Yale University Library Presented in Memory of Charles Andrew Armstrong Bennett Professor of Philosophy in Yale University By Several of his Friends This Memorial Collection was Established in 1 934 with the Books on Mysticism Gathered in London by Edward Hubbard Russell Ph.B. 1878 Yale College SAINT PAUL. THE HISTORY OF THE ORIGINS OF CHRISTIANITY. BOOK III. SAINT PAUL. BY EENEST RENAN, f •! Member of the French Academy. MATHIESON & COMPANY. New Inn Chambers, 41 Wych Street, W.O. ye 3 £5 CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction, ...... vii CHAP. I. First Journey of Paul — The Cyprus Mission, . 1 IT. Continuation of the First Journey of Paul — The Galatian Mission, ... .12 III. First Affair in regard to Circumcision, . . 28 IV. Slow Propagation of Christianity : Its Introduction at Rome, ...... 50 V. Second Journey of Paul — Another Sojourn at Galatia, 69 VI. Continuation of the Second Journey of Paul — The Macedonian Mission, .... 69 VII. Continuation of the Second Journey of Paul — Paul at Athens, ...... 86 VIII. Continuation of the Second Journey of Paul — First Sojourn at Corinth, ..... 110 IX. Continuation of the Second Journey of Paul — First Epistles — Interior Condition of the New Churches, . 119 X. Return of Paul to Antioch— Quarrel between Peter and Paul — Counter-Mission organised by James, Brother of the Lord. . . . .144 vi CONTENTS. CHAP. PAQB XI. Troubles in the Churches of Galatia, . . . 161 XII. Third Journey of Paul — Foundation of the Church at Ephesus, . . . . . .172 XIII. Progress of Christianity in Asia and Phrygia, . 1 82 XIV. Schisms in the Church of Corinth — Apollos — First Scandals, . . . . ¦ .191 XV. Continuation of the Third Journey of Paul— The Great Contribution — Departure from Ephesus, . 219 XVI. Continuation of the Third Journey of Paul — Second Stay of Paul in Macedonia, . , . . . 229 XVII. Continuation of the Third Mission — Second Stay of Paul at Corinth — The Epistle to the Romans, . 240 XVIII. Return of Paul to Jerusalem, .... 261 XIX. Last Stay of Paul at Jerusalem — His Apprehension, . 267 XX. Captivity of Paul at Caesarea of Palestine, . . 282 XXI. Paul's Voyage as a Prisoner, . , , .290 XXII. A Glance over the Work of Paul, . . .296 INTRODUCTION. CRITICISM OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. The fifteen or sixteen years of religious history comprised in this volume in the embryonic age of Christianity, are the years with which we are best acquainted. Jesus and the primitive Church at Jerusalem re semble the images of a far-off paradise, lost in a mysterious mist. On the other hand, the arrival of St Paul at Rome, in consequence of the step the Author of the Acts has taken in closing at that juncture his narrative, marks in the history of Christian origins the commencement of a profound darkness into which the bloody glare of the barbarous feasts of Nero, and the thunders of the Apocalypse, cast only a few gleams. In particular, the death of the Apostles is enveloped in an impenetrable obscurity. On the contrary, the era of the missions of St Paul, especially of the second mission and the third, is known to us through documents of the greatest value. The Acts, till then so legendary, become suddenly quite authentic ; the last chapters, com posed in part of the narrative of an eye-witness, are the sole complete historical writings which we have of the early times of Christianity. In fine, those years, through a privilege very rare in similar circum stances, provide us with documents, the dates of which are absolutely authentic, and a scries of letters, the most important of which have withstood all the tests of criticism, and which have never been sub jected to interpolations. In the introduction to the preceding volume, we have made an ex amination of the Book, of Acts. We must now discuss seriatim the different epistles which bear the name of St Paul. The Apostle informs us himself, that even during his lifetime there were in circulation in his name several spurious letters, and he often took precautions to prevent frauds. We are, therefore, only carrying out his intentions in subject ing the writings which have been put forth as his to a rigorous censorship. There are in the New Testament fourteen of such epistles, which it will be necessary at the outset to divide into two distinct categories. Thirteen of these writings bear in the text of the letter the name of the Apostle. In other words, these letters profess to be the works of Vlll SAINT PAUL. Paul, so that there is no choice between the following two hypotheses : either that Paul is really the author, or that they are the work of an impostor, who wished to have his compositions passed off as the work of Paul. On the other hand, the fourteenth epistle, the one to the Hebrews, does not bear the name of Paul in the superscription)* ; the author plunges at once in medias res without giving his name. The attribution of that epistle to Paul is founded only on tradition. The thirteen epistles which profess to belong to Paul may, in regard to authenticity, be ranged into five classes : — 1. Epistles incontestable and uncontested. These are the Epistles to the Galatians, the two Epistles to the Corinthians, and the Epistle to the Romans. 2. Epistles that are undoubted, although some objections have been taken to them. These are the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, and the Epistle to the Philippians. 3. Epistles of a probable authenticity, although grave objections have been taken to them. This is the Epistle to the Colossians, to which is annexed the note to Philemon. 4. Epistle doubtful. This is the epistle addressed to the Ephesians. 5. Epistles false. These are the two Epistles to Timothy, and the Epistle to Titus. We have nothing to remark here in regard to the epistles of the first category } the most severe critics, such as Christian Baur, accept them unreservedly. We shall hardly insist on discussing the epistles of the second class either. The difficulties which certain modern writers have raised against them, are merely those slight suspicions which it is the duty of the critic to point out frankly, but without being determined by them when stronger reasons should sway him. Now, these three epistles have a character of authenticity which outweighs every other consideration. The only serious difficulty which has been raised against the Epistles to the Thessalonians, is deduced from the theory of the Anti-Christ appended in the second chapter of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians, — a theory which seems identical with that of the Apocalypse, and which consequently assumed Nero to be dead when the books were written. But that objection permits of solution, as we shall see in the course of the present volume. The author of the Apocalypse only applied to his times an assemblage of ideas, one part of which went back even to the origins of Christian belief, while the other part had reference to the times of Caligula. The Epistle to the Colossians has been subjected to a much more serious fire of objections. It is undoubted that the language used in that epistle to express the part played by Jesus in the bosom of the divinity, as creator and prototype of all creation, trenches strongly on the language of certain other epistles, and seems to approach in style the writings attributed to John. In reading such passages one believes oneself to be in the full swing of Gnosticism. The language of the Epistle to the Colossians is far removed from that of the undoubted epistles. The vocabulary is a little different ; the style is more emphatic and more * la a note, the author defines " superscription " to mean the first phrase of the texts, and " title " as the heading of each chapter.— Translator. INTRODUCTION. ix round, and less abrupt and natural. At points it is embarrassed, decla matory and overcharged, similar to the style of the false Epistles to Timothy and to Titus. The ideas are hardly those with which one would expect to meet in Paul. Nevertheless, justification by faith occupies no longer the first place in the predilections of the Apostle. The theory of the angels is much more developed ; the seons begin to appear. The redemption of Christ is no longer simply a. terrestrial fact ; it is extended to the entire universe. Certain critics have been able to discern in many passages either imitations of the other epistles, or the desire of reconciling the peculiar bias of Paul to the different schools of his own (a desire so apparent in the author of the Acts), or the inclination to substitute moral and metaphysical formulas, such as love and science, for the formulas of faith and works which, during the first century, had caused so many contests. Other critics, in order to explain that singular mixture of things agreeable to Paul, and of things but little agreeable to him, have recourse to interpolations, or assume that Paul confided the editing of the epistle in question to Timothy. It is certain that when we sift this epistle to the bottom, as well as the one to the Philippians,.for a continued account of the life of Paul, we are not quite so successful as in the great epistles of certain authenticity, anterior to the captivity of Paul. In the latter, the operation furnished, so to speak, its own proofs ; the facts and the texts fit the one into the other without effort, and seem to recall one another. In the epistles pertaining to the captivity, on the contrary, more than one laborious combination is required, and more than one contradiction has to be silenced ; at first sight, the goings and comings of the disciples do not agree, many of the circumstances of time and place are presented, if we may so speak, backwards. There is, nevertheless, nothing about all this which is decisive. If the Epistle to the Colossians is, as we believe it to be, the work of Paul, it was written during the last days of the life of the Apostle, at a date when his biography is very obscure. We shall show later on that it is quite admissible, that the theology of St Paul, which, from the Epistles to the Thessalonians to the Epistle to the Romans, is so strongly de veloped, was developed still further in the interval between the Epistle to the Romans and that of his death. We shall show likewise, that the most energetic expressions of the Epistle to the Colossians were only a short advance upon those of the anterior epistles. St Paul was one of those men who, through their natural bent of mind, have a tendency to pass from one order of ideas to another, even though their style and their manner of perception present sentiments the most fixed. The taint of Gnosticism which is to be found in the Epistle to the Colossians is encountered, though less articulated in the other writings of the New Testament, in the Apocalypse, and in the Epistle to the Hebrews. In place of rejecting some passages of the New Testament in which are to be found traces of Gnosticism, we must sometimes reason inversely, and seek out in these passages the origin of the gnostic ideas which prevailed in the Second Century. We may, in a sense, even say, that these ideas were anterior to Christianity, and that nascent Christianity borrowed more than once from Gnosticism. In a X SAINT PAUL. word, the Epistle to the Colossians, though full of eccentricities, does not embrace any of those impossibilities which are to be found in the Epistles to Titus and to Timothy. It furnishes even many of those details which reject the hypothesis as false. Assuredly of this number is its connection with the note to Philemon. If the epistle is apocryphal, the note is apocryphal also ; yet few of the pages have so pronounced a tone of sincerity ; Paul alone, as it appears to us, could write that little master-piece. The apocryphal epistles of the New Testament — those, for example, to Titus and to Timothy — are awkward and dull. The Epistle to Philemon resembles in nothing these fastidious imitations. Finally, we shall soon show that the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians is in part copied from the Epistle to the Colossians, which leads to the supposition, that the compiler of the Epistle to the Ephesians firmly regarded the Epistle to