YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY PILKINGTON . . . . OF UGANDA K. W. Simpson & Co., Ltd., The Eichmond Pbess, Richmond and London. ~fa-i~A^ CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 23 Largely owing to Moody's work in Cambridge, Douglas Hooper (through whom, later, Pilkington was led to offer for service in Africa), was converted, and, as a result of Moody's work in London later on, C. T. Studd, the well-known cricketer, decided to go out to China as a Missionary, and it was in the early part of 1885 that he, with a party, who have been often spoken of as the " Cambridge Seven," went out to China under the China Inland Mission. This party visited Cambridge before setting forth, and their visit greatly quickened the Missionary spirit in the 'Varsity. It was at this period that the attention of under graduates at the Universities was being turned to the opportunities for influencing boys and girls of the wealthier classes, during their holidays, by means of seaside services. Mr. Edwin Arrowsmith was the leader in this movement, and with him parties of young men from Oxford and Cambridge visited such places as Scarborough and Llandudno in connection with the Children's Special Service Mission, with which Pilkington was closely iden tified on leaving Cambridge. A particularly strong party visited Llandudno in the summer of 1885, including Sidney Swann, of the Cambridge boat, and Tyndale-Biscoe, the Cambridge cox; also Hector MacLean, from the Oxford boat, and Cecil Boutfiower, who has since written a sketch of Pilkington's life for the Upping ham School Magazine. Wigram, Carr, Lewis, Paterson, and others, who, later on, went forth as missionaries of the Church Missionary Society, were 24 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. members of this band, and that happy month, spent in one another's society and in such splendid work, had far-reaching results. One result of this work was that those who took part in it were led to see that it was not sufficient to bring the Gospel to bear upon the poorer classes of society, but that a great responsibility lies at our door towards those who have been well called the " poor rich," and who have been greatly neglected as regards spiritual things. This led men to see the great opportunities which presented themselves at the 'Varsity to Christian men in seeking to win their brother undergraduates to Christ. Accordingly, it was decided to hold' some special meetings for prayer at Cambridge, at the beginning of the October term, and from these were arranged a series of meetings, held by undergraduates for undergraduates in the Alexandra Hall. Sunday after Sunday, men testified to the great things that God had done for them. There was nothing par ticularly remarkable about the addresses, but they came from full hearts ; they broke down the barrier of constraint which is so often felt in speaking of Spiritual things, and a great impulse was given to the work of God in Cambridge University. Meanwhile, there had come up to Pembroke, in October, 1884, at the same time as Pilkington, a very remarkable set of men. Their work may be best described by one of them, now a Missionary of the Church Missionary Society in India. Rev. H.J. Molony writes : — " I cast in my lot at once with the most aggressive evangelistic set; and, CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 25 perhaps you will understand why moderate men felt it difficult to join us, when I say that four of us, who were nicknamed in the College 'the four apostles,' divided the fifty-two Freshmen of our year between us, and visited every man in his rooms, until we had direct conversation with him on Spiritual matters. To whom Pilkington fell in this visitation, I cannot remember, but very likely it was to Arthur Klein, our leader, a deeply loving and faithful disciple of Christ. In the summer of 1885, we held some meetings for our year, after hall, in the rooms of Mr. H. T. G. Kingdon (of Clare), in Silver Street. I think it was at the first (and whether there was more than this one meeting I forget) to which Pilkington and other men came. One of us (perhaps R. D. Bishop, who lost his life by accident in the summer vacation) spoke on the words, ' when I am weak, then am I strong,' and I well remember that Pilkington stopped behind, and I see him now, as he stood with his back to the fireplace, and rated us well for preaching such nonsense." At about that time, George told one of his sisters that Klein and his companions were mad, and he probably would have scorned the idea that these men could have any influence upon him, yet, in spite of their unwisdom, as many may think, and the want of tact which may have been shown in some of their methods, it was largely owing to their instrumentality that Pilkington was brought to that great crisis in his life which he always referred to as his conversion. 26 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Letters written about that time by George to his mother, describing this change, are not to be found, but, in answer to a question addressed to him by the authorities of the China Inland Mission, in November, 1887, as to the circumstances and time of his conversion, he answers, "Two years ago, I believe, on taking a Sunday school class ; but at that time ' I saw men as trees walking.' Ever since, my eyes have been opening more and more." From his friends at Pembroke we learn, however, some interesting particulars of some of the events which must have influenced him. Amongst others were, probably, some words spoken at a very extraordinary meeting of the College Debating Society. The meeting had been called for the arranging of the papers which the Society should take in, and it was the occasion when each man proposed his favourite papers, and various men took the oppor tunity of ventilating their own hobbies. The Sporting section, for instance, would bring forward "the Pink un " ; the Ritualistic party, "the Church Times," and so forth. • Klein, and his following, consequently decided to make this an opportunity of addressing men in the College who would not ordinarily come to an evangelistic meeting. They therefore proposed the " Life of Faith," and Klein proceeded, amid some uproar, to give a ten minutes address in which he said there were two classes of men there in that room, those who professed to be Christians, and those who made no profession, and then he gave it as his CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 27 opinion that those who made a profession of being Christians, were not half so real as those who made no profession, and that if the former would take example from the latter in the thoroughness of their methods, it would be a great thing for Christianity. Three other men followed. Brand, Bishop and John Mclnnes, so far as they could do so amid the fre quent interruptions, and so the meeting ended. Strange though it may seem, it was probably from this meeting that Pilkington was led to , see that, though he was outwardly religious, his heart was not right in the sight of God. Another friend, Murray Webb-Peploe, speaks of the influence upon him of the meetings in the Alexandra Hall. He writes : " There it was that, for the first time, he was convinced of sin, and saw himself to be a lost sinner in the sight of God, with out hope, or peace, except that which Jesus Christ had provided on His cross. I cannot say how long he was in this state of conviction, but, I believe, from his own confession, he was unhappy and miserable for some weeks, ' seeking rest and finding none.' Here, however, his godly training stood him in great stead in his need, for he knew some thing of his Bible, and betook himself to it most earnestly, striving with prayer to God to obtain guidance into the peace of soul for which he longed. I believe it was in his own room, in the New Buildings of Pembroke, that dear old Pilkington at last found that peace and joy of heart, which so characterised him ever afterwards. I know of no human instrument in. the matter. I believe he 28 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. withdrew himself into the desert of loneliness, as it were, alone with God — and pf*ayed until the light came direct from God in His written Word to his soul. I cannot help thinking that this was what made Pilkington such a champion afterwards for the Truth of God in the Bible. His change of heart, his conversion, was not of man, nor by man, but entirely the work of God the Holy Ghost, to whom be all the glory. This one thing he used to tell me, however, that he thanked God for his faithful friends at Cambridge, who, in his own words, ' would not let him alone ' until they saw the grace of God working in his heart. From that time onwards, there was no man at Cambridge more energetic and earnest in seeking the salvation and spiritual welfare of his friends. He attended regularly at the Sunday evening meetings, at the Alexandra Hall, and almost invariably, I believe, brought men with him, that they might, if possible, share the blessing and joy of heart, which he himself had thus learnt to know. He was a teacher at the Jesus Lane Sunday School most of his time at Cambridge, but his work there became, after his conversion, a new thing altogether, in that he sought the definite salvation and turning to God of his class, as he had not done before. He also joined enthusiastically in the College open-air services, in Barnwell, on the Sunday evenings of the May Term, and whether it was on such occasions, or when he gave his personal testimony at the Alexandra Hall, his addresses always, were characterized by clearness CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 29 and definiteness of Spiritual truth and personal appeal. It was a great privilege to work with Pilkington. His uncompromising attitude in regard to sin of any kind, and his clear perceptions and definition of salvation were truly helpful and encouraging to those who listened to him. He never hid his light under any pretence of a bushel, and it seemed to me as if he made a special point of telling his friends and acquaintances of former days of his newly-found joy and peace in Christ." That this was so is fully borne out by an old school friend of his, who writes : " Though at College we were constant friends, in my pigheaded- ness, when he took to his more serious line, and would discuss religious questions in my rooms when other friends were there, I told him, unless he could avoid that subject, I could not welcome him there, consequently he, for a long time, would not come to see me. I suppose, feeling it his duty to put for ward his views on every occasion." At the same time he adds that this had no effect on their friend ship. Of his habits, a contemporary writes : — " As a matter of fact, though I pretty often met him and always greatly admired him, I wasn't very intimate with him. I think the very greatness and goodness of the man, perhaps, kept men, with his high objects and thoughts, from getting very near him. His soul was ' like a star, and dwelt apart.' To know him was to condemn oneself. I don't think, with his work and various engagements,, he had time for the long hours of idle talk, which may be a 30 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. waste of time, but enable men to know each other so well. Pilkington seemed even then to have greater things to occupy him. 'Wist ye not that I must be about my Father's business.' You could not meet him and not feel he was different from most men in his purpose and objects. But I think I used to be most impressed by the great happiness he possessed. Another thing was the respect all showed for his goodness and character, how it influenced their conversation and behaviour." Of the change that took place in his life there can be no doubt ; but, it may be asked, what were the great truths which laid hold upon him, and gave him the rest and peace and happiness which all noticed in his life ? Of this he shall speak for himself, and two letters — one to his aunt and the other to one of his sisters — give us his answer. Writing to his aunt, the late Mrs. Phillips, at Queen's Lodge, on March 6th, 1889, he comments on a service which he had attended at Holy Trinity Church, Cambridge, whilst staying with his uncle and aunt, in the following words : " Mr. Sholto Douglas preached about the assurance of forgiveness and salvation in this world, showing that a true child of God is not only saved here, but may, and should, know it. My friend, on leaving the church, expressed much pleasure at the sermon ; and I, not knowing the man well, but believing him to be a Christian, began telling him how, when I came up to Cambridge as a freshman, I had been bitterly opposed to any such belief, and considered it absurd presumption for any man to say that he was saved. CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 31 He answered : ' I should have thought the same before to-night.' However, he had seen from Mr. Sholto Douglas's quotations from the Bible what the true and glorious teaching there is. I was greatly encouraged by this." It was no doubt the realisation of the great fact of the possibility of having real assurance of salvation in this life that gave to him the peace and joy of which he so often spoke, but there was more than that, and we have a much more detailed statement of his position, in a letter which George wrote to his sister, in continuation of a conversation, as follows : " The first thing (this is to finish what I was going to say in the 'bus) is for a man to realise that he is a sinner, and then, to desire to flee from the wrath to come. This is hateful to man's pride. ' I never intend to be driven to do right from fear : I work from love.' (Just what I used to say when I was unconverted and only working from love of self, and when I was converted, but in the dark, for a year at least.) Let a man once see that he is a sinner, deserving — in the past, in the present, and for ever (no matter how much saved), still always deserving — to perish everlastingly ; that in him there is nothing, and can never be anything, which can merit salvation, then he can say and understand : I ask no other righteousness ; I need no other plea : It is enough that Jesus died, And that he died for me. Seeing that his justification rests altogether on something outside of himself, he can accept the 32 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. words, ' My sheep shall never perish ' ; seeing that he can never deserve to perish more than at the present moment, he can believe that he is predesti nated unto eternal salvation before the world began. Then he can say ' Abba Father,' indeed, in perfect and child-like confidence. And all this depends on his seeing his own sinfulness. Then gratitude comes in. Now gratitude is not a power to keep us from sin, though many try to make use of it in this way. Gratitude ought to send us to the only true source of power and victory ; gratitude ought to make us wish to lead holy and consistent lives, and to win others to the Saviour; but only the Holy Spirit can give the power. By preaching the depravity of human nature ; by proclaiming that the heart is desperately wicked, deceitful above all things, that there is no difference, for all have sinned ; that they that are in the flesh cannot please God ; that, except a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God, then men may be brought by the Holy Spirit to see their utterly lost and ruined condition: then there is no fear of their apparent conversion being a mere passing whim. On the other hand, by urging beyond measure the duty of living morally, men may satisfy themselves by mere moral reformation. You see, when a man is really converted, being a new creature in Christ, ' he that is born of God doth not commit sin.' The new birth is such a reality that it must produce fruit. A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit. The new heart must bring forth good things. If we declare these most CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 33 unacceptable facts of man's ruin, and God's hatred and wrath against sin, and certain and awful punish ment of it — emphasizing its awfulness by teaching that without shedding of blood is no remission. What can wash away my stain ? Nothing but the blood of Jesus. What can make me whole again ? Nothing but the blood of Jesus. Nothing can for sin atone, Nothing but the blood of Jesus. Nought of good that I have done (or am doing — such as repentance, prayer, faith — or will do) Nothing but the blood of Jesus. Once a man sees the awful danger from which he has been rescued, he won't see how close he can get to the precipice without tumbling over. He will hate that which so nearly ruined him, and which crucified his Saviour — sin and the Devil. Repentance (juerai/oia) means a change of mind, and doesn't imply sorrow of necessity, true sorrow for sin cannot come, I believe, till after conversion. Regret for its evil effects is quite possible ; but sorrow, because God hates sin, is impossible till our heart feels the same holy impulses as God. Repentance is as much — or a great deal more — an action as a feeling — it is an entire turning away from sin (perhaps only mentally, but still an active thing), because first, sin is deadly and dangerous, and secondly (when converted), because God hates it. To conclude what's been in my mind all through this letter, doubt of our own acceptance with God, D 34 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. of our everlasting salvation, comes from self- righteousness in the garb of humility. It is because a man imagines that something in himself is necessary to atone for sin, that he doubts whether he is saved. I stick to Leviticus xvii. 2. ' For I have nothing (and never shall) else to plead In earth or heaven above But just my own exceeding need And His exceeding love.'" It will be noticed that reference is made in this letter to a time when, as he says : "I was converted, but in the dark, as I was for a year at least." This probably means that he did not at first realise the full privileges of the Christian life, nor the responsi bilities which it entails. Towards the latter part of his time at Cambridge, he entered into all kinds of Christian work, besides that of a Sunday School teacher in the Jesus Lane Sunday School, and especially helping in various ways at Christchurch, Barnwell. Probably his first experience of special Mission work was in connection with the Navvy Mission, and an account of this is given by the Rev. H. J. Molony. He writes : "In the Easter vacation, 1887, Pilkington came with me to conduct a Navvy Mission in Yorkshire. I had had a meeting in my rooms at College, addressed by Mrs. Garnett, at which he was present, and, needing a companion in the work, I asked him to join me and he agreed. We stayed about a week in a farm-house at Skipton, near which a huge reservoir was being CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 35 formed by damming a valley. We worked in the mornings and afternoons, he at his classics ; and at midday we went out and talked to the men in their dinner hour, and, in the evening, we held Mission services in a small hall in the village, or another on the works. My memory of him at that time is that he wished td learn, and would not take a leading part, but he gave addresses which were of an argumentative evangelistic character. We had one very definite conversion in the case of a lad named Billy, who decided for Christ as we were walking home one evening. We knelt down and prayed with him in the lane, and he gave his heart to God. He was afterwards an earnest and consistent Christian." During the next term, which was his Tripos term, he took part in the open-air meetings, which were held chiefly by undergraduates in various parts of Cambridge, and, towards the end of that term, it was laid on his heart to hold some Gospel Meetings in the neighbourhood of his own home. The letters which he wrote to Mr., now Dean Dowse on that occasion show so well the humble spirit in which he sought to undertake such work, that we give them in extenso : — " Pembroke College, Cambridge, June 3rd, 1887. My dear Mr. Dowse, — A number of Cambridge men have, this year, been holding open-air Evangelistic Meetings on Sunday evenings in various parts of Cambridge 36 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. — in particular, several men of my own College (Pembroke)— about twenty — including our Dean, have been working in this way, with the approval and help of the Vicar of the parish where we hold our meetings. Having seen something of the blessing which can come by means of such work, it has occurred to me that it might be possible to do something of the kind in your parish next summer. Of course, the first thing necessary would be your sanction and co-operation. That is the reason of my writing. I believe I could get several Cambridge men to come over and stop at Tore, in the Summer or Autumn, and take part in the work. We should address ourselves to all, without distinction of creed, who chose to listen, who do not know Christ as their Saviour. Of course, I cannot promise that the men would come, and I consider it wiser to ask your opinion before definitely writing to them ; in case of your approval, my next step would be to consult my father, who knows and approves of our work here. Therefore you need not write to him, or speak to my people, before you let me know what you think yourself. I cannot believe that we can be justified in hiding God's blessing from those about us by our silence ; and, in our poor country, how much less, when the knowledge of Christ is shared by so few ? Hoping to hear from you soon, I am, Yours very sincerely, George L. Pilkington," CAMBRIDGE DAYS. 37 " Pembroke College, Cambridge, June 8th, 1887. My Dear Mr. Dowse, — I am very thankful for your letter. So far, the way is made plain before us. I can answer for myself and, I think, for any men I ask to come, that we shall do all in entire dependence upon God, knowing our own utter inability, and that only so can our weakness be made strong ; we shall, I trust, do nothing but lift up Christ, remembering the promise, and I hope that everything may be done in a way suitable to our solemn Mission, and so ' decently and in order.' We shall, I think I may promise, conform ourselves to your wishes, as is only right. I do not yet know whether obstacles may not arise ; but I am confident that all will be for the best. We shall have done our part : the rest will be in other hands ; so, be the results what they may, we shall be satisfied. Let us all, in the meantime, give ourselves to earnest prayer that God may both direct and bless the whole undertaking. Believe me, My dear Mr. Dowse, Gratefully and sincerely yours, George L. Pilkington." It is, perhaps, not to be wondered at that, at this time, there was a tendency for him to despise the acquirements of mere knowledge, just as, before, he had probably unduly exalted it. For a time, feeling that he had neglected the study of his Bible, he 38 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. thought that he should read the Bible to the exclu sion of all other books. And he even contemplated abandoning his Tripos and going abroad as a Missionary. Of this time, his mother writes : "It appeared to me at that time that his whole mind was absorbed in the one thought — his sins were forgiven — he did not, for the time, see that anything else was worth knowing. He felt, I suppose, that he had not arrived at this knowledge by any intellectual process, and so, got to think intellect of little consequence, and regarded the years spent in learning Latin and Greek as absolutely wasted, I tried to make him see that all knowledge was the knowledge of God, that ' knowledge rich and varied, digested and combined, and pervaded thro' and thro' with the light of the Spirit of God,' is what it becomes a Christian man to have. He could not for a long time see it, and it was, I believe, only in deference to our wishes, that he continued to work for his Degree." Having decided to do so, he steadily worked on for the Classical Tripos, and, in the end, came out in the second division of the first class in the memorable year when Miss Ramsey (now Mrs. Butler) was Senior Classic, being the only one in the first division. During the Summer, the Meetings about which he had written to Mr. Dowse, were held at Tyrrell's Pass, Mr. Murray Webb-Peploe, who was present and assisted in the services, writes as follows : — " In organising our meetings, we were advised not to have open-air services on the village green Cambridge days. 39 as we proposed, so our efforts were confined to evening meetings in the Hall next the Church, and to personally visiting as many individuals as we could. The Rector, Mr. Dowse, was very kind to us, and, if I remember rightly, took the chair for us at more than one meeting. The attendances were very good, but we were told that numbers of the Roman Catholics, forbidden of course to attend the meetings, used to listen outside in the darkness, and so we arranged accordingly for open windows and a loud voice when speaking. But it was in visiting from house to house that dear old Pilkington shone to my mind. He knew and seemed to understand the people, and nothing hindered him from witnessing faithfully to the consequences of sin, and the love and power of Christ to redeem. He always had a word in season ready, owing, no doubt, to his continuing instant in prayer, and living in conscious nearness to Christ." Mr. Hyslop, who was a friend of Pilkington's during the latter part of his Cambridge career, writes of him as follows : — "To the outward eye, ' Pilks,' — as we used to call him — was then much what he appeared to those who saw him during the last years. I can recall in my mind's eye the tall, stalwart figure, the square head, the broad brow, the brilliant complexion, and the somewhat feminine parting in the middle of his hair. I cannot remember that he showed any marked vein of humour, such as one had a right to expect from his Irish nature. But he certainly 40 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. used to cause his University friends much amuse ment by his spirited advocacy of all articles of apparel made on the Jaegar principle. He would show us with delight his patent ventilated Jaegar boots, and explain their advantages ; and in many a trudge through country lanes have I accom panied him when he was testing the same Jaeger boots for their African travels." During the long vacation of 1887, he was at Cambridge for a short time, reading Theology. He was a member of a class of a few men who were studying the Greek Testament with the Rev. C. H. Prior, of Pembroke College. Mr. Prior remembers very clearly Pilkington's unwillingness to accept any thing conventional in the way of interpretation. It is interesting to note here what Mr. Prior has men tioned Pilkington's great loyalty to Edward Thring, his old Headmaster, whom he regarded as a hero. He was up at Cambridge for another term, and many hoped that he would go on and read for the Theological Tripos ; among others, Mr. Boutflower tried to persuade him to do this. He writes : " I remember urging him, with his brains, to stay on a year at Cambridge and read Theology. He asked me if I considered Moody a good Theologian. I said I didn't think he had a right to expect God's blessing unless he made himself a better one. But nothing would shake his view that he should be content if he could do Moody's work with Moody's equipment." He held to this view at that time, and at Christmas, 1887, he finally left Cambridge. CHAPTER IV. THE MISSIONARY CALL. Few men leaving Cambridge have had better prospects of a brilliant career than those which presented themselves to George Pilkington. His friends and relations hoped that he would become a distinguished schoolmaster, or that in some similar way he would make use of the powers which he possessed, and which had been so successfully put to the test at Cambridge. No better indication of his abilities can be gained than by quoting some of the testimonials given to him when applying for a mastership soon after leaving the University. Mr. R. A. Neil, Fellow and Classical Lecturer at Pembroke College, Cambridge, writes of him: " His course here was marked by a steady and continuous improvement in scholarship, which is, I think, un exampled in my experience. This improvement was naturally due to an honest and intelligent devotion to work, and was fitly rewarded by a place in the highest division of the Classical Tripos of his year in which men were placed. His place was well 42 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. deserved, and forms a sufficient guarantee of his capacity to undertake high school work. I believe his scholarship will be supplemented by a very high interest in his pupils, and that, if he is appointed to a mastership, he will have the success to be expected from the combination of most creditable attainments with a high and vigorous personal character." At the same time, Dr. Verrall, Fellow and Assistant Tutor at Trinity College, Cambridge, writes : " Mr. G. L. Pilkington, B.A., was my pupil at Pembroke College during a considerable part of his course as an undergraduate. He is a good scholar both in Greek and in Latin. His com position was always correct and sensible, and improved steadily with time. Before he went up for his degree it had become often brilliant, and I quite anticipated for him the high degree which he actually obtained. All I heard and saw of him was to his advantage, and I have much pleasure in recommending him for employment as a schoolmaster, an occupation for which I believe him to be thoroughly fit." That he would have been fitted for the work of a schoolmaster, his subsequent experience abundantly showed, but there had already come into his life a conviction which he recognised as the call of God leading him to devote himself to Foreign Missionary service. Some thoughts of this came to him, as we have already seen, before taking his degree, but it was during his last term at Cambridge that he first offered himself for the work. The Mission to which THE MISSIONARY CALL. 43 he made application was the China Inland Mission, whose work had been prominently brought to the front through the visit of " The Cambridge Seven." When asked as to the reasons which led him to offer, he answered in the following way: " Because I believe it to be God's will, and I think this because the need abroad is great ; we have a sort of plethora at home, and I am free to go, and Mark xvi., 15. The need of Missions has come before me urgently for a year." At the same time, he wrote to his parents asking for their consent. In reply, his father urged a delay of at least two years before deciding such an important matter, and in conse quence, although George was accepted by the authorities of the China Inland Mission, he altogether abandoned his project, saying, " What such a man as my father does not wholly approve of, cannot be right for me to do." Thus, for the time, he gave up his cherished plans and set himself to whatever his hand found to do at home. One more honour came to him, after leaving the University, in the shape of the Winchester Reading Prize, for which he was bracketted first with another candidate. During 1888,, he was chiefly occupied in Mission work amongst boys, in connection with the Children's Special Service Mission. Missions held by him, in co-operation with other University men, at Newcastle and at Clifton are specially remembered. One who heard him as a boy at Newcastle, and who from that time became a fast friend of Pilkington's, 44 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. writes thus of him : " It was his utter manliness that first struck me : here was a thorough man ringing true from top to bottom. Then that he was a man of God : one who knew God and believed in God. So he was a man of power. How well I remember my first glimpse of him, eleven years ago, as he came swinging round the corner — the great, tall, strapping figure ; the beaming face — almost as red as his scarlet tie — his hat far enough back to show his broad forehead ; a huge, calf-skin Bible under his arm, and a club of a walking stick in his hand. I never saw him without that Bible ! But, alas ! a Uganda calf ate it all but a few pages of Revelation." He also visited Durham and held Meetings at the Grammar School, and, at the same time, some Meetings for young men. One young man, brought to Christ through his instrumentality, wished to follow him to Uganda, but, being prevented on medical grounds, is now working in connection with the Irish Church Missions. Of his Clifton Missions the Rev. J.T. Inskip gives us the following reminiscences : — " In July, 1888, Pilkington came to Clifton with Murray Webb-Peploe for two weeks' work. The meetings were held in a private house in a central position, near Clifton College. The results were, speaking frankly, very disappointing. The time fixed was unfortunate, as all boys, of the class for whom the Mission was intended, were at school. On Sundays, the meetings were very large, but, on week days, very few boys attended. On the second THE MISSIONARY CALL. 45 Sunday morning, Pilkington arranged an Open-air Service on the Downs. He knew that a large number of the College boys would be within reach after their service in the School Chapel, and he hoped to attract some to this service. I had then not long left the College, and, unhappily, courage failed me and I did not attend the service, but Pilkington and several of the workers persevered. He was not discouraged by the apparent failure of the Mission. He saw that there was a grand opening in Clifton, and promised to come again in the following January. In the opening days of 1889, he began work aided by a band of young men. Meetings were held every morning at the same private house, in the afternoon football was played on the Downs, and, in the evening, Drawing Room Meetings were held by invitation. Boys flocked to the Mission this time and the impression made was deep and widespread. I can see him now — his tall, upright figure, his solemn face, standing out against the background of dark wall-paper in the meeting room at Worcester Lodge. Some of his anecdotes and illustrations are still fresh in one's memory. He told the boys how useless it was, and how wearying, to tie fruit on a fruitless tree — the nature of the tree must be changed. He described himself as being not the same person since his conversion — in fact, as almost literally someone else, a new creation. He stated that he had very little conviction of sin at his conversion, but that he had since found out more and more what sin really was. And, in the afternoons, how heartily Pilkington threw 46 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. himself into the games. One dreary Saturday afternoon, there was a run to Wick — a village between Mangotsfield and Bath. The way was unfamiliar and fog came, and some of the runners began to lose heart. But Pilkington was in the best of trim, and carried one or two boys in turn on his back, breathing perseverance into the spirits of all, till at length a hospitable reception and a hearty meal at Wick Vicarage put everyone to rights. All too soon the mission ended, but not a few will bear through life the impress of Pilkington's influence under the blessing of God. Some few who took part, as boys or workers, have been called away, one worker (S. W. Day) being killed by an accident when