down fell their bows and arrows," and a friendly intercourse followed. The enmity of these tribes, it appeared, had been fomented by Powhatan, who had noAV resumed his hostile feel ings toward the colonists. Some distance up the river, they found a mine of antimony, Avhich the natives extracted with shells and hatchets. They prized this mineral highly, as the means of paint ing their bodies black, yet giving them a gloss like silver. The next expedition, Smith went in search of the river Sus- quehannah, at the head of the bay. His vessel, however, was: stopped before reaching it, by the shoals. He sent up a message requesting a visit from the Susquehannah tribe, who Avere repre sented as a mighty people. After an interval of three or four days, there appeared sixty men, of gigantic stature, Avith presents of arms, venison, and tobacco-pipes three feet long. Five of their chiefs came on board the vessel and sailed across the bay Avithout the least apprehension. The English then explored all the waters of the bay, particularly the river Rappahannoc, where a thousand: arrows were let fly in a single volley at them. From this attack,, r2 346 THE UNITED STATES. however, they suffered no injury. In this exploratory trip they voyaged a distance of three thousand miles, and returned in safety to Jamestown. Pocahontas for several years kept up her acquaintance with the English, visiting Jamestown, with her wild train of attendants, with as much familiarity as if it had been her father's hoUse. Powhatan, however, dissatisfied with the English mode of tra ding, which does not seem to have been very liberal, laid a plan to murder Smith in the woods. His life was again saved by the fair Indian princess, who ran through the forest in a dark night to warn her friend of his danger. In this disinterested act of kindness she encountered great hazard, yet refused all the pres ents which the English offered in token of their gratitude. Open Avar now broke out, and all intercourse between the colonists and the natives was cut off. Smith, having been severely burned by an accidental explosion of gunpowder, found it necessary to return to England. Before we resume the thread of our political history, we will complete the story of the heroic Pocahontas. Some time after the departure of Smith, one Captain Argall, who had been sent up the Potomac to trade for corn, heard that this celebrated per sonage was at a village on the river. He. therefore, bribed one of the Indians to inveigle her on board his vessel, and then carried her captive to Jamestown. It was expected that Powhatan would consent to terms of peace to regain possession of his daughter ; but the base treachery of her captors did not produce the desired effect. The savage king remained three months without making any reply to these overtures, and at last sent seven English cap tives with seven bad muskets and an offer of five hundred bushels of corn, as a ransom. These were rejected, as inadequate, and the unfortunate prisoner remained tAvo years in captivity. She appears, however, to have been perfectly Avell treated, insomuch that she became more and more attached to the English manners and character. She was instructed in the principles of the Chris tian religion, which she embraced, and was baptized with the name of Rebecca. A young man, named Thomas Rolfe, admiring her noble character and amiable manners, paid her his addresses, and met Avith a tender return. A proposal of marriage was made to her father, who, with unhoped-for Avillingness, readily agreed to the proposal, and made it the basis of a treaty of peace, which he never violated. Rolfe and Pocahontas were married, and the brother and son of the king visited Jamestown, to represent the barbarian monarch at the wedding. Soon after, the new-married pair sailed for England. POCAHONTAS IN LONDON. 347 When Smith heard of her arrival, he wrote a letter to the queen, soliciting her kindness and courtesy towards his noble friend. She Avas, in consequence, introduced at court, and became the favorite object in the social circles of fashion and rank. She was accompanied by an Indian chief, who had married one of her sisters. This savage resisted all the endeavors made to convert him to Christianity: and the historian, Purchas, saw him repeatedly "sing and dance his diabolical measures." Pow hatan had instructed him to bring back full information respecting England, and particularly to count the people, furnishing him for that purpose with a bundle of sticks, that he might make a notch for every man. On landing at Plymouth, he was appalled at the magnitude of the task before him, but continued notching indefatigably all the way to London. As soon, however, as he reached, the great thoroughfare of Piccadilly, he threw away his sticks, and on returning, desired PoAvhatan to count the leaves on the trees, or the sands on the sea-shore, if he Avould number the English. The only mortification which Pocahontas met with in England, Avas from king James, who, in his pedantic bigotry, imagined, or affected to imagine, that Rolfe, in marrying the daughter of Pow hatan, might be advancing a claim to the crown of Virginia. His courtiers nevertheless, by much industry, drove this fancy from his head, and Pocahontas departed from London with the most favorable impressions of the English, and every appropriate honor conferred upon her ; Rolfe being appointed Secretary and Recor der General of Virginia. She was destined, however, no more to see her native land. As she went doAvn the Thames, she was seized with an illness, which in a few days put an end to her life. Her last moments are described as having been extremely edifying to the spectator, and full of Christian hope and resignation. Among the commodities sought in Virginia, gold, as usual, was the primary object ; and whenever the eyes of the settlers lighted on any mineral substance of a yellow color, then, as Smith says, " dig gold ! wash gold ! refine gold ! became all the cry." Several1 ships were loaded with yelloAv earth, believed to be gold dust, Avhich when it arrived in England was found to be utterly worth less. To gold succeeded tobacco, Avhich was soon established so firmly among the English and other European nations as to become a speedy and permanent source of wealth to Virginia. Sir Walter Raleigh, while his mind was occupied with the settlement of the country, introduced it at the court of Queen Elizabeth, where it seems to have been at first the subject of much ridicule. Raleigh offered to bet with the queen that he would weigh the smoke 348 THE UNITED STATES. from it; a challenge which the queen readily accepted. Raleigh then weighed the tobacco, and after smoking it, weighed the ashes, arguing that the difference between the two quantities must be the amount of the smoke. The queen admitted bis reasoning, and remarked that she had often seen gold turned into smoke, but never, till then, smoke turned into gold. Among the vicissitudes and disasters which befel the colony, there is one deserving of especial notice for its tragical character. Opecancanough, the successor of Powhatan, had adopted with ardor all the early enmity of that prince against the English. This hostile feeling was more and more embittered, as he observed the manner in which the hated strangers multiplied and spread over the country. Instigated by these feelings, he formed one of those dreadful schemes, so characteristic of the Indians, of exter minating the whole race of his enemies at a single blow. Such was the fidelity of his people, and so deep the power of savage dissimulation, that this bloody scheme was arranged and matured during four years, without the slightest hint being conveyed to the English. Down to the fatal moment of its execution the most studied semblance of friendship and cordiality was maintained. The king sent a message that " the sky would sooner fall than the peace between them should be dissolved." Several of the English, who had strayed into the woods and fallen into the power of the savages, were carefully and kindly guided back. On the fatal morning of the 22d of March, 1622, the Indians flocked to the English settlements in great numbers, with numerous presents, and many of them breakfasted in the English houses. On a signal given, they began a general massacre, Avithout distinc tion of age or sex. The weapons of the English themselves, or any instruments of destruction which lay nearest at hand, were used against them. Many of the savage murderers had received from their victims particular kindness and marks of favor. In a space of time which may be called momentary, three hundred and forty-seven of the English fell, Avithout knowing how or by what weapon. Only one disclosure was made, and that by Chumo, an Indian convert living Avith a Mr. Pace, who treated him as his own son. One of his companions, the night before, acquaint ed him with the design, and urged him to kill his master, as he intended to kill his own. Instead of following this diabolical advice, Chumo discovered the plot to Pace, by whom the intelligence was despatched to Jamestown, and that settlement was saved. Meantime, the colony proceeded with much vicissitude of for tune. The materials composing it Avere by no means of a prom ising description. Smith describes them as "poor gentlemen, DISSOLUTION OF THE LONDON COMPANY. 349 i tradesmen, servingmen, libertines, and such like ; ten times more fit to spoil a commonwealth than either to begin or maintain one.'- As they went out from England usually with extravagant hopes of sudden and brilliant wealth, they paid little regard to any reg ular or substantial pursuit, and scorned even the slight labor which was necessary to draw subsistence from this fertile soil. Hostili ties Avith the Indians cut off their supplies of provisions, and a period of scarcity and suffering ensued which is knoAvn in the history of Virginia as the "starving time." Once more the inhab itants resolved to abandon the country. " No one dropped a tear," says the contemporary narrator, " for none had enjoyed one day of happiness." They embarked and sailed down James river, but the next morning they met the long-boat of Lord Delaware, who had just arrived on the coast with emigrants and supplies. The vessel was put about, and the colonists returned to Jamestown. Much as the colony had been reduced in its inhabitants and pos sessions by their calamities, its losses were soon counterbalanced by supplies from the parent country. From May, 1621, to May, 1622, tAVenty ships conveyed thirteen hundred persons and eighty head of cattle from England to Virginia. King James made the colonists a present of arms out of the tower, and sent them twenty barrels of powder. Lord St. John, of Basing, gave them sixty coats of mail. The city of London, and many private persons, made them generous presents. Specimens of wine, made in Vir ginia about this time, were sent to England. French laborers, Avho had been imported to cultivate vineyards, wrote to the Eng lish Company, that the climate and soil of Virginia surpassed that of the province of Languedoc, for the culture of grapes. In 1624, the London Company, which had hitherto held the gov ernment of the colony, was dissolved by a legal process, and all the rights and privileges conferred upon it returned to the king, from whom they flowed. Whatever may be thought of the manner in which the dissolution of the company was effected, the change was for the better. There is not, perhaps, any mode of governing an infant colony, less friendly to its liberty, than the dominion of an exclusive corporation, possessed of all the powers Avhich James had conferred upon the company of adventurers in Virginia. During several years the colonists can hardly be considered in any other light than as servants to the company ; nourished out of its stores, bound implicitly to obey its orders, and subjected to the most rigorous of all forms of government, that of martial law. Nor was the poAver of the company more favorable to the pros perity of the colony than to its freedom. A numerous body of merchants, as long as its operations are purely commercial, may 30 350 THE UNITED STATES. carry them on with discernment and success ; but the mercantile spirit, is badly adapted to conduct an enlarged and liberal plan of civil policy. Colonies have seldom grown up to maturity and vigor, under its narrow and interested regulations. Unacquainted Avith the climate and soil of America, and ignorant of the produc tions best suited to them, they seem to have had no settled plan of improvement, and their schemes were continually varying. Their system of government was equally fluctuating. In the course of eighteen years, ten different persons presided over the province, as chief governors. No wonder that, under such admin istration, all the efforts to give stability should prove abortive, or produce but slender effects ! Above an hundred and fifty thousand pounds were expended in this first attempt to plant an English colony in America ; and more than nine thousand persons Avere sent out from the mother country to people this new settlement. The nation, in return for this waste of treasure and of people, did not receive from Vir ginia an annual importation of commodities exceeding twenty thousand pounds in value ; and the colony was so far from having added strength to the state, by an increase of population, that in the year 1624, scarcely tAvo thousand persons survived. The company, like all unprosperous societies, fell unpitied. The violent hand Avith Avhich royal prerogative had invaded its rights Avas forgotten, and new prospects of success opened under a projected constitution, supposed to be exempt from all the defects to Avhich past disasters were imputed. But the death of king James prevented him from completing his intended plan of colo nial government. It was under the administration of the London Company that slavery was first introduced into the United States. In 1620, a Dutch ship of Avar entered James's river, and landed twenty negroes for sale. This is the first mention of negro slavery in the history of Virginia. CHAPTER XXXVII. Virginia continued. — Arbitrary government of Charles I. in Virginia. — Admin istration of Sir William Berkeley. — Opposition of the Virginians to the English Parliament. — Policy of Cromwell toward the Virginians. — They rebel in favor of the king^ — Ingratitude of Charles II. — Effects of the navigation act in the colonies. — Bacon's rebellion. — Civil war in Virginia. — The royal government overthrown. — Death of Bacon and suppression of the rebellion. — Prosperity of the colony. Bacon's Rebellio Charles I., on his accession to the throne, in 1625, adopted all his father's maxims Avith respect to the colony in Virginia. He declared it to be a part of the empire annexed to the crown, and immediately subordinate to its jurisdiction. He conferred the title of governor on Sir George Yeardly ; empowered him, in conjunctipn with a council of twelve and a secretary, to exercise supreme authority ; and enjoined them to conform in every point to such instructions as, from time to time, he might send them. From the tenor of the king's commission, as well as from the known spirit of his policy, it is apparent that he intended to vest every power of government, both legislative and executive, in the governor and council, Avithout recourse to the representatives of the people. Virginia knew no other law than the will of the sovereign. Statutes were published and taxes imposed, without 352 THE UNITED STATES. once calling upon the representatives of the people to sanction them. At the same time that the colonists were bereaved of political rights, which they deemed essential to freedom, their private property was violently invaded. A proclamation was issued, by which, under pretexts equally absurd and frivolous, they were prevented from selling tobacco to any person but to certain com missioners appointed by the king to purchase it on his account. Thus they had the cruel mortification to behold their sovereign engross all the profits of their industry, by seizing the only valua ble commodity which they had to vend, and retaining the mo nopoly of it in his own hands. While the staple of the colony of Virginia sunk in value, under the oppression and restraints of a monopoly, property in land was rendered insecure, by various and conflicting grants which Charles inconsiderately bestowed upon his favorites. These were not only of such exorbitant extent as to be unfavorable to the progress of cultivation, but, from inat tention or imperfect acquaintance Avith the geography of the country, their boundaries were so inaccurately defined, that large tracts already occupied and planted, were often included in new grants. The murmurs and complaints which such a system of admin istration excited, Avere augmented by the rigor with which Sir John Harvey, who succeeded Yeardley in the government of the colony, enforced every act of power. Rapacious, unfeel ing and haughty, he added insolence to oppression; and neither regarded the sentiments nor listened to the remonstrances of the people under his administration. The colonists, far from the seat of government, and overawed by authority, submitted long to his tyranny and exactions. Their patience was at last exhausted; and in a transport of popular rage and indignation, they seized their governor and sent him a prisoner to England, accompanied by two of their number, Avhom they deputed to prefer their accu sations against him to the king. But this attempt to redress their Avrongs was altogether repugnant to every idea which Charles entertained, Avith respect to the obedience due by subjects to their sovereign. To him, the conduct of the colonists appeared to be, not only an usurpation of his right, but an open and audacious act of rebellion. Without deigning to admit their deputies into his presence, or to hear one article of their charges against Har vey, the king instantly sent him back to his former station, with an ample renewal of all the powers belonging to it. Though Charles deemed this vigorous step necessary to assert his own authority, and to testify his displeasure against those who had pre sumed to offer such an insult to it, he seems to have been so sen- VIRGINIA. 353 sible of the grievances under Avhich the colonists groaned, and of the chief source from which they flowed, that, soon after, he not only removed a governor so justly odious to them, but named as a successor, Sir William Berkeley, — a person far superior to Harvey in rank, abilities and popular virtues. Under his government, the colony in Virginia remained, with some short interruption, almost forty years ; and to his mild and prudent administration, its increase and prosperity are in a great measure to be ascribed. It was indebted, however, to the king himself, for such a reform of its constitution and policy, as gave a different aspect to the colony, and animated all its operations with a new spirit. Though the tenor of Sir William Berkeley's com mission Avas the same with that of his predecessor, he received instructions under the great seal, by which he was empowered to declare, that in all its concerns, civil as well as ecclesiastical, the colony was to be governed according to the laws of England. He was directed to issue Avrits for electing representatives of the people, who, in conjunction Avith the governor and council, were to form a general assembly, and to possess supreme legislative authority. And he was ordered to establish courts of justice, in Avhich all questions, whether civil or criminal, were to be decided agreeably to the forms of judicial procedure in the mother country. It is probable that the dread of the spirit then rising in England, extorted from Charles concessions so favorable to Virginia. He was aware that many measures of great moment, in his own government, would be brought under a strict review in parlia ment, and, unAvilling to give malecontents the advantage of adding a charge of oppression, in the remote parts of his dominions, to a catalogue of domestic grievances, he artfully endeavored to take the merit of having granted voluntarily to his people in Virginia, such privileges as he foresaw would be extorted from him. But though Charles established the internal government of Vir ginia on a model similar to that of the English constitution, and conferred on his subjects there all the rights of freemen and citi zens, he was extremely solicitous to maintain its connexion with the parent state. With this view he instructed Sir William Berkeley strictly to prohibit any commerce of the colony with for eign nations. Even under this restraint, such is the kindly influ ence of free government on society that the colony advanced rap idly in industry and population. At the beginning of the civil war, the English settled in it exceeded twenty thousand. Gratitude towards a monarch from whose hands they had re ceived immunities, together with the influence and example of a popular governor, concurred in preserving loyalty among the 30* s2 354 THE UNITED STATES. colonists. Even when monarchy was abolished, after one king had been beheaded, and another driven into exile, the authority of the crown continued to be acknowledged and revered in Virginia. Irritated at this open defiance of its power, parlia ment issued an ordinance declaring, that, as the settlement in Virginia had been made at the cost, and by the people of England, it ought to be subordinate to the English commonwealth, and subject to such laAvs as are, or shall be made in parliament ; that, instead of dutiful submission, the colonists had disclaimed the authority of the state, and audaciously rebelled against it ; on this account they were denounced as traitors ; and, not only all vessels belonging to natives of Europe, but those of foreign nations were prohibited to enter their ports, or to carry on any commerce with them. The efforts of a high-spirited government, in asserting its own dignity, -were prompt and vigorous. A powerful squadron, with a considerable body of land forces, was despatched to reduce the Virginians to obedience. After compelling the colonists in Bar badoes and the other islands to submit to the commonwealth, the squadron entered the bay of Chesapeake. Berkeley, Avith more courage than prudence, took arms to oppose this formidable arma ment ; but he could not long maintain such an unequal contest. His gallant resistance, however, procured favorable terms for the people under his government. A general indemnity for all past offences was granted. They acknowledged the authority of the commonwealth, and Avere admitted to a participation of all the rights of citizens. By a convention entered into by commis sioners, on both sides, the Virginians had secured to them the ancient limits of their country ; its free trade ; its exemption from taxation but by their own assembly ; and the exclusion of military force from among them. Berkeley, firm to his principles of loyalty, disdained to make any stipulation for himself; but continued to reside in Virginia, as a private man, beloved and respected by all over whom he had formerly presided. Not satisfied with taking measures to subjugate the colonists, the commonwealth turned its attention tOAvards the most effectual mode of retaining them in dependence on the parent state, and of securing to it the benefit of their increasing commerce. With this view, the parliament framed two laws ; one of which expressly prohibited all mercantile intercourse between the colonies and for eign states ; and the other ordained that no production of Asia, Africa or America, should be imported into the dominions of the commonwealth, but in vessels belonging to English owners, or to the people of the colonies settled there, and navigated by an LOYAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE VIRGINIANS. 355 English commander, and by crews of whom the greater portion were Englishmen. This act was rigidly enforced in Virginia and Maryland ; and from its operation the inhabitants suffered no little distress. Cromwell frequently changed his colonial governors, lest they should enter into the feelings of the people. In Virginia, he had no less than three, Digges, Bennet and Matthews, during the protectorship. His conduct was very different in the New England colonies. Notwithstanding the navigation laws, they were allowed a free trade to all parts ; and were indulged with the liberty of importing their commodities into England, free from all the duties which the southern colonies were obliged tcpay. This excited the envy of the other colonies, and created dissatisfaction among the mer chants in England ; but was, notwithstanding, continued till the restoration. Virginia remained almost nine years in perfect tranquillity. During that period, many adherents to the royal party, and among these some gentlemen of good families, in order to avoid danger and oppression, to which they were exposed in England, or in hopes of improving their fortunes, migrated to Virginia. On the death of Matthews, the last governor named by Cromwell, the sentiments and inclinations of the people, no longer under the con trol of authority, burst out Avith violence. They forced Sir Wil liam Berkeley to quit his retirement; they unanimously elected him governor of the colony ; and as he refused to act under an usurped authority, they boldly erected the royal standard, and, acknowledging Charles the Second their lawful sovereign, pro claimed him with all his titles. The Virginians long boasted, that, as they were the last of the king's subjects who renounced their allegiance, they Avere the first who returned to their duty. Happily for the people in Virginia, a revolution in England, sudden and unexpected, seated Charles on the throne of his ances tors. On receiving the first accounts of this event, the exultation of the colony was universal and unbounded, but not of long con tinuance. Gracious but unproductive professions of esteem and good-will were the only return made by Charles to loyalty and services, which, in the estimation of the Virginians, were so dis tinguished, that no recompense was beyond what they claimed. The king's neglect and ingratitude disappointed all the sanguine hopes they had founded on the merits of their past conduct ; and at the same time the spirit which influenced parliament, in com mercial deliberations, opened a prospect that alarmed them with respect to their future situation. In framing regulations for the 356 THE UNITED STATES. encouragement of trade, the house of commons, instead of grant ing the colonies that relief which they expected, from the restraints on their commerce imposed by the commonwealth and Cromwell , not only adopted all their ideas concerning this branch of legis lation, but extended them further. This produced the act of navigation, the most important and memorable of any in the statute book, with respect to the history of English commerce. By this, it was enacted, that no commodities should be imported into any settlement in Asia, Africa or America, or exported from them, but in English or plantation built vessels ; that no sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, or woods used in dyeing, of the growth or manufacture of the colonies, should be shipped from them to any other country but England. Soon after, the act of navigation was extended, and additional restraints were imposed by a new law, which prohibited the importation of any European commodity into the colonies, but what was laden in England, in vessels navigated and manned as the act of navigation required. The principles of policy on which the various regulations con tained in both statutes are founded, were openly avowed in a declaration, that, " as the plantations beyond seas are inhabited and peopled by subjects of England, they may be kept in a firmer dependence upon it, and rendered yet more beneficial and advan tageous to it, in the further employment and increase of English shipping and seamen, as well as in the vent of English woollen and other manufactures and commodities ; and in making Eng land an emporium, not only of the commodities of those planta tions but also of the commodities of other countries and places, for the supplying of them." By these successive regulations, the plan of securing to Eng land a monopoly of the commerce Avith its colonies, and of shutting up every other channel into which it might be diverted, was per fected and reduced into a complete system. On one side of the Atlantic these regulations have been extolled, as an extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and have been considered as the great charter of national commerce, to which England is indebted for all its opulence and power. On the other, they have been execrated as a code of oppression, more suited to the illiberality of mercantile ideas than to the extensive views of legislative wisdom. Hardly was the act of navigation known in Virginia, and its effect begun to be felt, when the colony remonstrated against it, as a grievance, and petitioned earnestly for relief. But the com mercial ideas of Charles and his ministers coincided so perfectly with those of parliament, that, instead of listening with a favora- NAVIGATION ACT. 357 ble ear to their application, they labored assiduously to carry the act into execution. For this purpose, instructions were issued to the governor, forts were built on the banks of the principal rivers, and small vessels appointed to cruise on the coasts. The Vir ginians, seeing no prospect of obtaining exemptions from the act, set themselves to evade it. As it is with extreme difficulty that commerce can be turned into a new channel, tobacco, the staple of the colony, sunk prodigiously in value, when they were com pelled to send it all to one market. It Avas some time before Eng land could furnish full assortments of those necessary articles, without which the industry of the colony could not be carried on, or its prosperity secured. Encouraged by the symptoms of general languor and despondency, which this declining state of the colony occasioned, the Indians, seated towards the heads of the rivers, ventured first to attack the remote settlements. Unexpected as these hostilities were from a people, who during a long period had lived in friendship with the English, a measure taken by the king seems to have excited still greater uneasiness among the most opu lent people in the colony. Charles had imprudently imitated the example of his father, by granting such large tracts of land in Virginia to several of his courtiers, as tended to unsettle the dis tribution of property in the country, and to render the title of the most ancient planters to their estates, precarious and questionable. From these various causes, Avhich affected every individual in the colony, the indignation of the people became general; and was worked up to such a pitch that nothing was wanting to precipitate them into the most desperate acts, but some leader qualified to unite and to direct their operations. Such a leader they found in Nathaniel Bacon, a colonel of militia ; Avho, though he had been settled in Virginia only three years, had acquired, by popular manners, an insinuating address, and the consideration derived from having been regularly trained in England to the profession of the law, such general esteem, that he was regarded as one of the most respectable persons in the colony. Bacon was ambitious, eloquent and daring. Prompted either by honest zeal to redress the public wrongs, or allured by hopes of raising himself to distinction and poAver, he mingled with the malecontents, and by his bold harangues, and confident promises of removing all their grievances, inflamed them almost to madness. As the devastation committed by the Indians was the calamity most sensibly felt by the people, he accused the gov ernor of having neglected the proper measures for repelling the invasions of the savages, and exhorted them to take arms in their 358 THE UNITED STATES. own defence, and to exterminate that odious race. Great numbers assembled and chose Bacon to be their general. He applied to the governor for a commission confirming this election of the peo ple ; and offered to march instantly against the common enemy. Berkeley, accustomed, by long possession of supreme command, to high ideas of the respect due to his station, considered this tumult uary armament as an open insult to his authority. Unwilling, however, to give farther provocation to an incensed multitude, by a direct refusal of what they demanded, he thought it prudent to negotiate in order to gain time ; and it was not till he found all endeavors to soothe them ineffectual, that he issued a proclama tion, requiring them in the king's name, under the pain of being denounced as rebels, to disperse. But Bacon, sensible that he had advanced so far as rendered it impossible to recede with honor or safety, instantly took the onlv resolution that remained for him in his situation. At the head of a chosen body of his folloAvers, he marched rapidly to Jamestown ; and, surrounding the house where the governor and council Avere assembled, demanded the commission for which he had formerly applied. Berkeley, with the proud, indignant spirit of a cavalier, disdaining the requisitions of a rebel, peremptorily refused to comply ; and calmly presented his naked breast to the weapons that Avere pointed against it. The council, however, foreseeing the fatal consequences of driving an enraged multitude, in whose poAver they Avere, to the last extremities of violence, proposed a commission constituting Bacon general of all the forces in Vir ginia, and, by their entreaties, prevailed on the governor to sign it. Bacon, with his troops, retired in triumph. Hardly was the council delivered, by his departure, from the dread of present danger, Avhen, by a transition not unusual in feeble minds, pre sumptuous boldness succeeded to excessive fear. The commis sion granted to Bacon was declared to be null, having been extorted by force ; he was proclaimed a rebel ; his followers were required to abandon his standard, and the militia ordered to arm and join the governor. Enraged at this conduct, Bacon, instead of continuing his march towards the Indian country, instantly wheeled round, and ad vanced with all his forces to JamestoAvn. The governor, unable to resist so numerous a body, made his escape and fled across the bay, to Accomack, on the eastern shore. Some of the counsellors accompanied him thither ; others retired to their own plantations. Upon the flight of Sir William Berkeley, and dispersion of the council, the frame of civil government in the colony seemed to be bacon's rebellion. 359 dissolved ; and Bacon became possessed of supreme and uncon trolled power. But, as he was sensible that his countrymen would not long submit with patience to authority acquired and held merely by force of arms, he endeavored to found it on a more constitutional basis, by obtaining the sanction of the people's approbation. With this view he called together the most consid erable gentlemen in the colony, and having prevailed on them to bind themselves by oath to maintain his authority, and to resist every enemy that should oppose it, he from that time considered his jurisdiction as legally established. Berkeley, meanwhile, made inroads into different parts of the colony, where Bacon's authority was recognised. Several sharp conflicts took place with various success. JamestOAvn was reduced to ashes ; and the best cultivated districts in the province Avere laid waste, sometimes by one party, and sometimes by the other. But it was not by his own exertions that the governor hoped to termi nate the contest. He had early transmitted an account of the transactions in Virginia to the king, and demanded such a body of soldiers as would enable him to quell the insurgents. To induce the king to grant this request, he represented Bacon's party as impatient of all dependence on the parent state. Charles, alarmed at a commotion no less dangerous than unexpected, and solicitous to maintain his authority over a colony, the value of which was daily increasing, speedily despatched a small squadron, with such a number of regular troops as Berkeley had required. Bacon and his followers received intimation of this armament, but were not intimidated at its approach. They boldly deter mined to oppose it with open force ; and declared it to be consist ent Avith their duty and allegiance to treat all who should aid Sir William Berkeley, as enemies, until they should have an opportu nity of laying their grievances before their sovereign. But Avhile both parties prepared, Avith equal animosity, to involve their country in the horrors of a civil war, an event happened which quieted the commotion almost as suddenly as it had been excited. Bacon, when ready to take the field, sickened and died. None of his followers possessed such talents as entitled them to aspire to the supreme command. Destitute of a leader to conduct and animate them, their sanguine hopes of success subsided. Mutual distrust accompanied this universal despondency. All began to wish for an accommodation ; and, after a short negotia tion with Sir William Berkeley, Lieutenant General Ingram and Major General Walklate, they laid down their arms and submitted to his government, on obtaining a promise of general pardon ; but 360 THE UNITED STATES. were obliged to submit to the incapacity of ever bearing any office in the colony. Thus terminated an insurrection, which, in the annals of Vir ginia, is distinguished by the name of "Bacon's rebellion." During seven months this daring leader was master of the colony, while the royal governor, shut up in a remote corner of it, was able to make only a feeble resistance. Skirmishes took place, in which several on both sides were killed or wounded. The cattle of the country Were destroyed, and during the insurrection there was an almost total neglect of husbandry; so that the people had the dreadful prospect of famine. What Avere the real motives that prompted Bacon to take arms, and to Avhat length he intended to carry his plans of reform, it is not easy to discover. It is probable that his conduct, like that of other adventurers in faction, would have been regulated chiefly by events ; and accordingly as these proved favorable or adverse, his views and requisitions would have been extended or circumscribed. Sir William Berkeley, as soon as he was reinstated in his office, called together the representatives of the people, that by their advice and authority, public tranquillity and orde'r might be per fectly re-established. Though this assembly met a few weeks after the death of Bacon, while the memory of reciprocal injuries was still recent, and when the passions excited by such a fierce contest, had yet had but little time to subside, its proceedings were con ducted with a moderation seldom exercised by the successful party in a civil war. No man suffered capitally. A small number were subjected to fines ; others were declared incapable of holding any office of trust ; and, with these exceptions, the promise of general indemnity was confirmed by law. Soon after these events, Berke ley went to England, and died there. Lord Culpepper was ap pointed his successor. From the English revolution, in 1688, to the American revolu tion, in 1776, the government of Virginia was conducted on lib eral principles, and generally for the benefit of the people. The colony was too far north to be involved in the disputes with the Spaniards, about boundary, which affected the more southern colonies ; and too far south to be claimed by the French, as an appendage to Canada ; or to have a distressing participation in the several wars betAveen France and England — which, from 1690, to 1748, disturbed the peace of the more northern colonies. From 1754, to 1758, Avhen the French scheme of uniting Canada and Louisiana, was urged, the frontiers of Virginia were involved in serious distresses, from the incursions of French and Indian par- VIRGINIA. 361 ties, detached from fort Duquesne, on the Ohio ; but, Avith this exception, Virginia enjoyed a steady course of prosperity, for the last eighty-five years of her colonial existence. In this period, her strength and her resources increased to so great an extent, as enabled her successfully to resist the encroachments of the mother country. ^§F •'^^^8^^T'^ff*,';l'''''; Hi ' rKorf; bridge, Virginia. 31 t2 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Massachusetts. Voyage of Gosnold to New England.— Voyage of Weymouth. —Settlement of Popham and Gilbert at Sagadahock.— Smith's voyage to New England.— Rise of the Puritans.— Their persecution in England.— Their emi gration to Holland.— Brown and Robinson.— Embarkation of the Pilgrim Fathers. Voyage of the Mayflower to America. — Arrival of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod.— Adventures with the natives, and perils of the colonists.— Landing at Plymouth. Landing of the Pilgrims. In the year 1602, Captain Bartholomew Gosnold made a voy age to New England, apparently on his own account, and perhaps with a vieAV to the NeAvfoundland fishery. He sailed from Dart mouth, in a small vessel, with a crew of thirty-tAvo men. He first made the land about Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. The voyagers found the soil exceedingly fertile, so that Avheat, barley and oats, being soAvn in the middle of May, greAV nine inches in a fortnight. On reaching the main land, " they stood awhile, rav ished with the beauty and delicacy of the scene," Avhich presented large and fine meadows, adorned with clear and noble streams. They caught, in a few hours more codfish than they knew how COLONIZATION OF NEW ENGLAND. 363 to dispose of; and the coast appeared so rocky and broken as to afford every promise of good harbors. Gosnold published such alluring accounts of this territory, Avhich still bore the name of North Virginia, that the attention of the English, which had been turned somewhat from the subject of western adventure by the ill success of* the southern colony, Avas roused aneAv. This dis covery presented to their eyes a new country, and gave them a much larger idea of that vast dominion, Avhich, under the above name, stood nominally attached to the British empire. In 1606, Thomas Arundel, Lord Wardour, an accomplished and spirited nobleman fitted out a vessel, under Captain Weymouth, to make further discoveries. Weymouth, following the same route as Gosnold, brought home a most favorable report, but the narra tive of his voyage is not sufficiently distinct to enable us to deter mine the precise localities to Avhich his delineations refer. He describes a noble river, a mile broad for forty miles upAvard into the country, and adds that "Orenoque, so famous in the world's ears," was not comparable to it. From the size of this river, one might judge it to be the Hudson ; but from his mention of a bay with the isles, channels and inlets about it, we incline to think it was the Penobscot. The soil is represented as most rich, " verged with a green border of grass," and which, when cleared of the thick woods that covered it, might be formed into the most beau tiful meadow. Weymouth might have found opportunity for trade, but he^ould not "hazard so hopeful a business," and regarded nothing but " a public good and promulgating God's holv Church." The first colony sent to Ncav England was despatched by Sir John Popham, chief justice, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, governor of Plymouth, and "divers others worshipful knights and mer chants of the Avest." These great personages, however, produced nothing more than a little bark of fifty-five tons, on board of which they shipped twenty-nine Englishmen and two savages, Avho'had been brought from that country. But these adventurers never reached the New England shores. On the coast of Hispaniola they were caught in a thick and tempestuous fog, on the clearing up of which they found themselves in the midst of a fleet of Spanish vessels, who made them prisoners and carried them to Spain. Notwithstanding the miscarriage of this enterprise, Cap- ' tain Popham, son to the chief justice, and Captain Gilbert, set sail, in 1607, on a new adventure, with a hundred men, well equipped. They settled on the river Sagadahock, and built a fort, which they called St George. The first years of a colony, how ever, always constitute a period of hardships, and the new settlers 364 THE UNITED STATES. suffered additionally by part of their stores being accidentally burned. Next summer a vessel arrived with supplies, but brought tidings of the death of their great patron, the chief justice, and likewise of the brother of Captain Gilbert, who determined imme diately to go home and take possession of his estate. ^ The whole colony, discouraged and sick of the enterprise, set sail together. The next adventurer in New England, it appears, was Captain John Smith, Avho acted so eminent a part in Virginia, and whom Purchas describes as "a man who hath many irons in the fire." He went about the principal seaports in the west of England, visiting all the • gentlemen who were likely to favor his scheme; and complains that this negotiation cost him more toil and torment than any he endured on the coasts of the New World. The mer chants of London were best able to furnish the funds, but the western sailors were the best fishers, and the voyage from London to Plymouth was almost as hard as from Plymouth to New Eng land. At length he equipped two vessels, whose destination Avas threefold : first, the whale fishery ; next, a mine of gold ; and, in default of both, to make a saving voyage any other way. All three failed. The whale-fishery proved a " costly conclusion ;" for, though they saw and chased a great number of Avhales, they could not kill any. The gold Avas found a mere, device of the projector ; and Avhen they came to the banks of Newfoundland, they found they had lost the prime season for fishing, and re turned to England with only a sorry cargo. During this voyage, however, Smith surveyed and made a map of the coast of New England, which he presented to the king, Charles I., who always took a great interest in maritime affairs, and amused himself in changing the uncouth Indian names of places into others derived from England. Notwithstanding this sunshine of royal favor, Smith had difficulty next year in equipping a small bark Avith sixteen colonists, whom he Avould have wished 'to be several thousands, and who seemed, indeed, to be incapable of providing for their own security on this barbarous shore ; but lie trusted in the friendship of Dohoday, "one of the greatest lords of the savages." Trfis vessel was captured by the French, -and Smith effected, with difficulty, his return to England. Yet his ardent and persevering temper still led him to dwell on the scheme, and in his General History of New England, he copiously sets forth all its advantages. The shore, he admits, is in many places " rocky and affrigh table," but in penetrating into the in terior it greatly improved, and might yield plentifully, though not quite the same perfection as in Virginia, the best grains, fruits and vegetables. NEW ENGLAND COLONIZATION. 365 Meantime, the first, voyage of Smith had been folloAved by a tragical event. One Hunt, who had been left in charge of one of the ships inveigled twenty or thirty of the natives on board and carried them to Malaga, Avhere he sold them to the Spaniards. The consequence was that Captain Hobson, Avho came after him, without knowing anything of the affair, was attacked by the Indians ; several of his creAv were killed, and himself wounded. The natives Avere subsequently pacified for a time, but in a few years these hostile acts Avere repeated. These mishaps, with other discouraging circumstances arising out of the loose and indiscriminate manner in which the patentees of the colony made grants of land to individuals, threw such a damp on the undertaking, that England, an hundred and twenty years after her discovery of North America, possessed nothing on the shores of this great continent except a feAv scattered huts built by the fishermen who resorted hither in summer. But the time Avas now come, when causes unforeseen, and events undesigned by their authors, were to lead the way to a mighty tide of emi gration, and render New England the most flourishing and pros perous of all the colonies in the western world. New England was the destined asylum of oppressed piety and virtue, and its colonization, denied to the pretensions of greatness and the efforts of power, Avas reserved for men whom the. great and the poAverful despised for their insignificance, and persecuted for their integrity. The recent groAvth of the Virginian colony, and the repeated attempts to form a settlement in NeAV England, naturally attracted to this quarter the eyes of men who felt little reluctance to forsake a country, where, for conscience sake, they had already incurred the loss of temporal ease and enjoyment ; — Avhom persecution had fortified .to the endurance of hardship, and piety had taught to despise it. It was at this juncture, accordingly, that the project of colonizing New England was undertaken by the Puritans, a body of men, respecting whose sentiments and previous history we must giAje some account. Henry the Eighth abolished the authority of the church of Rome in England, but his haughty and imperious disposition incited him to substitute his own authority for that of the pope, and regu late the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom in an arbitrary and despotic manner. Abetted by a body of servile, dependent and sordid nobles, whom he enriched with the spoils of the plundered monasteries, and by a compliant House of Commons, whose pro fession of faith veered about Avith every variation of the royal creed, he paid no respect whatever, in the ecclesiastical institutions which he successively established, to the sentiments of the body 31* 366 THE UNITED STATES. of the people, — a portion of his subjects, to whose petitions he once answered by a public proclamation that they were "but brutes and inexpert folk," and as unfit to advise him as blind men were to judge of colors. His object was to make himself and his suc cessors the heads of the church, in place of the* pope ; and for the maintenance of this usurped dominion, he retained, both in the ceremonies of worship and the constitution of the clerical order, a great deal of the machinery which his predecessor in the supre macy had found useful. While he rigidly denied the right of pri vate judgment to his subjects, his own incessant and imperious exercise of this right continually tempted them to partake the satisfaction which it seemed to afford him. Moreover, the frequent variations of the creeds he promulgated, at once excited a spirit of speculation akin to his own, and practically refuted the only pretence that could recommend or entitle his judgment to the implicit assent of fallible men. The pope, expressly maintaining that he could never be in the wrong, Avas disabled from correcting either his own errors or those bequeathed to him by his predeces sors. Henry the Eighth, merely pretending to the privilege of being ahvays in the right, defeated this pretension by the variety and inconsistency of the systems to which he applied it. While he insisted on retaining much of the peculiar doctrine of the church of Rome, he attacked, in its infallibility, a tenet not only important in itself, but the sole sanction and foundation of a great many others. Notwithstanding all his exertions, a spirit of re ligious inquiry began to arise among the multitude of professors, who, blindly or interestedly, had followed the fortunes and the variations of the royal creed ; and the knowledge of divine truth, combined with a growing regard for simplicity of divine Avorship, arising first in the higher classes, spread d'oAvnwards through the successive ranks of society during this and the following reigns. Even in the lifetime of Henry, the protestant doctrines had spread far beyond the limits of any of the peculiar creeds which he had adopted and promulgated, and in their illegitimate extent had made numerous proselytes in his court and kingdom. The propagation of them was aided by the translation and diffusion of the Scriptures, which he vainly endeavored to prevent, and which enabled his people to draw truth for themselves, unstinted and unadulterated, from the everlasting Avells. The open profession of those illicit opinions, was in many instances repressed by the terror of his inflexible cruelty, and by the influence over his measures which his courtiers found it easy to obtain, by feigning implicit submission to his capricious and impetuous temper. The temptations to which these men Avere exposed, proved fatal m HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 367 some instances to their integrity ; and several of them, even the virtuous Cranmer, concurred, though reluctantly, in punishing by a cruel death the open profession of sentiments Avhich they secretly cherished in their own breast. They were afterwards compelled themselves to drink of the same cup of martyrdom, and enabled to make some atonement to the cause of truth, by the heroism with which, in Mary's bloody reign, they suffered for the cause Avhich they had persecuted before. By the death of Henry, his protestant subjects were exempted from the necessity of further dissimulation. In the reign of Edward the Sixth, the Catholic doctrines Avere wholly expunged from the national creed, and the fundamental articles of the pro testant faith recognised and established by laAv. As among other practices of the preceding reign, the absurd and tyrannical device of promoting uniformity of faith and worship by persecution, was still pursued, the influence of temporal fear and favor con tributed, no doubt, to encumber the protestant church with many reluctant and hypocritical professors. In the hope of reconciling the English nation, as far as possible, to the system they had established, the ministers of Edward preserved not only the eccle siastical constitution which Henry had retained, but as much of the ancient ceremonial of worship as they judged likely to gratify the taste and predilections of minds that hankered after Catholic pageantry. They rather yielded in this respect to the necessity of the times, than indulged their own sentiments or followed out their principles ; and plainly insinuated their opinion, that, when ever the public mind was sufficiently prepared for it, a farther reformation should be introduced into the establishment. But in the prosecution of this temporizing policy, the rulers of the Eng lish reformed church encountered a spirit of resistance, originating in the protestant body itself. During the late reign, the disaffec tion that had been cherished in secret toAvard the national church had not confined itself to the doctrine savoring of popery which she retained, and which many protestants connected in theii opinion and esteem Avith the ceremonial rites and clerical habits that had for ages been their associate and their characteristic. With their enmity to the doctrines of the Catholic church, they com bined an aversion to those ceremonies Avhich her ministers had too often rendered subservient to imposture. These sentiments, Avhich were subsequently matured into doctrines by the puritans, had already begun to take possession of the minds of the English protestants. But the sentiments of the puritans Avere overborne by the weight of superior numbers, and might, perhaps, have gradually 368 THE UNITED STATES. died away, if the reign of Edward had been much farther pro longed, or his sceptre transmitted to a protestant successor. But the reign of Mary seemed destined not only to purify the protes tant body, by separating the true from the false professors, but to strengthen and confirm every protestant sentiment, by exposing that religion to persecution. During the tyrannical and bloody reign of Mary, many of the English protestants forsook their country and took refuge in Germany and Switzerland. The puritans beheld with pleasure, in the continental churches, the establishment of a constitution and ritual, Avhich had been the object of their own warm approbation and earnest desire. On the death of Mary, the emigrants returned to England ; but her suc cessor, Elizabeth, inherited the headstrong and arrogant disposi tion of her father, and though she had been educated with her brother Edward, and her understanding had received a strong tincture of protestant opinion, her feelings inclined her in favor of the rites, discipline, and even doctrines of the Catholics ; of every thing, in short, which might enable her to maintain a dominion over the clergy. She desired to make them priests, not preachers; discouraged their sermons, and would have interdicted them from marriage, had she not been restrained by the remonstrances of her minister, Lord Burleigh. Disregarding the wishes both of churchmen and puritans, she restored king EdAvard's constitution, with no other alteration than the omission of a feAV passages in the liturgy that were offensive to the Catholics ; and caused a laAv to be framed, commanding, under the penalties of fine, imprison ment and deprivation of ministerial office, a strict uniformity of religious worship. This was the first step in a line of policy which the Church of England had deep a-nd lasting cause to deplore, and which, by compelling thousands of her best and ablest ministers reluctantly to forsake her communion, afflicted her with a decay of internal piety, the effects of which continued to be visible after many generations. The immediate consequences of the oppressive policy of Eliza beth were the enkindling of a great additional zeal and fervor in the minds of the puritans; the multiplication of their numbers, and a growing abhorrence in their body to the order of bishops, and the whole frame of a church Avhich Avas to them an organ of injustice and tyranny. There is no doubt that the puritans of those times were at first exceedingly reluctant to separate from the Church of England. They willingly alloAved her to be a true Christian church, and merely claimed indulgence with regard to a feAV ceremonies Avhich did not affect the substance of her consti tution. But the injurious treatment Avhich they received, induced THE BROWNISTS. 369 different vieAvs; it at once aroused their passions, stimulated their inquiries, and extended their objections. Expelled from the national church, they were forced to inquire if they could not do Avithout it. Their next step was to deny the lawfulness of communion with it, inasmuch as this church persecuted them for a conscientious adherence to their opinions. So firm was the resis tance of the puritans to the despotic authority of the crown, that the historian, Hume, has not hesitated to declare that to this sect alone the English of the present day owe the whole freedom of their constitution. Robert BroAvn, in 1586, was the first who proclaimed an open rupture with the established church. His doctrine readily gained the assent and approbation of ¦ multitudes. This individual, from whom the name of BroAvnists Avas applied to the first seceders, was a young clergyman, of a good family, active and intrepid, but excited by a fiery temper and an insatiable rage for controversy. He travelled about the country, inveighing against bishops, eccle siastical courts, ceremonies, and episcopal ordination of ministers, and exulting, above all, in the boast that he had been committed to thirty-tAvo prisons, in some of which he could not see his hand at noonday. The queen and the bishops had recourse to the usual remedy, persecution, and the Brownists were oppressed with cruelties that disgraced the name of religion. This course had its usual effect of spreading the persecuted doctrine still more Avidely. BroAvn himself, with a congregation attached to him, emigrated to Holland, Avhere they were permitted to enjoy their opinions Avithout molestation. Those who remained in England Avere exposed to all the severity of the law and all the fury of theological hatred. Some were hanged for circulating the writings of the Brownists, and others for attending their dis courses.. Numbers suffered severe imprisonment, and many fami lies were ruined by heavy fines. On the accession of James to the throne, he Avas solicited, by numerous petitions, to interpose his authority for the protection and relief of the puritans. At first he shoAved himself so far disposed to comply, as to appoint a solemn conference between their leaders and the heads of the church party at Hampton Court. But the hopes inspired by the proposal of this conference were disappointed by the result ; and James, instead of tolerating the puritans, banished, imprisoned, and otherwise persecuted three hundred of their ministers, in the second year of his reign. The first congregation of BroAvnists Avhich emigrated to Hol land, broke up into, parties and were soon dispersed. Brown returned to England, and ended his days in obscurity. But in u2 370 ' THE UNITED STATES. 