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THE
E X A M I N AT I O N
O F
JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Efqj
Late Speaker ofthe House of Assembly
of Pennsylvania.
> : BEFORE .
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
IN A COMMITTEE
ON THE AMERICAN PAPERS,
WITH
EXPLANATORY NOTES.

LONDON:
Printed forJ.WiLKiE, No. 71, in St, Paul's Church-yard.
MDCCLXXIX.
[Price Two Shillings. J

102 Galloway — The Examination of Joseph Galloway, Esq., late Speaker
*'>^ House of Assembly of Pennsylvania before the House of Commons, in a Committee
on the American Papers, with Explanatory Notes, 8vo., title + 85 pp. (v, 13), £2 10s
LoTidoii- ^Vilkic 1 77Q
^ W,?fl!,^^ ¦ '!^^^i^^^ ^'- Galloway's very important evidence, this pamphlet contains'many
useful and interesting notes relative to the conduct of the war in America,

Mercuriiy ib^diejuniii 1779.
COMMITTEE on PAPERS prefented
by Mr. De Grey, the 19th of March
laft, purfuant to Addrefs.
Mr, MONTAGU in the Chair.

JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Efq; called in,
and examined by Lord George Germaine.
Q^ TT ^ ^ '°"S hzvt you lived in America ?
T~jL -A- I have lived in America from my
nativity to the month of Odtober laft, about
forty-eight years!
Qj^In what part; and what public ofEce have
you held?
A. I have lived in the province of Maryland,
in the Delaware counties, and in the province
of Pennfylvania, chiefly in Philadelphia. My
public profeflion was that of the law. — I
praftifed in all the courts of Pennfylvania, in
thofe of the Delaware counties, and in the
fupreme courts of New Jerfey. — I was a mem
ber of the Aflembly of Pennfylvania eighteen
years— Speaker of the Houfe twelve. — I was
B appointed

( 2 )
appointed by the Aflembly of that province to
attend the American Congrefs, which met the
5th of September 1774. — During the lafl: war,
under an appointment of the fame Aflembly, I
was one ofthe Commiflioners for difpoflng ofthe
money granted to the crown, and have been feveral
times a Cornmiflioner to treat with the Indians;
and, when Sir William Howe took pofleflion of
the city of Philadelphia, at his requeft I undercook
the office of Superintendant of the Police of
the city of Philadelphia and its fuburbs, of the
Port, and of the prohibited Articles.
Q. When did you come over to the Briti.Qi
^rmy, and how long did you continue with it ?
A. I came over to the royal army in the begin
ning of December 1776, and continued with
it until the evacuation of Philadelphia, on the
iSth of June lafl:.
Q^ At the beginning of the prefent rebellion,
when the inhabitants firft took up arms, had
the people, in general, independence in view i
A. I do not believe, from the beft knowledge
I have of the ftate of America at that time,
that one-fifth of the people had independ-
ipnce in view.-^ — I wifli when I give an
opinion, always to give my reafons for it. — The
prpgrefs of the fpirit of independence was
very gradual. So early as the year 1754, there
were men in America, I may fay in the towns
of Pofton, New York, Philadelphia, and
Williamftjurg, vyho held independence in
profpedl, and who were determined to feize any
opportunity that offered to promote it, by pro
curing additional perfons to their number. 
Thefc men, when the Stamp A(ft was pafl"ed, made

( 3 )
made a ftalking^horfe, br flcreen^ of the gentle-'
men of the law in every part of America, to
cover their defigns, and to found the trumpet
of oppofition againft Government ; but avowed,
that their condud was , on the ground of ob
taining a redrefs of American grievancesj and
hot with a defign to feparate the two countries.
— Upon this ground, I am confident, the
gentlemen of the law adted. When the Tea
Ad was paflied, they made the fame ufe of the;
merchants who were fmugglers in America, aS
they had done of the lawyers before, ftill de
claring, that they meant not independence.— So
late as the fitting of the Congtefs in 1774, th6
fame men when charged with it in Congrefs,
and whilft they held it tenacioufly and religi-
oufly in their hearts, they almoft to a degree of
profanity denied it with their tongues — and all
this was done on their knowledge, that the
great bulk of the people of North America
was averfe to independence.-r-If we look at the
refolves of Congrefs, down almoft to the very
period of their declaration of independence,
we fliall find the fame language, the fame pre
tence of obtaining a redrefs of grievanceSj held
out to the people. And for the fame reafon,
at the very time they declared independence,
they gave out, that it was not with a view to a
total leparation of the two countries, but from
neceflity; becaufe, unlefs they declared inde
pendence, the powers of Europe would not
trade with them, and they were in great diftrefs
for want of a great many foreign neceflTaries. — •
So that, from all thefe circumftances, I am con-
B 2 vincedj

( 4 )
vinced, that not one fifth part of the people
had independence in view * !
* Mr. Galloway here added,—" I think I may fafely fay,
not one-tenth part had independence in view ;" — which
opinion will appear to be founded in truth from the following
circumftances. The inftrudlions given to the Delegates in
Congrefs were partly in the following words : — To the De
legates from New Hampfhire, — " to reftore that peace,
hatmony, and mutual confidence, which once happily fiib-
filled between the parent country and her Colonies." — To
the Delegates of Maflachufetts Bay, — " to determine on
meafures for the reftoration of union and harmony between
Great Britain and the Colonies, mofi ardently dejired hy all
good men ^' — To the Delegates of Rhode Ifland, — " to con
sult upon proper meafures to eftabliih the rights and liberties
of the Colonies." — To the Delegates of Connefticut, — " for
advancing the beft good of the Colonies." — The Delegates
from New York and New Jerfey had no particular inftruc-
tions, — The Delegates from Pennfylvania were enjoined — •
*' to confult upon the prefent unhappy itate of the Colonies,
and to form and adopt a plan for the purpofes of obtaining a
redrefs of American grievances, afcertaining American
rights upon the moft folid and conftitutional principles, and
for eftablifliing that union and harmony between GreatBritaia
and her Colonies, which is fo indifpenfably neceflary to the
welfare and happinefs of both." — The Delegates from the
Delaware Counties were confined to — " prudent and laijoful
meafures for obtaining a redrefs of the general grievances.''
— The Delegates from iVIaryland and Virginia were con
fined to meafures — " operating on the commercial connec
tion of the Colonies with the mother-country, and fpeedily
to procure the return of that harmony and union, fo beneficial to
the whole nation, and fo ardently defired by all Britifb America."
— And the inlirudlions from North and South Carolina were to
the fame purport. — In the Letter to the People bf Quebec, the
Congrefs declare, that " their confederation has no other ob-
jeas, than the perfeft fecurity of the natural and civil rights
of all the conflituent members of the Britifli government,
acpording to their refpeftive circumftances. and the preftr-
vation of a happy and lapng conneaion with Great Britain,
on falutary and confitutional principles."— AnA in a pamphlet
publifhed

( 5 )
Ql If fo large a proportion of the people of A-
merica were fo averfe to independence, why have
they fufi^ered their prefent rulers to obtain fo
much power over them as to prevent any effec
tual exertion in fupport of their principles?
A. The Congrefs having prevailed upon
a very fmall part of the people to take
up arms, under the pretence of obtaining
a redrefs of grievances; and having an army
compofed of thofe people under their command,
and fubjeft to military difcipline, they difarmed,
or caufed to be difarmed, all perfons whom
they thought difafieded to their meafures, or
wilhed to be united to this country, contrary to
their fcheme of Independence. I have the re
folves of Congrefs, dated 2d January, 1776,
publiflied in vindicition ofthe condufl: of the Congrefs^ in-
titled, " The other Side of the Queftion, &c," they are
obliged to make the following declaration, to refute the
charge brought againft them of iijtending to eftabliih inde
pendence, viz. — " As to the thought of eftablithing a re
public in America, — breaking off our connexion 'with Great
Britain, and becoming independent, — I confider it as the
moft vain, empty, IJiallow, and ridiculous projeft, that
could poflibly enter into the heart of man, — I do not believe
there are ^fi-ve hundred on the Continent, who have the leaft
preteniions to common fenfe, who would not rifque their
deareft blood to prevent fuch meafures."  Even fo late as
the time of declaring the Colonies independent, the Congrefs
who were appointed by a very few cf the people, and thefe
the moft difafFe£led, found it an arduous talk to accomplilh it.
—-Their debates lafted near a fortnight, and when the
queftion was put, fix Colonies divided againft fix ; the
Delegates for Pennfylvania being alfo divided, the queftion
remained undecided. — However, one of the Members of
that Colony who had warmly oppofed it. being wrought
upon by Mr. Adams's art, changed his opinion, and upon
the queftion tbe next day, it was carried in the affirmative by
a fingle vote only,
4 at

( 6 )
at tiiy houfe to that purpofe*. — They went fo
far as to difarm (by fending two battalions intCi
Queen's county, in the province of New York,
for that purpofe) a large number of the people
of that diftridt, for no other reafon but becaufe
they voted againft fending a member to the
Convention of New York; they totally, as I may
fay, disfranchifed them ; — ^they would not fuffer
them to trade, or be traded with ;— they fuf-
•Extrafls from the Journals of Congrefs, January 2d, 1776.
*¦ " — And with refpeft to all fuch unworthy Americans
9s, regardlefs of their duty to their Creator, their country,
and their pofterity, have taken part with our oppreflbrs,
and, influenced with the hope and pofleflion of ignominious'
rewards, ftrive to recommend themfelves to the bounty of
adminiftration, by mifreprefenting and traducing the con-
duft and principles of the friends of American liberty, and
oppofing every meafure formed for its prefervatioii and
fecurity ;
" Re/ohed, That it be recommended to the diflferent Af-
femblies. Conventions, and Committees or Councils of
Safety in the United Colonies, by the moft fpeedy and effec
tual meafures, to fruftrate the mifchievous machinations,
and refirain.the wicked praftices of thefe men: — And it is
the opinion of this Congrefs, that theyought to be difarmed,
and the more dangerous among them either kept in fafe cuf-
tudy, or bound with fufficient fureties to their good beha
viour. And in order that the faid Aflemblies, Conventions,
Committees, or Councils of Safety may be enabled, with
greater eafe and facility, to carry this refolution into execution,
" Refohied, That they be authorifed to call to their aid,
whatever continental troops, ftationed in or near their re-
fpedlive colonies, may be conveniently fpared from their
more immediate duty ; and the commanding ofiicers of fuch
troops are hereby direfted to afford the faid Aflemblies,
Conventions, Committees or Councils of Safety, all fuch
afliftance, in executing this refolution, as they may require,
and which, confiftent with the good of the fervice, may be
fupplied." ^
fered

( 7 )
fered them to be fued, but would not let them
fue in their courts of juftice; they would not
fuffer them to pafs out of their diftridt on any
account f. — By thefe means the well-affefted
part of America to this government became
difarmed, and the arms were put into the hands
of thofe on whom the Congrefs could rely —
a fmall part of the people. If we look into the
hiftory of this kingdom, fo early as the great
febellion in 1640, we ftiall find the very fadt
t Extradls from thejournals of the Congrefs, January 3d, 1 776,
" Refolved, That all fuch perfons in Queen's County, as
voted againft fending Deputies to the prefent Convention of
New York, and named in a lift of delinquents in Queen's
County, publifhed by the Convention of New York, be put
out of the proteftion of the United Colonies, and that all
trade and iptercourfe with them ceafe ; that none of the inha
bitants of that county be permitted to travel or abide in
any part of thefe United Colonies, out of their faid county,
without a certificate from the Convention or Committee of
Safety of the colony of New York, fetting forth, That fuch
inhabitant is a friend to the American caufe, and not of the
number of thofe who voted againft fending Deputies to the
faid Convention ; and that fuch of the faid inhabitants, as
fhall be found out of the faid county, without fuch certificate,
be apprehended, and imprifoned three months.
" Re/olwd, That Colonel Nathaniel Heard, of Wood-
bridge, in the colony of New Jerfey, taking with him five or
fix hundred minute-men, under diicreet ofiicers, do march to
the weftern part of Queen's County.  And that Colonel
Waterbury, of Stanford, in the colony of Connefticut, with
the like number of minute-men, march to the eaftern fide of
faid county ; — that they confer together, and endeavour to
enter the faid county on one day ; that they proceed to dif
arm every perfon in the faid county, who voted againft fend
ing Deputies to the faid Convention, and caufe them to de
liver up their arms and ammunition on oath; and that they
take and confine in fafe cuftody, till further orders, all fuch
as refufe compliance," alluded

( 8 )
alluded to in the queftion, adtually exifting in the
ftate of this kingdom,— We fliall find the peo
ple taking up arms, in order, as it was faid, to
obtain a redrefs of grievances. — We fhall find a
few people at that time, who had arms in their
hands, preventing the reft, numerous as they
were, from taking meafures for their relief*. After
• After the Congrefs had deluded a few of the moft im
prudent and violent of the people to affociate in arms, and
had obtained an army in the field, they immediately took
meafures to difarm thofe who retained their loyalty, and
gave oppofition to their defign. This oppofition appeared
in a variety of inftances : but they, immediately on its ap
pearance, took meafures to fupprefs it. If pamphlets were
wrote, condemning their conduft, the printer who pre-
furaed to publifti them was obliged to fly his country, and his
ofiice was feized. If any gave oppofition at eleftions to their
candidates, they were threatened, and intimidated from vot
ing, imprifoned and disfranchifed. If any refufed their
Continental money at the nominal value, they were ordered,
by a refolve of Congrefs, nth January, 1776, to be treated
Zi Enemies to their Country, and, precluded from all trade
or intercourfe with the inhabitants. And by another Re
folve, dated January 14, 1777, they forfeited the value of
the lands, goods, or commodities offered to be fold, and
the debts in payment of which it was tendered. And fur
ther to intimidate the Loyalifts, and effeftually to prevent
their taking, meafures for their relief, laws were pafled by
the New States, declaring, " That if any perfon ihould be
adherent to the King of Great Britain, or to the enemies of
the United States, by giving him or them aid or afliftance,
he (hould bis adjudged guilty of High Treafon." And even,
" If any perfon fliould, by writing or fpeaking, obftruft or
oppofe the meafures carried on by the United States," he
ihould be puniftied by fine and imprifonment. If any body of
men rofe in favour of Government, and to relieve them
felves from their opprefiion, of which there have been a
variety of inftances, they were immediately fupprefl"ed by
the fuperior force of the Continental Army, in this ftate
of the people, into which they were feduced by the arts and
force of the Congrefs, no man of fenfe can be furprifed at

( 9 )
Q. After thedeclarationcf Independence, when
Lord Howe and the General arrived at Staten
Ifland, did the people at large in the country
exprefs a defire to treat with the Commif
lioners .?
A. I believe, in the Middle Colonies, where I
refided, it was very generally the wifli of the
people to treat with the King's Commiflioners;
and I have the beft reafon to believe, that it
was in purfuance of the clamour of the peo
ple about the Congrefs in Philadelphia, that
they fent three Commiflioners to meet Lord
and Sir William Howe *.
Q. What
at their not being able to take effeclual meafures for their
relief. There have been very few revolutions in fettled govern
ments, which^ have been effefted with the confent and ap
probation of the people. Mankind are not eafily drawn
into a dereliflion of a form of government, under which
they have been educated. It is habit and fixt manners that
form the national attachment, and prevail on men to prefer
thofe governments, however arbitrary and defpotic, to
others eftablifhed on the beft legulated freedom. Jt is this
that prevails with a Turk, or a Spaniard, to prefer the go
vernment of a bafhaw, or the inquifitorial power, to that
freedom which he might enjoy in o'.her countries. Hence
it is that we ihall find, upon looking into hiftory, that
moft revolutions have been effefted by a few artful, bold,
and ambitious men, whofe fifft ftep has ever been to de
lude the incautious and reftlefs few, which every fociety af
fords, into arms ; the next to difarm the reft, and then to
eftablifli their own meafures and power over the whole
fociety, who, however defirous of making the greateft ef
forts for their relief, find it impoflible under thefe circum-
ilances, and therefore patiently fubmit to what they deteft.
• The Congrefs were compelled by the clamours of the
people to fetid a Committee to treat with Lord Howe ; but
did not mean to do it, fave in appearance only. The au-
C thority.