riding only a month after Pilkington's death. The majority are now scattered over the world. But none will forget the happy weeks spent together under Pilkington's leadership, or the quietness and confidence which were his strength." Rev. Murray Webb Peploe, writing of the first Clifton Mission, says: — "At Clifton, there were some five of us Cambridge men taking part in the mission to the Schoolboys, but, to my own mind, Pilkington was a head and shoulders above us all in his power of speaking to boys. This capability he proved himself to possess either in addressing boys publicly or in speaking privately to them alone. His common sense, manly, straight talks were the very thing for boys. He was, as I remember him, like a big, simple boy himself, and as he had a special love for boys, I do not doubt but THE MISSIONARY CALL. 47 that he helped many a lad to clearly understand the way of life and salvation." During the time that he was working as Assistant Secretary of the Children's Special Service Mission, he was associated with Mr. Martin Hall who was, in after years, his colleague in Uganda. As has been already stated, Pilkington felt most at home when he was addressing boys, and Mr. Murray Webb-Peploe adds : " Girls were never in his line at all ; " consequently, as he did not find sufficient opportunities for mission work amongst the boys alone, he turned his thoughts once more to school-work. He spent a few days at Dover College, towards the end of 1888, and, of his time, there a corres pondent writes to the Morning Leader : " He was a first-rate classical scholar, at once precise and deeply read, almost too much so for school pur poses. A splendid figure of a man — well over six feet, and broad in proportion — he brought into the schoolroom the imperturbable sweetness of temper and childlike simplicity — in short, the Christianity —that marked his whole life. His earnest recognition of such things as services in chapel that boys are only too prone to scamp, the lonely walks, spent in serious converse, that he would take with one or two members of his class who particularly interested him, were thought lightly of at the time. Perhaps they had a more per manent effect for good than the Greek verbs that Mr. Pilkington taught with such conspicuous ability." One of these boys, now Rev. E, H. Elwin, 48 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Acting-Principal of Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, writes of this time : " Pilkington was the first man I remember to speak of Christ to me when a boy at Dover College. He came to take the Sixth, when our Headmaster was ill, in November, 1888, and I well remember him taking me to his rooms and asking me to read a paper pinned to the wall. To my surprise, I read John iii. 16. He then asked me if I knew the verse, and how glad he was that I did in some degree. He stayed with us at the College for twenty days, and, throughout that time, kept asking boys to his rooms to tea, and sought to win them for Christ. I remember what a lift I got during those days, and, after nearly eight years, with what pleasure he heard he had been a help when I reminded him at Oxford, about it just before he last sailed for Uganda." The summer term of 1889 found him taking temporary duty as a master at Harrow School, and, of this period, Mr. Hyslop says : — " he seemed thoroughly to enjoy his work amongst the boys, and I can remember well his telling me of the various expedients by which he tried to make his boys realise that 'life is earnest,' and to point them onward and upward to the service of his Divine Master. It is clear that he must have spoken to them ' in season and out of season,' and I think of this as one more proof of his whole-heartedness and devotion to the work of God." The Rev. W. D. Bushell, one of the senior masters at Harrow, who knew Pilkington intimately, speaks of him as one "who loved the school with THE MISSIONARY CALL. 49 singular affection from the first day he knew it to the end " ; and certainly his correspondence bears witness to the very warm place which Harrow always held in his heart. After Pilkington's death, Mr. Bushell was entrusted with the following message which was conveyed to the boys from the chapel pulpit : " Whilst he was at Harrow, it happened, by the providence of God, that he was led to think of the possibility of sudden, early death ; he had no fear of it, nor reason to expect it, then, but he wrote down these simple words to leave behind him : ' If I die here, tell the Harrow boys, especially those of my own form, I sent this message to them : 'Come to Jesrts.' " It is not to be wondered at that Pilkington's plain and faithful dealings with the boys committed to his charge, formed the subject of a certain amount of criticism ; he would have been the last to claim infallibility of judgment ; but there is no question that many, who were boys under him, will rise up to call him blessed. The chief reason of his success was undoubtedly the thoroughness and reality of his whole life. If he spoke to the boys about their souls, it was not merely to satisfy his conscience ; his whole heart was in it, and his life so bound up with those amongst whom he was working, that their joys were his joys, their sorrows his sorrows. His mother recalls how, one day, he came home with the news that some boy in whom he was interested had gone wrong, and says that he felt it so keenly that he sobbed like a child. 50 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. On another occasion, he writes home to his sister telling the good news of two brothers who he had reason to believe had been helped by one of his missions. He writes : — " the younger one in particular sees everything in a new light — he never saw before that eternal life was a gift ; he sees it clearly and with wonder now — thank God ; moreover, he intends to stand up at school for Jesus ; do pray for him, for he will have a hard time ; he has announced that he intends to start by burning his cribs. — Pray for him and his brother." On leaving Harrow, in the summer of 1889, he had in contemplation the possibility of acting as Classical Lecturer in Melbourne University. One of his testimonials was from Mr. Welldon, who wrote as follows: "Mr. G. L. Pilkington, who is a candidate for a Classical Lectureship in Trinity College of the Melbourne University, is known to me as a man of exceptionally strong physique, of high scholarship and of Christian conviction and character. If I may base an opinion upon the printed list of qualifications for that responsible post, I should say it would be hard to find a Lecturer who could render more efficient service to the College than Mr. Pilkington. He was my colleague, at Harrow, for one term, so I have some direct knowledge of his work. I have a sincere respect for him and should be glad to hear of the success of his present application. J. E. C. Welldon, Head Master of Harrow School." Sept. 1 2th, 1889, THE MISSIONARY CALL. 51 But a wider sphere of usefulness was to open before him than a lectureship in Melbourne University, and it was in November, 1889, when he was acting as an assistant master at Bedford Grammar School, that the call to Africa came to him. In order to understand this aright, some reference must be made to the plans before the Church Missionary Society, at this time, for extension in East and West Africa. Mr. Douglas Hooper had returned from East Africa, and Mr. Graham Wilmot Brooke, and Rev. J. A. Robinson, from West Africa, and, in each case, proposals had been made for an advance on some what more simple lines than had hitherto been deemed possible, at the same time great stress was laid upon the importance of securing a small band of University men to act as a pioneering party. Having gained the Committee's assent to his proposals, Douglas Hooper set to work to find companions to join him, and the account of his stay at Cambridge may be given in his own words. He writes : — " After four years in Africa, I went home and had the great privilege of being at Ridley Hall again. Very many were the talks enjoyed there with men as to Man's claim on God and God's claim on Man, and one day, Ernest Causton, now working at Narrowal, said: 'The doctors will not let me go with you, but I know someone who might, he is now a master at Bedford ; next Sunday he will be my guest here and I will bring him to call on you,' 52 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. and so I met George Pilkington, and he told me his sympathies were with the China Inland Mission. Sometime before, he had wanted to go out in connection with that Society, but his parents had asked him to drop the matter for two years. He was struck with the fact of this time being just up. I told him I believed theC.I.M. offered him nothing that he might not enjoy in the C.M.S. My sympathies were then, and are now, very much with the C.I.M., and I venture to think that the missionary cause owes no living man more under God than the beloved and honoured Mr. Hudson Taylor. But, at Cambridge, there was a feeling that the more deeply spiritually taught men must join the C.I.M. in preference to the C.M.S., and one tried to disabuse minds on the subject. From the first Sunday, Pilkington never seemed to doubt once that God had called him to Africa. The idea was that a few of us (the C.M.S. limited us to four) should go to Ulu and live together in as simple a way as possible. The people there were many, the district healthy, and the food plentiful ; but it was not to be, for, shortly before leaving, Mr. Wigram asked one and all to go to Uganda. Mackay was pleading for reinforcements." Thus the call came, and there seemed to be no doubt about it, but, before he would give a final answer, he determined to put the whole matter before his parents. He had heard God's voice before, as he believed, speaking to him through them ; he believed it would be the same again ; accordingly he wrote to his father as follows :— - THE MISSIONARY CALL. 53 " Pembroke College, Cambridge, Sunday, 3rd Nov., 1889. My Dear Father, — I have a very important matter to write to you about, to-day. I hope we shall all be able to see it in the same light ; at any rate, I am nbt making the mistake of not first writing to you and Mother about my plans, before taking any step or speaking to other people with regard to them. Douglas Hooper (an old Harrovian and Trinity Hall man) has come home, some months ago, from Africa, where he has been working under the Church Missionary Society for four years. He has come back with a new plan of work on the East of Africa, which he has laid before the Church Missionary Society, and which they have accepted and promised to supply the necessaries for, if he can find the men. It is to take five or six Cambridge men and make a station on a new route to the Victoria Nyanza, between Frere Town and the Lake : on the principle of living as simply and as much in native style as is possible. There -are four points in his plan on which he lays stress : — (1.) Not less than five or six men. — The deaden ing effect of heathendom is such that isolated men succumb to it. (2.) Cambridge men. — Experience has convinced him that educated gentlemen are absolutely needed for Africa. (3.) A new route. — Virgin soil — because, on the old routes, the- natives are so habituated to the old 54 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. system of buying the chiefs' favour by innumerable presents, that those who go on another principle are not tolerated. (4.) Native style. — As far cheaper and healthier — so he says by experience — and also as the right way of getting into touch with the natives. This is the plan : he has with difficulty succeeded, after some months, in getting three men besides himself; no others seem forthcoming: he considers it wrong to go unless four at least go with him. Most men have ties and engagements which make it im possible, had they the mind, to go. How about myself? If no one comes forward during the next week or two — he wants to start in January — he will give up the plan, and the East Coast will have to be given up to darkness still, for we know not how long, till another opening like the present occurs. Mr. Wigram, secretary of the C.M.S., told him that the Society's prospects never looked brighter than they do at present in Africa : but what if this attempt be given up ? What do you say ? It probably lies between you and Mother and me whether it will be carried out or no. May I point out some of the advantages ? I know you would like me to go out with the C.M.S. rather than, as might happen, independently, or with an undenominational Society. I am sure you would be glad that five or six of us should be standing together and helping one another to hold fast by God rather than singly, or in twos, or even threes. Again, the climate is not unhealthy for Africa, as the proposed country.. is ..high! ,. I know THE MISSIONARY CALL. 55 how much you and Mother wish me to be a school master, but you would, I know, only wish me to be a good schoolmaster; and, when the mind is distracted even by a mistaken idea of duty, it is not possible to produce good work. Supposing then, for argument's sake, that I am best suited for a master, even so, would it not be better that I should be a good missionary (i.e., a missionary with his whole heart in it) rather than a half-hearted and dissatisfied schoolmaster — or, if unsuited to be a missionary, should convince myself thereof in the only efficacious, if unpleasant manner, by a sad experience ? Neither you, nor Mother, nor anyone else knows how little satisfaction I have had during the past two years — a continual, ceaseless, restless apprehension, ' You are not where God wants you.' Suppose this is a delusion ; the delusion itself is a terrible fact which is spoiling my life, preventing me from doing anything with all my heart, and rendering me more miserable than I can describe ; I assure you this is no exaggeration. To get rid of this, by buying my own experience at the price of all the pain of going out and the humiliation of coming back ' a sadder and a wiser man,' even so, it would be a cheap bargain. But I don't want you to think of my feelings. I want you to consider the need — one man, a Cambridge man, is wanted : no one is ready to go. How few men there are who have so little to keep them at home; don't mis understand me — in the way of inclination, from home happiness and friends and iu'/<\ who have so much — but in the way of duty ? No one dependent 56 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. on me ; no one whom I should leave, who would not have more than one to take my place: and the blessings with which God has surrounded me, though making it harder to go, ought, from grati tude, to be my greatest incentives, if He wants me there. I have said all I can say, and I can only pray that God will guide us all to see and to do His Will, which who yet regretted having done ? Your loving Son, George L. Pilkington." Two days later, he writes to his mother : — "Tuesday, 5th November, 1889. Dearest Mother, — . . . I am wondering how circumstances will strike you and Father and all ; just two years ago, if you remember, you said, ' Wait two years.' I engaged up to, but not beyond, the time when it is proposed to start. Harrow left, from which, perhaps, God knew I would not have torn myself away to Africa ; my mind for two years in this unsettled condition ; my daily and hourly longing ' Only to know that the path I tread is the path marked out by Thee.' You don't know how I long for that knowledge : I believe I should be satisfied to black boots if I knew that was ' the right way,' by which the Lord was leading me. Now, if all these coincidences with the definite need of a definite sort of man for a definite work (which, unless I go, will — I may say-"— THE MISSIONARY CALL. 57 be abandoned) ; if they strike you all at home with the conviction that the Lord has called your son, then the last doubt will have gone, and I will have the answer to my prayer for definite and clear guidance ; to stay at home or to go abroad — mind, I've not asked for guidance to go abroad — but clear guidance one way, that I might know, and so do with a whole heart. " Indeed, if unuttered wishes are prayers, I've prayed to be allowed to stay at home. Anyhow, dearest Mother, don't be unhappy ; if I do go, it will only be in the perfect certainty that this is my ' vocation,' in which case, what an honour to be the King's ambassador — and if I stay at home — all right too. Your loving son, G L. Pilkington." On receiving George's letter, Mr. Pilkington said to Mrs. Pilkington, " God has asked for him, and we must give him," and from that time every help and encouragement was given to their son, as he prepared to go forth to his unknown work in Dark Africa. The following is George's reply : — "54 Midland Road, Bedford, Wednesday, 6th Nov., 1889. Dearest Mother, — Thank you so much for your letter, and father for his. I am glad to have the way marked so clearly now. Not a sorrow, indeed, dearest Mother ; and I'm sure we'll all see that some day ; but, for the present, we walk by faith, not by sight. 58 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. I've telegraphed to Douglas Hooper, whom you would like immensely. You'll tell people how much one man was wanted to prevent the work falling through. Pray for all of us. One of the men, Cotter, of Trinity, who is coming, was at Scarborough last summer ; then there's a Corpus man, whose name I forget. Your loving son, George L. Pilkington." Having received his parents' consent, he at once entered into communication with the Church Missionary Society, and after some preliminary correspondence, he wrote as follows to Rev. F. Wigram, Hon. Sec. of the C. M. S., especially with reference to his call to East Africa. 54 Midland Road, Bedford, Sunday, 17th Nov., 1889. My Dear Mr. Wigram, Thank \ou very much for your kind and sympathetic letter. May I explain, if at some length, what I feel about East Africa ? For two and a half years I have felt the overwhelming importance of Foreign Missionary work : during the whole of that time, I may say, I think, I have not passed an hour without wondering whether I ought not to go abroad. My prayer has been for distinct and definite guidance — ' only to know that the path I tread is the path marked out for me.' I undertook school-work because, in spite of these strong feelings, I could not THE MISSIONARY CALL. 59 be certain that I was being called to any special foreign work; but neither could I be sure that school- work was ' the right way.' What I longed for was certainty that I was going on a path of God's choosing, not mine. When Douglas Hooper pro posed East Africa with his party, a fortnight ago, I was convinced that my prayer was answered, and this conviction was immensely strengthened by the cordial assent of, first, my parents, and then from many others from whom experience had led me to expect at least a mild disapproval. Under these circumstances, I feel so sure of God's leading, that I not only hope that I may, but firmly believe that I shall, be sent to East Africa. Believe me, Yours very sincerely, George L. Pilkington." The most remarkable testimony to his fitness for missionary work was furnished by the Master of Pembroke, who wrote : — " I can hardly find words sufficiently strong to describe his fitness for the work which, for years, he has been anxious to attempt. He has the zeal of an Apostle and Evangelist, and, being a highly cultured man, will be an enormous accession to the mis sionary cause. I have never had any pupil, who has gone out, in my opinion, so qualified spiritually, intellectually, and physically. There is the promise of a Hannington or a Gordon in him. . He must not be too much interfered with. Allow him a free hand. November; 19th, -1889." ¦¦¦ - ¦ ¦ - 60 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Pilkington's preparation for missionary work was different from that which is usually recommended for intending missionaries, and, in view of the varied character of missionary work, it is worthy of con sideration if it would not be well for some to engage in educational work previous to going forth to the mission field. It may seem remarkable that Pilkington did not seek ordination. On this point, the Master of Pembroke, preaching in the College Chapel after his death, says : — " With many of you it will not detract from his praise that he was a layman — that he joined the Mission as a layman, and remained as such. I never argued with him about his motives, but I think I can fathom them. His mind was of that independent order that does not easily submit to dictation — especially of an absent committee. I made a point of this, in writing to the C. M. S., that they must not worry him with rules, or attempt too much control, and that he would do original things, if he were unfettered. He was altogether unprofes sional, and you would mistake him if you associate any affectation or sanctimoniousness with his character and conduct. (A frank, genial Irishman he remained to the last, with an overflow of spirit). This is different, I know, from some of our concep tions of a modern missionary. Being as he was, he can be used as an argument for the freer and fuller employment of laymen in the Church, which, I am glad to think, is gaining ground amongst us. We do not now interpret Christ's command to preach the Gospel '-to' all'nations to be THE MISSIONARY CALL. 61 only a clerical obligation, we recognise that His Society is of laymen, and we have ceased to describe an intending clergyman as ' one who is going into the Church.' That is wrong in thought and ex pression." On December 3rd, 1889, George L. Pilkington was accepted as a missionary of the Church Missionary Society at the same time as Baskerville and Cotter, all of whom were destined for Eastern Equatorial Africa, Graham Wilmot Brooke and Eric Lewis being accepted for the Niger on the same day. From December 3rd, 1889, to January 23rd, 1890, the date when the East African party left London, was none too long for the work of outfitting, and for taking leave of friends, and other preparations for the journey. Since the plans for the East African party had first been formulated, news had reached England which led to a change in their probable destination. The need of reinforcing Uganda, now that it seemed possible to reach it, was felt to be the primary duty of the new band, and they were ready to fall in with the arrangements which were made for them, their instructions being to proceed to the coast and to wait there until the way opened for them to proceed up country. The public leave-taking was a most impressive occasion, being the first occasion on which Exeter Hall had been taken for a valedictory meeting of C.M.S. Missionaries. Of this, a correspondent of the Church Missionary Intelligencer, now a member of the editorial staff, wrote : — 62 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. " It was a bold experiment to engage Exeter Hall for a Farewell Meeting to the band of missionaries set apart for Africa, but it was a venture more than justified by its success. On the evening of January 20th, the doors were besieged as at the Annual Meeting of the Society, and, when they were thrown open, the crowd surged into the great hall. Many of the features of an Annual Meeting of even more than usual interest were there — the room full to the back of the gallery and the furthest corner of the great platform ; gangways crowded with people unable to obtain seats ; and well-known faces to be seen on every side. We were especially pleased to welcome representatives of other Missions, such as Mr. James Mathieson, Mr. Hudson Taylor, and Dr. Pierson of Philadelphia ; and also sixty Cambridge undergraduates, who had come up in a body with Mr. and Mrs. Moule. One is led to ask what was the immediate cause of all this interest. The explanation is to be found in the striking character of the missionaries on the platform. In Bishop Crowther, we have the only non- European bishop that has been consecrated since the days of the early Church, and a man whose romantic career and long services will always com mand the public attention. In some of the younger missionaries, we have men of marked individuality, of great ability, and of still greater devotion. And the novelty and danger of their plans have attracted the liveliest interest of all friends of Missions." There were no long speeches at this meeting, but each of the male members of the two missionary THE MISSIONARY CALL. 63 parties proceeding to East and West Africa, rose, one after another, and either told of the works in which they had already taken part, or asked for prayer as they went forth for the first time. After the President of the C.M.S., Sir John Kennaway, had spoken, followed by the Rev. H. G. C. Moule, Bishop Crowther addressed the meeting, and, after him, Mr. Graham Wilmot Brooke, the Rev. Eric Lewis, and Dr. C. F. Harford-Battersby, proceeding to the Upper Niger with a view to reaching the Sudan; the Rev. F. N. Eden, the Rev. H. H. Dobinson, and Mr. P. A. Bennett, appointed to the Lower Niger; and the Rev. H. Tugwell, now Bishop Tugwell, located to Lagos. This formed the West African contingent. The East African party followed, consisting of Mr. Douglas Hooper, Mr. 0- L. Pilkington, Mr. G. K. Baskerville, and Mr. J. D. M. Cotter. Mr. G. L. Pilkington said he was going out because he knew the Lord had saved him, and that nothing could separate him from the love of Christ ; because the Lord's command was laid upon him ; and because, since He is King, we have but to do His will and we shall be safe. He had been kept, he said, ' with a light heart,' not that he was going lightly, for he had never given anything such care ful consideration. He urged upon those present to forestall the coming of Christ by accepting His salvation and by doing Him service." A little incident connected with this meeting is recorded by a friend of his, the Rev. R. S. Heywood, now a Missionary in India, Mr. Heywood writes ; to 64 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. " At his first dismissal meeting at Exeter Hall, a number of us went up from Cambridge, and I was glad to come across him at the bottom of the stairs at the Hall, so as to have a last chat. As we stood there, I noticed several people going up and looking with great interest at him, some evidently pointing him out to others. I mentioned this to him, and at once, with an exclamation of distress, he asked me to move with him into a more remote corner, where he would not be conspicuous. This was only one instance of the humility which all my acquaintance with him showed was most truly genuine." The last night in England was spent under the hospitable roof of the Rev. W. D. Bushell. From there, he wrote to his mother as follows : — " I am just beginning this letter before going to bed to-night, to finish it in the morning. I can only praise God for his goodness to me during the last few days. He has been so with me both here and in Cambridge. We had 3,000 in Exeter Hall, more than 50 men came up from Cambridge." Next morning he writes : " Bushell has given me a pedometer and several other things — he is kind. It's all right. I've never doubted that this is the way (Rom. viii. 28)." On the same day, January 23rd, 1890, the East African party left London in the s.s. "Kaparthala," and, after an uneventful voyage, reached Frere Town > where they were to wait till arrangements could be made for them to proceed to Uganda. CHAPTER V. A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. Not long after arriving at Frere Town, finding that there must be considerable delay before starting for Uganda, Pilkington accompanied Mr. Binns on a journey to the neighbourhood of Kilimanjaro, of which he gives the following description : — " Taro, E.E. Africa, (Half-way from Mombasa to Taita), Sunday, April 20th, 1890. Seated on a box, with two other boxes for a table, our porters squatting or standing all round, just finishing their breakfast of rice and dried fish, Mr. Binns, Secretary of the C.M.S. for the Coast districts, writing beside me on our only little table, ten o'clock this Sunday morning, I am answering your letters. I want to write a letter which will give you some idea of what an African Safari is like, and so I write to you only, but, of course, you will show it to the rest. If I tried to write a lot of letters, none would be satisfactory. I am keeping a diary, to which I shall refer now, and tell you all that has happened since I left Frere Town. By the way, F 65 66 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Hannington came this way, as he relates in the 20th and succeeding chapters of his life. We started at 2.30 on Monday from Frere Town by boat up the creek, which stretches up a dozen miles or so inland. " We " means Mr. Binns and his dog Nellie, myself, Edgar and his dog Minnie, whose existence I was, till last Sunday, ignorant of, but on Monday he, Edgar, presented himself with a bit of rope round the animal's neck, and fully determined on having this gaunt, half- starved, and, to me, specially obnoxious beast as his companion to Chagga. Miss Ramsay went with us to Rabai, to take back Miss Barton to Frere Town next day. Our porters were to meet us at Rabai. We sailed and towed up the winding creek, sometimes as much as a mile broad, but narrowing further up between mangrove swamps, and, finally, not more than twenty yards across. I had a shot at a big water-bird with Binns' gun, but missed. We reached the " banderini," or landing place, about 5.30, where we waited till the dhow contain ing our loads, i.e., tents, clothes, food, rice for the men, should arrive, to be carried up to Rabai by the forty men or so whom we found waiting our arrival. After a few minutes — during which we drank the juice from some " dafu," or young cocoanuts, which Binns had brought — we heard the panting of the Company's Steam Launch coming up the creek. We hoped it would be tugging our dhow, but it was not ; it brought Crawfurd of the Company, who, I told you, was to go with us to Taita, We left the A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 67 men to bring the loads, hearing that the dhow was only just behind, and started on our way to Rabai. It was a very good road for Africa, European-made, and therefore several feet broad — the native roads just like sheep tracks, — it was very pretty, through undulating, country ; we saw lots of orchids. We reached Rabai, which is four miles distant, about 6.30. Passing the fine church, which it was almost too dark to see, we came to Burness's house, where we were kindly received by Mr. Burness and his wife. Miss Barton, of Frere Town, was with them as I mentioned before. After tea, I went out with Burness, but could see nothing for the darkness but fire-flies, of which there are thousands. Crawfurd had not yet got enough Rabai men to supplement his Zanzibaris up to the 100 he wanted, so we could not start till the afternoon of Tuesday. I walked round Rabai with Binns in the morning ; it has a population of 1,500. At Church, in the morning at 6.30, there were 300 or so present. The native pastor, Jones, is often mentioned by Hannington. The population consists half of Waswahili and half of Wanyika, drawn there (for Binns said he remembered when there were not more than fifty or sixty people), by the security of property which a European settlement gives (we heard of an incursion of Masai only ten miles away from Rabai the other day), and, let us hope, some perhaps, by the Gospel. It is, at any rate for Africa, an important place and market. The Wanyika huts are very primitive — from the outside just like a small rick of damaged hay— no windows whatever ; 68 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. the Swahili huts are very superior. I saw, in Rabai, an India-rubber tree, from which Binns, in a few minutes, by cutting the bark and rubbing the sap on his hands, made a little piece of india rubber. We started at 2.15, and reached Mwachi (seven miles) at 4.10. These halting places are not towns or villages as a rule, but merely places where water is. The water here (which Crawfurd called splendid) was like the water in the pond at Tore to look at, only covered mostly with green stuff. We boil and then filter all our water ; the natives drink it neat. We pitched our tents and set up our bedsteads for the night. Edgar sleeps on my waterproof sheet in my tent ; the men sleep out ; but since that first night, when there was heavy rain, they have rigged up little tents with sticks and a little cloth or cut grass. The first thing on arriving in camp is, for us, who have carried nothing heavier than an umbrella and a monstrous hat, to rest — for the men, who have carried a load of 501b. to 6olb. (sometimes more), generally on their heads, to fetch firewood and water. Last night, I counted more than a dozen fires round about. The men sleep with feet toward them, and they keep off wild beasts. And now to make a digression. The contrast will have struck you already. The people, to whom we have come to preach, lie on the ground or in a reed or grass hut, eat rice and a bit of dried fish (two cupfuls of rice and a handful of dried fish is a day's ration), carry a load under a burning sun for ten or twelve miles which I should be sorry to carry a mile in England, walk barefoot on the A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 69 scorching ground, while we live in grand houses or tents (palaces to these people), sleep on beds as comfortable as any at home, eat chickens (carried in a box alive), preserved meat, green peas (preserved), tea, cocoa, biscuits, bread, butter, jam. Necessary for health, perhaps, some of these things may be. It's all very well for people at home, who know that we should have these things and others too, if we had stayed at home ; but how are these ignorant people to know or to believe that ? They see we live like princes (in their eyes) ; they cannot but believe that it is for these luxuries we come here : they're not luxuries at home, at least, nothing like to the same extent. Now my feeling at the present moment is that, if it is not possible, or if there is not a prospect of its becoming possible, to live very differently, we might almost as well be at home. Don't think I'm complaining of anything or any one. I enjoy these things and with a clear con science at present: the roast chicken we had the other night was very good ! so were the peas ! and I sleep on my comfortable bed as well as if I were at home ; but I stick to what I've said, and say what I think. It's no good coming out here unless we persuade these people (not people at home) that we've come out for something that is not for our own comfort, nor profit, nor sport ; and, to do so successfully, it may be necessary to do things which would other wise be foolish and wrong. However, don't be frightened. I take tremendous care of my health, and mean to do so. One more remark about above subject — our life ought to be such as to compel the 70 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. natives — not Englishmen — to ask, " What on earth brings these fellows out to live like this among us ? There is such a gulf between us already — language, character, thought, and religion ; it is terrible if it is necessary to set up another barrier, a physical one, to point all the others out as by an object lesson to these children, such children they are; I think, and so Irish, so like myself, coming in with