the Colossians as an original apostolic. Note, also, that Marcion, who is in general so well informed in his criticism on the writings of Paul, — Marcion who so justly rejected the Epistles to Titus and to Timothy, — admits unreservedly in his collection the two epistles of which we have just been speaking. Infinitely more strong are the objections which can be raised against the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians. And first of all, note that this designation is nothing if not certain. The epistle has absolutely no seal of circumstance ; it is addressed to no one in particular ; those to whom it was addressed occupied for the moment a smaller place in the thoughts of Paul than his other correspondents. Is it admissible that Paul could have written to a Church with which he had so intimate relations, without saluting anybody, without conveying to the brethren the salu tations of the brethren with whom they were acquainted, and parti cularly Timothy, without addressing to his disciples some counsel, without reminding them of anterior relations, and without the com position presenting any of those peculiar features which constitute the most authentic character of the other epistles 1 The composition is addressed to converted Pagans ; now the Church at Ephesus was, in great part, Judaeo-Christian. When we remember with what eagerness Paul in all his epistles seized on and invented pretexts for speaking of his ministry and of his preaching, we ex perience a lively surprise in seeing him throughout the course of a letter addressed to these same Ephesians — " that for the space of three years he did not cease, night and day, to exhort with tears " — lose every opportunity presented to him of reminding them of his sojourn amongst them ; in seeing him, I Bay, obstinately confining himself to abstract philosophy, or, what is more singular, to the lifeless formulas least suited to the growth of the first Church. How different it is in the Epistles to the Corinthians, Galatians,Philippians, and Thessalonians, even in the Epistle to those Colossians, whom, however, the Apostle only knew indirectly. The Epistle to the Romans is the only one which in this respect resembles somewhat the epistles in question. Like them, the Epistle to the Romans is a complete doctrinal expose; ; whilst in re gard to the epistles addressed to those readers who had received from him the Gospel, Paul supposes always the basis of his teaching to be known, and contents himself with insisting upon some point which is related to INTRODUCTION. xi it. How does it come about that the only two impersonal letters of St Paul are, in the one case, an epistle addressed to a Church which he had never seen, and in the other, an epistle addressed to the Church with which he had the most extended and continuous relations ? The reading of the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians suffices, therefore, to awaken the suspicion that the letter in question had not been addressed to the Church at Ephesus. The evidence furnished by the manuscripts changes these suspicions into certainty. The words h> 'JZ(pio-(p, in the first verse, were introduced about the end of the fourth century. The Vatican manuscript, and the Codex Simaiticus, both of the fourth century, and whose authority, at least, when they are in accord, are more important than that of all the other manuscripts to gether, do not contain these words. A Vienne manuscript, the one which is designated in the collection of the Epistles of Paul by the figures 67, of the eleventh or twelfth centuries, presents them erased. St Basil maintains that the ancient manuscripts which he was able to consult did not have these words. Finally, the testimony of the third century proves that at that epoch, the existence of the said words in the first verse was unknown. If then everybody believed that the epistle of which we are speaking had been addressed to the Ephesians, it was in virtue of the title, and not in virtue of the superscription. A man who, in spite of the a priori dogmatic spirit which is often carried into the correction of the holy books, had frequently flashes of true criticism, Marcion (about 150 A.D.), contended that the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians was the Epistle to the Laodicseans, of whom St Paul speaks in the Epistle to the Colossians. That which appears the most certain is, that the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians was not addressed to any special Church, and that if it belongs to St Paul, it is a simple circular letter intended for the churches in Asia which were composed of con verted Pagans. The superscription of these letters, of which there are several copies, might present, according to the words tois oBcw, a blank destined to receive the name of the Church to which it was addressed. Perhaps the Church at Ephesus possessed one of these copies of which the compiler of the letters of Paul availed himself. The fact of finding one such copy at Ephesus appeared to him a sufficient reason for writ ing at the head Upbs 'Eipecrtovs. As it was omitted at an early date to preserve a blank after oSo-ik, the superscription became : tois aytois tois oSo-lv, xa(ow. As to the order of transcription, the Codex Vaticanus and the Codex Sinaiticus representing the Alex andrine tradition, place the epistle among those of Paul. The Grseco- Latin manuscripts, on the contrary, exhibit all the hesitation which still remained in the West during the first' half of the middle ages, as to the canonicity of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and, by consequence, its attribution to Paul. The Codex Bcernerianus omits it ; the Codex Augiensis gives it only in Latin after the epistlea of Paul. The Codex Claramontanus puts the epistle in question outside the list, as a sort of appendix, after the stichometry general of the writing, a proof that the epistle was not found in the manuscript from which the Claramon tanus was copied. In the aforesaid stichometry (a very ancient compo sition) the Epistle to the Hebrews does not appear, or, if it appears it is under the name of Barnabas. In fine, the errors which abound in the Latin text of the Epistle of the Claramontanus are sufficient to awaken the suspicion of the critic, and prove that that epistle was only included gradually, and as if surreptitiously, in the canon of the Latin Church. But there is uncertainty even as to the tradition. Marcion did not have the Epistle to the Hebrews in his collection of the epistles of Paul : the author of the canon attributed to Muratori omits it in his list. Irenseus was acquainted with the writing in question, but he did not consider it as belonging to Paul. Clement of Alexandria believed it was Paul's ; but he felt a difficulty in attributing it to him, and, to get out of the embarrassment, had recourse to a not very acceptible hypothesis : he assumes that Paul wrote the epistle in Hebrew, and that Luke translated it into Greek. Origen admits1 also, in a sense, the Epistle to the Hebrews aa belonging to Paul, but he recognised that many people denied that it had been written by the latter. Nowhere in it could he discover the style of Paul, and supposes, almost as Clement of Alexandria did, that the origin of the ideas belonged only to the Apostle. "The character of the style of the epistle," says he, "has not the ruggedness of that of the Apostle." This letter is, as regards the arrangement of the words, much more Hellenic, as everybody must avow who is capable of judging of the difference of styles. ... As for me, if I had to express an opinion, I should say that the thoughts are the Apostle's, but that the style and the arrangement of the words belong to some one who has revoked from memory the words of the Apostle, and who has reduced to writing the discourse of his master. If, then, any church maintains that this epistle belongs to Paul, it has only to prove it ; for the ancients must have had some reason to go on handing it down as the work of Paul. As to the question — Who wrote this epistle ? God alone knows the truth. Amongst the opinions which have been transmitted to us by history, one appears to have been written by Clement of Alexandria, who was Bishop of the Romans ; another by Luke, who wrote the Gospels and the Acts. Tertullian does not observe the same discretion: he unhesitatingly puts forward the Epistle to the Hebrews as the work of Paul. Gaius, a priest of Rome, St Hippolytus, and St Cyprian did not place it among the epistles of Paul. During the novatianistic quarrel, INTRODUCTION. XXV in which, for many reasons, this epistle might have been employed, it is not even mentioned. Alexandria was the centre where the opinion was formed that the Epistle to the Hebrews should be intercalated in the series of the letters of Paul. Towards the middle of the third century Dionysius of Alexandria appeared to entertain no doubt as to Paul being its author. From that time this became the opinion most generally accepted in the East ; nevertheless, protestations did not cease to make themselves heard. The Latins especially protested vigorously ; particularly the Roman Church, who maintained that the epistle did not belong to Paul. Eusebius hesitated much, and had recourse to the hypothesis of Clement of Alexandria and of Origen ; he was inclined to believe that the epistle had been composed in Hebrew by Paul, and translated by Clement of Rome. St Jerome and St Augustine have been at pains to conceal their doubts, and rarely cite that part of the canon without a reservation. Divers documents insist always in giving as the author of the work either Luke, Barnabas, or Clement. The ancient manu scripts of Latin production sufficed, as we have seen, to attest the repugnance which the West experienced when this epistle was put forward as a work of Paul's. It is clear that when we have made, if we may so speak, the editio princeps of the letters of Paul, the number of letters must be fixed at thirteen. People were no doubt accustomed very early to place after the thirteen epistles the Epistle to the Hebrews — an anonymous apostolic writing, whose ideas approached in some respects those contained in the writings of Paul. Hence, one had only a step to take to arrive at the conclusion that the Epistle to the Hebrews belonged to the Apostle. Everything induces the belief that this induction was made at Alexandria, that is to say, in a Church relatively modern as compared with the Churches of Syria, Asia, Greece, and Rome. Such an induction is of no value in criticism, if the clear, intrinsic proofs are perverted by another party in attributing the epistle in question to the Apostle Paul. Now, this is in reality what has taken place. Clement of Alexandria and Origen, very good judges indeed of the Greek style, could not find in our epistle any semblance of the style of Paul. St Jerome is of the same opinion ; the fathers of the Latin Church who refused to credit that the epistle was Paul's, — all gave the same reason for their doubts ; propter styli sermonis que distantiam. This is an excellent reason. The style of the Epiatle to the Hebrews is, in a word, different from that of Paul ; it is more oratorical, more periodic ; the diction contains a number of idiomatic expressions. The fundamental basis of the thoughts is not far removed from the opinions of Paul, especially Paul aa a captive j but the exposition and the exegesis are quite distinct. There is no nominal superscription, which was contrary to the usage of the Apostle ; characteristics which one always expects to find in an epistle of Paul's are wanting in the former. The exegesis is particularly allegorical, and resembles much more that of Philo than that of Paul. The author has imbibed the Alexandrian culture. He only makes use of the version called the Septuagint ; from the text of this he adduces reasons which exhibit a complete ignorance of Hebrew ; his method of XXVI SAINT PAUL. citing and of analysing Biblical texts is not in conformity with the method of Paul. The author, moreover, is a Jew ; he fancies himself to be extolling Christ when he compares him to a great Hebrew priest ; Christianity is to him none other than