( to )
Q^ What proportion of the inhabitants of the
revoked Colonies, do you think, from principle
and choice, fupported the prefent rebellion at
any period?
A, I don't think that one fifth part have, from
principle and choice, fupported the prefent re
bellion, — Many of thofe, who have appeared
in fupport of it, have, by a variety of means,
been coinpelled  I would wifh to give rea
fons, and not fatigue the Committee. The laft
delegation to Congrefs, made by the province
of Pennfylvania, and the appointment of all
the officers of that ftate, was made by lefs
than two hundred voters, although there are at
leaft thirty thoufand men intitled to vote by
the laws of that province. One inftance more
thority given to that Committee was only " to hear fuch
propofitions as Lord Howe Ihould think fit to make," and
not to treat. See Refolve of Congrefs, 6th of September,
1776. The Committee reported, that "his Lordfhip's
Commiflion contained no other authority of importance than
that of granting pardons, with fuch exceptions as the Com
miflioners Ihould think proper to make, and of declaring
America, or any part of it, in the King's peace, upon fub-
miffion." If the Commiffioners had further and other
powers, it is greatly to be lamented, that they did not think
proper to make them known to the people, who were fo
defirous of having the difpute between the two countries
fettled without further bloodfhed, and upon reafonable terms.
It would have produced the moft beneficial effedls. If the
terms had been approved by the people, which is far from
being iir.probable from their then difpofitions, the Congrefs
mull have accepted of them, and an end would have been
put to the war. The New States at this time were not
formed, nor the Congrefs well eftabliftied in their power ;
they were of courfe more dependent on the people than they
have been fince, and mull have complied with their de
mands, I beg

( II )
I beg leave to give. One of the Delegates
from the province of New York* (with whom
I fat in Congrefs in 1774) reprefenting a con-
fiderable diftrifc in that province, was chofen
by himfclf and his clerk only, and that clerk
certified to the Congrefs that he was unani-
moufly appointed!
Q^ Was the perfon fo chofen received by
Congrefs ?
A. Yes, he was received on that return
by the Continental Congrefs, in 1774.
Q^ From your knowledge of the people of
America, what proportion of the inhabitants
do you think at this time would prefer a re
conciliation with Great Britain, rather than
aflift in fupporting American independence.''
A. From the experience which thepeople have
had of the fuperlative and exceflive tyranny of
their new rulers ; from the diftreflTes they have
felt by the ravages of war, and the lofs of
their trade ; from an averfion which they
have to an attachment and connedtion with

' The people of King's County fo much difapproved of
the fending any Members to the Congrefs, that although due
notice was given'of the time and place of eledlion, only two
of them met : Mr. Simon Boerum appointed his friend
Clerk, and the Clerk appointed Mr. Boerum a Delegate in
Congrefs, who was the only Reprefentative for that large
county. Other counties fent no Delegate ; and even fo late
as the year 1776, the inhabitants, of Queen's County were
difarmed and disfranchifed for refufing to fend a Member to
the Convention of New York; and in no Colony, where
thefe Delegates were not appointed by the Affemblies, which
were in four only, were they chofen by one twentieth part
of the people. C 2 France,

( 12 )
France, which they are fearful will terminate
in the lofs of their liberties, civil as well as
religious ; and from th- old attachment, and I
believe an eameft defire to be united with this
country, I think I may venture to fay, that
many more than four-fifths of the people would
prefer an union with Great Britain, upon con
ftitutional principles, to that of Independence.
Many of the people, who at firft took part in
the oppofition to Government, and were de-
luded'by the Congrefs and its adherents, have
feverely felt every degree of diftrefs. From
thofe feelings they now reafon, and that reafon
has prevailed on them to compare their old
happy fituation with their prefent mifery, and
to prefer the former.
Q. Whateffedl do you think it would have in
America, if the people of that country thought
an opinion prevailed here, that they were ge
nerally hoftile to Great Britain ?
A. It would ftrike the friends of this country
with diftrefs and refentment ; with diftrefs, at
the thought that you fhould conceive an idea
fo injurious to their principles ; and with re
fentment at the injuftice of the idea.
Q^ Have the inhabitants of America fliewn a
willingnefs to take up arms in the prefent con-
teft, and have the Congrefs found it eafy to
recruit their armies ?
A. A very fmall partofthe inhabitants of North
America (I would rather confine myfelf to the
Middle and Southern Colonies) have fliewn a
willingnefs to take up arms, more efpecially
fince the declaration of Independence. The
Congrefs have not found it eafy to recruit their

C 13 )
their armies ; they have made ufe of every
means that art and force could fuggeft for that
purpofe. Q. What were the methods made ufe of by
the Congrefs to compel the inhabitants to take
up arms ?
A. When they fopnd they could not recruit
their army in the ordinary way by recruiting,
the Rebel States pafl'ed laws for drafting their
militia, compelling every perfon drafted to
enter into the military fervice, or to find a fub-
ftitute, or to be imprifoned. Some were even
puftied into the Seld by the bayonet (but this
was not part of the law). In Virginia they
paflTed a law for exempting every two perfons,
who fhould find a recruit, from all military
fervice. For thefe fubftitutes, and for the re
cruits, there have been from 40I. to 100 1.
given. In the fame province, they palTed
another law for manumitting every fervant who
would enter into the fervice. By thefe means
the Congrefs chiefly raifed their armies, and
not from the voluntary enliftment of the peo
ple. Q^ Were great exertions made by the Congrefs
and their adherents, to bring a numerous army
into the field for the campaign of 1776 ?
A. There certainly were very great exertions ;
but at that time they did not make ufe of the
compulfory meafures, which they were obliged
to do afterwards, when the people were fatif-
fied that they meant Independence.
Q^ What was the force under Waftiington
when Sir William Howe landed in Long Ifland ?
A. From.

( 14 )
A. From the beft information I could get, I
believe it was about 20,000 men. Some faid
more, others faid lefs.
Q^ Was their force compofed chiefly of mi
litia, or continental troops ?
A. More of militia than continental troops. —
They had not then had time to raife by re
cruiting any great number of men, nor were
their ftates at that time perfedlly formed,
and therefore could not make the exertion for
raifing the regular troops which they did af
terwards, Q^ Did WaQiington's army diminifli after the
battle at Long Ifland — and what was his force
at the end of the campaign, when Gen. Howe
was at Trenton ?
A. In confequence of the fuccefs on Long
Ifland, New York, the White Plains, and Fort
Independence, Wafliington's army did dimi
nifli very rapidly ; infomuch that, when
Wafliington crofTed the Delaware, and Sir Wil
liam Howe marched to Trenton, his army did
not confift of more than 3300 men.
-Qi What do you take to have been the caufe
of fo great diminution of the rebel force ?
A. They were panic-ftruck by the fucceflfes
I have mentioned, and deferted in great num
bers. I was at that time in Pennfylvania. Many
of them, who fled from the army, paflTed by
my houfe, and I converfed with them. They
all appeared to me to be in the extremeft
panic. Q^ What was the difpofition of the people
in Pennfylvania when Gen, Howe arrived at
Trenton ?
A. I

¦ ( 15 )
A. I had, though with the army at that
time, conftant communication with my friends
in Pennfylvania, from whom, while on the De
laware, I learnt the difpofition of the people;
and when laft in Philadelphia with the Britifli
army, I made it my particular bufinefs to en
quire into the ftate of the province, at tlie
time Sir William Howe was at Trenton ; and I
converfed with no man, who did not inform
me, that the people of Pennfylvania were dif-
pofed to fubmit to Government, a few of the
moft violent, and very few excepted, and they
were thofe who had adted the moft violent
part. Great pains were taken to get the mi
litia out, but in vain ; very few were pre
vailed on to turn out.
Q^ Did they expedt the Britifli army in Phi
ladelphia at that time ?
A. They certainly did,
Q^^ Did the members of the Congrefs, and
others who had taken an adtive part in the
rebellion, take any fteps in confequence of their
expedting the Britifli troops in Philadelphia?
A. I was informed by every one I converfed
with on the fubjedl, that the Congrefs and the
Rebel States, in which I include all their of
ficers, fled in a panic from Philadelphia, many
of them leaving a part of their property be
hind them ; and when I was laft at Philadel
phia, I was informed by two of three gentle
men, that they were appointed by a number
of refpedtable inhabitants of the city of Phi
ladelphia, to wait on Congrefs, and to inform
^hem, that they would go out, and certainly
5 meet

( i6 )
meet Sir William Howe, in cafe he fliould
crofs the Delav/are, and implore his protec-'
tion in behalf of the inhabitants ; — that they
did wait on Congrefs accordingly, delivered
their mefl^age, and received for anfwer from
the Congrefs, that they could not blame them,
for they could no longer protedt them*.
Q^ Do you know any thing of the difpo
fition of the other revolted colonies ? Were
they, from the fucceflfes of the Britifh army,
difpofed to peace ; or did they ftill remain fan-
guine in their hopes of maintaining their Inde
pendence — I mean thofe who had been the
fupporcers of the Congrefs and their mea
fures ?
A. I had very good opportunities of know
ing tlie ftate of the Middle Colonies, in which
I include New York, New Jerfey, Pennfylvania,
Maryland, the Delaware counties, and Virgi
nia. Gentlemen of fortune and integrity, on
whom I fhould rely, came in to me at Phila
delphia, from Norfolk in Virginia, Williamt
burgh, Frederickfburgh, the diftant county of
Botetourt, Fort Pitt, and from the interme
diate parts of New York, New Jerfey, Mary
land, and the Delaware counties, from whom
I made it my particular bufinefs to learn the

• It is well known to feveral gentlemen now in London,
that the Congrefs loft all fortitude of mind, and in the
greateft diftrefs weeped at the folly of their Condudl, declared
they could no longer oppofe Great Britain, and that they
were ruined. They fled with the greateft precipitation
from Philadelphia to Bsltimore, and many of them to their
refpeitive colonies. i ftate

• ( <7 )
ftate of the difpofition of the people of thofe
Colonies, as well at that time, as in the yeaf
1776, when Sir William Howe was at Tren
ton, And I was informed by all of thepi, that
the panic extended through all thofe parts, and
at that time very few indeed entertained hopes
of fupporting the independence.
Q^Doyou think if Sir William Howe had pur-
fued Walhington crofs the Delaware, fcattered
the remains of his army, and taken up his
quarters at Philadelphia, that_ the Congrefs
would have been able to raife another army ?
A, I verily believe they would not have beefi
able to raife . an army of any confequence, not
of 5000 men, fo as to take the field at the
ufual tirhe of opening the campaign.— -It was
not only my opinion, but that of every gentle
man I converfed with on the fubjedl in Penn
fylvania. •
Q. What effedl had the fuccefs of the rebels in
defeating ^nd making prifoners the Helfians at
Trenton on the minds pf the people ,'' '
A'. It had a very mifchievous effedltO the Britifli
fervice.- — It removed "that panic with which the
new ftates of the Middle Colonit^s were ftruck,
- — It enabled the Congrefs and the Members of
the new ftate of Pennfylvania to return to Phila
delphia, the moft advantageous poft for their
refidence in all America, — It revived their
fpirits, and the fpirits of the difaffedted. — It
induced a number of the Militia to turn out,
who otherwilc would not have done it, and
contributed in a great nuafure to the raifing of
the army which Wafliington commanded the
next campaign. D Q^ After

C i5 >
QL After the affair at Trenton, did the Con
grefs find it eafy to recruit their army, and what
number of troops had Wafliington with him in
the Jerfeys during the v/inter?
A. Notwithftanding that fuccefs, the Congrefs
did not find it eafy to recruit their army, — They
were obliged to make ufe of the compulfory
methods I have mentioned ; and yet, during
the winter, Walhington, at Morris Town, from
the beft information I could get, had not 6000
men, Q^Did Walhington take any meafures to pre
vent the Britifli army from procuring provifions
in their march through the Jerfeys, and what
meafures ?
A. In Wafliington'sretreat through tbe Jerfeys,
he ilTued a proclamation, commanding the in
habitants near that route, which he fufpedled
the Britifli army would follow, to remove all
their provifions, under pain of having them
deftroyed; but this pxoclamation was not
obeyed, nor did he dare to put it into execu
tion — he did not, left he fliould render the
people more averfe to his meafures.
Q^Did the Britifli army find difiiculty in pror
curing provifions whilft on the banks of the
Delaware ?
A. They did not. — I was both at Trenton and
Burdenton, the two pofts left by Sir William
Howe on the Delaware. — The people brought
in their cattle and other provifions to both thofe
pofts,— Captain Gambell, with whom I lodged,
adted as Deputy Quarter- mafter.— I drew, at
his requeft, invitations to the people of the
country

( 19 ;
Country to bring in their provifions towards
forming a magazine at Burdenton ; and al
though he was there but a little while, a very
confiderable magazine was formed, and great
quantity of provifions brought in, before he
was obliged to leave it by the taking of Tren
ton. Q^ Had General Howe taken up his winter
quarters at Philadelphia, would he have run
any rifk of not being fupplied with provifions
from the country ?
A. I think it impoflible. — The country was
full of provifions. — General Howe's army was
the fuperior army, and certainly might have
foraged, had the inhabitants not brought in
their provifions — of which, I think, there could
be no doubt, becaufe, when Sir William Howe
was at Philadelphia in 1777, the people at
that time, when Wafliington had four times
the number of troops that he had at Trenton,
and when his party was continually patrolling
round the lines ; — the inhabitants of Philadel
phia, the army and navy, fuch as chofe to eat
frefh provifions, were fupplied by the country
— from without the lines,
Q^ What number of men did the Congrefs
vote for the campaign 1777 ?
A. Congrefs voted for that year 88 bat
talions, each confifting of 750 men, officers
included, making in the whole 66,000 men.
Q^ What number did they adlually raife for
that year ?
A. At the outfide, they did not bring into
the field 16,000 men. — I think I am beyond
the mark in that number, D 2 Q. What

( 20 )
Q^ What was the reafon that fo fmall a
number of the troops voted were raifed ? Was
it that the Congrefs had altered rheir refolution
as to the numbers to be employed, or was it
becaufe the men were not to be had ?
A. It was not becaufe the Congrefs had
altered their refolution, but becaufe the men
were not to be had. — They made every exer
tion as ufual ; but they had loft in the Canada
expedition, at Bofton, where they were ex
tremely fickly, liilled in battle in the leveral
engagements with the Britilh troops, taken
prifoners, and by deaths in the military hofpi-
tals, fouthward of New York, I thinic I may
fately fay, upon good enquiry, nearly 40,000
men, — The people alfo, at that time, were
more averfe to fhe meafures of Congrefs than
the year before *,
Q^' What were the exertions made ufe of to
bring a numerous army into the field? .
A. They were, as 1 mentioned before, partly
recruiting, drafting their militia, and enlift-
ing of fcrvants.
Q. W^hat proportion of the troops that
compofed Wafliington's army enlifted volun
tarily ?
A. I cannot anfwer that queftion with
precifion, -rr I believe, not a moiety of
them, * The Rehel States fince tne pommercement ofthe re
bellion, have loft in thHr military hofpitals, and in battle,
in their naval and land fervice, not m.ich fhort of 100,000
Dien, which amount to a fifth- part of ths white men in
,if^nfieri,ca papable of beiirifig arms,
Qi Were