their loads after a long march, singing and running to shew that they're not tired ; taking the tool out of the white man's hand, when he sets himself to some rough work, saying that such is not for the likes of him, an acknowledgement of a social distinction which you will find in Ireland, but not much in England. We were up about five on Wednesday morning ; pack all things in great haste, drink cocoa and biscuit, and start at 6.40 (a late start — the sun always rises at six, and we ought not to start later). We reached Mto Kajembe at 9 a.m. (nine miles) ; here we had breakfast, pitched tents, slept, etc., till 2.30, when we started, and reached Mto Wa Munyo (Salt River) at a quarter to four (four and three-quarter miles). We stopped here for the night. I had a bath in a portable India-rubber bath, very delightful ; we saw a lot of partridges on this and next day ; we have also seen several vultures. The general appearance of the country is that of an undulating (or even hilly) plain, well sprinkled with small trees, chiefly mimosa, occasional thick, impenetrable bush — the soil is sandy, covered by coarse grass, as on the edge of the bog at home. On Thursday, off at 5.50; we had not got far A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. H when the men in front stopped and waited for us to come up, as two splendid antelopes, very dark, long, straight horns, big as mules, were grazing about 300 yards ahead. We saw wha.t Binns said was a flowering fungus, and very rare. We saw two small antelopes at a place called Gora, perhaps mentioned by Thomson or Hannington. We reached Samburu at 8.35, ten and three-quarter miles (all measurements by pedometer, given me by Mr. Bushell). On, one and three-quarter miles, in the afternoon, to what Thomson calls, "the stone reservoirs of Duruma." A Duruma man here asked why no Missionaries came among them. Three of Crawfurd's Zanzibaris ran off this day ; they had been paid fifteen dollars (£2) in advance. Left next day at six ; went on, with an hour for breakfast, to this place, Taro, twelve and a quarter miles, reaching this before eleven, the day before yesterday. We then waited for mails which arrived yesterday at 4.30. Forty of Crawfurd's Zanzibaris made their escape on this last march ! Seventeen loads are missing, stolen by the men ; runaway porters generally leave their loads on the road, but these, Crawfurd says, are a mere pack of thieves. They were engaged for him by a clerk, who got a set of boys to begin with, and besides, the riff-raff of Zanzibar. His headmen accompanied Stanley on the Emin Pasha relief expedition, but he doesn't know whether he can trust even them. He lost, among other things, some most valuable papers,, and he is himself now ill with dysentery. The mails arrived yesterday, and with them the news 72 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. that Mackay was dead ! Since he went to Uganda in 1876, he has never come down to the coast. He has left us an example of perseverance. Crawfurd started back this morning, carried by four men, in a waterproof sheet slung on poles. Now just a word as to my health ; I am thankful to say I am perfectly well ; this Safari has cured my prickly heat and trifling tropical rash." " Frere Town, June 17th. We went on again on Monday. The next place where we were sure of water was forty miles away ; so we had to push on. We found some water, as a matter of fact, about half-way, but it didn't help us much, as we only rested a little time, while the men re-filled their gourds, dried, in which they carry water. We walked seven-and-a-half hours on Monday, and then slept without water, i.e., at a place where there was no water, and without tents. Off again at 5.20 a.m., still dark, four-and-a-half hours' of hard walking, such a crooked road, ending up a steep hill ; under a blazing sun, we at last reached the hill of Maungu. (I forgot to explain why this letter was delayed. Three weeks ago to-day, I wrote to Mother ; that evening the doctor sent me to bed in high fever, which continued, more or less, for a fortnight ; I am thankful to say it is gone now, but I am still fearfully weak. We hope to start to morrow week for Zanzibar, en route for Uganda. We like tho four new men very much, and the Bishop extremely, which, I expect, I said in my last letter). At Maungu, the unfortunate men, after arriving A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 73 some time after us with their heavy loads, had to mount the hill for water, a good hour's walk. It is a lovely place, a high pass between two hills, with a splendid view, filled with flowers ; convolvulus creeps over half the little trees. In the afternoon, Binns and I went up to the top, washed (how delightful), and saw a troop of chattering monkeys, and — Kilimanjaro's snowy head, far, far away. Within the last few months, Dr. Meyers, a German, has got to the top ; it is almost 20,000 feet high, Mont Blanc with Ben Nevis piled above it. Next day we reached Taita (Mt. Ndara 6,000 feet high), a C. M. S. station, just given up, for the present at least. We saw the Missionary (who has just left this room, Morris), after that a splendid swim and wash, with soap, in a mountain stream, that was very full after the rains they had had, and filled a fine rocky basin, almost out of my depth. Next day, on again, five-and-a-quarter hours' morn ing walk to a populous village — Matali — in a lovely and well-cultivated valley ; the afternoon we rested in our tents, eating roast Indian -corn cobs and sucking sugar cane. The people very friendly. On next day, up and around a mountain — lovely view of Kilimanjaro — and down again into a rich and wooded country. Then we started across Seringete, the waterless track of fifteen hours' march. How ever, we found a fine pool half-way, where we camped. Here, and all this day, we saw animals in great numbers — zebra, ostriches, eland, hartebeest, vultures, giraffes, and buffaloes — very dangerous beasts, (not so many tracks of lions), leopards, U PiLKINGfON OF UGANDA. elephants, rhinoceros, and, of course, hyenas howling every night. We have them here. Quails there were in endless numbers, also partridges and guinea- fowl. The flowers are often magnificent, but I can't describe them, and, except at Maungu, they were, as a rule, so scattered that there was nothing so fine as a spring or summer field at home. Next day, Binns shot an Eland as big as a cow, to the men's great delight, for, of course, we could eat only a little of it. We had to camp on the spot while they cut it up and cooked it, and gorged themselves all night long. The cooked, or, rather, burnt morsels they disposed of to great advantage (as I thought, for I wouldn't have touched it) for splendid bunches of bananas and plantains and sugar cane. This was at Taveta, a prosperous village below Kilimanjaro, hidden in the heart of a great forest. It was fine making our way under the great trees, dark ened by creepers (not so dark, perhaps, as Stanley's forest), till we came to the " gate " where you have to fire off guns and pay so much cloth to get in. These great log gates, remind one of Irish " gates " on a huge scale. The " gate " consists of a huge pile of logs which have slowly to be unheaped to let you pass. Then through another forest, this time of bananas — a beautiful sight, with the huge bunches of fruit hanging down everywhere. We spent a pleasant afternoon and morning next day buying food and watching the Wataveta. Then we started about one, but alas ! some non-Tavetans had barred the road by the other gate, they wanted cloth ; this was an imposition we considered, so we A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 75 came back, re-crossing three rivers, either on slippery, dangerous planks, or rather round poles, at the risk of a wetting, or by wading them. One of the " Elders " of Taveta, on our return, assured us they had no authority at that gate, and advised our taking another road. After losing our way, and having to come back a good bit — three times I think — at last we really started at half-past three. We only got two hours on our way and had to camp in a bad place, where there was no water. Next evening we got within one-and-a-half hours of Chagga ; the men, who were behind, thought we had pushed right on, and camped on their own account. We were left with boys, cook and guide, no food, no change of clothes, no tents, and it was raining — with a fire, indeed, by which we lay — till the cook and guide, who had gone back, brought up the men with the loads which we wanted. Next day early, we reached Chagga." The chief object of this journey was to interview the King of Chagga, and to bring him, if possible, to treat the work of the C.M.S. more favourably. Of the interview, and of some further incidents of their visit, Mr. Pilkington writes : — " The kingdom of Chagga, where Mundara, the one-eyed king, reigns, is a lovely spot on the lower ridges of the great, twin-peaked, snow mountain, Kilimanjaro. Here we found ourselves in the presence of this one-eyed, African despot. The contrast was strange :— ' The palace,' more like a cabin to our eyes ; the courtyard, a horrible quagmire of filthy mud; and there sat, in a full- 76 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. length shirt — that ought to have been white, but it wasn't — Mundara, the dreaded ruler, the ambitious conqueror, whose evil fame reaches to the coast. And another contrast : so polite he was, his words ' smoother than oil,' and yet he is the man who has exterminated whole tribes ; has depopulated mountain sides, killing many of the people, and selling the rest into the miseries of slavery. This is human nature as it is, before it knows Jesus, the Saviour of the world. Mr. Binns' words had a good effect ; the attendance of twenty-one boys at the Mission House showed that the king had withdrawn the opposition to that extent, at least. He had been under the impression that, the boys once taught, we should want to carry them off to the coast. Most interesting our ' safari ' was : the natives were sometimes (as we were told), so superstitious that, when our missionaries at Taita went up to the top of the mountain for a walk, they were un pleasantly surprised by a crowd of angry men, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, who insisted that they had gone up there to make ' medicine ' to keep the rain off! The Missionaries' assurances were at last believed, and they were allowed to start homeward, followed, however, when they had gone a little way, by a shower of arrows. On the other hand, at Taveta, that Arcadian paradise as Thomson calls it, in the heart of the forest, we found the natives so friendly and interesting. Some of the customs were so odd : beads and cloth are the money of the country — but beads, which are greatly A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 77 prized at Taveta, are just a shade too blue and a trifle too large for the fashion at Chagga, where, accordingly, they are valueless ! How I wish I had had the skill to depict the features of the chief of Matati, when Mr. Binns induced him to try his bottle of smelling salts ! At this place, too, we found a huge demand for common salt ; a few spoonfuls would buy three fine sugar canes, each ten feet long. In Duruma, nearer home, a man asked us wh}' no missionary was among them ; perhaps he only wished for the temporal advantages which come with the white man ; but the question stands, why is it ? Because, if five times as many men were at work here, they could find work to spare in the stations already occupied. A few days later we started back; we got drenched for the first four days regularly, and had to sit waiting once, foodless, fireless, in drenched and muddy clothes, lying tired on the wet ground, under a sort of improvised arbour to keep out the drizzle, for two-and-a-half hours till the men came up, with hyenas yowling round. A day or two later, one of our boys walked with us all the way, down with small-pox, covered with the rash ; he has recovered, though one of Binns' boys caught it and died here ten days ago. The last of the four days on which we got drenched, sitting by the fire, with the small-pox boy on the other side, I reflected on what the Greeks called the ' irony of fate,' that in my coat pocket on the same ' safari ' should be a letter of Mother's beseeching me to take care of my health ; so I do, but — well, I 78 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. shan't describe our return in detail ; we reached Rabai, after tremendously hard marching ; on the way in, Edgar said to me, ' Have you heard the news ? ' 'What news?' said I. 'Mr. Cotter's dead.' And so it was, two days before. And so I have got here again — to be laid up ten days with my foot, and then, just this day three weeks ago, by fever ; and I've not been out yet — am very weak, but the Doctor says it's all right ; can't expect to get up one's strength at once after a sharp attack of fever ; and to-morrow week, please God, we shall start for Zanzibar on the way to Uganda, the change will do me good. June 19th. We hear this morning that the ship from Bombay, by which we expect to travel to Zanzibar, will not be here till Friday or Saturday week, which gives me two or three days extra to mend in. I have just re-read my last mail and proceed to answer one or two things. You know that not only Hill, of Corpus, but three other men whom we like very much, have come out ; they are not Cambridge men. By the way, you say in one letter that I belong to a superior race to the Africans; do you know I doubt it ? Physically, much inferior, except in appearance. I cannot notice that they are intellectually inferior ; inferior in knowledge, indeed, because this country provides them (as the ancients said of the golden age) of itself with all they feel the need of; they are, therefore, indifferent to what we call progress, or the know- A VISIT TO KILIMANJARO. 79 ledge of nature, and the turning her to our uses. Glad to hear Aunt B's interest in this most interesting of countries. D's assertion, which puzzled K, is most presumptuous. How can any man say of a country, of which four-fifths, if not nine-tenths, are utterly unknown, that there is this or that ? The fringe on which his own eyes have rested, he may partly know, but the rest June 20th. I was much stronger yesterday, and went out for a ride on a donkey ; a splendid beast ; to-day, I feel stronger again. The rest have been terribly busy packing loads, all to be made up to 70 lbs. ; how would you like one on your head ? By the bye, you will be glad to hear that to have had a severe attack of fever — and mine was a very severe one — is considered a good thing ; in fact, the doctor told me to-day that he did not think it likely I should ever have so bad an attack again. June 2 1 st. Douglas was ordained the other day ; three of the new men are to be to-rnorrow. Monday, June 23rd. The mail may be starting to-morrow, so this letter goes in to be stamped to-night. CHAPTER VI. THE LONG MARCH. " Ye have need of patience " is a maxim constantly to be remembered by the African traveller. More than five months had passed since our party left England, and it was only after this long delay that they were able to start on their long journey. Pilkington describes the first stage of their journey in the following letter : — " Criterion Hotel, Zanzibar Wednesday, July 9th, 1890. Here we are, started at last, I am glad to say. We left Frere Town at 3 p.m., on Monday ; after a little tossing about, and a night on deck (we travelled as deck passengers), we got here at 10.30 a.m. yester day, and, since then, I have been resting, and hope to do so till early to-morrow morning, when we are to leave for Saadani, by H.M.S. ' Redbreast,' and start, I expect, with Stokes next day. You'll under stand why I need resting, when I tell you all the news. It has been wonderful how God has brought us all (except one, and there are four in his place) to the start. About a fortnight ago, I began to feel something like myself; but Douglas and Mrs, THE LONG MARCH. 81 Hooper began to be ailing, Douglas with fever, and Mrs. Hooper with overwork ; it would have greatly increased the hardness of leaving one another had either been ill. Well, they both recovered before the end of last week— worn out a good deal indeed, but neither ill. But with myself it is even more striking; my foot is only now, two days before starting, recovered ; it has been healed for a week or so. Then my fever : I had a sharp attack last Friday for twenty-four hours, then again, on Sunday morning, my temperature was 1050 ; I was three times awfully sick, and felt as ill as I could be, and I believed, as I lay in bed that morning, that the steamer was to leave at 6 a.m. next morning. We should have had to be up at four, and breakfast, and get our personal luggage (I had still two-and-a-half loads, 70 lbs. each, unpacked, and accounts to be settled) on board in the dark. Was it possible, I thought ? And the horrors of a steamer, too, with the Monsoon dead against us, all night as deck passengers. But it was all made quite right and pleasant — pleasant surprises coming continually." " By the way, another horror I forgot, the passage, and if I did reach Zanzibar alive, to Saadani by dhow eight hours at least, and very likely becalmed indefinitely halfway, there would have been no time for rest here ; we might have gone on immediately yesterday. Well, on Sunday at midday, I began to improve; then we heard the steamer was not to start till 2 p.m. On Monday, I was a good deal better and just managed my packing, etc. The ' Yuba ' and our deck quarters turned out infinitely 82 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. better than I had expected. I got better and was not sick on board. The Bishop (who, expecting us to follow in two days, came here a fortnight ago) met us with the good news that the Admiral, who is here on the 'Boadicea' with a fleet altogether 'of ten ships, and two trans ports expected, had promised to send us across in the ' Redbreast,' a fast vessel, though not a large one, whether strictly a man-of-war or a gun boat, I don't know ; this gives one-and-a-half days' rest, and spares us the dhow journey, to God be the thanks. I'm quite well, but still weak ; anyhow, its all right, we have been joined at the last moment by Hunt, of the Company, a delightful fellow and, perhaps, the Mombasa doctor, Dr. Edwards, who was so good to us when ill, sending Douglas and me his own milk, may come too. The Bishop telegraphed yesterday, Emin Pasha has reached Mpwapwa three weeks ago ; he has been fighting ; of course, in the present state of things, without Stokes we could'nt go." " Saadani, 14th July, 1890. Here still ! We had a delightful crossing in the ' Redbreast,' the Commanding Officer giving us his own cabin, where we had breakfast. On arrival we found the start put off until Monday (to day) ; now it is off again till Wednesday ; Shall we really start then ? Our first communication long ago with Stokes made us expect to start nearly two months ago. We are camped here in our tents by the sea; THE LONG MARCH. 83 Stokes a hundred yards away (to hear him talk Swahili, with an Irish brogue !), and his men in a regular town half-a-mile off, but extending a mile or more beyond that. My loads are all satisfactorily made up, and have been accepted by the porters. On Saturday morning, we had a trying time, finally packing our loads, which the porters then inspected, choosing each man one to suit him. Mine went immediately, though each of two was ilb. or lib. over the regulation weight — 7olbs. Besides this, the poor men carry 35lbs. of cloth, their own pay, and water and cooking pots for themselves ! The men are very capricious about their loads — some shapes are objectionable, so some of our men had difficulty in getting their loads accepted. It was a trying time, because the tents, too, had to be made into loads, so shelter from the blazing sun was hard to get. But none of us, I think, were any the worse. The same evening we got our mails. We have a Bible reading, every day after our mid day meal, each choosing and starting a subject by turns." " Sunday, August 3rd. Two-thirds of the way to Mamboia, near the Mbula Mountains. At last, an opportunity of writing, or rather starting, a letter ; perhaps it will go from Mamboia, which we hope to reach in a week or so. To-day, being Sunday, we rest as usual. You have heard of Hill's death ; he left Saadani for the hospital at Zanzibar, early on Sunday morning, and died that night. We started next 84 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. morning, so we did not hear of his death for a few days. Baskerville has had fever ; temperature 1050 just now. I wonder whether he will be able to go on my donkey to-morrow ? I don't think he is as ill as his temperature seems to make him. However, his illness is too like Hill's not to make one feel that there is danger. Now about myself. I'm quite well, but still weak. We have two donkeys, and I generally ride ha)f the march. We go an average of nine miles a day, and I assure you I find half that plenty. Isn't that a confession ? Then this is Africa. Baskerville and I in one tent, Dunn and Dermott in another, Smith and Hunt in a third, Douglas in a small one, and the Bishop in a big one by themselves. This is the way we travel. We divide the work as follows: D. and D. (as above), the canteens, packing and unpacking for meals; B., the food boxes; Smith, filtering water ; Hunt, making the tea; Myself, the cooking; Douglas, everything. Stokes is a most pleasant man and extremely kind to us. We are getting among some fine mountains, but hitherto there has been little striking in any way, hardly any flowers, lions or beasts of beauty or interest that I could see. My chief interest is learning Kiganda. No one else has begun it. I have really got on lately. I've been able to get some of the main things of the grammar out of my friend Noah, who seems to enjoy teaching me. We walk together on the way, and sometimes I find an THE LONG MARCH. 85 opportunity of establishing myself in a tent with pen and ink and my old Harrow bank book (which is being transformed into a Kiganda grammar) while Noah crouches on the floor and is pumped as to singulars and plurals, futures and perfects, though I need hardly say, I don't put it that way. Indeed, it has interested, though not surprised me to see how utterly foreign and puzzling to N's ideas any thought of grammar is. He has never given me a rule ; he never generalizes. You would think that any one — especially a very intelligent man like N., anxious to please me and teach me — would give me some general formula for making the future, when I ask him, say, ten verbs, in the form ' I shall go,' ' I shall send,' but no, he doesn't see what I'm driving at a bit, but fills up my ' I shall see ' into a complete sentence, which he urges me to write down, assuring me that his words are 'very good.' Then again, when I notice what seems an irregu larity, say in one of these futures as compared with the others, and ask him why do you say so-and-so, whereas in the rest you say so-and-so, why don't you say this instead, he answers, 'Oh no,' its not that, and repeats it as he said it before. If you urge him for an explanation, he says it's words only, ' don't you see, of course it's this,' and repeats it as if you were deaf, or very stupid. I've got one or two tiny books with prayers and the Commandments, and Bible texts, which are a great help, but no grammar. Noah knows Swahili, but no English. The Germans sent us twice this week a leg of beet 86 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. or veal. Besides this beef, wc buy chickens from the natives, eggs sometimes, and we use tinned meats when we can get nothing else. We have for our first meal, oatmeal and Indian meal porridge, tea or cocoa, hard biscuits and butter (tinned), at 5.30 in the morning. Awful scramble while beds, tents, or other loads are being, or are to be, packed and sent off, everyone shouting for something or someone, all in the dark, made visible by one lantern. March before 6. In camp, 8, 9, 10. Food : — Chickens, rice, biscuits, native beans, perhaps dried potatoes, jam, any native vegetables ; we are looking forward to sweet pota toes (on Sundays, apple rings), at 4.30. Same with soup (pea generally), at one or other meals." " Mamboia, E. Africa, Tuesday, August 12th. We got here about nine o'clock yesterday morn ing, the day before, Sunday (our usual practice is not to march on Sunday), we had a long march of six hours, most of which I did on Stokes' donkey ; the Bishop had hurried ahead a few days before to be at Mamboia the longer, taking the larger of our two donkeys. Baskerville, who is still weak from the late fever, was riding the other. So, of late, I've been borrowing S.'s donkey, for I'm not quite myself yet ; though, on the whole, with occasional relapses, I've been getting stronger ever since we left the coast. We stay here (a lovely place, of which more anon) till Thursday or Friday. Messrs. Cole and Beverley THE LONG MARCH. 87 and Price (of Kisokwe, first two men, and Mpwapwa) are expected here to-morrow, for a conference with the Bishop, who is not very well. My last letter didn't enter into details of the march as much as I intended, so here goes : — We get up some at four, others a bit later, invalids per haps not till five ; then comes a scene, some washing in the bucket or basin outside their tent (unless they think that an evening wash is enough, for the early mornings are very chilly, and the whole thing is a rush), others calling for their boys to pack up their camp-beds, that the tents may be pulled down, which is sometimes done while, if late or lazy, one is still inside. Douglas calling out that the man for the loan of buckets and basins has come, and will everyone send the same at once to his tent. Meanwhile, others are seeing to the food, porridges, Indian and oatmeal, tea and biscuits. At last a whistle is three times blown, and we assemble round the cook's fire for Swahili prayers ; then the rush is resumed, increased by the food being ready, as everyone is anxious to get some and be off, if the march is to be Jong and the sun likely to be hot later on. Then comes Dunn and Dermott's turn, who have to pack the canteens from which we eat, and which it is well to get off early, as we shall want them for our next meal. Douglas stays last of all and sees that the men take their loads, often carrying what is left behind. More than twenty porters have died since leaving Saadani, dysentery chiefly. Remember, there are 2,200 odd. 88 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Then comes the march. Quite cold at first, the grass, perhaps, dewy. On past the porters, who walk quite slowly with their loads of 7olbs. for an hour (the men have been so ill), two, three or four hours, as the case may be. Some of our men go ahead and choose a camp well in front of the rest. Then the question is, when will this load or that load come in ? Is my tent in ? Have they brought my bed in, or left it down among the other loads ? How about the canteens and the food boxes ? Shall we have anything to eat before twelve? (n a.m. is the hour we aim at.) Has the man we sent, two hours ago — immediately on reaching the camp — to buy chickens and eggs and sweet potatoes, come back yet ? Have the boys drawn water yet, or have the buckets not come in yet ? Here's my tent, but has the man with the pegs come ? The sun's so hot, and there's hardly any shade — where's my boy with my water bottles ? etc., etc., etc. At last, several tents are pitched, and in one of them we get the table ready for food and have our second meal. Then we have our Bible reading ; then we read, rest, wash, etc., asweseverallyplea.se. Meanwhile food has again to be seen to. This comes off at 4.30. Then 'Swahili prayers, which Douglas and I take by turns. Then, after everything which can be packed in the evening is done with, to bed. It is an interesting and a novel way of life, but it would be a stretch to call it a pleasant one, and a pause in a house, as here, is a great relief and a rest. Now, about the place. Mamboia is a collection THE LONG MARCH. 89. of villages, some of only a dozen beehive huts, lying in a broad valley, among beautiful mountains, rising not high above the valley, though 4,000 feet or so above the sea. The hill-sides, too, are crowded with villages. Wood, the C.M.S. man here, says you can pass thirty-two villages in an hour's walk. The valley is extensively cultivated — Indian corn, millet, sweet potatoes, banana, and pine apples, etc. The mission station is situated most beautifully, high above the valley, 3,960 feet above sea level, com manding a grand view of it. It is built on a com paratively level slope. There are two houses, three rooms in each, besides store rooms (the Rosco'es, whom C. and S. met at Cambridge, were here.) Below the house is a garden, where, beside native things, English flowers and vegetables are grown. It is wonderful to see the geraniums and petunias in full bloom in Africa (it is so cold here) ; carrots, too, and potatoes. A church is being built — stone walls ; for mortar, the ordinary earth, which is better than our mortar, for it has all been worked by white ants ; walls three feet thick. It is paid for by Wood himself and the natives, who give either in kind or in labour. We had service there this morning; thirty natives or so present. They speak a language which is called Kimegi, which bears resemblance to both Kiswahili and Kiganda. This is a splendidly healthy place and we hope to gather health and strength here. I wish I could tell of anything encouraging in our work. The Lord is with us, and to Him all pow^r is given in Heaven and in earth, even in Africa. Pray that 90 PILKINGTON OP UGANDA. this power may be shewn, and that nothing in us may hinder it." " Kisokwe (six miles beyond Mpwapvva), E. Africa, Friday, 22nd August, 1890. Here we are at Kisokwe, rather over two hundred miles from the coast, not quite so far as Chagga, from which we came back in ten days, and yet on Monday, when we expect to start again, it will be five weeks since leaving the coast. We arrived early yesterday, 7.15 a.m., from Mpwapwa. Here I was met by Mwaka or Andreya (Christian baptismal name) the boy who taught me on the steamer. He came running to meet me. I gave him some chocolate, and hope to give him a piece of cloth before I go. He has been preaching to the people since he came back. His mother comes each Saturday to the Mission to be taught ; this means a walk of three hours over the hills with a child on her back. She goes back on Mondays. This is the most encouraging thing I have heard or seen in Africa. I hope and believe we may say in both cases, ' This hath God done.' You will have heard what is at present uncertain news about Uganda. The Germans, in the fort at Mpwapwa, have received news that the English Company's expedition to the lake (we know they are five hundred rifles strong, and are even now followed by probably a second party eight hundred strong) have combined with the Protestants in Uganda, and ousted Mwanga and put Kalema, the Arab nominee, upon the throne. Likely enough, THE LONG MARCH. 91 too, if the jealousy between the Roman Catholic chiefs and the Protestants comes to a head. We heard of the growing jealously in Zanzibar, but why Kalema ? Surely the Arabs are not in league with the English Company ! Was it in default of any other of the blood royal, or has he turned Protestant (I don't say Christian) on the chance of a crown ? Had Mwanga favoured the Roman Catholics or even taken to Protestant persecution again ? Or is it all a lie ? I daresay we shall all know when you read this letter. By the way, I'll say here that I've not ridden a donkey since Mamboia and am strong and well ; Baskerville is still rather feeble. The house at Mpwapwa was burnt down by the Arabs ; all agree that it was a very good thing ; the house was so grand as to be a hindrance to the work. Mpwapwa is a very populous place. Lately, Price, the Missionary there, has been encouraged by the increased numbers coming. Here they have three hundred in church on Sunday and seventy every day. Kigogo is the language here. Cole, the Missionary, was nearly killed by a buffalo not so long ago. We have come through some magnificent valleys — some of them populous enough; the country, from Mamboia as far as this, is the mountain region of Usagara. On Monday, we start into a comparatively flat though elevated country. Just beyond Mamboia is the pass of Rutako, 4,700 feet higher than Ben Nevis. You ought to look all these out in the C.M.S. Atlas." 92 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. "Sunday, 24th August, 2 p.m., ,Kisokwe. We had a confirmation this morning. Fourteen from Mpwapwa, and I think twelve from Kisokwe ; some big men, rough and wild looking. Three hundred natives or so were present. Our visit here has been encouraging." After leaving Kisokwe, the roughest part of the journey began, and is graphically described by Bishop Tucker in a letter from Unyanguira, about one hundred and twenty miles beyond Kisokwe. The Bishop writes as follows : — " Unyanguira, E.E. Africa, September 6th, 1890. "As you will see from the above address, we are getting on. We are now, I suppose, within six weeks of the Victoria Nyanza. Our progress has been slow, but not the less sure on that account. I believe Africa is one of those countries in which it is essentially true that it is the pace that kills. The tortoise very frequently wins the race here. The solemn Services of Sunday, August 24th, over — that is to say, the ordination of Messrs. Cole and Wood, and the confirmation of thirty candidates — we prepared for an early departure on Monday, 25th. We left Kisokwe at 6.30 a.m. Mr. Cole accom panied us as far as our first camping ground. We there bade him an affectionate farewell, and, as a party, were once more alone. To get water entailed a journey of three hours, and, when obtained, it was found to be distinctly brackish in flavour. The night spent at this spot we THE LONG MARCH. 