1610, another congregation fled from the persecutions at home, and took refuge in Leyden, where they were permitted to establish themselves in peace, under the ministry of their pastor, John Robinson. This excellent person may be justly regarded as the founder of the sect of Independents, having been the first teacher Avho steered a middle course between Brownism and the Presby terian system. He was a man of most exemplary life, fervent piety, sound sense and high attainments. Enjoying the counsel and direction of such a pastor, and cher ishing an adequate sense of his value, the English exiles com posing this congregation remained for ten years at Leyden, in harmony with each other, and in peace Avith their neighbors. But, at the end of that period, the same pious vieAvs that had prompted their departure from England, incited them to undertake a more distant migration. They beheld with deep concern the prevalence around them of manners Avhich they esteemed loose and profane; more particularly the general neglect among the Dutch of a reverential observance of Sunday ; and they reflected Avith apprehension on the danger to Avhich their children Avere exposed, from the natural contagion of habits so remote from serious piety. Their country, too, still retained a hold on their affections; and they Avere loath to behold their posterity com mingled and identified with the Dutch population. The small- ness of their numbers and the difference of language, discouraged them from attempting to propagate in Holland the principles, which, with so much suffering and hazard, they had hitherto maintained; and the conduct of the English government extin guished every hope of toleration in their native land. The famous Arminian controversy, moreover, which was now raging in Holland with a fury that produced the barbarous execution of the Grand Pensionary, Bameveldt, and the imprisonment of Grotius, probably contributed to alienate the desires of the Eng lish exiles from farther residence in a land Avheie the Calvinistic tenets, which they cherished, Avere thus disgraced by cruelty and intolerance. In these circumstances, it occurred to them that they might combine the indulgence of their patriotic attachment with the propagation of their religious principles, by establishing them selves in some distant quarter of the British dominions ; and after many days of earnest supplication for the counsel and direction of Heaven, they unanimously determined to transport themselves and their families to the territory of America. It was resolved that a part of the congregation should proceed thither before the rest, to prepare a settlement for the Avhole; and that the main body, meanwhile, should continue at Leyden with their pastor. EMBARKATION OF THE PILGRIMS. 371 In choosing the particular scene of their establishment, they hesi tated for some time, between the territory of Guiana, — of which Sir Walter Raleigh had published a most dazzling and attractive de scription, mainly engendered by the brilliancy of his OAvn imagi nation, — and the provinces of Virginia, to which they finally gaA^e the preference ; but Providence had ordained that their residence should be established in New England. By the intervention of agents, whom they deputed to solicit the sanction of the English government to their enterprise, they rep resented to the king, " that they Avere Avell weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land ; that they were knit together in a strict and sacred bond, by virtue of which they held themselves bound to take care of the good of each other, and of the Avhole ; that it was not with them as with other men, whom small things could dis courage, or small discontent cause to Avish themselves at home again." The king, wavering between his desire to promote the colonization of America, and his reluctance to suffer the con sciences of any portion of his subjects to be emancipated from his control, refused to grant them a charter assuring the full enjoy ment of ecclesiastical liberty, but promised to connive at their practices, and to refrain from molesting them. They were forced to accept this precarious security, and would hardly have obtained it but for the friendly interposition of Sir Robert Nanton, one of the secretaries of state, and a favorer of the puritans ; but they relied with more reason on the distance from the ecclesiastical tribunals of England, and from the eye and arm of their persecuting sovereign. Having procured from the Virginia Company a grant of a tract of land, lying as was supposed Avithin the limits of its patent, several of the congregation sold their estates, and expended the purchase money in the equipment of two vessels, in which a hundred and twenty of their number were appointed to embark from an English port for America. All things being prepared for the departure of this detachment of the congregation from Delft haven, where they took leave of their friends for the English port of embarkation, Robinson and his people devoted their last meeting in Europe to an act of solemn and social Avorship, intended to implore a blessing from Heaven upon the hazardous enterprise. He preached a sermon to them from Ezra viii. 21. "I proclaimed a fast there at the river Ahava, that Ave might afflict ourselves before our God, to seek of him a right way for us, and for our little ones, and for all our substance." On the 6th of September, 1620, the pilgrims took their final departure from England in the MayfloAver, a vessel of 372 THE UNITED STATES. one hundred and eighty tons. The whole number who embarked amounted to one hundred and one souls. The story of their voyage from Leyden across the Atlantic, and their arrival in the New World, cannot be better related than in the following words from the simple and touching narrative of Nathaniel Morton, the author of New England's Memorial. " The wind being fair, they Avent on board and their friends Avith them, where truly doleful Avas the sight of that sad and mournful parting, to hear Avhat sighs and sobs and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such lively and true express ions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away that Avere thus loath to depart, their reverend pastor, falling down upon his knees, and they all with him, Avith Avatery cheeks, commended them with most fervent prayers unto the Lord and his blessing. And then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leave of one another, Avhich proved to be the last leave to many of them. Then hoist ing sail, Avith a prosperous gale of wind, they came in a short time to Southampton. Now all being compact together in one ship, they pu$ to sea again with a prosperous Avind. But after they had enjoyed fair Avinds for a season, they met with many contrary Avinds and fierce storms, Avith which their ship was shrewdly shaken and her upper AVorks made very leaky, and one of the main beams of the mid-ship was bowed and cracked, which put them to some fear that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on which the principal of the seamen and passengeis had serious consultation Avhat to do, whether to return or hold on. But the ship proving strong under water, by a screw the said beam was brought into his place again ; which being done and Avell secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold on their voyage. And so, after many boisterous storms, in which they could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many days together, after long beating at sea, they fell in with the land called Cape Cod; the which being made and certainly knoAvn to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some little deliberation, they tacked about to stand to the southward, to find some place about Hudson's river, according to their first intentions, for their habitations. But they had not sailed that course above half a day, before they fell among perilous shoals and breakers, and they were so far entan gled therewith, as they conceived themselves in great danger ; and the Avind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the cape aforesaid. The next day, by God's Providence, they got into the cape harbor. Thus, they arrived at Cape Cod, Morton's narrative. 373 alias Cape James, in November, 1620, and being brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and deliv ered them from many perils and miseries. " But what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men 1 And what multitudes of them there were, they then knew not ; neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes ; for which Avay soever they turned their eyes, save upwards to heaven, they could have little solace or content in respect of any outward object ; for summer being ended, all things stood in appearance with a weather-beaten face, and the whole country, full of woods and thickets, represented a wild and savage hue. If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. " Necessity noAV calling them to look out a place for habitation, while their carpenter Avas trimming up of their boat, sixteen of their men tendered themselves to go by land and discover those nearest places, which was accepted ; and they, being well armed, were sent forth on the 16th of November, and having marched about a mile by the sea-side they espied five Indians, who ran away from them ; and they followed them all that day sundry miles, but could not come to speech Avith them. So night coming on, they betook themselves to their rendezvous, and set out their sentinels and rested in peace that night. The next morning they followed the Indian tracks, but could not find them nor their dwellings, but at length lighted on a good quantity of clear ground, near to a pond of fresh water, where the Indians had planted corn, at which place they saw sundry of their graves. And proceeding further, they found new stubble where Indian corn had been planted the same year ; also they found where lately a. house had been, where some planks and a great kettle were remaining, and heaps of sand newly paddled with their hands, Avhich they digged up, and found in them divers fair Indian baskets filled with corn, some whereof was in ears, fair and good, of divers colors, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, having seen none before ; of which rarities they took some to carry to their friends on shipboard, like as the Israelites' spies brought from Eshcol some of the good fruits of the land. But finding little that might make for their encouragement as to situation, they returned. " After this, their shallop being ready, they set out the second time for a more full discovery of this place, especially a place that seemed to be an opening, as they went into the said harbor, some 32 374 THE UNITED STATES. two or three leagues off, which the master judged to be a river. About thirty of them went out on this second discovery, the mas ter of the ship going with them ; but upon the more exact discov ery thereof, they found it to be no harbor for ships, but only for boats. There they also found tAvo houses covered Avith mats, and sundry implements in them, but the people ran away and could not be seen. Also there they found more of their corn and beans of various colors : the corn and beans they brought away, pur posing to give them full satisfaction Avhen they should meet with any of them. And here is to be noted a special and great mercy to this people, that here they got them seed to plant their corn the next year, or otherAvise they might have starved, for they had none nor any likelihood to get any until the season had been past. as the sequel did manifest ; neither is it likely that they had had this if the first discovery had not been made, for the ground was now all covered Avith snow and hard frozen. But the Lord is never Avanting unto those that are his, in their greatest needs. Let his holy name have all the praise ! "The month of November being spent on these affairs, and having much foul weather, on the sixth of December they concluded to send out their shallop again on a third discovery. They set sail, intending to circulate the deep bay of Cape Cod, the weather being very cold, so as the spray of the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glazed : notwithstanding, that night they got down into the bottom of the bay, and as they drew near the shore, they saAV some ten or twelve Indians, and landed about a league off them, but with some difficulty, by reason of the shoals in that place, where they tarried that night. "In the morning they divided their company to coast along, some on shore and some in the boat, where they saw the Indians had been the day before, cutting up a fish like a grampus ; and so they ranged up and down all that day, but found no people, nor any place they liked, as fit for their settlement : and that night they on shore met with their boat at a certain creek, Avhere they made them a barricado of boughs and logs for their lodging that night, and being Aveary, betook themselves to rest. The next morning, about five o'clock, seeking guidance and protection from God by prayer, and refreshing themselves in Avay of preparation to persist on their intended expedition, some of them carried their arms down to the boat, having laid them up in their coats from the moisture of the Aveather ; but others said they would not carry theirs till they Avent themselves. But presently, all on a sudden, about the dawning of the day, they heard a great and strange cry, and one of their company being on board, came hastily in and 375 cried, ' Indians ! Indians ! ' and withal, their arrows came flying amongst them ; on which all their men ran with speed to recover their arms, as by God's good providence they did. In the mean time, some of those that were ready, discharged two muskets at them, and two more stood ready at the entrance of their rendez vous, but were commanded not to shoot until they could take full aim at them, and the other two charged again with all speed, for there were only four that had arms there, and defended the barri cado which was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw their men run out of their rendezvous toward the shallop to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon them : but some running out with coats of mail and curtal-axes in their hands, they soon recovered their arms and discharged amongst them, and soon stayed their violence. Notwithstanding, there was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree, within half a musket shot, and let his arroAVS fly amongst them. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided, and stood three shots of musket, until one, taking full aim at him, made the bark and splinters of the tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away they went, all of them. And so, leaving some to keep the shallop, they followed them about a quarter of a mile, that they might conceive that they were not afraid of them, or any way discouraged. " From hence they departed, and coasted all along, but discerned no place likely for harbor, and therefore hasted to the place the pilot told them of, Avho assured them that there was a good har bor, and they might reach it before night ; of Avhich they Avere glad, for it began to be foul weather. After some hours' sailing, it began to snow and rain, and about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and the sea became very rough, and they broke their rudder, and it was as much as two men could do to steer the boat with a couple of oars. But the pilot, bid them be of good cheer, for he saw the harbor. But the storm increasing and night drawing on, they bore what sail they could to get in while they could see : but herewith they broke their mast in three pieces, and their sails fell overboard in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away, yet by God's mercy they recovered themselves, and having the flood with them, struck into the harbor. But when it came to, the pilot was deceived, and said, ' Lord be mer ciful to us ! my eyes never saw this place before ! ' And he and the master's mate would have run the boat ashore in a cove full of breakers before the wind, but a lusty seaman who steered, bid them that rowed, '.if they were men, about with her ! else they were all cast away :' the which they did with all speed. So he 376 THE UNITED STATES. bid them be' of good cheer and row hard, for there was a fair sound before them, and he doubted not but they should find one place or other they might ride in safety. And although it was very dark and rained sore, yet in the end they got under the lee of a small island, and remained there all night in safety. But they knew not this to be an island until the next morning, but were much divided in their minds : some Avould keep the boat, doubting they might be amongst the Indians ; others were so Avet and cold they could not endure, but got on shore, and with much difficulty got fire. And so the whole Avere refreshed and rested in safety that night. The next day, rendering thanks to God for his great deliverance of them, and his continued merciful good providence towards them, and finding this to be an island, it being the last day of the Aveek, they resolved to keep the Sabbath there." James I. Charles. I. Oliver Cromwell. Charles II. CHAPTER XXXIX. Massachusetts continued. — The Plymouth settlement. — Sufferings of the colo nists. — Hostility of the Indians prevented. — The Old Colony. — Salem founded . — The new colony of Massachusetts Bay. — Foundation of Boston. — Alliance with the Indians. — Theological dissensions. — Roger Williams. — Endicott. — Founda tion of Providence Plantations. — Representative government in Massachusetts. — Emigration to New England. — Hugh Peters. — The colonists penetrate to the Connecticut. Settlement of Boston. The next day, December 11, 1620, O. S., they landed on the con tinent. This is the day, now the 22d, N. S., celebrated ever after- Avards in the history of New England for the landing of the Pilgrims. The rock on which they first planted their feet, known as "Fore father's Rock," is now visited Avith devotion by their grateful descendents. The toAvn which they built here, was named Ply mouth, in memory of the last English port from which they sailed. The settlement was immediately begun by building houses. This territory having been found without the limits of their patent, as their original destination was the country about Hudson river, they formed a voluntary government before landing, upon purely democratic principles. John Carver was chosen governor. Their building went on slowly ; cold weather, snow and rain, hindered their labors and subjected them to great sufferings. By a fortu- 32* v2 378 THE UNITED STATES. nate chance they had saved for seed the corn first discovered ; otherwise, their agriculture for the first season Avould hardly have kept them from starving. Sickness diminished their numbers, and a fire consumed their storehouse. By March, 1621, only fifty-five remained of their whole number, yet were they not dis couraged. None of the natives had yet been seen at Plymouth. But, on the 16th of March, an Indian walked into the tOAvn and saluted them, in broken English, with the exclamation, " Welcome, Eng lishmen!" This was Samoset, a sagamore of Monhegan, in Maine, where he had learnt some English by intercourse with fishing vessels and traders. He informed the Plymouth settlers that the place where they had established themselves was called by the Indians, Patuxet, and that an extraordinary pestilence had depopulated the whole neighborhood about four years previous, leaving neither man, woman nor child remaining. The settlers had found ancient cornfields and other marks of cultivation here, which confirmed this account. There were in consequence no OAvners of the land first occupied by the New England pilgrims. They treated Samoset with hospitality, and he* made them subse quent visits, bringing with him Squanto, a native who had been kidnapped by Captain Hunt, in 1614, and carried to England. The settlers now learned that Massasoit, the greatest sachem in the country, was near, with a train of sixty men. His visit was friendly, and a treaty was made between him and the English, for mutual assistance and defence, which was observed inviolate for half a century. The settlers, by their moderate, discreet and upright conduct toward their neighbors, secured their firm friend ship and alliance ; and within a year, nine sachems of the country declared their allegiance. Massasoit, with several others, signed a writing, acknowledging the king of England as their sovereign. The first demonstration of a hostile spirit came from Canonicus, sachem of the Narragansetts, Avho sent the English a bundle of arroAvs wrapped in the skin of a rattlesnake. The token was readily understood, and promptly answered by sending back the skin stuffed with powder and shot. The savage chieftain discov ered that the strangers were not to be frightened away, and changing his mind, eagerly sought their friendship. Meantime the English had explored Boston harbor and the shores of Massa chusetts Bay. A settlement was made at Weymouth, in 1622, by Mr. Weston, of London, who, without any connection with the Plymouth company, obtained a patent for a tract of land in Mas sachusetts Bay. His colony of fifty or sixty persons, by their imprudent and disorderly behavior, came to nothing at the end of FOUNDATION OF BOSTON. 379 a year. They would have starved or been cut off by the Indians, but for the aid of the Plymouth men, who averted a plot for their destruction, Avhich had been revealed by the faithful Massasoit. The settlers at Plymouth first threw all their property into a common stock, but this scheme was found impracticable after a short trial. The property was therefore equally divided, and the colonists became freeholders of the soil. The progress of population was slow, and at the end of ten years the settlement contained only three hundred souls. Salem was settled in 1628, by Endicott, one of the original planters. An establishment had been made in 1624, at Cape Ann, but shortly afterwards aban doned. The government of Plymouth, or, as it Avas afterwards called, the Old Colony, was a voluntary association, not deriving its powers from the king of England. A new government soon arose in its neighborhood. Humphrey,' Endicott and Whetcomb, and three other gentlemen of Dorchester, in England, obtained a char ter for a colony in Massachusetts Bay, which afterwards absorbed the Plymouth colony and became the head of the New England settlements. This charter was signed by king Charles I., in March, 1629. Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, Pynchon, Saltonstall, Bellingham and others, celebrated in the colonial annals, were parties to the undertaking. An association at Boston in Lincoln shire, lent them their support, and they received encouragement from the great body of the Puritans throughout England. Their ships sailed in May of the same year, and at the end of June arrived at Salem, which at that time consisted of ten or a dozen wretched hovels. The first attempts of the new emigrants were unprom ising; winter brought disease and suffering, and before spring, eighty, almost half their number, had died. However, during the following season, the colony received a strong reinforcement; no less than one thousand and five hundred persons arrived at Salem. Many of them were of high endowments, large fortunes and good education ; scholars well versed in all the learning of the times ; clergymen who ranked among the most eloquent and pious in England. A search was now made for a more desirable locality to build a town, and the peninsula of Shawmut, or Tri-mountain, was found to be a place of " sweet and pleasant springs, and good land, affording rich corn-fields and fruitful gardens." The safe and capacious harbor, sheltered from the ocean by clusters of well wooded islands, offered additional advantage, and in September, 1630, the foundation of Boston was laid. The town received its name from the Rev. John Cotton and other " Boston men," who had shown great zeal for the colony. 380 THE UNITED STATES. The new emigrants encountered much the same obstacles that afflicted the Plymouth settlers. Disease and hardship thinned their ranks, yet they bore all with equal firmness, and their con duct towards the natives was equally prudent and upright. The Boston settlers soon became formidable in the eyes of the savages, who were at hostility with each other. The sagamore of the Mohegans came from the banks of the Connecticut, soliciting the English to settle in his neighborhood. He praised the fertility of the country, and sought their alliance as a bulwark against the inroads of his enemies, the Pequods. Next came the Nipmucks, begging for assistance against the tyranny of the Mohawks. Then came Miantonimo, the great warrior of the Narragansets; then the son of the aged Canonicas ; and then a Pequod sachem, with a great store of Avampumpeag and bundles of sticks, in promise of so many beaver and other skins. Charlestown, Roxbury, Dor chester, Cambridge, Ipswich and Newbury, were founded about this time, or within a few years. The first General Court was held at Boston, in October, 1630. The government underwent some changes, but was established on a representative system, with a governor elected annually. For a long time, hoAvever, the elective franchise was confined to the members of the church. City of Boston. The first theological dissension that arose in the colony, Avas promoted by Roger Williams, Avho had emigrated to New Eng land in 1630, and officiated for some time as pastor of New Plymouth ; but not finding there an audience of congenial spirits, he obtained leave to resign his functions at that place, and had recently been appointed minister of Salem. This celebrated man was a Brownist, keen, resolute and uncompromising. He began to announce from the pulpit, which he had gained by his substantial piety and fervid zeal, many new opinions, some wildly specula- ROGER WILLIAMS. 381 tive, some boldly opposed to the existing constitutions of civil society, and some which, if unexceptionable in the abstract, Avere regarded as unsuitable to the place where they were promul gated, and the exercises and sentiments with which he endeav ored to combine them. He maintained that it was not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray, nor for Christians to join in family prayer with those whom they judged unregenerate ; that it was not laAvful to take an oath to the civil magistrate, — not even the oath of allegiance, which he had declined himself to take, and advised his congregation equally to reject ; that king Charles had unjustly usurped the power of disposing of the territory of the Indians, and hence the colonial patent was utterly invalid ; that the civil magistrate had no right to restrain or direct the con sciences of men ; and that anything short of unlimited toleration for all religious systems, was detestable persecution. These liberal principles of toleration, he combined with a spirit so rigid and separating, that he not only refused all communion with persons who did not profess every one of the foregoing opinions, but for bade the members of the church at Salem to communicate with any of the other churches in the colony ; and when they refused to obey this prohibition, he forsook his ministerial office among them and established a separate meeting in a private house. He even withdrew from the society of his Avife, because she continued to attend the church of Salem, and from that of his children, because he accounted them unregenerate. In his retirement he was attended by a select assembly bf zealous admirers, consisting of men in whose minds an impetuous temper, inflamed by perse cution, had greatly impaired the sense of moral perspective; who entertained disproportionate ideas of those branches of the trunk of godliness, for the sake of which they had endured severe afflic tion, and had seen worth and piety foully wronged; and who abhorred every symbol, badge, and practice, that was associated with the remembrance, and spotted, as they conceived, with the iniquity, of their idolatrous oppressors. One of these individuals, Endicott, a magistrate of the place, and formerly deputy governor of the colony, in a transport of devouring zeal against superstition, was instigated by Williams to cut the red cross out of the royal standard ; and many of the trained bands who had folloAved this standard without objection, caught the contagion of Endicott's fervor, and protested that they would no longer follow a flag, on which the popish emblem of a crucifix was painted. The intem perate and disorderly conduct of Endicott was generally disap proved, and the provincial authorities punished his misdemeanor by reprimand, and disability of holding office for a year ; but they 382 THE UNITED STATES. were obliged to compromise the dispute with the protesters among the trained bands, and comply to a certain extent with their remonstrances. They were preparing to call Williams to a judi cial reckoning, when Cotton and other ministers interposed, and desired to be allowed to reason with him; allegmg that his vehemence and breach of order betokened rather a misguided conscience than seditious principles, and that there was hope that they might gain, instead of losing, their brother. You are deceived in that man, if you think that he will condescend to learn of any of you, was the prediction of the governor ; at all events, the result of that conference was that sentence of banishment from the colony was forthwith pronounced upon Williams. This sentence excited great feeling in Salem, and was so -generally regarded as persecution by the adherents of Williams, that the bulk of the inhabitants of the place were preparing to follow him into exile ; when an earnest and pious admonition, addressed to them by Cotton and the other ministers of Boston, induced them to relinquish their purpose, to acknowledge the justice of the pro ceeding, and abandon Williams to his fate. He was not, however, abandoned by his more select admirers, whose esteem and affec tion he had gained to such a degree, that they resolved to brave every hardship in order to live and die with him. Accompanying him in his exile, they directed their march towards the south ; and settling at a place beyond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, they purchased a considerable tract of land from the Indians, and bestowed on their plantation the name of Providence. Had Williams encountered the severities to which the publication of his peculiar opinions would have exposed him in England, he would probably have lost his senses ; the wiser and kinder treatment he experienced from the Massachusetts authorities, was productive of happier effects; and Cotton and his colleagues were not wholly mistaken, in supposing that they would gain their brother. They gained him, indeed, in a manner less flattering to themselves than a controversial victory would have been, but much more benefi cial to the interests of America. He contributed, as we shall see, at a later period, to found the state of Rhode Island, and Avas one of its most eminent benefactors. He lived to an advanced age, and soon throwing off the impetuous yet punctilious spirit with which his doctrinal sentiments had been leavened, he regained the friendship and esteem of his ancient fellow-colonists, and preserved a friendly correspondence Avith Cotton and others of them till his death. The principles of toleration, which he had formerly discredited, by the rigidness with which he disal lowed the slightest difference of opinion between the members of REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT IN MASSACHUSETTS. 383 his own communion, — he now recommended, by the exercise of meekness, charity and forbearance. The great fundamental prin ciples of Christianity, progressively acquiring a more exclusive and absorbing influence on his mind, he began to labor for the conversion of the Indians ; and, in addition to the benefits of which his ministry among them was productive to this race of people, he acquired over them an influence which he rendered highly advantageous to his old associates in Massachusetts, whom he was enabled frequently to apprize of conspiracies formed against them by the savages in their vicinity, and revealed to him by the tribes with whom he maintained relations of friendship. Endicott' s vehemence was not less mellowed by time and the ascendency of sound wisdom and piety. He remained in Massa chusetts; and at a later period held for many years the chief office in its government, with great public advantage and general esteem. The colony of Massachusetts had continued, meanwhile, to ad vance in the attainment of stability and prosperity, and to extend its settlements ; and in 1634, an important and beneficial change took place in its municipal constitution. The mortality that had prevailed among the Indians, had vacated a great many stations formerly occupied by their tribes ; and as most of these were advantageously situated, the colonists took possession of them with an eagerness that dispersed their settlements widely over the face of the country. This necessarily led to the introduction of repre sentative government, and, accordingly, at the period of convoking the general court, the freemen, instead of personally attending it, Avhich was the literal prescription of the provincial charter, elected representatives in their several districts, Avhom they authorized to appear in their name and act in their behalf. The representa tives were admitted, and henceforward considered themselves, in conjunction with the governor and council of assistants, as the supreme legislative body of the province. The abstract wisdom of this innovation could not admit of doubt; and, in defence of its legitimacy, it was forcibly urged that the colonists were only making an improved and necessary access to the enjoyment of an advantage already bestowed on them, and preventing their assemblies from becoming either too numerous to transact business, or inadequate to represent the gen eral interest and administer the general will. The number of freemen had greatly increased since the charter was granted; many resided at a distance from the places where the general courts or assemblies of the freemen Avere held ; personal attendance had become inconvenient ; and, in such circumstances, little if any 384 THE UNITED STATES. blame can attach to the colonists for making Avith their own hands the improvement that was necessary to preserve their existing rights, instead of applying to the government of England, which was steadily pursuing the plan of subverting the organs of liberty in the mother country, and had already begun to exhibit an altered countenance towards the colonial community. In consequence of this important measure, the colony advanced beyond the state of a mercantile society or corporation, and acquired by its own act the condition of a commonwealth endowed with political lib erty. The representatives of the people having established them selves in their office, asserted its inherent rights, by enacting that no legal ordinance should be framed within the province, no tax imposed, and no public officer appointed in future, except by the provincial legislature. The increasing Violence and injustice of the royal government in England cooperated so forcibly with the tidings that were circulated of the prosperity of Massachusetts,— and the simple frame of ecclesiastical policy that had been established in the colony, presented a prospect so desirable, and, by the comparison which it invited, exposed the gorgeous hierarchy and recent superstitious innovations in the ceremonies of the English church to so much additional odium, — that the flow -of emigration seemed rather to enlarge than subside, and croAvds of new settlers contin ued to flock to New England. Among the passengers in a fleet of twenty vessels that arrived in the year 1635, Avere two per sons who afterwards made a distinguished figure in a more conspicuous scene. One of these was Hugh Peters, the celebrated chaplain and counsellor of Oliver Cromwell, and the other was Vane, whose father, Sir Henry Vane, the elder, enjoyed the dignity of a privy counsellor at the English court. Peters, who united an active and enterprising genius with the Avarmest devotion to the interests of religion and liberty, became minister of Salem, Avhere he not only discharged his sacred functions with zeal and advantage, but roused the planters to new courses of useful indus try, and encouraged them by his own successful example. His labors were blessed with a produce not less honorable than en during. The spirit which he fostered has continued to prevail with unabated vigor; and nearly two centuries after his death, the piety, good morals, and industry, by which Salem has always been characterized, have been ascribed, with just and grateful commemoration, to the effects of Peters' residence there. He remained in New England till the year 1641, when, at the request of the colonists, he went to transact some business for them in the mother country, from which he was fated never to return. But SIR HENRY VANE. 385 his race remained in the land which had been thus highly indebted to his virtue ; and the name of Winthrop, one of the most honored in New England, was again acquired and transmitted by his daughter. Vane, afterwards Sir Henry Vane, the younger, had been for some time restrained from indulging his wish to proceed to New England, by the prohibition of his father, who was at length induced to waive his objections by the interference of the king. A young man of patrician family, animated with such ardent devotion to the cause of pure religion and liberty, that, relinquishing all his prospects in Britain, he chose to settle in an infant colony, which as yet afforded but little more than a bare subsistence to its inhabitants, Avas received in New England with the fondest regard and admiration. He was then little more than tAventy-four years of age. His youth, which seemed to magnify the sacrifice he had made, increased no less the impression which his manners and appearance were calculated to produce. The deep, thoughtful composure of his aspect and demeanor stamped a serious grace, and someAvhat, according to our conceptions, of angelic grandeur on the bloom of manhood ; his countenance dis closed the surface of a character not less resolute than profound, and of which the energy Avas not extinguished, but concentrated into a sublime and solemn calm. He possessed a prompt and clear discernment of the spirits of other men, and a wonderful mastery over his own. He has been charged with a wild enthu siasm, by some who have remarked the intensity with which he pursued purposes, Avhich to them have appeared worthless and ignoble ; and with hypocrisy by others, who have contrasted the vigor of his resolutions with the calmness of his manners. But a juster consideration, perhaps, may suggest that it was the habitual energy of his determination, that repressed every symptom of vehement impetuosity, and induced an equality of manner that scarcely appeared to exceed the pitch of a grave, deliberate con stancy. So much did his mind predominate over his senses, that though constitutionally timid, and keenly susceptible of impres sions of pain, yet his whole life was one continued course of great and daring enterprise ; and when, amid the wreck of his fortune and the treachery of his associates, death was presented to him self in the appalling form of a bloody execution, he prepared for it with a heroic and smiling intrepidity, and encountered it with tranquil and dignified resignation. The man who could so com mand himself, was formed to acquire a poAverful ascendency over the minds of others. He was admitted a freeman of Massa chusetts; and extending his claims to respect, by the address and ability which he displayed in conducting business, he was 33 w2 386 THE UNITED STATES. elected governor, in the year subsequent to his arrival, by unani mous choice, and with the highest expectations, of a happy and advantageous administration. These hopes, however, were dis appointed. Vane, not finding in the political affairs of the colo nists, a field Avide enough for the excursion of his active spirit, embarked its energy in their theological discussions ; and, unfor tunately connecting himself with a party who had conceived singularly just and profound views of Christian doctrine, but asso ciated them Avith some dangerous errors, and discredited them by a wild extravagance of behavior, he very soon witnessed the abridgment of his usefulness and the decline of his popularity, and returned to England. The incessant flow of emigration to Massachusetts, causing the inhabitants of some of the towns to feel themselves straitened for room, suggested the formation of additional establishments. A project of founding a new settlement on the banks of the river Connecticut, was now embraced by Hooker, one of the ministers of Boston, and a hundred of the members of his congregation. After enduring extreme hardship, and encountering the usual difficulties that attended the foundation of civilized society in this quarter of America, with the usual display of fortitude and reso lution, they at length succeeded in establishing a plantation, which gradually enlarged into the flourishing State of Connecticut. CHAPTER XL. Massachusetts 'continued. — Foundation of tlie province of Connecticut. — Tive Narraganset Indians. — The Pequods. — Indian wars. — Sassacus and Mason. — Victory over the Pequods, and extirpation of that tribe. — Atrocities of the Indian wars. — Internal dissensions in Massachusetts. — Doctrines of Mrs. Hutchinson. — Their effects upon the colony. Indian wars. Some Dutch settlers from NeAV York, who had, in 1633, occu pied a post in Connecticut, Avere compelled to surrender it to the British colonists, who, moreover, obtained shortly after from Lord Brooke, and Lords, Say and Sele, the grant of a district, which these noblemen had acquired in the same quarter, with the inten tion of flying from the royal tyranny to America. Thomas Hooker, a clergyman, made the first permanent settlement in Connecticut. Hooker and his comrades at first carried with them a commission from "the government of Massachusetts; but sub sequently, ascertaining that their territory Avas beyond the juris diction of the authorities of Massachusetts, they combined them selves, by a voluntary association, into a body politic, constructed on the model of the colonial society from which they had separated. They continued in this condition till the Restoration, when they obtained a charter for themselves, from King Charles the Second. That this secession from the colony of Massachusetts was occa- 388 THE UNITED STATES. sioned by lack of room in a province yet imperfectly peopled, has appeared so improbable to some writers, that they have thought it necessary to assign another cause, and have found none so probable or so satisfactory as the jealousy which they conclude that Hooker must inevitably have entertained towards Cotton, whose patriarchal authority had attained such a height in Massa chusetts, that even a formidable political dissension was quelled by one of his pacific discourses. But envy was not a passion congenial to the breast of Hooker, or likely to be generated by the character or influence of Cotton. The notion of a redundant population was the more readily entertained at this period, from the unwillingness of the settlers to penetrate far into the interior of the country, or deprive themselves of an easy communication with the coast. Another reason, indeed, appears to have sug gested the formation of the new settlement ; but it was a reason that argued not dissension, but community of feeling and design between the planters Avho remained in Massachusetts and those who removed to Connecticut. By the establishment of this ad vanced station, a barrier, it was hoped, Avould be erected against the troublesome incursions of the Pequod Indians. Nor is it utterly impossible that some of the seceders of the new settle ment were actuated by a restless spirit, which had hoped too much from external change, and which vainly urged a farther pursuit of that excitement which is found in a life of adventure and vicissitude. In the immediate neighborhood of this new settlement another plantation was formed, about two years after, by a numerous body of emigrants who arrived from England, under the guidance of Theophilus Eaton, a man of large fortune, and John Davenport, an eminent puritan minister. Unwilling to erect the social institu tions which they projected, upon foundations previously laid by other hands, these adventurers declined to settle in Massachusetts, which already presented the scene of a thriving and well-com pacted community ; and, smitten Avith the attractions of a vacant territory skirting the large and commodious bay to the southwest of Connecticut river, they purchased from its Indian owners all the land that lies between that stream and Hudson's river, Avhich ¦divides the southern parts of New England from New York. Repairing to the shores of this bay, they built, first the town of New Haven, which gave its name to the whole colony, and then the towns of Guilford, Milford, Stamford and Brainford. After some time they crossed the bay, and planted various settle ments in Long Island; in all places where they came, erecting churches on the model of the Independents. When we observe SETTLEMENT OF CONNECTICUT. 389 the injustice and cruelty exercised by the government of Britain, thus contributing to cover the earth with cities, and to plant reli gion and liberty in the savage deserts of America, we recognise the overruling providence of that Being, who can render even the insolence of tyrants, who usurp his attributes, conducive to his honor. Having jio royal patent, nor any other title to their lands than by purchase of the natives, and not being included within the boundaries of any provincial jurisdiction established, by British authority, these settlers entered into a voluntary association, of the same nature and for the same ends as that which the founders of Connecticut had embraced ; and in this condition they remained till the Restoration, when New Haven and Connecticut were united by a charter of King Charles the Second. When the settlement of Connecticut was first projected, hopes were entertained that it might conduce to overawe the hostility of the Indians ; but it produced a directly opposite effect. The tribes of Indians in the immediate vicinity of Massachusetts Bay were comparatively feeble and unwarlike; but the colonies of Providence and Connecticut were planted in the midst of power ful and martial hordes. Among these, the most considerable were the Narragansets, who inhabited the shores of the bay which bears their name; and the, Pequods, who occupied the territory which stretches from Rhode Island to the banks of the Connec ticut. The Pequods were a numerous tribe, and renowned for their prowess and ferocity. They had early entertained a jealous hatred of the European colonists, and for some time past had harassed them with unprovoked attacks, and excited their abhor rence and indignation by the monstrous outrages to which they subjected their captives. Unoffending men, Avomen and children, who had the misfortune to fall into their hands, were scalped and sent back to their friends, or put to death with every circum stance of torture and indignity, — while the assassins, with dia bolical glee and derision, challenged them to invoke the God of the Christians, and put to the proof his poAver to save them. The extension of the English settlements excited anew the fury of the savages, and produced a repetition of injuries, Avhich Vane, the governor of Massachusetts, determined at length to retaliate and punish by offensive operations. Receiving intelligence of a serious attack that had been made by the Pequods on the Connecticut settlers, he summoned all the New England communities to as semble and despatch the strongest force they could contribute, to the defence of their countrymen, and of the common cause of European civilization. The Pequods, aware of the impending danger, Avere not negligent of prudent precautions, as well as 33* 390 THE UNITED STATES. active endeavors to repel it. To this end, they sought a recon ciliation with the Narragansets, their hereditary enemies, and rivals in power; proposing that on both sides the remembrance of ancient quarrels and animosities should be buried ; and urging the Narragansets for once to cooperate cordially with them against a common foe, Avhose progressive encroachments threatened to con found them both in one common destruction. But the Narragan sets had long cherished a fierce and deep-rooted hatred against the Pequods; and less moved by a distant prospect of danger to themselves, than by the hope of an instant gratification of their implacable revenge, they rejected the proposals of accommoda tion, and determined to assist the English in the prosecution of the war, which broke out in 1637. The Pequods, incensed but not dismayed by this disappoint ment, hastened by the vigor of their operations to anticipate the junction of the allied provincial forces; and the Connecticut troops, while as yet they had received a small part of the succors with which their friends had undertaken to reinforce them, found it necessary to advance against the enemy. The Pequod warriors, amounting in number to more than fifteen hundred, commanded by Sassacus, their principal sachem, occupied two fortified sta tions, against one of Avhich, at Mistic, in Rhode Island, Captain Mason and the Connecticut militia, consisting only of ninety men. attended by a body of Indian allies, directed their attack. The approach of Mason was quickened by the information that the enemy, deceived by a seeming retreat of the provincial troops, had abandoned themselves to the conviction that the English dared not encounter them, and were celebrating in premature triumph the supposed evacuation of their country. About daybreak, while in deep slumber and supine security, they were approached by the colonists ; and the surprise would have been complete, if an alarm had not been communicated by the barking of a dog. The war-whoop was immediately sounded, and they flew to their arms. The colonial troops rushed on to the attack ; and Avhile some of them fired on the Indians through the palisades, others forced their way by the entrances into the fort, and setting fire to the huts, which were covered with reeds, involved their enemies in the confusion and horror of a general conflagration. The Pequods, notwithstanding the disadvantage of their situation, behaved with great intrepidity ; but after a prolonged and furious resist ance, they were totally defeated, with the slaughter of at least five hundred of their tribe. Many of the women and children per ished in the flames ; and the warriors, in endeavoring to escape, were slain by the colonists, or, falling into the hands of the Indian EXTINCTION OF THE PEQUODS. 391 allies of the English, who surrounded the fort at a distance, were reserved for a more cruel fate. Soon after this action, Captain Stoughton having arrived with the auxiliary troops from Massa chusetts, it was resolved to pursue the victory. Several engage ments took place, Avhich terminated unfavorably for the Pequods ; and in a short time they sustained another general defeat, which put an end to the war. A few only of this once powerful nation survived, who, abandoning their country to the victorious Euro peans, dispersed themselves among the neighboring tribes, and lost their existence as a separate people. Sassacus had been an object of superstitious terror to the Narragansets, who had endeavored to dissuade the colonists from risking a personal encounter with him, by the assurance that his life was charmed and his person invul nerable. After the destruction of his people, when he fled for refuge to a distant tribe, the Narragansets, exchanging their terror for cruelty, solicited and prevailed with these Indians to cut off his head. Thus terminated a struggle more important from its conse quences than from the number of the combatants, or the celebrity of their names. On its issue there had been staked no less than the question, whether Christianity and civilization, or paganism and barbarity should prevail in New England. This first military enterprise of the colonists was conducted with vigor and ability, and impressed the Indian race with a high opinion of their steadfast courage and superior skill. Their vic tory, however, it must be confessed, was sullied by cruelties which it is easy to account for and extenuate, but painful to re collect. The Massachusetts militia had been exceedingly diligent before their march in purging their ranks of all persons whose religious sentiments did not correspond with the general standard of faith, orthodoxy. It had been happy if they could have purged their own bosoms of the vindictive feelings which the outrages of their savage foes were but too well fitted to inspire. Some of the prisoners Avere tortured by the Indian allies, whose cruelties, we can hardly doubt, the English might have prevented; a consider able number Avere sold as slaves in Bermuda, and the rest were reduced to servitude in the New England settlements. In aggra vation of the reproach which these proceedings undoubtedly merit, it has been urged, but with very little reason, that the Pequods were entitled to the treatment of an independent people, gallantly striving to defend their property, their rights and their freedom. But, in truth, the Pequods were the aggressors in an unjust quarrel, and were fighting all along in support of unpro voked and ferocious purposes of extermination. While the military force of Massachusetts was thus employed 392 THE UNITED STATES. in the field, the provincial commonwealth was shaken by intestine dissensions, which had been excited by theological controversy, and inflamed by the gall and bitterness of unruly tongues. It was the custom at that time, in Boston, that the members of every congregation should assemble in weekly meetings, to reconsider the sermons of the preceding Sunday ; to discuss the doctrinal instructions they had heard; to revive the impressions that had been produced by their sabbatical exercises ; and extend the sacred influences of the Sabbath throughout the week. Mrs. Hutchinson, the wife of one of the most respectable inhabitants of the colony, a woman of masculine spirit, — subtle, ambitious and enthusiastic, —submitted with impatience to the restriction by which women, at these meetings, Avere debarred from the privilege of joining in the debates; and at length, conceiving that she was authorized to exercise her didactic powers, by the precept of Scripture, which enjoins the elder women to teaoh the younger, she established sep arate meetings of the Christians of her own sex, Avhere her zeal and talents soon procured her a numerous and admiring audience. These women, who had partaken the struggles and perils of the male colonists, had also caught no small portion of the various hues of their spirit ; and as many of them had been accustomed to a life more replete with external elegance and variety of interest and employment than the state of the colony could supply, they experienced a listless craving for something to animate and engage their faculties, and judged nothing fitter for this purpose than an imitation of those exercises, for the promotion of the great common cause, which seemed to minister such comfort and sup port to the spirits of the men. Mrs. Hutchinson, their leader, had by her devout behavior, gained the cordiaf*esteem of John Cotton, Avhose charity never failed to recognise, in every human being, the slightest trace of those graces which he continually and ardently longed to behold ; and towards him she entertained and professed for some time a very high veneration. The friend ship of Vane and some others had a less favorable influence on her mind ; and their admiring praise of the depth and vigor of her genius seems to have elevated, in her estimation, the gifts of intellect above the graces of character. She acquired the title of The Nonesuch, which the ingenuity of her admirers derived from an anagrammatical transposition of the letters of her name ; and gave to her female assemblies the title of gossipings, — a term at that time of respectable import, but which the scandalous repute of female conventions and debates has since consigned to con tempt and ridicule. Doing amiss what the Scriptures plainly forbade her to do at all, she constituted herself not only a dictator MRS. HUTCHINSON. 393 of orthodoxy, but a censor of the spiritual estate and value of all the ministers and inhabitants of the province. Her canons of doctrine were received by her associates as the unerring standard of truth ; and a defamatory persecution was industriously Avaged against all who rejected them as unsound, uncertain, or unintelli gible. A scrutiny was instituted into the characters of all the provincial clergy and laity ; and of those Avho refused to receive the doctrinal testimony of the conclave, few found it easy to stand the test of a censorious inquisition, stimulated by female petulance and controversial rancor. In the assemblies which Avere held by the followers of Mrs. Hutchinson, there were nourished and trained a keen, pugnacious spirit, and unbridled license of tongue, of which the influence was speedily felt in the serious disturbance first of domestic happiness, and then of public peace. The mat rons of Boston were transformed into a synod of slanderous praters, whose inquisitorial deliberations and audacious decrees instilled their venom into the innermost recesses of society ; and the spirits of a great majority of the citizens being in that com bustible state in which a feeble spark will suffice to kindle a formidable conflagration, the whole colony was inflamed and distracted by the incontinence of female spleen and presumption. The tenets adopted and inculcated by the faction of which Mrs. Hutchinson was the leader, Avere denounced by their adversa ries as constituting the heresy of antinomianism. The doctrine which she taught, and the censures Avhich she pronounced, were received Avith avidity and delight by a considerable party ; and proportionally provoking the displeasure of others, excited the most violent dissensions throughout the whole colony. Cotton endeavored to moderate the heats that arose, by representing to the parties, that their strife was prejudicial to the great purpose in Avhich he firmly believed the minds of both were united, — the exalting and honoring divine grace ; the one (said he) seeking to advance the grace of God within us, in the work of sanctification, the other seeking to advance the grace of God without us, in the work of justification. But the strife was not to be stayed; his endeavors to pacify and reconcile, only served to draw down upon himself the charge of a timorous and purblind incapacity, from the assembly of the women ; ands as even this insult was not able to induce him to declare himself entirely opposed to them, he incurred a temporary abatement of his popularity Avith a majority of the colonists. Some of the tenets promulgated by the sectaries, he reverenced as the legitimate fruit of profound and enlightened meditation upon the Scriptures ; but he viewed with grief and amazement the fierce and arrogant spirit with which they x2 394 THE UNITED STATES. were maintained, and the wild and dangerous errors Avith which they very soon came to be associated. The controversy raged Avith a violence very unfavorable to the discernment and recog nition of truth. Mrs. Hutchinson and her adherents, both male and female, firmly persuaded of the superior soundness and purity of their system of doctrines, forgot to consider how far the opposi tion which it encountered might be traced to the obscurity and imperfection of their views, and their manner of exhibiting them. It is asserted that the heat of their tempers gradually commu nicated itself to the understandings of Mrs. Hutchinson and her party ; and that, in addition to their original tenets, they adopted the idea that the Spirit of God communicates with the minds of believers independently of the Avritten word ; and, in consistency Avith this, received many revelations of future events, announced to them by Mrs. Hutchinson, as equally infallible with the prophe cies of Scripture. But the accounts that are transmitted to us of such theological dissensions are always obscured by the cloud of contemporary passion, prejudice and error ; hasty effusions of irri tated zeal are mistaken for deliberate sentiments, and the excesses of the zealots of a party are held up as the standard by which the whole body may fairly be measured. Some ministers, who had embraced Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions, began to proclaim them from the pulpit, with such opprobrious invectives against all by whom they were rejected, as at length brought the dissensions to a crisis; and Vane, being considered the confederate and protector of Mrs. Hutchinson, his continuance in office, or privation of it, at the approaching annual election, was the first test by which the parties were to try with which of them resided the power of imposing silence on the other. So much ill humor and mutual jealousy had now been instilled into the minds of the people, that the utmost efforts of the sober and humane barely sufficed to prevent the day of election from being disgraced by a general riot. All the exertions of Vane's partisans failed to obtain his reappointment; and by a great majority of votes, the government was conferred on Winthrop. Vane, nevertheless, re mained in the colony, professing his willingness to undertake even the humblest function in the service of a commonAvealth of the people of God ; and the followers of Mrs. Hutchinson, regarding his deprivation of office as a dangerous blow, to themselves, ceased not to labor for his reinstatement, Avith as much warmth as they had exerted in the propagation of their religious tenets. The government was loudly reproached, and Winthrop openly slighted and affronted. At length, the prevailing party resolved to cut up this source of contention by the roots ; and a general synod of MRS. HUTCHINSON. 