( 2X )
Q^ Were deferters from the rebel army
frequent while Sir William Howe was in Phi
ladelphia ?
A. They were frequent — almoft daily. — I
have known forty-nine come in in a day — mapy
days from ten to fifteen,
Q^ What number do you fuppofe came in to
the army at Philadelphia ?
A. The deferters were generally fent from
head-quarters down to me for examination —
from me they went to Mr. Story, the officer
appointed to adminifter the oath of allegiance.
— He kept a regular account of their numbers,
their names, and the places of their nativity,
and I think there were upwards of 2300
qualified at his office ; and I believe, on good
reafon, there might have been upwards of 7 or
800 more not qualified ; for I often found, on
feeing him in the evening, that the numbers I
had fent down to him had not gone, fo that I
fuppofe, at leaft, 3000 came in.
Q^ Do you fuppofe the number you have
mentioned to be the whole ofthe defertion from
the rebel army ?
A. By no means ; I do not fuppofe it ; — ¦
many might have deferted into the country to
their friends — perhaps, half as many more.
Q^ What was the encouragement held out
to induce deferters to ctame over to us ?
A. A proclamation was ifTued by Sir Wil
liam Howe, offering them a pafTage home to
Ireland or England, their native country, and
they were generally paid for their arms and ac
coutrements. Q^That

( 22 )
Q^ That part of the rebel army that en-
lifted in the fervice of the Congrefs, were they
chiefly compofed of natives of America, or
were the greateft part of them Englifh, Scotch,
and Irifh ?
A, The names and places of their nativity
being taken down, I can anfwer the queftion
with preciflon. — There were Icarcely one-fourth
natives of America ; — about one-half Iriih,— -
ihe other fourth were Englifh and Scotch.
Q^ What is the charadler that the Provin
cials ferving in the Britilh army bear ? Are they
good troops, and have they behaved well when
employed ?
A. I have underftood, as foon as they are
dilciplined they are very good troops, and have
always behaved well ; I know of no inftance to
the contrary. — That I know to be the opinion
of many of the military gentlemen,
Q^ Do you know any thing of the army of
the Rebels in general, how that is compofed —
of what country people ?
A. I judge of that by the deferters that came
over. Q^ What was the fum given as bounty
money to a recruit enlifting in our provincial
corps .''
A. I have underftood five hard dollars.
Q^ At that time, what was the fum given
by the rebels for a recruit to ferve in the army
of the Congrefs ?
A. The Congrefs gave twenty paper dollars
a man, befides eight paper doUars to the per
fon who fhould procure a recruit — It was re
commended by jhe Congrefs, in order to faci
litate

( 23 )
litat« the recruiting for the Rebel States^ to
divide the ftates into diftridls, and to appoint
two or more perfons to recruit in each diftridl.
— Thefe perfons had the eight Continental
dollars. Q. What was the proportion between the
hard and the paper dollars ?
A, It is impoffible to fay ; — they are now
from fifteen or twenty to one,
Q. At the time the army was at Philadel
phia ?
A, I cannot fay; they might be three or four,
or five or eight to one *.
Q^ What have you known to be given for
fubftitutes ?
A. I have known from 40 1, to lool. Con
tinental money f.
Qi What number of men do you fuppofe
are now ferving in our army in America, as
Provincials ? >
A. I have been informed, from 6 to 7000 —
but I do not know of my own knowledge.
Q. Were there any number of them em
bodied as militia in any part of the country
where the King's troops have been in pofTelTion ?
A. I underftood, when I was at New York,
that there was a body of militia formed at
Long Ifland.-T-There were none in the Jerfevs,
nor at Philadelphia.
* The Continental money was conftantly flu£luating in
its value. — When the Britifh army entered a province, its
value was in a manner annihilated, arid the people ventur-
td openly to refufe it.
f Ry late accounts from gentlemen of the beil credit at
New York, the extravagant fum of 200I. has been givea
for a fubilitute.
2 Q^ Were

( 24 ;
Q^ Were there ever any attempts made tci
mduce the inhabitants to take up arms, and
defend the country againft the incurfions of the
Rebels either in Pennfylvania or the Jerfeys?
A. Not as militia ; — there were corps en-
lifted in Philadelphia.
Q^ What number of men were there in
Philadelphia capable of bearing arms ?
A. At the defire of Sir Wilham Howe, I
numbered the inhabitants of the city of Phila
delphia and the fuburbs, diftinguifliing the
males from the females," and taking the number
of thofe between i8 and 60 years of age, —
There were in Philadelphia and fuburbs, with
in the limits, 4481 males under that defcrip-
lion, Q^ Might not thofe men have been embodied
as a militia for the defence of the city ?
A, A part of them were Quakers — about
one-fourth. — Thefe would not take up- arms on
any account. — Lknow of no reafon why the
others might not have been induced to take up
arms. Q^ Were thofe who were found in atSlual re
bellion, or known to be difaffecled, difarmed?
A. In the city of Philiadelphia, the inha
bitants that were difaffedted were difarmed by
me, in purfuance of diredlions from Sir Wil
liam Howe. .:.' -
Q^ Were arms put into the hands of the
well affedled inhabitants who had before been
difarmed by the rebels ?
A. Not generally. — A number of men, to
the amount of eighty or ninety, came in from
the country, where I generally refided in the
fummer.

( 25 )
fummer, and offered to ferve without clothing
or pay, with an allowance of provifions;— for
thefe I procured from Sir William Howe arms 3
* — and another body of men that came frorri
Jerfey, the numbers I do not know, had alfo
arms put into their hands.
Q^ Do you know of any inftances of the
inhabitants taking up arms of their own accord
in fupport of the King's authority ?
A. There was a confiderable body of people of
the back parts of North Carolina (the rebels in
their account called them 1600)^ who took up
arms in fupport ofthe King's authority, but they
were attacked and defeated by the rebels *, —
Another body in the peninfula between the
Chefapeak and the Delaware (as I was well in-»
formed, confifting of 2000), likewife took up
arms in fupport of the King's authority.—
Another party in the fame peninfula, at an
other time (confifting of feveral hundreds), and
another in the county of Monmouth, in the
Jerfeys, confifting of about 100. — ^And I was
well informed, that fome of the diftridls above
Albany, at the time that General Burgoyne was
advancing towards that place, took up arms,
and prevented the difaffedled part of the di
ftridls from joining General Gates; declaringj
that if they went out to join General Gates, they
would join General Burgoyne.
* Some of thefe loyalifts were armed with puns, othei-s
with clubs only. — Indeed this was the cirdumftance in every
cafe where the people rofe in favour of Government j — their
arms having been generally taken from them, under the or*
der cf the Congrefs or Conventions.
E Q^Did

( 26 )
Q^ Did you find many houfes deferted as the
army marched through Jerfey, or in the way
from the Head of Elk to Philadelphia ?
A, General Howe happened toland his troops
in a part of the country more difaffedled than
any other part I know ; I mean Cecil county io
Maryland. — At and about the Head of lElk, a
number of inhabitants did defert their houfes,
and carry off their effedls, but not all, — After
Sir William Howe had advanced into the coun
try from thence, about eight or ten miles, as
near as I can guefs, I don't believe that I faw
in the whole route of the army, from thence to
Philadelphia, confifting of at leaft feventy miles,
above ten, or, at moft, fifteen houfes deferted,
— I think not fo many, but I chufe to be under
tbe mark. — The inhabitants were found quietly
at home ; and, to me, there appeared every
mark of pleafure at tbe troops arriving in the
colony, (^ What quantity of provifions did the army
carry with it from the Head of Elk, or from
Pencadder, where General Grant joined them ?
A. I can't fpeak to that queftion from my
own knowledge; but I was informed by the
officers of the army that there was about four
teen days provifions landed -[-.
Q^ How long was it from the time you left
Pencadder to the time the General received
provifions from the fleet in the Delaware ?
+ A great part of thefe provifions mufl have been expend
ed by the army befoie Sir William HoWe left Pencadder. —
The army was landed on the 2fth of Auguft, and it did »ot
march from, that place before the 8th of September.
A. I

( 27 )
A. I think the army marched from Pencad
der the Sth of September; and, to my beft recol-
ledlion, the Welch Fuzileers went down, for the
firft time, to the fhips below Philadelphia, to
efcort up the firft provifions on the 3d of
Odlober. Q^ How did the army fubfift during that
time ?
A. The army in their march got large quan
tities of provifions fupplied by the inhabitants —
They drove a large quantity of live ftock with
them to German Town, and fome to. Philadel
phia. — They got other provifions in the country.
— They took a magazine of flour at Valley
Forge, which I underftood was deftroyed.
Q. While the Britifli army lay at Philadel
phia, did the inhabitants from the neighbour
ing countries, without the lines, bring in pro
vifions, and were the rtiJlrkets plentifully fup
plied ?
A. The army lay at Philadelphia nine or ten
months — there was in that city and fuburbs,
within the Britifh lines, near 25,000 inhabitants
— I include the number of people that came in,
befides the real inhabitants tliere; thefe, with
the army and navy, did not want frefli provi
fions of all kinds whilft they remained at Phi
ladelphia, Q^ In what ftate was Wafliington's army, in
refpedl to provifions, while the Britifli army was
thus fupplied ?
A. Part of that time Wafliington's main ariry
lay at Valley Forge — it was then in excicmr
diftrefs for want of provifions — the deferte.s
who came in informed me, that they were Icv.,-
E 2 i^-

( 28 )
ral days at half allowance ; and fome that I ex-?
amined told me, that they had had furloughs to
go out into the neighbourhood to get provi
fions. — At that time Wafliington received a
confiderable part of his fupplies from the diftant
parts of Virginia and North Carolina, brought
up the Chefapeak, landed at Elk, and from
thence conveyed to his camp at Valley Forge in
waggons,  The inhabitants v/ere fo averfe to
the meafures of Congrefs, that they did not fup-
ply him with provifions,
Q^ Had not you correfpondence through
many different parts of America, in order to
furnifh General Howe with intelligence ?
A. The General, in fome meafure, relied on
me for intelligence — ¦ he had other means
of getting intelligence, — I fent out to my
friends on the Sufquehannah and to the Dela
ware — it w^s ^n eafy thing fo to do,-T-The in
habitants were continually going in and com
ing out; and I defired that they would inform
me of every thing material that happened in
thofe parts refpedling the number of troops that
fliould be coming to join Walhington, — I fent
out many fpjes for the General on other occa-
fions. — The General had the beft intelligence
from other circumftances, which it wOuld be
improper for me to mention. — The intelligence,
I think, muft have been good, whilft Walh
ington, in poffeflion of that country, complain
ed of the want of intelligence, and faid he was
in an enemy's country.— ^1 had this from an offi
cer under Wafliington, — I would add, with re
fpedl to the difpofition of the people, that petr
fpfis came in to me from all quarters of the
Middle

( 29 >
Middle Colonies, and from their intelligence I
anfwered the former quellion.
Q^ To what caufe was it owing that Wafli
ington's army was fo badly fupplied, when he
had the command of the country ?
A, Wafliington wanted flour and bread for
his army, and grain and forage for his horfes.—
He iffued a proclamation, commanding all the
inhabitants within feventy miles of his camp
northward, fouthward, and weftward, to threfh
out their grain ; one half by the firft of Febru
ary, the other half by the firft of March, under
pain of having it taken from them, and only
paid for as ftraw.^-rBut this proclamation was
not obeyedr— Wafliington then was obliged to
fend fome of the men of his army to the neigh
bouring farmers to threfh out their grain, which
he took and made ufe of without paying for it.
Q^ Did Walhington find the people ready to
fupply him with carriages ,''
A. He did not. — He got few carriages but
what he took by force. — The people hid their
waggon wheels, — He compelled them to pro
duce them. — They then broke their wheels and
difabled their waggons, which rendered it very
difficult for him to be fupplied with waggons.
Q^ In what ftate was Wafliington's army in
refpedl to clothing in the campaign of 1777 ?
A. All the deferters who came in to us, ex
cept the Virginians, and a very few from the
northward, were in a manner naked; — they
were not clothed fit for the inclemency of the
feafon. — Some of them had linen garments on,
and thofe very ragged and torn, — Some with-
put fhoes, very few with whole breeches or
ftockings

C 3° )
ftockings — in fliort, they were objedls of diftrefs
when they came down to me to be examined.—*
The Virginians had paffed a law, under which
they authorifed Commiffioners to fearch the
houfe of every inhabitant for whatever fpare
cloth of every kind that might be fuitable for
the army, and to feiie it for that purpofe, which
Was executed, — The Virginians, therefore, were
better clothed. — Wafliington fent into the
countv of Bucks, where there was a confiderable
quantity of cloth manufadlured, lying in their
fulling-mills, and feized it for the ufe of his
army ; but before it was conveyed to him it was
taken by an American troop of light horfc and
ibme refugees, and condudted to Philadel
phia. Q^ What ftate was the rebel army in, in re
fpedl to health ?
A. From the time the rebel army was at Bof
ton, to the time alluded to in the queftion,
Wafhington's army was always very fickly, oc-
cafioned, as the principal phyfician of his ho-
fpital informed me, by the want of fait, and the
eating of frefh provifions conftantly without
fait, together with their often wanting clothes,-
and other good appointments. — At the time
alluded to in the queftion, Walhington had not
lefs than ten hofpitals. — I examined onfe of th6
phyficians of thofe hofpitals, who gave me this
information when became to Philadelphia.
Q. What was the number of Wafhington's
army at this time at Valley Forge?
A. In the latter end of February, or begin
ning of March, Wafliington had not 4000 effec
tive men— from a great variety of accounts, from

( 3' )
from a nuttiber of people who lived by his
camp, and from ofiicers of his own army.
Q^ By what means were the numbers there
diminiflied after the battle of German Town?
A. By the means I have defcribed; ficknefs
and defertion,
Qi Could an army of 1 5,000 men fubfift up
on the country in a march through the Middle
Colonies ?
A. Unlefs it is very much altered, and,that
very lately, they certainly could, and a much
greater army. The Middle Colonies are colo
nies of provifions. — They have a plenty of cat
tle and hogs ; and they abound with grain, In
dian corn, wheat, rye, oats, and barley.
Q^ What number of people do you fuppofe
the Britifh army and its followers confifted of
that were fed by the country in the march
from Elk Head to Philadelphia, and until it
iOpened its communication with the fliips ?
A. The army and its followers, I imagine,
confifted of about 20,000 men. — I underftood
fo from officers of rank in the army — I never
faw the returns — but I underftood ;hat to be
near the number.
Q^ What was the difpofition of the Middle
Colonies in the fpring of 1778, before you left
Philadelphia? A. i had good reafon to believe, from the
enquiries I made refpedling the difpofition of
the people, that they were very generally de
firous of giving up their new rulers, and of
being united with this country.
Q^ Had you reafon to belive that any gen
tlemen of v^eight and influence in Pennfylvania
2 were