93 shall not easily forget. It was an open, sandy plain, across which the wind rushed with unobstructed force. Our tents, happily, had been pitched in good time, so that, when the wind arose, we had some shelter, however precarious. Every moment we expected our tents to be blown away. Not one of us got a wink of sleep that night. As we were to make a long march through a porri or waterless desert the next day, it had been arranged to start at 3.30 a.m., so, at two o'clock, I gave the signal to prepare for the march. The wind, a few minutes later, dropped in a very remarkable way. We were thus enabled to pack, and prepare breakfast in comfort. Most providentially, the day proved to be cloudy, so the march was robbed of half its horrors. None but those who have experienced it can under stand what it is to have a burning sun beating down from above, and scorching heat rising from the burning ground or sand at the same moment. This, happily, we were spared in going through this porri. We marched for six hours, and then halted to prepare some food with the water from our water-bottles. After an hour's rest, we resumed our journey, and, in a couple of hours, reached our camping-ground ; but here again, alas ! the water was brackish. Still, we had to drink it, and were very thankful for it. It is wonderful the things you take kindly to when there is no other alternative. During the last two months, I have swallowed more mud in water than in all my life previously. And not only swallowed it, but swallowed it thankfully. Another day of brackish water had to be endured, 94 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. and then we started on another long march through another waterless tract of country. We were now in Ugogo — which is indeed a weary land — aland which seems stricken with a curse — even the forests are leafless and bare. Here and there, out of the sandy plain, rises a conical hill, 200 or 300 feet high — whether volcanic in its origin, I cannot tell — probab ly the ants have had something to do with the work of raising them. About these hills, a few huge boulders have been tumbled. How grateful their shade — ' the shadow of a mighty rock within a weary land.' Of a truth, with the exception of these few hills and rocks, the country is a sandy waste. The inhabitants of the few villages we came across have to dig for water in the earth. Some of these holes are thirty feet deep. These holes are our only hope of water. You can imagine how eagerly we look down into their depths. This second long march in this waterless district was distinctly more trying than the first. Still we held upon our way, upborne with hope of fresh and sweet water. This, happily, we found as we halted at Mizanza. Here we spent two days, in order to bring up the rear. Our rear was in a considerable state of excite ment ; a straggler had been speared by the Wagogo, and his load taken from him. The surgical skill of Messrs. Dermott and Dunn was again put to the test. Of course he had been speared in the back. The wound was a bad one, but still not fatal. The oest was done for him, and he is now, I am glad to say, all right again. This incident was a disagreeable reminder that we are now in a country in many THE LONG MARCH. 95 respects hostile. The Wagogo are great thieves and bullies. We have just received the startling news that they have almost utterly destroyed an Arab caravan of 500 porters — within a few miles of where we now are — men, women, and children, all massacred. Two or three of our own mail-men have also been murdered. This very serious business will probably delay us a few days, as the German com mander is going to punish the chiefs of the tribes implicated. This will probably mean burning villages and hanging one or two of the chiefs. Oh, when will this country — this land of misery, and sin, and death, emerge out of its utter darkness ? Truly, to pass through is oppressive to the spirit in the highest degree. Owing to the state of the country, the German commander has intimated to me that he will not be responsible for my safety (not that I regard him as in any sense responsible), if I do not keep nearer the main body on the march. Usually, I am in the habit of going ahead with our fastest donkey, so as to be in a position to choose the most favourable site for our camp, when the kiongozi — or leader — has indicated the spot where water is to be found. Of course, when a large number of Natives are travelling together, this is a most important matter. I generally try to get to windward of their camp. I suppose now I shall have to be a little more careful. Yesterday, for the first time, I made the acquaintance of zebra-steaks. We passed a large herd of zebras whilst on the march, and one of the Germans managed to shoot one at long range ; this was brought into camp later in the day, and the 96 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. successful marksman very kindly sent us a joint. We found it very good — quite an acceptable change in our diet." "September 9th, 1890. " The air for the last few days has been full of war and rumours of war. Saturday night was a night to be remembered. After we had pitched our tents near Unyanguira, and were preparing for our meal, we were startled by hearing that two German soldiers had been murdered at a village hard by, whither they had gone with cloth to buy food. " Some time previously — that is, almost at the time of our arrival here — I informed the German officer, Lieutenant Siegel, that I had seen a number of Wagogo marching off from a neighbouring tembe (or village) with shields and spears, apparently in military order. He seemed to attach no great im portance to this fact. To my mind, it seemed an indication of the state of the country around. After events proved the correctness of my surmise. The moment the news arrived of the murder, Lieutenant Siegel called his men together and marched off to endeavour to bring in the dead bodies, with the arms and ammunition with which the men left the camp. In about an hour's time he returned, bring ing in one dead man — the other body he was unable to recover. One of the men died very nobly. When he left the camp, he received strict orders that on no account was he to fire on the natives. When he approached the village, he held his gun in his left hand and his cloth in the right. He said, ' I have The Long MArch. 9? come to buy food.' The natives threatened him with their spears. He answered, ' I am not going to fight with you. My orders are to buy food, and not to shoot. You can kill me if you like,' and held out his arms. Immediately the spears were plunged into his body in half-a-dozen places, and he fell, in obeying orders, as nobly, it seems to me, as ever any soldier fell in battle. The other poor fellow had no rifle ; he immediately took to flight and endeavoured to escape. He was pursued for half an hour through the porri by these Wagogo bloodhounds, and fell, pinned by a dozen spears. The Lieutenant also informed us that the country was swarming with men in arms, and that evidently they meant fighting ; that, in all probability, an attack would be made upon us some time during the night. We at once set about making as good a disposition of our men and loads as possible. At the moment, they were actually in as bad a position as they could be — scattered about in little camps over a wide plain. Word to concentrate was sent round, and soon we had the Wanyamwezi camped all around us. Our force was, unfortunately, divided ; Mr. Stokes, with several hundred men, was some miles in the rear. Mes sengers were sent off to him with information as to the serious state of affairs. (We afterwards learned that these runners did not leave the camp until five hours after they had been ordered to leave). The German officer in command had only seventeen soldiers now left. It is true they were armed with breechloaders, but it was a force altogether insufficient to deal with the mass of "'men' which filled the country in front. 98 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Our trust was in the Lord God Omnipotent. We placed men to watch during the night, and com mitted ourselves into the hands of our Keeper — the Keeper of Israel — who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth. I could not help being struck with the evening portion of ' Daily Light,' which I read as I turned into my tent : ' Watchman, what of the night ? ' I slept from nine till four in the morning, and then rose. The Lieutenant was of opinion that if an attack came, it would be about half an hour before sunrise, that is to say, at about half-past five a.m. We were on the alert, but, happily, no attack came, and, as the sun rose above the level of the plain, we felt that we, through the goodness of God, had escaped a great danger. Of course, you know that we missionaries, as a party, are entirely unarmed. There is no doubt at all that, had the Wagogo chosen to attack us during the night, they could easily have massacred the whole lot of us — even had we been armed. I do not regret in the very least coming without arms. We should not have used them, and they would only have been a temptation to the men and boys. A little after eight o'clock, on Sunday morning, Mr. Stokes arrived, and I felt at once that, humanly speaking, things would be arranged. He is a man of great influence with the natives — a man who keeps his word with them, and who has never done an unkind action with regard to them. Besides all which, he has travelled up and down and through this country for years. He at once sent out men to try to get hold of a native through whom communi- THE LONG MARCH. 99 cation could -be opened up and the matter arranged. In this they were successful, and, in an hour or two, words were spoken between the parties. The chief of the country disavows the action of his people. The men, he says, were killed contrary to his orders. This disavowal is most satisfactory, as it puts a different complexion upon the matter. The death of these men was therefore murder, and not an act of war. Mr. Stokes thereupon demanded that the murderers be given up for punishment. Whether this will be done or not it is impossible to say. I cannot help feeling, myself, that the chief is merely excusing himself and trying to put the best possible aspect upon the matter. There is no doubt in my mind that the Wagogo would destroy us if they could as completely as they have destroyed the Arab caravan. What they fear is the presence of many white men. When they came into camp, they said, What can we do against ioo Muzungu, or white men ? (We are only fourteen). A letter has just arrived from Dr. Wolfendale, who is some miles away, stating that he is in difficulties, and asking for assistance. Dr. Wolfen dale, you will remember, is a brother of Mr. Wolfendale, the Congregational minister in Durham. He has come out in connection with the L.M.S., and is travelling with a caravan of his own, and is bound for Urambo. It seems that a Wagogo chief has stopped or barred his passage until he has paid heavy hongo. He hears, moreover, that there is another chief, a little way in advance, who is. waiting to make a still heavier demand upon, him, and so he 100 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. has written asking if we can help him out of his difficulties. •• This we are very glad to be in a position to do. We have sent off armed men, who will, in a few hours, we trust, bring him on here, and then we shall travel on together until we get out of Ugogo. Dr. Wolfendale's kind attention to poor Hill, who died at Zanzibar, I shall never forget, and I am only too thankful to be in a position — in some degree — to requite that kindness. Dr. Wolfendale in his note says that so far he has had a pleasant and prosperous journey. We expect him to arrive at about four or five p.m. I trust there will be no fighting in getting him here. I do not anticipate it." Later. " Dr. Wolfendale and his caravan have just come into camp, escorted by the German soldiers sent by Mr. Stokes for his rescue out of the dangerous position he was undoubtedly in. Lieut. Siegel thinks that, without question, he has escaped a great danger. The country is simply swarming with armed Wagogo. A single act of imprudence will be like throwing a firebrand into a powder magazine. May God give patience and wisdom to those who are concerned in the arrangement of this matter ! " " September 10th, 1890. " I am thankful to say that all danger of a collision with the Wagogo seems now to be over. The chief has sent in the murdered man's rifle and ammuni tion, but declares, his inability to. produce the murderers, as they have fled out of his country. THE LONG MARCH. 101 He is willing, however, to pay the blood-money in ivory and cattle. He says he has no cause of war with us, and desires peace for himself and people. I believe, myself, that he simply fears our strength, and that, had we been a small caravan, he would have smashed us up without mercy. However, ' all's well that ends well.' We shall probably take him at his word and go on our way. Mr. Stokes will probably leave the Germans at Mpwapwa, on the coast, to call the Wagogo to account for the destruction of the Arab caravan. I am thankful to be able to report the safe arrival of our mail men at Usongo. They escaped the massacre, and are now, in all probability, at Usambiro." "September nth, 1890. We left our camp in front of Unyanguira this morning, and a two hours' march brought us to an abundance of water and food. We shall evidently get through Ugogo without any attack by the natives. They seem thoroughly to respect our strength. An Arab caravan, bound for the coast, has just come in, and I must send this and other letters by it, so must close. We are all in good health and full of hope, greatly cheered by our near approach to a country more hospitable than Ugogo. The Master has indeed been with us, guiding, keeping, strengthening, and comforting us at all times. All being well, we hope to be in Uganda before this letter reaches you. We expect to reach Usongo about the end of September, and to be at 102 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Usambiro about October 21st. But we are in the Lord's hands, and can calculate on nothing, content to live a day at a time." On October 3rd, 1890, Pilkington continues, writing from Byaba, 12 miles South of Usongo. " Here is another chance (sooner than we expected) of writing. Mail men have just arrived from the Lake ; they go on to-morrow. I was not expecting to have an opportunity of writing till we had reached Usongo, so you must excuse a scanty letter. Usongo is Stokes' village; the chief, Mtumginya, is his ardent friend and supporter. We hope to get there at 8 a.m. to-morrow, after a four hours' march through a ' porri,' or scrubby forest (nothing but scrubby little trees, fairly close together, nothing grand), these ' porris ' are uninhabited tracts, in fact, where there is a village, a clearing is made for cultivation ; uninhabited, I should say, but for robbers, who catch stragglers with loads of cloth and kill or disable them. We got through the ' Mgunda Mkali ' at last ; we had a two days' halt on the verge, owing to difficulties with our Wasukuma porters, which made it especially trying to the men, whose cloth, for food, had to last all the same. My cookery has, of late, been greatly helped by quantities of native butter and honey. I have just borrowed, to my great joy, a Kiganda Grammar in French, by a Priest, from one of the German party, a Dane ; it will be a great help and most interesting, after I have tried to make things out for so long without such help. THE LONG MARCH. 103 Have just come back from packing my bucket, or rather arranging for packing in the morning — getting out loads and stowing in tins, native meal, rice, milk, honey, butter, pea-flour, etc., etc — not quite all these to-night. We shall be called about 2.30 a.m. to morrow — the loads will go off to-night now that I have done with them. I am writing, through the Bishop's kindness, in his tent, and on his materials. You will have heard, by telegram perhaps, a month before this reaches you, the news of general interest which goes by this mail, the various incidents in Uganda ; Emin Pasha, just beyond Usongo, unable to proceed because of war in Usukuma — we are thankful to hear that now this is at an end ; the death of four French Priests. Anyhow, the upshot of all this, as far as we are concerned, is this: that we hope and believe at the present moment we shall be able now to go right on into Uganda without delay, except four days or so at Usongo to settle about the carriage of forty or fifty C.M.S. loads (left there long ago) to Usambiro (the C.M.S. station at the South of the Lake, where Deekes and Walker, of the C.M.S., and Gedge, of the British Company, are at present trying to buy from the Arabs), and such further delay at the latter place as may be thought desirable, or may be necessary, for preparing the boat or boats to convey us and our effects. The C.M.S. boat was soon to go back with Gedge ; it will now, no doubt, wait if possible for us, as they ought to have received the Bishop's letter from Mamboia some days ago, just after the departure of their mail men, 104 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. who arrived here to-day, having passed our mail men a few days only from Usambiro. We are now in a land of plenty, such a relief after Ugogo. Usongo is a goal we have long looked forward to. Our rest there will give an opportunity, much needed, of washing and mending our clothes, our bodies and other effects, .e.g, my camp bed, which is rather out at elbows. We are all quite well and strong, and so we can see a great deal for which to praise God, not that this is not always ' comely for the righteous,' ' it becometh well the just(ified) to be thankful.' We have long hoped in vain for letters : there'll be the more when they do come. We got our last at Mamboia. Douglas has just come for letters, and for buckets, the porter whereof wants to do them up for an early start ; nobody knows where they all are — I chiefly use them for the kitchen — so I have promised to hunt them up, and, as it is pitch dark, I had better set to at once, as it is now 7.10 p.m., and we are to get up at 2.30, and lots of other things are to be done." " Nera (two days from Usambiro), Saturday, October 18th, 1890. We expect to start on Monday from here, and reach Usambiro early on Wednesday. The C. M. S. boat, we heard yesterday, started, a fortnight ago, for Uganda, with Walker. The Bishop will be greatly vexed at this, for it means our stopping at least a month at this end of the lake. Two men of our party are going to stay THE LONG MARCH. 105 at Nassa with Deekes for the present, and Usambiro will be given up ; this is not certain, but only very probable. Nassa is four days from Usambiro to the West, on the Lake, Hooper's old station, very good for the work, except for a cantankerous chief. We had a note from Emin Pasha yesterday, asking for letters to be forwarded ; he is four or five days from here. We are all, I am thankful to say, perfectly well. We arrived here, after some hard days, very tired ; so the rest is very acceptable though tantalizing, when so near the end, but unavoidable, as this is the home of most of our Wasukuma porters, and they have nearly all run off and left their loads, declaring they only agreed to carry them as far as this. We have lately had lots (well, comparatively speaking) of milk, much of it sour, which we all, myself not least, appreciate very much. This is a very populous country — people very friendly — I should think as populous as a great part of the country in England. We are stopping a mile or so from the Capital, where the chief lives, at the village of a Mwanangwa (or village chief), who has been with us from the coast. We killed a bull yesterday, given us by a chief some way back, so the cooking department is busy, and boys and all are in clover. How pleasant the prospect of reach ing a station is, I can't express, except by asking you to imagine reaching Dublin or Kingstown by steamer after a stormy crossing : — No more cooking, no more marching, no more resting (?) in a broiling tent! 106 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. At Usongo, where Stokes had a place of his own built for him by the chief, we found among a lot of C. M. S. property stored, most of which is to follow us, a Kiganda grammar in English, a very poor one, still a great treasure, and a cookery book ! both of which were presented to me. I succeeded in making a very good sweet omelette the other day, but good eggs are scarce ; out of 38, the other day, less than ten were eatable. They were a present ; I weigh them in water before buying. Yesterday and to-day I tried and rejected 20, I daresay. No mail from the coast yet. It has been decided to send mail men to Stokes to get our loads taken on from here ; we shall go on, we hope, with a few of our personal things. " We also got a French Kiganda grammar at Usongo ; it is a far better one than the English ; it was published three years later. Did I tell you that the Latin word ' mensa,' ' table,' has passed through Portuguese into Swahili in the form of ' meza,' and thence by a reverse process into Kiganda, as ' menza ' ? I am afraid I shall find it hard not to go on with ' menzam, menza?, &c, &c.' " Two days later the party arrived at Usambiro, and thus came to the end of the long march from the coast. A member of that party, Rev. F. C. Smith, gives some interesting reminiscences of this journey. He says that Pilkington was specially noted for the keenness with which he would urge the claims of THE LONG MARCH. 107 his favourite hobbies, whether it were superfatted soap, or Jaeger boots, or, it might be, his methods of language study. When he got hold of a man who would help him in his language, he almost" made his life a burden to him, and it is said that some of the Baganda, on the way up, shunned him if they thought they were going to be catechised. He was always great on controversy, or on the solving of problems. Bishop Tucker once set a problem on political economy which Pilkington would not leave till he had solved. He strongly contended with his fellow Missionaries that the worth of a thing was the amount that it would fetch at a particular place. " Usambiro, E.E. Africa, Saturday, November ist, 1890. We got here ten days ago : Wednesday, the 22nd. Douglas arrived the evening before, by an afternoon march ; the Bishop and Dermott on the Saturday mid-day, having gone ahead from Nera. On Thursday, i.e., the next day, the Bishop and Hooper and Deekes went on to Nassa, to see about re-establishing a station there. This place is to be given up as a Missionary Station, and Deekes and Dermott are to go to Nassa. They left me with the five other men in temporary charge of this place, where there are about twenty boys and eight girls on the station ; most of them, including two dwarfs, left here by Stanley. They had been seized by his men during the wars in the 108 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. interior, and were redeemed from them by Mackay. Seeing after them and our own boys, and the household arrangements, as well as school in the afternoon — besides trying to buy a good supply of meal, rice, honey, etc., to support us here and to carry on to Uganda (where the late disturbances have caused great scarcity) — makes me busy. Besides, I want to do Luganda and read all day, what seems, after Safari, the endless wealth of books that we find here. I sleep at night on a bed made by Mackay, on which both he and Bishop Parker died. The graves of these two and Blackburn (who formed three of the party of six who were here when Hooper was last at Usambiro), are within a stone's throw almost. The reading sheets we use, each afternoon, were printed — at least the large letters — with wooden type cut by Mackay with his knife. We have this type in the printing office. The C.M.S. boat, as I think I told you, has gone on to Uganda. Stokes' boat we expect here any day, but how many of us. will be able to travel by her we don't know yet. The Bishop and the two others may be back in three or four days, now. By the way, I had a day-and-a-half's fever soon after we got here (temp. 1030) but not much, and it is gone now." Here, two subjects dealt with in this letter may be mentioned, showing that, although deeply occupied with his own Mission work, he kept up a deep interest in the spheres in which he had worked, THE LONG MARCH. 109 and especially in Harrow, and also in other Mission Fields. "My letter's in The Harrovian I It tickles my foolish pride to know it, and it is pleasant not to be forgotten, There are so many at Harrow of whom I think continually, that it is only fair that they should have been reminded of me. It was interesting seeing the pictures of Harrow in The Illustrated, which has just arrived. I have just written a note to Mr. Broomhall, in which I promise him £10 for the work in China, which he says is to help ' an attempt to evangelise, in the course of the next ten years, the whole of China.' To give £10 for such a purpose looks, almost like a joke, but every little helps, and it will be accepted according to what I have, not what I have not." " Sunday, nth. More than a fortnight since I began this, and much has happened. I have not written because, during that time I have had two more attacks of fever (Temperature 1050 and 104°), both short and not serious. But I have sad news : another of our company has been taken to rest. Hunt, who joined us at the coast, having been in the service of the Company, died on Friday, after six days' illness, of fever, and finally we thought we saw symptoms of typhoid. We buried him that evening. I was asked by the others, Deekes — who had returned from Nassa — and our men, to read the service in English. He was buried beside Mackay, near Parker and Blackburn. That evening, the 110 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Bishop and Hooper came back ; the Bishop not yet well from two attacks of fever he has had at Nassa. Hooper had had fever too. Deekes had come back a week before. Dunn has had fever twice here, and is seriously ill still. Baskerville is just recovering. Myself, three times ; everyone of our coast boys too. The latter we have sent back to the coast now, and very glad they are gone. Coast men and boys are the worst in all Africa, they combine the vices of European and Arabian civilisation with those of Africa. , - We have divided up the boys here among our selves, each man undertaking to provide for his three or four, and to take complete care of them. In fact, we adopt them, as they have no relations or other friends for such time, at least, as we shall be in the country. I've got three intelligent and very willing boys, Nasitu, who came with Stanley (say 14 years), Matruki, about the same age, and Kitera, 12 years. I expect I shall now have one of Hunt's. We expect the boat every day. I'm particularly well now ; these touches of fever for two or three days are totally differant from what I had at the coast. I'm thankful for that now, both because I probably escaped thereby having a bad attack on the road, or here without a doctor, and other things, and also without the experience of myself which I have now. We had Communion this morning at 7 a.m." "21st November. More sad news. I told you Dunn was ilh He died last night very quietly. I've had two THE LONG MARCH. Ill more quite slight attacks of fever ; they are good things, as taking the place of a heavy attack. Hunt had been in Africa a year without a day's illness. His first attack carried him off in six days. Dunn had merely a touch of fever two or three days before, and then, in a week, he is taken. Most thankful I am that my first and serious attack was at the coast. We hope to be off soon for Uganda." At last, after six weeks delay fraught with such terrible disaster to the party, the long-looked for boat arrived. Mr. Smith tells us that, when the natives sighted the boat, they called out in Luganda which Pilkington was the first to understand, and danced about in glee at having been the first to bear the good news. " Usambiro, Tuesday, December 2nd, 1890, I am thankful to say the boat arrived a few days ago, and we hope to start on Thursday. We shall be glad indeed to get out of this poisonous place ; I've had my sixth dose of fever since I came here, and am seedy now. Baskerville was ordained deacon and Hooper and Dermott priests, yesterday." "Christmas Eve, 1890. On the boat among the Sesse islands, Victoria Nyanza. Within a day or two of Uganda (or rather Mengo, the Capital) we have met canoes on their way to bring up the rest of our loads — so I write a line. We have had,, on the whole, a 112 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. pleasant voyage. I've had fever four times, but am particularly well. We shall miss Christmas in Uganda ; I'm to try with bananas, Mtama flour, &c, to make a pudding for Christmas. On Sunday, I spoke, through Noah, and a little on my own account, to twelve Waganda in the morning and fifty in the evening, sitting outside my tent. I've also' spoken to little knots on islands and main land since we reached the Uganda country. Captain Lugard has reached Uganda, so the place will soon be settled." So he thought, but the settlement was n,ot to come so soon as he expected. Fold out CHAPTER VII. UGANDA AT LAST. On the threshold of Uganda, it may be well to pause for a moment in order to remind ourselves of some of the events which had taken place since Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society first entered on work in this great district of Central Africa, and also to gain an idea of the meaning of some of the terms which will be used in this and succeeding chapters. It was in November, 1875, that Stanley's mem- morable letter to the Daily Telegraph appeared, telling of King Mtesa's willingness to receive teachers, which led to the sending forth of the first band of Missionaries. Since that time, in spite of disease and death, and in spite of the fickleness of Mtesa, the work was maintained. Mwanga succeeded his father in October, 1884, and then indeed, a reign of terror began. Persecution tried to the utmost the early Baganda converts, some of whom were tortured and burnt to death ; then followed the murder of Bishop Hannington, the excuse for which was that the bishop had approached Uganda from an unlucky side. Still, Mackay and Ashe kept the field, the 114 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. former for a considerable time alone. Gordon and Walker took his place in the summer of 1887, Mackay retiring to the south end of the Lake. The following year they were obliged to leave Uganda owing to a revolution in which Mwanga was driven from the country. He was, however, re-instated at the end of 1889 and Gordon and Walker returned with him. Meanwhile Mackay, who had been a member of the first Missionary party and had never left Africa, died at Usambiro on February 8th, 1890, at which place Bishop Parker had also died. Mr. Jackson had entered Uganda as a representative of the British East Africa Company, followed a little later by Captain Lugard. Such was the condition of affairs when Bishop Tucker and his party arrived. It may not be out of place to explain here that the term Uganda is a word used by English travellers and others as a name for the country to the north of the Victoria Nyanza, which is known by the natives as Buganda. Still, the name Uganda is so familar to English readers that its use is justifiable. The inhabitants of Buganda are known as Baganda, or, as it is in Swahili, Waganda ; a single native of Buganda is known as a Muganda, whilst the language is termed Luganda, or, as the Swahili have it, Kiganda. The Victoria Nyanza is the largest of the chain of lakes which extends in a broken line from the Nile Valley to the Zambesi. Its area is rather greater than that of Scotland, so that it may almost be called an inland sea. UGANDA AT LAST. 115 Reference to the map of the entire lake will give the best idea of the position of Uganda, and it will be noticed that there are a large number of islands in its immediate vicinity, and closely identified with it in politics and religion. The land is said to consist of a succession of hills and hollows, and the soil is exceedingly fertile, so that the hillsides are, in many cases, covered with rich groves of plantains and bananas. The climate is an unusually healthy one for Africa, and, when the railway is completed, it is hoped that the risks to health may be still further diminished; as the trying journey from the coast, through belts of the most malarious country, has been responsible for much of the sickness and death of members of the Uganda Mission. The most interesting geographical boundary of Uganda is the River Nile, on the east, which flows out of the Victoria Nyanza over the magnificent Ripon Falls. The appearance of the country has been changed by the laying out of roads in the neighbourhood of the capital. In other parts, there are only the ordinary African paths. The capital of Buganda is generally known as Mengo,' though that word is more accurately applied to the hill on which the king's residence is situated, which is only one of about thirteen hills of which the capital is composed. The best known of the other hills are Namirembe, the centre of the C. M. S. Mission ; Rubaga, of the Roman Catholic Mission ; Kampala, at that time the head-quarters 116 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. of the representatives of the British East Africa Company ; and Natete, where the Mohammedan chiefs have settled. With this short preface, and with the aid of the maps and plans which illustrate these points, we may pick up our travellers where we left them pre- Map of Uganda and surrounding districts. paring for a voyage across the great inland sea of Central Africa. Of this, Pilkington writes : " We coasted round the lake in a small sailing and rowing boat of the Mission, camping in our tents at night, or, indeed, UGANDA AT LAST. 117 owing to head winds, by day and sailing by moon light. We had to leave most of our things behind pro tern., and still with three loads, five Europeans, men, boys, and sailors, we were all squashed like sardines in a box." The voyage was not without incident, and here we may quote the story told by Bishop Tucker, He says : — " We were sailing with a fair wind, but there were signs of a coming storm. The thunder was behind us, and dark clouds were crowding up ; the water was becoming disturbed. The boatmen thought it a good thing to spread the awning— a most dangerous thing to do under the circumstances. The main-sail, instead of being held loosely in the hand, was tied to the side of the boat. Hooper shouted, ' Loose the sheet ! ' but before the words were out of his mouth, the storm struck us. The boat heeled over in such a manner that it seemed utterly impossible she could right herself again ; but just at that moment, most providentially, the sail gave way, it split, and we were saved. Had it not done so, it is almost a matter of absolute cer tainty we should all have gone down like a stone." Continuing his story the Bishop remarks : — " After paying a visit to Emin Pasha on the western shore, we approached the confines of the country of Uganda, and it was truly wonderful the evidence we saw, from day to day as we camped, of the intense desire of the people for] Christian instruction. Within a few minutes of our landing, quite a crowd came about, and those who had books 118 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. would bring them and ask to be further instructed, whilst those who had none, begged and implored us to give them some. Mr. Pilkington, who was the only one able to speak the language of Uganda, would frequently have within a few minutes, quite a crowd round about him, who would be engaged in learning and repeating texts of Scripture ; and by simply giving notice that, in an hour or so, a service would be held, some fifty or more would come together for prayer, &c. Of course, all this filled us with great hope and increased our impatience to reach the capital. At length, after many delays caused by light and variable winds, on the twenty- third day of sailing, and on December 27th, we reached the capital. And how shall I tell of that warm welcome given to us by the Natives of the Church and by Brethren Walker and Gordon, who for so long have so nobly held the fort ? " " On Monday, December 29th," Bishop Tucker writes, " we paid our respects to the king in open court. At about half-past nine, a messenger came from the king to say that he was ready to see us. So, setting off, we reached the royal residence at about 10 a.m. Our party consisted of Messrs. Walker, Gordon, Pilkington, Baskerville, Smith, Hooper, and myself. Outside the palace, another messenger met us, his work being apparently to conduct us into