395 the churches of the colony having been assembled, the doctrines recently broached were condemned as erroneous and heretical. As this proceeding served only to provoke the professors of these doctrines to assert them with increased Avarmth and pertinacity, the leaders of the party were summoned before the general court. Mrs. Hutchinson rebuked her judges for their Avicked persecution of truth, compared herself to the prophet Daniel cast into the den of lions, and attempted to complete the similitude by exercising Avhat she believed to be the gift of prophecy, and predicting that her exile would be attended with the ruin of her adversaries and all their posterity. To this punishment, nevertheless, she was condemned, together with her brother, Wheelwright, who was a clergyman, and Avho had been the great pulpit champion of her doctrines ; and some of the inferior members of the faction, partly on account of the violence with Avhich they still proclaimed their theological tenets, and partly for the seditious insolence with Avhich they had treated the new governor, Avere fined and dis franchised. In consequence of these proceedings, Vane quitted the colony, and returned to England, "leaving a caveat," says Cotton Mather, " that all good men are not fit for government." CHAPTER XLI. The New England Colonies. Jealousy of the English government.— Attempts upon American liberty. — Firmness of the colonists. — Attempts of the crown to stop emigration. — Cromwell and Hampden. — Trouble in England. — Harvard College founded. — Settlement of Maine. — General state of the colonies.— Man ners, government, religion, strictness of morals. — Severity of the laws. — Attempts to civilize the Indians. — Elliot, the Indian apostle. — His labors among the natives. — Stubborn character of the Indians. — Mayhew's missionary efforts. — ^Translation of the Bible. — Result of the attempts at civilizing the savages. Elliot preaching to the Indians. Meantime, the progress of the New England colonies had begun to excite the jealousy of the English government. The system of civil and religious liberty, now rapidly groAving up in the west, was too striking a spectacle to escape serious notice. The clergy, in particular, began to look upon the American innoAra tions as an affair of state, and in April, 1 634, the Archbishop of Canterbury and his associates received full power over the American planta tions, with authority to establish the government, regulate the church, and revoke any charter Avhich conceded liberties prejudi cial to the royal prerogative. This account spread alarm among the colonists, and they resolved to defend their rights. Fortifica tions were hastily erected, and a military fund of six hundred pounds raised, — a large sum, if we consider the poverty of the colonies at that period. All the ministers assembled at Boston DISTRICT OF MAINE. 397 and declared unanimously the determination of the settlers to defend their lawful possessions as far as they were able. The holders of the general patent for New England were forced to surrender it to the king, and by a writ of quo warranto, the Mas sachusetts charter was likewise ordered to be given up. With a design to stop the tide of emigration to the colonies, the privy council, in May, 1638, forbade the sailing of eight ships, in the Thames, bound to New England. A tradition is current that Oliver Cromwell and John Hampden, afterwards so famous in the history of England, were among the emigrants on board this fleet. After some detention, however, the ships were permitted to depart. When the order for surrender of the charter arrived at Boston, accompanied with a threat that in case of refusal the king would take into his own hands the whole government of the plantations, the colonists firmly refused ; and, fortunately for them, before the royal anger could wreak itself on their heads, the troubles broke out in England which led Charles I. to the scaffold. The repub lican parliament favored the colonists, and the House of Commons, in 1643, voted a resolution favorable to the New England colonies. In the meantime Massachusetts promulgated a bill of rights and offered a free welcome to Christians of every nation, who might fly from war, famine, tyranny or persecution. New England had at this early period become the asylum for the oppressed of all Christendom. Antecedent to this period the colonists had begun to look forward to the promotion of literature. Harvard College Avas founded, in 1636, by the general court of Massachusetts, who appropriated a whole year's taxation towards the establishment of a college at Cambridge. Two years afterwards, John Harvard, of Charlestown, bequeathed one half of his estate and all his library to the same purpose, from Avhich donation the infant Uni versity received his name. The District of Maine, now a separate state, was in the early part of its existence, a portion of Massachusetts. This territory Avas at first comprised within the limits of a patent granted to Gorges and Mason, Avho obtained a title for the whole country between the Merrimack and the St. Lawrence. The French had already visited the coast of Maine and established themselves at Mount Desert. Some English settlers took post at Saco river and Monhegan Island, about 1618, but the first permanent settlement was made in 1626, "on the Maine," as it was called, in contra distinction to the islands Avhich so thickly stud the coast. This settlement was at the mouth of the Pemaquid. The French made encroachments and claimed nearly all the territory of Maine, but they were finally expelled. The first court organized in this 34 398 THE UNITED STATES. district was in 1636, at Saco. Gorges gave the country the name of NeAV Somersetshire. In 1652, Massachusetts, by a literal inter pretation of her charter, extended her limits so as to absorb the territory of Maine as far as Casco Bay. In 1691, the whole of Maine became incorporated Avith Massachusetts, and continued an integral portion of that state till 1820. When the intercourse, which for tAventy years had subsisted between NeAV England and the parent state, Avas interrupted by the civil war in England, the number of colonists appears to have amounted to about tAventy thousand persons, or four thousand families, including about a hundred ministers. The expenditure that had already been incurred in equipping vessels and transport ing emigrants, amounted to nearly tAvo hundred thousand pounds, — a prodigious sum in that age, and Avhich nothing but the grand and unconquerable principle Avhich animated the puritans, could have persuaded men to expend on the prospect of forming an establishment in a remote, uncultivated desert, offering to its inhabitants merely a plain, unadorned freedom and difficult sub sistence. When the civil war broke out in the parent state, the colonists had already founded fifty towns and villages ; they had erected upAvards of thirty churches and ministers' houses; and combining with their preponderating regard for the concerns of religion," a diligent and judicious conduct of their temporal affairs, they had improved their estates to a high degree of cultivation. During the first seven years of the infancy of the settlement that was founded in 1630, even subsistence Avas procured Avith diffi culty, and trade Avas not attempted ; but soon after that period, the people began to extend their fishery, and to open a trade in lum ber, which subsequently proved the staple article of New England commerce. In the year 1637, there Avere but thirty ploughs in the whole province of Massachusetts, and less than one third of that number in Connecticut. The culture of the earth was generally performed Avith hoes, and Avas consequently sIoav and laborious. Every commodity bore a high price. Though money Avas ex tremely scarce, the price of a good coav Avas thirty pounds ; Indian corn cost five shillings a bushel ; labor and every other article of use was proportionably dear. Necessity. at first introduced what the jurisprudence of the colonists aftenvards confirmed ; and desiring to perpetuate the habits that had proved so conducive to piety and virtue, they endeavored by legislative enactments to exclude luxury and promote industry. When the assembling of the long parliament opened a prospect of safety, and even of triumph and supremacy to the puritans in England, many persons who had taken refuge in America returned to their native country ; GENERAL STATE OF THE COLONIES. 399 but a great majority of the colonists had experienced so much of the substance and happiness of religious life in the societies which had been formed within the colony, that they felt themselves united to New England by stronger and nobler ties than any that patriotic recollections could supply; and resolved to abide in a region which their virtue had converted from a wilderness into a garden. In these infant communities of men devoted to godli ness and liberty, all hearts were strongly united by community of feeling on subjects the most interesting and important; the inhabitants were, in general, very nearly on a level in point of temporal condition; the connexion of neighborhood operated as extended family ties; and the minds of all were warmed and invigorated by a primitive friendliness, freedom, and simplicity of mutual communication. And yet some indications of an aristo- cratical disposition, arising not unnaturally from peculiar circum stances that had occurred in the formation of the colonial settle ments, did occasionally manifest themselves. Several of the first planters, particularly Dudley, Winthrop, Bradford, Bellingham and Bradstreet, were persons of ample fortune ; and besides the transportation of their own families, they had borne the charge of transporting many poor families, Avho must otherwise have remained in England. Others were members of the original body of patentees, and had incurred expenses in the procurement of the charter, the formation of the company, the equipment of the first body of adventurers, and the purchase of the soil from the natives, of which they had noAV no prospect of obtaining reim bursement. On this class of planters the offices of government naturally devolved during the infancy of the settlements, and long continued to be discharged by them with no other pecuniary recompense than presents, Avhich were occasionally voted to them by the gratitude of their fellow-citizens. It was probably owing to the prevalence of the peculiar sentiments inspired by the ser vices of these persons, that, in the first general court Avhich Avas assembled in Massachusetts, the election of the governor, the appointment of all the other officers, and even the poAver of legisla tion, Avere AvithdraAVn from the freemen, and vested in the council of assistants ; and although the freemen reclaimed and resumed their rights the following year, yet the exercise of legislation was 'confined almost entirely to the council of assistants, till the intro duction of the representative system in the year 1634. From this time the council and the freemen, assembled together, formed the General Court, — till the year 1 644, — Avhen it was arranged that the governor and assistants should sit apart ; and thence commenced the separate existence of the democratic branch of the legislature, 400 THE UNITED STATES. or house of representatives. Elections were conducted by ballot, in which the balls or tickets tendered by the electors consisted of Indian beans. Some notice of the peculiarities of jurisprudence that already prevailed in the various communities of New England, will serve to illustrate the state of society and manners that sprung up at first among this singular people. By a fundamental laAv of Massachusetts, it was enacted, " that all strangers professing the Christian religion, who shall flee to this country from the tyranny of their persecutors, shall be succored at the public charge until some provision can be made for them." Jesuits and other Romish priests, however, Avere subjected to banishment, and in case of their return, to death. This cruel ordinance was afterwards ex tended to the Quakers ; and all persons were forbidden, under the severest penalties, to import any of " that cursed sect," or of their Avritings, into the colony. By what proceedings the Quakers of that age provoked so much aversion and such rigorous treatment, we shall have an opportunity of considering hereafter. These persecuting edicts had no place in Rhode Island, where no one was exposed to active molestation for religious opinions, and all professors of Christianity, except Roman Catholics, were admitted to the full rights of citizenship. In Connecticut, persons Avere for bidden, to run, or even to walk, "except reverently to and from church," on Sunday, or to profane the day by SAveeping their houses, cooking their victuals, or shaving their beards. Mothers were even commanded not to kiss their children on that sacred day. The usual punishments of great crimes were disfranchisement, banish ment, and temporary servitude ; but perpetual slavery was not per mitted to be inflicted upon any persons except captives lawfully taken in the wars ; and these Avere to be treated with the gentleness of Christian manners, a.nd to be entitled to all the mitigations of their lot, enjoined by the laAv of Moses. Disclaiming all but defensiAre Avar, the colonists considered themselves entitled and constrained, in self-defence, to deprive their assailants of a liberty Avhich they had abused and rendered inconsistent with the safety of their neighbors. The practice, notAvithstanding, was impolitic, to say no worse, and served to pave the Avay, at a later period, for the introduction of negro slavery into New England. All gaming Avas prohibited ; cards and dice were forbidden to be imported ; and assemblies for dancing were proscribed. By a law enacted in 1646, kissing a woman in the street, even in the way of honest salute, was punished by flogging. This was not considered an infamous punishment by the rjeople of Massachu setts ; and even so late as the middle of the eighteenth century, SEVERITY 8F THE LAWS. 401 there were instances of persons, who, after undergoing its severity, have associated with the most respectable circles of society in Boston. This doubtless arose from the peculiar character of the government, Avhich, seeming to hold a patriarchal relation to the people, could never be supposed, in correcting an offender, to divest itself entirely of hope and good will towards him. The economy of inns was regulated with a strictness Avhich deserves to be noted, as explanatory of a circumstance that has frequently excited the surprise of European travellers in America. The intemperance and immorality to which these places are so often made subser vient, were punished with the utmost rigor ; and all innkeepers were required, under the severest penalties, to restrain the ex cesses of their guests, or to acquaint the magistrate with their perpetration. To secure a stricter execution of this law, it was judged expedient that innkeepers should be divested of the temp tation that poverty presents to its infraction, and enjoy such personal consideration as would facilitate the exercise of their difficult duty ; and, accordingly, none were permitted to follow this calling, but persons of approved character and competent estate. One of the consequences of this policy was, that an em ployment very little respected in other countries, for a long period, was creditable in the highest degree in New England. Persons, wearing apparel which the grand jury should account unsuitable to their estate, were to be admonished in the first instance, and if contumacious, fined. A fine was imposed on every woman cutting her hair like a man's, or suffering it to Rang loosely upon her face. Idleness, lying, swearing and drunken ness, were subjected to various penalties and marks of disgrace. The selectmen assessed, in every family, the quantity pf spinning which the young women were esteemed capable of producing, and enforced by fines the production of the requisite quantities. Usury Avas forbidden; and the prohibition was not confined to the interest of money, but extended to the loan of laboring cattle and implements of husbandry. Persons deserting the English settle ments, and living in heathen license and profanity, were punished by fine and imprisonment. A male child above sixteen years of age, accused by his parents of rebellion against them and general misconduct, incurred, (conformably with the Mosaic code,) the doom of capital punishment; and any person courting a maid without the sanction of her parents, was fined and imprisoned. It is pleasing to contemplate the substantial fruits of Chris tian sentiment evinced by the memorable exertions for the con version of the Indians. The circumstances that promoted the 34* - y2 402 THE UNITED STATES. emigrations to New England, had operated with particular force on the ministers of the puritans ; and so many of these spiritual direc tors had accompanied the other settlers, that among a people Avho derived less enjoyment from the exercises of piety, the numbers of the clergy would have been reckoned exceedingly burdensome and very much disproportioned to the Avants of the laity. This circumstance was highly favorable to the promotion of reli gious habits among the colonists, as well as to the extension of their settlements, in the plantation of which, the cooperation of a minister was considered indispensable. It contributed also to suggest and facilitate missionary labor among the neighboring heathen, to whom the colonists had associated themselves, by superadding the ties of a common country to those of a common nature. While the people at large were progressively extending their industry, and overcoming by culture the rudeness of desert nature, the ministers of religion, with earnest zeal, aspired to an extension of their peculiar sphere of usefulness ; and, at a very early period, entertained designs of redeeming to the dominion of piety and civilization the neglected wastes of human character th^at lay stretched in savage ignorance and idolatry all around them. John Elliot, one of the ministers of Roxbury, a man whose large soul glowed with the intensest flame of holy charity, had been diligently laboring some time to overcome the preliminary diffi culty by which its performance Avas obstructed. He had now, by diligent study, obtained such a knowledge of the Indian language, as enabled him not only himself to speak it with fluency, but to facilitate the acquisition of it by others, in the construction and publication of a system of Indian grammar. Having completed his preparatory inquiries, he began, in the close of this year, a scene of labor, which has been traced with the greatest interest and accuracy by the ecclesiastical historians of New England. It is a remarkable feature in Elliot's long and arduous career, that the energy by which he was actuated never sustained the slightest abatement; but, on the contrary, manifested a steady and continual increase. He appears never himself to have doubted its endurance ; but, confidently referring it to Divine bestowment, he felt assured of its derivation from a source incapa ble of being wasted by the most liberal communication. Every thing he saw or knew occurred to him in a religious aspect; every faculty, and every acquisition that he derived from the employment of his faculties, was received by him as a ray imparted to his soul, from that everlasting source of sentiment and intelligence, which was the object of his earnest contempla- LABORS OF ELLIOT AMONG THE INDIANS. 403 tion and continual desire. As he was one of the holiest, so Avas he also one of the happiest and most beloved of men. When he felt himself disabled from preaching, by the infirmities of old age, he proposed to his parishioners of Roxbury, to resign his ministe rial salary ; but the people unanimously declared, that they Avould Avillingly pay the stipend, for the happiness of having him reside among them. His example, indeed, Avas the most valuable part of his ministry among Christians ; his life, during many years, being a continual effusion of soul in devotion to God and charity to mankind. The mild, persuasive address of Elliot soon gained him a favor able audience from many of the Indians ; and having successfully represented to them the expediency of an entire departure from their savage habits of life, he obtained from the general court a suitable tract of land adjoining the settlement of Concord, in Massachusetts, upon which a number of Indian families began, under his counsel, to erect fixed habitations for themselves, and where they eagerly received his instructions, both spiritual and secular. It was not long before a violent opposition to these innovations was excited by the powows, or Indian priests, who threatened death and other inflictions of the vengeance of their idols on all who should embrace Christianity. The menaces and artifices of these persons „ caused several of the seeming converts to draAv back, but induced others to separate themselves entirely from the society and converse of the main body of their country men, and court the advantage of a closer association with that superior race of men, who showed themselves so willing, nay, so anxious, to diffuse and communicate the benefits of their own improved condition. A considerable number of Indians resorted to the land allotted to them by the provincial government, and exchanged their wild and barbarous habits for the modes of civil ized living and industry. Elliot was continually among them, instructing, animating, and directing them. They felt his supe rior wisdom, and saw him continually and serenely happy; and there was nothing in his exterior condition that indicated sources of enjoyment from Avhich they were debarred. On the contrary, it Avas obvious that of every article of merely selfish comfort, he Avas willing to divest himself, in order to communicate to them a share of what he esteemed the only true riches of an immortal being. The women in the new settlement learned to spin ; the men to dig and till the ground ; and the children were instructed in the English language, and taught to read and write. As the number of domesticated Indians increased, they built a town by the side of Charles river, which they called Natick ; and they 404 THE UNITED STATES. desired Elliot to frame a system of municipal government for them. He directed their attention to the counsel that Jethro gave to Moses ; and in conformity with it, they elected for themselves rulers of hundreds, of fifties and of tens. The provincial govern ment also appointed a court, which, without assuming jurisdiction over them, tendered the assistance of its judicial mediation to all who might be willing to refer to it the adjustment of their more difficult or important controversies. In endeavoring to extend their missionary influence among the surrounding tribes, Elliot and his associates met with diversified results, corresponding to the visible varieties of human character, and the invisible pre determinations of the Divine will. Many Indians expressed the utmost abhorrence and contempt of Christianity; some made a hollow profession of willingness to hear, and even of conviction, with the view, as it afterwards appeared, of obtaining the tools and other articles of value that were furnished to every Indian who proposed to embrace the habits of civilized life. In spite qf great discouragement the missionaries persisted; and the diffi culties that at first mocked their efforts, seeming at length to vanish under an invisible influence, their labors were attended with astonishing success. The character and habits of the lay colonists promoted the efficacy of these pious endeavors, in a manner which will be forcibly appreciated by all who have exam ined the history and progress of missions. Simple in their man ners, — devout, moral and industrious in their lives, — they enforced the lessons of the missionaries by demonstrating their practica bility and their beneficial effects, and presented a model which in point of refinement was not too elevated for Indian imitation. While Elliot and an increasing body of associates were thus employed in the province of Massachusetts, Thomas Mayhew, a man who combined the gentlest manners with the most ardent and enthusiastic spirit, together with a few coadjutors, diligently prosecuted the same design in Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket, and Elizabeth Isles, and the territory comprehended in the Plymouth patent. Abasing themselves, that they might elevate their species and promote the divine glory, they Avrought with their own hands among those Indians whom they persuaded to forsake savage habits ; and zealously employing all the influence they acquired to the communication of moral and spiritual improvement, they beheld their exertions crowned with the most signal success. The character and manners of Mayhew appear to have been singularly calculated to excite the tenderness, no less than the veneration, of the objects of his benevolence. His address derived a pene trating interest from that earnest concern, and high and holy ELLIOT AND MAYHEW. 405 Value, which he manifestly entertained for every member of the family of mankind. Many years after his death, the Indians could not hear his name mentioned without shedding tears, and betraying transports of grateful emotion. Both Elliot and Mayhew found great advantage in the practice of selecting the most docile and ingenious of their Indian pupils, and by especial attention to their instruction, qualifying them to act as schoolmasters among their countrymen. To a zeal that seemed to increase by exercise, they added insurmountable patience and admirable prudence ; and steadily fixing their view on the glory of the Most High, and declaring that, whether out wardly successful or not in prosecuting it, they felt themselves blest and happy in pursuing it ; they found its influence sufficient to light them through the darkness of every perplexity and peril, and finally conduct them to a degree of success and victory unparalleled, perhaps, since that era when the miraculous endow ments of the apostolic ministry caused multitudes to be converted in a day. They Avere not hasty in urging the Indians to embrace improved institutions ; they desired rather to lead them insensibly forward, — more especially in the establishment of religious ordi nances. Those practices, indeed, which they accounted likely to commend themselves, by their obviously beneficial effects, to the natural understanding of men, they were not restrained from recommending to their early adoption; and trial by jury very soon superseded the savage modes of determining right, or ascer taining guilt, and contributed to improve and refine the sense of equity. In the dress and modes of intercourse among the savages, they also introduced, at an early period, alterations calculated to form and develop a sentiment' of modesty, of Avhich the Indians were found to be grossly and universally deficient. But all those practices which are, or ought to be exclusively the fruits of renewed nature, and divine light, they desired to teach entirely by example, and by diligently radicating and cultivating in the minds of their flock, the principles out of Avhich alone such visible fruits of piety can lastingly and beneficially grow. It was not till the year 1660, that the first Indian church was founded by Elliot and his fellow-laborers in Massachusetts. There were at that time no fewer than ten settlements within the province occu pied by Indians comparatively civilized. Elliot had occasionally translated and printed various approved theological dissertations for the use of the Indians ; and, at length, in the year 1664, the Bible was printed for the first time, in the na tive language of the New World, at Cambridge, in Massachusetts. This, indeed, was not accomplished without the assistance of 40b THE UNITED STATES. pecuniary contributions from the mother country. The colonists had zealously and cheerfully cooperated with their ministers, and assisted to defray the cost of . their charitable enterprises ; but the increasing expenses threatened at last to exceed what their narrow means were competent to afford. Happily, the tidings of this great work excited a kindred spirit in the parent state, where, in the year 1649, there was formed, by act of parliament, a Society for propagating the Gospel in New England, whose cooperation proved of essential service to the missionary cause. This society, having been dissolved at the restoration, was afterwards reerected by a charter from Charles the Second, obtained by the exertions of the pious Richard Baxter, and the influence of the illustrious Robert Boyle, who thus approved himself the benefactor of NeAV England, as well as of Virginia. Supported by its ample endow ments, and the liberal contributions of their own fellow-colonists, the American missionaries exerted themselves with such energy and success in the work of converting and civilizing the savages, that, before the close of the seventeenth century, there were collected in the province of Massachusetts, more than thirty con gregations of Indians, comprising upwards of three thousand persons, reclaimed from a gross barbarism and degrading super stition, and advanced to the comfort and respectability of civilized life, and the dignity and happiness of worshippers of the true God. There were nearly as many converts to religion and civiliza tion in the islands of Massachusetts Bay ; there Avere several Indian congregations in the Plymouth territories ; and among some of the tribes that still pursued their wonted style of roving life, there Avas introduced a considerable improvement in civil and moral habits. CHAPTER XLII. New Hampshire. Gorges and Mason's projects. — Foundation of Portsmouth. — New Hampshire absorbed in Massachusetts. — Rhode Island. Williams obtains a charter for that colony. — Connecticut. First attempt of the Dutch at a set tlement. — Hartford founded by the English. — Government of Connecticut. — New Haven. — Distresses of the first settlers. — Troubles with the Indians andDutch. — Connecticut obtains a charter. Founding of Portsmouth. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason, members of the coun cil of Plymouth, obtained, in 1622, a patent for Laconia, under which name was then comprised all the coast from the river Merrimac to the St. Lawrence. A company Avas formed in Eng land, under this patent, and settlements effected at Portsmouth and Dover, in 1623. The colony, hoAvever, made but little progress ; the patentees got involved in territorial disputes Avith their Massa chusetts neighbors, and wasted their efforts in suits at law, — the poorest means of helping the growth of an estate. Fifteen years later, the whole coast of New Hampshire and Maine is described as a mere wilderness, with a few huts scattered here and there along the shore ; and at the end of thirty years, Portsmouth con tained only fifty or sixty families. Mason took out a new patent, but his American estate became ruined. Neither the proprietor nor the king paid any attention to this colony, and the New 408 THE UNITED STATES. Hampshire settlers were left to take care of themselves. The colony was absorbed into Massachusetts in 1641, and continued to form a part of that state till 1677, when a committee of the privy council, having examined all the colonial charters, de cided that Massachusetts had no jurisdiction over this terri tory. New Hampshire then became a royal province. The history of this state is so closely connected throughout with that of Massachusetts, that they cannot be separated without impair ing the unity of our narrative of general events. The foundation of the province of Rhode Island was laid by Roger Williams, whom we have already seen leaving the settle ments at Massachusetts Bay, and going into exile in the wilder ness. Williams first established himself at Seekonk, but finding the spot within the limits of Plymouth, he removed across the river, and made a permanent settlement at Providence in 1638. He bought the land of the Narraganset Indians, and his infant colony Avas undisturbed by disputes with the natives. The friends of Anne Hutchinson sought shelter here, and the colony increased to such a degree that a constitution Avas established in 1641. Williams remained here upwards of forty years, and in 1643, he went to England, Avhere, by the interest of Sir Henry Vane, he obtained a parliamentary charter, by which the colony was governed till the restoration of Charles II. That monarch favored the Rhode Islanders ; and the liberal terms of the charter which he granted the colony in 1663, form a theme of unbounded praise with the historians of the time. Under this charter the state continued to be governed down to the year 1842. In our narrative of the Indian wars in the preceding chapter, we have alluded to the early establish menu of the Dutch and English on Connecticut river. In the year 1635, and the subse quent years, several distinct English settlements were made. One group of these settlers, led by Mr. Hooker, with their families, stock and property, travelled in about fourteen days from Massa chusetts Bay to Hartford, across the intermediate trackless Avil- derness. They had no guide but their compass ; no covering but the heavens; and their chief subsistence was the milk of their cows, which they drove before them. By these and other settlers from Old and New England, two colonies, named Connecticut and New Haven, were formed, and continued distinct for about thirty years, but were then united. These early settlements were formed by voluntary associations of persons who purchased the soil from the natives, and the right of settling there from the old Plymouth company in England. The constitution of the colony called Connecticut, was estab- CONNECTICUT. 409 Hshed by a convention of all the freemen of Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield, which met at Hartford, in January, 1639. It ordained that there should be annually tAvo general courts or legis lative assemblies, one in April and the other in September ; that in the first, all public officers should be chosen ; that a governor should be annually appointed ; that no one should be chosen to this office unless he had been a magistrate, and also a member of some church ; that the choice of officers should be by ballot, and by the whole body of freemen ; and that every man was to be considered as a freeman, who had beefl received as a member of any of the towns, and had taken the oath of fidelity to the com- monAvealth ; that each of the three towns should send four depu ties to the general court; and that, when there was an equal division of votes, the governor should have the casting vote. John Haynes was chosen the first governor, and henceforward the general court proceeded to enact laws. A free representative government was thus established in New England, one hundred and thirty-seven years before the American revolution. The planters of Quinipiack, afterwards called New Haven, con tinued more than a year without any other constitution than their plantation covenant. In this they had solemnly engaged to be governed, as well in their civil as their religious concerns, by the rules of Scripture. In June, 1639, they held a convention to lay the foundation of their polity. It was resolved that the Scriptures afford a perfect rule for the discharge of all duties, and that they would be governed by them; that church members only should be free burgesses, and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves to manage their affairs. They met in court and admitted into their body all the members of the churches. To this succeeded the election of officers. Theophilus Eaton was chosen governor, and with him were joined four magistrates. It Avas at the same time agreed that there should be a general court annually in October, at which all the officers of the colony should be chosen, and that the word of God should be the sole rule for regulating the affairs of the commomvealth. Connecticut, when first settled, Avas a vast Avilderness. In it were neither fields, gardens, public roads, nor cleared ground; but much valuable timber and wild fruit; a great variety of water-fowl and other birds. In its waters there was an abun dance of fish of different kinds. In no part of New England were the Indians so numerous, in proportion to territory, as in Connec ticut. For thirty or forty years after its settlement, they were computed to be to the white population, in the proportion of nineteen to one. 35 z2 410 THE UNITED STATES. The settlement of this cold country Was injudiciously begun in October. By the 15th of the next month, Connecticut river Avas frozen from side to side. The snow was deep and the season tempestuous. In the following month, December, provisions gen erally failed. Famine and even death Avere anticipated by many. Some, impelled by hunger, attempted to return through the wilderness, to Massachusetts. Others abandoned their habita tions. Seventy persons were obliged, in the extremity of winter, to go to the mouth of the river, to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to preserve their lives. They who kept their sta tions suffered extremely. After all the help they could obtain by hunting and from the Indians, they were obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains. It is difficult to describe the distresses of this first doleful winter. These first settlers, exposed to all the horrors of a dreary wilder ness, were encompassed with numerous and cruel tribes of sava ges, who could at pleasure destroy them. They had neither bread for themselves nor theirj children ; neither habitations nor convenient clothing. Whatever emergency might occur, they Avere cut off, both by land and water, from either succor or retreat. Their second year was also a season of great and various labors. Many of the planters had to remove themselves and effects from a considerable distance. It was also incumbent on them to culti vate the earth, and- raise a crop, to prevent a repetition of the dis tresses which took place the preceding year. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses ; to prepare food and shelter for their cattle ; to make roads betAveen their settlements, that on any emer gency, they might assist each other. These various labors Avere of difficult accomplishment in a new and unsettled country. The planters had not been accustomed to cutting down trees, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They Avere strangers in the country, and knew not Avhat kinds of grain Avould be most congenial Avith its soil; nor had they any experience how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen or implements of husbandry. Everything was to be pre pared or brought from a great distance and at a dear rate. Besides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watchings, trainings and preparations for the defence of themselves and children. In addition to all these difficulties, they could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel, nor even Avalk out from home, but at the peril of their lives. They Avere obliged to keep a con stant watch by night and day ; to go armed to their daily labors, and to public worship. But nothing could discourage men who UNrON OF THE COLONIES. 411 were determined to sacrifice every worldly comfort to secure liberty of conscience, the privileges of a pure church, and the propagation of religion and liberty in America. , Besides these troubles from Indians, the first settlers of Connec ticut and New Haven had well-founded apprehensions of dangers from their neighbors, the Dutch in New Amsterdam, who had been settled there upwards of twenty years, and urged claims to a great part of Connecticut, as the property of the United Netherlands. At this time, England, convulsed Avith a civil war between the king and parliament, could afford no aid to her American colonies. Surrounded with dangers and enemies, the inhabitants of Con necticut and New Haven confederated with their neighbors and brethren of Massachusetts and Plymouth, in a league offensive and defensive. They henceforward took the name of the United Colonies of New England. This Avas an union of the highest consequence to the New Eng land colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Indians, and respectable among their French neighbors. It was happily adapted to maintain a general harmony among themselves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies during the civil wars and unsettled state of affairs in England. The Indians were so hostile, that its whole influence was necessary to prevent a general war. The Indians at this period Avere beginning to acquire the use of fire-arms. The French, Dutch, and others, for the sake of gain, sold them arms and ammunition. Laws were made to restrain this traffic ; but, from the avarice of individuals, they Avere not carried into full effect. The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and independent government, and resisted the English laws. A war of epistles, protests and proclamations, was carried on between their gov ernors, eai the Americans at this point was decisive. The right wing of the provincials, engaged with General Grant on the coast, were so late in knoAVing what was going on in other parts, that they Avere intercepted in their retreat by some of the British troops, who, in the morning, had not only turned the heights upon their left, but had traversed the whole extent of country in their rear. Such of them as did not flee to the woods, which were the greatest number, were obliged to throAV them- BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 569 selves into a marsh, where many were drowned, or suffocated in the mud. A considerable number, however, made their escape to the lines, though they were much diminished in their flight by the fire of the pursuers. The loss of the Americans on this occasion was very great. Nearly a whole regiment from Maryland, con sisting altogether of young men of the best families, were tc tally cut off. In this situation there was no hope left, but in a retreat, and even this was exceedingly difficult, under the watchful eye of an active enemy, Avith a poAverful army, flushed with success, almost close to their works. This desperate task was however under taken, and executed with great address by Washington. On the night of the 29th, the American troops were withdrawn from the camp, and with their baggage, stores, and almost all their artillery, conveyed to the water side, embarked, and ferried over to New York, with such silence and order, that the British, though within six hundred yards, knew nothing of the movement. The dawn of day showed them the lines abandoned, the American rear guard in their boats and out of danger. Those who are ac quainted with the usual noise and confusion attending the break ing up of a camp, and the march of so many thousand men, even in open day, must acknowledge that this retreat required an extraordinary address to conduct it, and deserves the name of a master-piece in the art of war. After the retreat from Long Island, General Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner, was sent upon parole, with a message from Lord HoAve to the congress. In this he stated, that though he could hot treat with them in the character of a congress, he was very desirous of having a conference with some of their members, Avhom he would consider only as private gentlemen. The answer of the congress Avas, that being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they could not with propriety send any of their members in their private characters ; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace, upon reasonable terms, they would appoint a committee to know whether he had any authority to treat with persons authorized by congress for that purpose, and Avhat that authority was, and to hear such propositions as he should think fit to make respecting the same. Dr. Franklin, John Adams and Mr. Rutledge, were appointed as a committee upon this occasion, and accordingly Avaited upon Lord Howe, on Staten Island ; but these negociations came to nothing. The royal army was now divided from the island of New York by the East river, and the troops were impatient to pass that narrow limit. They posted themselves along the coast wherever 48* t 3 570 the united states. they could see or front their enemies, and erected batteries at various points. A fleet, consisting of upwards of three hundred sail, including transports, covered the waters of the bay, while the ships of war hovering round the island, threatened destruction to every part, and were continually engaged with the American batteries. Thus an almost constant cannonade was kept up for many days, and the troops, who had so lately escaped from imminent danger, had little time for repose. At length, the British having settled their plans for the attack of the city, the squadron made a movement in the North River, with a design to draw the attention of the provincials to that side of the island. Other parts were also threatened, to increase the uncertainty of the real point of attack. A detachment of the British took pos session of a small island near Hellgate, and erected a battery on it, to silence one which the provincials had thrown up opposite. This had the appearance of a design to land in that part. Whilst the Americans were in this state of suspense, the first divisions of the British, under Generals Clinton, Cornwallis, Vaughan, Leslie and the Hessian Colonel Donop, embarked at the head of Newtown Bay, which runs deep into Long Island, and where they were out of all view of the enemy. Covered by five ships of war upon their entrance into the river, they proceeded to Kip's Bay, about three miles north of New York, where, being less expected than in other places, the preparation for defence was not so great. The works were, notwithstanding, tolerably strong and well manned, but the fire from the ships was so severe and Avell directed, that the fortifications were deserted, apd the army landed without opposition. The loss of New York was the immediate consequence. The provincials, harassed by the fire of the men-of-war, aban doned the city on the 15th of September, with their other posts on that part of the island, and retired to the North End, Avhere their principal strength lay. They were obliged to leave a great part of their artillery and military stores behind. They had some men killed and a few taken prisoners, in the retreat. The king's troops suffered considerably, but this loss was concealed as much as possible. Many of the American regiments behaved badly on this occasion. Their late severe losses on Long Island appear to have had an unfavorable effect upon their conduct at this time. Part of the British army took possession of NeAV York, and the rest encamped near the centre of the island, thus occu pying it from shore to shore. Washington took post on the island at Kingsbridge, where he had a communication with the continent. He erected strong works on both sides of the passage. The DANGEROUS POSITION OF THE AMERICAN TROOPS. 571 nearest encampment of the British was on the heights of Haarlem, at the distance of about a mile and a half. Between the two armies were the strong grounds called Morris's heights. In this situation skirmishes frequently happened, and it was found that by degrees the apprehensions of the provincials began to wear away. A few days after the capture of New York, a fire broke out, by which nearly a third part of the city was reduced to ashes ; and unless the exertions of the troops and the sailors of the fleet had preserved the remainder, not a house would have been left stand ing. Some persons, who were thought to have been concerned in the cause of this calamity, were thrown into the flames by the soldiers, and burnt to death, though it could never be ascertained who were the real authors of the conflagration. General Howe, finding that no movements could be made with success upon the island of NeAV York, determined upon a new plan of operation. On the 11th of October, the greater part of the army embarked in flat boats, passed successfully through the dangerous naviga tion of Hellgate, and landed on Frog's neck, near the town of East Chester. Earl Percy, with tAvo brigades of British troops and one of Hessians, continued in the lines near Haarlem. The chief object of this expedition Avas to cut off the communication between Washington and the eastern shore, and if this measure did not bring him to an engagement, to enclose him on all sides in the north end of York Island. The king's troops were now masters of the lower road to Connecticut and Boston, but to gain the upper road it was necessary to advance to the higher grounds called the White Plains. This is a rugged tract of land, and is only part of an ascent to a country which is still higher. When the army advanced to White Plains, it was judged necessary to leave the second division of Hessians, with the regiment of Waldeck, at New Rochelle, to keep a communication to forward the supplies that were to arrive at that place. Washington fore saw the intention of this movement, and provided against it. He perceived the danger his army would be in if the British general succeeded in cooping him up in the island. In such a case he Avould have been compelled to commit the whole fortune of the war to the hazard of a general engagement. In his present state, this would have been highly imprudent ; his troops were not well recovered from the discouragement occasioned by their late mis fortunes, and in case of a defeat there would scarcely have been a possibility of a retreat. Determined to extricate himself from his dangerous position, Washington immediately put his troops in motion and formed them into a line of small detachments, and 572 CONQUEST OF THE JERSEYS. entrenched camps, which occupied every height and strong post from Kingsbridge to White Plains. The two armies came into contact at White Plains. A general action was expected; but although some severe skirmishing took place, in which several hundreds were killed, no decisive results ensued. Washington knew it to be the main desire of the British commander to draw him into a general engagement, where the superior discipline and experience of his veteran troops would give him an immense advantage over the raw levies of the provincial army. He there fore prudently abstained from hazarding the fortune of the war in a general combat. He abandoned this position on the night of the 1st of November, and took post on higher ground towards North Castle. Howe, finding it impossible to force Washington to a general engagement, altered his plans again, and resolved to drive the Americans from York Island. Fort Washington stood on the western shore of the island, and Howe directed his first operations against it. The fort was tolerably strong, but could not resist heavy artillery. It was summoned to surrender, but the officer who commanded it replied, that he was determined to defend it to the last extremity, and a general assault was resolved upon. Four attacks were made at the same time. The British troops crossed the East river in flat boats, and were supported by a numerous, powerful and well served artillery. The garrison, deficient in ammunition, could make but a feeble defence, and the place fell into the hands of the enemy. Fort Washington having been reduced, Lord Cornwallis was sent with a strong body of men to attack Fort Lee, on the opposite side of the river. The garrison of two thousand men abandoned the fort, and left their stores, artillery and tents behind them. After these decisive advantages, the British overran the greatest part of the Jerseys without opposition, the provincials every where flying before them, till, at length, the invading army extended their winter cantonments from New Brunswick to the Delaware. It was thought that, had they possessed the means of passing the Delaware, they might have taken Philadelphia, where the people Avere in great panic and consternation ; but the Americans had the foresight to destroy or carry off all the boats upon the river. During these proceedings in the Jerseys, General Clinton, Avith some British and Hessian troops, and a squadron of ships under Sir Peter Parker, were sent to make an attack upon Rhode Island. They succeeded easily in this enterprise. Upon the 8th of December, the provincials abandoned the island, and the British and Hessian troops took possession of it Avithout any loss, and at the same time blocked up Commodore Hopkins's THE UNITED STATES. 573 squadron, in Providence river. The British squadron and troops continued here during the winter, finding better quarters than at New York. Hitherto the king's forces had succeeded in all their attempts since their landing on Staten Island. The American army was reduced to a handful of men, fleeing before a victorious enemy. The struggle seemed finally closed, and nothing appeared to be left for the colonists but unconditional submission. CHAPTER LX. Expedition against Canada. — Capture of St. John's and Montreal. — Arnold s march through the wilderness of Maine. — Junction of Montgomery and Arnold. — Attack on Quebec, and death of Montgomery. — Failure of the enterprise.