( 52 )
were ready to exert themfelves in difarming
the difaffedted in the feveral counties, and re*
ftoring the counties to the peace of the King? _
A. Almoft from the time that I went to Phi*
ladelphia with the army, to that of the evacuat
ing of the place, gentlemen from many of the
counties in the peninfula below, indeed almoft
all, and feveral counties in Pennfylvania, Phila
delphia county, Bucks, Lancafter, Chefter,
Cumberland, and fome of the counties in Jer
fey,' fent me affurances, that as foon as the Bri
tifli army fhould operate againft General Walh
ington, and drive him over the Sufquehannah,
Or the Delaware, they would (could they be
fupplied with the arms they wanted) exert them
felves in reftoring the feveral diftridls to the
peace of the crown, and that they had no doubt
of accomplifhing it. — I believed this informa
tion. — I will not fay whether I gave it to Sir
William Howe ; becaufe I don't recoUedl whe
ther I made out a ftate of the fadls before the
intended evacuation of Philadelphia; but I gave
a paper to this amount to Sir Henry Clinton,
antj, i believe, to Mr. Eden and Governor
Johnftone.— But I am nor certain whether I gave
it to Sir William Howe or not.
Q^ When Sir William Howe arrived off the
mouth of the Delaware, were there any ob-
ftrudlions to his landing below the Chevaux-de-
frize, and above Bombay Hook ?
A. There was no obftrudlioh that I know of,
— There were no forts below the Chevaux-de-
frize, nor any obftrudlion, unlefs the water-
guard, that lay above the Chevaux-de-frize,
miglit be deenit;d an obflrudtion,
Q. Were

( 3i )
Q^ Were there, to your knowledge, any re
gular force in the province of Pennfylvania at
that time?'
A. There was none — I made particular en
quiry of the .inhabitants of Philadelphia and
others. — I enquired of a gentleman who lived
at NeWcaftle, and was on the fpot,
Q^ What was the diftance between the Bite
of Newcaftle and the road leading from Ellc
Head to Philadelphia?
A. About feven or eight miles.
Qj^ Where was Mr. Wafhington's army at
the time the King's fleet and army were off the
Delaware ?
A. They were in the Jerfeys. — 1 fpeak to this
from a particular enquiry from the inhabitants
in Pennfylvania; and, from the beft information
I could get of Wafliington's army, they did not
pafs the Delaware from Jerfey until about the
ioth or i2th of Auguft.
Q^ When did the rebels pafs through Phila
delphia ?
A, 1 was infornied that they paffed through
about the 23d of Auguft,
Q^ From whom had you that information ?
A. I do not know it from my own know
ledge, but from the general declaration of the
people who were on the fpot.
Q. Had you any communication with Sir
William Howe, refpedling his going up the
Chefapeak, and what communication ?
A. After my return from Hillfborough to
New York, 1 met on the road accidentally Lord
Howe. From a converfation which paffed be
tween us, I fufpedled that Sir WiUiam was
F going

( 34 )
going with his fleet and army round to the
Chefapeak. I forefaw, the difficulties he would
meet with, and was diftreffed at it. Inftead of
pursuing my journey to the city, 1 returned to
mv friend's, where I had lodged the night
before, Mr. Foxcroft, Deputy Poft-Mafl^r Ge
neral of North America, I told him, that I
apprehendeid Sir William Howe was going
round to the Chefapeak, I aflced him for pen,
ink and paper, I put down in writing thofe
difficulties, which I thought Sir William Howe
would meet with, and which he ought to be
apprifed of When finifhed, I fliewed them to
Mr. Foxcroft, and he approved of them, and
I refolved to fend them to Sir William Howe,
I carried them to Capt. Montrefor, through
whom I often communicated wjth the Gene
ral. Capt. Montrefor, on perufal, approved
them alfo, and faid, he would cheerfully de
liver them to the General. The difficulties I
pointed out were in fubftance as foflows.—
The diftance of the way round from the Hook
to the head of Elk ; the conftarit prevalence of
the foutherly winds along the, coaft at that
feafon of the year. In order to induce Sir
William Howe to prefer going up the Dela
ware to the Chefapeak, 1 mentioned, that the
diftance from Newcaftle to Lancafter, where I
apprehended he might be going after Wafli
ington's magazines, was nearly about the fame,
as the diftance from the head of the Elk —
that the country was more open, and the roads
better; and that, fuppofing his objedl was the
magazines at L.ancafter, his going up the De
laware would be an excellent cover to his de
figns,

( 35 )
iigns, as the enemy would naturally conclude
that Philadelphia was his objedl, and not thofe
magazines. Thefe, to the beft of my recol-
ledlion, were the difficulties and fadls contained
in the paper that I delivered to Capt, Montrefor,
If I am miftaken in any piarticular, it is froni
want of recolledlion, and Sir William Howe
tan fet me fight, as he had the paper. About
eight or ten days after I had delivered the
paper. Sir William Howe fent for me by Capt^
Montrefor, and afl^ed me, how I knew he was
going to the Chefapeak? I anfwered, I did
hot pofitively know it. He faid, I did, from
the paper before him. I replied, the paper
was not pofitive, but conditional, fuppofing he
intended to go there. He then afked, whether
my objedlions refted on the difficulties of the
navigation of the Chefapeak ? I replied, they
did not. I was a very little while with Sir
Williatti Howe, and I don't reeolledl any thing
elfe that paffed.
Q^ When it was known in Philadelphia, that
that city was to be evacuated, what effedl had
it on the minds of the inhabitants ?
A, The .inhabitants of that city, a very few
excepted, were faithful and loyal fubjedts of
the Crown; many of them had taken a very
decifive and adtive part on the behalf of the
Crown — a meafure of that kind could not fail,
therefore, to ftrike them with great difmay
and diftrefs.
.Q. Did you, or any other perfon, to your
knowledge, apply to the Commander in Chief,
upon this occafion, for advice, refpedling the
F a mealures

( 36 )
meafures proper to be purfued for your perfo-
nal fafety, and v/hat was the advice given ?
A. Sir Wifliam Erfkine came down to me
from Sir William Howe and Sir Henry Clin
ton, to give me notice, as fuperintendant of
the city, that it was to be evacuated. I fent
for the magiftrates that were adting under mc,
immediately, to confult them refpedling our
own fafety, and that of the inhabitants, who
had taken a decifive part on behalf of the
Crown. In our converfation, Mr. Schoemaker
repeated what he had told me a few days be
fore, that Sir William Howe had advifed him
to go over to Wafliington, and make his peace.
It was natural for us to confult together upon
the confequences of that advice, and we all re
folved not to follow it. However, we thought
it neceffary, as our fafety was ftill unprovided
for (our lives being attainted, and all that we
had in the world confifcated), ftill to know
what was to become of us. The magiftrates,
therefore, requefted I would wait on Sir Wil
liam Howe on the occafion, which I accord
ingly did immediately, when he gave us the
fame advice. I ftarted, a difficulty refpedling
the pradticability of it ; upon which he advifed
us to apply to Sir Henry Clinton to procure a
flag to go out for that purpofe. I returned to
the magiftrates, and reported what had paffed;
and we then ferioufly debated and confidered
among ourfelves, whether we fhould follow
the advice. One of the magiftrates did not
fay fo much on the fubjedl as the two others
did, which induced me to put the queftion fingiy.

( 37 )
fingly, whether we Ihould follow the advice or
not. I put it to the magiftrate who had faid
little firft. His anfwer was immediately in
the negative, and we unanimoufly agreed not
to follow it. We however refolved, before we
parted, to communicate our circumftances to
Sir Henry Clinton, with the advice that was
given to us, as we knew upon him, in a few
days, the command of the army would devolve.
I wrote a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, requeft-
ing an interview upon a matter which highly
concerned the magiftrates and citizens of Phi
ladelphia. Not receiving an anfwer from Sir
Henry Clinton fo foon as I expedled, and Col.
Innis, a confidential friend of Sir Henry Clin
ton, calling on me, I communicated the whole
that I have mentioned to him, and reiquefted
he would fpeak to Sir Henry Clinton on the
occafion. A good deal paffed between us.
He feemed alarmed that we fhould be ad
vifed to go over to the eneniy, and pointed
out the confequences that would attend it, and
immediately offered to go to Sir Henry Clin
ton, and bring us an anfwer relative to our
perfonal fafety. He foon returned and in
formed rne, that what he Ihould fay I was not
to underftand as official from Sir Henry Clin
ton (he did not fay fo— but I underftood, at the
time, it was becaufe the command had not
then devolved on Sir Henry Clinton), and in
formed me, that Sir Henry faid, he could not
have granted a flag on fuch an occafion, had
we requefted it — that the game was not up— .
that the war was not over, but would ftill be
carried on vigoroufly, and defired that we
2 would

C 38 )
would not Entertain a thought of going over to
the enemy.
Q^ If the magiftrates of Philadelphia had
gone over to the Rebels, what effedt would
that meafure have had in America ?
A. If the magiftrates of Philadelphia had
gone over to the Rebels under that advice, it
would certainly have had every pernicious
effedl. — The people in general would have be
lieved what the Rebels at that time induftrioufly
propagated. — that the conteft was given up,
and that America was to be evacuated. — They
would, or at leaft great numbers of them
would, have taken the oaths of allegiance, and
abjuration to the States, and become their
perfedl fubjedts.
Q^ Did you attend the army from Brunfwic
to Trenton in 1 776 ?
A. Yes.
Q. At what time did the army march from
Brunfwic, and at what time did it arrive at
Prince Town that day ?
A. I lodged with General Vaughan the
evening before, and underftood the orders were
to march at four o'clock, — The army did
march very early ; they arrived at Prince-Town
about four o'clock in the afternoon.
CX Where was Walhington and his army at
that time ?
A. The main body of his army was at Tren
ton, a part at Prince-Town, and I believe a
few advanced nearer to Brunfwic, to obferve
the motions of the Britifli army.
Q^ Had you information, which you had
reafon to believe, witb regard to the time of of

(¦ 39 )
of Wafliington's leaving Prince-Town that
day ?
A. I was informed by feveral of the inha
bitants of Prince-Town, and particularly by
the gentleman with whom I lodged, that
Walhington had left it ab.,rt an hour before
the van of the Britifh army arrived.
Q^ At what hour the next morning did the
army march from Prince-Town to Trenton,
and at what time did the army arrive at Tren- •
ton ?
A. To the beft of my recolledlion, the armyJ
marched between eight and nine o'clock -in the
morning, and arrived at Trenton about three
in theafternoon,
Q^ Do you know what was General Wafhing
ton's force at that time, and by what means do
you know it ?
A. I have faid before, that General Wafli
ington's force confifted at that time of about
3300 men. — A number of the inhabitants of
Trenton made his force lefs ; but Major Barnes,
of the Provincial corps, who lived in Trenton
at the time, and at whofe houfe Wafliington
took up his head-quarters, informed me, that
by a return made to Wafliington the day before
he paffed the Delaware, his whole army, ex
cepting Lord Sterling's brigade, amounted to
2900 men; — and Lord Sterling's brigade did
not, at that time, amount to 400.
Q^ Is it your opinion, that it was poffible or
not, to have overtaken General Wafhington's
army before it had croffed the Delaware ?
A. 1 am no military man, and can fpeak
pnly to fadls, which, as far as they go, I am
ready

( 40 )
ready to anfwer. — Had Sir William Hovre
marched from Prince Town at four o'clock in
the morning as he did from Brunfwic, or at
three o'clock, as he did from Philadelphia, to
White Marfh, he certainly would have been at
Trenton four or five hours fooner than he was.
— Wafhington's laft boat, in which he carried
over his army, had not reached the oppofite
fliore, when the van of the Britilh army arrived
at Trenton.
Q^ How far is it frorn Prince Town to Tren
ton ?
A, Twelve meafured miles.
IVithdrew.

Veneris ,i iS°die yumi, 1779.
COMMITTEE on P A P E R S prefented
by Mr. EXe Grey, the 19th of March
laft, purfuant to Addrefs.
Mr. MONTAGU in the Chair;

JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Efq; called in,
and examined by feveral Members of the
Committee.

C^TTTHETHER, in your opinion, the
VV "v^'' Delaware might have been
croffed by Sir William Howe when he came
down to Trenton with the army, and your rea
fons for that opinion ?
A. There does not appear to me to have
been any difficulties to have prevented the
Britifli army from paffing the Delaware in De
cember 1776, when Sir William Howe was at
Trenton,— I have faid, that Wafhingtpn's
force was but fmall. The river Delaware, in
and about Trenton, is from 3 to 400 yards
G ^ wide.

( 42 )
wide, — At a place called Bond's Ferry, about
two miles below Trenton, I think the diftancp
acrofs the river is very near 300 yards, — The
ground at the place I have mentioned (Bond's
Ferry) is high, and perfedlly commands the
fliore on the oppofite fide, far beyond cannon
fhot. — Under thefe circumftances, I know of
no difficulty except that of the want of boats or
pontoons. — I had a converfation with Captain
Montrefor. OhjeSiion being taken to Mr. Galloway'j giving
an account of this converfation^ he was
ordered to withdraw.
JgAin called in.
Q^ Had you any occafion to examine par
ticularly into the pradlicable means of pafling
the river ?
A. The converfation I intended to have
mentioned, was only as introdudlory to a moft
material fadl, which was, that, at Captain
Montrefor's requeft, I did enquire, whether
there were any materials in or about Trenton,
with which pontoons, boats, or rafts might be
conftrudled; and I found 48,000 feet of
boards, a quantity of iron, and there was
timber enough about Trenton for that purpofe.
Q^ Did you find boats or fchoughs ?
A. I didi — there were two boats in a mill
pond, at a little diftance from Trenton.— I did
not fee them, but they were reported to me to
be there,
Q^ How many men would thofe boats carry
at a time ?
A, I underftood from fifty to fixty men
a-piece, QAn

C 43 )
Q. In what time, from the information you
got, did you underftand that a bridge might
be made to pafs the river ?
A. I am not competefit to anfwer that quef
tion from my own judgment, and I made no
enquiry refpedling it. Withdrew.
Called in again.
Q^ Did you fee the boards you mentioned ?
A, I did not.
Q. When the Britifli troops took poffeffion
of the Jerfeys, were any proclamations iffued,
or meafures taken to conciliate the minds of
the people to the Britifli Government ?
A, There was a proclamation ; I underftood
it was iffued when Sir William Howe was in
the Jerfeys ; I met with it at Brunfwic, I real
ly cannot be certain as to the date. — By this
proclamation, a pardon was offered to all fuch
of the inhabitants as Ihould come in and take
the oath of allegiance to the crown, with a
promife or engagement to protedl them in
their perfons and properties,
Q^ In what manner were the inhabitants
treated by the Britifli troops after they received
their protedlions ?
A. Many of them, by far too many, were
plundered of their property while they had
their written protedlions in their hands, or in
their houfes,— Friends to Government, and
thofe difaffedled to Government, fliared the fame
fate in a great variety of iaftances. Withdrew.
G 2 '^gain

( 44 )
/igain called in.
Cj Was that laft anfwer given from your
own knowledge ?
A, From my own knowledge.
Q. By whom were fuch inhabitants plun
dered after they had received their protec
tions ?
A, By the Bi-itifli and Heffian troops,
Q^ To your own knowledge ?
A. I fliould be happy if the Committee
would let me explain myfelf, — It may be ex
pedled, that I ought not to anfwer, to my own
knowledge, unlefs I faw the fadl committed.
—That I did not, and yet I can affign fuch
reafons, I think, as will juftify me in faying—
to my own knowledge, — The people plundered
have come to me recently from the fadl, with
tears in their eyes, complaining that they were
plundered of every thing they had in the
world, even of the pot to boil their vidluals. —
I myfelf drew a memorial to Sir William Howe,
in behalf of a friend to Government, who had
been plundered of many thoufands in Madeira
wine ; — that memorial was prefented, — the de
termination of it was referred to General
Robertfon, whether the perfon fhould be paid'
for the wine or not (the perfon was Mr, Sharp
of New York), This was fettled, and I have
reafon to know of many other memorials that
were prefented on the like occafions. — I have
feen them before they were prefented ; — and as
to the fadl of the plunder, many affidavits were
taken on that occafion by the enemies to Go
vernment,