perfected Judaism ; he is far from regarding the Law as abolished. The passage ii. 3, where the author is placed among those who have only indirectly heard of the mysteries of the life of Christ from the mouth of the disciples of Jesus, does not accord at all with one of the most fixed pretensions of Paul. Let us remark, finally, that, in writing of the Christian Hebrews, Paul must have deviated from one of his most fixed rules, which was, never to perform a pastoral act upon the soil of churches Judseo-Christian, so that the apoatles of circumcision might not, on their side, encroach upon the churches of uncircumcision. The Epistle to the Hebrews was not, therefore, written by St Paul By whom and where was it written ? and to whom was it addressed ? We shall examine all these points in our fourth volume. For the present, the simple date of a writing so important interests us. Now, this date has been determined with sufficient decision. The Epistle to the Hebrews was, according to all probability, anterior to the year 70, inasmuch as the Levitical service of the Temple is represented in it as being regularly, and without interruption, continued. On the other hand, at xiii. 7, and even at v. 12, there would appear an allusion to the death of the apostles,— of James, the brother of the Lord, for example ; at xiii. 13, there seems to be recorded a deliverance to Timothy posterior to the death of Paul ; at x, 32, and suivi, and probably at xiii. 7 there is, I think, a distinct mention of the perse cutions of Nero in the year 64. It is probable that the passage xiii. 7, and following, contains an allusion to the commencements of the revolt of Judea (year 66), and a foreboding of the misfortunes which are to follow ; this passage implies, moreover, that the year 40, after the death of Christ, had not passed, and that this term was drawing near. Every thing, therefore, combines to support the hypothesis that the compiling of the Epistle to the Hebrews took place between the years 65 and 70, probably in the year 66. After having discussed the authenticity, it remains now for us to dis cuss the integrity of the epistles .of Paul. The authentic epistles have never been interpolated. The style of the Apostle was so individual, and so original, that every addition would drop off from the body of the text by reason of its own inertness. In the labour of publication which took place when the epistles were collected, there were, nevertheless, some operations, the import of which must be taken into account. The principle upon which the compilers proceeded appears to have been ; 1st, to add nothing to the text ; 2d, to reject nothing which they believed to have been dictated or written by the Apostle ; 3d, to avoid repeti tions which could not fail, especially in the circular letters, but contain identical statements. In like manner, the compiler* would appear to have followed a system of patching up, or of intercalating, the aim of which seems to have been to save some portions which would otherwise have been lost. Thus the passage (2 Cor. vi. 14 ; viii. 1) forms a small para graph which breaks so singularly the sequence of the epistle, and which INTRODUCTION. XXvil disposes one to believe that it has been clumsily pieced in there. The last chapters of the Epistle to the Romans presents facts much more striking, and which will require to be discussed with minuteness ; for many portions of the biography of Paul depend upon the system which is adopted in regard to these chapters. In reading the Epistle to the Romans, after quitting chap, xii., we experience some astonishment. Paul appears to have departed from his habitual maxim, ' ' Mind your own business. " It is strange that he gives imperative counsels ^o a Church he has not founded, and which resembles so closely the impertinence of those who seek to build upon foundations established by others. At to the close of chap, xiv., some peculiari ties still more capricious make their appearance. Several mauuscripts — que suit Gresbach— according to St John Chrysostom, Theodoretus, Theophylactus, CEcumenius, fix on that place as the finale of chap. xvi. (verses 25-27). The Codex Alexandrinus, and some others, repeat twice this finale — once at the end of chap, xiv., and once more at the end of chap. xvi. Verses 1-13 of chap. xv. excite anew our surprise. These verses repeat and take up tacitly again what has preceded. It is hardly to be supposed that they would be found in the same letter as the one which precedes. Paul repeats himself frequently in the course of the same disquisition ; but he never returns to a disquisition in order to repeat and to enfeeble it. .It must also be added that verses 1-13 appear to be addressed to Judaeo-Christians. St Paul therein makes concessions to the Jews. How singular it is that, in verse 8, Christ is called Sdxovot IIepiToyi;s ? We might say that we have here a resume" of chapters xii., xiii., xiv., for the use of Judseo-Christian readers, which Paul has seized on, to prove by texts that the adoption of the Gentiles did not exclude the privilege of Israel, and that Christ had fulfilled the ancient promises. The portion, xv. 14-33, is evidently addressed to the Church of Rome, and to this Church only. Paul expressed himself there without reserve, as was proper in writing to a Church which he had not seen, and the majority of which, being Judaeo-Christians, was not directly under his jurisdiction. In chapters xii., xiii., xiv., the tone of the letter is firmer ; the Apostle speaks there with mild authority ; he makes use of the verb IlopaxaXffl, a verb, no doubt, of a very mitigated nature, but which is always the word he employs when he speaks to his disciples. Verse 33 makes a perfect termination to the Epistle to the Romans, according to Paul's method of making terminations. Verses 1 and 2 .of chapter xvi. might also be admitted as a postscript to the Epistle to the Romans ; but what follows verse 3 creates veritable difficulties. Paul, as though he had not closed his letter with the word Amen, undertakes to salute twenty-six persons, not to speak of five churches or groups. In the first place, he never thus puts salutations after the benediction and the Amen as the[finale. -Besides, the salutations here are not the common salutations that one would employ in addressing people one has not seen. Paul had evidently had the most intimate relations with the persona he salutes. Each of theae persons haa his or her special characteristics ; these have laboured with him ; those have been imprisoned with him ; another has been a mother to him (doubtless in caring for him when he was sick) ; he knows at what date each has been converted ; all are his Xxvili SAINT PAUL. friends, his fellow-workers, his dearly beloved. It is not natural that he should have so many ties with a Church in which he had never been, one that does not belong to his school, with a Church Judaeo-Christian which his principles forbade him labouring for. Not only does he know by their names all the Christians in the Church to which he is address ing himself, but he knows also the masters of those who are slaves, Aristobulus, Narcissus. Why does he designate with so much assur ance these two houses, if tht-y are at Rome, a place he has never seen ? Writing to the Churches which he has founded, Paul salutes two or three persons. Why does he salute so considerable a number of brothers and sisters of a Church which he has never visited ? If we study in detail the persons he salutes, we shall discover still more evidence that this page of salutations was never addressed to the Church at Rome. Amongst them we find no persons that we know who formed part of the Church at Rome, and we find amongst them many persons who assuredly never belonged to it. In the first line we encounter Aquila and Priscilla. It is universally admitted that only a few months elapsed between the compilation of the first chapter of the Corinthians and the compilation of the Epistle to the Romans. Now, when Paul wrote the first chapter to the Corinthians, Aquila and Priscilla were at Ephesus. In the interval, that apostolic couple were able, it is said, to set out for Rome. This is very singular. Aquila and Priscilla. were of the party which was at first driven from Rome by an edict ; we find them afterwards at Corinth, then at Ephesus ; they return to Rome without their sentence of expulsion having been revoked, on the morrow of the day when Paul had just said adieu to them at Ephesus. This is to attribute to them a life much too nomadic ; it is the accumulation of improbabilities. Let us add, that the author of the second apocryphal epistle of Paul to Timothy supposes Aquila and Priscilla to be at Ephesus, which proves that tradition has located them there. The little Roman martyrology (the source- of posterior compilations) has a memorandum, of date the 8th July — "In Asia Minori, Aquilae et Priscillce uxoris ejus." This is not all. At v. 5, Paul salutes Epenetus, " the first-born of Asia in Christ. " What I the whole Church of Ephesus has gone to Rome to take up its abode I The list of names which follows, applies equally as well to Ephesus as to Rome. Doubtless the first Church at Rome was principally Greek by language. Amongst the world of slaves and freedmen from which Christianity was recruited, the Greek names even at Rome were ordin ary ones. Nevertheless, in examining the Jewish inscriptions at Rome, P. Garrucci has found that the number of proper Latin names doubled that of Greek names. Now here, of twenty-four names, there were sixteen Greek, seven Latin, one Hebrew, so that the number of Greek names is more than double that of Latin names. The names of the chiefs of the houses of Aristobulus and Narcissus are Greek also. The verses, Romans xlvi 3-16, were therefore not addressed to the Church at Rome j they were addressed to the Church at Ephesus. The verses 17-20 could not have been addressed to the Romans either. St Paul there makes use of the word, which is habitual to him, when he gives an order to his disciples (wapaxaXu) ; he expresses himself with INTRODUCTION. XIH extreme acerbity in regard to the divisions sown by his adversaries ; w« see that he is there en famillc ; he knows the condition of the Church to which he addresses himself ; he is delighted with the good reputation of this Church ; he rejoices over her as a master would over his pupils (itffviuv xalpu). These verses have no meaning, if we suppose them ad dressed by the Apostle to a church which must have been strange to him. Each sentence proves that he had preached to those to whom he wrote, and that they were solicited by his enemies. These verses could only have been addressed to the Corinthians or to the Ephesians. The epistle, at the end of which] they were found, was written from Corinth; these verses, which constitute the cloae of a letter, had, therefore, been addressed to Ephesus. Seeing that we have shown that the verses 3-16 were likewise addressed to the faithful at Ephesus, we obtain thus a long fragment (xvi. 3-20), which must have formed part of a letter to the Ephesians. Hence it becomes more natural to connect with these verses, 3-20, verses 1, 2 of the same chapter — versea which might be conaidered as a postscript after the A men, except that it is better to attach them to that which follows. The journey of Phoebe becomes thus more probable. Finally, the somewhat imperative commands of xvi. 2, and the motive with which Paul applied them, are better understood when addressed to the Ephesians, who were under so many obligations to the Apostle, than to the Romans, who were not indebted to him for anything. The verses 21-24 of chapter xivi could not, any more than that which precedes, have made a part of the Epistle to the Romans. Why should all these people, who had never been to Rome, who had never known the faithful at Rome, salute the latter ? What could these unknown persons say to the Church of Rome ? It is important to remark that all the names are those of Macedonians or people who could have become acquainted with the Churches of Macedonia. Verse 24 is the close of a letter. The verses (xvi.) 21-24 can then be made the close of a letter addressed to