— Canada evacuated by the Americans. — Desperate state of the American cause. — Firmness of Washington. — Success of the Americans at Trenton and Princeton. — The British retreat through the Jerseys, — Expedition against Philadelphia. — Battle of Brandy wine. — Capture of Philadelphia by the British. — Battle of Germantown. — Attack of Red Bank. — The forts on the Delaware evacuated. — Washington goes into winter quarters at Valley Forge. Death of Montgomery. During the course of the events related in the preceding chapter, the Americans were also carrying on an expedition against Can ada. The British parliament had passed a law, establishing the Roman Catholic religion in that country, which greatly alarmed the colonists. They considered this law, which bore the name of the Quebec Act, as a stratagem, intended to seduce the papists in Canada into the designs of the British government, and excite them to take up arms and fall upon the back settlements of the New England provinces. As the success of a former expedition to the lakes had given spirit to the Americans, and Ticonderoga EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA. 575 and Crown Point AVere now in their hands, congress resolved to make a bold push for Canada. It Avas determined to improve the opportunity while the British were shut up in Boston, in 1775. Accordingly, a body of New York and New England troops, to the amount of two thousand men, under Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, were embodied for this service. Batteaux and flat boats were built at Ticonder oga and Crown Point, to convey them through Lake Champlain to the river Sorel, by which they were to enter Canada. Schuyler proceeded to Albany, to conclude a treaty with the Indians, which he had been negotiating for some time; but being from illness unable to return j the whole conduct of the enterprise fell upon Montgomery. His first measure was to detach the Indians from the British service; and being strengthened by the arrival of reinforcements and artillery, he prepared to lay siege to the fort of St. John. This fort Avas garrisoned by nearly all the regular troops then in Canada, and was well provided Avith stores, ammunition and artillery. The parties of the provincials Avere spread over the adjacent country, and were everywhere well received by the Canadians. While matters were in this situation, Ethan Allen, who seems to have acted rather as a volunteer than as a person obedient to any regular command, undertook to surprise Montreal. He set out upon this hazardous enterprise 'at the head of a small party of provincials anfl Canadians, Avithout the knoAvledge of the com mander-in-chief. His attempt was unsuccessful. The Canadian militia, supported by a few regular troops, met the adventurer at some distance from Montreal, defeated his troops, and took him prisoner, with forty others ; the rest of the party escaped into the woods. Allen and his fellow-prisoners Avere by the order of Sir Guy Carleton, governor of Canada, loaded with chains, arid in that condition sent to England. Meantime, Montgomery pressed the siege of St. John's, but Carleton was indefatigable in his endeavors to raise forces for its relief. Colonel M'Clean with some Scotch and Canadians, to the number of one hundred, were posted near the junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence. Carleton used his utmost diligence to effect a junction with M'Clean, and then to march to the relief of St. John's ; but his purpose was defeated by the activity of the provincials. He was attacked at Longueil, in attempting to cross the river from the island of Montreal, by a party of Ameri cans, Avho easily repulsed the Canadians, and frustrated his whole plan. St. John's surrendered, and Montgomery immediately ap proached Montreal. A capitulation was proposed by the principal 576 THE UNITED STATES. French and English inhabitants, including a sort of general treaty, which Montgomery refused, as they were in no state of defence to entitle them to a capitulation, and were on their side unable to fulfil the conditions. The Americans took possession of Montreal upon the 13th of November, 1775. Sir Guy parleton. It was now the season of the year Avhen troops usually go into winter quarters ; and in such a climate as that of Canada, this step appeared more especially necessary. It seems a task beyond the ordinary powers of man, for troops to march in that season through a wild and uncultivated country, covered with forests, thickets and deep suoavs. Yet the Americans, encouraged by their good fortune, pushed on to attempts altogether beyond their strength. Their success upon the lakes seduced them into the hopes of capturing the city of Quebec, and they seem to have forgotten or despised the dangers and fatigues of an inclement season, in the prospect of finishing with glory so important an enterprise. The provincials had now the whole command of the lakes. General Prescott had been obliged to enter into a capitu lation, by which the whole of the naval force, consisting of eleven armed vessels, was surrendered into their hands. While Montgomery was carrying on the war in Upper Canada, an expedition of the most novel and daring description was undertaken against the lower part of the province, from the New England side,\by a route that had hitherto been unexplored, and considered as impracticable. About the middle of September. Arnold's expedition to Quebec 577 Arnold, at the head of two regiments, consisting of about eleven hundred men, marched from the camp at Cambridge to Newbury- port, where vessels were ready to carry them to the mouth of the Kennebec. Upon the 22d of the same month, they embarked in boats at Gardner's Town, on the Kennebec, and proceeded up the river. The Kennebec is a rapid; stream, and its shores are rocky ; the navigation was continually interrupted by falls, and the carrying places were difficult to traverse. In this passage the. boats were frequently filled with water and overset, in conse quence of which their arms, ammunition and provisions were to a great extent lost or spoiled. Besides the labor of loading and reloading at the carrying places, the troops were obliged to carry the boats on their shoulders, sometimes a dozen miles. That part of the detachment which was employed in managing the batteaux, marched along the banks of the river, and the boats and the men being disposed in three divisions, each division encamped together every night. The march by land was not more pleasant than the passage by water. They had thick Woods, deep swamps, steep mountains and precipices to encounter, and were upon many occasions obliged to cut their way through the thickets for miles together. From all these impediments, their progress was very slow, being in general from four or five to ten miles a day. The constant and severe fatigue caused many of them to fall sick. Provisions grew at last so scarce that some of the men ate their dogs, their shoes, the leather of their cartridge-boxes, and whatever else could be converted into food. When they arrived at the head of the Kennebec, which was upwards of one hundred and fifty miles from their point of departure, and, according to their way of travelling, must have been much more distant, they sent back their sick. One of the colonels took that opportunity of return ing with his whole division, from a dread of starvation. This was done without the knowledge of the commander-in-chief, who had marched forward to explore the way. By this desertion Arnold's detachment Avas reduced about one third. They, how ever, proceeded with unabated resolution, and at length reached the heights of land which border Canada on the south, and after a few days' farther march, they emerged from the wilderness at the head of the riA/er Chaudiere, which runs into the St. Law rence near Quebec. Thi* little army, every individual of which was nearly reduced to a ' skeleton, had still a long march to Quebec, though their greatest hardships were now over. On the 3d day of November, an advanced party obtained some provisions, and they soon after came to a house, the first they had seen for thirty-one days, having spent the whole time in traversing a 49 u3 578 THE UNITED STATES. hideous wilderness, without seeing an inhabitant. Their suffer ings may be easily imagined. The Canadians on the frontier received them with the same good will that Montgomery and his army had experienced. They supplied them liberally with all sorts of provisions and necessaries. Arnold published an address to the people, signed by General Washington, similar to one which had been issued before by Schuyler and Montgomery. They were invited to unite with the other colonies, and to range themselves under the standard of liberty. When Arnold reached Point Levy, opposite Quebec, the inhab itants were in a wavering situation; the English subjects were disaffected, and the French were not to be trusted with the defence of the city. There were no troops in the place till M'Clean's newly raised regiment of emigrants arrived from the Sorel. Some marines, whom the governor had requested from General Gage at Boston, were refused, on account of the lateness of the season and the danger of navigation. The Canadian militia had been lately embodied by the lieutenant governor. The river alone saved Quebec from an immediate capture, as the inhabitants had taken the precaution to secure all the boats in the stream. But after some days' delay the Americans procured a number of canoes and crossed the St. Lawrence, under cover of a dark night, not withstanding the vigilance of the ships of war in the river. The inhabitants now began to think of securing their property ; the disaffected, both English and Canadians, finding the danger pres sing, united for their common defence. Had the city been taken by surprise it is highly probable that the malecontents would have joined the conquerors ; but as it was now doubtful whether the attack would succeed, they considered it the Avisest course to remain true to those who had the possession. The inhabitants were embodied and armed, and the sailors landed from the ships to man the batteries. The besieged Avere considerably superior in numbers to the besiegers, and Arnold had no artillery. It is probable that he depended upon the disaffection of the inhabitants, but being disappointed in this, nothing remained practicable but to guard the roads and cut off supplies from the city, till Mont gomery should arrive. Arnold manoeuvred for some days upon the heights near Quebec, and sent two flags to summon the in habitants to surrender, but they were fired at, and no message Avas admitted.; upon which he withdrew his troops into close quarters. During these proceedings, Montgomery had received large supplies for his army at Montreal, and was advancing upon Quebec. Yet he found his progress beset with great difficulties. ATTACK ON QUEBEC* 579 His army was composed wholly of raw soldiers, transported suddenly from the plough to the field, unused to discipline, and entirely deficient in military skill. He left some troops at Montreal and other posts, and sent detachments into different parts of the province, to encourage the Canadians, and forward supplies of provisions. With the remainder he pushed on to join Arnold. His march lay over bad roads ; the first snows of winter had fallen, and the weather was severe. The troops suffered intense hardships, which they encountered with great resolution. Early in December, Montgomery effected a junction with Arnold, at Point aux Trembles, and proceeded to visit Quebec. He wrote a letter to the governor, magnifying his own strength, commenting on the Aveakness of the garrison, the impossibility of relief, and recommending an immediate surrender. The flag Avhich carried this letter, was fired upon, as well as every other • which Avas sent, so that all communication was cut off between the besiegers. and the inhabitants. It Avas a hopeless attempt in Montgomery to invest a fortified place with a number of troops not superior to those who defended it. His only prospect of suc cess seems to have depended upon the effect which his warlike preparations and the violence of his attack might have produced upon the inhabitants, who, being hastily embodied, might be struck Avith panic; or he might have hoped, in case his first attack should miscarry, to weary out the garrison with continual alarms. He accordingly commenced a bombardment with five small mortars, which continued for some days ; but his metal was too light to produce any considerable ^effect against the formidable Avails of Quebec. MeanAvhile, the snow lay deep upon the ground, and such was the severity of the weather, that human strength seemed incapable of withstanding it in the open field. The New York troops felt these sufferings most keenly, and did not show so much steadiness and resolution as the hardy New Englanders, who had traversed the wilderness with Arnold. These men exhibited amazing constancy and intrepidity. Montgomery found at last that some decisive blow'must imme diately be struck, and resolved to storm the place. On the 31st of December, under cover of a violent storm of snoAv, he disposed his little army into four divisions, of Avhich two made false attacks against the upper tOAvn, whilst Montgomery and Arnold conducted the real assault at the other extremity of the place. By this means the alarm was excited in both towns, and might have disconcerted the most experienced troops. From the side of the river St. Lawrence, and round to the Basin, every part seemed -equally threatened. Montgomery, at the head of the New York 580 THE UNITED' STATES. troops, advanced against the loAver town, under Cape Diamond? but. in consequence of some difficulties Avhich had retarded his approach, the signal for engaging had been given, and the garri son alarmed before he could reach the' spot He, notwithstanding, pressed on in a narrow file in a straitened path, having a precipice down to the river on one side, amd a high rock hanging over him on the other. Having seized and passed the first barrier, accom panied by a few of his bravest men, he marched boldly to attack the second. This Avas much stronger than the first, and was defended by a battery of cannon loaded with grape shot. The troops, however, rushed with impetuosity to the attack. Mont gomery was killed at the first assault. His aide-de-camp fell at his side, with most of the officers and soldiers near him. The attempt was at once foiled by this disaster, and the remainder of the troops instantly retreated. In the meantime, Arnold was not idle in his quarter. With an intrepidity that would have done honor to veteran troops, his division attacked that part of the town called the Saut, at Mate- lot, and having penetrated through St. Roques, they stormed a strong battery, Avhich they carried after an hour's sharp engage ment. Here Arnold was wounded, his leg being shattered by a bullet, and his men were obliged to carry him back to the camp ; but these troops did not retreat hastily upon the departure of the commander, like the NeAV York detachment. Arnold's place was supplied by other officers, who, with no less intrepidity, continued the attack. They were as yet ignorant of Montgomery's death, and were so far from being dejected by their OAvn loss, that they pushed on with greater vigor, and made themselves masters of another battery. Had all the provincial troops on this occasion been equal to those of New England, notwithstanding the misfor tunes they sustained by the loss of their general officers, they avould doubtless have taken the city. On the retreat of Montgomery's division, the garrison had time to turn their whole attention to Arnold. The situation of the assailants was now such that in attempting a retreat, they were obliged to pass a considerable distance within fifty yards of the walls, exposed to the whole fire of the garrison. A strong detach ment, with several field-pieces, issued through a gate which com manded that passage, and! attacked them furiously in the' rear, while they were already engaged with the troops which poured upon them in every other quarter. In these desperate circum stances, without a possibility of escape, attacked on all sides, and sunder every disadvantage of ground as well as numbers, they ATTACK ON QUEBEC 581 obstinately defended themselves for three hours, and at last surrendered. After the unsuccessful attack of Quebec, the besiegers imme diately quitted their camp, and retired three miles from the city, where they strengthened their quarters as well as they were able, being apprehensive of an assault from the garrison ; but the one army was as unfit for pursuing, as the other was to sustain a severe attack. The governor Avisely contented himself with the unexpected advantage he had obtained, Avithout hazarding the fate of the province by a rash enterprise. Quebec was out of danger, and the supplies* that were expected, would not fail to relieve the whole province Arnold, Avho was now commander-in- ohief, saAv the perils of his situation. The weather continued uncommonly severe, and the hope of assistance was distant. NotAvithstanding, the provincials bore all with patience and resolution. General Arnold. Arnold, who had hitherto displayed uncommon abilities in his march into Canada, discovered on this occasion the vigor of a determined mind, and a genius full of resources. Wounded and defeated, he put his troops in such a condition as to keep them still formidable ; and instead of appearing as one who had1. met with a repulse, he continued to threaten the city, by turning the siege into a blockade, and effectually obstructed the arrival of supplies of provisions and necessaries for the town. He despatched an express to General Wooster, who was at Montreal, to bring succors, and take upon him the command ; but this could not immediately be done. It appears, from the whole of his oper ations, that Carleton considered it a dangerous expedient to attack 49* 582 THE UNITED STATES. Arnold in the field, though he had nearly double the number of his troops ; and that, had it been in the poAver of General Wooster to send a suitable reinforcement, the fate of Quebec would still have been doubtful. Had not Arnold been Avounded, notwithstanding the death of Montgomery, it is not improbable that Quebec Avould have been taken that evening. The American forces, after having blockaded Quebec for five months, found it impossible to reduce the city. The British received reinforcements in the spring, Avhich augmented the num ber of their troops to thirteen thousand men. The small-pox, together with the hardships of the seas^ri, had reduced the num bers of the Americans so low that it was found necessary to withdraAV from Canada. They accordingly retreated from the 'province by the Avay of Lake Champlain, and by the end of June, 1776, Canada was completely evacuated by the American armies. Retreat across the Jerseys. The cause of the Americans now appeared utteny hopeless. The British were victorious everywhere ; and the defeated and dispirited continentals were flying before their pursuers. Wash ington had not more than fifteen hundred or two thousand men under his command ; and the people of the Jerseys, struck with panic at the ovenvhelming disasters that had almost annihilated the last vestige of resistance to the British arms, dared not offer him the smallest assistance. The destitution and suffering of the American troops in their retreat, can hardly be exaggerated. In midwinter they executed long and painful marches, half naked, and without shoes to their feet. Their route for miles through the country was marked by tracks of blood, and there was scarcely a tent in the whole army. Having, at length, crossed the Delaware, they deemed themselves in safety from the pursuit of BATTLE OF TRENTON. 583 their enemies, and halted for repose. The British, finding all the boats on the river removed by the Arnericans, cantoned them selves" at Bordentown, Trenton, and other places on the Delaware with a design to penetrate into Pennsylvania as soon as possible. Desperate as his condition was, Washington did not despair, but exhibited, at this trying moment, a degree of fortitude and resolution that never was surpassed. He saw that nothing could save the country but some bold and successful stroke. To turn round and face his victorious enemy with the inconsiderable force under his command, seemed a/most hopeless act of desperation ; but as his numbers AverTe 'diminishing every day, he determined to lose no time in attempting to retrieve his fortunes. He formed the bold resolution of recrossing the Delaware, and attacking the British post at Trenton. On. the,evening of the'25th of December, BiIIlilllllHllf(WqilH!KSIB»^^Illii fPiS Washington crossing the Delaware. 1776, the Americans, by a rapid movement, crossed the Delaware, and appeared before the town so suddenly that the enemy had no intelligence of their approach till the attack Avas begun. The place was garrisoned by a body of Hessians and British light horse, amounting to fifteen hundred men. The Avhole were killed or taken prisoners, with the exception of six hundred of the cavalry who escaped to Bordentown. Colonel Rahl, who com manded the Hessians, Avas killed. The loss of the Americans did not exceed five men, three of whom were frozen to death on the march. Washington sent off his prisoners to Philadelphia, and took post at Trenton, where he was joined by considerable 584 THE UNITED STATES. numbers of the inhabitants. A strong force of the British, under Lord Cornwallis, marched from Princeton to attack him. Wash ington was much inferior in strength to his antagonist, yet he Avas unwilling to retreat without striking another blow. The two armies were divided by only a small stream, and cannonaded each other till night. The British waited for the morning, in expectation of a complete victory. After dark, on the evening of the 2d of January, 1777, Washington ordered a line of fires to be kindled in front of his camp, to deceive the enemy, and then with drew his army in perfect order 'and silence. He made a rapid march to Princeton, and early in the morning, before Cornwallis suspected he had removed from his encampment, he attacked and routed the British force at that place, capturing three hundred prisoners. These successful exploits, performed in the midst of the most discouraging reverses, had a prodigious effect throughout the continent. They gave new confidence to the Americans, roused them from their despondency, brought new recruits to the stand ard of Washington, and raised his military reputation, which had been somewhat depressed by the disasters at New York. The British retreated with their whole force to New Brunswick. The American militia turned out, and in the short space of a month, the invading armies were nearly expelled from the Jerseys. It must be added that the British and Hessians were guilty of the most shameful atrocities while they overran the country, plunder ing, robbing, burning and ravaging, in a manner too shocking to relate. Early in 1777, Washington found himself at the head of a respectable army, amounting to above seven thousand men. The British, were much superior, but Washington, by judiciously selecting strong points of defence, contrived to frustrate every attempt of his enemy to penetrate again into the Jerseys. Sir William Howe took the field, at the head of a very strong force, and by marching and countermarching through the months of June and July, made every possible manoeuvre to bring his antagonist to battle; but Washington foiled all his endeavors so successfully that HoAve gave up his design, and determined to make an attempt upon Philadelphia by sailing up Delaware Bay The British army was therefore embarked, and in the beginning of August arrived at the Capes of Delaware. Here, for some unknown cause, the British commander altered his plan, and the squadron put to sea again, sailed up the Chesapeake, and landed the troops in Maryland. Washington immediately broke tip his PHILADELPHIA OCCUPIED BY THE BRITISH. 585 "camp before' New York, and advanced southAvard to meet the British. From the eastern shores of the Chesapeake, the British army moved towards Philadelphia, on the 3d of September. Washing ton had crossed the Delaware, determined to risk a battle in defence of the city. His army consisted of about eight thousand ¦effective mem On the 11th of September, the two armies met at Brandywine creek, near the DelaAvare. The British marched to the attack in two columns, led by General Knyphausen and Lord Cornwallis. Another column attacked the right wing of the Americans. Washington, deceived by false intelligence, delayed to make the proper dispositions for repelling the assault of Corn wallis. The right flank of the Americans was turned, and the troops compelled to retreat. The result Avas a defeat of the Americans, Avith the loss of twelve hundred killed and Avounded ; among the latter were La Fayette and General Woodford. The loss of the British was not above half that of the Americans. After this victory the British continued to advance, and gained possession of all the roads leading to Philadelphia. Many partial actions took place, but it was found impossible to defend the city. Sir William Howe entered Philadelphia in triumph on the 26th of September, 1777. Congress retired to Lancaster, and after wards to Yorktown. Most of the British army was cantoned in Germantown. Washington, having received reinforcements, attacked this place on the 4th of October. He drove the British into the village, but the latter took possession of a strong stone house, from which they could not be dislodged. The morning Avas foggy, and this em barrassed the movements of the Americans. Nearly one half their troops were obliged to remain inactive. After a severe conflict the assailants found it necessary to retire. The retreat Avas per formed in haste, aud Lord Cornwallis, with the British light horse, pursued the Americans for some miles. The loss of the British was about five hundred ; that of the Americans, one thousand. £soon after the battle, the British retreated from Germantown. The approach to Philadelphia from the sea was strongly guarded by forts on the Delaware, but the British were aware that without the command of the river, the possession of the city would be of little value. Accordingly, early in October, a force of two thousand men, under Count Donop, attacked the fort at Red Bank, which was garrisoned by four hundred men, under Colonel Greene. The Americans defended the place with such bravery that they compelled the assailants to retire with the loss •of four hundred men, including their commander. The British v3 586 THE UNITED STATES7. also attacked Fort Mifflin with no better success, losing two ships, one of them of sixty-four guns, which was burnt. In spite of these repulses, the British renewed their attempts, and brought so strong a force to the attack, that it was found necessary to evac uate the forts on the Delaware in November. Some of the Amer ican armed vessels escaped up the river, but many of them were taken or burnt. Various military movements took place during the remainder of the season, but none of them produced any decisive result. About the middle of December, Washington's army went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, about sixteen miles from Philadelphia. Here they built huts in the midst of the woods, and passed the winter amid continual suffering and privation. Many of them were without blankets and almost destitute of clothes. Provis ions, too, were scarce. Yet neither the sufferings of hunger nor cold could shake their constancy to the cause of their country. They submitted to all without murmurs or insubordination. m .s^P"- CHAPTER LXI. Burgoyne's expedition. — The States invaded from Canada. — Alliance between the British and the savages. — Burgoyne reaches Lake Champlain. — His proclama tion to the Americans. — Capture of Ticonderoga. — Retreat of the Americans. — Their naval force destroyed al Skenesborough. — Battle of Hubbardton. — Barbari ties of the Savages. — Murder of Miss M' Crea. — Siege of Fort Stanwix, by St. Leger. — Defeat of the militia under General Herkimer. — Stratagem of the Americans. — Retreat of St. Leger from Fort Stanwix. — Advance of Burgoyne's army. — Victory of the Americans at Bennington. — General Gates takes the command of the northern army. — Burgoyne crosses the Hudson, and encamps at Stillwater. — Battle of Freeman's Farm. — Tlie Indians abandon Burgoyne's army. — Battle of Bemus's Heights. — Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga. — Clinton's expedition up the Hudson. — Burning of Esopus. — The British army surrounded at Saratoga. — Surrender of Burgoyne. — Clinton retreats to New York. Early in 1777, the British ministry struck out a new plan, that of forming a line of military communication between New York and Canada. They considered the New England people as the soul of the confederacy, and promised themselves great advantages by the project of severing them from all communication with the neighboring states. They hoped, when this was accomplished, to be able to surround them so effectually with fleets, armies, and Indian allies, as to compel their unconditional submission. These vieAVS led to the scheme for the invasion of the provinces from Canada. The regular troops, British and German, allotted to this service amounted to upwards of seven thousand. They were equipped with the finest train of brass artillery ever seen in a British army. In addition to the regulars, it was supposed that the Canadians, and the loyalists in the neighboring states, would send large reinforcements, well calculated for the peculiar nature of the service. Arms and accoutrements Avere accordingly provided to supply them. Several nations of savages had also been induced to take up the hatchet, as allies to the British ; but the policy as well as the humanity of employing them, was questioned in Great Britain. The opposers of the scheme contended that Indians were capricious, inconstant and intractable ; their rapac ity insatiate, and their actions cruel and barbarous. On the other hand, the zeal of the British ministry for reducing the revolted colonies was so Ariolent, as to cause them, in their excessive wrath,. Ilii ¦!¦¦ ' -'- ' I . Burgoyne's March. *B&B*mmimBmm **m*imm*mmm ADVANCE OF BURGOYNe's ARMY. 589 to forget that their adversaries were men. In their opinion the only method of speedily crushing the rebellion of the Americans, was to involve them in such complicated distress, as would render their situation intolerable. The counsels of cruelty prevailed. Presents were liberally distributed among the savages. Induced by these, and also by their innate love of war and plunder, they poured forth their Avarriors in immense numbers. The whole army was put under the command of Lieutenant General Burgoyne, an officer of distinguished abilities, Avhose spirit of enterprise and thirst for military fame were notorious. He Was accompanied by Major General Philips, of the artillery, Avho had established a solid reputation during the late war in Germany, and by Major General Reidesel, and Brigadier General Specht, of the German troops, together Avith the British Generals Frazer, Powel, and Hamilton, all officers of distinguished merit. The army arrived at Quebec in the spring of 1777. The British had undisturbed possession of the northern part of Lake Champlain. Their marine force on the lake, with which in the preceding campaign they had destroyed the American ship ping, Was considerable. A portion of the army was to be left in Canada for its internal security, and Sir Guy Carleton's military command was restricted to the limits of that province. Though the British ministry attributed the preservation of Canada to his abilities, in 1775 and 1776, yet, by their arrangements for the grand expedition, he Was only called upon to act a secondary part to Burgoyne. His behavior on this occasion was moderate and dutiful. Instead of thwarting or retarding a service which was virtually taken out of his hands, he applied himself to sup port and forAVard it Avith the same diligence as if the arrangement had been entirely his own and committed to himself for execu tion. The plan of the expedition AVas this, Burgoyne, With the main body, was to advance by the Avay of Lake Champlain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least, so far as to effect a junction Avith the royal army from New York. A detachment Was to ascend the St. Lawrence, to Lake Ontario, and from that quarter to pene trate towards Albany, by the AVay of the Mohawk. This body Avas put under the command of Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger, and consisted of about two hundred British troops, a regiment of New York loyalists, under Sir John Johnson, and a large body of savages. Burgoyne set out from Quebec and advanced rapidly to Lake Champlain, where he embarked his afmy, and landed at Crown Point in June, Here, on the 20th, he met the Indians, and 50 590 THE UNITED STATES. welcomed them with a war-feast, and a speech well calculated to excite them to take part with the royal army. He pointedly for bade them to shed blood except in battle ; and commanded that aged men, women, children and prisoners, should be held sacred from the knife and hatchet, even in the heat of actual conflict. A reward was promised for prisoners, and a severe enquiry threat ened for scalps ; though permission was granted to take them from those who were previously killed in fair conflict. These restric tions, however, were not sufficient to restrain their savage barbarities. Burgoyne then issued a proclamation, designed to spread terror among the inhabitants. The numbers of his Indian associates were magnified, and their eagerness to be let loose upon their prey described in high-sounding Avords. The force of the British armies and fleets, prepared to crush every part of the revolted colonies, Avas also displayed in swelling terms. All the calamities of war were denounced against those Avho should be found in arms against the invaders, and pardon and protection were promised to such as should submit. This proclamation was further filled with pompous rhodomontade, and did little more than provoke the ridicule of the Americans. On the 30th of June, the general issued orders, of which the following Avords are a part: "The army embarks to-morrow to approach the enemy. The services required in this expedition are critical and conspicu ous. During our progress, occasions may occur, in which diffi culty, nor labor, nor life, are to be regarded. This army must not retreat." From CroAvn Point, the British proceeded to attack Ticon deroga. On their approach, they advanced with equal caution and order on both sides of the lake, while their naval force kept in its centre. In a few days, they had surrounded three-fourths of the American Avorks at Ticonderoga, and at Mount Indepen dence ; and had also advanced a battery on Mount Defiance so far tOAvards completion, that in twenty-four hours it would have been ready to open. In these circumstances, General St. Clair, the commanding officer, resolved to evacuate the post ; but con ceiving it prudent to take the sentiments of the general officers, he called a council of war. It Avas represented to this council that the garrison Avas not sufficient to man one half the works ; that as the whole must be on constant duty, it would be impossible for them to sustain the necessary fatigue for any length of time ; and that, as the place would be completely invested on all sides within a day, nothing but an immediate evacuation of the post could save the men. The situation of General St. Clair was highly embarrassing. Such was the confidence of the American people ACTION AT SKENESBOROUGH. 591 in the fancied strength of this post, that to retreat without risking a battle, could not fail of drawing on him the denunciation of the whole country. On the other hand, to stand still, and by suffering himself to be surrounded, to risk his whole army in the defence of a single post, was contrary to the true interests of the states. In this trying situation, with the unanimous approbation of the council, he adopted the heroic resolution of sacrificing his personal reputation to save his army. The confident countenance of the garrison had induced their adversaries to proceed with caution. While from this cause they were awed into respect, the retreat of the Americans was completed with so much secrecy and expedi tion, that a considerable part of the stores was saved, and the whole Avould have been embarked, had not a violent gale of wind prevented the boats from reaching their station. The works abandoned by the Americans, were chiefly the old French lines constructed in the late war, which had been repaired the year before, and were in good order. New works Avere begun on the mount ; but there was neither time nor strength of hands to com- plete them. Much timber had been felled between the East creek and the foot of the mount, to retard the approaches of the British. All the redoubts on the low ground Avere abandoned, for want of men to occupy them. These works, together with ninety-three pieces of ordnance, and a large collection of provisions, fell into the hands of the British. The retreating army embarked as much of their baggage and stores as they had any prospect of saving, and despatched it, under convoy of five armed gallies, to Skenesborough. Their main body marched tOAvards the same place by Avay of Castleton. The British instantly pursued. General Frazer, with the light troops, advanced on the main body of the Americans. General Reidesel Avas also ordered, with the greater part of the Brunswick troops, to march in the same direction. Burgoyne, in person, con ducted the pursuit by water. The obstructions to the navigation not having been completed, were soon cut through. The two frigates, the Royal George and the* Inflexible, together with the gun-boats, came up with, and attacked the American gallies, near Skenesborough falls. On the approach of the frigates, all oppo sition ceased. Tavo of the gallies were taken, and three blown up. The Americans set fire to their Avorks, mills and batteaux. They were now left in the woods, destitute of provisions. Tn this forlorn situation, they made their escape up Wood Creek to Fort Anne. Frazer pursued the retreating Americans, and on the 7th of July, came up and attacked them at Hubbardton. They made a gallant SUCCESS OF THE BRITISH TROOPS. 593 resistance, but after sustaining considerable loss, were obliged to give way. Lieutenant Colonel Hall, with the 9th British regiment, was detached from Skenesborough, to take post near Fort Anne. An engagement ensued between him and a few Americans ; but the latter, after a conflict of two hours, set fire to the fort, and retreated to Fort Edward. The destruction of the gallies arid batteaux of the Americans at Skenesborough, and the defeat of their rear, obliged St. Clair, in order to avoid getting between two fires, to change the direction of his main body, and to wheel about from Castleton to the left. After a fatiguing march of seven days, he joined General Schuyler, at Fort Edward. Their com bined forces, including the militia, not exceeding in the whole four thousand four hundred men, were, on the approach of Burgoyne, compelled to retire farther into the country, bordering on Albany. Such was the rapid torrent of success, which, in this period of the campaign, swept away all opposition from before the royal army. The officers and men were highly elated with their good fortune. They considered their toils to. be nearly at an end; Albany was within their grasp, and the conquest of the adjacent provinces reduced to a certainty. In Great Britain, intelligence of the progress of Burgoyne diffused a general joy. As to the Americans, the loss of reputation which they sustained in the opinion of their European admirers, was greater than their loss of posts, artillery and troops. They were stigmatized as wanting resolution. Their unqualified subjugation, or unconditional sub mission was considered near at hand. The opinion now prevailed that the Avar in effect .was over, or that the further resistance of the colonies would serve only to make the terms of their submis sion more humiliating. The terror which the loss of Ticonderoga spread through the New England states was great; yet no dis position to purchase safety by submission appeared in any quarter. The people did not sink under the apprehensions of danger, but acted with vigor and firmness. The royal army, after these successes, continued for some days in Skenesborough, waiting for their tents, baggage and provision. In the meantime, Burgoyne put forth a proclamation, in which he called on the inhabitants of the adjacent country to send a depu tation of ten or more persons from their respective townships to meet Colonel Skene at Castleton, on the 15 th of July. The troops were at the same time busily employed in constructing a road and clearing a creek, to open a passage for the conveyance of their stores. A party of the royal army, which had been left 'behind at Ticonderoga, was equally industrious in carrying gun* 50* w3 594 THE UNITED STATES. boats, provisions and vessels, over land into Lake George. An immensity of labor in every quarter was necessary ; but animated as they were by past successes and future hopes, they disregarded toil and danger. From Skenesborough, Burgoyne directed his course towards Fort Edward, on the Hudson. Though the distance in a right line is but a feAV miles, yet such was the wildness of the country, and such Avere the difficulties thrown in his way by the Americans, that the army advanced hardly more than a mile a day. The Americans, under the direction of Schuyler, had felled large trees on both sides of the road, cover ing it, with their branches interwoven. The face of the country was likewise so intersected with creeks and marshes, that the British had no less than forty bridges to construct, one of which was built with logs over a morass two miles in extent. The opinion formed by General Burgoyne as to the effect of his march from Skenesborough to Fort Edward, on the American garrison, was verified by the event; for, being apprehensive of having their retreat cut off, they abandoned their fort and burnt their vessels. The navigation of Lake George being thereby left free, provisions and ammunition were brought forward from Fort George to the- navigable parts of the Hudson. This was a dis tance of fifteen miles, and the roads were difficult. The intricate combination of land and water carriage, together with the insuffi cient means of transportation, and excessive rains, caused such delays, that, at the end of fifteen days there were not more than four days' provisions brought forward, nor above ten batteaux in the river. The difficulties of this march through the wilderness were encountered and overcome by the royal army with a spirit and alacrity which could not be exceeded. At length, on the 30th of July, after incredible fatigue and labor, Burgoyne's army reached the Hudson at Fort Edward. Their exultation, on accomplishing what for a long time had been the object of their hopes, was now unbounded. While the British were retarded in their advance by the com bined difficulties of nature and art, events took place which proved the wisdom and propriety of the retreat from Ticonderoga. The army, saved by that measure, still kept between the inhabi tants and their invaders. This abated the panic of the people, and became a point of union for their defence. On the other hand, had they stood their ground at Ticonderoga, they must inevitably either have been cut to pieces or made prisoners. A few days after the evacuation, Schuyler had issued a proclama tion, calling to the minds of the inhabitants the late barbarities of the royal army in the Jerseys ; warning them that they would BARBARITIES OF THE SAArAGES. 595 be dealt with as traitors if they joined the Britisn, and requiring them to repair Avith their arms to the American standard. Nu merous parties were employed in felling trees and throwing obstructions in the way of the advancing army. At first, an universal panic intimidated the inhabitants ; but they soon recov ered. The laws of self-preservation operated in their full force, and diffused a general activity through the adjacent states. The formalities of convening, drafting, and officering the militia, were in many instances dispensed Avith. Hundreds seized their firelocks and marched, on the general call, without waiting for the orders of their commanders. The inhabitants had no means of security, but to abandon their habitations and take up arms. Every indi vidual saw the necessity of becoming a soldier. The terror excited by the Indians, instead of disposing the inhabitants to court British protection, had a contrary effect. The friends of the royal cause, as well as its enemies, suffered from the indiscriminate barbarities of the savages. Among other instances, the murder of Miss M'Crea, excited an universal Murder of Miss M'Crea. horror. This maiden, in the innocence of youth, and the bloom of beauty, — the daughter of a loyalist, and engaged in marriage to a British officer, — was, on the very day of her intended nuptials, massacred by the savage auxiliaries of the British army. This barbarity inflamed the American people, and blackened the royal cause. The cruelties of the Indians and the cause in which they were engaged, were associated together, and presented in one view to the alarmed inhabitants. In conjunction with other circum stances, it impressed on the minds of the inhabitants a general conviction that a vigorous, determined opposition, was the only 596 THE UNITED STATES. means for their preservation. Could they have indulged the hope of security and protection, while they remained peaceably at their homes, they would have found many excuses for declining to join the army ; but when they contrasted the dangers of a manly resistance with those of a passive inaction, they chose the former, as the least of two unavoidable evils. All the feeble aid which the royal army received from their Indian auxiliaries Avas infi nitely overbalanced by the odium which it brought on their cause. Men of abilities and of eloquence, thus influenced, harangued the inhabitants in their several towns, and set forth in high color ing the cruelties of the savage auxiliaries of Great Britain, and the fair prospects of capturing the whole force of their enemies. From the combined influence of these causes, the American army soon amounted to upwards of thirteen thousand men. While Burgoyne was forcing his way towards Albany, St. Leger was cooperating with him in the Mohawk country. He had ascended the St. Lawrence, crossed Lake Ontario, and com menced the siege of Fort Stanwix. At his approach, on the 3d of August, General Herkimer collected about eight hundred of the militia of the parts adjacent, for the relief of the garrison. St. Leger, aware of the consequences of being attacked in his trenches, detached Sir John Johnson, with some loyalists and Indians, to lie in ambush, and intercept the advancing militia. The stratagem took effect. Herkimer and his militia Avere sur prised on the 6th of August, but several of the Indians Avere killed by their fire. A scene of confusion followed. Some of Herkimer's men ran off; but others posted themselves behind logs, and continued to fight with bravery and success. The loss on the side of the Americans was one hundred and sixty killed. Among them was their gallant leader. St. Leger availed himself of the terror excited on this occasion, and endeavored, by strong representations of the Indian barbarities, to intimidate the garrison. He sent messages, demanding the surrender of the fort, and stating the impossibility of their obtaining relief, as their friends under Herkimer Avere entirely cut off, and that Burgoyne had forced his way through the country, and was daily receiving the submission of the inhabitants. He represented the pains he had taken to check the Indians, and promised that, in case- of an immediate surrender, every man in the garrison should be spared. He particularly enlarged on the circumstance "that the Indians were determined, in case of their meeting Avith further opposition, to massacre not only the garrison, but every man, woman and child in the Mohawk country." Colonel Gansevoort, who com manded in the fort, replied, " that he was determined to defend it SU5GE OF FORT STANWIX. 597 to the last extremity, against all enemies whatever, without any concern for the consequences of doing his duty." Colonel Willet and Lieutenant Stockwell undertook to give information to the neighborhood, of the state of the garrison. These two adventurous officers passed by night through the besiegers' works, and, at the hazard of falling into the hands of savages, made their way for fifty miles through dangers and difficulties, in order to procure relief. In the meantime, the British carried on the siege with such industry, that, in less than three weeks, they had advanced within one hundred and fifty yards of the fort. The brave garrison, in its hour of danger, was not forgotten. General Arnold, with a brigade of troops, had been previously despatched by Schuyler for their relief, and was then near at hand. A person, who had been taken up by the Americans on suspicion of being a spy, was promised his life, on consideration that he should go and alarm the Indians with mag nified representations of the numbers marching against them. This took immediate effect, although St. Leger used every art to retain them. Part of the savages decamped at once, and the remainder threatened to follow, if the British did not immediately retreat. St. Leger was forced to comply, and on the 22d of August, the siege of Fort Stanwix Was raised. From the disorder occasioned by the precipitancy of the Indians, the tents and much of the artillery and stores of the besiegers fell into the hands of the Americans. The discontented savages, exasperated at their ill fortune, are said, on their retreat, to have robbed their British associates of their baggage and provisions. While the fate of this post was iri suspense, it occurred to Bur goyne that a sudden and rapid movement forward would be of the utmost consequence. As the principal force of his enemy was in front, between him and Albany, he hoped, by advancing on them, to reduce them to the necessity of fighting, or of retreating to New England. Had they retreated up the Mohawk, they would, in case of St. Leger's success, have put themselves between two fires. Had they retreated to Albany, it was supposed their situation would have been Avorse, as a cooperation from New York was expected. Besides, in case of that movement, an opportunity would have been given for a junction of Burgoyne and St. Leger. New England seemed to. be the only quarter left for their escape. The principal objection against Burgoyne's project was the difficulty of getting provisions for his troops. To keep up a communication with Fort George, so as to obtain from that garrison regular supplies, at a distance daily increasing, Was wholly impracticable. The advantages which Avere expected 598 THE UNITED STATES. from the proposed measure, were too dazzling to be easily relin quished. Though the impossibility of drawing provisions from stores in their rear was known and acknowledged, yet a hope was indulged that they might be elsewhere obtained. Burgoyne expected great resources from the plentiful farms of Vermont. Every day's account induced him to believe that one portion of the inhabitants in that country were panic-struck, and that another, and by far the most numerous, were friends to the royal cause, and only waited for the appearance of a protecting power to show themselves. Relying on this intelligence, on the 14th of August, he detached a body of five hundred troops, with one hundred Indians and two field-pieces, toward that quarter. This force was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Baum ; and its immediate purpose was to seize upon a magazine of supplies, which the Americans had collected at Bennington, and which Avas guarded only by the militia. Baum was instructed to avoid all danger of being surrounded, or of having his retreat cut off. On approaching Bennington, he found the American militia stronger than he had supposed. He, therefore, took post in the vicinity, entrenched his party, and de spatched an express to Burgoyne, with an account of his situation. Colonel Breyman was detached to reinforce him. Though every exertion was made to push forward this reinforcement, yet, from the impracticable face of the country and defective means of transportation, thirty-two hours had elapsed before they had marched twenty-four miles. General Stark, who commanded the American militia, instead of acting only on the defensive, determined to attack the enemy. On the 16th of August, he fell upon Baum in his entrenchments, before Breyman could arrive. After a sharp action, the entrench ments were carried, and the whole detachment made prisoners. Thus a body of raw militia, without bayonets or artillery, attacked and routed five hundred regular troops, advantageously posted behind entrenchments, furnished Avith the best arms, and defended with two pieces of cannon. Breyman, with his regi ment of one thousand German troops and two field-pieces, arrived just as the battle was decided and the Americans had dispersed in pursuit of the fugitives. The tide of success seemed to be instantly turned, and the victory was about to be Avrested from the hands of the Americans. But, in this critical moment, a fresh regiment of militia, under Colonel Warner, made its appearance. The Americans rallied, and the battle commenced anew. Both parties fought with great courage ; but on the approach of night, the Germans gave way, and were utterly routed. The victory of BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 599 the American militia was complete. The loss of the enemy was nine hundred and thirty-four men, one thousand stand of arms, four brass cannon, two hundred and fifty dragoon swords, twelve drums, eight loads of baggage, and twenty horses. Baum died of his wounds. The American loss did not exceed one hundred men. This unexpected success reanimated the drooping spirits of the Americans, and at once turned the tide of war against the inva ders. It was the first occurrence, which, for a long time, had taken place in favor of the American northern army. From December, 1775, it had experienced a series of misfortunes tread ing on each other's heels, and a succession of defeats succeeding defeats. Almost every movement had been a retreat. The transactions after this period present a remarkable contrast. Fortune, which, previous to the battle of Bennington, had not for a moment quitted the British standard, seemed, after that event, totally to desert it. Congress had placed General Gates at the head of the northern army. His arrival, on the 19th of August, gave fresh vigor to the exertions of the inhabitants. The militia, flushed with their recent victory, flocked in great numbers to his standard, and were soon animated with a hope of capturing the whole British army. A spirit of adventure burst forth in many points. While Burgoyne was urging his preparations for advanc ing towards Albany, an enterprise was undertaken by General Lincoln, to recover Ticonderoga and other posts in the rear of the British. He detached Colonel Brown, Avith five hundred men, to the landing at Lake George. The colonel conducted his operations Avith so much address, that, on the 18th of September, he surprised all the outposts betAveen the landing at the north end of Lake George and Ticonderoga. He also captured Mount Defiance and Mount Hope, the French lines, and a block house, two hundred batteaux, several gun-boats, and an armed sloop, together Avith two hundred and ninety prisoners, and at the same time released one hundred Americans. His OAvn loss was trifling. When the stores for thirty days' subsistence were brought for ward from Lake George, Burgoyne gave up all communication with the magazines in his rear, and, on the 14th of September, crossed the Hudson. This movement Avas the subject of much discussion. Some accused the impetuosity of the general, and alleged that it was premature, as he was not yet sure of aid from New York ; but he pleaded the peremptory orders of his superiors. Burgoyne, after crossing the Hudson, advanced southward along its bank, and in four days encamped at Freeman's Farm, about two miles from Gates's army, which was then posted near Still- 600 THE UNITED STATES, water. The Americans, elated with their successes at Bennington and Fort Stanwix, thought no longer of retreating, but advanced to meet the enemy. The first battle of Stillwater was fought on the 19th of September. The action began a little before noon, between the scouting parties of the two armies. The comman ders, on both sides, supported and reinforced their respective parties. The conflict, though severe, was only partial for an hour and a half; but after a short pause, it became general, and continued for three hours, without any intermission. A constant blaze of musketry was kept up, and both armies seemed deter mined on death or victory. The Americans and British alter nately drove and were driven by each other. Men and officers dropped every moment. Several of the Americans mounted the trees, and, as often as they could distinguish an officer's uniform, took him off by deliberate aim. Few actions have been charac terized by more obstinacy in attack or defence. The British repeatedly tried their bayonets, but without their usual success, At length, night put an end to the effusion of blood. The British lost upwards of five hundred men, including killed, wounded and prisoners. The Americans, inclusive of the missing, lost three hundred and nineteen. Thirty-six, out of forty-eight British matrosses were killed or wounded. The 62d British regiment, which Avas five hundred strong, when it left Canada, was reduced to sixty men. This hard-fought battle decided nothing apparently; yet hardly anything could have been more disastrous to the British. 'The resolution and obstinacy with Avhich the Americans had faced their veteran troops, struck them Avith the most alarming appre hensions. Burgoyne, who, up to this time, had persisted in the delusive notion that the Americans were cowards, found all his hopes and calculations confounded by this unexpected display of courage. In his confidential letters to the Secretary of State, at this period, he reluctantly confesses that his opinion as to the military character of the enemy had totally changed. Moreover, this indecisive battle was soon followed by important consequen- • ces. Of these, one was the diminution of the zeal and alacrity of the Indians in the British army. The dangerous service in which they were engaged, was by no means suited to their habits of war. They were disappointed of their expected plunder, and saw nothing before them but hardships and danger. Fidelity and honor were too feeble motives in the minds of savages to retain them in such a profitless service. By deserting in the season when their aid would have been most useful, they furnished a second instance of the impolicy of depending upon them. Very BATTLE OF BEMUS S HEIGHTS. 601 little more perseverance was exhibited by the Canadians and other British provincials. They also abandoned the British standard, when they found that instead of a flying and dispirited enemy, they had a numerous and resolute force opposed to them. These desertions Avere not the only disappointments which Bur goyne experienced. From the commencement of the expedition, he had promised himself a strong reinforcement from NeAV York. He depended on its being able to force its Avay to Albany, and to join him there or in the vicinity. This cooperation, though attempted, failed in the execution, while the expectation of it con tributed to involve him in some difficulties to which he would not otherwise have been exposed. On the 21st of September, Burgoyne received intelligence in cipher, that Sir Henry Clinton, Avho then commanded in New York, intended to make a diversion in his favor, by attacking the fortresses on the Hudson, between NeAV York and Albany. In answer to this, he despatched to Clinton a trusty person Avith a full account of his situation, and instructions to press the imme diate execution of his design, and to assure him that he should be able to hold his present position till the 12th of October. The reasonable expectation of succor from New York, founded on this intelligence, made it disgraceful for Burgoyne to retreat, and at the same time improper to urge offensive operations. In this posture of affairs, a delay of two or three weeks became neces sary. In the meantime, the provisions of the royal army Avere lessen ing, and the confidence and numbers of the American army increasing. The New England people were fully sensible that their all was at stake, and at the same time sanguine, that by vigorous exertions on their part, Burgoyne would be so entangled that his surrender would be unavoidable. Every moment made the situation of the British more critical. From the uncertainty of receiving further supplies, Burgoyne, on the 1st of October, lessened the soldiers' provisions. On the 7th no intelligence of the expected cooperation had arrived, and Burgoyne marched to force a passage round the left of tbe Americans, at Freeman's Farm. The body of troops employed for this purpose, consisted of fifteen hundred chosen men, commanded by Generals Burgoyne, Philips, Reidesel and Frazer. As they advanced from the camp at Bemus's Heights, they were checked by a sudden and impetuous attack of the Americans, under Arnold. The British grenadiers sustained it with great firmness. The Americans extended their attack along the whole front of the German troops, who were posted on the right of the grenadiers; and they also marched a large body 51 x3 602 THE UNITED STATES. rouud their flank, in order to cut off their retreat. To oppose this bold enterprise, the British light infantry were directed to form a second line, and to cover the retreat of the troops into the camp. In the meantime, the Americans pushed forward a fresh and strong reinforcement, to renew the action on Burgoyne's left. That part of his army was obliged to give way; but the light infantry and 24th regiment, by a quick movement, came to its help, and saved it from total ruin. The British camp being now exposed to great danger, the troops began to retreat within the lines. Arnold's corps followed close upon their heels, and attackedj.the works defended by Lord Balcarras at the head of the light infantry ; but the Americans, having an abbatis and many other obstructions to cross, were compelled to retire. Arnold joined another regiment, and attacked the lines and redoubt defended by Breyman, at the head of the German grenadiers. The assailants pushed on with great intre pidity, in the face of a tremendous storm of grape shot, and carried the works. Arnold was one of the first who entered them. Brey- jnan was killed, and his troops were driven from their post. They gained their tents, about thirty or forty yards from their works ; but, on finding that the assault was general, they gave one fire, after which some retreated to the British camp, and others threw down their arms. The night put an end to the action. This day was fatal to many brave men. The British officers suffered more than their common proportion. Among their slain, General Frazer, on account of his distinguished* merits, was the subject of particular regret. Sir James Clark, Burgoyne's aid-de camp, was mortally wounded. The general himself had a nar row escape ; a shot passed through his hat, and another through his waistcoat. Majors Williams and Ackland were taken pris oners. The loss of the Americans was inconsiderable. Arnold, to whose courage they were much indebted for the success of the day, was among the wounded. They took more than two hun dred prisoners, besides nine pieces of brass artillery, and the encampment of a German brigade, with all their equipage. The royal troops remained under arms the whole of the next day, in expectation of another battle; but nothing more than skirmishes took place. The position of the British army, after the battle at Bemus's Heights, was so dangerous, that an imme diate retreat was necessary. This hazardous movement was exe cuted in the course of a single night, and the sick and wounded in the hospitals were abandoned to the Americans. Gates now saw a fair prospect of capturing his enemy, without exposing his army to the dangers of another battle. His measures were therefore RAVAGES OF THE BRITISH UNDER CLINTON. 