C 45 )
vernment, which affidavits were publifhed
throughout all America *. Withdrew.
.Again called in.
ol Was you with the army when they
marched from Brunfwic to Hillfborough ?
A. I was.
Q. Do you know of any roads leading round
Mr. Wafliington's camp at Middle Brook, on
the North, by which Sir William Howe might
have paffed round between him and the Dela
ware and his magazines ?
A. I never paffed the^oad from Brunfwic to
Middle Brook f.
Q^ Where were Wafhington's magazines at
the time you were in the camp at Middle
Brook ?
A. His artillery magazine was at Norrington,
about fifteen miles from Philadelphia. — The
magazines of provifions were at Lancafter,
* Whoever wifhes to be fully fatisfied in refpeft to the
indifcriminate plunder and wanton deflruftion of property
committed by the Briti.'h foldiery, in the county of Weft
Chefter, in the province of New York, and in the towns
of Newark, Elizabeth-Town, Woodbridge, Brunfwic,
Kingllon, Prince Town, and Trenton in New Jerfey, are
referred to the Pennfylvania Evening Pofts of the Z4th and
39th of April, ift, 3d, and lothof IVIay 1777.
-f- The chart of New Jerfey will fliew, that there is a
road leading from Brunfwic to Bound Brook, and from
thence to Eafton ; and it is known, that in that part of the
country, which is full of plantations, there are many roads
leading round Wafliington's camp on his right and left, in
which there can be no doubt buc Sir William Howe might
have pafled with his army even to the Delaware. With
thefe fadls he could not be unacquainted, as the Surveyor ti
the diftridl in which Waftiington was encamped, was at the
time with the Britifh army.
5 Manheim,

( 46 )
Manheim, Carlifle, Lebanoh, and I believe
fome at Reading— all in Pennfylvania, — I fpeak
from accounts brought to me at New York,
which I gave to Captain Montrefor.
Q^ Could General Wafliington, in your
opinion, in cafe General Howe had croffed the
Delaware, have remained in the Jerfeys when
his magazines were in the places you have
mentioned ?
A. He certainly might if he had chofe it,
and had determined to abide the confequences
which might have attended the lofs of his-
magazines *. i*
Q^ Do you apprehend he might have main
tained his army with provifions and ftores with
out thofe magazines ?
A. Not in any fliort time.
Qj^ Were there any preparations made by
General Howe for crolTing the Delaware at or
before his march to Hillfborough, and what
were they?
* Had Waftiington remained in the Jerfeys, and per
mitted Sir William Howe to have pafted into Pennfylvania
without giving him battle, his magazines of military ftores
and provifions muft have been loft, if Sir William Howe had
chofen to have taken them, — Philadelphia muft have fallen
into his hands, and the whole province fubmitted. — It is
therefore not to be ptefumed, that Wafliington would have
been fo deftitute of regard for his own intereft, as not to have
either fought the Britifli army in Jerfey, or have left his
ftrong poft, as it is called, and paffed over the Delaware with
a view to the defence of objedls upon which the force and
exiftence of his army fo materially depended. For thefe
he fought at Brandy Wine in Auguft, and for thefe he muft
have fought in New Jerfey or Peanfytyania in June, or loft
them,
A. Thwe

( 47 )
A. There were a number of pontoons built
at New York ; a number of flat-bottomed
boats prepared' and put upon carriages ; — thefe
were carried to Brunfwic; taken out of the
water and put upon carriages at Brunfwic — they
were not carried to Hillfborough, but left at
Brunfwic. Q^ Do you know whether the Delaware is
fordable above or below Trenton ?
A, In the fummer, it is fordable in a great
variety of places,— -In June, Jifly, Auguft,
September, and Odlober, the paffage over is
interrupted occafionally only by heavy rains. —
The frefhes in the Delaware generally fubfide
in four or five days after the rain ceafes,
Q^ Were there any particular circumftances
to make you fuppofe it was not fordable at
'that time ?
A. Whether the rain, while we were at
Hillfborough, made it unfordable or not, I
cannot tell,
Q. Have you had your pardon ?
A. I have not.
Here the witnefs was interrupted, and ordered to
withdraw.
Again called in., and ¦proceeds h. his anfwer to
the laft quejtion.
A. I did not apprehend, and I am perfedlly
confcious in my own mind, that I have never
done any thing that requires a pardon. I beg
that I may have an opportunity, in a brief man*
ner, of explaining my condudl in Congrefs —
and then I will proceed to fliew that a pardon
was denied, as unneceffary. — I went into Con
grefs at the eameft folicitation of the Affembly
of Pennfylvania.— I refufed to go, unlefs they
would

( 48 )
would fend with me, as the rule of my condudl,
inftrudlions agreeable to my own mind ; — they
fuffered me to draw up thofe inftrudlions ; — they
were briefly, to ftate the rights and the griev
ances of America, and to propofe a plan of
amicable accommodation of the differences be
tween Great Britain and the Colonies, and of a
perpetual union ; I fpeak now from the records
of Pennfylvania, where thefe inftrudlions are.
Upon this ground, and with a heart full of
loyalty to my Sovereign, I went into Congrefs,
— and from that loyalty I never deviated in the
leaft, I propofed a plan of accommodation in
the Congrefs, agreeable to my inftrudlions ; —
fome of the beft men, and men of the beft
fortunes, efpoufed the plan,,, and drew with me.
—It was propofed and debated a whole day,
and carried upon the queftion, fix Colonies to
five, that it fliould be refumed and further con
fidered.— I have in my hand the introdudlory
refolve of Congrefs in my own writing, which
identically was delivered by me in Congrefs.—
It is indorfed in the hand of Charles Thomp-
fon, the then and prefent Secretary to the Con
grefs. — The introdudlory refolve is but fliort,
and I will, therefore, for the information of
the Committee, and in vindication of my own
reputation, beg leave to read it.
He read it as follows:
J' Indorfed^ « Mr. J, Galloway's MotiOft^!
aSth Sept. 1774.'*
« Refolded,
" That this Congrefs will apply to his Ma-
jefty for a redrefs of grievances, under which his

( 49 i
hjs fdthful fubjfefts in America labour, and
affurehim, that the Colonies hold in abhor
rence the idea of being confidered independent
communities on the Britifli Government, and
moft ai*dently defire the , eftablifliment of a
political union, not only among themfelves,
but with the Mother State, upon thofe princi-^
pies of fafety and freedom which are effential
in the ,conftitution of all free Governments,
and particularly that of the Britifh Legiflature.
And as the Colonies, from their local circum
ftances, cannot be reprelented in the Parlia
ment of Great Britain, they will hunibly pro
pofe to his Majefty and his two Houfes of Par
liament, the following Plan, under which the'
flrength, of the whole empire may be dr.awn tO'
gether on any emergency .^ the . intereft of both
countries advanced, and the rights and liberties of

I beg further to obferve, before I read thd
Plan, that my gteit objedl was to prevail on
the Congrefs to take the ground of accornmo-
dation, and to avoid that of arms ; and there
fore, in forming the plan, I omitted feveral
things that I thought might obftrudl their
taking that ground. I do nOt, therefore, pro^
pofe it aS a perfedl plan, nor altogether as a
plan of my judgment. Withdrew.
Called in again, ahd proceeds.
The reafon why the plan was not altogether
to my judgment was, becaufe I thought it
would admit of fome very material additions,
and not that I difapproved of the plan as far as
it went. Reads the Plan, as follows :
H ^PLAN

( 50 )
"A TLAN of a prcfo/edUNlOi^ Be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies
of New Hampfhire, the Maffachufet's
Bay, Rhode Ifland, Connedicut,
New York, New Jerfey, Pennfylva
nia, Maryland, the three Loiver Coun^
ties on the Delaware, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, and
Georgia.
" THAT a Britifh and American legifla
ture, for regulating the adminiftration of
the general affairs of America, be propofed
and eftabliflied in America, including all the
faid Colonies, within and under which govern
ment each Colony fhall retain its prefent con-
ftitution, and powers of regulating and govern
ing its own internal police in all cafes what
ever, " That the faid Government be adminiftered
by a Prefident General to be appointed by the
King, and a Grand Council to be chofen by
the Reprefentatives of the people of the
feveral Colonies in their refpedlive Affemblies,
once in every three years,
" That the feveral Affemblies Ihall chufe
Members for the Grand Council in the foUow
ing proportions, viz.
New Hampfhire, Delaware Counties,
Maffachufet*s Bay, Maryland,
Rhode Ifland» Virginia,
Connedticut, North Carolina*
New York, South Carolina*
New Jerfey, Georgia.
Pennfylvania,

( 51 7
who Ihall meet at the city of for
the firft time, being called by the Prefident
General, as foon as conveniently may be after
his appointment,
*' That there fhall be a new eledlion of
members for the General Council every three
years; and on "the death, removal, or refig-
nation of any member, his place fhall be fup
plied by a new choice at the next fitting of the
Affembly of the Colony he reprefented.
" That the Grand Council fhall meet once
in every year, if they fhall think it neceffary,
and oftener if occafion fhall require, at fuch
time and place as they fhall adjourn to at the
laft preceding meeting, or as they fliall be
called to meet at by the Prefident General, on
any emergency.
" That the General Council fhall have powei-
to chufe their own Speaker, and fhall hold and
exercife all the like rights, liberties, and privi
leges as are held and exercifed by and in the
Houfe of Commons of Great Britain.
" That the Prefident General fliall hold his
office during the pleafure of the King ; and his
aflent fhall be requifite to all adls of the Grand
Council, and it fhall be his office and duty to
caufe them to be carried into execution.
" That the Prefident General, by and with
the advice and confent of the General Council,
hold and exercife all tlie legiflative rights,
powers, and authorities, neceffai-y for regu
lating and adminiftering all the general police
and affairs of the Colonies, in which Great
Britain and the Colonies, or any of them, the
(Colonies in general, or more than one Colony,
Ha are

( 5» )
are in any manner concerned, as well civil and
criminal as pomroercial.
" That the faid Prefident General and Grand
Council be an inferior diftinSi branch of the
Britifi) Legiflature, united and incorporated with
it for the aforefaid general purpofes, and that
any of the faid general regulations may origi
nate, ^nd be formed and digefted, either in the
Parliament of Great Britain or in the faid
Grand Council, and being prepared, tranf-r
mitted to the other for their approbation or dif-
fent ; and that the affent of both fhall be re-?
quifite to the validity pf all fuch general adls
or ftatutes.
" TJiat in titne of war, all bills for grant
ing aids to the Crown, prepared by the Grand
Council, and approved by the Prefident Gene-
fa}, fhall be valid, and paffed into a law, with
out the affent of the Britifh Parliament,"
Upder the circumftances of my whole con
dudl, as well in Congrefs as out of it, I did
not apprehend, that I had done any one adl
that required a pardon ; and yet, as I was a
member of that Congrefs, I did apply to the
then adling Secretary of the Commiflioners,
and tendered myfelf to comply with the Pro
clamation, by taking the oath of allegiance,
and thereupon to receive a pardon *,
¦' ' ¦ ¦ Q^What
* The plan propofed by Mr, Galloway gave the inde
pendent faftion much uneaiinefs, as they faw it contained
the great outlines of an union vfrith Great Britain, which
were approved pf and fiipported by a confiderable majority
of the gentlemen pf abilities, fortune, and influence, then
in Congrefs ; from whence they juftly concluded it would
be agreeable to the people at large ; and, Ihould it be
' adopted

( 53 )
Q. What year was it you tendered youp?
felf ?
A. I think it was in January, 1777. I was
told by Mr, Searle, who was the Secretary, that
adopted as the ground of reconciliation, their fcheme of
Independence would be totally fruftrated. Mr, Adams and
his party left no means in their power uneflayed, to pre.,
vail on the members of Congrefs to rejeft it on the fecond
reading, and left this ftep fliould fail of fuccefs, to incenfe
the mob in Philadelphia againft it. At this time, the minds
of the lower ranks of people in Philadelphia, who were
governed in a great degree by Mr. Adams, being prepared
for the moft violent meafures, Mr, Galloway and his friends
thought their perfonal fafety depended on not renewing the
potion. But this did not fatisfy the violent party in Con
grefs, Confcious that it would be approved of by the peo
ple at large, if publilhed, and believing that Mr, Galloway
\vould not venture to make it public, they procured a ma
jority, who ordered it, with the introduflory motion, to
be erafed from their Minutes. However, after the Con
grefs broke up, much pains being taken to traduce the con
dudl of Mr. Galloway, he thought it neceflary, at all events,
to vindicate his injured charafter, by ftating the rights of
both countries, upon the ground, and from the argutaents
he made ufe pf in the Congrefs. This vindication, with
the uniform and indefatigable oppofition which he gave to
every violent meafure tending tp a feparation of the Colo
nies from Great Britain, will appear in two pamphlets, en
titled, " A candid Examination of the mutual Claims of
Great .Britain and the Colonies, with a Plan of Accommo
dation on conftitutional Principles ;" apd " A Reply to an
Addrefs to the Author of a Pamphlet, entitled, A candid
Examination, &c."
Immediately after this Congrefs was diflblved, Mr. Gal
loway publiflied his plan in the firft mentioned pamphlet,
and gave to the people the following account of his condudl.
" In order to prevail on the Congrefs to defert their fcheme
of Independence, and to purfue thofe meafures for reftoring
the rights of America which carry with them a profpeft
of fuccefs, he propofed a plan of union between the two
countries, which would have reftored to the Colonifts the
^uU enjoyment of their rights. He waited firft, with pa-
"¦ - tience.

( 54 )
that he would not give a pardon, becaufe it
was not neceffary. I defired he would men
tion it to Lord Howe. I faw him a few days
after, and applied again for a pardon. I re
ceived
tience, to fee whether any fcheme of union would be adopt
ed by the Congrefs, determined to unite with them in any
meafure which might tend to a reconciliation ; but he waited
in vain. And when he found them bewildered, perpetually
changing their ground, taking up principles one day, and
ihifting them the next, he thought it his duty, however
little the profpeft of fuccefs, to fpeak his fentiments with
iirmnefs, and to endeavour to fliew to them the true line of
their duty. And after proving the necefjity of a supreme
auihority over every member tf the ftate, tracing the rights
of the Colonies to their origin, and thence ftiewing the ne-
ceffity of an union with the Mother-State, he introduced
the plan with the refolve which precedes it ; but declared,
that he was fenfible it was not perfedl— that knowing the
fundamental principles of every fjiftem muft be firft fettled,
he had, to avoid perplexity, contented himfelf with only-
laying down the great outlines of the union ; and fliould
they be approved, he had feveral propofitions of leffer con
fequence to make, in order to render the fyftem more com
plete. The plan being read, and warmly feconded by fe-
veral gentlemen of the firft abilities, it was referred, for fur
ther confideration, by a majority of the Colonies. Upon
this promifing afpedl of things, he was led to fign the Non
importation agreement, although hi b.ad uniformly oppofed
it." See page 51, jz.
The efforts of this gentleman in Congrefs, to prevail on
them to defert their views of Independence, being fruftrated,
he returned to the Affembly, where he was again unani
moufly eledled to the chair; but he refufed it, wiftiing to
be on the floor to fpeak to meafures he had refolved to pro
pofe in that body. Thefe were, that they would take the
ground of negociation, not of arms — to difapprove of the
proceedings in Congrefs, and to withdraw their Delegation
from it. The firft and fecond he carried on a divifion 18 to
14, and the third he loft by a lingle vote only, occafioned
by feveral falfe and feditious letters, written by the difaffedl
ed in this country, which unfortunately arrived on the morn-
ing before the queftion was put, Notwithftanding this
condudl.