the Thessalonians. The verses 25-27 give us a new finale, which contains nothing topical, and which, as we have already said, is found in several manuscripts at the end of chapter xiv. In other manuscripts, particularly in the Boer- nerianus and the Augiensis (the Greek part), this termination is want ing. Assuredly that portion did not constitute a part of the Epistle to the Romans, which terminates with verse (xv. ) 33, nor of the Epistle to the Ephesians, which terminates with verse (xvi. ) 20, nor of the Epistle to the Churches of Macedonia, which finishes with the verse (xvi. ) 24. We arrive, then, at the curious result that the epistle closes four times, and in the Codex Alexandrinus five times. This is absolutely contrary to the practice of Paul, and even to good sense. Here, then, is a diffi culty proceeding from some peculiar accident. Must we, with Marcion and with Baur, declare the two last chapters of the Epistle to the Romans to be apocryphal ? We are surprised that a critic bo acute as Baur should be contented with a solution so crude. Why should a forger invent such insignificant details ? Why should he add to a sacred work a list, of proper names ? In the first and second centuries the authors of apo crypha had almost all some dogmatic motive ; apostolic writings w" XXX SAINT PAUL. interpolated either with a view to some doctrine, or to establish some form of discipline. We believe we are able to propose a theory more satisfactory than that of Baur. In our view, the epistle addressed to the Romans was (1) not addressed entirely to the Romans, and (2) was not addressed to the Romans only. St Paul, advancing in his career, had acquired a taste for encyclical epistles, designed to be read in several churches. We presume that the intention of the Epistle to the Romans was an encyclical of this kind. St Paul, when he had reached his full maturity, addressed it to the most important churches, at least to three of them, and, as an exception, addressed it also to the Church of Rome. The four endings falling at verses, xv. 33, xvi. 40, xvi. 24, xvi. 27, are the endings of different copies despatched. When the epistles came to be published, the copy addressed to the Church of Rome was taken as a basis ; but in order not to lose anything, there was annexed to the text thus constituted the various parts, and notably the different endings of the copies which were set aside. In this way many of the peculiarities are explained : — (1) The double use made of the passage xv. 1-13, with the chapters xii., xiii., xiv., chapters which, being appropriate only to the Churches founded by the Apostle, are not to be found in the copy sent to the Romans, whilst the passage xv. 1-13, not being appropriate to the disciples of Paul, but, on the other hand, perfectly adapted to the Romans ; (2) Certain features of the epistle which were only partially adapted to the faithful of Rome, and which went even the length of indiscretion, if they had been addressed only to the latter ; (3) The hesitation of the best critics on the question in distinguishing whether the epistle was addressed to the Pagan converts or to the Judaeo-Christians, a hesitation quite simple by our hypothesis, since the principal parts of the epistle had been composed for the1 simultane ous use of several churches ; (4) What surprises is, that Paul should compose a letter so singularly important for a Church with which he was not acquainted, and in respect of which his title could be contested ; (5) In a word, the capricious peculiarities of the chapters xv. and xvi., these nonsensical salutations, these four endings, three of which are certainly not to be found in the copy sent to Rome. We shall see, in the course of the present volume, how far this hypothesis is in accord with all the other necessities of the life of St Paul. We must not omit the testimony of an important manuscript. The Codex Bcemerianus omits the name of Rome in the verses 7 and 15 of the first chapter. We must not say that the omission is there made in view of its being read in the churches ; the Boernerian manuscript, the work of the philologers of St Gall, about the year 900, proposed to itself a purely exegetic aim, and was copied in a very old manuscript. I regret that I have not been able to find room in the present book to give an account of the last days of the life of St Paul : to have done that, it would have been necessary to largely increase the size of this volume. Moreover, the Third Book would have thus lost somewhat of the historical solidity which characterises it. After the arrival of Paul at Rome, in fact, we cease to tread on the ground of incontestable data ; we begin to grope in the obscurity of legends and of apocrypha' INTRODUCTION. XX XI documents. The next volume (fourth volume of the beginnings of Christianity) will contain the end of the life of Paul, the occurrences in Judea, the arrival of Peter at Rome, the persecutions of Nero, the death of the apostles, the apocalypse,- the taking of Jerusalem, the compilation of synoptic gospels. Then, a fifth and last volume will comprise the compilation of writings more ancient than the New Tes tament, the interior movements of the Church of Asia Minor, the progress of the hierarchy and of discipline, the birth of the gnostic sects, the definitive constitution of a dogmatic orthodoxy and of the episcopate. When once the last book of the New Testament has been reduced to writing, when once the authority of the Church constituted and armed with a sort of touchstone to discern truth from error, when once the small democratic confraternities of the early apostolic age have abdicated their power into the hands of the bishop, then is Christianity complete. The infant will grow still, but he will have all his members ; he will no longer be an embryo : he will acquire no more essential organs. At the same time, however, the last bonds which attached the Christian Church to its mother, the Jewish synagogue, has been snapped ; the Church exists as an independent being ; she has nothing left for her mother but aversion. The History of the Origins of Christi anity ends at this moment. I trust that I shall be spared for five years to finish this work, to which I have wished to devote the most mature years of my life. It will cost me many sacrifices, especially in excluding me from the instruction of the College of France, a second aim I had proposed to myself. But one must not be too exacting ; perhaps he to whom, of two designs, it has been given to realise one, ought not to rail against fate, the rather if he has understood these designs as ddtiss. SAINT PAUL. CHAPTER I. FIRST JOURNEY OF PAUL — THE CYPRUS MISSION. Journeying from Antioch, Paul and Barnabas, ac companied by John-Mark, reached Seleucia. The distance from Antioch to the latter city is a short day's journey. The route follows at a distance the right bank of the Orontes, winding its way over the outermost slopes of the mountains of Pieria, and crossing by fords the numerous streams which de scend from the heights. On all sides there are copses of myrtles, arbutus, laurels, green oaks ; while prosperous villages are perched upon the sharply-cut ridges of the mountains. To the left, the plain of Orontes unfolds to view its splendid cultivation. On the south, the wooded summits of the mountains of Daphne bound the horizon. We are now beyond the borders of Syria. We stand on soil classical, smiling, fertile, and civilised. Each name recalls the powerful Greek colony which gave to these regions so high a historical importance, and which estab lished there a centre of opposition that sometimes assumed a violent form against the Semitic genius. Seleucia was the port of Antioch, and the chief northern outlet of Syria towards the west. The city was situated partly in the plain and partly on A 2 SAINT PAUL. the abrupt heights, facing the angle made by the deposits of the Orontes at the foot of the Coryphas, about a league and a half to the north of the mouth of the river. It was here that the hordes of depraved beings, creatures of a rotten secularism, embarked every year to invade Rome and to infect it. The dominant religion was that of Mount Casius — a beautiful, regularly-formed summit, situated on the other side of the Orontes, and with which was asso ciated various legends. The coast is inhospitable and tempestuous. The wind descending from the mountain tops, gives the waves a back stroke, and produces almost always a deep ground swell. An artificial basin, communicating with the sea by a narrow channel, shelters ships from the recurring shocks of the waves. The quays, the mole formed of enormous blocks are still standing and waiting in silence the not far distant day when Seleucia shall again become what she was formerly — one of the grandest termini in the globe. Paul, in saluting for the last time with his hand the brethren assembled on the dark sands of the beach, had in front of him the beautiful section of the circle formed by the coast at the mouth of the Orontes ; to the right, the sym metrical cone of the Casius, from which was to ascend three hundred years later the smoke of the last Pagan sacrifice ; to the left, the rugged steeps of Mount Coryphas ; behind him, in the clouds, the snows of Taurus, and the coast of Cilicia, which forms the Gulf of Issus. The hour was a solemn one. Although Christianity had for several years extended beyond the country which was its cradle, it had not yet reached the confines of Syria. The Jews, however, considered the whole of Syria, as far as Amanus, as forming part of the Holy Land, and sharing its pre rogatives, its rights and duties. This, then, was the moment when Christianity really quitted its native soil, and launched forth into the vast world. SAINT PAUL. 3 Paul had already travelled much in order to spread the name of Jesus. He had been for seven years a Christian, and not for a single day had his ardent conviction been lulled to rest. His departure from Antioch with Barnabas, marked, however, a decisive change in his career. He began then that Apostolic life, in which he displayed unexampled activity, and an unheard-of degree of ardour and of passion. Travelling was then very difficult, when it was not done' by sea ; for carriage roads and vehicles hardly existed. This is why the propagation of Christianity made its way along the banks of the large rivers. Pozzuoli and Lyons were Christianised when a multitude of towns in the vicinity of the cradle of Christianity had not heard tell of Jesus. Paul, it seems, journeyed almost always on foot existing doubtless on bread, vegetables, and milk. What a life of privations and of trials is that of a wandering devotee ! The police were negligent or brutal. Seven times was Paul put in chains. Hence, he preferred, when practicable, to travel by water. Certainly, when it is calm, these seas are delightful ; but they have also suddenly their foolish caprices ; the ship may run aground in the sand, and all that one can do is to seize on a plank. There were perils everywhere. "In labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in death oft. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one. Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep. In journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils on the sea, in perils among false brethren. In weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness: I have known all " (2 Cor. xi. 23-27). 