the royal presence. I suppose he must have been the Chamberlain. As we came near the reed gate which separated us from the audience or reception room, drums were beaten and trumpets blown. The gate was immediately thrown UGANDA AT LAST. 119 open and we were in the presence of the king and his court. The former at once rose up to greet us, shaking each one by the hand. Our seats — for we had taken the precaution of bringing our chairs with us — were placed on the right hand of the king. He at once inquired about our journey and made various inquiries about our ages, &c, &c, at the same time making remarks as to the colour of our hair, our height, &c, &c. With regard to the king himself, his appearance is certainly not pre possessing. The impression he gives one is that of his being a self-indulgent man. When he knits his brows, his aspect is very forbidding. During the whole of the time we were there, he kept giving his hand either to the Katikiro on his left hand or to the Admiral on his right, or to anyone who amused him and was near at hand. I had intended to bring with me one or two presents for the king — not on the old scale or principles, but as a simple acknowledgment of his courtesy in sending canoes to Usambiro for our goods. But his unfaithfulness in regard to his promise recoiled upon his own head. Thinking that the canoes would follow us from Usambiro in a few days, I left the presents for the king to be brought on later. No canoes appearing, no presents were forthcoming. I thought the king seemed quite angry with those about him who were responsible for the delay in the departure of the canoes. At any rate, he asked several very sharp questions with regard to the causes of the delay. The atmosphere of the reception-room was oppres sively close, and so we were not sorry when the king 120 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. rose up from his seat as the signal that his audience was at an end. Instead of retiring to the rear, as his custom is, he followed us to the front of the barraza, not merely, I think, as a matter of courtesy, but in order to inspect us a little more narrowly." Pilkington's early impressions of the position in Buganda are given in a letter to his friend, Mr. Martineau. " C. M. S. Station, Uganda, January 4th, 1 891. This is a wonderful country and a wonderful people ; war has ruined the country for the present ; the bananas, which, with sweet potatoes, form four- fifths of the food of the country, won't be bearing again, barring the few spared in the war a year ago, for two more years ; what with war and disease, there are hardly any cattle left ; in fact, we are only just now coming out of the famine. In spite of this we have been amply supplied, seven of us, and our ' boys,' with bananas, sweet potatoes and meat from our native friends here, as presents, for which they expect no return in material things ; we live mainly on green bananas boiled. Three houses, in native style though of English cottage shape, have also been built to receive us ; we shall give the builders a present, but not the value of their work ; and very likely they are not expecting anything. So we needn't cost the C. M. Society much. The houses are built of a strong and tall grass cane dried in the sun, and tied firmly in regular lines with strips of bark (if you can call it so) of the banana tree ; the UGANDA AT LAST. 121 grass roof is supported by stems of a palm that grows here (no eatable fruit, however). The doors are made of the same as the walls, and are at present just leaned in the doorway. The windows are holes, over which we are putting blinds of native bark cloth. These houses keep out rain and sun, but not wind and cold ; however, I think them very com fortable and pretty to look at ; the floor is earth beaten down, rather damp as yet. A thousand or more come to our service on Sunday ; half of these at least can read, though some would be only beginners ; the Church is over crowded. On week days, 500 or so come to ' read ' (i.e. to worship and to be taught) from six to nine in the morning. The keenness to learn is incredible. Many, I believe, would keep it up all day long if you let them ; how far and in how many cases this is a sign of real Christianity in them, I can't say at present. — The state of the country is still very unsettled, though much improved. There are five political parties in the country (to none of which do we, the white men, belong — politics are not our business) : — i. — -The English Company, with Capt. Lugard at present at its head. He has not strength enough yet, or thinks he has not, to take a strong and decided course, ii. — The Roman Catholic Party, headed by the King and half the big Chiefs. The King hates and fears the first and following party. iii. — The Protestant Party, headed by the biggest and wealthiest of the Chiefs, the ' Katikiro,' and the remaining Chiefs, iv, — The Heathen party 122 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. which is not a party, but the great majority of the population, who have lost nearly all political power. v. — The Mohammedan party, which is no longer in this country, but in the neighbouring and once subject State of Bunyoro, whither those who have not been killed have been driven. The Christian parties have all the guns, 2,000 each perhaps, hence their exclusive power. The people are like children, or like tinder, and the least excitement sets them in a blaze. The other morning they had come to Church here with their guns, of course, when a report got about that the Roman Catholics were about to attack — all a lie. Immediately, they all rushed out in tremendous excitement into the main road, and had the Roman Catholics had time to collect, they might have caused a fright. A night or two later, the Roman Catholics got a similar scare. All through the night they were assembling at the King's. In the morning, the Protestants gathered at the Katikiro's. They were at last calmed with great difficulty ; now each party has sent in to Captain Lugard a list of grievances against the other ; I hope he may settle them justly and wisely, and be able to have his _decisions fairly carried out. This is a beautiful country, very hilly, covered with banana trees (our houses are in the middle of a banana ' shamba,' or garden, which is the Mission's), 10 miles or so from the lake, and a good bit above its level, very healthy, we are told, for Africa ; we are just north of the Equator. This place is to my mind a fresh proof, or I should UGANDA AT LAST. 123 say, confirmation, of the living power of the Word of God ; it has turned the world upside down here. They are ready to pay as many cowries, 1,500, as would amply feed a man for two months, for a New Testament in Swahili ; of course, we don't give them away, for many would take them only to sell them again ; and we are out of books at present, we can't supply the demand fast enough. My work here, if God lets me work here, is to be chiefly in the language ; the four Gospels are nearly finished ; nothing else ; so plenty is left for me." Thus early, Pilkington was marked out for linguistic work, and in this connection the following letter from Bishop Tucker is of great interest, particularly as it refers to others who had already done splendid work in reducing Luganda to writing and producing the earliest translations : — " Buganda, Jan. 1 89 1. My. Dear Mr. Pilkington, It seems to me to be clearly pointed out by Him, who never leaves his Church without guidance and direction, that the special work to which you are called in Buganda, is translational and linguistic ; in entrusting to your care this important part of the work of the Mission, I do so with the utmost confidence, believing that the Word of God will have in you, one who, as a Christian, will handle it with holy reverence, and who, as a scholar, will translate it with accuracy. I 124 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. am, however, not forgetful of the fact that at present you have scarcely done more than make a beginning with the language. I am, therefore, glad to know that you have, in Mr. Gordon, one who will greatly assist you in your studies, and in every way co operate with you in your work. For some time to come you will naturally seek Mr. Gordon's help, and consult him in matters in which his experience and linguistic attainments will qualify him to express an opinion. He is at present engaged — as I dare say you know — in the completion of an important work commenced by Mr Mackay: this will, of course, remain in his hands until its passage through the press. After this, it is Mr. Gordon's own wish that the translational and linguistic part of the work should be placed in your hands. I am sure you may depend upon his hearty support and loyal co-operation in all that is undertaken for the Glory of God, in the spread of the knowledge of His word. This translational work will not, I am sure, prevent you from engaging as opportunity may present itself from time to time, in the more directly Spiritual work of the Mission, for this, you will place yourself at the disposal of those who have charge of that work. Praying that a great blessing may rest upon your labours, and that you may have health and strength given to you for all that you under take, and that much joy and peace may fill your own soul. I remain, Ever yours in Christ, Most faithfully and affectionately, Alfred, Bishop, E. E, Africa." UGANDA AT LAST. 125 " P.S. — I cannot help thinking that one of the most useful pieces of linguistic work to which you can put your hand would be (as soon as you feel yourself qualified to undertake it) a simple Gram mar. Its usefulness to those coming up country for the first time would be simply incalculable. I commend it earnestly to your attention." Early days in Buganda were not idle ones. Pilkington writes to his mother on January 3rd, 1891. "We've had a lot to do, the houses to rig up, get the floor pounded down, get a trench dug round it to keep off the rain, rig up a shift for a table, etc., etc. Then I've had to set a Swahili paper, and shall have to look over it for , who is to be examined for orders, to be preparing Noah for confirmation, besides getting oneself and one's clothes washed, learning Luganda, etc., etc. Then, on Monday, we're to start classes for confirmation, about fifty candidates to be taken in Swahili by four of us. So I've plenty to do." Later on, writing to one of his sisters, he describes his surroundings as follows : — " I'm sitting on a native stool, cut out of solid wood. As my table, I have put my large tin writing desk on my native bed (a strong wooden framework with a cowhide stretched tightly), my table is too high for the stool. On my right side against the wall is my camp bed, whose canvas is greatly torn in the middle, and which I use only as an untidy table to put things on. By the way, one of the chiefs lent, 126 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA and then gave, the native bedstead. Then comes a basin, supported on a four cross-legged stool made by my Muganda boy, Erasito ; intended to make a stool for myself, but unsatisfactory. Then I have a table behind me, strewn with books, standing on four legs that are fixed in the ground, and the top formed, like the walls of the houses, of the grass cane tied to the frame with strips of banana bark — this is only temporary. Over the windows and door I have curtains of bark cloth. On the pole which stands in the middle of the room and supports the roof, I have two bags of clothes hanging. Above my head I have a large package — a yard long, six inches in diameter — of native salt done up in banana leaves — salt is very scarce here. For this salt — io lbs., perhaps — I paid four yards of the miserable white calico which is called cloth here; this is equivalent to 20,000 cowries, or, as we say, 20 strings, which, in normal times, would buy 40 huge bunches of bananas, each with 100 or 200 bananas on it ; or three fat goats or sheep ; 40 strings would buy a cow. A string of shells costs us, including carriage, about a shilling." CHAPTER VIII. A LULL IN THE STORM. For some little time there was a cessation from those violent outbreaks of hostilities which had so often interrupted Missionary work, and though, to those who were familiar with the situation, it was evident that this was not likely to last, opportunity was afforded for considerable progress, especially in translational work, and on the part. of the people in their desire for books. Pilkington felt the need of more books most keenly, and his letters about this time are full of schemes for expediting the production of books. On February 24th, 1891., He writes : — " In the loads came books, whicn\ went (at least the New Testaments)," — no doubt ' these were in Swahili — " like wild-fire at 1,000 cowries apiece ; 200 cowries buy ample food for a man for a week. Only 120 New Testaments or so came ; after a day and a half all had gone, and many people had to be sent away disappointed. We want thousands of books and hundreds of men. | " February 25th, 1891, 4.30 p.m. I've just finished a spell of writing translation; this is, of getting a Muganda who knows Swahili to 128 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. translate from that language into Luganda. I am doing the Acts in this way, every morning, for three hours, with Henry V," right Duta, the most educated of our people. In the afternoon, I am doing some Bible stories from Swahili. These translations won't be perfect when they are done, but I think they will be correct and intelligible, and the need of Luganda books is most pressing. Matthew, and an abridged prayer-book, and a reading sheet with the Commandments and Lord's prayer, are the only Luganda publications we have or have had, for as soon as we get any they go like the wind. . . . The four Gospels have been translated. Now to have them printed and sent here, there's the rub ! We got the other day the first copies of Matthew that reached Uganda, and they were printed in '88, two or three years' delay. I can't imagine how it was, and the people here dying for books and ready to pay for them. Now what I want to do is this, only I want your help : I want friends at home to subscribe money to get these books printed, and want you, that is my family, to get them printed, and to look over the proofs, because you know my handwriting ; to have a proof out here means a delay of six months or so. Do you think you could manage this ? The need of native books is enormous. We should sell them here for cost of printing and carriage, and send the money home to get more printed. You, that is all you who are familiar with my writing, could look over the proofs more satisfactorily than anyone else. I've no doubt Father knows a good printer in Dublin. If I try to A LULL IN THE STORM. 129 get them printed in any other way, I am sure it would only mean endless delay. Where each book had been thoroughly revised (and to do this printed copies here would be an immense help) I should send it to the Bible Society. But this wouldn't do at first, and we must have an immediate snpply. The natives here are ready and fit to teach a great deal, only they want books. The first thing is to gather some money together. I shall write to a good many people, and I am sure this will be no difficulty. But still, if you would write to anyone who would like to help, it would be a great thing. I don't think you would find it either very difficult or very tedious looking over the proofs, because all you could do would be to compare them with my copy, original corrections you could'nt make. What do you say ? " "Sunday, March ist, 1891. I shall write more about the above matter when Gordon has come back from Busoga, and I have consulted him ; whether that will be before this letter goes (we expect him for Easter perhaps) or not, I can't say. I can't bear to think of delay of six months at least, perhaps a year, while the proofs could come and be sent back, when the people are so eager for books. At the same time, I don't wish to burden you at home ; however, I am sure that my sisters would think it a great privilege to have a part and a very important one in so grand a work. I believe that the results of having a Luganda Bible here would be amazing. The position of Uganda, within easy reach by 130 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. steamer of all the country that fringes the lake, a central position too, in Africa, generally com manding further the South end of the Nile valley, makes me think the events of the last' dozen years : — Stanley's visit, the Missionaries coming, the great movement (whether you think of it as religious, intellectual, or political), the persecutions, the coming of the English Co., the death of Mackay, and Stanley's return to England (because of the interest in this country aroused by these two events), all these things coming together, seem to me in a most special way to be providential. In other words, I think all these things point to the fact that ' Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God,' and that Uganda will be a great centre of light. Henry Wright Duta, whom I mentioned as my translator, is a very clever man. He might have been a big chief, Katikiro had he chosen, but he pre ferred the position of a simple teacher ; others have made the same choice. We had the Lord's Supper in Church to-day. Captain Lugard (theoretically the King, but it was Captain L's advice that prevailed) has decided that the Sesse islands are to be divided as originally agreed between the Protestant and the Roman Catholic parties. The Roman Catholics have hitherto held them to the exclusion of all other parties ; this has been decided. When will it be carried out ? When that happy time comes we shall be able to get canoes for our loads from Usambiro. The canoes are now under the control A LULL IN THE STORM. 131 of Roman Catholic chiefs and the King, who promises anything but performs nothing. We expect De Winton to afternoon tea to-morrow afternoon. I've undertaken to make the bread. I've made very fair bread from native materials lately ; rice, plantains, potatoes, milk, and pombe barm, but now I've got English flour, butter and cake, with raisins and currants, of which we have a few. So with translations, etc., I'll have a busy day to-morrow. So good night, it's 9.15 now." "Sunday, 8th March, 1891. We are getting canoes sent. We hope to-morrow to send to Usambiro for loads, so the letters are to start on Tuesday and catch the others up. The political state of the country is still very unsettled. Smith and Gordon are still in Busoga, at least, so we suppose, we have not heard of them since they crossed the Nile. With Henry Duta, I have now translated nearly half the Acts. I hope to send to the Bishop by this mail, short translations of Bible stories, Adam, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Moses, Samson, Jonah, Nebuchadnezzar, etc., which would be very useful while we have no Old Testament in Luganda, and especially for teaching children both the Bible and reading. They have been translated by different natives who know Swahili. In another fortnight or so, I hope to finish the Acts, and in another month, perhaps, the Grammar which the Bishop suggested. All these things will, of course, at first, be very im perfect, but I want the Grammar to be ready, if possible, to give what help it can to the 20 men the Bishop hopes to bring out soon. 132 PILKINGTON OE UGANDA. Do you know the picture leaflets which are pub lished bj the Children's Special Service Mission ? I am going to write to Mr. Bishop to-morrow to ask whether he could get some in Luganda printed for us, and I mean to send him, in case he can do it for us, the story of Naaman with a few words in explanation of its typical meaning. The last part of Revelation VII., Psalms LI. i, 2, and 7, 1st John, I. 7, and a hymn, of which this is a translation .... It is very doubtful whether the C. S. S. M. can under take to do them, but I think it worth trying. The rains are on now, which makes it much cooler and pleasanter, to my mind. My boys, who came from Usambiro, are thriving fearfully here. One had dysentery when he first came, he was dangerously ill, nearly as bad as Edgar on the road (to whom I am writing by this mail). In both cases, ipecacuanha was successful. Now this boy, who was a skeleton, is as fat as may be ; so is Najibu, whom I hear in the next room practising ta, to, te, ta, to, te, from his reading sheet. He has the reputation of being the cleverest of the boys whom Stanley brought to Usambiro. The other boy who was ill, was Emin Pasha's, Erasito. My Muganda boy is 17 or so, and can read perfectly, and knows Swahili well ; he is the brother of the Katikiro, the ' Lord Chancellor,' as Ashe calls him in his book. Have you read it? 'Two Kings of Uganda.' The smallest of them is Kitera, who arrived here with the last mail. In writing to Mr. Bishop about the picture leaflets he says : "I have been thinking lately of the picture A LULL IN THE STORM. 133 leaflets of the C. S. S. M., and wishing very much to get some for our people here (who would appreciate tjoem immensely and buy them with shells) ; artel wondering whether it would be possible to get some in Luganda I think this country has a particular claim on you, because the oldest of its people are only over grown children." This request was gladly granted by the Children's Special Service Mission. "April 5th 1 89 1. Nearly all the Waganda have gone out to fight the Mohammedans, who were ravaging, a week ago, only six hours' march from here. The Katikiro is ' Mugate,' i.e., General, and Henry Duta is with him as his Secretary. Samwili (who went as a sort of Ambassador to the three Consuls, English, French and German at the coast, who has just come back), was to have taken Henry Duta's place in helping me, but he has fever. The Waganda have driven the Mohammedans off, they are retreating to their stronghold in or near Bunyoro, the Captains are soon to start with seven hundred men and two Maxim guns in pursuit ; they will offer them terms, and, if these be refused, will take their stronghold. The Acts, Henry and I finished a week ago; but I must still revise it. I am working hard at the grammar now, making vocabularies just at present. I hope to be able to send something in the way of a Grammar and general Handbook to the language in two months more, but I shall have to work hard. This might be ready to help the men coming out 134 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. in the Autumn. I have written ten Luganda hymns to the tunes, and to some extent following the words of the following : ' Art thou weary ? ' ' There is a fountain,' ' There is life for a look,' ' Onward Christian Soldiers,' ' Look ye Saints,' ' I heard the voice of Jesus,' ' Grace, 'tis a charming sound,' ' I lay my sins on Jesus,' ' Just as I am.' I intend to send i copy of this to Deekes at Nassa ; he may be able to print us some. This, and Grammar, and translations, making bread, butter, and pancakes (you should see me toss them before a group of admiring black boys) have chiefly occupied me since I last wrote. Gordon is back from Busoga. Smith is still there. Walker went the other day to Budu, the Pokino's country, to make a start there. Kitera, my small boy, was Gordon's originally, so Gordon has taken him. He starts home in a month or two. I have an odd bit of black mortality in his place called Kisasiro, a very odd little boy. Nasitu told me to-day that one of Stanley's porters bought him for a doti, that is four yards of calico ; he seemed rather proud of having been worth so much. One of Walker's boys was bought for an old tin cannister ; to remind him of it is a favourite method of teasing him. I think he tries to make out it was a biscuit tin." "April 1 2th, 1 89 1. I've been particularly well lately, and accordingly my Grammar makes good progress ; the whole thing is to consist of grammar, syntax, notes on pronunciation, specimens of Luganda, especially A LULL IN THE STORM. 135 conversations, Luganda-English Vocabulary, and English-Luganda ditto. I hope to finish it by the end of next month ; a good deal is done already. De Winton has asked us all to tea this afternoon. Lugard and Williams and the Doctor are out at the war ; no fighting yet. The enemy shewed some desire to fight before the English came up, but I expect they are retreating now. We have planted beans, Indian corn, guavas, pawpaws, lemons, peas, and radishes ; cabbages we have had several of lately. There are four fresh eggs on this table waiting for me to cook. I have made some excellent bread lately. A good deal of wheat has been planted, but not by us. The country is rapidly improving ; perfect quiet now and confidence in the English Company." In a letter to Mr. Martineau he remarks: — "Sugar here is a great luxury ; we have some left, but only use it on great occasions. I daresay you look on saccharine with scornful eyes : but as articles cost about 2s. per lb. to bring up here, or sometimes 5s., lightness is a very valuable quality for us. The Society pays for our loads, but of course we. all try to cut down expenses as much as possible (you see at the present moment we could find ample work for twenty Europeans here and this would cost, to bring them here, £5,000 at least) ; so there is every reason to economise : accordingly, I've only ordered saccharine for next year, a couple of little bottles. If you could tell me any simple process by which sugar-cane (which we grow, but not much, here) could be used for sweetening things, it would be 136 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. very useful. Slicing it and putting it in hot water makes no earthly difference, I find : indeed, it's of very little use to us. The people chew it largely, spitting out the fibre, but we don't care for it. We get honey from the South end of the lake occasionally." With reference to the demand for books, Mr. Walker writes from " Namirembe, Buganda, March 9th, 1891. Just lately we sold 4,000 Luganda reading-sheets and about 200 Swahili New Testaments, as well as other books. The demand is very great for the New Testament, but Ezekiel and Jeremiah are not much cared for because they are not understood. Could you have sent up of the Luganda reading- sheets, 10,000 copies ; of St. Matthew in Luganda, 3,000 copies ; of the Prayer-book in Luganda, 3,000 copies ? I should like to ask for more, but the above will make 22^- loads. We do not intend to charge the actual cost-price here in Buganda necessarily, but so near to this that there should bt no great loss on the books. For a Swahili New Testament we have charged the people 1,000 shells, and these we have sold for 3s. 6d. The book in England is sold for 2s. and weighs one pound. There must, therefore, be a small loss on each book, but it is only a small one. On the Luganda reading-sheets we have made a little profit, as we sell each for thirty shells. The French priests are here in great numbers and are very active. Surely many people in A LULL IN THE STORM. 137 England, who cannot come to help us themselves, would like to help on the work by sending the Word of God here in its written form." Pilkington writes to Bishop Tucker on the same date — " The other day the first instalment — only ioo or so — of the Luganda St. Matthew, which had been printed in England, arrived at last. We are naturally extremely anxious to get anything that we can manage to get translated, printed and sent back without loss of time. I have begun the attempt at a grammar which you recommended me to -make, and in another month I expect to have ready what would, I think I can say, (though, of course, it would have many little faults and deficiencies) be a great help to new men coming out. I have got Natives to translate from Swahili (making use both of the Bible and the ' Picture Bible ' in Swahili) a good many Old Testament stories ; these are meant especially for teaching children, although, while we are without an Old Testament in Luganda, they would be also generally useful. Henry Duta and I have also begun and nearly done half of the Acts. In another month I hope this will be finished too. I believe we could dispose of 2,000 at least of any small book in Luganda at cost price. The books which have hitherto come have quite failed to satisfy the demand. We ought to aim at having the books as small and light as is consistent with good printing and binding, both in order to save cost in carriage and because the Waganda are far 138 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. readier to buy a neat book and one which they can easily carry about with them, than anything large and clumsy. If you could see the eagerness of this people for books — I am glad to think you did see something of it — how they swarmed round us day and night while the books lasted and after they were all gone, and would not believe that there were no more New Testaments or St. Matthews or reading-sheets to be had, you would be as anxious as we are to see them satisfied at last. Even the Roman Catholics buy our books. Even the sending out of more missionaries is, to my mind, at present scarcely so important. With native books, so many here are already capable of teaching a good deal." The next letter tells of a visit to one of the islands rendered necessary by an attack of fever. " Island of Sowe, V. Nyanza, 4th July, 1 89 1. I had an attack of fever for a week, and so De Winton asked me to come here for a change, which I did, and it has done me a lot of good, only, alas, we've missed the mail and my vocabulary is here. Capt. Williams assured me that the mail would pass here, but it did'nt. We are negotiating for a canoe, and I heartily hope we'll get one, but the prospect is dark.I've started the Galatians with Henry. Walker we expect back from Budu every day ; he wants Baskerville to go back to Budu with him. We A LULL IN THE STORM. 139 hope to have the Church started now, the new one, large enough to accommodate with comfort our large and increasing congregations. Smith is back in Busoga, Gordon on his way to England. We have had no mails yet, and so we don't know any more about Ashe's coming. The Waganda are tremendously fond of Ashe. I got fever going through a marsh on my way with Baskerville to the Mumenga, a big chief, who had had ulcers, and who refused to use medicine on the ground that God could cure him without. We did'nt know of this abominable marsh, and I had hardly reached the Mumenga's when fever came on, and I had to be carried back. The Mumenga still refused medicine, but agreed to use water for his ulcers. I have not heard since, except that the poor fellow has now got small pox ; but his faith is encouraging to see, even though we may think it mistaken in a way. We intend to go back to Mengo on Monday, and then I hope I shall get on with translation all the quicker and better for this rest, but if we can't send off these letters and my vocabulary, it will be a great disappointment. I should not have dreamt of coming here at such a sacrifice. De Winton has been shooting at hippos and crocodiles, which abound here ; we believe he killed one of the latter, he was hit and careered about, lashing his tail and showing his great jaws, but we could'nt actually get him. If we had a good boat's crew, we could get hippos, but our paddlers are afraid to go near enough ; they are hideous monsters, 140 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. I have seen them quite close. We have wanted to shoot and eat some parrots, which abound here, how ever we've been unsuccessful as yet. The butterflies are wonderful ; there are honeysuckers here, green and red and black ; also a fine osprey. Mosquitoes are terrible, but De Winton's description of the same in Canada throw our mild experience into the shade." A letter to his mother, ten days later, speaks of another attack of fever, and in it he gives his opinion on a variety of topics. Of religious papers, he prefers The Christian, as he finds that it is not bitter. He adds : " The Christian deserves its name." His order for articles of clothing and other things gives some idea of his views as to dress in the Tropics. It is evident that Jaeger boots must not be confounded with Jaeger slippers ! "14th July, 1891. If you could order me a fairly decent suit of clothes, not too heavy, but fairly warm and large enough — I don't mind if they are a size or two too big ; but tight clothes in this country are an abomination. Also a couple of football sweaters — R. will tell you what they are — and a couple of Pyjama (is that right) suits, rather warmer than the last (which were just what I wanted, only I like warmer things now), and a few pairs of socks, a pair of slippers (leather wears better than Jaeger), and six pocket handkerchiefs. Could you get these things packed, and sent out to Boustead, Ridley and Co. ; also some rennet powder and baking soda." The doings of the next few months are well A LULL IN THE STORM. 141 described in the following series of letters, some to Mr. Eugene Stock, and some to his mother : — " Namirembe, Uganda, August nth, 1 89 1. The mail arrived this afternoon. I am alone (of our missionaries) here. Baskerville went to Budu, intending to come back for a while, at any rate, in a month. The month will be up in a week or ten days, but, in a letter I got from him on arrival at Masaka, he spoke of staying longer, as he would be delayed in visiting Zekariya's place, because the petty king of Koki, Kamswaga, had come into Budu, and, being joined by the Roman Catholics, had burnt and destroyed several houses and gardens, including Zekariya's. I was alarmed by the first reports that reached us of this business : ' The Pokino killed ! Three of Walker's boys, whom he left at Masaka during his recent visit to this place, murdered ! ' This would have been terrible. Walker is very fond of his boys ; so are we all, but Walker especially, per haps. But, thank God, things were, as usual, immensely exaggerated. Now about things here. Politics (how I hate them, but I suppose they are necessary evils ! ) hinder the work more than anything. When I came back from the island of Sesse, after a week's change to try to shake off fever, the country was terribly excited ; we all of us (Walker and Baskerville were here then) really apprehended war, or, at any rate, that the Protestants would leave the 142 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. country. This was caused by a proposal from Captain Williams to abolish the agreement made between the two parties, and to permit chiefs (all of whom now hold office qua Protestant or Roman Catholic, appointed by one or other party) who change their religion to retain their chieftainships. We should, of course, be delighted to see full religious liberty, but the people do not understand it, and the Protestant party was very resolute against accepting the proposal ; this was because, whereas the Roman Catholics, in the choice of their chiefs, had been guided by the priests, and had appointed consistently the most thorough-going Roman Catholics, our party, on the other hand, were guided by general, at least as much as by religious, considerations (e.g. hereditary claims, fitness other than religious) — Gordon and Walker refusing to choose the chiefs. Well, the other day, the Roman Catholic Bishop claimed ' religious liberty ' from Captain Williams, on the ground that the country was under the British flag ; our party answered that if that were the case, and we were really under British government and therefore we could have British justice, let Captain Williams hoist the English flag, and let us follow British customs ; he tried to do so, but the attempt did not succeed, the Roman Catholics and the king refusing point-blank. Well, this, and the division of the islands, and the innumerable cases of men turned out of gardens, houses destroyed, goods stolen, &c, &c, has occupied every one for weeks past. At first, the A LULL IN THE STORM. 