( 55 )
ceived the fame anfwer, that he would not givd
me one, becaufe it was not neceffary.
Q^ Is Mr. Searle a barrifter at law, and what
OfBce was he in ?
A. I don't know whether he is a barrifter i
he was adling Secretary to the Commiflioners,
and was granting pardons.
Q. Did you ever apply to Lord, Sir Wil
liam Howe, or Mr. Strachey their Secretary,
on that fubjedl ?
A. Not perfonally. I thought two appli
cations to the adling Secretary were fufficient.
Qj^ Are you not of the profeffion of the
law? A. I am.
Qj Did you think that Mr. Searle under-

condufl, the fame Affembly unanimoufly appointed him,
when abfent, again to reprefent them in the next Congrefs.
On his feeing the minute, he informed the Houfe he would
not ferve them in that capacity, and infifted they fhould
erafe the appointment; but fuch was their confidence in
him, and hope that he would change his refolution, they
could not be prevailed on to do it, although he declared,
if it would be decent, and the minute was in his power, he
would erafe it himfelf.
After he found thefe exertions to ftem the torrent of vi
olence in vain, he retired to his feat in Bucks, where hs
remained feveral months in the utmoft danger from mobs
raifed by Mr, Adams to bang him at his own door ; but
^hefe were fuppreffed by the vigilance and affedlion of his
friends in the city.
Soon after, the Congrefs being defirous to gain him over
to their meafures, and iioping that his danger might induce
Jiim to change his condudl. Dr. Franklin came up to him
in Bucks, and earneftly folicited he would join in their mea
fures, ; but, unalterably fixt in his duty to his fovereign,
he refufed, determined to abide the confequences, however
difaftrous they mjghi prove to himfelf and his family. ftood

( 5^ 5
flood the hature of your proceedings in Cdfl^
grefs better than yourfelf ?
A. I imagine he did not; nor do I think a
perfon being in an affembly of people (if I
underftand any thing of the law), which af
fembly does an illegal adl, and that perfon
docs not affent, but objedls to it (as all guile
muft originate in the mind), is guilty ; and I
believe no authorities of the law will juftify a
contrary dodlrine.
Q^ Have you not figned the Affociation ?
A. I did — and I will give my reafons. I
did it on the ground of preventing the Con
grefs from proceeding to more violent mea-*
fures ; and even when I confider that Aflb-
ciation, if this was a proper place to reafon on
the figning of it, I think there was no degree
of guilt in it.
Q^ Does not that Affociation begin with a
declaration, purporting, that the fituation of
American affairs was unhappy, and that it was
occafioned by a ruinous fyflem of colony ad
miniftration, adopted by the Britifh Miniftry
about the year 1763, evidently calculated for
enftaving the Colonies, and with them the
Britilh empire— that adls were paffed for de
priving the American fubjedls of the, confti
tutional trial by jury, expofing their lives to
danger by a new and illegal trial ; and that the
Qiiebec Adl for the eftablithment of arbitrary
government, difcouraging the fettlement of the
Britifh fubjedls in that country, and to difpofe
the inhabitants to adl with hoftility againft the
free proteftant Colonies, whenever a wicked
miniftry fhould choofe to diredl them ?
2 A. I

( '51 )
A. I declare to this Committee, I don't knOW
whether that was in the Affociation or not.— I
have never read the Affociation fince I figned
it, which was near five years paft, I liked it fo
little. Q^ Did you read it before you figned it ?
A. fdid not read it before I figned it, but it
was read to me,' or elfe I could not have faid I
diiliked it,
Q^ You figned it nbtwithftanding .?
_ A. I did fign it notwithftanding, and I have
given my reafons for ic *.
Q. Did it not contain an agreement, not to
import from Great Britain ihtb Atherica the
goods vv^hich might legally have been import
ed, or to export thofe which might legally
have bieen exported to Great Britain ?
A. The fubftance of the Affociation is really
out of my mind. — I fuppofe it did.— I am ready
to ainfwerall queftions, although they may tend
to criminate myfelf, if the Committee approve
of it.
Q^ Whether this Affociation did riot contain
a refolution that they would never have any con-
nedlion with any merchant that made fuch im
portation or exportation ?
* Many of the introdildlory fentinieiits contained in th^
alTociation agreement were ufed by the Congrefs on various
other occafions. — Mri Galloway muft have a very tenacious
and extenfive memory to have recoliedled particular fenti-
menti contained in a paf-iiicular paper; which he had not
read in the courfe of five years. If he had retollefted that
the claufes mentioned in the queftion were in the agreement;
he could have no motive to deny it, as he knew the agree-
njsht muii prove whether they were in ii or noti
1 A. I

( 58 )
A. I don't recoUedl any one particular article
of the Affociation. If the honourable Member
will give me the paper in his hand, which I
fuppofe contains the Affociation, I will inform
him. Q^ Whether that Affociation was not to con
tinue until feveral adls of parliament were re
pealed ?
A. It is very probable it might. — I don't re
eolledl when the Affociation expired, nor the
terms upon which it was to expire. — The Affo
ciation is a public paper, and will fpeak for it-
felf Q^ Do you think, if fuch refplutions be con
tained in the Affociation, they are agreeable to
law? A. I am ready to fubmit to the decMion of
the law, with refpedl to that matter, whenever
1 am called upon.
Q^ Did you not fit in the Committee of
Grievances? A. I fat in the Grand Committee that were
appointed to ftate the grievances, and propofe
the Plan of Accommodation with Great Britain,
—It was one Commi.ttee.
Q^ Did not that Committee come to a refo
lution that three ftatutes, viz. The Bofton Fort
Bill, the Maffachufct's Charter Bill, and the
Adl for' the impartial Adminiftration of Juftice,
are impolitic, unjuft, and cruel, as well as un-
conftitutional, and moft dangerous and deftruc-
tiveof American rights?
A, They did, I believe, but not with my
approbation ; becaufe I thought then, and think ftill.

( 59 )
ftill, there were fufficient grounds for making
thofe adls,
Q^ Did you declare that in Congrefs ?
A, I don't know that I did — I do not re
coUedl,— It is very poffible I might ;— for I did
in Congrefs things equally difagreeable to the
violent party— infomuch that they fent me a
halter, with a letter attending it, threatening to
put me to death if I did not make ufe of it.-^ —
This much I can fay, that there was no violent
meafure propofed in ic, that I did not oppofe,
and to which I did not infift upon leave to en
ter my proteft, which was denied me.
Q^ Who lent that halter and its accompani
ments ? Was the letter figned by Charles Thomp-
fon, Peyton Randolph, or by any other Mem
ber of Congrefs ?
A. I don't know pofitively who fent it ; it
was fome infamous affaffin, I prefume, on the
part of the violent part of the Congrefs. — It was
reported that two Members of the Congrefs were
concerned irt it; but as I don't know the fadl,
I don't mention their names. — The letter was
anonimous. Q^ Do you know that you offered yOur pro
teft on that queftion of the refolves concerning
the three ftatutes ?
A. I don't remember that particularly, more
than in the courfe of the other parts of my
condudl. Q_ Do you remember that the Congrefs came
to a refolution, that the dutiful, humble, loyal,
and reafonable petitions of theii" Affemblies to
the Crown for redrefs have been repeatedly
I 2 treated

( 6p )
treated with contempt, by his Majefty's Mini-
fters of State?
A. I really don't recoUefc that they came to
fuch a particular refolution. — Poffibly they
might, and it is very probable thty did.— I have
qqt read over the proceedings of Congrefs fince'
I left it. ^
Q^ Did they come to a refolution, that the
keeping a ftanding army m the colonies in time
of peace, without the confent of the Legifiature
cf that colony in which fuch army is kept, is
againft law ?
A. They did — I remembfe*^t,
Q^ Do you think that is agreeable to law ?
A. I have no delicacy in anfwering that quef
tion. — Buc, as a lawyer, I would wiOi to con
fider queftions of law before I give an opinion.
r — I ever made it my pradlice in matters of
much lefs confequence than the prefent,
Q^ Did you in that queftion vote before you
had confidered it ?
A. I imagine no^, — I muft have confidered it;
in the courfe of the debate.
Qi Have you forgot what you thought of it
^t that time ; whether you then confidered it as
a true or a falfe propofition ?
A. I really don't recoUedl what I thought of
it; and I fhould wifh to confider it before I
give my opinion now : was it propofed to me
out of this Houfe, with a fee for my advice, I
fliould choofe to reconfider it.
Q^ Whether the ten refolutions come to by
the Congrefs in confequence of a report from
the Grand Committee, which they demanded as

( 6i )
their indubitable rights and liberties, are not
entered in the journals as being paffed Nemine;
Contradicente ?
A. I don't recoUedl, at this time, how they
were entered ; but this 1 know, that many re
folutions of Congrefs, when they were publifh
ed, I found them entered unanimoufly, and
Nemine Contradicente, when they were not fo as
to the individual Membei-s, — The votes of the
Congrefs were taken by colonies ; fome of the
colonies were reprefented by nine Members ;
fome by feven ; fome by five ; and fome by
three ; and whenever a -majority of the Me^n-
bers, reprefenting a colony, was for a queftion,
it counted one ; although four out of the nine
were exprefsly againft the queftion ; and when
all the colonies gave a vote in this way in the
affirmative or negative, it was entered unani
moufly, or Nem. Con.; although in fome in
ftances there were one-third of the Members
prefent againft the queftion carried.
Q. Do you recoUedt that thefe ten refolutions,
which were confidered by the Congrefs as their
Bill of Rights, met with any confiderable oppo-
fitiop ?
A. They did meet with a very confiderable
oppofition. — The Committee fat near three
weeks. The gentlemen who drew with me in
oppofition perplexed the propofals made by the
violent party, as we adied entirely on the de-
fenfive; — fo that they did not come to a fingle
refolution for better than a fortnight, neither in
ftating their rights or their grievances. — And,
as well as I can recoUedl, the Grand Committee
did not determine on thofe refolutions. — To the
beft

( 62 )
beft of my knowledge, the Commiitee was dif-
folved before they were voted, and that owing
to the oppofition thefe refolves met with.
Q^ Did you give any confiderable oppofition
to thofe refolutions, on the report, to the whole,
or to vvhich of them ?
A. I have not one fingle one of them in my
memory now; fo I cannot fay which I oppofedj
and which not.
Q. Did you oppofe any of them on the re
port ?
A, I did make an oppofition to fome of them,
I make no doubt, but I can't fay which.
Q^ Are you pofitive you made any oppofition
to any of them ?
A. If I could fee the ten refolutions, I could
anfwer — otherwife not.
\^He looks over the refolutions in a printed book.']
I oppofed the ift and the 4th, — The 2d and
3d I don't recoUedl; — The 5th I did not, nor the
6th.— The 7th I don't recoUeft,— The Sth I
rnuft have oppofed. — -I was of a contrary opi
nion to the 9th, and believe I oppofed it. — As
to the 10th, I d<)n't recoUedl.
Q. Are they not aU great fundamental points
concerning the principles of the Britifh conftitu-
tion, which you as a lawyer mUft have frequent
ly confidered ?
A. I may have confidered thein, but I don't
know how frequently.
Q^ Did not you think yourfelf particularly
called upon at that time ferioufly to attend to.
them ?
A. I did attend to them at that time. ^teflion

( 63 )
^ejlion repeated.
A. I don't know whether that idea entered
into my head at that time ; 1 don't doubt but
that I did think of them ;, but I am fpeaking
of very particular tranfadlions that palled five
years ago.
Q^ Did not the Congrefs come to a refolu
tion approving the oppofition made by the in
habitants of Maffachufet's Bay to the execution
ofthe late Adls of Pariiament; and that if the
fame fhould be attempted to be carried into ex
ecution by force, all America ought to fupport
them in their oppofition ?
A. I remember a refolution to that amount.
Q^ Did you oppofe it ?
A. I did oppofe it ; and I recoUedl particu
larly, 1 infifted in Congrefs, that they fhould fuf
fer me to enter my proteft. — Another Member
(Mr. Duane) joined me in it. — There was a
long debate, and we were over-ruled. — We
then infifted, that our motion for protefting
fhould be entered on the minutes— 'With their
negative, — -It was refufed; on which Mr. Duane
and myfelf, when we returned from Congrefs,
gave each other a certificate, declaring our op
pofition to -that queftion, as we thought it a
treafonable one,
Q. Did you continue to attend Congrefs
after ?
A. I did; — but propofed to Mr. Duane to
leave the Congrefs, and confuked my friends
out of doors, refpedling my perfonal fafety if I
did. — Could I have prevailed on him to have
left the Congrefs with me, or had not my
friends unanimoufly advifed me that my perfo-
4 nal

( S'4 )
nal fafety would be in danger— I fliould cer
tainly have left the Congrefs, — The city of
Philadelphia, on the arrival of that refolve, wa4
thrown into gi-eat confufion and diforder — thd
violent party infiftirig that it fhould be car
ried into execution ; fo that we were in great
danger from our oppofition.
Q^ Was not there a refolution paffed, entered
unanimoufly, that every perfon adting under thd
authority of the Maffachufet's charter adl ought
to be held in deteftation and abhorrence by all
good men, and confidered as the wicked tools
of that defpotifm which is preparing to deftroy
thofe rights which God, nature, and Compaft
had given to America ?
A. I believe there was fuch a refolution, but
I don't know how it was entered,
Q^ Did you oppofe it ?
A. 1 certainly did,
Q. Was not there a letter Of Congrefs di-
redled to be v/rote tp the people of England ?
A. Yes,
Q^ Did you confent to that letter ?
A. I did not ; nor to the letter to the people
of Ireland ; nor to any ofthe general letters that
were wrote at that time;
Q^ Did you confider the Congrefs as a full
and free reprcfentation of the colonies * ?
A, I
* Whoever forms an opinion ofthe difpofitions ofthe peo
ple in the revolted colonies, from the meafures of the Con*.
grefs, does it on very miflalket^ principles. The minds of
the people in general were peaceable and loyal; the meafures
of the Congrefs were violent and rebeUious, Thefe truths
are evident from the proceedings of the people and the reJ,
cords ofthe Congrefs. It appears that the inftruftions given by

( H )
A. t did not.
Q^ Was you freely chofen ?