4 SAINT PAUL. The Apostle wrote that in the year 56, when his trials were far from, being at an end. For nearly ten years longer he must lead that existence, which death alone could worthily crown. In almost all his journeys Paul had companions ; but he systematically refused the assistance from which the other Apostles, Peter, in particular, drew much consolation and succour — I mean, a companion in his Apostolic ministry, and ia his labours. His aversion to marriage proceeded from a feeling of delicacy. He did not wish to burden the Church with the support of two persons. Barnabas followed the same rule. Paul reverted often to that fact — he cost the Churches nothing. He deemed it perfectly just that the Apostle should live upon the com munity, — that the catechist should share everything in common with the catechumen ; but he was sensi tive on the point ; he had no desire to make capita] out of that which was legitimate. His constant prac tice, with one single exception, was to earn his subsistence by his own labour. With Paul this was a question of morals and of good example; for one of his maxims was : " That if any one would not work, neither should he eat " (2 Thess. iii. 10-12). He added to it likewise a naive sentiment of per sonal economy, fearing that people might reproach him with what he cost, and exaggerated his scruples, in order to anticipate murmurs; for people had come to be very circumspect in regard to questions of money, because of having to live among those who thought much of it. In every place where Paul took up his abode, he settled down and returned to his trade of tent-making. His exterior life resembled that of an artisan who makes a tour of Europe, and scat ters about him the ideas with which he is permeated. Such a mode of life, which has become impossible in our modern society for any but a working man, was easy in societies in which either religious con- SAINT PAUL. 5 fraternities or commercial aristocracies constituted a species of freemasonry. The life of Arab travellers — d'Ibn-Batoutah, for example — greatly resembled that which must have been led by St Paul. They wandered from one end of the Mahometan world to the other, halting in every large town, engaging there in the avocation of judge or physician, getting married, finding everywhere a hearty welcome, and the chance of employment. Benjamin de Tudela, and the other Jewish travellers of the Middle Ages, led a similar life, going from Jewry to Jewry, and entering at once upon terms of intimacy with their hosts. These Jewries were distinct quarters, en closed often by a gate, having a religious chief, who had an extended jurisdiction. In the centre there was a common court, and a place ordinarily used for meetings and for prayers. The relations which exist amongst the Jews in our own day, present still something of the same character. In every place where Jewish life is established and well-organised, the journeys of Israelites, who bear with them letters of recommendation, are made from ghetto to ghetto. That which takes place at Trieste, at Constantinople, at Smyrna, is, in this respect, the. exact picture of that which took place in the time of St Paul at Ephesus, at Thessalonica, and Rome. The new comer who presents himself on Sabbath at the synagogue, is remarked, surrounded, and questioned. He is asked where he hails from, who his father is, and what news he brings. In almost all Asia, and in a part of Africa, the Jews have thus exceptional facilities for travelling, — thanks to the species of secret society which they form, and to the neutrality they observe in the intestine quarrels of the different countries. Benjamin de Tudela travelled over the whole world without having seen any other thing save Jews; Ibn-Batoutah without having seen any one except Mahometans. 6 SAINT PAUL. These little coteries constituted excellent mediums for the propagation of doctrines. Each knew his neighbour well, each closely watched the other ; nothing could be further removed from the vulgar freedom of our modern societies, in which men come in contact with each other so little. The di visions of parties in a city were always made accord ing to religion, when politics was not the paramount consideration. A religious question falling into one of these faithful Israelitish communities, set every thing on fire, and settled schisms and strifes. Most frequently a religious question was but a firebrand which was eagerly laid hold of by reason of pre vious hatreds — a pretext which was seiaed upon for reckoning up and denouncing one another. , The establishment of Christianity was not discussed outside the synagogues, with which latter the coasts of- the Mediterranean were already covered, when Paul and the other Apostles set out upon then- missions. These synagogues had ordinarily little to distinguish them ; they were like the other houses, forming with the quarter of which they were the centre and link a small vicus (village) or aingipori (small alley). One thing distinguished these quar ters ; this was the absence of ornaments of sculpture vivant, which necessitated - recourse for decoration to expedients, crude, pronounced, and false. But that which more than anything else designated the Jewish quarter to new-comers disembarking at the port of Seleucia or Csesarea, was the type of race — young women decked in gaudy colours, white, red and green, without medium tints ; matrons with pleasing figures, rosy cheeks, slightly embonpoint, with kindly, maternal eyes. Having landed, and received a warm welcome, the Apostles awaited the Sabbath. They then betook themselves to the synagogue. It was a custom, when a stranger ap peared intelligent or eager to make himself known, SAINT PAVii. 7 to invite him to address to the people a few words of edification. The Apostle took advantage of this custom, and expounded the Christian thesis. Jesus had proceeded precisely in the same manner. Aston ishment was at first the general feeling. . Opposition did not manifest itself until a little later, not until some conversions had taken place. Then the elders of the synagogues resorted to violence ; forthwith they ordered to be applied to the Apostle the cruel and shameful chastisements which were inflicted on heretics ; on other occasions they made an appeal to the authorities to have the innovator either ex pelled or beaten. The Apostle did not preach to the Gentiles until after he had preached to the Jews. The converts from Paganism were in general the least numerous, and yet they almost all were re cruited from the classes of the population which were already in contact with Judaism, and had been brought to embrace it. This proselytism, as we see, was confined to the towns. The first apostles of Christianity did not preach in country places. The countryman (paganus) was the last to embrace Christianity. The local patois, which the Greek had not been able to root out in the country districts, was in part the cause of this. To tell the truth, the peasant living outside the towns, was quite a rare thing in the country, at the time when Christianity first began to spread. The organisation of that Apostolic religion, consisting of assemblies (ecclesia), was essentially urban. Islamism, in like manner, is also par excellence a religion of the town. It is not complete without its grand mosques, its schools, its ulemas (doctors), its muezzins (the callers to prayers). The gaiety, the sprightliness of heart, which these evangelical odysseys breathed, were something new, original, and charming. The Acts of the Apostles, 8 SAINT PAUL. the expression of that first transport of the Christian conscience, is a book of gladness, of serene fervency. Since the Homeric poems, no work so full of such genuine sensation had appeared. A morning breeze, an odour of'the sea — if I may be permitted to say so — inspiring a sort of cheerfulness and force, permeated the whole book, and made it an excellent compagnon de voyage, an exquisite breviary for him who followed the ancient landmarks along the Southern seas. It was the second poem of Christianity. The lake of Tiberias and its fishing barques had furnished the first. Now, a current more powerful, aspirations towards lands more distant, allure us on to the high seas. The first point at which the three missionaries touched, was the island of Cyprus, an ancient, mixed settlement where the Grecian race and the Phoenician race, planted at first side by side, had ended by nearly exterminating one another. It was the native country of Barnabas, and that circumstance doubtless had much to do in determining the direction in which the mission should make its first advance. Cyprus had already received the seeds of the Christian faith ; in any case, the new religion embraced several Cypriotes in its fold. The number of Jewries there was considerable. It should, however, be remembered that the whole circle of Seleucia, Tarsus, and Cyprus was by no means extensive ; and the small group of Jews scattered over those points, represented nearly what would be the parent families established at St Brieuc, Saint-Malo, and Jersey. Paul and Barnabas, then, set out for the countries with which they were already more or less familiar. The Apostolic band disembarked at the ancient port of Salamis. They traversed the whole island from east to west, inclining towards the south, and probably following the sea coast. It was the most Phoenician portion of the island, containing the towns of Citium, Amathontus, and Paphos, old Semitic SAINT PAUL. 9 centres whose original customs had not yet been effaced. Paul and Barnabas preached in the syna gogues of the Jews. Only a single incident of the journey has been left on record. It occurred at Neo Paphos, a modern town, which had been built at some distance from the ancient town, so celebrated for the worship of Venus (Palaspaphos). Neo Paphos was at that time, as it would seem, the residence of the Roman pro-consul who governed the island of Cyprus. This pro-consul was Sergius Paulus, a man of illustrious birth, who, it appears (although it occurred often with the Romans), permitted himself to be amused with enchantments, and the supersti tious beliefs of the country in which chance had placed him. He had near him a Jew named Bar- jesus, who passed himself off for a magician, and gave himself a title which is translated as elim, or " sage." He produced there, it is said, scenes analogous to those which took place at Sebaste be tween the Apostles and Simon the magician. Bar- jesus raised a bitter opposition against Paul and Barnabas. Later tradition asserts that the occasion of this feud was the conversion of the pro-consul. It is related that in a public discussion, Paul, in order to silence his adversary, was obliged to strike him with temporary blindness, and that the pro-consul, moved by that great wonder, was converted. The conversion of a Roman of that order at this epoch is a thing absolutely inadmissible. Paul, doubtless, took for faith the manifestations of interest which Sergius evinced towards him ; mayhap even he mistook irony for favour. The Orientals do not understand irony. Their maxim, moreover, is that he who is not for them is against them. The curiosity exhibited by Sergius Paulus was in the eyes of the missionaries regarded as a favourable disposition. Like many other Romans, Paulus might be very credulous. Probably the sorceries to which Paul and 10 SAINT PAUL. Barnabas had more than once recourse, but which we are unfortunately precluded from believing, appeared to him very striking and more wonderful than those of Bar-jesus. But, from a feeling of astonishment to conversion, is a long step. The legend appears to attribute to Paulus Sergius the reasonings of a Jew or of a Syrian. The Jew and the Syrian regard the miracle as the proof of a doctrine preached by the Thaumaturgus. The Roman, if he was enlightened, regarded the miracle as a trick by which he could amuse himself, and, if he was credulous and ignor ant, as one of those things which happened now and .then. But the miracle to him was no proof of doc trine. Absolutely destitute of theological sentiment, the Romans could not imagine that a dogma could be the aim that a god proposed to himself in work ing a miracle. The miracle was to them either a fantastical, although natural, thing (the idea of the laws of nature was foreign to them, unless they had studied the Grecian philosophy), or an act revealing to them the immediate presence of divinity. If Sergius Paulus had actually believed in the miracles of Paul, the reasoning that he would have employed would have been : " This man is very powerful : he is perhaps a god ; " and not, " The doctrine which this man preaches is the truth." In any case, if the conversion of Sergius Paulus rested upon motives so flimsy, we believe we are doing an honour to Christianity in not calling it a conversion, and in striking off Sergius Paulus from the number of the Christians. What is probable is that he