143 church was empty on week-day mornings, but a day or two after Walker and Baskerville went, I made a round of visits to various chiefs, urging them to be patient and aim at ' peace at any price,' and to come and bring their people in the mornings. Since then we have always had fair and sometimes very large (500 or 600) congregations — on weekdays, I mean ; on Sundays, the church is crowded out. During this time I have started giving them Bishop Ryle on St. Matthew every morning after the ' reading ' is over ; the ' reading ' means that the people are divided into classes, each with a leader, who translate the Swahili of various books of the New Testament into Luganda, with exposition (as far as they are able). When I come into church after my breakfast, between seven and eight o'clock, I attach myself to the senior class, of which Henry Wright Duta is the leader (when he is here ; he has just gone off to a garden lately received). My arrival is the signal for the class to turn from St. Matthew to Romansj which we read and translate. Someone first reads it in Swahili, the reader then reads it clause by clause, and the first reader translates into Luganda, cor rected by the leader. Then they appeal to me for explanation, which I attempt to give, but most of them find Romans ' kizibu nyo ' (extremely hard). Ten days ago, Duta and Sembera came to me on a Sunday to say they could not preach in church (I generally preach at one Sunday service, and one of the six who have the Bishop's license at the other) ; they had ' not been taught to preach ; what was the 144 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. good of preaching if they had not proper words to preach ? ' To tell you the truth, I think them quite fit to preach, but I did not say so exactly (though I showed it by still asking Henry to preach as arranged that afternoon, and Sembera the next Sunday), but told them that a knowledge of one's own ignorance is the beginning of knowledge (and if Socrates is to be trusted, the end, too), and we arranged an afternoon daily class for these two and Johana Mwira, to which also Nataneli Mudeka came, a very nice young fellow, just made a church elder. These meetings are rather handicapped by politics just now, and by Henry's departure to the country. We started on Romans again ; the first eight verses of chapter iii. were a terrible puzzle. They could not grasp them, so we left them for the next day ; I in the meanwhile to make a Luganda translation, much amplified and simplified, which I did with the help of Conybeare and Howson, and I believe they understood them the next day. I started translating Galatians two months ago with Henry : fever and politics interrupted me, after finishing the first chapter, till to-day. To-day Sembera and I started again. I am translating Genesis with Noah (here called Nuwa), who came with us from the coast. These things, and looking after the boys and place, and visiting for an hour or two most afternoons, keep me very busy. I visited two of the Roman Catholic chiefs lately, who gave each a goat. I have since been given two more by the Roman Catholics, to the great delight of my boys, who eat the lion's share of it. A LULL IN THE STORM. 145 We have some melons coming on in our garden ; also wheat and potatoes ! We have great reason for thankfulness for the healthiness of this country, greatly owing, I believe, to the comparative variety and excellence of its food, and clean water. I have the names of thirty-six chiefs, who have offered to build for and feed a European residing at their place. I could easily add to this if I tried, but surely this is enough to show what is wanted. At most of these places, a good number of the people have already learnt, or are learning, to read. The outlay would be (the missionary once in the country) next to nothing, and who can estimate the returns ? The Baganda have already begun to go out to preach in other countries (in Busoga and Usukuma). I believe that, with God's blessing, this ought to be the centre of African Christianity, sending the messengers of peace east and west, north and south. We have here, I believe, the fulcrum by means of which to work Africa (and is it not Archimedes who could move the whole earth, if only he had a fulcrum ?), but the lever must, in the first instance, be Europeans, men of God, who do not mind being used as levers in Africa or elsewhere in God's hands. — I wrote, ' who do not mind,' but when I read it, it sounds almost blasphemous ; ' not mind ' being in God's hands for His work ! Could there be a safer, a happier position ? Could there be a greater privilege ? " " September 14th, 1891. A long time has passed since I began this letter, and a lot of things have, happened. News came L. 146 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. yesterday from Captain Lugard, and the Company are sending a mail to-day, so I must wind up as shortly as possible. On the day after I wrote the beginning of this letter, I saw, in the Intelligencer, that Ashe was translating Genesis; so I left the eight chapters I had done, and went on to Exodus. I hope to send by this mail, and indeed with this letter, the Galatians ; I have no time to write to Gordon or the Bishop. I also enclose a table of Luganda concords, which I hope will be printed soon, and a few copies sent to us here. Smith is here now ; he was ill on the road. Captain Williams was extremely kind in fetching him, also in visiting me when I had a week of fever, a fortnight ago. Baskerville has had fever three times in Budu. My last was my twentieth attack in fifteen months. Smith brings a much more 'encouraging account of work in Busoga ; I hope one of the new men will go there till Ashe's coming (which we expect in about a month — he is due at the south of the Lake to-morrow). Smith is going to a place on the Busoga road near the Nile, and there fore in the Buganda province of Kyagwe — about three day's from here ; they have offered to build him a church there. The elders are choosing four Waganda Christians to go with him and occupy this place and three others, all within three or four hours of each other. Smith will superintend, going from one to the other. I hope to have a sort of dismissal service before they all start. Smith now says the people of Busoga are anxious to learn, and A LULL IN THE STORM. 147 friendly, and even Wakoli is friendly. The Church agrees to support entirely the Waganda working in Buganda. When Ashe comes, I hope it will be possible to do the same as in Kyagwe in the country between this and Budu, the provinces of the Katam- bala, Kasuju, and Kayima. There will then be left the province of Singo, and with it that of the Kitunzi, and the province of Bulemezi : these two provinces are to the north, and have no lake- shore, and are therefore most exposed to the Mohammedan attacks, and, at present, are not thickly peopled. Four more men are needed for them. Suppose six men come in a month, we might have three in Budu (Walker and Baskerville have their hearts set on Budu), one in Katambala's country, three in Mengo, one in Kyagwe, two in Busoga. Sesse should be occupied. We ought to have twenty men. Kavirondo might be occupied soon ; Smith is longing to go there." Later in the same day, he writes to his mother : — " This morning, two Waganda came to me to offer to teach in the Katambala's country ; two more for Bulemezi. These were men selected by the church elders. They are looking out men for Singo. Praise God ! They have been clearly told to expect no wages except from God. They are to be fed, housed, and clothed at the expense of the Church here. There are besides four men for Kyagwe, where Smith goes in a few days. But we must have Europeans to superintend. Baskerville has had three attacTcs" of fever in Budu. I had my twentieth d6se a fortnight ago ; now I am looking, everyone says, and 148 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. feeling better than I have been since my fever at the coast. Any amount of work to be done. Every morning, if I can manage it, I teach in the church. Deekes has printed ten of my hymns, and I am teaching them these. I visit a great deal and am received with the greatest kindness and hospitality by all. The other day, I went to the king to ask for canoes. On his promise of thirty, I sent nine cakes of Pears' unscented soap and about two pounds of the commonest washing soap — this as an earnest of what would come if our thirty canoes really appeared. To-day, he sent me down ten magnificent bunches of plantains, weighing, I suppose, 3cwt., and a magnificent fat sheep (in the last few days, by-the-bye, the leopards have taken a goat, a kid, and a sheep of ours). The sheep must have had 2lb. of fat (splendid for frying) in its tail. I shall boil it down and bottle it. I have quantities of milk and butter. I have bought up cows in expectation of Ashe and his party. Every European in this country should have a cow. You might send me a small box of very strongly scented soap, also some intensely powerful scent. With two such cakes of soap I could buy a cow. ... I want ["""maps of Bible countries, Africa, and large pictures ' for hanging up ; all for teaching a large number at the same time. Oh ! for a magic lantern. Ashe is ~~cfue at Nassa to-morrow. One of the chiefs began his house to-day. My house has just been altered, and is now most comfortable and healthy. . . . I am drinking tea and eating Indian meal bread — while de Winton smokes (alas! he goes A LULL IN THE STORM. 149 to join Lugard to-morrow). Emin has dodged past to Wadelai, after ivory no doubt I have several new boys now, one of them the naughty little Bobby Kayinga, mentioned in ' Two Kings of Uganda.' Ashe to come in a month. I am very well indeed." " Namirembe, 8th October, 1891. I'm by myself still, as I have been since July 20th, but for Smith's short visit. I have a kind of kitten (a ' mondo ' — it will be nearly as big as a leopard), three grey parrots (which I have been given and have passed on to my boys), and a monkey, with which the boys are playing now in in this room. He is a great delight to them, most human and ridiculous, awfully afraid of me, but bites the boys ; desperately fond of sugar-cane. I have been teaching the hymns which I have written, and reading Jeremiah, in church, with some of our people. I have written to Mr. Stock, pointing out how absurdly few we are in this country for the vast work there is to be done Our potatoes are doing well. I enclose a copy written by Mackay, probably a good many years ago, when he was at Natete ; also a letter written to me by the Mugasi, the chief of the soldiers, a Roman Catholic, in which he calls me Pere Kitene, being accustomed to Peres among the French priests; also a letter written in the King's name for him, by the same chief, asking for paraffin oil, the first in Swahili, the second in Luganda. Observe the 150 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Royal signature, 'Kataka Mwanga' (King Mwanga); also a letter from Sembera Mackay, a most excellent man This climate is not perfection. I call no climate perfect wherein, if you stand outside for five minutes while sun is shining, with double felt hat on and umbrella up, at any time between 9 a.m. and 4 p.m., you feel (if you are G.L.P., or like him) the effects of it for an hour afterwards in faintness and head ache. . . . You might just as well be in a Turkish bath all day as to be here, or, rather, a great deal better, for here decency demands clothes. It's a grand farming climate I've no doubt, damp and broiling." For some time Pilkington had been feeling urgently the need of more workers. This is summed up in a letter to Mr. Eugene Stock. " Namirembe, Mengo, Uganda, October 2nd, 1890. I sit down to utilize a few moments this evening by writing, in the hope that I may be able to say something that may show people in England how much we want men here. You see I write in the hope that you will be able to find something in this letter which, if put into any of your papers, might induce some at home to come to the help of the Lord against the mighty. And let me first say that for more than ten weeks I have been here now by myself, except for Smith's short visit, which lasted a fortnight only, and he was half an invalid. People may blame us for A LULL IN THE STORM. 151 leaving one man (and he not in orders) here alone for so long. But, in the first place, Baskerville was to have come back in a month, but was hindered by fever, &c. Secondly, how can we stand by and see the whole country occupied by the Roman Catholic priests (there are eleven of them, besides 'freres,' I believe ; and ten or fourteen coming), especially when a previous occupation is a ground which the Company will recognize for refusing permission to the opposite party to go into any territory ? At the same time, here am I alone here, with work enough ready to hand for ten men in England, not to say here, where hitherto about one day out of every four is lost owing to fever, and the remain ing three none the better in consequence. We have every morning in our church from ioo to 300 eager learners, for three hours, from 6 or 7 a.m. to 9 or 10 a.m. Most of the teaching is done by Natives ; I drop in for an hour or so (and they are grateful for this) towards the end ; with my other work I can't do more. I am reading Jeremiah with them now, some of them only. If we had, say, a couple of Europeans, with time enough at their disposal to prepare the morning's lesson thoroughly, and to wind up with a general address, I have no hesitation in saying that these numbers would be doubled. After this school and service is over, I am translating each morning till mid-day Romans with Henry Duta ; then, after a hasty meal, I sing with all the boys who care to come (teaching the adults to sing I have given up as hopeless, so have 152 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. the French priests) ; I am teaching them hymns I have written, and which Deekes very kindly printed at Nassa. In the afternoon, I translate Exodus (two-thirds are done) with Noah. In the cool of the day I visit, and this is perhaps the pleasantest work ons could have ; everywhere I meet with the warmest welcome. I visit Protestants and Roman Catholics alike. Yesterday the Kimbugwe, the biggest of the Roman Catholic chiefs, gave me ' bugenyi,' or a guest-present of a goat, the second he has given me. In all this work I feel as if an ocean lay before me to be crossed, and I were paddling on the edge of it. , Let me put down what I think we really want, and I don't want to exaggerate in the least. I put down so many men for each sort of work, not that one man would be confined to any one work, but merely expressing by the number of men the amount of work urgently needing doing : — For Mengo — Services on Sunday, class for teachers, and communicants' class i Class for catechumens and teaching daily in church ... ... ... i Visiting and teaching in houses ... i Doctor's work, accounts, &c . . . i Translation ... ... ... ... i Itinerating in the neighbourhood within two days ... ... ... i (? 3) Substitute in case of fever either at Mengo or in the country 1 Total for capital ... 7 A LULL IN THE STORM. 153 Kavirondo 2 Busoga . . . Budu . 2 Kyagwe ... Kalambala's Singo Bulemezi . i Islands . . . • I(?2) Total for elsewhere . • 12 „ Grand total ... ¦ 19 Now in Uganda Expected • 4 . 6 Extra men urgently needed IO • 9" The above figures might easily be revised and largely added to in view of recent developments. It is, however, exceedingly interesting to notice the careful way in which Pilkington planned out the field, as he often did later on, in view of the needs of the time. Co'mmenting on these figures he continues : — " This is without counting Koki and the countries to the north, or Kikuyu, &c, to the east. Besides, the Committee ought to send an extra number of men here, in view of illness and consequent early returns home, and deaths. Walker, I expect, will have gone by the time the next lot of men after Ashe comes. i 154 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. The expenses, once a man gets here, are next to nothing ; the eagerness for learning is the most remarkable thing I have ever seen or heard of in that line. This country has had hitherto, since the work was started, possibly an average of one Protestant European with a knowledge of the language ; one book only of the Bible, St. Matthew, has been hitherto put into the hands of the Natives in their own language, and yet God has used such very small efforts in an amazing way, so much so that I fully believe that if a number of missionaries at all approaching what this country has a right to expect, considering what these men have borne for Christ's sake, and their eagerness to be taught, and their readiness to welcome and support teachers — if this were done, I believe we should soon have Waganda missionaries working throughout Central Africa. To occupy completely this country now is to put out the resources of the Society at ioo per cent. interest ; to miss the opportunity of doing so is to allow this country, and with it, perhaps, the whole of Central Africa, to become (God forbid !) Roman Catholic,/ I remind you that I have the names of f 39 chiefs (and if I tried I daresay I could make it / ioo) who are ready and anxious to support with \^jiative food and build for a missionary. Having eased my mind by writing this letter, which I hope you will believe keeps clearly on the near side of exaggeration, although I am an Irishman, I'll stop for to-night. No more news of Ashe ; Baskerville expected." .A "LULL IN THE STORM. 155 " Sunday, October 4th, 1891. It is about twelve o'clock, and I am just out from church, where Henry Duta preached an excellent sermon to our usual congregation of a thousand or so ; ' the roaring lion conquered by, and to be conquered through, Jesus alone.' I write now, just while I feel strongly what the sight of that congregation and the hearing of Henry Wright Duta's sermon roused in me. I am astonished that more men haven't come here, considering the opportunities. Where are all the Christian men I knew at Cambridge ? I look for their names in every mail, but they are few and far between. Why don't men such as Mr. " [here Pilkington mentions several well-known Evangelical clergymen] ? " They would find here as fine a field for work as in the whole world. Our work here is the evangelization of Africa, aud how can we, young and inexperienced as we are, take proper charge and direction of a work so difficult and so vast ? When I think of myself here by myself, with a large church, needing teaching and guiding and correcting, with hundreds reading daily and bring ing all their ' knots ' to be ' untied ' to me, with marriage difficulties naturally arising in a country just reclaimed from heathenism, and then think of all England's resources for Christian teaching, it does seem, I was going to say, ridiculous, but I would rather say, a cause of wonder, and shame, and tears. -The two facts that impress me most strongly in -this country are, the smallness of England's efforts 156 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. for this country, and the greatness of what God has been pleased to do in spite of it. Why, if Spurgeon or Moody were to come here, they would soon have audiences of immortal souls (faces black, no doubt, if that makes any difference) as large as any they address in England or America, and more receptive, and less hardened, and far more grateful. I had hoped that the example of Mr. A. O. Williams, a vicar in Leeds, who went out to China, would have been largely followed. To tell you the truth, I was thinking the other day of writing myself to Mr. " (one of the clergyman Mr. Pilkington had mentioned above), "and suggesting that he should come here ; but perhaps that would seem to him a piece of interference and impertinence. But all the same, I can't but believe it would be a cause of rejoicing to the Church on earth, and to God in heaven, if he, and such as he, did come. There are several of these Waganda now, who are fit, with a little systematic teaching, to go out as missionaries far and wide. What we want is that (i.) these men should receive the teaching they need, and (ii.) that the whole spiritual tone of the Church here should be so raised as to press out these its best men to far countries. If there is any ,-HTutlii about Missions which all parties accept as an axiom, it is ' Africans for Africa,' and here are men 1/ all but ready to supply this long-felt need ; and what makes it more urgent still, is that, if these men are not soon working for us, or rather for the Gospel, they will be against the Gospel in the ranks of Roman Catholicism. Of course, in this last A LULL IN THE STORM. 157 sentence I refer to the Waganda generally, not to the few to whom I referred above." Thus for the greater part of 1891 the mission work at the capital was carried on with only temporary interruptions, due to political difficulties. Meanwhile, events were being enacted in other places which have had a profound bearing upon the subsequent history of Uganda. Captain Lugard, upon whom lay the onerous task of administering the government of the Uganda district, as the representative of the British East Africa Company, found himself severely handi capped, owing to the want of suitable soldiers. At the same time, he knew that there were within no great distance from Uganda, and within the territory which had been secured for British influence, a large body of Sudanese under the command of Selim Bey, who had formerly been in the service of Emin Pasha, and who had been left behind when Mr. Stanley's expedition started for the coast. Not only did Captain Lugard feel that they might form a valuable acquisition to his fighting force, but he considered that it was absolutely necessary to do something to provide for these men, who, if left to themselves, might prove a source of great danger within the British sphere. He therefore entered into negotiations with Selim Bey, whom he met at Kavalli's on Lake Albert Ny anza, and eventually came to an arrangement with him, by which he and his men were to serve under Captain Lugard, provided permission were accorded by the Khedive, as he regarded himself as pledged 158 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. to continue in the service of the Khedive, and he refused to enter into any binding contract without leave from him. Another difficulty arose from the fact that Selim Bey, as Captain Lugard tells us, " wished to stipulate that he should remain in absolute control of his men." This, however, could not be allowed, and eventually " Selim had to give in." The number of Sudanese left in Selim Bey's force was about 600 fighting men. Of these, some were distributed throughout a chain of forts established on the border of Unyoro, whilst others were brought on to Uganda for garrison duty there. On his return to Uganda, Captain Lugard found heavy news awaiting him, to the effect that the British East Africa Company had decided to with draw from Uganda. To be obliged to repudiate the solemn treaties which had just been concluded, and to abandon the country to anarchy, was felt by those carrying on the government in Uganda to be as dishonourable as it would be disastrous, and, happily, the matter presented itself in that light to people at home. Missionaries had not sought the protection of the arm of flesh, but now that a civilised government had undertaken responsibilities with regard to the country, it was felt that it could not so lightly dismiss them. Bishop Tucker was in England at the time, and lost no opportunity of representing the true state of the case, and much sympathy was aroused, and the A LULL IN THE STORM. 159 conscience of England was touched. It was, how ever, given to the friends of the Church Missionary Society to afford more practical proof of their sym pathy than mere paper resolutions, and when, on October 30th, 1891, Bishop Tucker had told his story at the annual meeting of the Gleaners' Union, a fund was started by the friends of the C.M.S. gathered at that meeting, though not officially connected with the Society, which produced a sum of no less than £16,000. This, with a sum of £20,000 contributed by the Directors of the Imperial British East Africa Company and their friends, enabled them to continue the occupation of Uganda for another year, the British name was saved from what would have been lasting disgrace, and one more step was taken towards the consolidation of that part of the British Empire, which lies in Eastern Equatorial Africa. CHAPTER IX. CIVIL WAR. " We are living on a volcano," writes the Rev. G. K. Baskerville in his journal on December 4th, 1891 — -" the whole country is in a ferment. The Roman Catholics started all the trouble by sending men to destroy the Melondo's place in Kyagwe. He is one of our biggest and most respected chiefs. Wisely, he, before taking any hasty measures, went to consult Captain Williams, who told him to go and defend his property. Accordingly yesterday he went, and the king (i.e. the Roman Catholics) has sent four Roman Catholic chiefs after him to kill him ! Here our friend Mwanga has put his foot into it, and deserves no mercy at the hands of the Company. Well, Williams went to the king and told him that unless he sent counter-orders to stop these men he would fight with him. Our people have acted nobly and kept from violence ; we went to see one chief who was for fighting at once, but he promised to refrain out of respect to our opinion and advice. If the Protestants throw themselves upon the Captain and do nothing rash, they will win ; but if they act independently they will lose. They are now waiting to hear from the messengers 160 CIVIL WAR. 161 sent after the chiefs who had gone to fight the Melondo. If he has been killed there will be war, and it will mean the expulsion of the Roman Catholic party, for Williams will aid the Protestants as being the aggrieved party. To-morrow will bring us news. If there is fighting we are to go up to the camp, leaving only one of our number here to protect the property. Our going will show the people that we have no wish to meddle. Pilkington, knowing the language and people, will stop if it is necessary for us to go. Dear plucky old Sembera Mackay, he has visited the king when no one else would go ! He has gone unarmed. One of the big Roman Catholic chiefs ordered his men to fire on him, but no one dared to do so, and he walked past all into the king's enclosure. Then he went to see the Kimbugwe, the chief of the Roman Catholic party, and got him to call in his men ; he then went to the camp. Captain Williams has been this evening, and expressed himself greatly pleased with the conduct of the Protestants. Being prohibited from walking out, we spent an hour in sowing vegetable-seeds in our garden. ' In Jesus' keeping we are safe and they.' Good-night. " Dec. 5th. — The morning rose tumultuous ; murmurs of war and incessant noise and parading of men. Of course no work could be done. About noon we could hear the Mujasi's war-drums. He is a Roman Catholic, and was the first on a former occasion to commence ; then, he pleaded drunken ness as an excuse. Our people have behaved grandly. They have taken no step without the M 162 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Captain's permission. One chief of ours was on his way quietly home at about four o'clock, when we, from our garden where we were walking, saw a Roman Catholic chief fire four times on his men. One man was clubbed in the jaw, and a general melee seemed unavoidable. The people, however, saw the folly of leaving the immediate vicinity of the capital to avenge a petty insult, and resolved to wait till Williams could be consulted. My man, Tito, was asked to go off to the camp, which he did, and saw the Captain. The Roman Catholic chief is to send his guns to the camp. But the people are still waiting news of Melondo's fate ; this will bring matters to a crisis. If he is killed, nothing, it would seem, can avert terrible war. We hear that Martin has crossed the Nile, and should therefore be here by Wednesday. We can have no public services to-morrow, for it would never do for the people to assemble as a body." The next letter from Pilkington, written on December 7th, 1891, shows how, amid all the turmoil, the work steadily progressed. " We have just avoided war by the skin of our teeth for the third or fourth time. I am thankful to say the provocation (as Captain Williams admitted) was mainly, if not entirely, on the Roman Catholic side this time. Had there been war, Captain Williams would have helped the Protestants. Till this disturbance, our work was going on, to all external appearance, splendidly, ten or twelve classes each morning (Roscoe was able to start one with Sembera's help, in Swahili, as soon as he CIVIL WAR. 163 came), and between 500 and 700 people in church each morning, then a class for teachers and others at 2 p.m. for Pilgrim's Progress. I had sixty people (twelve boys, the rest adults) who want to be baptized. I hope some of these will be baptized next Sunday. The intelligence and the earnestness" of some of them, and of others who were baptized a fortnight ago, has struck me very much, and given me great encouragement and pleasure, not for their own sakes only, but because, being all pupils of our elders, their clear knowledge in many cases of Gospel truth, and evident earnestness, are the surest evidence of the fitness of those who taught them. I wish I could send you in full some of Henry's sermons. Some of them have been logical, forcible, interesting Scriptural explanations of the work of Christ for sinners. He is a very able man ; he would be above the average in Europe. I doubt that he has his equal in ability in Africa. How far his superiority is due to the Universities' Mission (he was with them at Zanzibar), I do not know ; but certainly his sermons are compositions, not rambling discourses, and are delivered admirably. Ephesians and Philippians, and some of Colossians and 1 Timothy, I have translated with Henry and Sembera ; I am waiting to finish Genesis and Exodus, in order to get all the New Testament done first. If that could be printed and sent out quickly we would thoroughly revise it. I want to get time for studying the language more thoroughly than I have yet been able to do ; perhaps I may be able to succeed in 164 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. this when Ashe comes, of whom we know only that he left Usambiro about a month ago. I hope to enclose two grammatical sheets which I have made, and which Collins has copied two. or three times, so that the men have a sort of substitute for a grammar. Martin's caravan is expected in two days ; Captain Lugard by Christmas. Oh, for books and reading-sheets ! and slates and slate-pencils ! and men ! It is delightful beginning to be able to teach these people who are so eager to learn, not by pouring a flood of wisdom over them, as one might pump water on a duck's back, but by question and answer (teaching, when one has anything worth knowing to teach, is the noblest calling in the world). To preach in a language is easy comparatively, but to teach in it — but, till one can do that, it is not much good. But are there not many in England who love teaching, and, above all, teaching the truth of God, who have but little scope at home ? They would find a field here, teaching young, teaching old, teaching morning, noon, and night ; and oh, so warmly appreciated, so attentively listened to, so gratefully remembered as Mackay, and O' Flaherty, and Ashe, and Gordon are." "December 14th, 1891. Mail goes to-morrow; I have addressed Ephesians, Phi]ippians, Colossians, and my two sheets to you. Henry, in preaching yesterday on the loaves and fishes, said that, really, for those who think, the growth of the plantains on the tree is just as CIVIL WAR. 165 wonderful ; ' fools say it grows, because, I suppose, it is its nature ' ; but really it is a miracle. And, if a miracle is a thing which we cannot in the least understand, he was right, and I believe that this thought was original on his part. Forty - seven persons — thirty - three men, four women, and ten boys — were baptized yesterday. I had had classes for them for some time, and finally examined each one separately (six I told to wait till I could teach them further) ; the forty-seven seemed to me to have an intelligent trust in Christ as their own Saviour, and an honest desire to lead a new life by His help : pray for them especially, and for us. _. The 'Nalinya' (queen-sister) brought four girls yesterday, whom she asked me to prepare for baptism. I am wondering whether Henry's wife could help in this work ; it shows that ladies are wanted here." The next development of the political situation is described in private letter from Pilkington. " Namirembe, Mengo, December 27th, 1891. I am writing to-day (the anniversary of our arrival in Buganda) to tell you, while I remember clearly, some events of this morning which will interest you. This morning .... about 6.30 a.m I heard Henry calling to one of my boys. I answered him, and, getting out of bed and putting on some clothes, called him in. He and Sembera, Samwili, Mika, and Stefano had come to tell me that the king wished to become a 166 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Protestant, having quarrelled with the Roman Catholics. I took them into Roscoe's house and we consulted about it. The king had sent them to us. We told them finally to tell the king that, in so far as the matter was a political one, it was none of our business We further advised them to do nothing till they had consulted with Captain Williams. We then had prayer with them and they went to Captain Williams. He, we hear, will not allow the king at present to become a Protestant, as it would, he says, mean war, and an alliance between the Roman Catholics and Moham medans. We shall do nothing more in the matter at present. The king's proposal comes, I suppose, only from political motives. Really we have not much to do with it." " December 28th, 10.30 p.m. I am sitting up to-night till midnight, when Collins is to relieve me, and then Roscoe him, because threats of burning our houses down have been made by the Roman Catholics. Last night, their temporary Church was burnt down, we suppose most lively by some of the king's people, six of whose houses the Roman Catholics have lately burnt down, besides killing four men The Pokino has just been round to see our guard, and he brings the news that the king has returned to the Roman Catholic side, having received a present His people of the capital, thirty in number, have, however, determined to join the Protestant side It is a terrible pity that, at this critical time, we have not CIVIL WAR. 167 more men, and especially more men who know, if not Luganda, at least Swahili These houses, if fired once, burn, every scrap of them,- like tinder, only more so ; hence our precautions. A chap can steal up and throw on a smouldering torch, and your first warning is the smell of smoke and the crackling of the fire, which