603 principally designed to cut off the retreat of the British and pre vent their receiving any further supplies. Burgoyne entrenched himself at Saratoga. In the meantime, Clinton had been making an attempt to relieve him from New York. On the 5th of October, he con ducted an expedition up the Hudson. ' This consisted of about three thousand men, with a suitable naval force. After making many feints, he landed at Stony Point, marched across the hills, and attacked and took Forts Montgomery and Clinton, on the river. He then proceeded to ravage the country, and a detach ment, under General Vaughan, sacked the fine village of Esopus, burning every house to the ground. Charity Avould lead us to suppose that these devastations were designed to answer military purposes. Their authors might have hoped to divert the attention of General Gates, and thus indirectly relieve Burgoyne ; but the artifice did not take effect. The preservation of property was only a secondary object with the Americans. The capture of Burgoyne's army promised such important advantages, that they would not suffer any other consideration to interfere with it. Gates did not make a single movement that lessened his chance of effecting this grand object. The passage of the North River Avas made so practicable by the capture of the two forts, that Clinton, with his ,whole force, amounting to three thousand men, might have reached Albany, and penetrated to Gates's encampment, before the 12th of October, the day till which Burgoyne had agreed to wait for aid from New York. While the British Avere laying the country waste, they might, by pushing forward about one hundred and forty miles in six days, have brought the Americans between two fires, at least twenty-four hours before the surrender of Burgoyne. Why this opportunity was neglected, has never yet been satisfactorily explained. Gates now posted fourteen hundred men on the heights oppo site the fords of Saratoga, tAVo thousand more in the rear of the British, to prevent a retreat to Fort Edward, and fifteen hundred at a fort higher up. Burgoyne, receiving intelligence of these movements, concluded that Gates meant to turn his right flank. This, if effected, would have entirely enclosed him. To prepare for a retreat, to Lake George, he ordered a detachment of arti ficers, with a strong escort of British and loyalists, to repair the bridges, and open the road leading thither. Part of the escort was withdrawn on other duty; and the remainder, on a slight attack by an inconsiderable party of Americans, took to flight The workmen, thus left without support, were unable to effect 604 THE UNITED STATES. their purpose. The only practicable line of retreat Avhich now .remained was by a night march to Fort Edward. Before this attempt could be made, scouts returned with the intelligence that the Americans were entrenched opposite those fords on the Hud son, over which it was necessary to pass, and that they were also in force on the high ground betAveen Fort Edward and Fort George. They had, at the same time, parties along the Avhole shore, and posts so near as to observe every motion of the royal army. Their lines now extended nearly in a circle round the British, and they were, by the nature of the ground, in a great measure secured from attacks. The royal army could not long remain stationary for want of provisions; nor could it advance towards Albany, without attacking a force greatly superior in number; nor could it retreat without crossing a river, in the face of the enemy. Burgoyne now found his condition truly desperate ; abandoned in the most critical moment by his Indian allies, unsupported by the force from New York, his army weakened by the timidity and desertion of the Canadians, worn down by a series of incessant efforts, greatly reduced in their numbers by repeated battles, and invested by an army nearly three times their number. A continual cannonade annoyed his camp, and rifle and grape shot fell in all parts of the lines. The soldiers, nevertheless, retained a great share of fortitude. The 12th of October at length arrived. The day was spent in anxious expectation. But as no prospect of assistance appeared, and their provisions were nearly expended, the hope of receiving any in due time for their relief, could not be further indulged. On the evening of that day Bur goyne took an account of the provisions left in his camp, and found only a scanty subsistence for three days. In this state of distress a council of war was called, and it was made so general as to comprehend both the field officers and the captains. Their unanimous opinion was that their present situation justified a capitulation on honorable terms. A negotiation was then opened with the American commander, Avhich ended in Burgoyne's surrendering his whole army, on condition that they should be transported to England, and not serve against the Americans during the war. As soon as the capitulation was signed, on the 16th of October,the Americans marched into their lines, and were kept there till the royal army had deposited their arms at the place appointed. The delicacy with which this business was conducted reflected honor on the American general. Nor did the politeness of Gates end here. Every* circumstance was withheld that could look like an ostentation of triumph in the American SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 605 army. The captive general Avas received by his conqueror with respect and kindness. A number of the principal officers of both armies met at General Gates's quarters, and for a while seemed to* forget, in social and convivial pleasures, that they had been ene mies. The British troops partook liberally of the* plenty that reigned in the American army. It Avas the more acceptable to them, as they Avere destitute of bread and flour, and had only as much meat left as Avas sufficient for a day. Wrmm IIIfllMSllra ¦Ill Surrender of Burgoyne. By this capitulation, five thousand seven hundred and ninety men were surrendered prisoners. The sick and Avounded left in camp, when the British retreated to Saratoga, together with the numbers of the British, German and Canadian troops, who were killed wounded or taken, and Avho had deserted in the preceding part of the expedition, were reckoned at four thousand six hundred and eighty-nine. The whole royal -force, exclusive of Indians, was probably much above ten thousand. The stores which the Americans acquired were considerable. The captured artil lery consisted of thirty-five brass field-pieces. There Avere also four thousand six hundred and fifty-seven muskets, and a variety of other useful articles, Avhich fell into their hands. The regular troops of Gates's army amounted to nine thousand and ninety- three, the militia, to four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine. Of the former, two thousand one hundred and three Avere sick, or on furlough, and five hundred and sixty-tAvo of the latter were in the same situation. The" number of the militia was constantly fluctuating. -- .,.. The general exultation* of the Americans, on receiving the agreeable intelligence of the capture of Burgoyne, disarmed them 51* 606 THE UNITED STATES. of much of their resentment. The burnings and devastations which had been practised by the invaders, were sufficient to have inflamed their minds ; but private feelings were in a great measure absorbed in the general joy at the ultimate success of the Ameri can arms. Immediately after the convention was signed, Gates moved down the river to stop the devastations of the British on the Hudson ; but on hearing of the fate of Burgoyne, they retired to New York. About the same time, the British who had been left in Burgoyne's rear as he advanced from Canada, destroyed their cannon, and, abandoning Ticonderoga, retreated towards Montreal. The Avhole country, after experiencing for several months the ravages of war, was in a moment restored to perfect tranquillity. Great Avas the surprise and mortification of the British ministry, on receiving the intelligence of the fate of Burgoyne. The expe dition had been undertaken with the most confident hopes of success. The quality of the troops he commanded was such, that, by their bravery, and his zeal, talents and courage, it was presumed that all the northern parts of the United States would be subdued before the end of the campaign. The good fortune which for some time followed him justified these expectations; but the catastrophe proved the shallowness of the ministerial views and the presumption of their general. The capture of Burgoyne was the main event on which the course of the revolu tion turned. While it encouraged the Americans to persevere, by well grounded hopes of final success, it increased the em barrassment of that ministry which had so ineffectually labored to compel their submission. Opposition to their measures at home gathered new strength, and formed a stumbling-block in the road to conquest. This prevented Great Britain from acting with that collected force, which an union of sentiments and councils would have enabled her to exert. Hitherto, the best informed Americans had entertained doubts of success in establishing their independ ence; but henceforward their language was, "that whatever might be the event of their present struggle, they were forever lost to Great Britain." Nor were they deceived. Much effect was produced, in the early part of the struggle for independence,- by the Avritings of Thomas Paine, an author Avhose ingenuity and vigorous intellect, added to the command of a simple and forcible style of writing, gained him great influence with the multitude of readers. At this period of his life he labored under none of the odium which subsequently fell upon his name, on account of his irreligious works. He came to America in 1774, and his pamphlet, entitled "Common Sense," THOMAS PAINE. 607 which he published soon after hostilities broke out, was so popular and effective that the legislature of Pennsylvania voted him a reward of five hundred pounds. His other revolutionary writings, the "Rights of Man," the "Crisis," and many more, had much effect in strengthening the cause of independence. Thomas Paine. CHAPTER LXXI. Franklin's mission to the French Court. — Alliance with France. — A French fleet, under D'Estaing, arrives in America. — The British evacuate Philadelphia. — Battle of Monmouth. — Misconduct of General Lee. — Narrow escape of the British squadron. — Expedition of the Americans and French against Rhode Island. — Inactivity of D'Estaing. — Failure of the expedition. — Catastrophe of Colonel Baylor's regiment. — Abortive expedition against Florida. — Georgia invaded by the British. — Capture of Savannah, and subjugation of the whole State. Franklin. The capture of Burgoyne's army led the way to important con sequences iri Europe. Congress had, at an early date, attempted negotiations with the European powers ; but the disasters of the campaign of 1776, and the early part of the following year, ren dered the affairs of the revolution too unpromising to admit of a successful result. Dr. Franklin, who had proceeded to Paris shortly after the Declaration of Independence, was received with civility by the French court, and laid before them the plan of a treaty of alliance drawn up by Congress. The jealous spirit which had always subsisted between France and Erigland, offered a strong motive for the cabinet of Versailles to take up the cause of the colonies, and aim a deadly blow at their ancient rival. But TREATY OF ALLIANCE WITH FRANC 609 the victorious march of Burgoyne from Quebec to the Hudson, had completely discouraged the friends of American indepen dence in Europe, and all hope of successful resistance on the part of the colonists was considered at an end. The intelligence that soon followed, completely reversed this impression. The capture of a whole British army Avas an achievement so striking and brilliant, that it immediately arrested the attention of all Europe, and impressed the people with a full confidence in the courage and perseverance of the Americans. Under the influence of these impressions, Franklin pushed his negotiations so ably, that the Avavering policy of the French cabinet was fixed, and France entered into a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the thirteen American colonies, agreeing not to lay down her arms till their independence should be acknoAvledged. On the 6th of February, 1778, this treaty Avas signed by the American commis sioners, Franklin, Deane and Lee. It is not unworthy of notice, Silas Deane. as an interesting anecdote of Franklin, that on the day he accom plished this important work, Avhich set the seal to American independence, he arrayed himself in the identical suit of clothes which he had worn in the British House of Lords, when his plea iri behalf of the colonies brought upon his head a torrent of foul and intemperate abuse from the king's solicitor, Wedderburne. On that occasion, the philosopher is said to have suffered the attack with firm complacency, making, however, the significant. remark — "-his master shaU pay for it." y3 610 THE UNITED STATES. The Marquis de la Fayette, a young Frenchman, had, at an early period of the struggle, embraced the American cause, and signalized himself by his courage in the field. The new treaty was now to afford the Americans the assistance of a formidable fleet and army. A squadron, of tAvelve ships of the line and four frigates, -was immediately despatched from Toulon, under the Count D'Estaing. On the 9th of July, 1778, they arrived in the Delaware. Meantime, war had broken out between France and Great Britain, in consequence of the treaty of alliance. The British, despairing of being able to hold Philadelphia, evacuated the city on the 18th of June, shortly before the arrival of the French fleet, and took up their march across the Jerseys for New York, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton. Wash ington, having penetrated into their design, had previously detached a force to cooperate with the Jersey militia in obstruct ing their progress. The British were encumbered with an enor mous baggage, which, together with the impediments thrown in their way, greatly retarded their march. The American army having, in pursuit of the British, crossed the Delaware, six hun dred additional men were immediately detached under Colonel Morgan, to pursue the British. Washington halted his troops when they had marched to the vicinity of Princeton. When Clinton had advanced to Allentown, he determined, instead of keeping the direct course towards Staten Island, to move towards the sea-coast, near Sandy Hook. Washington, on receiving intelligence that Clinton was proceeding towards Monmouth, despatched one thousand men, under General Wayne, and sent La Fayette to take command of the whole advanced corps, with orders to seize the first opportunity of attacking tbe enemy's rear. General Lee, who, having been lately exchanged, had joined the army, was first offered this command ; but he declined it, as he was against hazarding an attack. The whole anny followed at a proper distance for supporting the advanced corps. Clinton, sus pecting the approach of the Americans, placed his grenadiers, light infantry and chasseurs, in his rear, and his baggage in his front. Washington increased his advanced corps with two brigades, sending Lee, Avho noAV Avished for the command, to take charge of the whole ; and followed Avith the main army. On the morn-' ing of the 28th of June, he ordered Lee to attack the enemys When Washington had marched about five miles to support the advanced corps, he found Lee retreating at the head of his troops, and without having struck a blow. Washington, highly excited, rode up to him, and demanded what he was about. Lee answered BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 611 with warmth and unsuitable language. Washington then ordered Stewart's and Ramsey's battalions to form a line and check the advance of the enemy. Lee was then asked if he would com mand on that ground ; to which he consented. A warm cannon ade immediately commenced between the advanced troops of the British army and the two battalions. These stood their ground till they were intermixed with a part of the British army. Lieutenant Colonel Ramsey, the commander of one of them, was wounded and taken prisoner. General Lee continued till the last on the field of battle, and brought off the rear of the retreating troops. The day Avas intensely hot, and the men suffered greatly. The check the British received, gave time to make a disposition of the left Aving and secpnd line of the American army in a wood, and on the eminence to which Lee was retreating. Here some cannon were placed by Lord Stirling, who commanded the American left wing ; which, with the cooperation of some parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the British in that quarter. General Greene took a position on the right of Stirling. The British attempted to turn the left flank of the Americans, but were checked. They also made a movement to the right with as little success ; Greene, with his artillery, repulsed them. Wayne now advanced with a body of troops, and kept up so severe and Avell-directed a fire, that the British were soon com pelled to give way. They retired, and took the position that Lee had before occupied. Washington resolved to attack them, and ordered General Poor to move round upon their right, and General Woodford to their left; but this attack could not be made before it Avas dark. The troops remained upon the ground during the night, with the intention of attacking early the next morning; and the main body lay on their arms in the field, to be ready for supporting them. Washington reposed himself in his cloak under a tree, in hopes of renewing the action the next day ; but these hopes were frus trated. The British troops marched, away in the night, in such silence, that General Poor, though very near them, knew nothing of their departure. They left behind them four officers and about forty privates, all so badly wounded, that they could not be removed. The British, on the 30th of June, pursued their march " Avithout further interruption, and soon reached the neighborhood of Sandy Hook. The American General declined all further pur suit of the royal army, and soon after drew off his troops to the border of the Hudson. The loss of the Americans at the battle of Monmouth, was about two hundred and fifty. The loss of the 612 THE UNITED STATES. royal army, inclusive of prisoners, Avas about three hundred and fifty The emotions of the mind, added to fatigue, in a very hot day, had such a fatal effect, that some of the Americans and fifty-nine of the British, were found dead on the field of battle, without any marks of violence upon their bodies. Sir H. Clinton. It is probable that Washington intended to take no further notice of Lee's misconduct; but the latter could not brook the expressions used by Washington at their first meeting, and wrote him two passionate letters. This occasioned his being arrested and brought to trial. He was found guilty of misbehavior and disobedience of orders, and suspended from his command for a year. Soon after the action of Monmouth, Washington took post at the White Plains, a few miles beyond Kingsbridge ; and the British, though not far distant, did not molest him. The two armies remained in this position from an early day in July, till late in the autumn ; when the Americans retired to Middlebrook, in Jersey, where they quartered themselves for the winter, in huts, in the same manner as they had done at Valley Forge. Immediately on the departure of t,he British from Philadelphia, congress, after an absence of nine months, returned to that city. On the 6th of August, 1778, they were called upon to give a public audience to a minister plenipotentiary from the court of France. The person appointed to this office was M. Gerard, the same who had been employed in the negotiations antecedent to the treaty. ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 613 The British had barely completed the removal of their fleet and army from the Delaware to New York, when they received intelligence that a French fleet was on the coast. The first object of D'Estaing was the surprise of Lord HoAVe's fleet in the Dela Avare ; but the French arrived too late. In naval history there are feAV more narrow escapes than that of the British fleet on this occasion. It consisted only of six sixty-four gun ships, three of fifty, and two of forty, with some frigates and sloops. Most of these had been on long service and were in a bad condi tion. Their force, when compared with that of the French fleet, Avas so greatly inferior, that had the latter reached the mouth of the Delaware in seventy-five days after leaving Toulon, their capture was inevitable. This was prevented by the various hindrances which retarded D'Estaing in his voyage to the term of eighty-seven days ; in the last eleven of which, Lord Howe's fleet not only quitted the Delaware, but reached the harbor of New York. D'Estaing, disappointed in his first scheme, sailed for Sandy Hook, where he arrived on the 11th of July. The sight of the French fleet roused all the active passions of their adversaries. Transported Avith indignation against the French, for interfering in what they called a domestic quarrel, the British displayed a spirit of zeal and bravery, which could not be exceeded. A thousand volunteers were despatched from their transports to man their fleet. The masters and mates of their merchantmen at New York took their stations at the guns like common sailors. Others put to sea in light vessels to watch the motions of the enemy. The officers and privates of the army con tended with so much eagerness to serve on board the men-of-war, as marines, that it became necessary to decide the honor by lot. D'Estaing came to anchor and continued without the Hook for eleven days. During this time, the British had the mortification of seeing the blockade of their fleet, and the capture of about twenty vessels under English colors. On the 22d of July, the French fleet appeared under weigh. It Avas an anxious moment for the British. They expected an immediate attack. Nothing less than destruction or victory would have ended the contest. If the first had been their lot, the vast fleet of transports and victuallers and the army must have fallen. But the attack never took place. The pilots of the French fleet declared it impossible to carry the large ships over the bar; arid D'Estaing, by the advice of Washington, sailed for Newport. By his departure, the British had a second escape ; for had he remained at the Hook but a few days longer, the fleet of Admiral Byron must have fallen into his hands. That officer had been sent from England 52 614 THE UNITED STATES. to relieve Lord Howe, who had solicited to be recalled; and Byron's fleet was designed to reinforce that which had been previously in service on the coast of America. Byron had met with bad weather, and his ships were separated by storms. They now arrived in a dispersed and shattered condition. Within eight days after the departure of the French fleet, four British ships of the line arrived singly at Sandy Hook. The next attempt of D'Estaing was against Rhode Island, of which the British had been in possession since December, 1776. A combined attack by sea and land was projected, in which it was agreed that General Sullivan -should command the American land forces. Such was the eagerness of the people of New Eng land to cooperate with their neAV allies, and so confident were they of success, that some thousands of volunteers engaged in the service. The militia of Massachusetts Avere under the com mand of General Hancock. The royal troops on the Island, having been lately reinforced, were about six thousand. Sullivan's force was about ten thousand. Lord Howe followed D'Estaing, and came within sight of Rhode Island the day after the French fleet entered the harbor of Newport. The British fleet exceeded the French in number of ships, but was inferior in effective force and Aveight of metal. On the appearance of Howe, the French admiral put to sea Avith his whole fleet to engage him. While the two commanders were exerting their naval skill to gain re spectively the advantages of position, a strong gale of wind came on which greatly damaged both fleets. In this conflict ot the elements, two large French ships were dismasted. A partial engagement took place, but no vessel was captured on either side. The British suffered less in the storm than their adversaries ; yet enough to make it necessary to return to New York. The French fleet came to anchor on the 20th of August, near Rhode Island ; but sailed on the 22d for Boston. Before their departure, Generals Greene and La Fayette went on board the admiral ship to consult on measures proper to be pursued. They urged D'Estaing to return with his fleet into the harbor; but his principal officers opposed the measure. He had been instructed to go to Boston.if his fleet met Avith any misfortune. His officers insisted on his ceasing to prosecute the expedition against Rhode Island. The American officers protested against withdrawing the fleet to Boston, and there is little doubt that by a diligent cooperation of the land and sea forces, Rhode Island might have been sub dued. To the great dissatisfaction and chagrin of the Americans, they were unable ,to prevail upon the French commander, and the opportunity of striking a decisive blow was lost. In conse- EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND. 615 quence, it became necessary for the Americans to retreat from the island. Sullivan drew off his army from the camp with great order, but he had not been five hours at the north end of the island, when his troops were fired upon by the British, who had La Fayette. pursued them on discovering their retreat. By degrees the action became general, and near twelve hundred Americans Avere en gaged, and the British were repulsed. The loss on each side was between two and three hundred. Lord Howe's fleet, with Sir Henry Clinton and four thousand troops on board, being seen off the coast, Sullivan hurried the evacuation of Rhode Island. As the sentries of both armies were within four hundred yards of each other, the greatest caution was necessary. To cover the design of retreating, the show of resist ance was kept up, and on the night of the 28th of August, the army decamped from the island in such perfect order that not the smallest article of camp equipage was left behind. With the abortive expedition to Rhode Island, there Avas an end to the plans of this first-campaign of the allies. The Amer icans had been intoxicated Avith hopes of the most decided success from their united arms, but in every instance they were disap pointed. Lord Howe, with ah inferiority of force, not only pre served his own fleet, but defeated all the attempts of D'Estaing. The French fleet gained no victories for the Americans ; yet its arrival was of some service to their cause, by deranging the plans of the British. Clinton, finding that the Americans had left 616 THE UNITED STATES. Rhode Island, returned to New York ; but despatched General Grey to New Bedford and the neighborhood, Avhere several Amer ican privateers resorted. Here the British landed, and destroyed seventy sail of shipping and other small craft. They also burnt magazines, wharves, stores, warehouses, vessels on the stocks, and many dwelling-houses. They then proceeded to Martha's Vine yard, where they destroyed a few vessels, obtained considerable plunder in arms and cash, with three hundred oxen and two thousand sheep. One of the most disastrous events which occurred at this period of the campaign, was the surprise and massacre of an American regiment of light dragoons, commanded by Colonel Baylor. While employed in a detached situation, to intercept and watch a British foraging party, they took up their lodging in a barn near Tappaan, on the Hudson. General Grey commanded the British. He acquired the name of the "No-flint General," from the com mon practice of ordering his men to take the flints out of their muskets, and trust to the bayonet. A party of militia, which had been stationed on the road by which the British advanced, quit ted their posts without giving any notice to Colonel Baylor. This disorderly conduct Avas the occasion of the disaster which fol lowed. Grey's men proceeded with such silence, that they cut off a sergeant's patrol, and surrounded Tappaan, without being dis covered. They then rushed in upon Baylor's regiment while they were in a profound sleep, and incapable of defence. The surprised dragoons cried for quarter. But, unmoved by their supplications, the British despatched nearly the whole of them with the bayonet. A few escaped, and others, after having received from five to eleven Avounds, were restored in a course of time to perfect health. Baylor himself was wounded, but not dangerously. He lost in killed, Avounded and taken, sixty-seven privates out of one hundred and four. In the summer of 1777, an expedition was undertaken against Florida, which had been ceded by Spain to Great Britain in 1763. General Robert Howe, who conducted this enterprise, had under him about two thousand nlen, a few hundreds of whom were conti nental troops, and the remainder militia of South Carolina and Georgia. They proceeded as far as St. Mary's river without much opposition. At this place the British had a fort, which, on the approach of the Americans, they destroyed, and after some slight skirmishing/retreated towards St. Augustine. The climate was more fatal to the Americans than any opposition from their enemies. Sickness and death raged to such a degree, that an --^=^ ,/^^?.^_ CO ISI # View of Tapaan. 618 THE UNITED STATES. immediate retreat became necessary ; but before this was effected, they lost nearly one-fourth of their whole number. Hitherto, the conquest of the states had been attempted by pro ceeding from north to south ; but that order was now reversed, and the southern states became the theatre of war. Georgia, being one of the weakest states in the union, and at the same time abounding in provisions, Avas marked out as the first object of attack. Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, an officer of courage and ability, embarked from New York for Savannah, November 27th, 1777, with a force of about two thousand men, and a fleet under Commodore Hyde Parker. At the same time, Major Gen eral Prevost, who commanded the royal forces in East Florida, was directed to advance into the southern part of Georgia. The fleet from New York effected a landing about the middle of December, near the mouth of the river Savannah. From the landing-place, a narrow causeway of six hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each side, led through a swamp. A body of the British light infantry moved forward along this causeway. On their advance they received a heavy fire from a small party, posted for the purpose of impeding their passage ; but the British forced them to retreat. General Howe, the American comman der, posted his little army, consisting of about six hundred regu lars and a few militia, between the landing-place and Savannah, with the river on his left, and a morass in front. This disposition checked the approach of the British. While Campbell hesitated in his attack, he received intelligence from a negro, of a private path through the swamp, on the right of the Americans, where he might pass unseen. Sir James Baird, with the light infantry, was despatched by this route to turn the right wing of the Americans, and attack their rear. * As soon as it was supposed that Baird had cleared this passage, the British in front advanced to the assault. Howe, finding himself attacked in front and rear, was obliged to retreat. The British pursued and gained a com plete victory. Upwards of one hundred of the Americans Avere killed. Thirty-eight officers, four hundred and fifteen privates, forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort, Avith its ammunition and stores, the shipping in the river, a large quan tity of provisions, with the capital of Georgia, were all, in the space of a few hours, in the possession of the conquerors. The broken remains of the American army retreated up the river - Savannah for several miles, and then took shelter by crossing into South Carolina. Campbell acted with great policy in securing the submission of the inhabitants of Georgia. He not only put an end to military SUBJUGATION OF GEORGIA. 619 opposition, but removed for some time every trace of republican government in the colony, and paved the way for the reestablish- ment of a royal legislature. Georgia, soon after the reduction of its capital, exhibited a singular spectacle. It was the only state of the union in which, after the declaration of independence, a legislative body was convened under the authority of the crown of Great Britain. mt Wm*i CHAPTER LXHI. Marauding expeditions of the British in Virginia and Connecticut. — Adventure oj General Putnam. — Exploits of Paul Jones. — Capture of Stony Point. — Expe dition of Saltonstall and Lovell to the Penobscot. — Campaign in the South. — Invasion of South Carolina. — Repulse of D'Estaing from Savannah, — Pulaski and Kosciusko. — Capture of Charleston by the British. — Ravages of war in Carolina. — Barbarity of Tarleton. — Arrival of DeTiernay and Rochambeau from France. — Transactions in the Jerseys. — Continental paper currency. — Gates appointed to the command in the south. — Defeat of the Americans at Camden. — Sufferings of the Carolinians. — Battle of King's Mountain, and defeat of the British. — A British force arrives in the Chesapeake. — Capture of Mr. Laurens. Continental money. The predatory excursions of the year 1779, were begun early in the summer. An expedition to the Chesapeake, under the com mand of Sir George Collier, of the navy, and General Mathews, of the army, served no other purpose than to alarm and distress the towns of Portsmouth, Suffolk, and other places in Virginia. The pleasant line of towns bordering Long Island Sound, in Con necticut, were the next objects of plundeit and conflagration. About the beginning of July, Governor Tryon, with a number of ADVENTURE OF GENERAL PUTNAM. 621 disaffected Americans, and General Garth, with a ravaging party of British troops and Germans, landed at NeAV Haven, took pos session of the toAvn, plundered and insulted the inhabitants, on whom every outrage was perpetrated. Leaving New Haven, they repaired to Fairfield, where they landed on the seventh of the month. This place suffered a still more cruel fate. The houses Avere rifled, the inhabitants abused, and after the general pillage and burning of everything valuable in the town, some of these miserable victims Avere found half distracted in the swamps and fields, whither they had fled in the agonies of despair. This band of marauders were by no means satiated by the distresses of New Haven and Fairfield; the neighboring toAvns of Norwalk and Greenfield suffered a similar fate ; the waste of property in shipping and merchandise was there still greater. The whole coast, equally defenceless and exposed to their ravages, expected the same horrors. General Putnam, with about one hundred and fifty men, was attacked at Horse Neck, by Tryon, at the head of a body of fifteen hundred British. Putnam took his station on a high ground near the meeting-house, and by a well-directed fire, kept the enemy in check for some time. At length, finding their force overwhelming, and a strong body of dragoons close upon him, ready to charge, he ordered his men to withdraAv rapidly into a neighboring swamp inaccessible to cavalry. Being mounted himself, he plunged fearlessly doAvn a steep flight of a hundred Adventure of Putnam. stone steps on the side of the hill. The dragoons dared not follow him, and before they could descend by another route, Putnam was in safety, far beyond their reach, notwithstanding a shower of 622 THE UNITED STATES. bullets which were discharged at him. Arriving at Stamford, he raised the militia, and pursued Tryon, who shortly retreated to New York. In naval affairs, the Americans had met with much success by means of their small privateers, which greatly annoyed the com merce of the British, and benefitted the colonists by the capture of many valuable prizes, not only of merchant ships, but also of store-ships and transports, laden with arms, ammunition and supplies, for the British armies. The most famous among the American naval commanders, was John Paul Jones, a native of Scotland, who had settled in Virginia previous to the breaking out of the revolution. He received the first appointment of Lieuten ant in the American navy, and Avas so successful in his early cruises with a small vessel, in 1776, that he was sent by congress to France the next year, where he obtained a larger vessel, and in 1778, sailed for the coast of Scotland. Here he kept the coun try in a constant state of alarm, captured Whitehaven, with two forts and twenty pieces of cannon, and burnt the shipping in the harbor. He returned to Brest with two hundred prisoners. In 1779, he put to sea again, in the frigate Bon Homme Richard, and on the 23d of September, fought his celebrated action with the British frigate Serapis, off Flamborough Head, on the coast Paul Jones. of England. The Serapis was much superior in strength to the Richard. This was the most desperate naval battle ever fought. The ships were grappled together, and the guns met muzzle to BATTLE OF STONY POINT. 623 muzzle. Jones's ship lost one hundred and fifty men killed and wounded, most of the latter mortally. The loss of the Serapis was quite as great. Victory decided for the Americans ; but the Bon Homme Richard was so shattered, that she sunk immediately after, and the victors saved themselves on board their prize. Meantime, Washington had kept himself on the defensive in New Jersey, but without a movement for any capital stroke after the derangement of a well-concerted plan of an attack on New York. He had expected the aid of the French squadron from the West Indies ; the militia of several states had been collected to assist in the design; the army was in high spirits; sanguine expectations were formed; and everything promised success to the enterprise. ' But the Count D'Estaing, instead of cooperating with Washington and covering his attempt on NeAV York, thought proper to attempt the reduction of Georgia, on his way. His attack on Savannah, his unexpected repulse and retreat, which we shall presently relate, not only retarded, but totally prevented the movements contemplated by Washington, whose designs tcaused great alarm to Clinton, and induced him to order the evacuation of Newport, and draw off all his troops from that quarter. These circumstances put it out of the power of Washington to prosecute the scheme he had meditated. The militia were dismissed, and many of the regular troops returned home as usual at the expiration of their term of enlistment. Clinton had made several attempts to draw the American commander from his strong post in the Jerseys, by desultory invasions and depreda tions on the defenceless sea-coast. But Washington knew the advantages he might lose by Aveakening the main body of his army, and was too wise to be ensnared by the manoeuvres of the British commander. The cause of Sir George Collier's speedy recall from ravag ing the coast of Virginia, was a design to unite him with General Vaughan, in an expedition up the Hudson. Vaughan, who had before distinguished himself in that quarter, still commanded on the Hudson. On the arrival of Collier with his fleet, they united, and immediately made themselves masters of Stony Point, and the post on Verplank's Neck. These forts had been dismantled the preceding autumn, by Clinton, but the Americans had in part repaired the works. In their defence they behaved with resolu tion ; but as their numbers were inconsiderable and their works unfinished, they soon surrendered. Washington ordered a detach ment, under General Wayne, to attempt the recovery of Stony Point. This enterprise was conducted in a bold manner. The 624 THE UNITED STATES. soldiers were directed not to load their pieces, but to depend on the bayonet. One man, who appeared discontented at the order, was instantly shot. Though this summary mode of punishment was severe, it was designed to prevent the effusion of blood. Doubtless, had the British been early alarmed by the fire of the American arms, the carnage would have been greater. Battle of Stony Point. The works had been repaired and strengthened with great expedition, and two British regiments, some loyal Americans, and several companies of artillery were left as a garrison by General Vaughan. On the evening of the 5th of July, after a difficult and hazardous march, Wayne surprised and recovered the fort at Stony Point, in spite of the resolute defence of the British. The acquisition of this post was more creditable than useful to the Americans. An attempt to maintain it would have been fruitless. It had been previously determined, in a council of Avar, that on the success of Wayne, the Avorks should be demolished and the stores brought off, which was accordingly done. Several manoeuvres took place about this time near Np,w York and the more central parts of the country, which kept up the spirit of enterprise and the honor of the American arms ; but a more important affair occupied the public attention in the east ern states. A Colonel Maclean had been sent with a party of British troops from Halifax, to land at the mouth of the Penob scot. He erected a fort and established a strong post in a con venient situation for harassing the trade and distressing the settlements in the neighborhood. When this intelligence was received at Boston, the hardy and enterprising men of Massachu- EXPEDITION TO THE PENOBSCOT. 625 setts made immediate preparation to dislodge the enemy. Within ten days after Maclean's attempt was known at Boston, the Warren, a handsome new frigate, commanded by Commodore Saltonstall, and seventeen other public and private ships, were equipped and ready for sea. They were accompanied by a number of transports, with a considerable body of land forces, who embarked in high spirits, and with the sanguine expectation of a short and successful campaign. The expedition was princi pally conducted by the legislature of Massachusetts. The mem bers of the continental navy board would not consent to hazard the public ships, unless the commanding officers Avere ordered to execute their design immediately. They were apprehensive that any delay might give opportunity for the British tojsend a supe rior force from New York. By the dilatory conduct of the Americans, they did not reach the Penobscot till the 25th of July, 1779. A few days afterwards, Sir George Collier, with a heavy squadron from New York, appeared for the relief of Maclean. General Lovell, who commanded the American land troops, was a man of little military experience, and took no effective measures to dislodge the British from their post, or in any Avay to complete an undertaking that required decision, promptitude and judgment. Commodore Saltonstall showed even less activity, talent and decision than Lovell. Thus, by the shameful delay of both, and to the mortification of the brave officers who accom panied them, the expedition terminated in the disgrace of both army and navy, and the total destruction of the fleet. On the first appearance of Collier, the American shipping moved up the river, with a shoAV of resistance, but in reality to enable the men to escape by land. Two of their best ships fell into the hands of the British; the remainder were burnt by the crews. The panic-stricken troops, after leaving their own ships, chagrined at the conduct of Saltonstall and Lovell, made their escape through the AVoods, in small parties of soldiers and sailors. After much fatigue, hunger and difficulty, they reached the settlements on the Kennebec, and brought the intelligence of their own defeat. It was not in the power of the infant states to repair their mar itime loss during the war ; and to complete the ruin of their little navy, some of their best ships Were lost in the defence of Charleston, the year following, as will be seen hereafter. What added to the mortification caused by this last calamity was, that these ships were prepared and ready to sail, in order to prosecute a very flattering expedition projected by the navy board, in the eastern department, when they received an express order from Congress to send them to South Carolina. 53 a 4 626 THE UNITED STATES. The hazardous situation of Georgia, and the imminent danger of South Carolina, had spread a wide alarm. General Lincoln had been sent forward to take the command in the southern department. He reached Savannah a short time after Colonel ^baHP1 General Lincoln, Campbell's arrival there ; but he found himself not in so eligible a situation as might have been wished. The number of troops under his command fell far short of his expectation ; the artillery and stores were insufficient ; and every difficulty was enhanced by the Avant of order and discipline in the militia, who refused to submit to the necessary subordination of armies; they left their posts and retired at pleasure. Lincoln maintained his character for bravery and good conduct under a variety of disappointments. He was, however, forced into a circuitous march from place to place, by the rapid movements of General Prevost through the state of Georgia, until he was obliged to move with more serious prospects towards Charleston. The British seized a moment of advantage ; suddenly crossed the Savannah at different points, and penetrated into South Carolina, with little or no opposition. A party under Colonel Moultrie, consisting chiefly of militia, on seeing themselves surrounded on all sides by British troops, retreated hastily, and secured themselves within the city of Charleston. Prevost hav ing succeeded even beyond his most sanguine expectations, and prompted by the importunities of the loyalists, formed the bold resolution of marching directly upon Charleston. He crossed the SIEGE OF SAVANNAH. 627 river Ashley on the 11th of May, 1779, and Avithin a few days, summoned Charleston to surrender. He had every ' assurance from the disaffected Americans that the city Avould submit with out resistance. Prevost did not immediately succeed to the full completion of his hopes ; but, on the first summons, the citizens assured him that no opposition should be made, provided they might be permitted to continue in a state of neutrality till the conclusion of the war. This was the only instance in America of an offer made so derogatory to the honor of the union. No single state, whatever might have been its distress, ever expressed a wish, during the contest, to be bound to a neutral repose, while the other states were making every sacrifice in support of the common cause. The conduct of the citizens of Charleston cannot be accounted for, but from the momentary panic to which communities are liable, when sudden danger presses upon them. Prevost, en couraged by success, and animated Avith the hope of subduing Charleston, rejected the offer of neutrality, and all further negoti ation ceased. The city immediately recovered its former spirit, and preparation was made on both sides for the most vigorous attack and defence Lincoln had been slow in his movements, in consequence of a belief that Prevost had no farther design in crossing the Savannah than to procure forage and provisions. But soon finding more serious consequences were to be expected, he pushed omvard his whole force with so much alacrity that Prevost thought it pru dent to withdraAV from Charleston, lest his retreat should be cut off. He encamped his troops on the islands near the harbor, in anxious expectation of reinforcements from New York. This being delayed until the advance of the summer heats and the sickly season of that country, all active hostilities were suspended for 1779 in Carolina. Affairs in Georgia requiring his presence, Prevost repaired thither soon after the siege of Charleston was raised. He left a force in Port Royal, to encourage his friends by keeping up the appearance of some permanent establishment in that province. But early in the autumn, the unexpected arrival of the squadron under Count D'Estaing, on the southern coast, gave the most flattering promise to the Americans of a new turn of affairs in Georgia and the Carolinas. D'Estaing, on his arrival in the Savannah, in September, 1779, landed his troops with all possible expedition, and in conjunction with the Americans, laid siege to the capital of Georgia. On the 16th of September he demanded a surrender of Savannah. The place was not very strongly fortified,, but Prevost resolved not to 628 THE UNITED STATES. yield but at the last extremity. He returned a polite, but evasive answer to the French commander ; and had the address to obtain a truce of twenty-four hours to deliberate. In this interval, the arrival of Colonel Maitland, Avith a body of troops from Port Royal, put an end to the deliberation. The most resolute defence was made, and D'Estaing proceeded to bombard the place. On the 1 1th of October, an attempt Avas made to carry it by storm, but the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter. They, however, kept np the appearance of a blockade until the 16th, when they requested a truce to carry off their dead and wounded. This was readily granted. The conflict had been bloody, indeed, and both sides equally wished for repose. Soon after, the French and Americans took advantage of a dark and foggy night, and retreated with all possible precipitation, breaking doAvn the bridges as they passed, to prevent a pursuit. D'Estaing had now an opportunity to survey the condition of his fleet ; when he found the sailors sickly and dispirited ; nor was the army less so, from the unhealthiness of the climate, and the failure of their late enterprise. D'Estaing himself had been wounded in the course of the siege, and had lost several of his best officers and many men. This disaster deeply affected the French commander. He left the coast of Georgia, and shortly afterwards gave up all his designs of conquest in America, and left the country, never to return. Among those Avho fell at the siege of Savannah, was Count Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, cele brated for his bravery and enterprising spirit, not only in America, but in his own country. He had once, amid the fierce contests of the Polanders, seized on the person of the king of Poland, and for a time held him his prisoner, though he had only two or three associates. One of these betrayed him, and the king was rescued. The count was obliged to fly his country, and a few years after he repaired to America. Pulaski Avas not the only officer of his nation who distinguished himself in the American war. Kos ciusko, for his firmness, valor, and sufferings, merits particular notice. He was amiable and virtuous, as well as brave, and maintained a character that Avill not be passed over in silence in the history of either Poland or America. From the unavoidable inactivity of the Americans in some parts of the continent, and the misfortunes that had attended their arms in others, in the summer of 1779, Sir Henry Clinton Avas left without any impediment to prosecute his expedition to the southern colonies. The opulence of the planters there, the Avant of discipline in their militia, the difficulty of reinforcing them, and the sickly state of the inhabitants, promised an easy SURRENDER OF CHARLESTON. 629 conquest, and a rich harvest to their invaders. In December, 1779, Clinton embarked from New York, with a strong body of troops, and a squadron under Admiral Arbuthnot ; but they pro ceeded slowly on their Avay; and it was not until the ensuing spring was far advanced that the admiral arrived before Charles ton. The first summons to surrender, on the 16th of April, 1780, Avas rejected by General Lincoln, the American commander, though it announced the threat of a cannonade and storm. The most vigorous operations then ensued on both sides, but with great advantage in favor of the British, till the eighth of May, when Clinton again summoned the American commander to prevent the further effusion of blood, by an immediate surrender. He warned him that, " if he refused this last summons, he should throw on him the charge of whatever vindictive severity an exas perated soldiery might inflict on the unhappy people." Lincoln summoned a council of Avar, who were unanimously of opinion that articles of capitulation should be proposed. Some of the terms offered were rejected, others were mutilated, and all relaxa tion or qualification being refused by the British commander, it Avas unanimously agreed that hostilities should re-commence. Accordingly, an incessant fire was kept up from the 9th to the 11th of May, when an address from the principal inhabitants of the toAvn and a number of the country militia expressed their satisfaction with the terms already offered by Clinton. At the same time, the lieutenant-governor and council requested that negotiations might be renewed, and that they might not be sub jected to the horrors of a city taken by storm. The militia had throAvn away their arms ; the troops on the lines were worn down with fatigue, and their provisions were exhausted. Thus closely invested on every side, a disaffected, factious party within, no hopes of succor from without, and all possibility of retreat cut off, Lincoln again offered terms, and Charleston was surrendered on the 12th of May, 1780. Though the conditions Avere not the most favorable to the inhabitants, nor honorable to the soldiery, yet, perhaps, they were as lenient as could be expected from an enemy confident of suc cess. The continental troops Avere to retain their baggage, but to remain prisoners of Avar until exchanged. Seven general officers Avere among the prisoners. The inhabitants, of all conditions, were to be considered as on parole ; but they soon experienced the severities usually felt by a conquered city. All Avho were capable of bearing arms were enrolled in the British service ; and the Avhole state was laid under heavy contributions. Before Clinton left Charleston, some new and severe regulations were 53* 630 THE UNITED STATES. established, that could not Avell be justified either by the letter or the spirit of the capitulation. All persons in the city were for bidden the exercise of their commercial pursuits, excepting such as were friends of the British government. Confiscation and death were threatened, by proclamation, to any who should be found in arms, unless in support of royal authority. Clinton, vainly flattering himself that he had entirely subdued one wealthy colony at the extremity of the continent, and that everything was in a hopeful train for other brilliant strokes of military prowess, left the command of the southern forces to Lord Cornwallis, and repaired to New York, from Avhence he imme diately detached a strong body, under the command of Lord Rawdon, to Carolina. Marches, countermarches, bloodshed, pillage and massacre, had for some months distressed all parts of the state, and whichever party gained the advantage, the inhabi tants were equally wretched. But a particular detail of the miseries of the southern states through this period would be more painful than entertaining to the reader, and is a task from which every writer of humanity would Avish to be excused. Imagination may easily paint the distress, when surveying a proud and potent army, flushed Avith recent success, and irritated by opposition from an enemy they despised ; their spirit of revenge continually stimulated by the refugees who followed them, embittered beyond description against their countrymen. No partisan distinguished himself on either side more than Colonel Tarleton, who became notorious in the ravage of the Carolinas. He was equally conspicuous for bravery and barbarity, and had the effrontery afterAvards in England to boast, in the presence of a lady of respectability, that he had killed more men, and ravished more Avomen, than any man in America. Sumter, Morgan, Marion, Lee, and other brave officers, continually counteracted the intrigues of the loyalists, and attacked, harassed and frequently defeated the British parties. Nor did the repulse in Georgia, the loss of Charleston, nor the armament sent to the Chesapeake by Sir Henry Clinton, to aid Lord Cornwallis, check, in the smallest degree, the vigorous efforts of these spirited leaders. France had this year given a new proof of her zeal in favor of American independence. The Count de Rochambeau arrived, on the 11th of July, 1780, at Newport, with six thousand land forces, and a numerous squadron commanded by Admiral de Tiernay. They brought the promise of further and immediate support. Some ineffectual movements Avere made on both sides, in consequence of these expectations ; and on the arrival of the British Admiral Graves, at New York, with six sail of the line FINANCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS OF CONGRESS. 631 and some transports, an attempt was made by Sir Henry Clinton, Avith the assistance of these fresh reinforcements, to attack the French at Rhode Island. This plan was frustrated by Wash ington, who now threatened NeAV York with an attack. This de sign, however, was counteracted by the intelligence from the West Indies, that the French Admiral, De Guichen, had sailed directly for France, instead of repairing Avith all his fleet, as was expected, to aid the united operations of Washington and Rochambeau. Ad miral de Tiernay died soon after at NeAvport. It was thought by many that this brave officer fell a sacrifice to chagrin and disap pointment. After the failure of these brilliant hopes, little more was done through the summer, in the middle and eastern states, except by skirmishing parties, Avhich served only to keep up the hope of conquest on the side of Britain, while it preserved alive some military ardor in the American army. While thus situated, the British troops Avere frequently de tached from New York and Staten Island, to make inroads and destroy the settlements in the Jerseys. The most important of their movements was in June, 1780, when General Knyphausen, with about five thousand regular troops, aided by some new levies* advanced upon the right wing of the American army, under General Greene. Their progress was slow until they arrived at Springfield, where they were checked by a party of Americans. After various manoeuvres and skirmishes, Greene took post on a ridge of hills, from whence he detached parties to prevent the ravages of the enemy; who committed all sorts of havoc wherever it was in their power, and retreated towards Elizabethtown. This detachment from the British army fin ished their marauding excursion, and recrossed to Staten Island in July. The year 1780, witnessed a combination of powers in Europe against Great Britain. Spain had now declared war, and acted with decision; and many neAV indications among other nations threatened both the maritime and internal state of Great Britain with serious troubles. At the same time neither the pen of the historian nor the imagination of the reader can fully depict the embarrassments suffered by congress, by the commander-in-chief, and by men of firmness and principle in the several legislative bodies, at this period. These embarrassments were caused chiefly by financial troubles. Specie Avas scarce, and the decline in the value of paper money tended strongly to diminish confidence in all public bodies. One of the first proceedings of congress, after the commence ment of hostilities, was to provide money, — the sinews of war. 632 , THE UNITED STATES. There was hardly any specie in the country, and it was impossi ble to obtain loans in Europe on the credit of an insurgent people struggling for political existence. The only expedient was the establishment of a paper currency, and this was effectedin 1776. Above twenty millions of paper dollars were issued the first year, and, by the end of the year 1781, more than three hundred and fifty-seven millions were issued. This money had nothing but the authority of congress to give it Aralue, and although no means existed for its redemption, yet such was the patriotism of the people, that it continued to pass current, in spite of a constant depreciation, till the close of the struggle. The ultimate holders of the bills received nothing for them. Yet, as the decline in their value Avas gradual, and the loss common to every one, the proceeding amounted to nothing more than a new form of taxa tion. The continental currency proved one of the most efficient means of the salvation of the country, and perhaps history does not afford another instance of so bold and gigantic a scheme of finance. Immediately after the news reached congress, that Charleston had surrendered, the Baron de Kalb, a brave and experienced Russian officer, who had been some time in the American service, was ordered to Virginia, with sanguine hopes of checking the further progress of the British arms. General Gates, the success ful conqueror in the north, was noAV vested with the chief com mand in the southern states ; it was an appointment very popular. The presence of an officer of his fame and experience at once emboldened . the friends of independence and intimidated the Avavering and disaffected. The renoAvned soldier, who had cap tured one British general and his army, was at this time viewed with peculiar awe and respect by the others. De Kalb had been previously despatched from head-quarters ; he led a detachment of fourteen hundred men; halted a few weeks in Virginia, and proceeded to Carolina, where he soon after met General Gates. After the junction of Gates and De Kalb, these officers, with unexampled patience and fatigue, marched an army of several thousand men through a barren country, that afforded no subsistence except green fruits. They reached the borders of South Carolina, and encamped at Clermont on the 13th of August, 1780. On his arrival in the vicinity of the British head-quarters, Gates published a proclamation, invi ting the patriotic inhabitants of South Carolina to join him. His situation at Clermont Avas not very advantageous, but his design was, by a sudden movement, to fall unexpectedly on Lord Rawdon, who had fixed his head-quarters at Camden. This BATTLE OF CAMDEN. ' 633 place was about thirteen miles from Clermont, on the -borders of the Santee, from whence the communication was easy to the in terior parts of the country. Cornwallis had gained intelligence of the movements of the American army, and had arrived at Camden himself, intending with a sudden bloAv to surprise Gates. He effected his purpose with a facility beyond his OAvn expectations. The two armies met at Camden, on the night of the fifteenth of August. Mu tually surprised by the sudden necessity of action, a loose skir mish Avas kept up until morning, Avhen a general engagement com menced. The British troops were not equal in number to the Americans, including their militia, while the renowned char acter of General Gates heightened the confidence of his troops. The onset on both sides began with equal spirit and bravery, and Avas continued with valor equally honorable to both parties, until the militia gave way, threw down their arms and fled. The order of the army Avas immediately broken, and the utter defeat of the Americans was the immediate consequence. De Kalb Avas mortally wounded, and died rejoicing in the services he had ren dered America. The proportion of slain among the Americans was much greater than among the British. Brigadier General Gregory Avas killed, with several other brave officers. The total rout of the Americans was completed by the pursuit and destruc tion of a corps at some distance from the scene of the battle, com manded by Colonel Sumter. Censure for a time fell heavily on General Gates, for the pre cipitation of his retreat. He scarcely halted until he reached Hillsborough, an hundred miles from the field of battle. Yet neither the courage nor the fidelity of the long tried veteran could be called in question; the strongest human fortitude has fre quently suffered a momentary eclipse from that panic under which the mind of man sometimes unaccountably falls, Avhen there is no real or obvious cause of despair. Gates, though he had lost the day at Camden, lost no part of his courage, vigilance, or firmness. After he reached Hillsborough, he made several efforts to collect a force sufficient again to meet Cornwallis in the field; but the public opinion bore hard upon his reputation. He was immediately superseded, and a court martial appointed to inquire into his con duct. He Avas fully justified by the result of this military investi gation, and treated with the utmost respect by the army and by the inhabitants, on his return to Virginia. Cornwallis did not reap all the advantages he had expected from his victory at Camden. His severity did not aid his designs, though he sanctioned by proclamations the summary execution. b4 634 THE UNITED STATES. of the unfortunate men who had, by compulsion, borne arms in the British service, and were afterwards found enlisted under the American banner. Many of these persons suffered immediate death. Their houses were burnt, and their families obliged to fly, naked, to the wilderness to seek some miserable shelter. From the desultory movements of the British after the battle of Camden, and the continual resistance and- activity of the Ameri cans, attack and defeat, surprise and escape, plunder, burning, and devastation, pervaded the whole country, when the aged, the helpless, the women,' and the children, alternately became the prey of opposite partisans. But the defeat of Major Ferguson, a favor ite British officer, early in the autumn of 1780, was a blow that discovered at once the spirit of the people, and displayed to Corn wallis the general disaffection of that part of the country Avhere he had been led to place the most confidence. Ferguson had for several weeks taken post in Tryon county, near the mountains in the western part of Carolina. He had there collected a body of royalists, who, united with his regular detachments, spread terror and dismay through all the adjacent country. This aroused to action all the patriots Avho were capable of bearing arms. , A body of militia collected in the highlands of North Carolina, and a party of riflemen, forming a numerous and resolute band, determined to drive him from his strong hold at King's Mountain. The Ameri cans were under various commanders, Avho had little knowledge of each other, yet they combined their operations with so much skill and resolution that they totally defeated the British. This action Avas fought on the 7th of October, 1780. Ferguson Avith one hundred and fifty of his men Avere killed, and seven hundred made prisoners, from whom Avere selected a few, who, from motives of public zeal or private revenge, were immediately exe cuted. This bloody deed was done by some of those fierce and uncivilized chieftains, Avho had spent most of their lives in the mountains and forests. While CornAvallis was thus embarrassed by various unsuccess ful attempts in the Carolinas, Clinton made a diversion in the Chesapeake, in favor of his designs. A body of about three thousand men was sent thither, under General Leslie. He was directed to take his orders from Cornwallis ; but not hearing from him for some time after his arrival, he Avas at a loss in what manner to proceed. In October, he received letters from Corn wallis, directing him to repair to Charleston, to assist with all his forces, in the complete subjugation of the Carolinas. Early in the year 1780, the Hon. Henry Laurens, of South Car olina, late president of congress, was entrusted with a mission to MISSION TO HOLLAND. 