had for the mission a .benevolent regard; hence the mission retained for him the remembrance of a wise and good man. The supposition of Saint Jerome, according to whom Saul should have taken from Sergius Paulus his name of Paul, is but mere conjecture : we must not say, how ever, that -that conjecture is improbable. It was SAINT PAUL. 11 from this moment that the author of the Acts con stantly substituted the name of Paul for that of Saul. Perhaps the Apostle adopted Sergius Paulus as his fatron, and took his name in token of clientship. t is possible, too, that Paul, following the example of a great many Jews, had two names — the one Hebrew, the other obtained by vulgarly Grecianis- ing or Latinising the first (in like manner as the Josephs called themselves Hegesippus, etc.) — and that it was only at the moment when he entered into more intimate and more direct relations with the Pagan world, that he began to bear the single name of Paul. We do not know how long this Cyprus mission lasted. The mission possessed, evidently, no great importance, inasmuch as Paul never speaks of it in his epistles ; and as he never dreamt of seeing again the churches that he had founded in the island, probably he regarded the latter as belonging to Barnabas more than to himself. The first essay of apostolic journeying, in any case, was decisive in the career of Paul. From that time he assumed the tone of master : till then he had been as a subordin ate of Barnabas. The latter had been longer in the Church : he had been his introducer and his guar antor; people were more certain of Barnabas. In the course of this mission the roles were exchanged. The talent of Paul for preaching necessitated that the office of speaking should devolve almost entirely on him. Henceforward, Barnabas was no more than a companion of Paul, — one of his suite. With admirable self-abnegation, that truly holy man lent himself to everything, and left everything to hjs intrepid friend, whose superiority he recognised. Not so with John-Mark. Disagreements, which soon ended in a rupture, broke out between him and Paul. We do not know the cause of them. Probably the teachings of Paul as to the relations of the Jews 12 SAINT PAUL. and the Gentiles shocked the Jerusalemitish preju dices of John, and appeared to him in contradiction with the ideas of Peter, his master. Perhaps, also, that ever-increasing self-sufficiency of Paul was in supportable to those who each day saw it become more pervading and more imperious. Nevertheless, it is not probable that Paul, from this time, either took, or allowed himself to be given, the title of Apostle. Up till now, . that title had only been borne by the Twelve of Jerusalem; it was not considered as transferable ; it was believed that Jesus alone had the poAver to bestow it. Per haps Paul had already often said to himself that he also had received it directly from Jesus, in his vision on the road to Damascus ; but he had not yet openly arrogated to himself so lofty a pretension. It re quired the grossest provocations of his enemies to constrain him to an act which at first he would have regarded as one of temerity. CHAPTER II. CONTINUATION OF THE FIRST JOURNEY OF PAUL — THE GALATIAN MISSION. The mission, satisfied with what it had accom plished at Cyprus, resolved to attack the neigh bouring coast of Asia Minor. Alone amongst the provinces of that country, Cilicia had heard the new gospel, and possessed churches. The geographical region that we call Asia Minor was by no means united. It was composed of peoples greatly diverse both as regards race and social status. The western part and the entire coast were embraced, from a re- SAINT PAUL. 13 mote antiquity, in the great vortex of that common civilisation of which the Mediterranean was the centre. Since the decadence of Greece, and of the Ptolemaic Egypt, these countries were held to be the countries the most lettered that then- existed, or, at least, countries which produced the greatest number of men distinguished in literature. The province of Asia, notably the ancient kingdom of Pergamus, was, as is said to-day, at the head of progress. But the centre of the peninsula had been partly civilised. Local life had continued there as in the times of antiquity. Many of the indigenous languages had not yet disappeared. The state of public opinion was very backward. To speak the truth, the whole of these provinces had but one common characteristic, and that was boundless credulity and an extreme penchant for superstition. The ancient religions, under their Hellenic and Roman transformation, retained many of the features of their primitive form. Several of those religions still enjoyed great popularity, and possessed a certain superiority over the Greco-Roman worships. No other country has produced so many theurgists and theosophists. Apollonius of Tyana was preparing there, at the period at which we are now arrived, his strange fate. Alexander of Aboni- ticus and Peregrinus Proteus began soon to seduce the provinces; the one by his miracles, his pro phecies, and his great demonstrations of piety, the other by his legerdemain. Artemidorus of Ephesus and iElius Aristides presented the strange spectacle of men combining sincere and truly religious senti ments with ridiculous superstitions and the ideas of charlatans. In no part of the empire was the pious reaction which was brought about at the end of the first century in favour of the ancient religions, and opposed to positive philosophy, more pronounced. Asia Minor was, next to Palestine, the most religi ous country in the world. Entire regions, such as 14 SAINT PAUL. Phrygia^ cities such as Tyana, Venasium, Comana, Csesarea in Cappadocia, Nazianzus, were equally wedded to mysticisms. In many places the priests were still all but sovereigns. As for the life politic, there was not even a trace of it. All the towns, as if in emulation, were striving to outdo each other in their immoderate adulation of the Caesars, and of the Roman functionaries. The appellation of "friend of Cassar" was prized. The cities were disputing with childish vanity the pomp ous titles of "metropole," of "very-illustrious," conferred by imperial rescripts. The country had submitted to the Romans without a violent con quest, at least without national resistance. History does not mention a single serious political rising. Brigandage and anarchy, which for a long time had erected in Taurus, Isauria, Pisidia impregnable strongholds, had come to an end by yielding to the power of the Romans and their allies. Civilisation had spread with surprising rapidity. The traces of the beneficent actions of Claudius, and of the gra titude of the population towards him, despite certain tumultuous agitations, were encountered at every turn. It was not as in Palestine, where the ancient institutions and manners offered a furious resistance. If we except Isauria, Pisidia, the parts of Cilicia which still retained a shade of independence, and up to a certain point in Galatia, the country had lost all na tional sentiment. It had never had a dynasty proper. The old provincial individualism of Phrygia, Lydia, and Caria had been dead for a long time as political units. The artificial kingdoms of Perigamus, of Bithy- nia and of Pontus were likewise dead. The whole peninsula had gladly accepted the Roman domination. We might add with thankfulness; for never, in fact, had domination been legitimatised by so many benefits. "Providence Augustus" was, in good truth, the tutelary genius of the country. The cult SAINT PAUL. 15 of the Emperor, that of Augustus in particular, and of Livia, were the dominant religions of Asia Minor. The temples to those terrestrial gods, always asso ciated with the divinity of Rome, were multiplied everywhere. The priests of Augustus, grouped by provinces, under archbishops (ap^npeig, a sort of me tropolitans or primates), succeeded later in forming a clergy analogous to that which became, beginning with Constantine, the Christian clergy. The poli tical Testament of Augustus had become a kind of sacred text, a public teaching as of beautiful monu ments, which were entrusted with making offerings on behalf of all, and of perpetuating them. The cities and the tribes were rivals for the epithets which attested the recollection that they preserved of the great Emperor. Ancient Ninoe diOaria argued with his old Assyrian religion of Mylitta, in order to establish his connection with Caesar, son of Venus. In all this there was servility and baseness ; but over and above, there was the sentiment of a new era- — a happiness which they had not up till now enjoyed, and which, in fact, endured unchanged for centuries afterwards. A man who probably assisted at the conquest of his country, Denis of Halicarnassus, wrote a Roman history, to demonstrate to his countrymen the excellencies of the Roman people, to prove to them that that people was of the same race as themselves, and that its glory formed a part of theirs. After Egypt and Cyrenica, Asia Minor was the country in which there were most Jews. There they formed powerful communities, jealous of their rights, easily alarmed by persecution, having the vexatious habit of always complaining of the Roman authority, and of fleeing for protection outside the city They had succeeded in making themselves important toll- gatherers, and were in reality privileged, as compared with other classes of the population. Not only, in 16 SAINT PAUL. fact, was their religion free, but many of the ordinary imposts, which they . pretended they could not pay conscientiously, were not exacted from them. The Romans were very favourable to them in these pro vinces, and almost always took their part in the conflicts which they had with the inhabitants of the country. Embarking at Neo Paphos, the three missionaries sailed towards the mouth of the Cestrus in Pam- phylia, and, ascending the river for a distance of from two to three leagues, arrived at the eminence of Perga,a great and flourishing town, the centre of an ancient worship of Diana, almost as much renowned as that of Ephesus. This religion had a great resem blance to that of Paphos, and it is not impossible ' that the relations of the two towns, establishing be tween them a line of ordinary navigation, may have determined the sojourn of the Apostles. In general, the two parallel coasts of Cyprus and Asia Minor seemed to correspond the one to the other. These were the two divisions of the Semitic populations, mixed with divers elements, and which had lost much of their primitive character. It was at Perga that the rupture between Paul and John-Mark was consummated. John-Mark left the mission and returned to Jerusalem. This incident was doubtless painful to Barnabas, for John-Mark was his relative. But Barnabas, accustomed to submit to everything on the part of his imperious companion, did not abandon the grand design of penetrating into the heart of Asia Minor. The two Apostles plunged into the interior, and travelling always to the north, between the basins of Cestrus and of Eurymedon, traversed Pamphylia, Pisidia, and pressed on as far as mountainous Phrygia. It must have been a difficult and perilous journey. That labyrinth of rugged mountains was guarded by a bar barous population, habituated to brigandage, and SAINT PAUL. 17 whom the Romans had with difficulty subdued. Paul, accustomed to the aspect of Syria, must have been surprised at the romantic and picturesque Alpestrine regions, with their lakes, their deep valleys, which may be compared to the environs of Lake Maggiore and of Tessin. At first one is astonished at the singular route of the Apostles — a route which shunned the large centres of population and the routes the most frequented. There is, moreover, little doubt that they followed in the tracks of the Jewish emigration. Pisidia and Lycaonia had towns, such as Antioch in Pisidia, and Iconium, in which great colonies of Jews had established themselves. There the Jews made many conversions ; far away from Jerusalem, and freed from the influence of Pales tine fanaticism, they lived on good terms with the Pagans. The latter came to the synagogue; and mixed marriages were not infrequent. Paul had been able to learn