A. I

was

by the people who appointed the Cbngrefs, were only to
feek for redrefs of grievances, and an union between the
two countries, arid not to take up arms in order to eftablifh
independence. They amounted to a prohibition againft all
illegal meafures, efpecially fuch as tended to difunite Great
Britain and America. The Congrefs, therefore, manifeflly
violated their truft, and afted againft the fenfe of the people
who chofe them.
Neither the firft or any fubfequent Congrefs can, in any^
fenfe ofthe words, be deemed " a full and free reprcfentation
of the people," In the firft, the Delegates of four Colonies
only were appointed by tbe Aflemblies, viz, thofe of Mafs
fachufett'sj Connefticut, Rhode Ifland, and Pennfylvania,
and thefe Aflemblies had no authority from the people to
make fuch appointment. They were chofen for other pur
pofes, and before a Congrefs was thought of. And as the
right of delegating their power was not included in the
conftitution of their bodies, they not only afted •illegally,
but without the confent of their conftituents. Thefe Dele
gates, therefore, could not be the reprefentatives of thS
people of their refpeftive Colonies. And as to the other
Delegates who were appointed by the conventions, and in
diftrifts by the people ; it is well known in America, that
they were not the reprefentatives in many diltrifts of one
hundredth, and in none, even in the moft zealous and
violent, of a > tenth part of the legal voters ; and we have
feen in the King's County, where there are not lefs than
looo voters, the Delegate was appointed by one perfon
only. The other Congreffes have not been a mere perfeft re-
prefentation of the people than the firft. The people having
difcovered at length the defign and perfidy of their rulers,
and experienced the fevereft opprefiion and diftrefs under,
their government, as well as all the calamities of war, and
dreading the confequences of thd unnatural alliance with
France, have very generally declined giving the leaft aid and
countenance to their meafures, and withdrawn themfelves
from having any fhare in their appointments; and being
difarmed, have left it to a few violent men, who with arms
K in

( 66 )
A. I was chofen a Member of the Affenrbly
of Pennfylvania, and they appointed me a De
legate to the Congrefs. — After the inftance I
gave the other night of two men in a large
diftridl meeting together, and one of them ap
pointing the other a Delegate in Congrefs, and
that Member being admitted in Congrefs, I
can hardly think, that the Congrefs was a
perfedl and complete reprcfentation of the
Colonies. Q^ In what province do you fpeak of ?
A. Of New York.
Q^ Who was the perfon ?
A. Mr, Boerum.
Q^ Do you know that of your own know
ledge? A. I was not on the fpot, but I had it from
almoft all the Delegates of New York.
Q^ Were the other Delegates {o chofen at
New York ?
A. They were not.
Q^ Do you know of another inftance of fuch
a choice ?
in their hands, deprive them of all freedom of Judgment.
Hence we have feen, froni a preceding part of this examina-
ti^on, that the Members of the whole rebel ftate of that
Colony, .and its Members of Congrefs for the year 1778,
have been appointed by lefs than one hundred and fiftieth
part of the people. In the province of New York, at an
eletlion of the Rebel Governor, who was warmly oppofed by
another candidate.there were not 1 000 voters attended, altho'
all in that large Colony had a right to join'in the appoint
ment. And the fame averfion to fupport the prefent fyftem
of independence, has appeared in the conduft of the people
in all the other Colonies,'

A. There

( 6; )
A. There were feveral inftances where very
' few people met, compared with the numbers in
the diftridl.
Q. Do you fpeak of the firft Congrefs in
which you fat ?
A. I do.
Q^ What counties were there ?
A. In the province of New York, as well as
I reeolledl, the Delegates of the city of New
York were appointed by the Convention of the
city of New York, — The counties and diftridls
fent others ; fo that, if I don't forget, there
were more Members from that province than
any other.
^Q^ But they had no more than one vote ?
A. I have anfwered that before ; — they had
but one vote.
Q^ Was that the cafe in the province of
Pennfylvania — that they were not duly eledled ?
A. No; — when the Affembly of Pennfyl
vania were chofen, which was near eleven
months before the Congrefs fat, the people had
no idea of a Congrefs in their minds.
Q^ Was the eledlion a fair one in that
Affembly ?
A. It was received as fuch by the Affembly,
and I believe it was.
Q^ Do you know any inftance out of the
Colony of New York, of perfons eledled by a
very few ?
A. The Delegates of the Maffachufet's Bay
were chofen much in the fame manner as thoie
of New York; but it being a great diftance
from where I refided, I do not know what
number attended their eledlions.
K 2 Q, r J

( 68 )
Q^ Do you know that they were not fairly
leledled, and by great numbers of people ?
A. I have no knowledge about it, as I never
enquired into it, . nor heard of it,
Q. Do you recoUedl v/hat perfons the militia'
of Pennfylvania, and other provinces with
'which you are acquainted, confifted of in
I>74 and 1.775 ?
A. There was no militia in Pennfylvania in
1774. — In 1775, there v/as;— they confifted of
a very fmall part of the province of Pennfylva
nia. — The peopld took up arms with great re-
ludtance in that province, — I think the militia
pf Philadelphia,' where there are near 30,000
fouls, never amounted to above 15 or 1600 ;
and in the whole county of Bucks, they were
fhort of that number, — I, do not think there
was a greater proportion in the county of
Chefter ; — three of the oldeft, firft fettled
Colonies in the province.
Q. Who compelled them to take up arms in
1775 •
A. The firft militia was by a voluntary affo-.
friation, without any coinpulfion,
Q^ Did any affociate to oppofe them?
A. I never heard of any fuch; •
Q^ In no part of Pennfylvania ?
A. In none. ¦
Q__ Were not fuch affociations formed in
feveral other Colonies ?
A. I believe there 'were, ~^
Q^ Did any affociate to oppofe them ?
A. 1 did not hear fo,
Q^ Do you remember, in that year, that any
great number of people were forcibly difarmed
iu the province of Pennfylvania ?
2 A. I do

( h )
A. I do not particularly recoUedl' when they
begun to difarm ; but many people were dif
armed, before the refolve of Congrefs by the
Convention, and before the declaration of in
dependence. Q. How long before ?
A, I cannot give a fatisfadtory anfwer.
Q^ Was it in the year 1775 ?
A. I do not remember whether in the latter
end of 1775 or beginning of 17761 — but I
rather .think in 9775.
Q^-Were they the greater number of the
people that were fo difarmed ?
¦ A. I rather fufpedl not ; — they did not difarm.
thofe whom they did not fufpedl.of making ufe
of arms againft them.
Q^ How many do you think might have
been fodifarmed ? •
.A. I really cannot fay what proportion ; — I
know they caUed on me for my arms.
Q; Do you. think that the greateft part of the
Pennfylvania militia, were compelled at that
time to .ferve. by force ?
A, The militia laws which were -made in
Pennfylvania, 'I think, were made after, that
time ;— but I' do not recoUedl that any "of the
mihtia, before thofe laws, were made,, were
compeUed to ferve. - i
' -Q!_'Did'they obey thofe laws ?
A. Not -generally.
Q^ Q^iakers ejccepted, I mean ?
A. There were Quakers, and a mtmber of
other feels, who fcrupled carrying arms.
Q^ Do you remember the march- of Sir
William Howe from the Elk to Phiiadelphia^-
was you with him ? ' A. I

- ( 70 )
A. I was.
Q^ Is it not almoft the whole length of the
province in that diredtion ?
A. By no means *.
Q^ Is the province more extenfive in that
diredtion than from the Elk to the Delaware ?
A. Not in that ftraight diredtion from the
Elk to Philadelphia.
Q. Had Sir WiUiam Howe a ftrong army
with him ?
A. 1 fhould think a very ftrong army, con-
fidering the force in oppofition to him j. — The
• Sir William Howe's march was not in a ftraight di-
reftion from the Elk to Philadelphia, but in a circuit. — He
marched fiift nearly north about fixty miles to the Schuylkill,
then changed his route and paffed to Philadelphia, about
twenty miles in a courfe fouthward of eaft. — In the firft
direftion, he might have paffed an hundred miles farther'
than he did,
f The force of an army does not confift in numbers,.
fo much as in military appointments and difcipline. — The
Britifh army had the beft appointments, and was compofed
of veterans, high-fpirited and perfeftly difciplined troops,
—The Rebel army was not only very badly appointed, but
confifted of new raifed undifciplined troops, commanded,
forthe moft part, by ofiicers- unfkilled in military knowledge.
Hence we find, that the Britifli troops have met with no
difficulty in defeating them, however advantageoufly pofled,
and whenever they have been attacked. But in the five
feveral complete defeats at Long Ifland, the White Plain?,
Quibble Town, Brandy Wine, and German Town, there
was no purfuit after viftory. This important part of mili
tary policy, fo effential to final fuccefs, was in every inftance
omitted; and the Rebel General, with the afliftance of the
Rebel States, fuffered to colleft and recruit his diminiflied
army, to renew the appointments loft in battle, and to ap
pear again in force in the field. Under a conduft (b erro-
neous, what avail fuperior numbers, difcipline, or appoint
ments .' Force, however great, is ufelefs unlefs exerted, and
viftory is vain unlefs purfued. force

( 71 )
force in oppofition to him at the battle of
•Brandy Wine, did not confift of more than
15,000 men, the army and its attendants, in
cluding officers and all, fave about 1000 mili
tia, for whom they could not procure arms.
Q. How many of the King's loyal fubjedls
joined the army of Sir William Howe on that
march ?
A. There were many came into the camp,
and returned again to their habitations. — 1 do
not know of any that joined in arms — not one
— nor was there any invitation for that purpofe.
— By Sir WiUiam Howe's declaration, which
is before this Committee, he only requefted the
people to ftay at home.
Q^ If the people were fo defirous of re-
preffing the tyranny of the Congrefs, how came
they not to take that opportunity of rifing to
protedl themfelves, and to deliver up the ufurp-
ing magiftrates ?
A. The people in the province of Weft New
Jerfey had been deferted ; — many of them who
had taken an adtive part, and been affifting to
the General, were obliged, to fave their lives, to
fly to New York for protedlion, and defert their
wives, their families, and property ; and more,
it is not natural to think that people of proper
ty will join an army paffing as that did, from
the head of Elk to Philadelphia, leave their
wives and families, and their property, liable
to be deftroyed every moment after the depar
ture of the army, without fome affurance, or
without fome protedlion left with them — or
affurances that the army would continue with
them, or be ready to protedl them. Q^ Is

( 72 )
Q^, Is that fo in all the provinces?
A. I think it wiU be fo all the world over *.
Q. So that the loyal people are not able to
protedl themfelves after the withdrawing of the
army ? ¦
A. I don't make that conclufion. — If an
army goes into the country with defign to re
duce it, and fhould find it neceffary to make
* It is truly abfurd and ridiculous to expeft that the
people of a country, however well afFefted to us, who are
deftitute of arms or any cf the means of war, v.'ill rife in
our favour, without fome encouragement offered, or the
leaft commiffion Or invitation to do fo, more efpecially
when that country contains a miliiia armed, and an army
capable of keeping the field, ready to fupprefs them. Be
sides, the people of Pennfylvania had feen the Britifh army
in the poflTeflion of all New Jerfey, and its troops cantoned
from New Yotk to Trentown, to cover it, and no meafures
purfued to embody the loyal in arms, or to make ufe of the
well afFefted force within it for its defence. They had feen
that afmy, by one-fourth part of its numbers of new
raifed undifciplined troops, driven out of Weft Jerfey, ?nd
feveral thoufands of his Majefty's faithful fubjefts who had
taken a decifive part in our favour, abandoned to the ex-
afperated refentment of their enemies. They had feen large
bodies bf loyalifts rifing in favour of the Crov/n, in the
feveial Colonies of Maryland, the Delaware counties. North
Carolina, and New Jerfey, unfupported by the Britifh arrry,
and fuppreffed and feverely puniftied by the Rebels. After
thefe examples, it would certainly have been extreme folly
in the people of Pennfylvania, circumftanced as they were,
to rife in our favour, without the Icalf affurance of aid or
invitation to do fo. It is certainly cocfiftf nt with all experi
ence and found policy, when a General enters a country
and wifhes for the aid of a party in it, to folicit it, and to
give them the neceffary fupport and means of doing it. Thc^
invitation, in all leafon, fliould come from the General, not
the offer from the people. His intereft and duty demand
it ; the danger of their fafety forbids it. If the people,
labouring under fuch difiiculties, are to blame for not offering
their aid, how much more fois the General for not afking it ?
ufe

( 73 )
life of the force of that country for its defeficc',
after the army may leave it to go on othet^
operations ; common policy, and the pradlice,
I believe, of all Generals has been, for the army
to remain in that country until the proper mea
fures are taken, by proper rules and regulatioiiSi
to embody that force, by which it may be pro*
tedled when the army fhall leave it.
Q^ How long did Sir WiUiam Howe ftay at
Philadelphia ?
A. The Britifh army, part of it, paffed ihtd
Philadelphia the 26th of September 1777 —
and evacuated it, I think, the i8th of June
following. Q\ Was not that a fufficient time for the
loyal people to coUedt and arm themfelves for
their own defence^ in cafe Sir WiUiam Howe
had chofen to quit that place and proceed on
other operations ?
A. During that time, Walhington had as
much poffeffion of the country of Pennfylvania^
except the lines within which the Britifh' army
were contained, as any enemy could be in pof
feflion of a country.
Q^ Did General Wafiiington hot confidef
himfelf as in an enemy's country, and the peo
ple as generally difaffedled to him ?
A. Hfe did fo in refpedl to intelligence, and
I believe in refpedl to procuring- provifions ;—
but Walhington knew he could, and the peo
ple without the lines knew he would, in cafe
they attempted to rifcj fend a party of his army
to fupprefs them, which might be eafily done,
as the people well affedled to Government were
before difarmed.
L Q^WaS

C 74 )
Q^ Was not General Walhington defeated at
Brandy Wine ?
A. He was driven off the ground — which I
call a defeat,
Q^ Did the people take that opportunity to
rife, or did they in very confiderable bodies
apply to Sir William Howe for arms and fup
port, engaging to embody after that defeat ?
A. In a few days after that defeat, Walhing
ton coUedted his army ; — the people faw Walh
ington again in fome force ; — they faw him
march from PhUadelphia, round to Gofhen, to
meet Sir William Howe, — Tfiat defeat gave
them but little opportunity to Hfe.
Q^ Did they rife, or fend a meffage, promif
ing to rife if protedted ?
A. They did not at that time.
Q^ Did they, when General Walhington re
tired, and Sir William entered fnto Philadel
phia ?
A. I cannot anfwer any queftion which may
tend by a fhort anfwer to contradidl what I have
faid before, without giving my reafons for it.
Q^ Upon the retreat of Wafhington, and the
entry of Sir William Howe into Philadelphia,
was there any confiderable rifing of the people
in favour of the King ? Withdrew.
jigain called in.
Reftion repeated ?
A. There was not ; after the army went into
PhUadelphia, Sir William Howe remained at
German Town ; and although Wafliington's
army retreated, when Sir William Howe croffed
the Schuylkill, up towards Reading, very foon
3 after

i T5 )
after he returned nearer to Sir WiUiam Howe's
army about Skippach *.
Q. After the battle of Brandywine, had
General Waftiington any confiderable army in
the lower counties ?
A. He had not.
Qi Was there any infurredlion in thofe
counties againft the Congrefs ?
A. There was not ; — but thofe counties very
generally, in my clear opinion, from the head
of the Elk, near 200 miles, to the Capes,
would have rofe in arms, could Sir WiUiam
Howe, confiftent with his operations, have re
mained for a month at the head of the t Ik, or
about Newcaftle, that covered that peninfula,
a reafonable time to admit of their putting
themfelves into a regular pofture of defence,
provided they had affurances of this, and an
invitation and authority from him to do fo.
Q^ You having faid that General Wafhing
ton had no army in thefe counties, was there
pot a royal naval force in the river ?
A. There was in the rivers ; — but there were
mUitia in thofe parts who had arms in their
hands, and prevented the reft of the people
from putting their wifhes in execution.
Q^ Did they apply to Sir William Howe, or
Captain Hammond, or Lord Howe, or any
other people in authority, for arms and affift-
ance ?
* Wafhington's army, when in the field, was feldom
pofted at a diftance more than fifteen miles, often within
twelve. And during the time the Britifh army remained in
Fhiladelphia, his patroles conftantly furrounded the Britilh
lines. He was therefore in the full pofTeiuon and command
of the country.
L 2 A. I