635 Holland, to negotiate a treaty with the Dutch, but he was unfor tunately captured on his voyage by the British, and sent to England, where he experienced all the suffering of a severe imprisonment in the tower of London, usually inflicted on state criminals. CHAPTER LXIV. Treason of General Arnold.— Capture and execution of Major Andre.— Fidelity of three Americarfsoldiers.— Catastrophe of Captain Hale. — Adventure of Champe. ^r-Revolt of the Pennsylvania line.— Mutiny of the Jersey troops quelled.— Hos tile movements of Spain against Great Britain. — Conquest of West Florida by the Spaniards of Louisiana.— Conduct of the Dutch government.— War between Great Britain and Holland. — Imprisonment of Mr. Laurens in London.— Mis sion of Mr. Adams to Holland. Major Andri. The year 1780 was marked" by the treason of General Arnold, who deserted the American cause, sold himself to the enemies of his country, and engaged in the British service* He was a man without principle from the beginning ; and before his treachery was discovered, he had sunk a character, raised by impetuous valor attended Avith success, without being the possessor of any other intrinsic merit. He had accumulated a fortune by pecula tion, and squandered it discreditably, long before he formed the plan to betray his country. Montreal he had plundered in haste ; but in Philadelphia he went to work deliberately to seize every thing he could lay hands on, which had been the property of the disaffected party, and converted it to his own use. He entered TREASON OF GEN. ARNOLD. 637 into contracts for speculating and privateering, and at the same time made exorbitant demands on congress, for compensation for his services. In his speculations he was disappointed by the common failure of such adventures ; in the other attempt he was rebuffed and mortified by the commissioners appointed to examine his accounts, who curtailed a great part of his demands as unjust, and for which he deserved severe reprehension. Involved in debt by his extravagance, and reproached by his creditors, his resent ment wrought him up to a determination of revenge for this public ignominy. 3M£&ma JHHHsHMr mWSSM West Point. The comftiand of the important post at West Point, on the Hudson, had been given to Arnold. No one suspected, notAvith standing the censures that had fallen upon him, that he had a heart base enough treacherously to betray his military trust. Who made the first advances to negotiation, is uncertain ; but it appeared, on a scrutiny, that Arnold had proposed overtures to Clinton, characteristic of his own"baseness, and not very honor able to the British commander, ff viewed apart . from the usages of war, which too frequently sanction the blackest crimes. His treacherous proposals Avere listened to, and Clinton authorized Major Andre, his adjutant general, a young officer of great integ rity and worth, to hold a personal and secret conference with the traitor. The Britisft'sloop of Avar Vulture had been stationed for some time at a convenient place in the river to facilitate the design ; it was also said that Andre and Arnold had" kept up a friendly correspondence on some trivial matters, prev!bus*To their personal interview, which took place on the twenty-first'dflSep- tember, 1780. Andre was landed in the night near WestVPoint 54 638 THE UNITED STATES. on a beach, without the military boundaries of either army. He there met Arnold, who communicated to- him the state of the army and garrison at West Point, the number of men considered as necessary for its defence, and a return of the ordnance, and tihe artillery corps. These accounts he gave Andre in writing, with plans of all the works. The conference continued so long that it did not finish in time for the safe retreat of Andre. He was conducted, though without his knowledge or consent, Avithin the American posts, where he was obliged to conceal himself in company with Arnold, until the ensuing morning. The Vulture, in the meantime, from which he had been landed, shifted her station while he was on shore, and lay so much exposed to the fire of the Americans, that the boatmen whorii Arnold had bribed to bring Andre to the confer ence, refused to venture a second time on board. This rendered it impossible for him to return to New York by water ; and he Avas reduced to the necessity of hurrying, like a disguised criminal, through the posts of his enemies. Furnished with a passport from Arnold, under the name of Anderson, he had nearly reached the British lines, when he Avas suddenly arrested within the American posts, by three private soldiers. He was instantly aware of his desperate situation, — taken in the night, in a dis guised habit, under a fictitious name, Avith a plan of the works at West Point concealed in his boots, containing the situation, the numbers and the strength of the American army. He offered a purse of gold, an elegant gold Avatch, and other very tempting rewards, if he might be permitted to pass unmolested to New York. But his captors, rejecting all pecuniary reAvards, had the fidelity to convey their prisoner immediately to the head quarters of the American army. Such instances of patriotism and such contempt for private interest, when united with duty and obligation to the public, are so rare, that the names of John Paul ding, David Williams and Isaac Vanwert ought never to be forgotten in American history. When Arnold was first apprized of the detection of Andre, he was struck with astonishment and terror. He called for a horse, mounted instantly, and rode down a craggy steep, never before passed on horseback. He took a barge, and showing a flag of truce, passed the fort at Verplank's Point, and soon found himself safe beneath the guns of the Vulture. Before he took leave of the bargemen, he made them very generous offers, if they would act as dishonorably as he had done ; he promised them higher and better wages, if they would desert their country, and enlist in the service of Britain ; but they spurned at the offer. Arnold EXECUTION OF MAJOR ANDRE. 639 got safe to New York, and wrote to Washington in behalf of his wife. In this letter he endeavored to justify his own conduct, and urged the release of Andre, with much insolence. He also shortly afterwards published an address to the people of America, fabricated by his new masters, and couched in very insolent and overbearing language. He cast many indecent reflections on congress, on the French nation, and on the alliarice between America and France. Soon after his arrival in New York, he received the price of his treason, — ten thousand pounds sterling, in cash, with a general's commission under the crown of Great Britain. A court-martial of the American officers was convened for the trial of Andre. Much influence was exerted to save his life, even by the Americans. He was, however, convicted of being a spy, and agreeably to the common usages of war, condemned to death. He was hanged at Tappaan, on the 2d of October. The fate of Andre was lamented by his enemies ; his sufferings were soothed by the politeness and generosity of the commander-in-chief and the officers of the American army; while the unfortunate Nathan Hale, an American officer, Avho Avas captured while attempting to gain intelligence of the designs of the British, in the same clandestine manner, had been hanged in NeAV York, in 1776, without a day to prepare himself for death. This event took place soon after the action on Long Island. The dilemma to which Washington was reduced, and the situation of his army, rendered it necessary for him to gain some intelligence of the movements of the British. This being intimated to Captain Hale, a young man of unimpeachable character, and rising hopes, he generously offered to risk his life for the service of his coun try. He ventured into the city, was detected, and acknowledged that he Avas employed in a business that could not be forgiven by his enemies. Without the smallest token of compassion from any one, he was cruelly insulted, and executed Avith disgraceful rigor. The Americans would willingly have exchanged Andre for Arnold, but the British commander-in-chief Avould not consent to give up the traitor. A bold and desperate scheme was planned by Sergeant Major Champe, of the American dragoons, in NeAV Jersey, to seize Arnold by a stratagem. Champe, by a connivance with his commanding officer, deserted from the camp and galloped towards the shores of the Hudson, just above NeAV York. He Avas so hotly pursued by several of the American troopers, who Avere not in the secret, that he was obliged to leap from his horse into the river, and swim on board a British vessel of war in the stream. He was sent to New York, and joined a body of troops 640 THE UNITED STATES, which Arnold Avas raising. Here he had nearly matured his plan for seizing Arnold in the night and conveying him across the river in a boat, when the design was suddenly frustrated by the general's changing his quarters. Champe remained for some time with the British, but found no other opportunity for executing his design. He subsequently had the good fortune to get back in safety to the American army. , j/ / iSvl- y4fuf^mmS^K^si~. Call Sergeant Major Champe's adventure. In addition to the alarming circumstances already recapitulated, the most dangerous symptoms were exhibited in the conduct of a part of the army, tOAvards. the end of the year 1780. The revolt of the whole Pennsylvania line spread a temporary dismay throughout the country. On the 1st of January, 1781, upwards of a thousand men, belonging to that portion of the army, marched in a body from the camp, in the Jerseys, Others, equally disaffected, soon folloAved them. They took post on an advantageous ground, chose for their leader a sergeant major, a British deserter, and saluted him as their major general. On the third day of their revolt, a message was sent from the officers of the American camp ; this they refused to receive ; but to a flag which followed, requesting to knoAV their complaints and intentions, they replied, that "they had served three years; that they had engaged to serve no longer; nor would they return or disperse until their grievances AVere redressed and their arrearages paid." General Wayne, who commanded the line, had been greatly beloved and respected by the soldiers, nor did he at first doubt but that his influence would soon bring them back to their duty. He did everything in the power of a spirited and judicious officer, REVOLT OF THE PENNSYLVANIA LINE. 641 to quiet their clamors, in the beginning of the insurrection ; but many of them pointed their bayonets at his breast ; told him to be on his guard ; that they were determined to march to congress to obtain a redress of grievances ; that though they respected him as an officer, and loved his person, yet, if he attempted to fire on General Wayne. them, ",he was a dead man." Sir Henry Clinton soon gained intelligence of the confusion and danger into which the Ameri cans were plunged. He improved the advantageous moment, and made the revolters every tempting offer. But the intrigues of the British officers, and the measures of their commander-in-chief, had not the smallest influence ; the revolted troops, though dissat isfied, appeared to have no inclination to join the British army. They declared, with one voice, that if there was an immediate necessity to call out the American forces, they would still fight under the orders of congress. Several British spies were detected, busily employed in endeavoring to increase the ferment, who Avere tried and executed with little ceremony. The prudent conduct of the commander-in-chief, and the dis position Avhich appeared in government to do justice to their demands, subdued the mutiny. A committee Avas sent from con gress to hear their complaints and as far as possible to relieve their sufferings. Those whose term of enlistment had expired, were paid off and discharged ; the reasonable demands of others were satisfied ; and a general pardon was granted to the offenders, who cheerfully returned to their duty. But the contagion and 54* c4 642 THE UNITED STATES. mutinous example of the Pennsylvania line, had spread in some degree its dangerous influence over other parts of the army ; it operated more particularly on a part of the Jersey troops, soon after the pacification of the disorderly Pennsylvania soldiers, though not with equal success and impunity to themselves. A few of the principal leaders of the revolt Avere tried by a court- martial and found guilty. As a second general pardon, without any penal inflictions, would have had a fatal effect on the army, two of them suffered death for their mutinous conduct. This example of severity put a period to every symptom of open revolt, though not to the silent murmurs of the army. They still felt heavily the immediate inconveniences of the deficiency of almost every article necessary to life; they had little food and seldom any covering, except what was forced from the adjacent inhabi tants by military power. France had acknowledged the independence of America ; and the whole house of Bourbon now supported the claim of the United States, though there had yet been no direct treaty between America and Spain. It had been the general expectation, for some time before it took place, that Spain would soon unite Avith France in support of the American cause. From this expectation, the Spaniards in South America had prepared themselves for a rup ture, a considerable time before any formal declaration of war had taken place. They were in readiness to take the earliest advan tage of such an event. They had accordingly seized Pensacola, in West Florida, and several British posts on the Mississippi, before the troops stationed there had any intimation that hostilities were declared, in the usual style, between England arid Spain. Don Bernard de Galvez, the Spanish governor of Louisiana, had proclaimed the independence of America, in New Orleans, at the head of all the forces he could collect, as early as the 19th of August, 1779, and had proceeded immediately to surprise and conquer, wherever he could, the unguarded British settlements. The British navy, generally masters of the ocean, had, early after hostilities commenced, beaten some of the Spanish ships, inter cepted the convoys, and captured or destroyed several of the homeward bound fleets of merchantmen. But by this time the arms of Spain had been successful in several enterprises by sea; at the Bay of Honduras and in the West Indies they also soon gained several other advantages. Galvez had concerted a plan with the governor of Havana, to surprise Mobile. He encoun tered storms, dangers, disappointments and difficulties, almost innumerable. This enterprising Spaniard recovered, however, in some measure, his losses; and receiving a reinforcement from POLICY OF THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT. 643 Havana, with a part of the regiment of Navarre, and some other auxiliaries, he landed near Mobile, and reduced the whole province of West Florida, in May, 1781. It was indeed some time after the accession of Spain, that any other European power explicitly acknowledged the independence of the United States ; but Mr. Izard, who Avas sent by congress to Tuscany, and Mr. William Lee, to the court of Vienna, in 1778, inspired with that lively assurance Avhich is sometimes the pledge of success, had met with no discouraging circumstances. Holland had a still more difficult part to act than France, Spain, or perhaps any other European poAver, who actually had adhered to, or appeared inclined to favor the cause of America. Her embarrassments arose in part from existing treaties with Great Britain, by which the latter claimed the Dutch republic, as their ally. The unfortunate capture of Mr. Laurens, the American envoy, prevented for a time all public negotiations with Holland. He had been vested with discretionary powers, and had suitable instructions given him, to enter into private contracts and negoti ations, as exigencies might offer, for the interest of his country, until events had ripened for his full admission as ambassador of the United States of America. The British commander knew not the rank of his prisoner, until the packages thrown overboard by Mr. Laurens were recovered by a British sailor. Notwithstand ing the resentment of the British envoy at the Hague, the conduct of the Dutch court remained for some time so equivocal, that neither Great Britain nor America were fully satisfied with their determinations. It. is true a treaty with the United States was for some time postponed ; but the ansAver of the Dutch govern ment to the remonstrances of Sir Joseph Yorke, the British envoy, not being sufficiently condescending and decided, his resentment daily increased. He informed his court, in very strong terms, of the effect of his repeated memorials, of the conduct of the Dutch government, and of that of the principal characters of the Batavian provinces. Great Britain soon after, in the recess of parliament, amidst all her other difficulties, at war with France, Spain and America, and left alone by all the other powers of Europe to decide her own quarrels, declared hostilities against the Netherlands; and a long manifesto from the king was sent abroad in the latter part of December, 1780. The capture of Mr. Laurens Avas, however, no small embar rassment to the British ministry. Their pride would not suffer them to recognise his public character ; they dared not condemn him as a rebel ; the independence of America was too far 644 THE UNITED STATES. advanced, and there were too many captured noblemen and officers in the United States, to allow of such a step, lest imme diate retaliation should be made. He was confined in the Tower, forbidden the use of pen, ink and paper, and all social intercourse with any one ; and was even interdicted converse with his young son, who had been several years in England for his education. Immediately after the news of the capture and imprisonment of Mr. Laurens, the American congress directed John Adams, who had a second time been sent to Europe in a public character, to leave France and repair to Holland, there to transact the affairs with the States-General, which had before been entrusted to Mr. Laurens. Mr. Adams's commission was enlarged. From a confi dence in his talents and integrity, he was vested with ample powers for negotiation, for the forming treaties of alliance and commerce, or the loan of monies, for the United States of America. Not fettered by precise instructions, he exercised his discretionary powers with judgment and ability. Thus, in strict amity with France and Spain ; on the point of a treaty of alliance with the Batavian Republic, and in the meantime Sweden and Denmark balancing and nearly determined on a connexion with America, the foreign relations of the United States in general wore a very favorable aspect. CHAPTER LXV. Cessation of the continental currency.— -Invasion of Virginia by Arnold. — Greene's campaign in the Carolinas. — Victory of the Americans at the Cowpens. — Battle of Guilford. — Vicissitudes of the American army.— Battle of Eutaw Springs. — Cornwallis marches towards Virginia. — Designs of Washington upon New York. — New plan of the campaign.— Washington marches towards the south.— Arrival of De Grasse in the Chesapeake. — Battle between De Grasse and Admiral Graves. — Siege of Yorktown. — Surrender of Cornwallis. — Arnold's expedition to Connecticut. — British treatment of American prisoners. — -Conclusion of the campaign in the south. — Change of ministry in England. — American Independ ence acknowledged. — Troubles in the American army .-"General peace. — Ameri can army disbanded. Surrender of Cornwallis, The year 1781 Avitnessed an important change in the financial system" pf the United States. The continental paper money, issued by congress, ceased to circulate. The sums emitted now amounted to upwards of three hundred and fifty millions of dollars, in addition to what had been counterfeited by the British and introduced into the country. The utter impossibility of pro viding any means of redeeming these bills had been so long apparent, that nothing could hinder their constant and rapid depreciation. At last, when they had sunk to the value of one hundred and twenty for one, they were, by common consent, thrown aside. The necessity for this measure was so obvious, 646 THE UNITED STATES. that it excited little murmuring and no disturbance. Trade had been opened with the French and Spanish West India islands, by which means a considerable supply of gold and silver was intro duced into the country. A subsidy of six millions of livres was obtained from the king of France ; and ten millions more were borrowed from the Dutch, for which the French king became security. The finances of the country soon assumed a more promising aspect. The British were determined to push the war vigorously in the south. General Leslie, who had been sent to the Chesapeake, towards the close of 1780, with a force of two thousand men, had marched to Charleston, by order of Cornwallis. An addi tional force of sixteen hundred men was despatched from New York, under Arnold, now a brigadier general in the British service. In January, 1781, they made a descent on the coast of Virginia, burning, plundering and ravaging in every direction. Washington detached La Fayette, with twelve hundred American troops, against Arnold. A French ship of the line and two frig ates accompanied them to the Chesapeake. They captured a British forty-four gun frigate and ten other vessels. An engage ment ensued between the British fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot and the French under D'Estouches, off the Capes of Virginia. The action was not decisive, but the French ships were so much crippled that they Avere forced to put back to Rhode Island, with out accomplishing the main object of the expedition. A British fleet, Avith two thousand additional troops under General Philips, arrived in the Chesapeake. They formed a junction with Arnold's force, captured Petersburg, Williamsburg and YorktOAvn, destroy ing tobacco and other merchandise to an immense amount. The command of the American army in the south had been transferred from General Gates to General Greene. The army, in the beginning of the year 1781, amounted to no more than two thousand men, half of whom were militia. They had been for a long time without pay, and were very deficient in clothing. The army of Cornwallis was much superior in numbers and discipline ; his troops were well clothed and regularly paid ; and when Greene first arrived, they Avere flushed with recent successes, particularly the defeat of Gates at Camden. It is true the death of Major Ferguson, and the rout of his party, was a serious disappoint ment, but not of sufficient consequence to check the designs and expectations of a British army, commanded by officers of the first military experience. The inhabitants of the Carolinas were divided in opinion ; bitter, rancorous and cruel in their animosities, and many of them without any fixed political principles. Fluctu- BATTLE OF THE COWPENS. 647 ating and unstable, sometimes they were the partisans of Britain, and huzzaed for royalty; at other times, they were the militia of the state in continental service, and professed themselves zealots for American independence. But General Greene, with remarkable coolness and intrepidity, checked their licentious conduct, and punished desertion and treachery by necessary examples of severity ; and thus in a short time he established a more regular discipline. The British troops had yet met with no check, which in any degree damped their ardor, except the defeat of Ferguson. The most important movement which took place for some time after this affair, was an action between Morgan and Tarleton, in Janu ary, 1781. General Morgan was an early volunteer in the Amer ican warfare ; he had marched from Virginia to Cambridge, at the head of a body of riflemen, to the aid of Washington, in 1775. General Greene, convinced that no officer could more effectually accomplish any bold undertaking, ordered Morgan, with a consid erable force, to march to the western parts of South Carolina. ConiAvallis, having gained intelligence of this movement, de spatched Tarleton in pursuit of Morgan. In a few days, they met near the river Paulet. General Morgan had reason to expect, from the rapid advance of Tarleton, that a meeting would have taken place sooner; but by various manoeuvres he kept his troops at a distance, until a moment of advantage might present. The Americans had kept up the appearance of retreat, until they reached a spot called the Cowpens. Tarleton came up, and a resolute engagement ensued on the 17th of January, when, after a short conflict, the British were totally defeated, with the loss of above eight hundred killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss of the Americans was only twelve killed, and sixty wounded. Tarleton' s defeat was a bloAv entirely unexpected by Cornwallis, and induced him to march from Wynesborough, to the Yadkin, in pursuit of Morgan, with the Jiope of overtaking him and recovering the prisoners. The British troops endured this long and fatiguing march, under every species of difficulty, crossing rivers, swamps, marshes and creeks, Avith uncommon resolution and patience. Greene, on hearing that Cornwallis was in pursuit of Morgan, left his post near the Pedee, under the command of Gen eral Huger, pushed rapidly forward with a small party, one hun dred and fifty miles, and joined Morgan before Cornwallis arrived at the Catawba. In this pursuit Cornwallis cut off some of the small detachments, not in sufficient force for effectual opposition. General Davison made a successful stand on the banks of the Catawba, with three or four hundred men ; but the British fording 648 THE UNITED STATES. the river unexpectedly, he was himself killed and his troops dis» persed. The passage of the river by the British army was no farther impeded. Greene had ordered Colonels Huger and Williams, whom he had left some days before at the Pedee, to join him with their troops ; however, it was but a short time after this junction, before Greene had the strongest reason to conclude that the safety of his troops lay only in retreat ; nor was this accomplished without the utmost difficulty. His march was frequently interrupted by steep ascents and unfordable rivers. But he adroitly escaped a pursuing and powerful army, whose progress was, fortunately for the Americans, checked by the same impediments, and at much less favorable moments of. arrival. The freshets swelled, and retarded the passage of the British army, while they seemed at times to suspend their rapidity in favor of the Americans. After a flight and pursuit of fifteen or twenty days, supported by the most determined spirit and perseverance on both sides, Greene reached Guilford, about the middle of February, where he ordered all the troops he had left near the Pedee, under officers on whom he could depend, to repair immediately to him. Cornwallis. Greene and Cornwallis lay at no great distance from each other ; but Greene kept his position as much as possible concealed, as he was not yet in a situation to venture upon a decisive action • and though he was obliged to move earlier towards the British encampment, no engagement took place until the middle of March. ACTION AT GUILFORD. 649 In the meantime, by his ability and address, he eluded the vigi lance of his enemies, and kept himself secure by a continual change of posts, until strengthened by fresh reinforcements of the North Carolina and Virginia militia. The few continental troops he had with him, joined by these and a number of volunteers from the interior of the mountainous tracts of the western Avilder- ness, induced him to risk a battle. On the 15th of March, 1781, the two armies met at Guilford, and seemed at first to engage with equal ardor ; but, as usual, the raw militia Were intimidated by the valor and discipline of the British veterans. Almost the whole corps of Carolinians threw down their arms and fled, many of them without even discharg ing their firelocks. This deranged the order of the American army ; yet they supported the action with great spirit and bravery for an hour and a half, when they were entirely broken, and obliged to retreat Avith the utmost precipitation. Both armies suffered much by the loss of many gallant officers and a con siderable number of men. Cornwallis kept the field and claimed the victory; but the subsequent transactions discovered that the balance of real advantage lay on the other side. Cornwallis soon decamped from the neighborhood, and marched with all possible expedition toward the eastern parts of North Carolina. He found many difficulties in his way, but pursued his route with great per severance. His army cheerfully sustained the severest fatigue; but, as they had frequently done before, they marked their way with the slaughter of the inhabitants, through a territory of many hundred miles in extent from Charleston to Yorktown. It was afterwards computed that fourteen hundred Avidows were made, during this year's campaign only, in the district Ninety-Six. A detail of all the small rencounters that took place this year in both the Carolinas, would only fatigue the reader. It is enough to observe that the Americans, under various leaders, were con tinually attacking, with alternate success and defeat, the chain of British posts planted from Camden to Ninety-six ; and as Greene himself expressed his sentiments in this embarrassed situation, "We fight, get beaten ; rise and fight again; the Avhole country is one continued scene of slaughter and blood." Fierce encoun ters were still kept up between the British detachments posted on advantageous heights, and on the banks of deep and unfordable rivers Avhich intersected each other, and the hardy chieftain who led the Carolinian bands over mountains, declivities, swamps and rivers, to the vicinity of Charleston. Thence they were often obliged to retreat back from the borders of civilization, again to seek safety in the dreary wilderness ; until the British, wearied by 55 d4 650 THE UNITED STATES. a perpetual course of hostilities without decision, drew in their cantonments, and took post, about the beginning of September, at the Eutaw Springs, nearly fifty miles from Charleston. General Greene, Avhen near the waters of the Congaree, where the two armies were separated at the distance of only fifteen miles, had attempted to bring the enemy to a close engagement; but there appeared at that time no inclination in the British com mander to meet him. Greene now found the enemy were about to take a new position. This induced him to follow them by a cir cuitous march of seventy or eighty miles. Desultory skirmishes continued through the month of August ; and in the next month, Greene again renewed his challenge, and advanced to the Springs, where the main body of the British troops were collected.- He had with him only about two thousand men; but these were commanded by some of the best of his officers. They attacked the British encampment on the 8th of September. The battle was severe, but the Americans obtained the advantage. The loss of the British amounted to eleven hundred men; that of the Americans to five hundred. Colonel Stewart, the British com mander, claimed the victory, though it was a drawn battle. Greene suffered the loss of many brave soldiers, and some very valuable officers. Colonel Campbell, of Virginia, fell towards the termination of the action, and had time, after the mortal wound, only to observe, that, " as the British fled, he died contented." Stewart wrote to Sir Henry Clinton a detail of the affair, in the pompous style of a victor ; but notwithstanding he arrogated so much on the occasion, the action at Eutaw Springs put a period to all further offensive operations in that quarter ; and the British troops after this, seldom ventured beyond the boundaries of Charleston. Besides the numbers slain in this action, four or five hundred of the British troops were taken prisoners. The Ameri cans suffered equally, and perhaps in greater proportion to their numbers than the British. After this action, Greene retired again for a time to the heights bordering on the Santee. He had accomplished much during the year. He opened the campaign with the most gloomy prospects ; he closed it with honor to him self and great advantage to the country. Cornwallis, soon after the battle of Guilford, marched to Wil mington, in North Carolina. In the expectation that the force left in South Carolina, under Lord Rawdon, would be able to hold the Americans in check in that quarter, he turned his attention to Virginia. The conquest of that state by the British, appeared to be the most efficacious method of striking a blow which should overwhelm all the southern colonies. Their force was strong. BRITISH FORTIFY THEMSELVES AT YORKTOWN. 651 The Americans had no considerable army in Virginia. Washing ton lay in his cantonments about New York, where the hostile attitude of Clinton demanded his constant vigilance. With these inviting prospects, Cornwallis marched from Wilmington, in April, 1781, and with some occasional resistance from small parties of the Americans, reached Petersburg, in Virginia, on the 20th of May. Here he was joined by the British forces under General Philips, and shortly after by a reinforcement of fifteen hundred men from New York. Cornwallis now found himself at the head of an army amount ing nearly to ten thousand men, — a force sufficiently formidable to bear down all opposition. The troops of the Americans did not exceed three thousand men, two-thirds of whom Avere militia. These were commanded by La Fayette, who retired as Cornwallis advanced. After crossing James river, the British marched and countermarched for some AA^eeks. They took Charlotteville, and destroyed a great quantity of stores. Cornwallis then fell back upon Richmond, and on the 26th of June, retreated to Williams burg. La Fayette had the address to make his force appear much greater than it really Avas ; and by keeping in an imposing atti tude, he compelled his adversary to act with caution. Many skirmishes took place, but no decisive action ensued. About the first of July, CornAvallis received letters from Clinton, stating his fears of being attacked in NeAV York, and requesting a reinforce ment from the army of Cornwallis. He recommended that the troops , remaining in Virginia, should take post in some strong situation, till the danger at NeAV York had passed. To comply with these suggestions, Cornwallis resolved to retreat toAvard the shores of the Chesapeake. Portsmouth, near Norfolk, where the British had a strong garrison, was first fixed upon as the station for the army; but on account of the fleet, Yorktown was after ward found a preferable spot The troops were therefore removed from Portsmouth to Yorktown, and here the whole British army fortified themselves in July, 1781. The detachment, however, to reinforce Clinton was not sent away. Cornwallis expected to be further strengthened by the speedy arrival of a British squa dron from the West Indies. Washington, in the meantime, had been eyeing the movements of Cornwallis in the south with great anxiety. During the early part of the season, he had hopes of striking an important blow, by attacking New York, in conjunction Avith the French land and sea-forces, and a strong body of militia, to be suddenly raised for that purpose. The failure of several of the states to forward their militia in season, and the arrival of three thousand German 652 THE UNITED STATES. troops at New York, caused this design to miscarry. Washing ton felt the deepest mortification at this disappointment; yet, before long, he had cause to regard it as one of the most fortunate events of his life. He was soon enabled to employ his army with the most brilliant success in another quarter. Early in August, intelligence was received that a powerful French fleet, under the Count de Grasse, was to sail immediately from the West Indies for the Chesapeake, with several thousand land troops on board. Washington now saw an opportunity for making a most important change in the campaign. Cornwallis had shut himself up in Yorktown, and Washington discerned at once the possibility of uniting his army with the French in Vir ginia, and overpowering his enemy at a single stroke. This plan required great skill and address ; but the American commander accomplished it with an ability that has seldom been equalled. To abandon the neighborhood of New York Avith all his forces, would lay the country open to the incursions of the strong British army in that city ; but a stratagem of Washington obviated the danger from this source. He Avrote letters to the officers at the south, stating his inability to assist them with any part of his army, as he was about to make an immediate attack on New York. These letters were intercepted by the British, as had been foreseen, and Clinton was completely deceived as to the real intentions of Washington. Fearing an immediate attack, he dared not send aid to Cornwallis, but left that officer to his fate. Washington, by a variety of well-combined manoeuvres, kept New York and its dependencies in a continual state of alarm for several weeks, when, towards the end of August, judging that the proper conjuncture had arrived, he suddenly broke up his camp, made a rapid march across the Jerseys and Pennsylvania, to the head waters of the Chesapeake, embarked the army in boats, descended the bay, and landed safely in Virginia. He reached Williamsburg on the 14th of September. In the meantime, the fortunate arrival of a French fleet under the Count de Grasse, in the Chesapeake, on the 30th of August, hastened the decision of important events. No intelligence of this had reached New York ; nor could anything have been more un expected to the British admiral, Sir Samuel Hood, who arrived soon after in the Chesapeake, than to find a French fleet, of twenty- eight sail of the line, lying there in perfect security. About the same time, near twenty British ships of the line, from the West Indies, joined the squadron under Admiral Graves, before New York. This fleet sailed for the Chesapeake, and entered the bay six days after the arrival of the Count de Grasse. , The French SIEGE OF YORKTOWN. 653 squadron had not been discovered by the British commander, nor had he gained any intelligence that de Grasse was on the Ameri can coast, until the morning of the fifth of September, when the English observed them in full view within Cape Henry. The fleets were nearly equal in strength, and a spirited action ensued; equal gallantry was exhibited on both sides, but neither could boast of victory. Both squadrons Avere considerably injured, and one British seventy-four was rendered totally unfit for service, and set on fire by the crew. The English, indeed, were not beaten, but the French gained a double advantage ; for while the Count de Grasse remained at a distance, watched by the British navy, he secured a passage for the fleet of the Count de Barras from Rhode Island, and gained to himself the advantage of blocking up the Chesapeake against the enemy. Barras brought with him the French troops from Rhode Island, amounting to about three thou sand men. These joined La Fayette, Avhose numbers had been greatly reduced. This reinforcement enabled him to support him self by defensive operations, until, in a short time, they were all united under the command of the Count de Rochambeau. The British fleet continued a few days in the Chesapeake. Their ships were so much injured, that a council of war pronounced it neces sary to return to New York. In the meantime, Clinton Avrote letters full of specious pro mises, to buoy up the hopes of Cornwallis, by strong assurances that no time should be lost in sending forward a force sufficient for his relief. He informed him that a fleet, under the command of Lord Digby, who had recently arrived at New York, would sail for the Chesapeake by the fifth of October ; that Clinton him self was nearly ready to embark Avith a large body of troops. These flattering assurances from the commander-in-chief induced Cornwallis to avoid a general action. His situation had been for some time truly distressing. Embarrassed between his OAvn opin ion and the orders of his superior, flattered by the promise of timely relief, in such force as to enable him to cope Avith the united armies of France and America, he waited the result, and would not suffer himself to be impelled by any circumstances to risk his army beyond the probability of success. The mouth of the river at Yorktown was blocked up by the French fleet ; the American army, in high health and spirits, strengthened by daily recruits, led on by Washington, in conjunction with a French army, under Rochambeau, an officer of courage, experience, and ability, were making rapid advances. On the 28th of September, they left Williamsburg, and on the 6th of October, 12,000 strong, they opened their trenches before Yorktown. 55* 654 THE UNITED STATES. Cornwallis determined, notwithstanding the difficulties that pressed upon him, to make a desperate defence. His army was worn down by sickness and fatigue, but there was no want of resolution or valor ; his officers were intrepid and his men brave. They acquitted themselves with spirit, and kept their ground from the sixth to the sixteenth of October without despairing. But the besiegers pressed their attacks with such vigor, that CornAvallis at length plainly saw he had only to choose between an immediate surrender, and an effort to escape and save a part of his army by flight. He determined on the latter expedient. ¦ For this purpose, he passed, on the night of the sixteenth, the greatest part of his army from YorktoAvn across the river to Gloucester, leaving only a detachment behind to capitulate for the tOAvn's people, the sick, and the wounded. But fortune* did not favor the, enterprise. The boats had an easy passage, but, at the critical moment of landing the men, the weather suddenly changed from a calm to a violent storm of rain and wind, which carried the boats down the river, with many of the troops, who had not time to disembark. It was soon evident that the intended passage was impracticable ; and the absence of the boats rendered it equally impossible to bring back the portion of the army that had passed. The troops were dispersed by the storm by Avhich the boats were driven down the river, though some of them returned to Yorktown the ensuing day. Desperate as was the situation of the British, a faint resistance Avas still made, by an order to Colonel Abercrombie to sally out with four hundred men, to advance, attack, and spike the cannon of two batteries of the besiegers, which were nearly finished. This was executed with spirit and success, but attended Avith no important consequences. The besiegers continued their vigorous operations, without the smallest intermission, until prepared for the last assault on the town, which they began on the morning of the 17th. In this hopeless condition, the British works in ruins, most of the troops sick, wounded or fatigued, and without rational expecta tion of relief from any quarter, Cornwallis found it necessary to propose terms of submission. The officers appointed on the part of the Americans to draw up the articles of capitulation, Avere the Count de NoaiUes and - Colonel John Laurens, a son of the American ambassador at this time confined in the tower of London, and very severely treated. By a strange concurrence of events, Lord Cornwallis, constable of the tower of London, was noAV oh the point of becoming a prisoner, with his army, under the dictation of the son of Mr. Laurens. The capitulation was signed on the 19th of October, 1781, and the SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS. 655 whole army, consisting of upwards of seven thousand men, were surrendered prisoners of war. The British were permitted only the same honors of war that. Cornwallis had granted the Ameri cans on the surrender of Charleston. The officers were allowed their side arms, but the troops marched with their colors cased, and made their submission to General Lincoln, precisely in the same manner as his army had done to the British commander a feAV months before. Within five days after the surrender of all the posts that had been held by Lord CornAvallis, a British fleet. from New York, under Lord Digby, with Sir Henry Clinton and seven thousand troops on board, entered the Chesapeake, in full confidence of success; but, to their inexpressible mortification, Cornwallis had fallen, and they could only show themselves and retreat. By the capitulation of Cornwallis, all the shipping in the harbor was left to the disposal of the Count de Grasse, with the excep tion of the Bonetta sloop of war. This was granted to the British to carry their despatches to New York. It included the liberty of conveying as many of the troops as it was convenient, to be exchanged for an equal number of Americans. The humanity of Cornwallis prompted him to avail himself of this liberty, to ship off, instead of soldiers, the most violent of the loyalists, Avho Avere terrified beyond description at the thought of falling into the hands of their countrymen. After the return of the Bonetta, she also was to be delivered to the French Admiral. Nothing could exceed the exultation that appeared throughout America on the capture of the British army at Yorktown. The thanks of congress were presented to the Count de Rochambeau, General Washington, and the Count de Grasse. Public rejoicings took place throughout the country, and thanksgivings were offered in the churches. While the French and American armies were advancing to the siege of Yorktown, Arnold, at the head of a body of British, made an incursion from New York into Connecticut. On the 6th of September, 1781, he landed at NeAV London. A party of his troops, led on by Colonel Eyre, attacked Fort Griswold, at the entrance of the harbor. The garrison defended themselves with great courage, but after a severe action, the fort was carried by assault. A British officer, on entering the place, enquired who commanded. Colonel Ledyard answered, "I did; but you do iioav," at the same time surrendering his sword. He was imme diately run through the body. After this barbarous murder, many of the soldiers Avere also butchered, offering no resistance. New London and Groton Avere then set on fire, with such of the ship- 656 THE UNITED STATES. ping as had not escaped up the river. After a marauding excur sion of eight days, the British returned to New York, having gained nothing but a reputation for useless and wanton cruelty. In consequence of the capture of Lord Cornwallis and some other decided successes in the southern states, a general exchange of prisoners soon after took place. Many of the captured Americans had been sent to Great Britain, where they were treated Avith almost every severity, short of death. Some of them were trans ported to the East Indies ; others put to menial services on board ships ; but after some time those who were conveyed to England might be deemed happy, when their sufferings were contrasted with those of their countrymen Avho perished on board the prison ships in America, under the eye of the British commanders. No time will wipe off the stigma that is left on the names of Clinton and Howe; for posterity will remember that during six years of their command in New. York, eleven thousand Americans died, mostly from ill treatment, on board the Jersey prison ship at that place. Nor was the proportion smaller of those who perished in their other jails, dungeons, and prison hulks. Upon the restoration of tranquillity in Virginia, General Wayne was ordered with the Pennsylvania line, to march with the utmost despatch to South Carolina, to the aid of Greene, who had yet many difficulties to encounter. The distance from the central states, and the long service at the southward, had exposed the American commander and his army there to indescribable suffer ings. After the action at the EutaAV Springs, we left Greene on the High Hills of Santee, to which place he repaired to secure and recruit the remainder of his army. After a short stay he advanced towards Jacksonborough. There the light troops from Virginia, that had been under Laurens and Lee, joined him ; but the whole army was so destitute of ammunition and every other necessary for hostilities, that they had scarcely the means of supporting themselves in a defensive condition. Some small skirmishes ensued, without much advantage to either party. It was fortu nate for the Americans that their enemies were noAV almost as much reduced in number as themselves. Yet the various causes of distress among this small remnant of continental soldiers, were almost innumerable. They were in an unhealthy climate, always unfriendly to northern constitutions ; they were almost without the means of supporting human life. Their general had disaffec tion, discontent and mutiny, to combat in his own army. The Maryland line, particularly, indulged a mutinous spirit to an alarming extreme, which it required all the address of the comman der-in-chief to suppress. In this wretched situation, Greene and RAVAGES OF THE BRITISH IN GEORGIA. 657 his little army continued through the winter of 1780 ; and such was the severe and vigilant duty of the officers, that, for seven months, the general himself was hardly able to take off his clothes for a night. The advance of Wayne, with his detachment from Virginia, which reached South Carolina before the close of 1781, had been impatiently expected. Without this, it would have been impossible for Greene to have held out much longer. Some pro visions, clothing and other necessaries reached the army in the ensuing spring. This partially relieved the American comman der from the complicated distresses he had suffered the preceding winter. Wayne did not continue long in South Carolina, but marched forward, by order of Greene, to cross the Savannah. He was reinforced by a party from Augusta. Though Georgia was con sidered by the British as completely subjugated, yet there was a considerable number of the inhabitants who still took part with congress, and continued to send a delegation of members to that body, through all the hostile movements and changes, for several years. Georgia was relieved at a time when the inhabitants least expected it. Animated by the successes in Virginia, the advance of Wayne was rapid, and his arrival on the borders sur prised Clarke, the British general, who commanded at Savannah. On the first rumor of the approach of the Americans, orders were given by Clarke to the officers commanding his outposts, to burn and destroy everything on the banks of the river, and retire Avith the troops within the Avorks, in the suburbs of Savannah. These orders were obeyed. After this waste of property, and the destruction of their crops, the Georgians not only suffered from hunger, fatigue and the attacks of British partisans, but also from the irruptions of the Creek Indians, and other savages in the Brit ish service. The inhabitants were reduced to despair, but the speedy arrival of Wayne's detachment revived their sinking spirits, and roused them to neAV exertions in defence of their country. The people from every quarter flocked to the standard of Wayne. After crossing the Savannah, he was attacked by Colonel Brown, who had marched with a considerable party from the city. This body of troops fell suddenly on Wayne's advancing forces; they fought with great spirit and valor, but were soon defeated and driven back by the Americans. A few days after this, a very large body of the Creek Indians, headed by a British officer, attempted in the night to surprise Wayne in his quarters. But this vigilant officer was in greater readiness for their recep tion than they expected. The assailants gained little advantage by their sudden onset. The battle was bloody, but did not con- e4 658 THE UNITED STATES. tinue Jong. The Indians were put to flight with great loss. The low state of British affairs in the Carolinas, and the advance of a body of American troops, were circumstances so discouraging to the invaders, that they did not think proper to make any vigorous resistance. A period was soon put to these hostilities, that had for several years ravaged the southern states. Savannah was evacuated by the British on the 21st of July, and they were driven finally from the Carolinas, in December, 1782. When the British parliament met after the news of the surren der of -Cornwallis, the total defeat of the expedition to the Chesa peake, and the declining aspect of affairs in the southern colonies, the speech from the throne was yet manifestly dictated by the spirit of hostility. The king, though he lamented in the preamble of his speech the loss of his brave officers and troops, and the unfor tunate termination of the campaign in Virginia, still urged the most vigorous prosecution of the Avar, and of such hostile mea sures as might extinguish Ayhat he called "the spirit of rebellion." But these vieAvs encountered great opposition. It was said in parliament, that " the enormous expense, the great accumulation of public debt, occasioned by the contest with America, the effu sion of blood which it had occasioned, the diminution of trade, .and the increase of taxes, Avere evils of such magnitude, as could be scarcely overlooked by the most insensible spectator. Further efforts to reduce the revolted colonies to obedience by force, under the present circumstances, Avould only increase the mutual enmity, so fatal to the interests of Great Britain and America, foreveT prevent a reconciliation, and Avould Aveaken the efforts of Great Britain against the house of Bourbon and other European ene mies." Thus, the colonies alienated, Ireland in a state of despera tion, Scotland little less discontented, a considerable part of the West Indies lost to Great Britain, and the affairs of the East Indies in the most deranged and perturbed state, it was impossible for the existing ministiy, the ostensible agents of these complicated evils, longer to maintain any degree of popularity. A detail of the expenses of the fruitless war with America, was laid before the house of commons, and though many arguments were used in favor of tho ministry, no subterfuge could screen them, nor any reluctance they felt, retard their resignation. This was called for from every quarter, in terms severe and sarcastic. The hollow murmur of discontent at last penetrated the ear of royalty, and compelled the king to listen to the voice of the nation in favor of peace. A motion was made in the house of com mons, by General Conway, for an address to the king, requesting him to put an immediate end to the destructive Avar in America. INDEPENDENCE ACKNOWLEDGED, AND TREATY OF PEACE. 