from Tarsus what advantageous conditions the new faith would find here, in order to establish itself and to fructify. Derbe and Lystra are not very far from Tarsus. The family of Paul might have had some relations, or, at all events, have been well known in these scattered cantons. Departing from Perga, the two Apostles, after a journey of about forty leagues, arrived at Antioch in Pisidia or Antioch-Csesarea, in the very heart of the high plateaux of the peninsula. This Antioch had continued to be a town of mediocre importance until it was raised by Augustus to the rank of a Roman colony, with Italian jurisdiction. It then became very important, and changed in part its character. Till now it had been a town of priests, similar, it would seem, to Comana. The temple which had rendered it famous, with its legions of temple slaves and its rich domains, was suppressed by the Romans (twenty- five years before Christ). But this grand religious establishment, as is always the case, left deep traces B 18 SAINT PAUL. on the manners of the population. It was doubtless in the train of- the Roman colony that the Jews had been drawn to Antioch in Pisidia. According to their custom, the two Apostles pre sented themselves at the synagogue on the Sabbath. After the reading of the Law and the prophets, the presidents, seeing two strangers who had the appearance of being pious, sent to them inquiring whether they had a few words of exhortation to address to the people. Paul spoke, and expounded the mystery of Jesus, his death and his resurrection. The impression made was marked, and they besought him to come the following Sabbath and continue his discourse to them. A great multitude of Jews and of proselytes followed them out of the synagogue, and during the whole week Paul and Barnabas did not cease to exercise an active ministry. The Pagan population were. informed of this incident, and their curiosity was excited. The following Sabbath the whole city assembled at the synagogue; but the sentiments of the or thodox party had much changed. They repented of the tolerance they had shown the previous Sabbath ; the eager multitude irritated the notables ; a dispute accompanied with violence began. Paul and Bar nabas bravely withstood the tempest ; they were not permitted, however, to speak in the synagogue. They retired protesting. " It was necessary that the word of God should first have been spoken to you," said he to the Jews; "but seeing ye put it from you, and judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles" (Acts xiii. 46). From that moment, in fact, Paul became more and more confirmed in the idea that his future was not for the Jews but for the Gentiles ; that his ministry on new soil bore much better fruit; that God had specially singled him out to be the Apostle to the nations, and to spread the glad tidings to the ends SAINT PAUL. 19 of the earth. His great soul had the special char acteristic of enlarging and expanding itself inces santly. The soul of Alexander is the only one I know that had that gift of perennial buoyancy, that indefinable capacity of wishing and of embracing. The disposition of the Pagan population was found to be excellent. Many were converted and were found at the first attempt to be perfect Christians. We shall see the same thing take place at Philippi, at Alexandria Troas, and in the Roman colonies in general. The attraction that a refined worship had for these good and religious peoples — an attraction which up till then had been manifested through con versions to Judaism — was evinced now through con versions to Christianity. Despite its foreign religion, and perhaps on account of a reaction against that religion, the population of Antioch, like that of Phrygia in general, had a sort of penchant in the direction of monotheism. The new religion, not exacting circumcision and not insisting upon certain paltry observances, was much better calculated than Judaism to attract the pious Pagans ; thus, favour was quickly brought over to its side. These scattered provinces, lost amongst the mountains, little accus tomed to authority, without historical celebrity and without any importance whatever, were excellent soils for the faith. A Church, somewhat numerous, was established. Antioch in Pisidia became a centre of propagandism whence the doctrine irradiated all arouncL The success of the new Gospel amongst the Pagans culminated in putting the Jews into a fury. A pious intrigue was formed against the missionaries. Seve ral of the women of the highest class in the city had embraced Judaism; the orthodox Jews pre vailed upon them to speak to their husbands, so as to obtain the expulsion of Paul and Barnabas. The two Apostles, in short, were banished from the city, 20 SAINT PAUL. and from the territory of Antioch in Pisidia, by a municipal decree. Following the apostolic usage, they shook the dust off their feet against the city. They then directed their steps towards Lycaonia, and reached, after a march of about five days across a fertile country, the city of Iconium. Lycaonia was, like Pisidia, an illiterate country, little known, and which had con served its ancient customs. Patriotism had by no means died out there ; manners were pure, and the minds of men, serious and honest. Iconium was a city of ancient religions and of old traditions-:— traditions which, in many points, approached even those of the Jews. The city, still very small, had just received, or was about to receive, from Claudius, when Paul arrived there, the title of Colony. A high Roman functionary, Lucius Pupius Praesens, procurator of Galatia, had been called the second founder of it, and the city hence changed its ancient name for that of Claudia or of Claudiconium. The Jews, doubtless because of that circumstance, were numerous there, and had gained over many par tisans. Paul and Barnabas spoke in the synagogue : a Church was organised. The missionaries made Iconium a second centre of a very active apostle- ship, and dwelt there a long time. It was there that Paul, according to a very popular romance during the first half of tho third century, must have con quered the most beautiful of all his disciples, the faithful and tender Theckla. But the story has no foundation to rest on. One asks oneself why, if it was by an arbitrary choice, the Asiatic priest, the author of the romance, selected for the scene of his narrative the city of Iconium. Even to-day the Greek women of that country are celebrated for their charms, and exhibit the phenomena of endemic hysteria, which the doctors attribute to the climate. Be that as it may, the success of the Apostles was SAINT PAUL. 21 very great. Many Jews were converted; but the Apostles made always more proselytes outside the synagogue, from amongst those sympathetic popu lations who were no longer satisfied with the old religions. The spotless morality of Paul charmed the good Lycaonians ; their credulity, moreover, dis posed them to receive with admiration that which they regarded as miracles, and the supernatural gifts of the Spirit. The tempest which had forced the preachers to quit Antioch in Pisidia, broke out afresh at Iconium. The orthodox Jews sought to stir up the Pagan population against the missionaries. The city be came divided into two parties. There was a riot : people spoke of stoning the two Apostles. They took flight, and quitted the capita] of Lycaonia. Iconium is situated near an intermittent lake, at the entrance of the great steppe which forms the centre of Asia Minor, and which has, even up till now, rebelled against all forms of civilisation. The route towards Galatia, properly speaking, and Cappadocia, was closed. Paul and Barnabas essayed to compass the foot of the arid mountains which form a semicircle round the plain on the south side. These mountains are none other than the northern back of the Taurus ; but the central plain being raised considerably above the level of the sea, Taurus attains on that side only a moderate elevation. The country is cold and bleak; the soil, now swampy, now sandy, or cracked by the heat, is painfully dismal. Alone, the mass of th« extinct volcano, called now Karadagh, stands like an island in the middle of that boundless sea. Two small, obscure towns, the position of which is uncertain, became then the theatre of the activity of the Apostles. These two small towns were called Lystra and Derbe. Dropped down in the valleys of the Karadagh, in the middle of poor people de voted to the raising of flocks, in the neighbourhood 22 SAINT PAUL. of the most notorious haunts of brigands that an tiquity had known, these two towns stood entirely isolated. A civilised Roman felt himself there to be in the midst of savages. The people spoke Lycaonian. Few Jews were to be found there. Claudius, by the establishment of colonies in the inaccessible regions of Taurus, gave to these outlandish cantons more order and security than they had ever before had. Lystra was the first to be evangelised. A singular incident happened there. In the first days of the sojourn of the Apostles at that town, the rumour spread that Paul had performed a miraculous cure on a lame person. The credulous inhabitants, and the friends of the person on whom the miracle had been wrought, were thereupon seized with a singular idea. It was believed that the Apostles were two divinities who had taken human form in order to walk about among mortals. The belief in their descent from the gods was widely spread, especially in Asia Minor. The life of Apollonius of Tyana became soon to be regarded as the sojourn of a god upon earth. Tyana was not far from Derbe. As an ancient Phrygian tradition — consecrated by a temple, and annual feast and pretty recitations — made Zeus and Hermes to wander thus about in company, people applied to the Apostles the names of these two divine travellers. Barnabas, who was taller than Paul, was Zeus ; Paul, who was the chief speaker, was Hermes. There was just outside the gate of the town a temple of Zeus. The priest, warned that a divine manifestation had taken place, and that his god had appeared in the town, took steps to make a sacrifice. The bulls had already been led out and garlands placed on the front or the temple, when Paul and Barnabas arrived on the scene, rending their clothes and protesting that they were but _ men. The Pagan races, as we have already said, attached to a miracle a SAINT PAUL. 23 totally different sense than did the Jews. To the latter, the miracle was a doctrinal argument ; to the former, it was the immediate revelation of a god. The aim of the Apostles, when they were preach ing to people of that kind, was less of preaching Jesus than of preaching God ; their preaching thus became again purely Jewish, or rather deistical. The Jews who have become proselytes, have always felt that that which in their religion is adapted to the universality of mankind is at bottom only monotheism ; that all the rest, Mosaic institutions, Messianic ideas, etc., form, as it were, a secondary series of beliefs, constituting the peculiar appanage of the children of Israel, a sort of family heritage, which is not transmissible. As Lystra had only a few or no Jews of Palestine origin, the life of the Apostle there was for a long time very tranquil. One family in that town was the centre and the school of the highest piety. It was composed of a grandmother named Lois, of a mother named Eunice, and of a young son named Timothy. The two women professed, undoubtedly, the Jewish religion as proselytes. Eunice had been married to a Pagan, who probably was dead before the advent of Paul and Barnabas. Timothy, in the society of these two women, advanced in the study of sacred literature, and in the sentiments of the most ardent devotion ; but as he frequently visited the houses of the most devout proselytes, his parents had not had him circumcised. Paul converted the two women. Timothy, who might be fifteen years of age, was initiated into the Christian faith by his mother and his grandmother. The reports of these conversions spread to Iconium and to Antioch iu Pisidia, and re-awakened the anger of the Jews of these two cities. They sent emis saries to Lystra, who provoked a disturbance. Paul