is almost inextinguishable." " January 20th, 1892. I ought to have told you how I went to the king, after the events I started with, and asked to see him alone, as I had things to speak of which I thought he would rather hear in private. He turned out all his chiefs, keeping one man only with him. I then explained w"nat we thought of his proposed turning Protestant; I told him his soul was of no more value in our sight, or in God's, than the meanest of his subjects, and that we wanted real, not nominal Protestants. I reminded him of his father Mutesa's opinion, thatj ' the English had the truth.' I began this by saying, ' Your father, Mutesa, was a clever man,' to which he answered the single word; > ' Kitalo,' which means, a marvel. I finally told him to do what he believed God wished him to do." On January 19th, Pilkington gives voice to the great desire for further books and reading- sheets in a letter to Mr. Wigram, of which the following is an extract. " I cannot express the earnest longing we have for these books : what I feel is, that the whole future of Africa is in the balances here now, and 168 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. delay in the arrival of these books may tell fatally. I believe any expense ought to be incurred to deliver these books at the very earliest opportunity. It is terribly trying thus writing for books which don't come, or if they do, come in driblets of 200 or 500, when we want thousands ; 500 Gospels sell off in two days at a price which, at any rate, fully pays for carriage. The Roman Catholics are rushing in in the mean- times. We pray every day for books ; really, I think that men are less important. The new Church is very fine: the labour, I calculate, would have cost £1,000 at threepence per man per day. I don't think people at home at all realize yet what a fine people the Waganda are, and what an opportunity there is here to advance God's Kingdom." A few days later, the storm-cloud, which had been so long gathering, suddenly burst, but, before giving the graphic and temperate description of the conflict and the circumstances which led up to it from the pen of Mr. Baskerville, it may be as well to remind ourselves of the description of the political parties in Uganda which have been already mentioned. We use the word "political " advisedly, for, though they bore religious names, their aims were political rather than religious, and, as a further confirmation of this, we learn that the Roman Catholic party on the one hand, and the Protestant on the other, were known as the Wa Franza and the Wa Inglesa. The cause of this unfortunate division of two CIVIL WAR. 169 professedly Christian parties is not far to seek. Picture a small body of men at work in the centre of gross heathenism, seeking to lead the people to a knowledge of the true God and of His Son Jesus Christ. Just as they are beginning to gain an influence over the people, another party of men appears on the scene, of a different nationality and teaching a different creed, and bearing in their hands large presents with which to ingratiate themselves with the chiefs and people. Is it a wonder that the people of Uganda were bewildered, and that between the followers of each Mission there grew up a rivalry which permeated the whole life of the people ? None could regret this state of things more than the Protestant Missionaries, and, as far as possible, they tried to steer clear of such con troversies. It was impossible, however, not to be affected by such a state of things as Mr. Baskerville describes. " Namirembe, Uganda, January 31st, 1892. I know you will like some particular account of the terrible events of the last few days. I wrote to you a long letter when in Budu, telling you some thing of the state of the country with reference to the work of the Company, and also with reference to the position of the two great religious parties. Some six weeks ago, I think anyone who had been in Uganda, during the first twelve months of the 170 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Company's administration, would have said that the country was rapidly quieting down again after its past troubles. The policy of the Company had been one which, taking the goodwill of the Protestant party for granted, had always rather favoured the Papist party ; most careful had both Captains Lugard and Williams been to let no national or religious prejudices seem in any way to influence them in their administration. A year had passed since the expedition commanded by Captain Lugard had arrived here at the capital, just a few days previous to the arrival of Bishop Tucker and his party. War had been staved off from time to time, the Company contriving to balance the parties ; meanwhile, the Protestants ceding point after point for the sake of avoiding collision. The Resident has certainly done all in his power to avoid war — even swallowed personal insults rather than undo the work of twelve months — and it has been with the greatest regret that he has been forced into violent measures. Troubles began to brew about the middle of last month, just after the Company's new steel boat had left for the south end of the Lake, commanded by Mr. Bagge. But, before this, it had been proved on some four occasions that the Protestants were the aggrieved party. First, some six months ago, in August, a number of houses in the capital were burnt wantonly by the Roman Catholics, including the place of Ham Mukasa, a man who was wounded in the battle of Rubaga Hill. Second, in Budu, Kamswaga, King of Koki, a country south-west of Budu, was sent for, it was CIVIL WAR. 171 said,, by the king, to turn the Protestants out of Budu ; this was done to a great extent, and, because of the unsettled condition of the country, I was unable for a month to move on from Walker's place at Masaka. Third, with regard to Kaganda, one of the islands which had been secured to the Protestant party, the Roman Catholics sent one hundred guns to turn out the chief sent by the king. Fourth, about the middle of December, the Mulondo, a prominent Protestant chief in Kyagwe, hearing that his place was likely to be attacked, asked leave to go down and protect it. Leave was refused by the king, but Captain Williams told him to go. On this, the king despatched four leading Roman Catholic chiefs, with five hundred guns, with orders to kill the Mulondo wherever they found him. This angered Captain Williams, and he told the king that he must at once send off messengers to stop these men ; and further, he told us that if the Mulondo were to be killed, that the camp would be forced into war, which meant taking the Protestant side and probably driving out the Papists from the country. The messengers were recalled, and so the affair blew over. On December gth, a large caravan for the Company had arrived, bringing a great quantity of ammunition. This had put the king into a great state of excitement, and the day after Christmas Day, the king sent a message to the Katikiro, saying that he wished to become a Protestant. He saw that the power was on the Protestant side, a large caravan had arrived, Captain Lugard had returned as far as Budu with a large number of Sudanese 172 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. soldiers, recovered from the two regiments of Emin Pasha's, left after Stanley had passed on to the coast. And he had been put in a further state of alarm by the Kimbugwe, the leading Roman Catholic chief, sending a party of men to destroy all his bhang pipes. These men had burned one of the king's houses and killed four men. That night, he asked for a Protestant guard to stand over his place. The Roman Catholics then came to our party, pro posing to depose the king and put one of Kalema's sons, his nephew, on to the throne. To this the Protestants would not agree. Mwanga was bad, but what could they hope from a boy who had been in training at the Roman Catholic station of Bukumbe, near Usambiro ? Accordingly, the king saw that the time was come for the weather-cock to shift. He was not, however, to be allowed to change his religion so easily. The French Bishop, the plan of deposing him being frustrated, thought that it would never do to lose the king from the Papist party, and went out and put the enormity of his sin before him, exhorting him to come to confession. ' First,' said Mwanga, ' I must have a present. My men have been killed, and my house burned.' ' All right,' says Monseigneur, ' you shall have forty tusks of ivory.' ' As soon as I get them,' says the king, ' you shall confess me.' Captain Lugard reached Mengo on December 31st, and we at once felt the position of the Company secure in the country. We had heard news a little before, that the English papers were talking of the probable early withdrawal of the Company from Uganda, and, about the same time, CIVIL WAR. 173 arrived a fresh party of French priests, who, it is evident, gave this information to their people, repre senting to the king that this was only a trading Company, and that it would be against their interests to fight ; and, further, that if they were about to withdraw, and if the Roman Catholic party held out a little longer, they would soon have every thing their own way. You will see, as I go on, how this gave great confidence again to the king, and caused him, so far, to defy the power of the Company as to challenge them to fight him. On Friday, January 22nd, about mid-day, we heard three or four shots fired quite close by, and reports came in to say a Protestant had been murdered by the Roman Catholics. The Protestants immediately went to report the matter to Captain Lugard, also telling him that the Roman Catholics were guarding the body and refused them leave to take it away for burial. Lugard immediately left to see the king, when he was kept waiting for two hours — in itself a great insult to a Commissioner of the Queen. At last, he was taken in to the king, who professed ignorance of the whole occurrence, and asked the chiefs sitting round to tell him the whole story. Lugard said that before he could hear anything, the body must be removed, for it was a disgrace to the king and his country. A Roman Catholic and Protestant were immediately sent off to remove the body. Captain Lugard, too, reminded the king how that, when he had first come to the country, he had told him that, owing to the state of affairs and that a murder would probably cause civil 174 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. war, any murderer must be executed. The king said he remembered all this, and that the words were very good. Captain Lugard, not feeling well after his long waiting in the sun, left Du Wallah, a Somali in whom he places great confidence, to be present at the subsequent trial. The man was brought in, and told the following story : — His gun had been stolen from him by one of the Katikiro's men, and he had taken his case before the Katikiro, who had promised to see his gun restored, if his story should be proved true. Two or three days elapsed without anything being done, and then this man thought that, as he had not been given another gun, he had better try and take one from the Protestants by force. Accordingly, he made a regular plot. He bought some beer and sat in his gateway offering it for sale — the plan being to take the gun from the first Protestant who should offer to buy it. He had several companions ready to help him, and two men inside his fence with loaded guns. A man presently came by, and came up to buy the beer, asking first to taste it. An argument then arose, and a man slipped behind him, seized his gun, and the whole party rushed into the fence. The Protestant and his friends followed, and were fired on by the two men with guns inside, one shot killing the man. The Protestant fired one shot without effect. The king, on hearing that the thief had been followed into his fence, said that he was, by the law of Uganda, justified in the subsequent murder, and that the prisoner must be set at liberty. It was late before Du Wallah returned, but early next morning he was CIVIL WAR. 175 sent back with a note, asking the king to reconsider this decision, and telling him that, if he persisted in it, he would lead his country into war. For some time Du Wallah was not admitted, but he insisted on delivering the letter into the king's own hand. With the king were the Kimbugwe, the Kanta, and the Musalosleb, all leading Roman Catholic chiefs. The latter read the letter to the king, and when he came to Lugard's words about probable war if this decision was adhered to, the king caught him up, saying, 'What's that he says about war ? Let him come and fight, if he will ' ; and all the others began to laugh at Du Wallah. Du Wallah told the king that he was a Mohammedan, and that he had no leaning to either Roman Catholics or Protestants, but that he had never known such an obviously unfair and rotten judgment given anywhere ; and that he could assure the king that Captain Lugard had done his best to avoid war and give justice to all parties. ' What answer shall I take to my master ? ' said Du Wallah. The Kanta said, ' Tell him that, if he fights, we shall take all his wealth, and wipe out the English from the country.' This was too much for Captain Lugard to stand, and he sent to demand the person of the murderer ; if he were given up, the insulting message would be pardoned. Our people went to the king, and asked him why, when, in an exactly similar case, one of the Mugema's men had killed a Roman Catholic, the Mugema had been fined ? The king talked about exchanging bodies, and so being quits. No, said our men, we have other grievances besides this for which we have 176 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. never had justice at all. Captain Lugard, the king and Roman Catholics seeming determined to defy him , resolved at last on stringent measures. On Saturday night, some 500 rifles were served out to the Protes tant leaders for distribution, and a large quantity of ammunition ; for even then Lugard hoped that it would not be necessary for him personally to interfere. On Sunday, the 24th, of course services were out of the question. The Katikiro had been told by the Roman Catholics that if the Protestants did not fight they were a pack of cowards ; and further, in the morning, as Roscoe had Sembera Mackay and a few others at a Bible Reading, we heard shots, the outcome of which we soon heard had been the murder of a man belonging to the Katikiro. Further Bible-reading was abandoned, and soon our whole place was deserted. We went off to have a short English service together; before we had finished Sembera came, summoning us to go up to the fort, for both sides were all prepared for fighting. We, however, refused unless sent for officially by Captain Lugard, and, even when he did send for us, we said that we could not consent to go and leave all our things. He kindly sent forty men, and, after a quarter of an hour's hurried packing, we were off about twelve o'clock to Kampala. At the market place we met Sembera, who, on hearing that most of our goods were still left behind, said he should go off and find a guard for the station. About 12.30 we arrived at the camp, and as we were quietly sitting in the house we heard four guns. Lugard CIVIL WAR. 177 had previously sent demanding the original murderer, the murderer of the morning, and the Kanta, who had sent the insulting message, to be all given up. The man who had murdered the Katikiro's man was sent in, and a soldier of the Company who had been captured in the morning escaped. The Kanta refused Rough plan of the capital, marking the chief centres. to come, and the first murderer could not be given up at all. Well, so anxious was Captain Lugard to avoid war that he had sent a further message demanding only the first murderer to be given up, and other affairs would be overlooked, when these four gunshots sent us all flying out to seek the cause. N 178 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. We saw smoke over at the foot of Mengo, close by Mr. Stokes's garden, and soon other shots followed in a regular fusillade, and we could see the Papists fleeing before the Protestants. On the top of Rubaga Hill was some sharp fighting, and soon the Roman Catholic new church and houses were in one immense blaze, and the Protestants pushing on down the farther side of the hill towards the king's fences. All this while the camp Maxims were silent, Captain Lugard having decided not to interfere unless an attack was made on the fort. Presently we saw a large body of men coming down the opposite hill from the Kimbugwe's at the double, obviously making for the fort, and now the Maxims both opened a deadly fire. The Roman Catholics stopped and stared round, not knowing who or what was attacking, but when they realised that it was the cannon, they turned round and ran like rabbits in amongst the bananas. We hear some forty were killed by these first volleys from the Maxims, and and the Kimbugwe and Kanta were wounded in the former's house, where they thought no gun could reach them. These men rallied at the top of the hill, and, joined by the men of the Musalosalo, managed to drive back the Katikiro and burn his house. Countless houses were now in flames, and one could scarcely see for the smoke. The Katikiro retreated on Kampala, and now Captain Lugard sent out Captain Williams with the Sudanese soldiers, who soon settled matters — the Katikiro's men and Pokino's re-formed behind him, and they went on burning all the Roman Catholic houses and CIVIL WAR. 179 driving the Papists far away towards the Lake. Leniency alone prevented them from driving them right into the water. The Protestants were vic torious, the king's flag had been hauled down, but deep sorrow had come to us — the very first guns fired had killed. Sembera Mackay, our best and ablest man and most deeply-taught Christian. He had gone to find a guard for our place, and, as he was passing some houses where some of the king's slaves lived, he was shot at and died almost imme diately — dear, brave Sembera, whom every one loved, and of whom I never heard a disparaging word, has entered into his reward — and we are left to sorrow over his loss, and to trust our God to supply his place. Two other Church elders have been wounded, and two Protestant chiefs, one badly so. The doctors have their hands full every day now, and I expect never had such work before. Rubaga Hill had been taken by the Mugema and Pokino, together with the Mwanika — they were never once repulsed, but carried everything before them. It had been impossible to bring the priests over to the fort, and their station was manned by Roman Catholic chiefs who made a determined resistance ; one of their black Hausa doctors, who foolishly fought in person, was shot dead. The priests were all conducted to the fort the same evening, their place being a total wreck. We returned the same evening to our station, the whole of the Roman Catholics having fled. The king, with some 300 guns, had fled to the small island of Burungugi, just half a mile from the shore, 180 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. about two hours from Mengo. Here he had his store and had sent all his wives and wealth, and here it was that the Christians so long withstood the Mohammedans. Here they thought that they were quite safe, remembering the unsuccessful attacks of the Mohammedans. The great object, of course, of the Company was now to get hold of the king and restore him to his throne, knowing that he was a mere puppet, and, if once in their hands, would do all they told him — of course they did not want the old chiefs back again, but the king alone. They sent several messages asking him to return, but he sent back to say that he wished to come but was guarded and unable to escape. Friday morning the French Bishop came to say he wished to leave the fort, but Lugard refused him several times officially. At last he came to say that unless he was forcibly detained he should go, for these were his orders from Rome. Accordingly, he went with all the priests except two, who, however, followed soon afterwards. He promised Lugard to persuade the king to return, and pass on himself to Sesse, and when there do all he could to protect Mr. Bagge, who is daily expected back with the boat, and also to send messages to Budu to his people to protect Ashe, Walker, and Smith, who are there at Masaka. He did none of these things, but went to the king, and he, abetted by Kisali, a blacksmith, a former pupil of Mackay, against the wish of all the Roman Catholic priests and chiefs, refused the king permission to return to Mengo. Does it not seem as if the French Mission is just God's Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page Missing Page LANGUAGE STUDY. 193 lation (thanks not to me, but to my predecessors and to the Waganda themselves), is a better one than a first translation into a new language generally can be ; it has been, really, beaten out during many years by the best brains among the Waganda them selves, with the help of Mackay, Ashe, Gordon, Walker, and the others who have been here. So you see there were exceptional facilities. I think there was also an exceptional need, for I should think there was hardly ever so large a body of Christians, in modern days, so eager to learn, for so long a time with only one book of the Bible in their own tongue, and that in such limited quantities. There is a special reason, too, which makes me long for Luganda books : the idea has gained ground that — as no can know much of Christianity without being able to read, and knowing Swahili — therefore, reading, and a knowledge of Swahili makes a man a Christian — nothing will quite eradicate this motion, I think, but books in Luganda. There is one defect in the translation, which is at the same time, I think, a merit in a first translation : I have not always translated, or tried to translate, the same Greek word by the same Luganda ; I preferred, in the present state of my knowledge, to leave the question open by translating it variously ; better leave the decision till the time when we shall be in a position to be sure that the selected translation is the best. There is another defect which, I'm afraid, could not and cannot be remedied — the use of one Luganda word for two or three different Greek ones ; for, of course, Luganda, though a very o 194 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. rich language, may happen to be weak just where Greek is strong ; we have used one word for the Greek TtvevfjLa, ^u^ (in sense of soul), and KapSi'a — the word for * spirit,' was one of those stereo typed words I spoke of, and I never thought of changing it (Ashe, however, the other day, said it was still not too late — but I think it is) — otherwise, I think I should have preferred a word meaning ' air ' or ' wind,' to the word chosen, which simply means soul or spirit in a metaphysical sense, and has no material meaning. Again, the word for ' to love ' and ' to will ' is the same in Luganda ; hence, ' according to the will of God ' might mean ' the love of God.' Again, for ' to accept ' and ' to believe,' there is only one word. I had in tended not to attempt much of the Old Testament, until I had gone home and read Hebrew, but lately, I have started at the Psalms and Joshua. Joshua is finished (but I want to go through it with Henry), and about fifty of the Psalms. About half of Genesis and Exodus is done, too ; but I have to go over this again. Before I get an answer to this letter, I am likely, if the Lord will, to get the Pentateuch and a good deal of the Historical Books translated. I should like to know what you think of this, i.e., my doing it without the Hebrew. There is another even more important matter that I wished to write about. I don't think the Com mittee can realize how much difficulty most men have in learning these African languages, else I don't think they would send men, not specially qualified, into a country where the language is not LANGUAGE STUDY. 195 known. I believe that it's, in most cases, worse than useless sending a man who has not had special training in language and the theory of it, to such a place ; it is awfully trying to himself, physically and spiritually ; at the same time, very discouraging ; and I cannot but strongly suspect that it would account for a good many promising careers cut short. The long period that must elapse, before such a man can express to the natives the object which has brought him there, must surely cause a host of misconceptions on their part ; his apparently luxurious life — as it is to them — must surely give them very misleading ideas which for years the Missionary can't correct. It isn't enough to send a man of ordinary all-round education ; he ought to have made a special study of language — that is, thoroughly compared the structure of any two languages ; and, besides that, he ought to know Steere's book (except the vocabularies) absolutely, so as to know the skeleton of a Bantu lauguage. I beg to respectfully suggest to the Committee to appeal specially for such men — Cambridge men, e.g., who have at least got a Second in Classics ; and, further, that Stations, where a new language has to be learnt, should not be opened till such men be forthcoming, as otherwise great expense will be incurred and perhaps more harm done than good. The language once mastered and a grammar written, men with less aptitude for languages, but, perhaps, far better Missionaries can step in and, without unnecessary loss of precious time and health, begin work. But to send such a man up in the 196 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. first instance, what a sad waste ! I assure you, the majority of the men whom I've seen in the field closely, wouldn't learn a new language without help in twenty years. If you doubt this, write a circular to the Missionaries, asking them how long they they suppose they would be learning a new language without any sort of help from books. I expect the average would put down ten years. I hope I don't seem to be puffing the facility which I have in learning a language : after all the years I've spent on the subject, I should be a duffer if I hadn't profited at all by it ; what have I that I haven't received ? But I assure you I am prompted to write this by the earnest desire to see the Gospel preached to all nations, an object which I am convinced will only be retarded by sending men not specially trained in language to new stations in the first instance. If men, interested in language, knew what a magnificent . field this is, they might come for that reason ; but I had rather they came for the Gospel's sake — but the other reason might do as a counterpoise to fever, journeys, and other annoyances." Commenting in another place on the need of trained men for language work, Pilkington writes — " Let those who are sometimes inclined to feel that the years spent on Greek and Latin were partially wasted come out here, and in one short year I venture to say they will have ' redeemed the time ' so spent. Do any such think they are too good for Africa ? If so, may God forgive them a thought so presumptuous and silly ! They will get LANGUAGE STUDY. 197 no higher returns on any abilities, spiritual, intellectual, physical, which God has given them for investment, than they will get in Africa, and, perhaps, especially here. Every qualified worker might be the means, in God's hands, of sending out in a few years time, say twenty, well-taught, spiritual, zealous Baganda as missionaries to the surrounding nations — each one of them in many ways far superior to an English missionary. Would not this repay any labour, any loss ? The evangelization of Africa is visible from Uganda. How long it is to be before it shall be an accomplished fact Christian England must decide." At this time he was working at a Root dictionary, of which he writes as follows : — " I aim at 20,000 words. I don't think I shall find this difficult. Luganda is a very wealthy language. I think it will be necessary to go in for a little Luyima (or Kituse) and Lusoga to do the root work perfectly. These three languages are barely more than dialects and throw enormous light on one another. So does Swahili, but to a much smaller extent. I have also written, some time ago, for a Zulu grammar, as I have reason to think (I have a Zulu Prayer Book) this language very closely allied to Luganda. I am very hopeful — from the slight investigations I have been able to make into Lusoga and Luyima — that a single Bible will do for these two countries, and Uganda, as well as Unyoro (I expect). The idea (once entertained, I believe) that Swahili would do for these countries is a mere dream. It would 198 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. be about the same thing us trying to introduce German into England. Luganda is entirely different from and superior to Swahili. Out of a considerable number of Lusoga words I have got, five, I think, in every ten, are identical with Luganda, four the same root, modified, perhaps, and with a different prefix, and one a totally different word, although often a word which also occurs in Luganda but in a different sense. In the Root dictionary, I hope to be able to include (by a simple system of signs that won't, I think, interfere with its usefulness and handiness for Luganda) a good many Lusoga and Luyima and Lunyoro words — the roots being identical in so many cases, this will not be difficult in a Root dictionary ; and where they differ they do so by regular changes. It would be well still to have a Vocabulary on the old system, as in Steere's book, for beginners, containing the words in everyday use only. My own belief is that a thorough knowledge of the language must be gained if Uganda is to be the great centre of civilization and teaching which I cannot but suppose the Committee expect it to be. . . . In order to give you a better idea of what I propose to do in the Dictionary, I give a couple of roots worked — good specimens of course; you mustn't suppose that all roots are equally prolific, but I think you will admit these to be very pretty- Three thousand such roots would give a very ample vocabulary." (For specimen quoted above see p. 199.) A little later he describes the eagerness of the people to obtain books. LANGUAGE STUDY. 199 7£ue*£~ OSux&Jinia,, t. y ^R^^J. TiJLtjVr 'P&u*- +*- -te$£, U***»^). 'V&fLcLy, VT 'rcoCyejL. rn. e^e,s irUrx. -hSLiL^C' *< i^ivm ,k mjBSk^mB*- 7^& ?mB '¦ %% * • P^ .j*- * t W^LvKBm wL*^ ^ m|f I1 If - m ' K ¦ ¦ - iiiiiiiiiiiiiiyn ! j a**- ' ' -~M '-¦-...-. tf£fj. . G. L. PILKINGTON IN UGANDA, 1897. From a photograph by Dr. A. R. Cook. CHAPTER XVIII. THE SECOND MUTINY. With the coronation of the new king and the formation of a . Council of trustworthy chiefs to admininister the government, it was hoped that peace and quietness had been secured once more, and on the 13th of September, Pilkington writes : — " Mwanga has been taken to the South of the Lake, and the country is settling down again. I am working at the Luima language, the shepherd tribe ; and also at ' Elementary Luganda Lessons.' I have just perceived how very important a part of a language intonation is (thanks to Sweet), and I am working at that specially now; many words are distinguished only by intonation. I am having two Classes per week with the teachers, to help them with (i) preaching, (ii) read ing, and (iii) teaching. I am trying to show them at present how to preach from notes. I go round to different Churches on Sundays, and take special note of the preaching and reading. Miss Chadwick is doing something at Arabic ; I have lent her my Grammar. I am teaching one of my boys to use the typewriter ; he can copy fairly correctly now ; I hope soon to make great use of him. 319 320 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. We have started football lately ! I play most afternoons. It is great fun and good for the boys. The rebellion is still greatly hindering the work ; I hope we shall be able to resume fully soon." With regard to the football, Dr. Cook writes : — " September 2nd. " Archdeacon Walker has got a football out from England, and Pilkington has been diligently coach ing the boys. It is very comic to see him, as he enters with great earnestness into it. . . . I, with my boys and about ten others, stood Pilkington and another lot. We got two goals each. We play on a large grass field between Kampala and Rubaga." Meanwhile a danger was at hand greater than had ever yet threatened British rule in Uganda. In order to understand the situation rightly, it may be well to remind ourselves of the method by which the Protectorate of Uganda was being administered. At the end of 1891 it will be remembered that Captain Lugard brought into Uganda a number of Sudanese who had at one time been in the service of Emin Pasha. Since then — in spite of the treachery of Selim Bey, which, but for Captain (now Major) Macdonald's prompt action, might have had the most serious consequences — the Sudanese had con tinued to be employed as the chief soldiers in the employ of the government, and not only was the garrison at Kampala largely composed of them, but they were scattered over the country to form garrisons for various forts under the command of British officers. That their influence upon the people THE SECOND MUTINY. 321 of the country had been an evil one, can hardly be doubted, but, at the same time, they were well- trained fighting men, and served a useful purpose. During 1897, they had their hands full, going from one place to another, in order to put down the revolution, and in August, Major Ternan left for the coast with a company of Sudanese who had been engaged in the recent fighting, in order that they might join Major Macdonald, who had been commissioned by the British Foreign Office to con duct an exploratory expedition to the north of Lake Rudolph. Major Ternan accordingly met Major Macdonald, as arranged, and the latter was just starting northwards, when, owing to certain reasons, disaffection spread amongst the Sudanese who had come from Uganda, who accordingly deserted him. Of the causes of their disaffection, and the blame which might be attached to one or another in this unfortunate affair, it would be out of place to enter on here, suffice it to say that after unsuccessful attempts on the part of Mr. Jackson to come to terms with them, they made their way towards Uganda. They were joined by other Sudanese from the forts of Nandi and Mumia's, and eventually reached Luba's in Busoga. With this brief statement we may now turn to the graphic account of the outbreak of the mutiny given by Dr. A. R. Cook. " In Camp at Luba's, October 23rd, 1897. Terrible things have happened in Uganda. About three weeks ago, 300 Sudanese soldiers from 322 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. the Kampala garrison at Mengo were sent to the Ravine (Eldoma station). Here they mutinied, and looted a large store of the Government Agent's. All the Government stations in Uganda are manned by Sudanese — perhaps 1,800 in all. After revolting, they determined to march back to Mengo, raise the standard of revolt, kill the Europeans, and start a Sudanese kingdom here. They arrived at the station of Nandi and looted it, obtaining, among other things, 3,000 rounds of ball cartridge. Fortified by this and provided with plenty of ammunition (nearly 40,000 rounds of ball cartridge), they marched on to Mumia's. Here Tomkins, though he had only heard native reports, had fully grasped the situation and promptly disarmed all his garrison, armed the few Swahilis he could get, and prepared to fight to the death. He cut down all the bushes round, &c, and, when the mutineers appeared, they were so cowed they failed to attack. Passing on through Busoga, they killed the natives and looted the cattle, finally appearing before the fort at Luba's. Meanwhile, rumours were brought to us at Mengo of what was going on, and Major Thruston started off at once to meet the mutineers. Though repeatedly warned, he declared he was perfectly confident as to the loyalty of his men, and, being a splendid Arabic scholar, was confident that he could persuade his troops to remain loyal. He crossed over to Luba's and admitted thirty of the mutineers to a conference. They immediately revolted, with the whole garrison at Luba's, and seized Major Thruston and the commander of the fort, Wilson, and tied them up. THE SECOND MUTINY. 