659 This motion Avas lost only by a single vote. But the object was not relinquished; the address was again brought forward, and finally carried. After various expedients, Lord Cavendish moved that the house should resolve that the enormous expenses of the nation, the loss of the colonies, a war with France, Spain, Hol land and America, without a single ally, was occasioned by a want of foresight and ability in his majesty's ministers, and that they were unworthy of further confidence. In consequence of which, on the 20th of March, 1782, Lord North resigned his place, and declared to the house of commons, that the present administration from that day ceased to exist. Thus, after the blood of thousands of the best soldiers in England had been shed, after the nation had been involved in expenses almost beyond calculation, her trade ruined, and the national character disgraced, Great Britain abandoned the contest as utterly hopeless. A neAV administration Avas formed, under the direction of the Marquis Of Rockingham, the members of which Avere opponents of the American war. All active prosecution of hostilities ceased from this time. Negotiations Avere opened with the American ministers, and at length, on the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles of peace betAveen Great Britain and America Avere signed by Messrs. Franklin, Adams, Jay and Laurens, on the part of the United States, and Messrs. Fitzher- burt and Oswald, on the part of Great Britain. By these articles, the independence of the states was fully acknowledged. The definitive treaty between Great Britain and the United States was signed at Paris, on the 3d of September, 1783, by Messrs. Franklin, Adams and Jay, on the part of America, and David Hartley, on the part of Great Britain. A treaty of peace between Great Britain, Spain and Holland, Avas also concluded on the same day. Peace had been signed with France on the 20th of January, 1783 ; and thus a general pacification was accomplished. The Avar of the American Revolution cost Great Britain not only the total loss of the colonies, but fifty thousand men, and one hundred millions sterling. Meantime, the deranged state of the American finances, in con sequence of a depreciating currency, the difficulty of obtaining loans of moneys and various other causes, had sufficiently im pressed the people with a deep sense of their danger. These circumstances had led the army to submit to a delay in the payment of their wages during the war, notwithstanding their personal sufferings. But, on certain intelligence that peace was at hand, that it had been proposed to disband the army by fur loughs, and that there was no appearance of a speedy liquidation 660 THE UNITED STATES. of the public debts, many of the officers and soldiers grew loud in their complaints and bold in their demands. They called for an immediate payment of all arrearages, and insisted on the" fulfilment of the commutation proposed by congress some time before, on the recommendation of Washington. He had requested that the officers of the army might be secured seven years' whole pay, instead of half pay for life, which had been previously stipu lated. This proposal, after reducing the term to five years, con gress had accepted. The soldiers also demanded a settlement for rations, clothing, and proper consideration for the delay of the payments which had long been due. They chose a committee from the army to wait on congress, to represent the general uneasiness, and to lay the complaints of the army before them, and to enforce the requests of the officers, most of whom were supposed to have been concerned in the business. Anonymous addresses were scattered among the troops, and the most inflam matory resolutions drawn up and disseminated through the army ; these were written with ingenuity and spirit, but the authors were not discovered. Reports were everywhere circulated that the military department would do itself justice ; that the army would not disband until congress had acceded to all their demands; and that they would keep their arms in their hands until they had compelled the states to a settlement, and congress to a compliance with all the claims of the public creditors. In answer to the address of the officers of the army, congress endeavored to quiet the complaints by expressions of kindness, encouragement and hope. Several months passed in this uneasy situation; the people were anxious, the officers restless, the army instigated by ambitious and interested men. Washington, both as commander-in-chief, and as a man who had the welfare of his country at heart, did everything in his power to quiet the complaints, and to dissipate the mutinous spirit of the army. By his assiduity, prudence and judgment, the sedition was stilled for a short time. But the fire was not extinguished ; the secret dis satisfaction, that had rankled for several months, at last broke out into open insurrection. On the 20th of June, 1783, a part of the Pennsylvania line, with some other troops, marched from Lancaster to Philadelphia. There they were joined by some discontented soldiers in the bar racks within the city, who had recently returned poor, emaciated and miserable, from the southern service. This seditious host surrounded the state-house where congress was sitting, placed guards at the doors, and threatened immediate outrage unless their demands were complied with in the short space of twenty- FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES. 661 four minutes. Congress, thus rudely assaulted, resented the affront, and judged it improper to continue longer in a city where they could not be sure of protection. They agreed to leave Philadelphia immediately, and to meet on the 26th at Princeton. Washington, very far from countenancing any of the measures of the mutineers, lost riot a moment after he was informed of these riotous proceedings ; he ordered General Robert Howe to march Avith a body of fifteen hundred men to quell the mutineers. Aided by the prudent conduct of the magistrates of Philadelphia, matters were not carried to the extremities apprehended; the refractory soldiers were soon reduced to obedience ; tranquillity was restored without bloodshed. Some of the ringleaders were taken into custody, but soon after received a pardon from con gress. The most decided steps were immediately taken, not only to quell the clamors of the rioters, but to do justice to the claims of the soldiers. The commutation was finally agreed on ; five years' full pay was granted, instead of half-pay, during the lives of the officers of the army. To this was added a promise of a large quantity of land in the western territory, to be distributed among them according to their rank in the army. Yet they were not satisfied ; their complaints were loud ; the grievances and the merits of the army were strongly urged. The distressed state of the American finances was highly alarming; congress was without revenue, or fiscal arrangements that promised to be sufficiently productive; without power or energy to enforce any orders until the consent of each individual state was obtained. There had been a violent opposition to a proposal for raising a revenue, by an impost of five per cent, on all goods imported from foreign countries. As this was an experiment, it Avas limited to twenty-five years. Had the expe dient been adopted, it might have prevented many subsequent difficulties and embarrassments. Meantime, Sir Guy Carleton had taken command of the royal forces in North America. On the 25th of November, 1783, all the British troops evacuated the c;ty of New York. General Carleton embarked, the same day; and Admiral Digby sailed for England, with the remainder of the fleet, that had for many years infested the sea-coasts of America. Thus the shores of the Atlantic states, that had so long been dis tressed by the ravages of the British navy, were left in repose. No sufficient apology was, however, yet made for the detention of the western posts ; they were long retained ; and this breach of faith was afterwards attended with very important consequences. Under the frivolous pretences of non-compliance, on the part of 56 662 THE UNITED STATES. the United States, with some articles stipulated in the definitive treaty, a long.line of posts in the western territory was still held by the British. Washington, in full possession of the confidence of the people, the applause of his country, the love of the army, the esteem of all the friends of liberty throughout the Avorld, disbanded his troops without inconvenience or murmur on their part. By order of the commander-in-chief, the peace Avas celebrated at New York on the 1st day of December, 1783; and on the twenty-third of the same month Washington resigned his commission to con gress and retired to private life. Before the separation of the army, the general took an affection ate leave of his faithful soldiers, and of each of his officers singly, at New York. His farewell to his brave associates through the perilous scenes of the war, was attended with singular circumstan ces of affection and attachment. His address to the army was energetic and impressive. While the sensibility of the commander- in-chief appeared in his countenance, it was reciprocated in the faces of both officers and soldiers ; and in the course of this solemn farewell, tears stole down the cheeks of men of courage and har dihood, long inured to scenes of slaughter and distress, which too generally deaden the best feelings of the human heart. Bill' : ill - r^mmm ^^^^^^^s CHAPTER LXVI. Defects of the old confederation.— Stagnation of trade. — Insurrection of Shays, in Massachusetts. — Necessity for a new 'System of government. — The convention of Philadelphia. — Formation of the federal constitution. — Washington first presi dent. — Organization of the federal government.— United States bank established. —Rise of party spirit. — The whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania. — Indian war. — Defeat of Harmer and St. Clair.— Wayne's campaign. — Defeat of the sav ages on the Miami.— Treaty with' Spain respecting the Mississippi. — Jay's treaty with Great Britain. The contest for political freedom was over, the United States of America had become an independent nation, and John Adams was received as American minister to the British court in 1785. But a task almost equally difficult remained, — to settle the domestic affairs of the country on a permanent basis. While the war con tinued, the mighty pressure of foreign hostilities had operated as a bond of union upon the various members of the confederacy ; but that pressure being now removed, the necessity was imme diately felt for a more durable form of government. The states had carried on the war with unanimity, it is true, but the ties that united them were loose and precarious. They formed but a tem porary confederacy, and not a systematic union. The powers of congress were not legislative but advisory; almost everything depended on the will of the separate states. It was easy to per ceive that this system of general administration could last no longer than the immediate exigency to which it owed its origin. During the first years that elapsed after the peace, the revolu tionary confederation continued. Congress sent forth annual requisitions to the states for the sums of money Avanted for the public service, Avhile each state collected its own revenue. The first evil of this system was felt in the embarrassment of trade. Congress having no power to levy duties or regulate commerce, all mercantile transactions were loose and uncertain. The gov ernment being without an efficient head, no treaties of commerce, on a permanent basis, could be made with foreign powers; and for the same reasons, no public loans could be raised nor credit estab lished, nor debt funded. Foreign commerce became almost annihi lated, and the supplies of the precious metals were cut off. Thus, without specie or paper currency, trade was almost at an end, SHAY S INSURRECTION. 665 and property of every description depreciated in value to a ruinous extent. When taxes were to be paid, any article useful to man was received in lieu of money. The general distress soon led to murmurs, and from thence to internal tumults. This uneasy and refractory spirit had for some time shown itself in the states of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, and some other portions of the union, but Mas sachusetts seemed tp be the chief seat of discontent. Bristol, Middlesex, and the western counties, Worcester, Hampshire and Berkshire, were violently disturbed by seditious movements. The ¦ people met in county conventions in 1786, drew up addresses to the general court, with a long list of grievances, some of them real, others imaginary. They published many resolves, most of which Avere absurd in the extreme. They censured the conduct of the officers of government, called for a revision of the constitution of Massachusetts, voted the senate and judicial courts to be griev ances, and proceeded, in a most daring and insolent manner, to prevent the sitting of the courts of justice in Hampshire and Berk shire. These disturbances were for a time truly alarming, and gave cause for serious apprehensions that civil convulsions might spread through the whole country.- The high-handed and threat ening proceedings of the insurgents assumed every day a more formidable aspect. There were among them many veteran sol diers, who had been very serviceable in the field during the revolu tionary war. They assembled in great numbers, and seemed to bid defiance to all law, order and government. In the winter of 1786, several thousand of these persons, armed and embodied, appeared in the neighborhood of Springfield. They chose for their leader Daniel Shays, a person who had been a subaltern officer during the Avar ; threatened to march to Boston, and by compulsory measures to oblige the general court to redress the grievances of the people, which they alleged were brought . upon them by enormous taxation and other severities. They, hoAvever, thought proper to send forAvard a petition, instead of marching, sword in hand, to the capital. In this situation of affairs, Governor Bowdoin was empowered by the legislature to order a military force to march against the insurgents, under the command of General Lincoln. But before the troops from the eastern counties had collected at Worcester, great numbers of the insurgents had embodied and marched, with Shays at their head, to Springfield, on the 25th of January, 1787, Avith a design to attack the arsenal at that place. This was defended by General Shepard, ' who took every precaution to prevent the shedding of blood. He expostulated with their lead- 56* f 4 666 THE UNITED STATES. ers, and warned them against the fatal consequences of persever ance in their rebellious proceedings. The insurgents, however, marched against the arsenal, but Shepard, by a single discharge from his cannon, dispersed their whole body, and they immedi ately took to flight. A feAV days aftenvard they again collected from all quarters, and took a position on the heights of Pelham. Lincoln arrived immediately after at Springfield, and took com mand of all the state forces. He detached a party to Middlefield, who captured a body of sixty of the rebels, Avith a quantity of stores. He then marched, in pursuit of Shays, towards Pelham. The insurgent leader, aware of his desperate situation, attempted to negotiate for a pardon. Lincoln replied only by summoning him to surrender. Shays, finding he could not deal with Lincoln, despatched a petition to the general court, jointly with several of his officers, proposing to lay down his arms on condition of a gene ral amnesty ; but from the insolent style of the petition, it was rejected. Shays was now at the head of two thousand men, and the insurrection appeared so threatening that another strong body of militia was sent to reinforce the army of the state. The rebels maintained a menacing attitude till February, when they began to lose heart, finding that the insurrection spread no further. One of their leaders abandoned them, and shortly after, they retreated from Pelham and marched towards Petersham. It was now the depth of winter, and the most intense cold prevailed. Lincoln pursued them rapidly in their retreat, against a furious northerly snow storm. At Petersham he came suddenly upon the rebel army, attacked, and completely dispersed them. Small bodies of the insurgents had made their appearance in other places, but they were quickly routed by the militia. On the 26th of February, a body of those who had fled into the state of New York appeared again in the county of Berkshire, and plun dered the town of Stockbridge. The militia of the neighborhood turned out and attacked them at Sheffield. After a sharp action, the rebels were defeated. Shays, after his rout at Petersham, was unable to make any stand against the forces of the government, and was soon driven out of the state. The insurgents everywhere laid down their arms, and tranquillity was speedily restored. No person suffered capital punishment in consequence of this rebel lion. Shays himself received a full pardon the following year, and passed the remainder of a long life in obscurity, entirely forgotten by the world. The necessity for a consolidated system of government became more and more pressing. Congress at first called upon the states to enlarge their powers ; this was done by some, but others fet- FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 667 tered their grants Avith so many restrictions, that no general improvement of the system was effected. The more sagacious and reflecting among the American statesmen at length became convinced that the old system of the confederacy had become totally inadequate for the purposes of government, and that the only hope of the country lay in a perfect union of the states under a single head. The first proposal of a federal system was made by Mr. Madison, in the legislature of Virginia. This proposal Avas encouraged by men of influence in every quarter of the coun try, and was received with such general favor as to bring forth a resolution in congress, recommending a convention of delegates to be held at Philadelphia, on the second Monday in May, 1787, for the purpose of re-modelling the government. This suggestion was complied with by all the states, and the convention met at the time appointed. Washington was president of the convention. They held a session of nearly four months, with closed doors, and agreed on a plan of general government. This they reported to congress, recommending that it should be submitted to a separate convention in each state for ratification. In this quiet and simple manner was formed and ushered into the world that most noble of all political works, the Constitution of the United States. ¦B ?$ Convention at Philadelphia forming the Constitution. At the present day, we are hardly able to understand hoAV a scheme so absolutely necessary to the welfare of the country, could have found any opposers. Yet the constitution, although recommended by Washington, Franklin, Adams, and the whole host of revolutionary patriots, aroused a numerous band of enemies. Here we notice the origin of those factions which have, 668 THE UNITED STATES. down to the present day, disturbed the tranquillity, and at times threatened the safety of the country. Parties began to form, de fending and opposing the federal constitution, and great strife and animosity were excited. The friends of the constitution, how ever, who took the name of federalists, were much the more numerous party, and far exceeded their opponents in talent, influence and general respectability. John Adams, residing in London as American minister, published, in 1787, a most able work, entitled "Defence of the American Constitution" — Madison, Hamilton and Jay wrote " The Federalist," a series of essays, dis playing with great acuteness the excellencies of the new system. These writings had a powerful effect, and the general voice pro nounced loudly in favor of the federal government. Ten of the thirteen states gave their adhesion to it before the 14th of July, 1788, and it was on that day ratified by congress. The other states had liberty to join the Union or continue as separate govern ments. They did not hesitate long. New York acceded July 26, 1788. North Carolina in November, 1789, and Rhode Island in May, 1790. The government of the new American republic was to go into action on the 4th of March, 1789. George Washington was elected first President of the United States, and John Adams Vice President. The first congress met at New York on the 4th of March, and proceeded without delay to raise a revenue by imposing duties on importations ; to constitute a federal judiciary by estab lishing a supreme court ; to organize the executive administration by creating the departments of war, foreign affairs and the treas ury. The navy of the United States did not exist. The next ob jects were, to fund the national debt, assume the individual debts of the states, and establish a national bank. The payment of the demands of the revolutionary soldiers was provided for, and measures taken to build up the national credit. Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, regulated the administration of the finances with talent and foresight. Aided by his labors, the fiscal concerns of the United States were soon placed on a re spectable footing. Hamilton proposed a national bank, and this mstitution was incorporated by congress in February, 1791, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, and a charter for twenty years. The public securities, which had before depreciated to one eighth of their nominal value, now rose to par ; confidence was restored; property fose in value, and trade rapidly revived. Party spirit, however, the bane of popular governments, mixed its bitterness with the sweets of returning prosperity. The " federal system now having become the government of the coun- "whiskey insurrection." 669 try, all citizens were federalists, yet the appellation continued to be applied as the badge of a party, although the dissensions arose upon new topics. Hamilton, the author of the new financial sys tem, was regarded by his friends as the main instrument of the successful change which had redeemed the national honor, and res cued the declining fortunes of the people. By his enemies, on the contrary, he was denounced as a monarchist, because he had pro posed in the convention that the president and senate should hold their offices during good behavior. Hamilton's plans of finance were, in some degree, copied from British institutions ; and this, though without the smallest reason, was urged against him as a reproach. The country, meantime, was enjoying unexampled prosperity ; yet so absurd is faction, that the supporters df the fed eral government were stigmatized as the enemies of the people, combined in a plot for the ruin of the republic. An unfortunate disturbance, which broke out in Pennsylvania, tended to exasperate parties still more. Congress had imposed an excise on the distillation of spirits. This law was particularly displeasing to the people on the west of the Alleghany mountains, and led to the troubles known as the " Whiskey Insurrection." The people in this quarter had strongly disapproved of the federal constitution, and particularly of Hamilton's system of finance. In September, 1791, a delegation of the malecontents met at Pitts burg, and denounced as enemies to the country all who should obey the excise law. The revenue officers were obstructed in their duty, and, though the law was revised and softened by con gress in May, 1792, the opposition continued as strong as ever. The government, by adroit manoeuvres, kept the disaffected quiet for some time, but in 1794 they proceeded to open violence. On the 15th of July, the marshal, while upon duty, was shot at by a band of armed men. The next day the house of the inspector Avas attacked by a body of five hundred rioters, who set fire to several buildings, robbed the mail, and committed other outrages. The laws of the country were now openly set at defiance. It Avas calculated that the insurgents could muster a force of seven thousand men. Washington, in this emergency, acted with circumspection and coolness, but also with decision and energy. He made a requisition on the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir ginia, for fifteen thousand militia, and on the 7th of August, issued a proclamation commanding the insurgents to disperse before the first day of September. The government of Pennsylvania took the same step. The militia assembled from the several states under the command of Governor Lee, of Virginia, and marched into the disturbed district. The insurgents fled before them 670 the united states. without making the slightest opposition. No blood was shed ; a few of the most obstinate characters, refusing to declare their sub mission to the laws, were arrested for trial, but the inhabitants in general quietly returned to their duty as citizens. Thus, in a few months, the government of the United States, by prompt resolu tion and firm proceedings, suppressed a dangerous insurrection without the loss of a life, or any act discreditable to the character of the free institutions of America. The arts of demagogues availed nothing against the power of the laws and the self-respect of the American people. In the meantime, the country was threatened with an Indian war. The savages on the northern borders could muster the for midable force of five thousand warriors ; half of these were in open hostility to the United States. They had fire-arms, and were now much more formidable than at the early settlement of the coun try. Pacific overtures were made to the northwestern Indians, but without success; and in 1790 a force of fourteen hundred men, mostly militia, under General Harmer, marched against the Indian towns on the Scioto and Wabash. Some of the settlements were burnt, and the country laid waste ; but several detachments of the troops were attacked and cut off by the savages. These successes so encouraged them, that they repeated their incursions upon the American settlements, and the country suffered more than ever. A new army of two thousand men was raised in 1791 , and placed under the command of General St. Clair, governor of the northwest ern territory. The troops reached the banks of the Ohio in Septem ber, and marched towards the Indian villages on the Miami. As they approached the enemy's territory, a body of sixty militia deserted : a regiment was despatched in pursuit of them, which reduced the army to fourteen hundred men. Within about fifteen miles of the Miami villages,, they were attacked by the Indians at sunrise on the 4th of November. At the first surprise, the militia in the outposts were driven into the main camp in the utmost disorder. The main body made a resolute defence, but the savages in great numbers were screened by the woods and thickets, and committed great slaughter among the troop?. They were repeatedly charged with the bayonet and driven off, but they constantly returned to the fight in such numerous parties that the Americans were forced to retreat to Fort Jefferson, about thirty miles off. More than six hundred of the troops were killed and wounded. The loss of the Indians is not known. The Americans likewise lost four hun dred horses, six pieces of cannon, and all their baggage, stores and ammunition. This was the most serious defeat which the Americans ever received from the natives : it was in a great meas- WAYNE S VICTORY OVER THE INDI* .671 ure owing to the ill behavior of the raw troops, who threw away their arms most disgracefully. The Indians, on the contrary, fought with the most heroic courage and obstinacy. Congress, determined to suppress the Indian hostilities, author ized a further levy of troops, increasing the army to five thousand men, which were put under the command of General Wayne. He advanced into the Indian territory, in the autumn of 1793, and erected a fortification on the spot where St. Clair had been de feated, Avhich he named Fort Recovery. The season was too far advanced for military operations, and he wintered in the neigh borhood. The early part of the summer was spent in attempts to negotiate Avith the enemy, and cautious movements on the part of the Americans. At length, on the 8th of August, 1 794, he reached the rapids of the Miami with a force of three thousand men. Here, in the neighborhood of the Indians, he made another overture for peace, which was rejected. He then moved cautiously down the river to meet the enemy, who were strongly posted in a fortifica tion skirted by a thick wood and the rocky bank of the stream. On the 20th of August, Wayne attacked them in their intrench ments, where they had collected above two thousand warriors. General Wayne's victory over the Indians. After an obstinate battle of an hour, the Indians were defeated and driven from their fort with great loss. They took refuge in a Avood, under the guns of a fortification which Avas still held by the British troops, although within the territory of the United States. For sev eral days Wayne continued in the neighborhood, destroying the Indiaii corn-fields and laying waste their country. By these deci sive measures the savages were thoroughly intimidated, and an effectual stop was put to their incursions. On the 3d of August, 672 THE UNITED STATES. 1795, a treaty was concluded at Greenville, which established peace between the Indian tribes and the United States, and restored peace and tranquillity to the frontier settlements. In the foreign relations of the country, some difficulties arose with the Spaniards, who at that time held possession of Louisi ana. They had used their endeavors, while the treaty of 1782 was in progress, to prevent the extension of the boundaries of the United States westward. They were unable, however, to accom plish this, and the Americans became possessed of the territory on the upper part of the Mississippi. The Spaniards holding the outlet of the river, refused the free navigation of it to the settlers upon its banks. The inhabitants of the west, who were cramped in their commerce by this restriction, and who regarded the river as a great highway, free for the use of all who dwelt upon its banks, uttered loud murmurs, and made demonstrations of pro ceeding to extremities against the Spaniards of Louisiana. There was reason for some time to fear that a Avar with Spain would grow out of these conflicting claims, but the government of the United States took such prudent measures as averted all hostili ties. Mr. Thomas Pinckney was sent as envoy extraordinary to the Court of Madrid, and in the year 1794, he concluded a treaty with the king of Spain, by which the navigation of the Missis sippi was formally granted to the United States. Mr. Adams, the American minister at London, had attempted, before the establishment of the federal government, to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain ; but the circumstances of the country were unpropitious, and the negotiation failed. After the federal constitution had secured to the United States an effi cient and respectable government, the attempt Avas reneAVed by Mr. Jay, who was sent envoy extraordinary to London in 1794. He concluded a commercial treaty with Great Britain which was ratified the same year. This treaty settled all the disputes then existing between the two countries ; it provided for the surrender of the American posts still held by the British, opened a limited trade with the British West Indies, and made arrangements for the payment of debts and claims due from one country to the other. Mr. Jay considered the treaty as the best that could be made in actual circumstances, and altogether highly beneficial to the United States. Yet a violent clamor was raised against it by a numerous party in the country, because it did not contain a stipulation that " free ships should make free goods." This was a popular maxim with the American merchants, but the British were strenuous in opposing it, and the American government, pos sessing no navy, and as yet without weight or influence as a COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH GREAT Biui-aijn. 673 maritime power, Avere forced to waive the point for that time. In spite of argument and prudential considerations, however. the opposition in every quarter was so formidable, that although the treaty was ratified by the president and senate, the appropri ations for carrying it into effect were voted in the house of repre sentatives by a very small majority. The treaty took effect Avith the most beneficial consequences. The posts Avere given up to the United States, and compensation was made to the whole body of British creditors by the payment of six hundred thousand pounds sterling by the American government, in full for all debts due from citizens of the United States. Thus ended ajl the con troversies which grew out of the war of the revolution. 57 George III. e4 CHAPTER LXVII. Commencement of the French Revolution. — War between France and England.— Genet's mission to the United States. — Unwarrantable conduct of that minister and his successor, Adet.—John Adams elected president. — Intrigues of the French Directory. — Hostilities with France. — Exploits of the frigate Constellation. — Treaty with Bonaparte. — Death of Washington. — Purchase of Louisiana. — Prosperity of the United States. — Naval war with Tripoli. — Loss of the frigate Philadelphia. — Bombardment of Tripoli. — General Eaton's expedition from Egypt. — Capture of Derne. — Peace with Tripoli. — Mr. Jefferson chosen Presi dent. — Death of Hamilton. — Burr's conspiracy. — Progress of party. — Impress ment of American sailors by the British. — Attack on the Chesapeake. — Paper blockades. — Napoleon's Berlin and Milan decrees. — The British orders in council. — Depredations on American commerce. — Embargo. — Mr. Madison elected pres ident. — Erskine' s treaty. — Affair of the President and Little Belt. — Reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake. — Revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees. — War declared against Great Britain. — Desperate nature of the contest. — Opposition of parties. — Repeal of the orders in council. — Overwhelming power of the British navy. — Baltimore mob. — Affair of John Henry. The year in which the federal constitution went into effect, was marked by the birth of an event in Europe, which exercised the most momentous influence, not only in that country, but upon the whole of the civilized world. The French revolution began in 1789, and its effects were so rapid and important that Europe and America were speedily involved in Avar. Although the origin and progress of this great political convulsion possess the deepest interest to the general reader, and a knowledge of them is in some degree necessary in order to understand the full import of the transactions recorded in the remaining portion of this history, yet the subject is too copious to be introduced here. We can only touch lightly upon the main facts. The French nation had 'imbibed republican notions by their alliance with America. The brilliant success of a nation which had fought for liberty and established a free government, dazzled a lively people, ever suscep tible of enthusiastic and quick impressions. The government of France was arbitrary ; the titled orders Avere insolent and oppres sive; the court was profligate, and the Avhole nation was sinking under an intolerable load of debt. The sudden rise of the American republic was the only stimulant wanting to arouse them. A new •order of things was called for. The States General, or popular THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 675 assembly of the nation, met at Versailles, in 1789, to consult upon measures adapted to the exigencies of the times. From moderate beginnings they proceeded to radical changes in the government. A written constitution Avas formed; restrictions were placed on royal authority, and the political rights of all citizens secured. But, unfortunately,' the French people had neither the wisdom, the intelligence, the moderation, nor the virtue of the Americans of 1776. The work, begun judiciously, soon ran into precipitate extravagance, criminal excesses, and at length into the most furious and reckless political fanaticism. The throne was over turned, the king beheaded, one form of government succeeded another, and one party triumphed over another, while no real government or authority prevailed, except that of epidemic terror or the momentary sway of a faction or a demagogue. War broke out between France and England in 1793. The French were at this time so infatuated with their new politics, that they imagined themselves destined to revolutionize the whole world. It was their Avish to draw the United States into their quarrel with England. The American people wished success to the French in their struggle for liberty ; and the first appearance of the French revolution was hailed by the republicans of the west as the dawning of European freedom. The bloody excesses of the French revolutionists soon damped these reasonable hopes, and at length utterly disgusted all sober and reflecting people. Soon after the execution of Louis XVI., Mr. Genet was sent as minister to the United States. This man was of an ardent tem per and fired by the common enthusiasm of the revolutionary French. He seems to have regarded his office as a mission to stir up the people of the United States to a war with the enemies of France. Genet landed at Charleston, eight hundred miles from the seat of government. This Avas done for the purpose of sounding the disposition of the people, and concerting his plans before his interview with Washington, whose prudence and firmness were likely to be obstacles in the way of the hair-brained Frenchman. At his first landing, he proceeded to acts violating the rules of international laAv, by commissioning armed vessels from Charles ton to cruise against the British. Before his arrival was known by the government, a resolution had been taken to adopt a strictly neutral position in the contest. The British minister at Philadel phia complained of Genet's proceedings, and Washington sent instructions, accompanied with rules for the observation of neu trality, to the governors of all the states. Genet resented this, and attempted to excite a popular clamor against it. He issued 676 THE UNITED STATES. publications designed to excite opposition to the laws, by appeals to the passions and caprices of the multitude. He affirmed, like other disturbers of the publip tranquillity in more recent times, that authority did not reside in the government, but in the people separate from the government. These wild and mischievous notions were caught up by many unthinking people, and Genet soon had a party of adherents, who encouraged him to such inso lent behavior, that Washington refused to hold any dealings with him, and obliged his government to order him home. Genet's successors, Fauchet and Adet, were more moderate in their conduct, but their designs were the same, and troubles soon followed, though in a different quarter. The French Directory, finding they could not stimulate the Americans to a war with England, began to view them with a hostile eye. Complaining that the Americans allowed their ships to be searched by British cruisers in pursuit of French property, they issued orders for the capture of all American vessels. This Avas tantamount to a declaration of hostilities • yet, as the United States at this period had no navy, the insult could not be promptly resented. Mr. Charles C. Pinckney was sent minister to France, to accommodate matters by negotiation. The Directory refused to receive him ; he Avas ordered to quit the French territory, and informed that the French would not receive another American minister until after a "redress of grievances." In the meantime, the election of president approached in the autumn of 1796. Adet, the French minister, addressed a note to the secretary of state, couched in the most extraordinary language, utterly inconsistent with the rules and courtesy of diplomacy, and intended solely to inflame the popular passions. This strange document, insolent to the government, and palpably designed to influence the pending election, was sent by the writer to a printer on the day it was penned, November 15th, and circulated widely throughout the country. Like' an OArer-charged gun, however, it recoiled upon its manager. So impertinent an interference in the domestic politics of the country disgusted all judicious people, and Adet's intrigues had no small influence in causing the election of John Adams, the one among all the candidates whom he had the strongest reason to dislike. Under the administration of President Adams, three envoys extraordinary, Pinckney, Marshall and Gerry, were sent to Paris, to attempt a second negotiation, in 1797. The Directory, under frivolous pretexts, delayed to accredit them publicly, but in an indirect manner demanded a large sum of money as a requisite to begin the negotiation. This being promptly refused, Pinckney DEATH OF WASHINGTON. 677 and Marshall were ordered to quit the country, but Gerry was allowed to remain. The intelligence of these proceedings excited the highest indignation in the United States, and the government ordered the capturing of all armed French vessels. On the 9th of February, 1799, the American frigate Constellation, of thirty- six guns, commanded by Captain Truxton, being on a cruise among the West India Islands, fell in with the French frigate l'lnsurgente, of forty guns, and captured her after an engagement of an hour and a quarter. This Avas the first time an American frigate had taken a ship of superior force. On the 1st day of February, 1800, the Constellation fought another battle with the French frigate La Vengeance, of fifty- four guns. After four hours' fighting, the French ship was silenced, but a squall suddenly springing up, enabled her to escape, and she arrived at Curacao in a shattered condition, with one hundred and sixty men killed and wounded. The insults of the French government nearly united all parties in defence of the national honor. Popular addresses poured in upon the president from every quarter of the union, assuring him of every necessary support in the stand he had taken. Congress voted to raise an army. Washington was appointed to the com mand, and the United States assumed a dignified attitude. This firmness had its effect across the Atlantic. Three other envoys, Messrs. Ellsworth, Davie, and Murray Avere sent to Paris in 1800. The government of France was now in the hands of the First Consul, Bonaparte, who received the envoys "with respect, and entered upon this business with the promptness and despatch which ahvays characterized that extraordinary man. On the 30th of September, 1800, a treaty was concluded, which settled all differences between France and America. On the 14th of December, 1799, Washington died, after an ill ness of a single day. This- event caused a general mourning throughout the United States. The new seat of government on the banks of the Potomac was called by his name, and the city of Washington became the capital of the United States in 1800. In 1803, the United States received a large acquisition of territory, by purchasing from France the whole of the region west of the Mississippi, then called Louisiana, which included not only the present state of that name, but Arkansas, Missouri, Wisconsin, Iowa, and the vast wild region of the west. This country had been recently ceded to the French by the Spaniards ; and Bona parte, who wanted money more than colonies, transferred it to the United States for the sum of fifteen millions of dollars. The people of the United States now promised themselves a 57* 678 THE UNITED STATES. period of lasting tranquillity. The government had been settled upon a secure basis, the Indians quieted, the friendship of Tomb of Washington at Mount Yemen. England, France and the other great European powers secured by amicable treaties commerce and industry began to thrive Avith wonderful rapidity, the national revenue increased, and every external appearance denoted an increasing and permanent pros perity. But events Avere already in progress Avhich soon dis turbed the tranquillity of the nation, and before long involved the United States in foreign Avar. The treaties with France and England opened a wide field of commerce to the American mer chants, into Avhich they immediately entered with that enterprise and activity which have now become their strong characteristics. The sea was soon covered by their ships, and American commerce was ere long, exposed to the depredation of the belligerent Euro pean powers ; it had no protection abroad, as the United States could hardly boast of possessing a ship of war. The American navy during the Avar of the revolution consisted of a few small frigates and minor craft. Most of these were lost ; and after the capture of Charleston, the navy came entirely to an end, by the sale of the remainder as worthless. For many years the government did not possess a single ship; but in 1794 an act of congress authorized the building of six frigates. These were the Constitution, the President, the United States, the Constellation, the Congress, and the Chesapeake. Some smaller vessels Avere soon NAVAL WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 679 added, and the navy was not long idle. We have mentioned the cruises of the Constellation against the French. The next mari time hostilities arose with one of the Barbary powers. The Ameri can commerce had speedily found its way into the Mediterranean, and became exposed to the insults of the piratical African states. The Bashaw of Tripoli, in 1799, demanded a heavy tribute of the United States, and being refused, he captured five American vessels. In August, 1801, the United States schooner Enterprise, Capt. Sterrett, fell in Avith a Tripolitan cruiser off Malta, and after an obstinate action of two hours, captured her. Captain Ster- rett's instructions did not allow him to make prize of the vessel ; accordingly, after cutting away her masts, and throAving her guns overboard, he gave her up to the crew, leaving them sail and rig ging sufficient to carry them into port. From this time till 1803, the United States kept several ships of war in the Mediterranean, and some small actions took place off Tripoli. In August, 1803, Commodore Preble was despatched with a squadron, consisting of the Constitution and Philadelphia frigates, the Argus, Siren and Nautilus brigs, and the Vixen and Enterprise schooners. On their arrival off Tripoli, the Philadelphia, in chasing a vessel into port, struck on a rock, and before she could be got off, was surrounded by the Tripolitan gun-boats and compelled to surrender. On a change of wind she was set afloat and toAved into the harbor of Tripoli. The American squadron sailed for Syracuse to refit. While at this place, a scheme was planned to retake or destroy the Philadelphia. This expedition was entrusted to Lieutenant Stephen Decatur. He sailed from Syracuse in a small schooner, with seventy-six men, accompanied by the brig Siren. On the 16th of February, 1804, they arrived off Tripoli. The schooner entered the harbor at night, and ran alongside the Philadelphia before it Avas discovered that she was an enemy. The Americans boarded her, sword in hand, soon cleared her decks, and gained entire possession of the ship. The castle, the batteries and the Tripolitan flotilla opened a tremendous fire upon them, and the harbor was soon covered with launches approaching to the rescue;- but Decatur and his men set fire to the Philadelphia and escaped to sea in safety. The American squadron having arrived from Syracuse, pro ceeded to the attack of Tripoli. On the 3d, the 7th, and 29th of August, the town was cannonaded, and assaults Avere made on the shipping in the port. The Tripolitan batteries mounted one hundred and fifty guns, and the town was defended by an army of forty-five thousand Arabs. The enemy sustained much dam age, and several of their gun-boats were captured. On the 4th of 680 THE UNITED STATES. Burning of the Philadelphia. September, the Intrepid, a fire-ship, was sent into the harbor under the command of Lieutenants Somers, Wadsworth, and Israel. She was charged with one hundred barrels of powder and three hundred shells, to be exploded under the enemy's bat teries, while the crew escaped in a boat. Before this could be done, two galleys, of one hundred men each, suddenly shot along side the Intrepid, and she instantly blew up, with the most terrible effect, destroying both her creAv and enemies. It is not known whether accident or the self-devotion of the Americans caused this aAvful catastrophe. The negotiations with the Bashaw proving fruitless, the American government determined to push the war with additional rigor. An opportunity for a naval enterprise soon presented itself. Hamet, the ex-bashaw, had been expelled by his brother, and was now an exile in Upper Egypt. General William Eaton was despatched to gain him over to the Americans. Hamet com manded an army of Mamelukes, then at war with the Turkish government. Eaton visited the ex-bashaAV and brought him into his plan. Hamet furnished the American general with a strong body of Arabs, well mounted, and seventy Greek soldiers. With this force, Eaton left Alexandria on the sixth of March, 1805, for an expedition across the sandy desert of Barca. In a march of a thousand miles, the troops endured a degree of peril and suffering hardly equalled in romance, and on the 25th of April, arrived before the tOAvn of Derne, in the Tripolitan territory. Eaton's TREATY WITH TRIPOLI. 681 "expedition had become known to the bashaw, and his army was within a day's march of the place when the invaders approached it. No time was to be lost ; the town was summoned to sur render; but the commandant returned for reply, "My head, 01 yours 1" Eaton stormed the walls on the 27th, and Derne was taken by as motley an armament as ever was combined under the American flag, — Arab cavalry, Greek infantry, and Ameri can ships, which arrived in the bay in season to assist in the capture Hamet set up his government in Derne, and the Arabo- Ameri can army fortified themselves in the new capital. On the 18th of May, the Tripolitan army arrived and assaulted the place, but after a contest of four hours, they were repulsed, and Avithdrew to the mountains, although they outnumbered their opponents ten to one. Many skirmishes followed, and on the tenth of June, another general battle was fought The small American vessels in the harbor kept up a well directed fire, and checked every ad vance of the Tripolitans. The next day the Constitution arrived, and struck such terror into the enemy that they fled instantly to the desert, leaving most of their baggage behind them. The whole history of the Tripolitan Avar is colored with a high degree of ro mance; but we have not space for the details. General Eaton dis tinguished himself by uncommon talent and courage. Finally, in June, 1805, a treaty Avas concluded with the Bashaw. This treaty was negotiated by Mr. Lear, the agent of the American government. Had the business of the war been entrusted to the sole management of Eaton, there is every reason to believe he would have penetrated to Tripoli, liberated the American captors without ransom, deposed the BashaAv, reinstated Hamet, and concluded an advantageous commercial arrangement for the United States. By the treaty, Hamet was left to his fate, and sixty thousand dollars were paid for the release of the American prisoners. The domestic politics of the United States, in the meantime, had become more and more disturbed by party spirit. In 1801, Thomas Jefferson became President, and Aaron Burr Vice-Presi dent. There had been no choice by the electors, and in conse quence of an original provision of the constitution, which has since been amended, thirty-six ballotings took place in the house of representatives before the president was chosen. The two par ties which divided the country, were now known as the " federalists and democrats." Jefferson and Burr, the successful candidates, were both of the latter party ; but Mr. Burr, during the election, was suspected of intriguing to supplant Jefferson, and in conse- h4 682 THE UNITED STATES. quence, declined in favor Avith his political associates. He attempted to regain his lost influence by entering into a canvass for the office of governor of New York. In this scheme he was opposed by Hamilton, Avho had been long his political antagonist. His opposition defeated the attempt, and Burr determined on re venge. He challenged his rival to a duel, and Hamilton fell, at Hoboken, on the 11th of July, 1804. This tragical occurrence entirely destroyed what remained of Burr's popularity ; but the restless spirit and ambition of the man were not in the least quieted. He conceived a scheme as daring as it was magnificent, — the establishment of a new empire in the southwest, of which he was to be the head. The stupendous rev olutions which were then convulsing Europe, agitated all minds. Bonaparte crossing the Alps. The brilliant fortune of Bonaparte, who, from an obscure soldier, had suddenly become the supreme ruler of the most powerful kingdom in Christendom, dazzled every imagination. Great changes seemed to menace the whole world; and it was no wonder that Burr, a man of unquestionable talent and courage, insatiable ambition, and intriguing temper, should believe him self able to become the Napoleon of the Avest. He began by tampering with Eaton and Truxton, then preeminent for their achievements in the American army and navy. His designs were at first darkly hinted, but he succeeded in gaining many partisans to his scheme, some of them persons of wealth and influence. The common belief was that he designed to erect an independent state beyond the AUeghanies, either out of the Ameri can territories, or by revolutionizing the Spanish provinces. In December, 1806, he assembled a number of the most desperate of CONSPIRACY OF AARON BURR. 683 his followers, on the Ohio, and proceeded doAvn the river. The rumor of his expedition had caused a great excitement in the country, but by adroit management, Burr contrived to avoid all obstruction from the legal authorities. The federal government had sufficient knoAvledge of his designs, to Avarrant his arrest, and, on his passage doAvn the Mississippi, he Avas stopped at Natchez, and cited before the supreme court at that place, on the 2d of February, 1807. His accomplices Avere arrested at NeAV Orleans and elsewhere. Burr made his escape from Natchez in disguise, but was overtaken and captured on the Tombigbee, and carried prisoner to Richmond. The grand jury found true bills for trea son against Burr, Blannerhassett, and some others. Their trial took place before the circuit court of the United States at Rich mond, on the 27th of August, 1807. From a want of precise and legal evidence they were acquitted, though no doubt existed as to the fact of their being engaged in a mad and lawless under taking. The restless, intriguing and ambitious Aaron Burr sunk at once into an obscurity from which he never afterwards emerged. Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Jefferson was re-elected president in 1804. Party spirit, at this period, had abated none of its fierceness ; and the Americans, as if their domestic affairs were not sufficient to occupy their attention, almost universally took sides, as far as freedom of speech Avas concerned, in the contest then raging between France and England. They had soon matters of serious interest to entangle them with one of the parties. The right of searching American ships and impressing British sailors from them, had been strongly insisted on by the British ; and this right, although in the highest degree repugnant to the feelings of the American people, had not been contested by the treaty of 1794. Such a license could not fail to be scandalously abused by the British cruisers, who were then the undisputed lords of the ocean. It 684 THE UNITED STATES. was not long before a gross insult was perpetrated upon the American flag. On the 22d of June, 1807, the American frigate Chesapeake, a few hours after she had sailed from Norfolk, was attacked by the British frigate Leopard, for the purpose of taking from her a number of her crew, alleged to be British sailors. After receiving seA'eral broadsides, and having a number of men killed, she struck her colors. Four men were taken from her, one of whom was hanged as a British deserter. The Chesapeake was of inferior strength to her antagonist, and was not armed for a cruise ; yet, Captain Barron, her commander, Avas considered as not having acted with becoming spirit in surrendering his ship without making a more resolute defence. This gross and Avanton outrage inflamed the whole population of the United States Avith indignation, and for the rnoment extin guished all party spirit in the national feeling which it aroused. The president issued a proclamation, ordering all British ships out of the waters of the United States. The British government disavowed the act of Admiral Berkley, Avho commanded the squadron to Avhich the Leopard belonged, and removed him from his command on the American station; but the claim of the right of search and impressment was not abandoned. The American commerce continued to be annoyed by British ships of war, Avhich captured American vessels whenever the dishonesty or caprice of their commanders prompted them. The sources of these troubles were soon enlarged. The system of " paper block ades" was adopted by the British; the whole coast of a country was laid under a commercial interdict by a single proclamation ; and American ships, entering the ports of France and other coun tries in possession of the French, were captured and condemned by the British. Napoleon resented this arrogant assumption of power, and retorted it upon his enemy. From the imperial camp at Berlin, on the 21st of November, 1806, he issued his famous decree, com plaining of the violation of the rights of nations by the British government, and declaring it necessary to enforce against them their own maritime code. The British islands were therefore declared in a state of blockade, and all intercourse with them was forbidden to neutral nations. Against the Berlin decrees the British government issued, on the 7th of January and 11th of November, 1807, their Orders in Council, declaring in a state of blockade all ports in Europe from which the British flag was excluded, and all trade in the products or manufactures of such countries, contraband. Napoleon again retorted by a decree, dated at Milan, on the 17th of December, 1807, declaring that every OUTRAGES ON THE COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES. 685 ship, of whatever nation, which should submit to a search from an English vessel, should be liable to capture and condemnation as English property. The same penalty was denounced against all ships holding any intercourse with Great Britain or her colonies, or any country occupied by British troops. The French emperor, however, affirmed that these regulations should be annulled as soon as the British government should renounce their own barba rous system of maritime war, which had provoked his retalia tion. In this manner the American commerce became the prey of the two most powerful nations of Europe. Year after year these unjustifiable outrages were repeated by both nations upon the commerce of the United States. Every insult of the British Avas followed by one of equal enormity from the French, on the plea that the quiet submission of the Ameri cans to the interference "of the. British, was an act of hostility to their enemies. The commerce of the Americans suffered, and the national character was disgraced by the inability of the govern ment to prevent these outrages. While continually exposed to insult and plunder, the American shipping had no protection from the navy of the United States, which consisted only of a few frigates and brigs. During Jefferson's administration, a new scheme of maritime defence was concerted. Instead of large ships, a numerous fleet of gunboats had been built. These vessels, which were of very little service at home, and good for nothing abroad, soon fell into utter disrepute, and brought the navy of the United States into discredit. The reckless and adventurous spirit of the American merchants prompted them to the most hazardous adventures, and in spite of the hostile fleets of Great Britain and France, the Atlantic was still covered with American ships. Such of these as escaped the piracies of the belligerent powers, made profits so enormous, that the avarice of the traders received a tenfold stimulant. More than a thousand American vessels were captured before the year 1812. To check these proceedings, congress, in the winter of 1807, passed an act laying an embargo, by which all trade with Great Britain, France and other nations, was interdicted. The most violent clamors were raised throughout thetfeountry, especially in the maritime towns, by this act. The embargo was denounced as unconstitutional, and the two parties which divided the country Avere inflamed into the most bitter animosities. The commerce of the United States became in an instant reduced to a mere coasting trade, and the stagnation of business was felt by hundreds of thousands. The embargo, however, although de fended by a majority of the people, did not ansAver the expecta- 58 686 THE UNITED STATES. tions of its friends. The temptations to evade it were so strong. that great numbers of cargoes were despatched illegally from the ports of the United States. In the eastern parts of the Union, the embargo was particularly hateful to the people, and here it encountered the most serious opposition. After a trial of about a year, it was therefore partially repealed, and an act of non-inter course with Great Britain and France substituted in its place. In 1809, James Madison became president of the United States. Shortly after his accession, Mr. Erskine, the British minister at Washington, proposed an arrangement for the settlement of the disputes between the tAvo countries. He agreed that the Orders in Council should be revoked, as far as concerned the United States, provided the non -intercourse with Great Britain should be repealed. He also offered reparation for the attack on the Chesa peake, and agreed that an envoy extraordinary should be sent by Great Britain to conclude a treaty for the full adjustment of all affairs depending between the two powers. These proposals were immediately embraced by the American cabinet, and a treaty was signed and ratified on the 19th of April, 1809. In consequence of this, the president issued his proclamation, announcing that he had received official information that the Orders in Council would be repealed on the 10th of June, and that the trade betAveen the United States and Great Britain might be renewed on that day. So severe had been the pressure of the commercial restrictions, that this announcement caused as much joy throughout the coun try as a proclamation of peace. The event was celebrated every where by public rejoicings and illuminations, and all parties united in applauding the measure and its promoters. This universal exultation, however, Avas soon followed by the most mortifying disappointment. The British government, as soon as they heard of the treaty, disavowed it, and recalled their minister, on the plea that he had transcended his instructions. Erskine was succeeded at Washington by Mr. Jackson, who renewed the negotiation, but in so insulting a style towards the American government, that they refused to hold any intercourse with him, and he was shortly afterward recalled. The British, in the meantime, continued their depredations and insults upon the American shipping; but their outrages did not always escape punishment. On the 16th of May, 1811, the Brit ish sloop-of-war Little Belt, fell in with the United States frigate President, off the Capes of Virginia. It was a dark evening, and the ships did not understand each other's force. Commodore Rogers, who commanded the President, hailed the Little Belt, and was answered by a shot. Broadsides Avere then fired by both WAR DECLARED WITH ENGLAND. 