( 76 )
A. I don't know that they made any perfonal
application to any of them ; but I underftood
from Mr. Robinfon, a gentleman of the firft
weio-ht and influence in thofe counties, who
came in to Sir WiUiam Howe at New York,
that he had mentioned it either to Sir WiUiam
Howe or his Aid du Camp, that he would,
with a few men, land in the Peninfula be
low, in the courfe of the fleet's going round
to the Chefapeak, he would engage to raife
men enough, if he was provided with arms to
difarm the Rebels in that peninfula, and meet
Sir WiUiam Howe at the head of the Elk.
Q^ Was that, or any fuch application, made
to Sir William Howe when hp was ifi the city
of PhUadelphia ?
A, I don't know there was.
Q^ Did Mr. Robinfon, when he made chat
.application for joining Sir WUliam Howe tOr
wards the Ilk, know that Sir William Howe
intended to proceed by the Elk and the Chefa
peak ?
A. I believe he did not know it, but I knov^
that he hoped or fufpedled it, becaui'e we had
niany converfations about it ; — he hoped it,
becaufe he had his family and property there.
Q^ Wiiat was the time of the firil of thefe
converfations ?
A. It was about the time that the fleet was
got ready at New York, and I repeatedly con-
veiied with him on the fame fubjeft in Philadel
phia— v.hen he often Regretted that he was not
put On fhore.
Q^ V .is not Sir William Howe out of the
lines at the battle of German wn ?
A. Certainly

( n )
A. Certainly he was,; it was about four
miles from the lines to Sir William Howe's
head quarters,
Q^ Was there at that time an infurredlion in
his favour, or any confiderable invitation ?
A. I did not hear of any.
Q^ How many inhabitants were there in the
city of PhUadelphia ?
A. I have faid, about 21,600 when he went
into the city.
Q^ How many did the Provincial corps,
formed by Sir WUliam Howe, during all his
refidence in Pennfylvania, confift of?
A, I really cannot tell the exadl numbers. —
There were two troops of light horfe raifed, and
1 forget whether there was not a third. There
were commiffions for raifing three regiments,
— how many thofe regiments contained, I cannot
tell. Q^ How many rank and file were there —
were there one thoufand ?
. A. I believe not.
Q^ What is the reafon why you, who are of
the law, recoUedl fo well the military tranfadtions
of Sir WiUiam Howe, and forget fo many civil
and legal matters that fell within your cognif-
^nce while you was a member of the Congrefs ?
A. I have kept a journal, which I can pro
duce to the Houfe, from the time I left my own
family, to the time I entered PhUadelphia, in
which I can fhew the diftance, latitude, the
wind and the weather, during the whole voyage
round, and other material tranfadlions.
Qi Why did you not keep a journal or
piinutes of your proceedings in Congrefs, fo
far

( 78 )
far as related to yourfelf, your own condudl and
opinions ?
A. I have a great many minutes of my pro
ceedings in Congrefs — fhort minutes on fe
parate papers — notes that I fpoke from ; but I
have never looked over thofe minutes fince, —
nor did 1 think of making a journal, at that
time, of the proceedings of Congrefs. — I had
not that leifure at that time which I had when I
made my other journal.
Q. Was you kindly received, protedled, and
promoted to an office of truft and confidence by
Sir William Howe ?
A. I was received by Sir William Howe with
politenefs, and at his requeft I held the office
(after confidering of it four days) of Superin
tendant of the Police of Philadelphia ?
Q^ Have you riot lived in intimacy with Sir
"WUliam Howe, frequently dining with each
other ?
A. I have frequently dined with Sir WUliam
Howe, and Sir William Howe dined once with
me ; but never was at my houfe but once be
fides, though we lived next door to each other.
Q^ Did you make any complaint of incivi
lity or unkindnefs from Sir William Howe
whilft you was in America ?
A. No— ^I don't recoUedl I did, nor have I
faid that he ever treated me with unkindnefs.
The bufinefs that was done between Sir Wil
liam Howe and myfelf, refpedling his military
operations, was done entirely by his Aid du
Camps. When I came into him from the pro
vince of Pennfylvania, I had no perfonal con
verfation with him, or not for above eight or

ten

( 19 )
ten minutes, refpedling the ftate of that pro4
vince, nor ever any other perfonal converfa*
tion with him refpedling the ftate of the Colo
nies in general,
Q^ Had you a great property in America
before thofe troubles, and is it now in your
poffeffion, or of your attorney ?
A. 1 had very confiderable property in Ame
rica before the troubles. I have faid before,
my life was attainted by an Adl of Affembly of
the Rebel States, and my property confifcated.
My eftate was not fhort of 40,000 1. Sterling,
on a moderate valuation, before thefe troubles
begun. Q^ Have you any hopes of recovering it
but by the fuccefs of his Majefty's arnis ?
A. Without that co-operation, I have no
hopes of recovering it,
Q^ Do you receive any allowance from
Government ?
A. I do — but a very fmall pittance, com
pared with what I have facrificed for Govern
ment. Q. Is it for life, or during pleafure ?
A, I know not, for I never looked or en
quired into the appointment.
Qi (by Lord Howe) Don't you remember
coming to Lord Howe's quarters in Philadel
phia a fhort time before the town was eva
cuated, to afk his advice, how it would be beft
for you to proceed on that occafion ?
A. I do.
Q^ Did not Lord Howe recommend your
ftaying in Philadelphia, if you fhould find it
could be done with fafety ?
A. He

C 80 )
A. He did.
Q^ Did not you then profefs, that great at
tention had been fhewn by Lord Howe and Ge
neral Howe to your perfon and fervices ante
cedent to that period ?
A. I don't recoUedl it. Something might
drop from me to Lord Howe, refpedling his
CQi>^dence,^ ^nd his attention to my family ;
but as tq any attention to my fervices paid by
bis, Lordfhip's honourable Brother, I don't re
eolledl that any thing paffed from me with re
fpedl to that, and I am inclined to think that
nothing did ; becaufe the fervices that I per
formed, I thought, deferved as much as I
received, and more*.
Q, Was
* While others, '.'from very low circumftances, were
amaifing immenfe fortunes under the General, Mr. Gallo
way, for all his extenfive and very' important fervices, was
allowed only at the rate of zool, fer annum for the firft
year, and for the other fix months at the rate of 665I. So
that all he ever received from the General amounted to the
fmall fum of 5371. los. paid out of the public pqrfe ; and as ¦
the receipt of this fum has been mentioned to invalidate his
credit, it is but juft that we Ihould give a brief account of
the fervices he performed for it. While he remained at
New- York, he was afliduous in procuring intelligence of
the ftate of the Middle Colonies, the rebel force, and of the
water-guard .in, th^ river Delaware, &c. When at Phila
delphia, he accepted of the ofiices of Superintendant of the
Police, of' the Port, and of the piohibited Articles — -officea
which, being founded entirely on new principles, and being
of the firfl importance to the inhabitants, as well as the
Britifh fervice, required a great diverfity of attention and in-
teflant application. He alfo fuperintended tbe avenues of
the Britilh lines, appointing perfons acquainted with the
people paffing them, whofe report he received every even
ing. On him the General, in a great meafure, relied for
intelligence. His diifufive knowledge of the Middle Colo-
r.ies, his influence and popularity, enabled him to procure the

C 81 )
Q^ Was not great attention paid to your
diftreffed fituation fubfequent to the time that
has been named, untU Lord Howe left Ame
rica ? A. Jufl;
the beft. He Was applied to and eonfulted on bufinefs in
almoft all the general and different departments of the army ;
by the Qnartfer-Mafter-Geiieral, to procure guides and
horfes for the army ; by the Com mifTary- General of Pro
vifions, to procure magazines of forage; by the Chief En
gineer, to furnifh workmen for the lines; and by Lord.
CornwaUis, to flop out the ivater on Blakeley's and the
?t-ovi nee Iilands — a work, vvhich was thought at firft im-
praflicable in any reafonable time, and which he performed
in fix days, and without which it was impoflible to ere£t
the batteries againft Mud- Ifland fort. He offered to raife a
rtgiment of Anierican light-horfe, but received a warrant
for raifing only a troop. Thef?, in a fhort time, he had
perfedly difciplined fit for aElion. He alfo embodied eighty
refugees from the county he lived in, who ferved the Crown
as volunteers, receiving neither pay nor clothing. Having
obtained ledve to operate with thefe two corps, he kept
them conftantly executing plans formed by himfelf. Know.?
ing that Waftimgton's army was in great diftrefs for want of
clothing, and that he had feized all the cloth in Bucks
county, which was making up for his drmy at Newtown,
a village diftant near thirty miles from the Britifti lines, he
lent out twenty-four of this troop, and fourteen of the vot
lunteers, to take it. This they performed in lefs than 24
hours; and, a.^ter having ftormed two rebel pofts, killed
eight men, taken a major and feveral other officers and pri
foners, making in the whole thirty-two, they returned with
the cloth. He next meditated an expedition againft Briftol
with forty horfe and fifty volunteers ; but receiving intel
ligence, that upwards of two hundred rebels had taken poft
about four miles from the road to that village, he ordered
Capt, Hoveden, who commanded the party, to attack them,
if he found ihem there ; if not, to proceed on to Briftol.
This was performed with the utmoft gallantry ; the rebels
were defeated and difperfed, twenty-three killed, and eight
taken prifoners. He alfo laid a plan for the feizing the
rebel Governor Livingfton, his Council ai?d Aflembly,
M fitting

( §2 )
A. Juft before the city of PhUadelphia waS
evacuated, I received from Sir William Howe's
Secretary twenty ftiiUings a day,. aUowed me
from the time 1 came in to Sir William Howe
to that time, as I underftood, out of the pub
lic money.
Q; Whether, on your apprehenfions of the
confequences that might happen to you, in
cafe you fliould be made prifoner on your paf
fage -to England, Lord Howe did not offer
you and your family a paffage in his fhip ?
A, He did, and I thanked his Lordftiip for
k, and fo 1 do now.
Q^ If on the profpedl, at that time, of
yoUf return to England before Lord Howe,
you did not requeft his Lordfhip's interpofition
with Government, to obtain fome provifion for
your future fupport, in reward for your paft
fervices, and compenfation for the lofs of pro
perty you had thereby fuftained ?
A. I don't recoUedl any profpedl of my re
turning to England before Lord Howe. If I
recoUedl • right. Lord Howe would naturaUy
return before me. I don't recoUedl that I made

fitting at Trentown, His intelligence was fo good, and
Jjis fcheme fo well concerted, that there could be no doubt
cf fuccefs ; but be was not permitted to carry this defign
into execution. In fhort, this troop and company were eon*
tinually operating during the winter and fpring, under his
diredion, in a variety of excurfions, in which they took
near two hundred prifoners, and feoured all that part of the
country, between Philadelphia and Trentown, of the dif^
affcfted td Government. After this fhort narration of a
part only of Mr. Galloway's fervices, the world will deter
mine on which fide the obligation lies between the General
and thsi G^tlemafl] a pofi";

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a pofitive requeft to Lord Hdwe to intercede
with Government. 1 know that a converfation
paffed between us on the fubjedl a few days
before his Lordfhip came away. Whether I
interceded with his Lordfhip or not, I can't
now recoUedl ; but his Lordfhip gave me to
underftand, that he fhould have it little in his
power to do me any fervices. I believe very
fincerely, his Lordfhip was difpofed to do it.
Q^ Did not Lord Howe, in anfwer to your
application, or in converfation about your re
turning to England, advife you to exprefs a
difregard for Gen. Howe and Lord Howe, as
the beft plea for obtaining favour from the
American minifter ?
A. I believe his Lordfliip did intimate, that
he fhould have no intereft, when he came
home, with the American minifter ; but I fin
cerely declare, that I don't recoUedl that he
fpoke to me in the pofitive way the queftion
fuppofes. Q^ Did you not apply, before you left Phi
ladelphia, for a flag of truce, for the purpofe
of your making your peace with the rebels ?
A. I did not. When 1 made the application
to. Sir Henry Clinton, Col. Innys, through
whom I made it, can prove, at any time,
that it was my firm refolution not to apply
for a flag of truce. Col. Balfour feveral
times afked me, whether I had got a flag of
truce from Sir Henry Clinton. 1 told him, 1
had not. I did not care, or think it prudent,
to tell him what had paffed between Sir Henry
Clinton and us, refpedling what I hUd commu-
pic^ted to .Sir Henry Clinton, and what he had
jVI 2 faid

( H )
faid about a flag of truce, as Col, Innys in*
formed me, what he brought from Sir Henry
Clinton was npt to be underftood as official.
Q^ Did not you finaUy come away from
Philadelphia with the Britifh army, on the cer^
tainty of lofing your life if you had ftaid,
and in hopes of your property being prefcrved
by your wife's ftay in that city ?
A, I came away from Philadelphia, know*
ing that my life would be taken if I ftaid ; but
I had no expedlation of faving that property
which I held in my own right. Mrs. Galloway's
eftate was very confiderable, as weU as my
own ; and (lie ftaid under an expedlation, from
' fome words in the law, that fhe might retain
her own eflate even during my life, and at leaft
after my death 5 and for that purpofe only fhe
remained behind.
Q^ Is fhe now at Philadelphia ?
A. She is yet there, and informs me flie has
no expedlation of faving even her own eftate. ^
Q^ How long before the army left Phila
delphia had you determined to come away with
it ? ¦ ' -
A. I never had a refolution or determina
tion to ftay, aftec the notification of its being
to be evacijated. 1 had taken too adtive a
part againft the rebels, and kne\y that I could
have no fecurity if I ftaid,
(y Did you no^; advife every one of your
friends, who you thought Could remain in
fifety with the rebels, to ftay in Philadelphia-^
¦and were not two perfons, who followed that
advice, afserwards put to death ?
A. There was not a perfon v^ho had takep
6 -. ati

( 85 )
an adtive part, to my knowledge, but what J
advifed to come away with the Britifh army.
As to Roberts and Carhfle, the perfons to
whom I fuppofe the queftion alludes, the firft
never confuked me on the occafion : he had a
very large family, and a large eftate, and many
friends more confidential than myfelf, with
whom he advifed, and whofe advice he fol
lowed. As for Carlifle, I pofitively advifed
him to leave the city, becaufe I knew he would
not be fafe. I was fent to by fome of the
firfi men in the province, to know whether I
would advife them to take the oaths of aUe
giance to the R.ebel States ; and I advifed them
never to do it, but at the laft extremity and
neceffity. Q^ Had not the other managers of the po
lice, who you have faid declined following the
gdvice of Sir WUliam Howe to remain at Phi
ladelphia, reafoh to apprehend the fame vio
lence if they had ftaid there ?
A. I think they would have been capable of
making a better intereft, and their peace would
have been eafier made than mine ; and yet I
have great doubts, whether they did not re
main in the fame' jeopardy I did, as the great
objedl of the rebels, in confifcating eftates,
was to procure a fum of money, and thefe
gentlemen were men of confiderable fortunes.
Q^ Do you know if Mr. Willing, of Phi
ladelphia, had his pardon from the Congrefs ?
A. I don't know.
Q^ Did he refufe to take it ?
A. I never heard. Withdreisj,
FINIS.

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