323 They then occupied the fort. Of course, the great danger was a general rising of the Sudanese through out Uganda and the massacre of the Europeans. We heard the news at Mengo on Monday night (October 18th). The officers were seized on the Saturday, and we also heard that our two Busoga missionaries, Weatherhead and Wilson, were both in chains in the fort. This turned out to be false. Special messages were instantly sent out to all the ladies and other missionaries to come into the capital. That night we hardly got any sleep, as it was feared the Sudanese garrison would rise. It was decided, on the advice of the native chiefs, not to send the ladies away to an island, as they said they would be probably speared en route by the Bakopi. Early in the morning, we made our way to Kampala, and rifles and ammunition were served out to us, the Hotchkiss gun and Maxim were got ready, and then the Sudanese were summoned to lay down their arms, which, to our great relief, they did. Meanwhile, the Baganda were being summoned in from every side, and hurried off to the Nile to prevent the Sudanese from crossing. It was a great answer to prayer that the Sudanese were disarmed so quietly. None of us quite knew if we should go back that morning. On Tuesday, October 19th, matters were so " threatening that Mr. Wilson (the Acting-Commis sioner of Uganda) asked for volunteers from the missionaries, as he wanted to give moral support to the Baganda, and they placed great confidence in the missionaries. We at once held a conference of 324 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. all the male missionaries in Mengo, and it was decided that Pilkington and myself should go — Pilkington to act as interpreter, myself for medical duty. This was the unanimous opinion of Archdeacon Walker and all the missionaries. Meanwhile, the Mohammedan Baganda had joined the rebels, and things looked worse and worse. Fortunately, the ex- Mohammedan king, who is a political prisoner at Mengo, remained loyal to the Government, and actually sent in the letters he had received from the rebels telling him to make himself king and kill us all. The attacking expedition consisted of fifteen Europeans and 2,500 Baganda, but, at the last moment, all the Europeans — save Pilkington, myself, Captain Malony, and Mr. Malick — were recalled, and also 1,000 of the Baganda, to make the capital quite secure. We started — i.e. Pilkington and myself — at 3 p.m. on Wednesday afternoon, and pitched our camp with the Katikiro, only four miles from Mengo. After three and a half hours' sleep, we struck camp at 4 a.m., and marched thirty-one miles to Ngogwe. We were not too tired, though my arms were badly burnt by the sun ; for, as the sky was covered with clouds, I marched with my coat off and my shirt sleeves rolled up to the elbow. At Ngogwe we found Baskerville, who decided to stick to his post until we returned, as in all probability the station would be looted if he left. He is now in no danger, as our army is between him and the Nubians. Meanwhile, we heard the distressing news that THE SECOND MUTINY. 325 the Government steamer, which had been sent with forty Sudanese soldiers and a Maxim to fight the rebels, had fallen into their hands. These Sudanese revolted and joined their companions, seizing the unfortunate engineer. We had also the good news that Major Macdonald and nine other Europeans had hastily armed 300 Swahili porters, and, with eighteen Sikhs, were keeping one day's march behind the mutineers. Pilkington and I were well ahead of the other Europeans and were able to open up com-. munication with Macdonald. All the ladies and men, with the exception of the two Koki missionaries and Buckley in Toro, were now in the capital. Weatherhead had a marvellous escape. He was on his way up to the capital for a visit to Ngogwe, when, hearing there was trouble in Busoga, and not understanding that the Sudanese had risen, he at once started back to look after his station. He arrived at Luba's at 4 a.m., Saturday morning, just as the rebels were tying up the officers, and, passing quietly through them, went over the hill to his station and lay down to rest. In a short time, however, Unwa, the faithful Buganda teacher, rushed in and' told him of his imminent peril. Groups of Sudanese were then passing the house, and he hurried him away through the bananas and jungle, and crossed the Nile at Jinja (the Ripon Falls), and so on to Ngogwe, carrying him on his back part of the way, and then put him in a canoe and sent him to Mengo, where he is now safe and sound. Of our other missionary in Busoga, Wilson, we have no definite news, but 326 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. believe he is quite safe, as he is twenty-five miles north. To return to Pilkington and myself. After a very disturbed night at Ngogwe, we pressed sternly on, and at 9 a.m. sighted the Nile in the far distance. We arrived opposite Luba's, and saw the rebel fort five miles across the Nile at 1.45 p.m., having reached the Nile ffifty-nine miles) in forty-six and a half hours after leaving Mengo. Meanwhile, Major Macdonald had fought a great battle on the 19th, and, though driving off the rebels, was very short of ammunition. One European, Fielding, was killed and two wounded, including the doctor: We had sent back urgent messages for ammunition, and at 10 p.m. it arrived. There were only two small canoes, however, so we sent it on and crossed over with the Katikiro and a fleet of twelve canoes in the morning, and, making a long detour to avoid the rebel fort, arrived at Macdonald's camp at noon, where we had a most warm welcome. Meanwhile, (on the 20th) the rebels had brutally murdered the three prisoners — Major Thruston, Wilson (the Government captain), and Scott (the engineer). Mr. Jackson, who was on his way to be Acting-Commis sioner until Mr. Berkeley returns, is severely wounded in the shoulder, and thanked us most warmly for coming. Dr. Macpherson was wounded himself, and, though suffering, had all the wounded to look after ; he was most grateful for my assistance. The fight on Tuesday was most severe ; Major Macdonald's party managed to arrive at the summit of this hill without the Nubians seeing them. He THE SECOND MUTINY. 327 had with him two Maxims, about 250 Swahili porters armed with Sniders and Martinis, eighteen Sikhs, and nine other Europeans. Next morning, 300 of the Sudanese, who, of course, are well armed and disciplined, came up laughing and chatting, and saying they did not want to fight. Major Macdonald was not a man to be caught napping, and quietly got everything ready. Suddenly the Sudanese crammed cartridges in their rifles, and fired on the Europeans, and for over five hours a fierce battle raged, the men often firing at only thirty yards' distance. At length the ammunition of the Major's party began to fail, and, giving the word to charge, they made a desperate effort and drove the Sudanese back, who then retired to their fort, where they have remained since. They lost sixty-four killed and thirty or forty wounded ; our side, one European and sixteen Swahilis, and many severely wounded. The Sikhs fought magnificently. Some 2,500 Baganda have now crossed over, and the rebels are cooped up. The Hotchkiss gun is expected in to-morrow, and if they do not surrender then, I suppose there will be some desperate fighting. Of course, there are no non-combatants in Centra Africa, and Pilkington and I take our turn at night duty, etc., each having our allotted station in case of an attack. The view from here is superb, thirty miles each way. Through the telescope we can see the rebels walking about below ; two or three days longer will settle it. There are still some corpses lying unburied, but the vultures and hyaenas are clearing them away. 328 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. My hands are very busy with the wounded. I know how much you will remember us in prayer — it is a very serious time for Uganda. We cannot feel certain as to the garrisons in Budu (300 Sudanese and two officers), or in Toro and Bunyoro. The answers to prayer have been wonderful. The camp is pitched about the very spot where Bishop Hannington was seized. If it comes to a fight, Pilkington and myself will stick together. I feel sure we are here in the line of God's will." •» " October 24th, (Sunday). Mail now going — the rebels are hemmed in and cannot possibly escape. The men here are practising for an attack as I am writing. We had an alarm this morning, and all turned out ; but the enemy merely sent out a strong picket. There are now most of the big Baganda chiefs with us, and perhaps 3,000 or 4,000 spearmen and guns. Port Victoria and Ntebe are practically abandoned. The capital is strongly manned and quite safe. No one quite knows what will happen, but it will be just right. Of course, Mission work in the country is almost stopped. The ladies behaved very pluckily when the alarm came. All eight are at the capital, and probably Namirembe Hill will be fortified. Poor Thruston ! Only a few days ago he was chatting with -me, and showing me his sketches from Bunyoro ; and Wilson, too, last time I was here, he so kindly entertained us — and now . God has been very good to us and the whole Mission. For a time there was very real danger, THE SECOND MUTINY. 329 but now I trust it is passing over. All of us Europeans (except the sick ones) are messing together. I must now close." Dr. Cook has already referred to the reasons which led him and Pilkington, after conference with the other Missionaries and with their unanimous approval, to help in quelling the mutiny ; but as it is of the greatest importance to understand the circumstances aright, it may be well to quote Pilkington's own view of his position and also that of Major Macdonald. On November 23rd, Pilkington wrote a letter to be sent home in case of his death, in which he says : — " We go down to-morrow morning to attack the Sudanese, and, as it is possible that I may be killed, I write this to be sent to you in that case. I hope you won't think my being here and my going down with Capt. Woodward unjustifiable for a Missionary. It seems to me to be my clear duty, and I go without any doubt or hesitation. I may be able to save many lives by maintaining a clear understanding between Woodward and the Waganda : to put it another way, a misunderstanding might cost many lives." But nothing could make matters clearer than the following letter from Major Macdonald, in answer to a letter from Archdeacon Walker, asking how soon it would be possible to dispense with the services of the other Missionaries who remained with Major Macdonald after Pilkington's death : — " With reference to your wish to know whether 330 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. it would not be possible to withdraw from the army in Usoga the two members of the C.M.S. who are serving with the forces there, I have the honour to inform you that I consider such a step would be highly undesirable and fraught with public danger. Messrs. Lloyd and Fletcher, together with the late Mr. Pilkington, whose death I so deeply deplore, have lent invaluable assistance in acting as inter preters between the Government officers and the Waganda, in carrying orders and in preventing misunderstandings which might so easily occur. Their withdrawal in this crisis would undoubtedly greatly detract from the value of our Uganda levies, who, in the siege of the mutineers' fort, at Lubwa's, have to fight in a way to which they are quite unaccustomed. I have no hesitation in saying that, but for the presence of the members of the Mission with the army in Usoga, the Waganda would lose far more heavily than they have done, as they would not so fully understand the wishes and plans of the officer commanding. I need hardly mention that the present military operations are quite different from an ordinary campaign in Uganda, as our very existence, whether Government officials, missionaries, or traders, depends on our quelling this mutiny. It behoves all British subjects, whatever their profession, to stand together until the mutiny is suppressed, and, far from agreeing to the withdrawal of Messrs. Lloyd and Fletcher, I would ask you whether you could not spare another member of your Mission to help these gentlemen in their arduous duties. THE SECOND MUTINY. 331 I am aware that these duties are not those for which they came to Uganda, but when the existence of the Protectorate, and consequently of the Missions, the lives and honour of English ladies, and the saving of bloodshed are at stake, I have no hesitation in calling on all British subjects to assist in these military operations to the extent of their power." When these circumstances are realised, and when it is understood that the Missionaries were not fighting against the natives of the country, but standing shoulder to shoulder with their own native brethren to help to defend them and their country from what was in effect a foreign invader, who could suggest that they were not in the place of duty? But to return to the situation in Busoga. On November 4th, Dr. Cook returned to Mengo in charge of Mr. Jackson and others who were wounded. Pilkington still remained on, and on November 12th, 1897, after referring to the battle described by Dr. Cook, which took place on October 19th, he writes : — " Next afternoon, the friendly Waganda began arriving, and then the position began to change to what it is now ; the Sudanese shut into their fort, and getting into a bad way for want of food. The Waganda have twice fought with them, and inflicted considerable loss, losing themselves, alas, some 25 killed and 80 wounded ; five of the killed, teachers of ours. We are waiting now for ammunition before going down to the fort to invest it by making 332 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. a fort or forts if necessary round it. I am to go with Major Macdonald as ' staff officer ! ' in order to interpret between him and the Waganda. We had a night attack the other day ; the Sudanese came up in the middle of a great storm and fired 20 or 30 shots ; we fired 137, including some rounds from the Maxim. It was 12.30 a.m., and I got wet through. We have night watches, after every second night, at first more frequently. The Waganda fought most bravely the other day, to the great surprise and admiration of the men here ; but their praise is poor compensation for the lives of our friends. Dr. Cook returned a week ago to the Capital with Mr. Jackson (shot through one lung, going on well) and other wounded. About the same time Fletcher, Lloyd and Wilson, all of C.M.S., came here, so we are four missionaries here ; and two Roman Catholics came a few days later. Captain Kirkpatrick, one of Major Macdonald's officers, is a cousin of Lefroy of Delhi, and met E — at Delhi. Captain Woodward, also, was at Harrow, and so knows many whom I know. Major Macdonald, you remember, was in Uganda before, and saved the country from a Mohammedan outbreak, He has saved it a second time now. No man has been in Uganda for whom I have a greater respect and admiration. The great danger was that the rest of the Sudanese in Uganda and Unyoro, over a thousand in all, would join the mutineers, and that they THE SECOND MUTINY. 333 would be joined by all the Mohammedan Waganda ; or that the rebel heathen party, Mwanga's friends, would seize the opportunity to make fresh trouble. However, up the present all is quiet. The rest of Major Macdonald's expedition, 400 strong and four Europeans, have been sent for. And 800 Indian soldiers from the Coast are ex pected in a couple of months. Then things ought to be pretty secure. But, after all, our trust is, and has been, in God, who has always so wonder fully overruled all sorts of evil in this country to His glory invariably." " Luba's, 26th November, 1897. Dearest Mother, — I must write a line to tell you of the fight two days ago, lest you should be anxious. We went down to the fort first thing in the morning, the Wasoga and Waganda on our flanks. However, the Waganda went too fast ahead, and were met by the Sudanese, whom they drove back into the fort, but with frightful loss to themselves, 71 killed 180 wounded, among them one of my friends, Obadiya, who wrote you that letter, shot dead. We 1 00k up a line about 250 or 300 yards from the fort. I was with Woodward, who was in command, about 50 yards further back, but I spent most of the day superintending the making, by Waganda, of a fort which we intended to occupy at night, about 450 yards from the fort. Firing was very brisk at first, and two or three sorties were 334 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. made, and driven back, but the heavy firing was too much for the Waganda workmen, of whom one was killed and one wounded ; but they would run away in parties when the bullets came much over our heads ; and so by evening the fort was not finished, and we had to leave it. The Sudanese broke it up next morning. The position in Uganda is still serious, because more Sudanese may mutiny, or there may be a fresh anti-European rebellion among the Waganda; but these things haven't happened yet, thank God. And the Sudanese here are much reduced in numbers, and can have very little communication left. The rest of Major Macdonald's expedition (450 rifles) is expected soon, and Indian troops. It's terrible to see these Waganda being killed in a quarrel not theirs but ours It was some comfort to share a little of the danger the other day. . I sometimes half wish that some of us Europeans had been killed, or at any rate wounded, if it weren't for friends at home. All the Europeans except those on watch and three Roman Catholics came to a prayer Meeting the evening before. We, and the Country, and God's work here, are all in His hands, and it's all right. Your loving son, G. L. Pilkington." This letter, written in pencil, is actually the last letter received from him. THE SECOND MUTINY. 335 On December nth, the following letter was written by Major Macdonald to Archdeacon Walker : — "Luba's Hill, nth December, 1897. Dear Archdeacon, — I am very sorry to say that Pilkington was killed in to-day's fight. I know what a loss this is to you all and to Uganda, and more especially does my heart-felt sympathy go out to Miss Taylor, as such brave, fine men as Pilkington are scarcely found. I cannot quite express what I feel, as not only have I lost in Pilkington an old friend, but my brother was also killed in to-day's fight. We also lost seven natives killed and fifteen wounded, and the Waganda lost three killed and ten wounded, but the Nubians were completely defeated, and lost more than all our loss together. The Nubians fought desperately to prevent our cutting the last of their shambas on the right, but it was no use ; they were repulsed at every point and driven from the position they took up, and the Waganda, under Fletcher, completed the destruction of the shambas. So our victory, though dearly purchased, was complete. Yours very sincerely, W. R. S. Macdonald." This letter was accompanied by a detailed account of that sad day from the pen of Mr. A. B. Lloyd : — 336 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. " The Fort, Luba's Hill, December nth, 1897. But I must tell you some of the details. It was arranged this morning that the banana gardens from which the Nubians get their food should be cut down by the Waganda. A covering party was to go out to the front, clear the gardens of all Nubians, and the cutting party directed by our dear brother, to follow after. The advance began about seven a.m. Pilkington took up his position with Captain Harrison, who was leading the attack. Presently Pilkington's boy (Aloni), who was by his side, shouted out ' There they are, close to us.' Both Pilkington and Captain Harrison saw men coming towards them, but thought them Waganda, and told Aloni so, but he being quite sure about it, fired a shot into them as they advanced, and this proved, without doubt, that they were Nubians, for they then opened their fire upon our men. One man took several deliberate aims at Pilkington, but missed him. Then Pilkington fired a few shots at him, but the shots went wide, and then it was that he fired again at our brother, shooting him right through the thigh and bursting the femoral artery. He cried out, ' Harrison, I'm hit,' and sat down on the ground. One of Harrison's Nubian officers then shot at the man, who was still close by, who had wounded Pilkington. He missed him, and the fellow returned the fire, hitting the officer in the left arm, breaking his arm, and shouted out to him, ' Bilal, what are you doing here ? Go back to Egypt. Have you come here to fight against your THE SECOND MUTINY. 337 brothers ? ' ' Yes,' said Bilal, ' you are rebels, and we will wipe you all out.' And with his right hand he drew his revolver and shot the man who had killed Pilkington. While this was going on Harrison had made arrangements for some Waganda to carry Pilkington back to the fort. Aloni knelt down by his side and said, ' Sebo bakukubye,' (' Sir, have they shot you ? ') Pilkington replied, ' Wewao omwana wange bank- ubeye ' (' Yes, my child, they have shot me ') ; then he seemed to get suddenly very weak, and Aloni said to him, ' My master, you are dying, death has come,' to which he replied, ' Yes, my child, it is as you say." Then Aloni said, ' Sebo, he that believeth in Christ, although he die, yet shall he live. To this Pilkington replied, ' Yes, my child it is as you say, shall never die.' Then they carried him some little distance to the rear of the battle which was now raging most furiously. When they had put him down again he turned to those who carried him and said, 'Thank you, my friends, you have done well to take me off the battle-field ; and now give me rest,' and almost immediately he became insensible and rested from his pain. They then brought him into the camp, but we soon saw that the end was very near. We did all we could to restore him, but he fell quietly asleep about 8.30. Just before they brought in Pilkington, Lieu tenant Macdonald was brought in quite dead, shot right through the spine by Nubians concealed 7: 338 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. in the long grass. It was awful work, and one's heart seemed to melt within one. The fight lasted till about 12 o'clock midday. The banana cutting went on ahead and a huge garden was levelled to the ground. Fletcher took Pilkington's place in this work. At midday, the force came back to the fort. The Nubians had fought with more determination than ever before. They made repeated charges down upon our men and poured in volleys of shot. Still, our total loss was comparatively small. I suppose, all counted, Waganda and all, not more than 30 killed and wounded. The Nubians, we think, lost far more than that. We are hoping that they have got through their cartridges, and that they will not again be able to fight with such cruel results. But it is a bad business, and there must be a good deal of fighting yet before all is over." "December 12th. Last night another attack was made by the Nubians upon our lower fort, but with little success — not more than two wounded on our side. We buried Macdonald and Pilkington last even ing under a tree outside of this fort. I read the English burial service, and all the Europeans, with the Sikhs, attended. A most solemn time." CHAPTER XIX. a last word. To give expression in any adequate degree to the sense of the loss sustained by the Church of Christ and the British nation generally, by the death of George Pilkington, would occupy more space than we have at our disposal. The public Press, secular and religious, Committees of Missionary Societies, and individuals of all ranks and opinions, have joined with one voice in lamenting the sudden cutting off of a life characterised by such singular gifts and graces. But most touching of all are the messages that have been received from the people of Uganda, from his fellow-missionaries, and from Government officials who knew him in the field. First of all we may give, as representing the feelings of the Christians of Uganda, the letter of the Rev. Henry Wright Duta, Pilkington's chief assistant in the translation of the Bible. He writes to the Rev. E. Millar as follows : — " Uganda, December 14th, 1897. My Dear Millar, — How are you, my friend ? I tell you about the sorrow which has just come to us about 339 340 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. our brother, Mr. Pilkington, whom we love very much. He was killed in the Sudanese war in Usoga on December nth. When he saw that the Baganda and the Govern ment were going to war with the Sudanese because they had mutinied — you know what his love for us is — he went to the war with Dr. Cook, Lloyd, and Fletcher ; and of the Baganda many — no — were killed, but of all the English not one was killed. Pilkington was very sorry, and said, ' I want very much to die. I should have liked to have died in place of those Baganda.' Well, when they fought for the fourth time they killed him and Lieutenant Macdonald, but we were all very much distressed at the death of Pilkington. We all shed tears ; we cried our eyes out. Of Pilkington we have only now the footprints ; but it is difficult to follow in the footsteps when the leader is not there. Pilking ton has died, but his work has not died ; it is still with us. He preached to all men the Gospel — Protestants, Roman Catholics, and Mohammedans, all lamented him when he died, because he was beloved by all. He always welcomed both the wise and the foolish. All black people were his friends. We jsorrow very much, beyond our strength ; we do not see among the missionaries whom we have anyone who can fill his place and take on his work. I worked very hard at teaching him Luganda ; he learnt it very well, and was able to speak Luganda like a native, and could translate any book into Luganda without my help, and I was not afraid of him making any mistakes. A LAST WORD. 341 You see ¦ this is what makes all of us Baganda so sad. Where is another Englishman to give himself as he did to this work of translating our books ? Therefore, I want you, if you are still in England, and have not yet left, to go to the Com mittee of the Church Missionary Society and tell thern how our brother Pilkington has been killed ; tell them the Baganda sorrow very much for Pilkington — that if we could write their language (English) we would have written to them in tears, and our tears would have fallen upon the letter as we begged them to seek for a man of Pilkington's ability, and to beg him to come here and take on Pilkington's work. His body will be disinterred from Usoga, and buried here in Uganda, near our church, that we may always remember him. If we had known how to carve his likeness on stone we would have done it ; but the sight of his tomb will suffice us. My friend Millar, I entreat you, do not fail to send my message to the leaders of the C.M.S., that they may send us someone to succeed Pilkington ; and you yourself, do you beseech with tears those Christians, who have hearts filled with the love of Jesus Christ, to come and pity us and help us. It would be an excellent thing to circulate this letter among all the English. I know their love for us. They will hear us. I trust so. H. W. D. Kilakule." "Someone to succeed Pilkington," that is the plea of the Church in Uganda, and shall they 342 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. plead in vain ? To our readers we leave the answer to this question. By his colleagues his loss is very keenly felt, as the following extracts from letters by Archdeacon Walker and the Rev. G. K. Baskerville, clearly show. Archdeacon Walker, in a private letter from Ugan da, dated December 21st, 1897, writes as follows: — " By telegram you will have heard of the sad loss this Mission has sustained in the death of Mr. Pilkington. We have lost not only a friend, but one who was completely devoted to the work here. Pilkington was always ready to give advice, and to hear patiently any matter that concerned the good of these people. He was a man of very great intellectual ability, and had gained a very complete knowledge of the native language. We had hoped that he would have prepared many useful books for these people. A commentary, and histories, as well as a grammar and dictionary, were all in contemplation, and partly begun. We always looked to Pilkington for advice in any forward movement. He was so fair in all his judgments, and so much respected and beloved by all the people, that his "influence was very largely felt. We always felt that Pilkington was so much in sympathy with the natives that he could do almost anything he liked with them. But now he has been taken from us, and we are deprived of all the help and comfort his presence gave us. I trust the native Christians, and especially the ordained men, will exert themselves, and so supply in some measure what we have lost." Mr. Baskerville, who was Pilkington's companion A LAST WORD. 343 on so many occasions, and especially in his journeys to and from Africa, writes : — " My heart bleeds about dear Pilkington. I can not see how the gap will be filled in the work. Clear head, sound judgment, grasp of native language, customs, &c. ; universally respected by all creeds, a born leader. I feel as if I ought to write an ' In Memoriam,' but what can I say ? " From the Administration comes the following remarkable tribute. " Kampala, December 13th, 1897. Sir — I have been asked by Mr. Jackson and the whole of the staff of this Administration to give expression to the deep and heart-felt sympathy, which they feel with the members of the Church Missionary Society in the loss they have sustained by the death of our friend, Mr. Pilkington. We join with you all the more deeply, in that we feel that the misfortune is one that falls upon all Uganda, and I am sure that no higher tribute could be paid, nor one which Mr. Pilkington would have esteemed greater, than the sorrow which is expressed by the native population of the country for which he has worked so hard, and for the honour of which, I believe we can say in all sincerity, he has given up his life. I am, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, George Wilson. The Venerable Archdeacon Walker, Namirembe." 344 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. Captain Villiers, of the Royal Horse Guards, who had known Pilkington in Uganda, bears the following testimony to his work :— " It is owing to the attachment of the Protestant Waganda to men like Mr. Pilkington, that we have been able to hold Uganda so easily up the present time. In Mr. Pilkington's death the cause of civilization in Africa has received a severe blow, and England has lost a most devoted servant." One more quotation may be given, and that is from the letter of Bishop Hanlon, the English Roman Catholic Bishop in Uganda, who writes to Archdeacon Walker : — " We do heartily condole with you in the deep affliction that has befallen you by the death of a dear friend and fellow-labourer of such ability. I can to some extent realize, dear Archdeacon, what the death of a member of Mr. Pilkington's worth must mean to your mission, and that he has left a void it will be difficult to fill." From later information we learn that the wish of the people was carried out, and " on Friday, March 18th, Mr. Pilkington's body, which had been brought from Busoga, was buried with military honours at Mengo. The Acting Administrator and Major Macdonald and most of the officials and a large crowd of natives were present. The coffin was covered with a Union Jack, and a party of Swahilis and Punjabis fired a volley over the grave. The Rev. Henry Wright Duta and the Rev. G. K. Baskerville conducted the service. A grave had been dug in line with those of the other Europeans who had been buried on what is called the ' Church Hill.' " A LAST WORD. 345 Of the state of affairs in Uganda after Pilkington's death, it is sufficient to say that, after considerable trouble in dealing both with detachments of the mutineers and also with Mwanga and his con federates, the peace of the country seems to have been once more secured. Missionary work has been re-opened in many places where temporarily it had been closed, including Luba's in Busoga, and it is hoped that the future may see a great development from Uganda as a centre for all the surrounding countries. And now we have told our story, and we may close most fitly by giving Pilkington's concluding message from the little pamphlet, " The Gospel in Uganda," and which is entitled, " A Last Word." "We have stood together now in fancy on Namirembe's far-viewing summit ; we have looked across Unyoro's plains into the far Nile valley and the vast Sudan ; we have gazed in imagination across the Albert on into the Great Forest, and wondered when that strange pigmy race will learn that they, too, are objects of the Eternal Love. We have looked across many a mile into wild Kavirondo ; we have pictured the great Lake the centre of a united, active Church, sending its evangelists east and west, north and south, to many nations and many tongues. But now comes the question : Is all to end here ? Oh, let us be real ! Emotion is no substitute for action. You love Africa, do you ? ' God so loved that He gave—' God gave — what ? Superfluities ? Leavings ? That which cost Him nothing ? A 2 346 PILKINGTON OF UGANDA. ' When ye shall have done all, say, We are unprofitable servants ; we have done that which was our duty to do.' If we are doing less than all, we are robbing God. What is the present position ? (i.) The Son of God sitting on the right hand of His Father, all power in heaven and earth His, having reached the gift of the Holy Ghost' to pour on each yielded, believing soul. (ii.) The world wide open almost everywhere. (iii.) Two-thirds, at least, of the hutnan race having never heard the message of forgiveness which is for all. (iv.) Mohammedanism and Heathenism and In fidelity increasing more rapidly than Christianity ! (v.) Christians (so we call ourselves) satisfied ! Is God satisfied ? We salve our consciences by doing a little, and refuse to recognize the fact that the work for which the Lord died is not being done. A house is being built : the workman, paid by the day, does not care if for each brick he lays two others fall down : he gets his pay. But is the Master satisfied ? Let us confess that hitherto we have only been playing at Missions. God has given us much more than our miserable efforts have deserved. Let us begin in a new way. New prayer ; new giving ; new going. The World for Christ, Christ for the World, in this generation ! " 3 9002 00755 9173