687 ships, till the Little Belt was silenced, with thirty-two men killed and wounded. Captain Bingham, of the Little Belt, represented this as a hostile attack upon his ship, and affirmed that the Pres ident fired the first gun. The British government demanded satisfaction, and a court of inquiry was ordered by the Americans. Full evidence appeared' that the British ship began the attack, and after a clear statement of the case by Mr. Monroe, the secre tary of state, the British minister pressed the matter no further. Not long after this, reparation was made by the British gov ernment for the attack on the Chesapeake. The men taken from her were given up, and a pecuniary compensation made to the families of the killed and wounded. No disposition, however, was manifested to remove the main cause of the troubles still existing between the two countries. The Orders in Council were not revoked, and it became evident that some decisive measures must be determined on, to save the commerce of the United States from total ruin. On the 1st of May, 1810, congress passed an act, declaring that if either Great Britain or France, should, before the 3d of March following, cease to violate the neutrality of the United States, the non-intercourse should be repealed with regard to that power. In consequence of this, the French government informed the American minister at Paris that the Berlin and Milan decrees would be revoked on the 2d of November, 1810. Intercourse Avith France was therefore opened by a proclamation from the president. When the American minister at London pressed the British government to follow this example, he was answered that no proof existed of the repeal of Napoleon's decrees. In fact, the repeal had never been formally made public at Paris, although the capture of American vessels by the French ceased at the time specified. At length, after much negotiation, Napoleon published his act of repeal on the 28th of April, 1811. The British cabinet then, in consequence of promises repeatedly given to follow the example of France, revoked conditionally their Orders in Council, on the 23d of June, 1812; — but it was too late ; — war with Great Britain had already been declared by the United States. ^^ The patience of the American government and pe^le had become exhausted. All their negotiations with the British resulted in little more than chicanery and equivocation. It was evidently the wish of their government to protract the settlement of affairs as long as possible. The American commerce offered a rich harvest of plunder for the British cruisers, and the American crews were a constant source for the supply of recruits for their navy by im pressment. Thousands of sailors, with the legal evidence of their 688 THE UNITED STATES. citizenship in their pockets, were taken forcibly from American ships and compelled to serve in the British navy. Remonstrances against these outrages were vain ; the Americans had no naval force sufficient to make them feared or respected abroad, and the British despised them, as a people who might be plundered and insulted with impunity. Nothing, short of a decidedly hostile attitude in the people of the United States, appeared likely to offer a remedy for these evils. Accordingly, President Madison con vened congress on the 4th of November, 1811, and after recapitu lating the wrongs which the United States had suffered from the belligerent powers of Europe, recommended that the country should be put into a state of defence. Measures were accordingly taken by congress for strengthening the army and navy, but so feeble were the hopes of national defence or glory from the latter source, that appropriations were made only to repair three small frigates and build three others. On the 14th of March, 1812, a loan of eleven millions of dollars was authorized. The prospect of a war with England shook the country with violent party dissensions. No one denied that grievous wrongs and insults had been sustained from that power, yet the opposition to the war was very strong. The commercial towns of the Eastern states, which had the most to suffer from hostilities, were, of course, the most strenuous in opposing it. The extravagant gains of commerce, in spite of the enormous hazards attending it, offered still an irresistible lure. The country, moreover, was in a wretched state of defence, with fifteen hundred miles of sea-coast unprotected by anything deserving to be called a navy. The maritime strength of the British, on the other hand, surpassed everything known in history, ancient or modern; it comprised, at this period, above one thousand ships of war. The whole coast of the United States would lie at their mercy, and not an American sail would be seen upon the ocean. Such were the disheartening representations made, and not without reason, by the advocates of a pacific policy. The feeling of resentment, however, against Great Britain was so deen^nd general, and the persuasion that force alone would compeflmr to do justice, was so strongly grounded in the minds of the greater part of the American people, that their ardent temperament overlooked the desperate odds against them in the struggle. The popular disposition was so clearly manifested, that the president, on the 1st of June, 1812, sent a message to congress, directly proposing the question of hostilities for their serious con sideration. The wrongs suffered by the United States at the hands of the British, were declared to be intolerable, and without George Washington. James Madison. James Munroe. John Q. Adams. PARTY EXCITEMENT. 689: any prospect of redress or discontinuance. It was admitted, also, that France had deeply injured the country, and still owed reparation. The point was then submitted, whether the Ameri can nation should continue passive under these aggressions, or take up arms in defence of their rights. The result of this com munication was, that the committee on foreign relations reported a bill declaring war with Great Britain. The bill passed in the house of representatives by a majority of thirty, and in the senate by a majority of six. On the 18th of June, 1812, it was signed by the president, and the United States were at war. Had the intelligence that the Orders in Council Avere rescinded, reached this country earlier, it might have delayed, but probably would not have prevented ultimately, the declaration of war. The main causes 'of discord between the two nations would have continued; the impressment of American seamen; the habitual disregard of the neutral rights of the United States, and the unreserved contempt which the British, in their overbearing naval strength, had always shown tOAvards those unable to oppose them on the ocean, would not have been removed. At this period they no more dreamed of encountering resistance from an American navy, than from the navy of the Portuguese or Neapolitans. The victories of Aboukir and Trafalgar had set the seal on British naval glory and supremacy ; and the assertion that " Britannia rules the waves," had become sober fact, and not poetry. On the other hand, the Americans had as little expectation of acquiring strength on the ocean, as their adversaries had of losing it. The small navy of the United States appeared small, indeed, when compared with the thousand ships of Britain. The calculations, however, of very sagacious men are often strangely contradicted by the course of real events. It was a secret, but unerring instinct which impelled the American people to a war with the mightiest naval power of the world. The chance of the war was most desperate for the United States in the outset; army, navy, revenue, military experience, unanimity of feeling in the people, consolidation and strength in the government, — all were Avanting. The opposition di Mexico. They are undoubtedly of high antiquity, most proba bly the ruins of temples and cities, some of the most massive and durable construction, and all indicating the existence of a population permanently established. Most of them are covered with forests, and there is every appearance that several genera tions of trees have sprung up on them and disappeared, since they were deserted. CHAPTER LXXV Antiquities of Mexico. — Uxmal. — Palenque. — Tezcuco. — Chi-chen. — Cholula. — Xochicaico. — Papantla. — Zayi . — Mexican hieroglyphics. — Manuscripts . — South American Indians. — Tlie Otomaques. — The Peruvian Indians. — Antiquities of Peru. — Palaces of the Incas. — Latacunga.— Canar. — The Araucanians. — The Abipones. — The Patagonians. — TheFuegians. — Conclusion. Ancient Mexican musicians. In a former part of this work, we have described the magnifi cence and extent of the architectural structures of the Mexicans. The country still contains many interesting remains of the cities, fortifications and temples of the ancient inhabitants, although the Vandal spirit of the Spanish conquerors displayed itself in attempts to obliterate everything in the nature of a national monument. The great city of Mexico, formerly the wonder of the western Avorld, can hardly, at the present day, boast of a single stone of the age of Montezuma. Tne most important an tiquities are at Uxmal and Palenque ; and here Ave find vestiges that indicate a near approach to civilization, as far as the me chanic arts are concerned. The ruins at Uxmal stand on a plain in the peninsula of Yucatan. When first discovered, they were covered Avith a thick forest. The most remarkable edifices lie in a group, and consist of pyramids coated with stone, and quadrangular stone edifices and terraces.' One of these pyramids- is one hundred and thirty feet in height, supporting a temple on the summit. On one of the facades of the temple are four human 828 MEXICAN ANTIQUITIES. figures, similar to caryatides, cut in stone, Avith great exactness and elegance. Their hands are crossed upon the breast, the head is enveloped in something like a casque; about the neck is a Uxmal by moonlight. garment of the skin of an alligator, with a border beautifully Avorked ; over each body is sculptured a death's head with bones. All the sculptures are brilliantly colored. At Palenque, are the ruins of a city of great extent, but so completely overgrown with a thick forest, that few of the build ings have been explored. The principal structure appears to have been a royal palace, and its architecture is on a scale of great magnitude. It stands upon an artificial elevation, of sixty feet in height, and beneath it is an aqueduct of stone, constructed with the greatest solidity. The four sides have corridors, or por ticoes, the roofs of which are supported by square pillars ; these are crowned Avith square blocks of stone, stretching from col umn to column, and covered Avith designs in stucco Avork The chambers are ornamented with ornaments in stucco, representing grotesque figures. The sculptures are executed very skilfully. Within an open court, in the middle of the Avhole building, stands a pyramidal tOAVer, of four stories, fifty feet in height. More than a dozen other buildings already explored, exhibit the same species of architecture and sculpture. The human figures represented here, are all remarkable for the great size of the nose, and a pro trusion of the under lip ; .they are also beardless. Some of the sculptures represent human sacrifices, hieroglyphical symbols, and men dancing, with palm-leaves in their hands. One figure, sup- ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 829 posed to be a deity, is sitting in Hindoo style, on a throne, orna mented on each side with the head and claws of an animal ; another, seated cross-legged upon a tAvo-headed monster, is receiv ing an offering from a man in a kneeling attitude. In all these representations, every appearance of martial weapons appears to be wanting. Some of the windows are in the form of a Greek cross ; and on the wall of one of the apartments is a tablet of sculptured stone, exhibiting the figure of a large and richly orna mented cross, placed upon an altar or pedestal. A priest stands on one side, in the attitude of adjuration, and on the other side, is another priest presenting some offering. On the top of the cross is seated a sacred bird, which has two strings of beads around its neck. These sculptures are accompanied with hieroglyphics, which no One yet has been able to decipher. Ruins of a temple at Chicken. At Tezcuco, Merida, Xochicalco, Chi-chen, Zayi, Zacatecas, and numerous other places, are ruins of great extent, Avhich ex hibit striking proofs of the proficiency of the aboriginal Ameri- 1 cans in the science of architecture. At Copan, in Guatimala, are the walls and other remains of a great city, which extend along the river for two miles. Here are some remarkable monuments, in the shape of obelisks and columns, covered with fantastic sculptures. Everything shows that Mexico and Guatimala, at the time of the conquest, were covered with flourishing cities, con taining magnificent palaces and other public buildings. The inhabitants appear to have been a polished and cultivated people ;' the arts were in a high state of advancement. 70 830 MEXICAN ANTIQUITIES. The pyramids in this country are also numerous. The largest is that of Cholula, which measures fourteen hundred and twenty- three feet in length, and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in height. It is built of alternate layers of clay and sun-burnt bricks, and is divided into four stories or stages, and ranged Pyramid at Cholula. exactly in the direction of the cardinal points. The ascent to the summit is by steps. In the interior has been discovered a vault, with stone walls, roofed with beams of Cyprus wood, containing skeletons, idols, &c. This large pyramid is surrounded by sev eral smaller ones. At Xochicalco, is a pyramid, which seems to have been formed by cutting a hill into an artificial shape. It is nearly three miles in circuit, from three to four hundred feet high, and encompassed by a ditch. It is divided into four terraces, and the intermediate slopes are covered with platforms, bastions, pyramidal and rec tangular elevations and stages, one above the other, all faced with large pophyry stones, skilfully cut, but joined without ce ment. The construction of the stories is remarkably similar to the Egyptian style of architecture. On the stones of this pyra mid are many figures sculptured in relief, some representing hieroglyphical signs, and others, human figures seated cross- legged, in the Asiatic manner, and crocodiles spouting water. At Papantla are the remains of another pyramid, constructed of enormous blocks of hewn stone, regularly laid in cement. It is sixty feet high and eighty feet square. No city of any impor tance, at the time of the conquest, was without a number of these ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 831 stupendous edifices in its vicinity. Most of them were over thrown by the Spaniards, but their remains, scattered over the country in every direction, attest the former populousness of Mexico and Guatimala. Ruins at Zayi. The paper which was used for the Mexican hieroglyphical paintings much resembles the Egyptian paper manufactured from the papyrus. It Avas made from the aga.ve, a plant now familiarly known in our gardens by the name of aloe. Some of the hiero- Mexican helmet and cotton armor, glyphics now extant, are painted on deer-skins, others on cotton cloth. Immense quantities of Mexican manuscripts were burnt 882 MEXICAN ANTIQUITIES. by the Spaniards, at the times of the conquest, for the purpose of extirpating the idolatry of the natives and all that could remind them of their nationality. Some hundreds of them, however, still remain. In these manuscripts, simple hieroglyphics represent simple and familiar objects, as water, earth, air, wind, day, night, speech, motion, &c. These signs, added to the picture of an event, as a battle or a procession, marked in a very ingenious manner whether the action passed during the day or the night, the age of the persons represented, whether they had been talking, and who among them talked the most. There are also vestiges of phonetic writing, or that which indicates relations, not with things, but with the language spoken. Among semi-barbarous nations, the names of individuals, of cities, mountains, &c, have generally some allusions to objects that strike the senses; and it is by a com bination of these objects that the Mexican characters were able to express proper names. Chimalpopoca, or smoking shield. The annals of the Mexican empire, as Ave are informed by Humboldt, appear to go back as far as the sixth century of the Christian era. At that period we find the epochs of the migra tions, the causes which produced them, the names of the chiefs and warriors of the illustrious house of Citin, who led the north ern nations from the unknoAVn regions of Aztlan and Teocolhu- acan into the plains of Anahuac. The foundation of Mexico, like that of Rome, goes back to the heroic ages, and from the twelfth century, the annals of the Aztecks give an uninterrupted account of secular festivals, the genealogy of their kings, the tributes im posed on the conquered, the foundation of cities, celestial phenom ena and the minutest events which influence the state of society in its infancy. It is singular that neither history nor tradition connects the nations of South America with those north of the isthmus of Darien. ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 833 Several Mexican paintings represent the deluge of Coxcox, the American Noah. Coxcox is drawn floating in a bark. Mount Colhuacan, the Arrarat of the Mexicans, lifts its summit above the waters, crowned by a tree. At the foot of the mountain Ancient Mexicans. appear the heads of Coxcox and his wife. The men born after the deluge are represented as dumb ; but a dove from the top of a tree distributes tongues among them. This deluge of Coxcox stands in the Azteck cosmogony as the fourth destruction of the world. In these four destructions we find the emblems of four elements, earth, fire, air, and water. The Mexican volumes examined by the first Spanish missiona ries, contained notions on a great number of different subjects. Mexican women making bread. They consisted of annals of the empire, rituals indicating the days on which sacrifices were to be made, cosmogonial and astrologi cal representations, papers relating to lawsuits, lists of tributes 70* a 5 834 MEXICAN ANTIQUITIES. payable at certain periods of the year, genealogical tables, alma nacs, laws, &c. A great proportion related to lawsuits, and the use of these paintings, in matters of litigation, were continued in the Spanish tribunals long after the conquest. The natives, unable to address the judges except through an interpreter, found the hieroglyphics doubly necessary. It was for a long time deemed indispensable to have attorneys, pleaders, and judges, Avho were able to read the titles, the genealogical paintings, the ancient laws, and the lists of taxes, which each feudatory was obliged to pay his lord. One of these manuscripts represents a lawsuit for the possession of an Indian farm. The farm is drawn in a bird's-eye view; the main road is indicated by foot-prints, and the houses are sketched in profile. The Spanish judges sit in their chairs, with the law books before them. The Spanish plaintiff sits on the ground on one side, in conjunction with the hieroglyphic of water painted green, shoAving that his name was Aguaverde. The Indian's name is Bow. The amount of talking is indicated by the number of tongues marked against each individual. Everything portays the state of a vanquished country. The native scarcely utters a word, while the men with long beards make long speeches with the demeanor of conquerors and masters. Modern Mexicans. Many tribes of the Aborigines inhabit the forests and plains of the northern part of South America, where they continue in their original Avildness. These are among the most indolent of all the American Indians. Their firm belief is that the purest and most exalted enjoyments under the sun are idleness and intoxication. A strong liquor called chiche was formerly manufactured by them from the fermented juice of fruits ; but this has been discontinued by those tribes who dwell near the Spanish settlements, where they can supply themselves with rum and brandy. These people pass ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 835 their lives betAveen drinking and sleeping. With great reluctance, the Indian leaves his hammock only when the inclemency of the Aveather, rendering the agricultural labors of his wife unproduc tive, obliges him to go and hunt ; then he concerts his measures Avith so much address, that the exertions of one day procure him subsistence and repose for a Aveek. The Otomaques, on the high lands of the Orinoco, are an exception ; they are active and indus trious, though even an Indian of*this tribe was never known to labor two days in succession. They have games, played with a ball of caoutchouc, requiring much agility, like our game of ball. The strange custom of eating earth, which is peculiar to some of the South American tribes, exist, among the Otomaques, who are among the most voracious of all these people. They mix a par ticular kind of earth with alligator-fat, and subject it to a species of cooking,' which prevents it* from being hurtful. All the va grant tribes along the banks of the Rio Meta, likewise eat earth. Some natives, in the regions bordering on the Casiquiare, live chiefly upon ants. The lot of the women, throughout all the tribes of the Orinoco, is peculiarly hard. The day of marriage is the last day of ease and comfort to a female here. All domestic labors, Avithout exception, form her task ; the toil of culture and harvest must be performed by her hands ; whatever embarrass ments she may endure from children, she is never exempt from the painful toils which are imposed by the matrimonial state. She stands exposed to the heat of a scorching sun, and to torrents of rain, while her barbarous husband, lazily reposing in his ham mock, smokes his cigar and stupifies himself with strong liquor, without addressing a word to his companion exhausted with fatigue. Standing silently by, she waits till her oppressor has finished his meal, which she has prepared for him at the expense of the greatest suffering ; when he has done eating, she is allowed to regale herself on the fragments. Among some of these tribes, husbands exchange wives with one another for a limited time, and receive them back again, without the smallest difficulty arising between the parties. No costume appears so beautiful to one of these Indians, as to have his whole body painted red. Oil and arnotto are the ingredients which compose the paint, and every one applies it either with his own hand, or by that of another. Children at the breast undergo this operation tAvice a day. No Indian thinks himself naked when he is painted ; it would require a long time to persuade him that it is more decent to dress than to paint. When Indian strangers visit them, hospitality requires that the Avomen should wash away the old paint, and give them a fresh coat. Vast tracts 836 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. of country on the Orinoco and its branches, remain, and are likely to continue, in the undisputable possession of the Indians. The soil, for a great extent, is periodically inundated by the river, and immense swarms of insects are generated by the intense heat of the sun upon these marshy tracts, rendering them utterly unin habitable except to the natives. In tour history of the conquest of Peru, we have given an account of the political' and* religious system of that empire. The Peruvian Indians of the present day, have become christian ized, but retain most of their native characteristics ; they have somewhat deteriorated since the conquest, and are now infected with the vices of the northern Indians, idleness and intoxication. In labor they are persevering, but so slow as to give rise to a proverb. When a thing of little value requires much time and patience, it is pronounced "fit only to be done by an Indian." They weave carpets, curtains, quilts and other stuffs, but being unacquainted with any better method in passing the warp, they have the patience every time to count the threads one by one, so that two or three years are required to finish a single piece. As among the northern Indians, also, the women do nearly all the work ; they grind the barley, roast the maize, and brew the chiche, while the husband sits squatting on his hams. An Indian, once settled in this posture, cannot be made to stir by any reward. So that if a traveller has lost his way, and applies to an Indian cottage, the man hides himself, and tells his wife to say he is not at home, though he might earn a considerable sum by going a mile or less. Should the stranger alight from his horse and enter the hut, the Indian would still be safe ; for as there is no light, except what comes through a very small opening, he could not be discovered. The only things in which a Peruvian Indian shows any lively sensation or alacrity, are parties of pleasure, rejoicings and dances; but in all these, the liquor must circu late plentifully. With this they begin the day, and continue drinking till they are deprived of sense and motion. The women, however, young and old, are never intemperate. The common food of the Peruvian fridians is the meal of roasted maize or barley, which they eat by spoonfuls, two or three of which, and a draught of chiche or water, make a repast. When they set out on a journey, their whole store is a little bag of this meal and a spoon, and this suffices for a journey of two or three hundred miles. Their habitations are very small, and con tain a fireplace in the middle; the family and their animals occupy the hut promiscuously, like an Irishman and his pigs. They have a particular fondness for dogs, and are never without "ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 837 three or four little curs in their hut. They sleep squatting, on beds of sheepskin, and never undress. Those of the Indians who are brought up in the towns, have some knowledge of Spanish, but the others speak only the Ojuichna, or language of the Incas. The Indians of the towns are far more acute and intelligent than those of the country. Among them the barber surgeons are particularly distinguished ; the French academicians, who travelled in Peru, thought them equal to the most famous of their craft in Europe. The attach ment of the Indians to the Christian religion appears to be neither strong nor constant j their fickleness is such that although they attend divine service on Sundays, it is merely from the fear of punishment. The following anecdote will illustrate one point in their character. An Indian had for some time absented himself • from the church service, and the priest being informed that it Avas owing to a drinking frolic on Sunday, ordered him the usual pun ishment of whipping. The Indian took the flagellation Avith great meekness and patience, and when it was finished, he turned round to the priest and humbly thanked him for having chastised him according to his deserts. The priest commended him for his submissive behavior and true Christian spirit, and added a timely exhortation to the whole audience, on the excellence of the eccle siastical discipline. No sooner had he completed his homily, than the Indian stepped up, and gravely requested a second whipping for the next Sunday, as he had made an appointment for another drinking-match, and wished for his flogging in advance, that his frolic might be enjoyed Avith more comfort. The hills and plains of Peru are covered with architectural remains of the times of the Incas. The Peruvians had made considerable progress in the mechanic arts; and considering that they were unacquainted with the use of iron, the magnitude of these superb ruins, and the pontrivance and ingenuity which they exhibit, are certainly sufficient to excite our admiration. The European symmetry, elegance and peculiar disposition of parts, must not be looked for in these structures ; yet they have a beauty of their own. On the plains of Latacunga are to be seen the walls of the Inca's palace, built entirely of stone as hard as flint, and nearly black. The stones are exceedingly Avell cut, and joined so admirably that the point of a knife cannot be thrust between them. No mortar or cement of any kind is perceivable. The stones in some of the walls are convex, and there is an ine quality both in the size of the stones and the direction of the courses, which gives a singular appearance to the work. A small stone is immediately followed by a large one ; the interstices and 838 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. projections are irregular, yet all the stones are joined with the. same exactness. The walls are about fifteen feet high, and three or four feet thick at the base, narroAving upwards. The doors of the palaces were made of such a height as to allow room for the chair in which the Inca was carried on men's shoulders into his apartment, the only place in which his feet touched the ground. It is not known Avhether these palaces had stories, nor how they Avere roofed, as the Peruvians, like the natives of Mexico and Guatimala, were ignorant of the arch. Near Atun Canar, is another palace or fortress of the Incas, the largest, best built, and most entire in the country. It is two or three hundred feet in length, with very thick walls, built of hard and well-polished stone. The long galleries contain niches like sentry-boxes, and many of the walls are full of hollows resem bling cupboards, ornamented with beads. This building contains a great number of apartments, and the walls make a great many irregular angles. In the centre of the space which they enclose is an oval tower. A little stream flows at the foot of the walls. Many other ruins are to be seen in various parts of the country, most of them in desert places, without any vestige of a town or village near them. The more irregular are thought to be the work of the Indians before they were reduced by the Incas. An immense number of mounds or tumuli, are also scattered over the territory, which, on being opened, are found -to be tombs. They are commonly sixty feet high, and a hundred and twenty in length. The bodies are found in cells of brick or stone. These, also, contain various utensils of copper and gold, stone mirrors and axes. The Araucanians are the most martial and courageous of all the South American Indians. They inhabit the country south of Chili, and have sustained an almost uninterrupted war Avith the Spaniards for three hundred years. Their exploits have afforded a subject for the finest heroic poem in the Spanish language ; and the Araucana of Don Alonzo de Ercilla, celebrates, in thirty-seven cantoes, the heroic defence Avhich this brave nation made against the European invaders. The Araucanians have never been sub dued. In person, they are of a moderate stature, strong, muscu lar, exceedingly well built, and they have naturally a very martial air. Their color is a little lighter than the other Indians, and they often attain to the age of eighty, Avithout a gray hair. They are exceedingly jealous of their honor, hospitable, honest, grateful, generous and humane to the enemies they conquer. When not engaged in a campaign, they are indolent, addicted to intoxica tion, presumptuous and haughty. Their dress is generally of ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 839 blue cloth, and they are extremely fond of this color. Their women are highly ornamented, and every one wears a silver ring. They practise cultivation, but never build large towns. The government is aristocratical, and their several communities are Araucanians. associated in a federal union. They hold a general congress when any affair of importance is to be decided upon. Both their military government and their civil and criminal codes display a great degree of intelligence. Their army consists of cavalry and infantry. The infantry is formed into regiments of one thousand men each; there are ten companies to a regiment. Each regi ment has a banner with a star, Avhich is the arms of the nation. Araucanians burning a negro. The soldiers wear helmets, shields and cuirasses of leather, hard ened with varnish. The cavalry have lances and SAvords, and the infantry, pikes and clubs, headed with iron. They have 840 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. never been able to make gunpowder, though they were at first very anxious to learn the secret of it. Having observed some negroes among the Spaniards, they supposed that gunpowder, from its blackness, was extracted from their bodies. One of these negroes, having the misfortune to fall into their hands, gave them an opportunity of trying the experiment. He was first flayed from head to foot, and then burnt to cinders ; but this chemical essay, to their great surprise, proved a total failure. They have since imbibed a strong prejudice against fire-arms, and when they are taken from the Spaniards, little use is made of them. The Abipones are a numerous and warlike tribe of Indians, in Paraguay. They have never been subdued by the Spaniards, but maintain their independence to the present day. They lead a roaming life, and are engaged in frequent Wars with their neigh bors. They are a well-formed race, muscular, robust and active. They are particularly famous for their skill in managing horses, and may be considered a nation of cavalry. They have harassed the Spanish settlements ever since those unwelcome intruders came into their neighborhood, and, next to the Araucanians, have been the most formidable foes encountered by the Castilian inva ders. The vast extent of country, bounded by the Rio Grande and the Paraguay, is occupied by the Abipones, who are divided into several hordes, each of which is headed by a chief, whom they call capita, a name borroAved from the Spaniards. This affords some evidence that their form of government or military tactics underwent some modification after the arrival of the strangers. Although they make common cause against the Spaniards, yet the different tribes are often involved in desperate wars with each other. Their numbers have been greatly dimin ished by these intestine hostilities, as well as by the measles and small pox. Their natural increase is also checked by a barba rous and unnatural custom, prevalent among the Avomen, of killing their children. No man can obtain celebrity among the Abipones, except by warlike prowess. Their arms are the bow and spear. The Abiponian spear is as long as a Macedonian pike, and is a most formidable weapon. It is pointed at both ends, so that if one be blunted in battle, the other may be immediately turned against the enemy. When going to fight, they grease the points, that deeper wounds may be inflicted. They also possess a few mus kets, but have no skill in using them. They also use a weapon made of three stones, covered with leather, and fastened together by a thong; this they whirl round rapidly, and dart at an object with great precision. A hostile expedition is always preceded hy ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 841 a drinking festival, in which copious draughts of mead are swal lowed ; and the drunker they get, the more wisdom is supposed to be in their councils. Whatever is determined upon in these bac chanalian orgies is always religiously executed after they become sober. On their march, each man has three horses, riding one and driving the others, so that he has always a fresh horse. When they attack the Spaniards, they put their horses to a gallop and rush upon them with all the speed they can exert; the attack is made not in close ranks, but in a scattering manner and in various parties, so that the enemy finds himself assailed in front, flank and rear. They strike a single blow, and then leap back quickly, to avoid a blow in return. They can turn their horses round in circles with surprising swiftness, and hold the animal in perfect command ; they have all the expertness of a professed tumbler, and practise every sort of gyration and evolution upon the horse's back, sometimes hanging under his belly, and thus by continually changing their position, avoid every shot that is aimed at them. These savages are capable of enduring great fatigue. On their marches, they pass the day and the night in the open air, and are either parched with heat or drenched with rain for many days together. They expose their bare heads to the burning sun ; if Avide rivers or lakes are to be crossed, they need neither bridge nor boat ; when the water is no longer fordable, they leap from their horses, strip off their clothes, and holding them above the water, on the point of their spears, swim across, leading their horses by the bridle. They use a prodigious number of trumpets, horns and other uncouth instruments, which they sound on going, to battle ; and these horrid clangors, with the terrific appearance they give themselves by painting, strike great dismay into the Spaniards. The Jesuit Dobrizhoffer, who lived many years among these Indians, thus speaks of the extreme dread in which they held their neighbors. " How often have I seen the, Spanish settlements thrown into the greatest terror by a mere flying report that the Abipones were coming. In an instant every man imagined a trooj» of these ferocious savages, with blackened faces, mounted on swift horses, rushing to the attack with horrid shouts and the alarm of trumpets, brandishing an enormous spear in their right hands, laden with bundles of arrows, breathing fire and slaughter, and with their ferocious eyes threatening death and destruction ! You might see crowds of people running up and down, bewailing their fate, while not an e*hemy was nigh. Not only women and children, but men distinguished by military titles, took refuge within the stone-walls of the churches, or skulked into hidden 71 b5 842 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. corners. Not many years ago, the city of Buenos Ayres was thrown into such an alarm, one Sunday afternoon, by a cry that the Indians were upon them. In an instant the streets were filled with crowds of people, terrified almost to distraction, and uttering the most piteous cries. Nothing could surpass the scene of disorder ; every one was hurrying, he knew not whither, for security, and in this great confusion, one lost his wig, another his hat, another his cloak, and the fright was universal, till the garri son troops, plucking up courage, turned out and scoured the neighborhood, and discovered that not a vestige of an enemy was to be seen ! Scenes like these were very common in the cities of Santa Fe, Cordova, Assumpcion and Salta, whilst the savages were overrunning the province with impunity. A ludicrous event, that took place in the city of Corrientes, is worthy of par ticular mention. Towards evening, an alarm Avas suddenly given that a troop of Abipones had burst into one of the streets, and were slaughtering the inhabitants. This spread an instant panic ; crowds of people, overcome with fright, hurried to the church, which had strong stone walls. The chief captain himself, an old man, was seen amid a throng of terrified Avomen, uttering groans and prayers. 'Here,' said he, 'in the house of the Lord, and in the presence of Jesus Christ, we must die.' This cowardly behavior, in an old soldier, excited the indignation of a priest, who swore a tremendous oath, and exclaimed, ' No dying, — fight the enemy!' With these words, he snatched a gun, leaped upon a horse, and galloped toward the quarter of the city where the sav ages were thought to be raging. But lo ! when he arrived there, everything was quiet, the inhabitants were sound asleep, not so much as dreaming of the Abipones !" The Patagonians have been supposed to be a nation of giants. Magellan, the discoverer of the country, stated them to be seven or eight feet in height. Sarmiento, a Spanish voyager, made them out to be actual Cyclops. Sir Thomas Cavendish measured their footsteps, which were eighteen inches long. Sebald de Weert, in 1 599, was attacked by a troop of them, ten and eleven feet high, as he affirms. Le Maire and Schouten, in 1615, found skeletons in their tombs, ten and eleven feet long. Commodore Byron, in 1765, saw much of the Patagonians, and the narrator of this dis coveries affirms them to be from eight to nine feet and upwards in height. Many other voyagers have confirmed these Avonderful tales. But as, on the other hand, many visiters in Patagonia came away without finding any of the inhabitants Avho were above the ordinary size of Europeans, and as some of the ac counts of the Patagonian giants contained matters evidently ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 843 fabulous, the whole story fell into discredit, though the evidence of the huge size of the natives, seemed, in the first instance, to be too positive to be diregarded. The voyages of Captains King and Fitzroy, in this quarter, by order of the British government, have supplied us with fresh information on this curious and interesting subject; The following facts may be fully relied upon. Patagonian. The Patagonians are at present divided into four tribes, each of which has a separate leader or cacique ; but they all speak one language. When it is found convenient, they all assemble in one place, but if food becomes scarce, or quarrels happen, each party withdraws to its own territory. At such times one body will encroach upon the hunting grounds of another, and a battle is the consequence. The whole Patagonian nation comprises not above four or five thousand souls, and the women exceed the men three to one. The Patagonians are generally tall and stout, though not giants ; no one has been seen for many years much above six feet in height. Yet it seems indisputable that the Patagonians are really the tallest race of men in the world, taken collec tively. Not more than one in forty or fifty of the adults is below five feet nine or ten inches. The cacique Cangopol, measured by Falkner, was more than seven feet high. The women are tall in proportion to the men. Both men and women, moreover, have a 844 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. habit of folding their arms in their mantles, across the chest, which magnifies their apparent height. Their heads and features are large, their hands and feet comparatively small. Their color is a rich, reddish broAvn. They wear mantles or cloaks of skins loosely gathered round them, and boots made of the skins of horses' legs. They disfigure themselves with red, white and black paint. They have horses of a diminutive size, with which they hunt ostriches and guanacoes. Their huts are common Indian wigwams. Fuegian. The natives of Tierra del Fuego are inferior in stature, ill- looking, and badly proportioned ; they have a villanous expression of features, and have altogether the most savage exterior of the whole human race. Their color is that of old mahogany. They pass much of their time in Ioav Avigwams, or cramped up in small canoes, which injures the growth and shape of the legs, and causes them to move about in a stooping manner, with the knees much bent ; yet they are nimble and strong. The smoke of wood fires, confined in small wigwams, hurts their eyes so much, that they are always red and watery. They rub their bodies with grease, oil, charcoal, ochre and clay, and wear a scanty clothing of skins, but no shoes or moccasins. Their canoes are made of bark, and when they are paddling about, always have a firs burning in a ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 845 heap of earth in the middle. They are constantly roving from one place to another, and never attempt to cultivate the soil, fish being almost exclusively their food. Cannibalism prevails among them, and the following horrid custom is proved by the evidence of a native boy, who was carried to England, and learned the language. In a severe winter, Avhen the snoAV prevents their ob taining food, and famine is staring them in the face, they seize the oldest woman of the party, hold her head over a thick smoke, pinch her throat and choke her to death ; after which, they devour every particle of her flesh. They also eat invariably the enemies whom they kill in battle. The scenery of the territory is perfectly consonant to these savage and atrocious manners ; noth ing can surpass the horrid aspect of Tierra del Fuego — a heap of craggy rocks, wild, sterile and desolate, fit for the production of monsters rather than men. At this extremity of South America man appears to exist in a lower state of improvement than in any other part of the world. The South Sea Islander is comparatively civilized. The Eski maux, in his subterranean hut, enjoys some of the comforts of life, and in his canoe, when fully equipped, manifests much skill. The tribes of Southern Africa and New Holland are sufficiently wretched, but Avith their skill in climbing trees, tracking animals and hunting, they are superior to the miserable Fuegians, many tribes of whom subsist on nothing but shell-fish. Hardly a gleam of sunshine illumines the rocky barrenness of the country. In midsummer, snow falls every day upon the hills, and the valleys are deluged with rain and sleet. The Fuegian AvigAvam, consist ing of nothing but a few broken branches stuck in the ground, slightly thatched Avith grass and rushes, lasts only for a few days. Sometimes these sleeping-places amount to nothing better than the lair of a wild beast A late voyager thus describes them. "Ingoing ashore, Ave pulled alongside a canoe contain ing six Fuegians. These were the most abject and miserable creatures I anywhere beheld. They were quite naked, and one of them was a full-grown woman. It was raining heavily, and the water with the spray of the sea trickled down her body. In another harbor not far distant, a woman, who was suckling a recently born child, came one day alongside the vessel, and re mained there while the sleet fell and thawed on her naked bosom and on the skin of her naked child. These poor creatures were stinted in their growth, their hideous faces bedaubed with white paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their hair entangled, their voices discordant, their gestures violent and without dignity. Viewing such men, one can hardly believe they are fellow-creatures and 71* 846 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. inhabitants of the same world. It is a common subject of con jecture what pleasure in life some of the less gifted animals enjoy; how much more reasonably the same question may be asked with respect to these barbarians. At night, five or six human beings, naked and scarcely protected from the Avind and rain of this tem pestuous climate, sleep on Avet ground, coiled up like animals. Whenever it is low water, they must rise to pick shell-fish from the rocks; and the Avomen, winter and summer, either dive to collect sea-eggs, or sit patiently in their canoes fishing. If a seal is killed, or the floating carcass of a putrid whale discovered, it is a feast, and such miserable food is assisted by a few tasteless berries and fungi. Nor are they exempt from famine, and as a consequence, cannibalism, accompanied by parricide." Whilst beholding these savages, we naturally aslc, whence have they come'? What could have tempted, or what change compelled, a tribe of men to leave the fine regions of the north, to invent and build canoes, cross the Strait of Magellan, and estab lish themselves in one of the most dreary and inhospitable coun tries on the face of the globe? There is no reason to believe that the Fuegians decrease in number, and, therefore, Ave must suppose that they enjoy, amidst this apparent misery, a sufficient share of happiness to make life worth possessing. A surgeon, who accompanied the expedition of Captains King and Fitzroy, had frequent opportunities of examining the physical structure of the Fuegians, and discovered that they are provided Avith a poAverful natural defence against the cold and dampness of their dreary climate. The Fuegian is like a cetaceous animal, which circulates red blood in a cold medium, and possesses, in his fleshy covering, an admirable non-conductor of heat. The corpus adiposum is uncommonly thick on the parts of the body most liable to the attacks of cold ; on the hips it forms a perfect cushion, and in most parts of the body, fills up the interstices be tween the muscles. The great quantity of fat Avhich covers the bodies of the Fuegians, may be imputed to their diet, as their greatest dainty is fat of all kinds, that of the seal and penguin in particular ; vegetables they can hardly be said to know as food, the country producing nothing of the kind eatable except berries and the excrescences of stunted birch trees. "Nature has been bountiful in providing for the Fuegians an almost inexhaustible supply of shell-fish, Avhich are procured with so little trouble, that no ideas are required Avhich can improve the reasoning faculties. No patience or perseverance is necessary, like that exercised by savages, who, in hunting, must employ reason superior to the instinctive cunning of the animals they pursue. ¦V ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 847 When distressed by the famine of winter, the dreadful expedients to which they resort for their relief, are such as to debase their faculties and morals still more. The different tribes seem to have no government or head, yet each is surrounded by other hostile tribes, speaking different dialects ; and a dearth of provisions is sure to lead to wars. Their country is a broken mass of wild mountains, barren rocks, and dreary, unproductive forests, and these gloomy objects are viewed through mists and endless storms. The habitable land is reduced to the stones which form the beach. In search of food, they are compelled to wander from spot to spot, and so steep is the coast that they can only move about in their wretched canoes. They cannot know the feeling of having a home, and still less that of domestic affection, unless the treatment of a master to a laborious slave can be considered as such. How can the higher powers of the mind be brought into play in these circumstances ? What is there for imagination to picture, for reason to compare, for judgment to decide upon? To knoAV a limpet from a rock, does not even require cunning, that lowest poAver of the mind. The skill of the Fuegians may in some respects be compared to the instinct of animals, for it is not improved by experience. The canoe, their most ingenious work, poor as it is, has remained the same from the time they were first known to Europeans. The condition of the Fuegians, as compared with that of the ancient Mexicans and Peruvians, affords us a striking instance of the effect of climate and local circumstances, in accelerating or retarding civilization and human culture. There can be no doubt that the same original stock produced the several nations Avhich erected magnificent cities in the temperate regions of America, and which roam over the bleak and barren regions of the north and south, in a state more assimilated to that of beasts than men. The American continent, like that of Africa and Asia, presents several points of a primitive civilization, of which the mutual relations are as unknown as those of Meroe, Thibet and China. The civilization of Mexico emanated from a country in the north ; that of Peru appears to have arisen from a point having no con nexion with Mexico. Other civilized and industrious nations have flourished and passed away in America, leaving no written or tra ditionary memorials of their existence behind them. Amidst the extensive plains of Upper Canada, in the Avestern part of the United States, in Florida, in the deserts bordered by the Orinoco, the Cassiquiare and the Guiania, walls and dikes of great length, weapons of brass and sculptured stones, afford evidence that these countries were formerly inhabited by populous, civil- 848 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. ized and industrious nations, where savage hunters now chase their prey, or adventurous emigrants from the east are forming new settlements. The unequal distribution of animals over the surface of the globe has had a considerable influence on the fate of nations, and on their progress, more or less rapid, toward civilization. In the ,old continent, the pastoral life formed the passage from a hunting to an agricultural nation. The ruminating animals, so easily reared under every climate, have followed the African negro, the Mogul, the Malay and the hordes that dwell on the Caucasus. Though several quadrupeds and a greater number of the vegeta ble tribe are common to the most northern regions of both conti nents, America possesses, in the species of oxen, only two, — the bison and the musk-ox. These animals are difficult to tame, and their females yield but little milk, notwithstanding the richness of the pasture. The American hunter was not led to agriculture by the care of flocks and the habits of a pastoral life. The inhabitant of the Andes was never tempted to milk the lama, the alpaca, or the guanaco. Milk was formerly a nourishment unknown to the Americans, as well as to several nations of east ern Asia. Though no traditions point out any direct connection between the nations of North and South America, their history is not less fraught with analogies in the political and religious revolutions, from Avhich is to be dated the civilization of the Mexicans, the Peruvians, and the other nations that had made any progress in social improvement. Men with beards, and with clearer com plexion than ordinary, make their appearance in different countries of America, Avithout any indication of the place of their birth, and bearing the title of high-priests, of legislators, of the friends of peace and the arts which flourish under its auspices, operate a sudden change in the policy of the nations, who hail their arrival with veneration. Quetzalcoatl in Mexico, Manco Capac in Peru, and Bochica, the Boodh of the Muyscas, on the lofty plains of Bogota, are the sacred names of these mysterious beings. Quet- zalcoatl, clothed in a black sacerdotal robe, comes from Panuco, on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. Bochica arrives from the savannas, which stretch along the east of the Cordilleras. Manco Capac and his wife appear on the banks of the Lake Titicaca. The history of these legislators is intermixed with -miracles, reli gious fictions, and with characters which imply an allegorical meaning. Some learned men have pretended to discover that these strangers were shipwrecked Europeans, or the descendants of those Scandinavians who visited the shores of New England ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. 849 in the eleventh century; but a slight reflection on the period of the Toltec migrations, on the monastic institutions, the symbols of worship, the calendar, and the form of the pyramids, and other monuments Avhich still exist in North America, will lead to the conclusion that the civilization of this continent was not of Euro pean origin. When the Mexicans or Aztecks, in the year 1190, took posses sion of the country where they founded their empire, they already found the pyramidal monuments of Teotihuacan, of Cholula and of Papantla. They ascribed these great edifices to the Toltecs, a powerful and civilized nation, who inhabited Mexico five hun dred years earlier, who made use of hieroglyphical characters, who computed the year more precisely, and had a more exact chronology than the greater part of the people of the old conti nent. The Aztecks knew not with certainty which tribe had inhabited the country of Anahuac before the Toltecs; conse quently, the belief that the monuments of Teotihuacan and Cholula were built by the Toltecs, assigned them the highest antiquity. It is not surprising that the annals of the Toltecs should be as uncertain as those of the Pelasgi, and the Ausonians, and that no history of any American nation goes farther back than the seventh century. The history of the north of Europe reaches no further than the tenth century, a period when Mexico was in a more advanced state of civilization than Denmark, Sweden or Russia. In one of the Mexican pictures now extant, is a figure representing Quetzalcoatl appeasing, by his penance, the wrath of the gods, Avhen, thirteen thousand and sixty years after the creation of the world, as the hieroglyphics state, a great famine prevailed in the province of Chilian. We seem here to behold one of those ancient hermits of the Ganges, whose pious austerity is celebrated in the Puranas. We have alluded already to the striking similarity of some of the figures in the antiquities of Central America, to the Hindoo drawings. Yet, whatever resemblances may be traced between the Amer icans and the nations of the old world, there is nothing in them modern or recent. Neither the physical peculiarities nor the political and religious institutions can be identified with those of any nations of the ancient continent, though they approximate the western civilization to that of the Hindoos, the Egyptians and the Chinese. The origin of this resemblance is to be traced back to the earliest ages, when these great nations first separated, and carried into Egypt, Hindostan and China, the same religion, arts, customs and institutions, to be variously modified under the influ ence of diverse causes. The great diversity of American Ian- 850 ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. guages, the feAV analogies which they present to those of the old world, the absence of the use of iron, certain peculiarities in their astronomical systems, and some of their own traditions, which have preserved the memory of historical events, all concur in supporting this belief. In conclusion, we may state thai the aborigines of America appear to have been a primitive branch of the human family which penetrated at a very early period into the western continent ; that the American race was not derived from any nation noAV existing, but is assimilated, by numerous analogies, to the Etrurians, Egyptians, Mongols, Chinese and Hindoos, and is most closely related to the Malays and Polyne sians. 91 ^EV ^Z hm mi -is ¦Ssi SSvSpMVIM Issasa P j^rev'i^.Krcn. \>^->~yy>h:y-:- --- VffiS