was seized by the fanatics, dragged outside the city, 24 SAINT PAUL. stoned, and left for dead. The disciples came to his rescue. His wounds were not serious. He re-entered the town, probably by night, and on the morrow set out with Barnabas for Derbe. They made here a long stay, and won over a great many souls. These two Churches of Lystra and of Derbe were the first Churches which were composed almost entirely of Pagans. We can understand what a difference there must have been between these Churches and those of Palestine, formed in the bosom of pure Judaism, or even that of Antioch, encircled by a Jewish leaven and in a society already Judaised. Here there were subjects completely unprejudiced, honest country folks who were very religious, but of a turn of mind quite different from that of the Syrians. Till now, the preaching of Christianity had prospered only in the large towns, where resided a numerous population, plying their trades. Hence forward, churches were planted in the villages. Neither Iconium, nor Lystra, nor Derbe was con siderable enough in which to found a Church to be compared to that of Corinth or of Ephesus. Paul was in the habit of designating the Christians of Lycaonia by the name of the province in which they dwelt. Now, this province — we mean Galatia — understood the word in the administrative sense in which the Romans had applied it. The Roman province of Galatia, in fact, by no means embraced simply that country, peopled with Gallic adventurers, of which the town of Ancyra was the centre. It was an artificial agglomeration, corresponding to the transient reunion which was effected at the hands of the Galatian King Amyntas. This personage, after the battle of Philippi, and the death of Dejotarus, received from Antony, Pisidia, then Galatia, together with a part of Lycaonia and of Pamphylia. He was confirmed by Augustus in this possession. . At the end of his reign (twenty- SAINT PAUL. 25 five years B.C.) Amyntas possessed, outside of Galatia properly speaking, Lycaonia and Isauria, including even Derbe, the south-east and the east of Phrygia, with the towns of Antioch and Apollonia, Pisidia and Cilicia Trachaea. All these countries at his death formed a single Roman province, with the exception of Cilicia Trachaea and the Pamphylian towns. The province which bore the name of Galatia in the official nomenclature, at least under the first Caesars, included therefore for certain — (1) Galatia, properly speaking, (2) Lycaonia, (3) Pisidia, (4) Isauria, (5) Mountainous Phrygia, with the towns of Apollonia and Antioch. This state of things lasted for a long time. Ancyra was the capital of this large group, comprising almost the whole of central Asia Minor. The Romans were thus not sorry in order to de compose nationalities, and to efface recollections, to change the ancient geographical acceptations and to create arbitrary administrative groups analogous to our departments. Paul was accustomed to make use of the admini strative name to designate each country. The coun tries he had evangelised, from Antioch in Pisidia to Derbe, were called by him "Galatia;" and the Christians of these countries were to him "Gala tians." That name was to him extremely dear. The Churches of Galatia were embraced amongst those for which the Apostle had the most affection, and which in turn had for him the greatest personal attachment. The recollection of the friendship and the devotion which he had found at the houses of these good people, was one of the deepest impres sions of his apostolic life. Several circumstances enhanced the keenness of these recollections. It appears that during his sojourn in Galatia, the Apostle was subject to attacks of weakness, or of the malady which frequently overtook him. The solicitude, the attentions of the faithful proselytes, 26 SAINT PAUL. touched him to the heart. The persecutions that they had to suffer together served to create between them a strong bond. That little Lycaonian centre had in its way great importance : St Paul loved to revert to it, as being his first achievement ; it was from there that he drew later on two of his most faithful companions, Timothy and Gaius. He was for four or five years thus absorbed within a quite limited circle. He thought less then of those great rapid journeys, which towards the end of his life became with him a sort of passion, in order to establish firmly the Churches which might serve him as a base of operations. We do not know whether during that time he had any relations with the Church at Antioch, whose mission he had received. The desire of seeing again that Mother Church was awakened in him. He determined to make a journey thence, and proceeded by the opposite route to the one he had already gone by. The two missionaries visited for the second time Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch in Pisidia. They took up anew their abodes in these towns, confirming the faithful in the faith, exhorting them to perseverance, to patience, and teaching them that it was only through tribula tion that they could enter into the Kingdom of God. For the rest, the constitution of these scattered Churches was very simple. The Apostles chose from amongst each of them elders who after their depar ture were the depositaries of their authority. The ceremony of their departure was touching. There were fastings and prayers, after which the Apostles recommended the faithful to God, and departed. From Antioch in Pisidia, the missionaries once more attained to Perga. They made there, moreover, it appeared, a mission which was crowned with success. The city processions, pilgrimages, and grand annual panegyrics, were often favourable to the preaching of the Apostles. From Perga, after a day's jouruey, SAINT PAUL. 27 they reached Attalia, the great port of Pamphylia. There they embarked for Seleucia; then they returned to great Antioch, where they had, by the grace of God, been liberated five years before. The mission field was by no means a wide one. It embraced the Island of Cyprus in the sense of its length, and in Asia Minor a broken line of about a hundred leagues. It was the first instance of an apostolic journey of that kind: nothing had been pre-arranged. Paul and Barnabas had to wrestle with the greatest external difficulties. We must not compare these journeys with those of a Francis Xavier or of a Livingstone, backed up by rich associations. The Apostles resembled much more the Socialist workmen, spreading their ideas from tavern to tavern, than the missionaries of modern times. Their trade was forced upon them as a necessity; they were compelled to halt in order to pursue it, and to regulate their movements according to the localities in which they could find work. Hence from delays, from dull seasons, there was much time lost. In spite of the enormous obstacles, the general results of that first mission were immense. When Paul had re-embarked for Antioch, there were several churches of Gentiles. The great step had now been made. All steps of that kind which had taken place anteri orly had been more or less undecided. For all that, they were obliged to give an answer, more or less plausible, to the pure Jews at Jerusalem, who main tained that circumcision was the preliminary obli gation of the Christian profession. Moreover, the question had assumed a different form. Another fact of the highest importance was again brought to light; that was the excellent disposition which they had been able to discover among certain races, attached to mythological religions, to receive the gospel. The doctrine of Jesus was evidently about to profit by the species of charm which Judaism 28 SAINT PAUL. had until now exercised upon the pious Pagans. Asia Minor, in particular, was destined to become the second Christian soil. After the disasters which were soon to strike the Churches of Palestine, she was destined to be the principal home of the new faith, the theatre of the most important transfor mations. CHAPTER IIL FIRST AFFAIR IN REGARD TO CIRCUMCISION. The return of Paul and Barnabas was hailed in the Church of Antioch with a shout of joy. The whole street of Singon was en fite: the Church was assembled. The two missionaries related their ad ventures and the things which God had done by them. " God Himself," said they, " had opened the door of faith unto the Gentiles" (Acts xiv. 27, 28). They spoke of the Churches of Galatia, which were almost wholly composed of Pagans. The Church of Antioch, which had for a long time on his account recognised the legitimacy of the baptism of the Gentiles, approved their conduct. They remained there several months, resting from their labours, and refreshing themselves at that source with the apostolic spirit. It was then, it appears, that Paul converted and adopted as a disciple, companion, and fellow-worker, a young uncircumcised man named Titus, who had been born of Pagan parents, and whom we find henceforth always with him. A serious dissension, which nearly destroyed the work of Jesus, broke out at that time, and threw the nascent Church into great disorder. This dissension embraced the very essence of the situation. It was SAINT PAUL. 29 inevitable. It was a crisis that the new religion could not fail but pass through. Jesus, in raising religion to the highest summit it had ever attained, had not stated very distinctly whether or not he would remain a Jew. He had not indicated what he desired to conserve of Judaism. Sometimes he asserted that he had come to confirm the Law of Moses, at others, to supplant it. To speak the truth, this was, for a great poet like him, an in significant detail. When one has reached the point of knowing the Heavenly Father, Him whom one adores in spirit and in truth, one no longer belongs ta any sect, to any particular religion, or to any school ; one has the true religion : all practices become of no account ; one does not despise them, for they are the symbols of what has been or is still respectable ; but one ceases to impute to them an intrinsic virtue. Circumcision, baptism, the Passover, unleavened bread, sacrifices, all these become equally secondary matters : one thinks no more about them. None of the un- circumcised, moreover, had identified themselves with Jesus, or his life; the question did not hence call for solution. Like all men of genius, Jesus con cerned himself with mind alone. Practical ques tions of the highest importance, questions which appeared paramount to inferior minds, questions which caused the acutest pain to men of application, had no existence for him. At his death the confusion was general. Aban doned to themselves, deprived of him who had been for them all a living theology, they returned to the practices of Jewish piety. There" were men who were in the highest degree devout ; but the devo tion of the times was Jewish devotion. They pre served their customs, and fell again into those petty observances that ordinary persons looked upon as the essence of Judaism. The world esteemed them as holy men; and by a singular change of front, 30 SAINT PAUL. the Pharisees, who had served as a butt for the keenest satires of Jesus, became almost reconciled to his disciples. It was the Sadducees who showed them selves to be the irreconcilable enemies of the new movement. The minute observance of the Law appeared to them the first condition of being a Christian. Very soon people encountered, in looking at things from this point of view, the greatest difficulties. For, as soon as the family of Christians increased in numbers, it was exclusively amongst the people of non-Israelitish origin, amongst the sympathetic ad herents of Judaism who were uncircumcised, that the new faith found the readiest access. To oblige these to become circumcised was out of the question. Peter, with admirable practical good sense, recog nised this clearly. On the other hand, timorous per sons, such as James, the brother of the Lord, looked upon it as supreme impiety to admit Pagans into the Church, and to eat with them. Peter put off as far as he was able all solution of the question. For the rest, the Jews, on their part, found them selves in the same situation, and had taken up a similar position. When proselytes or partisans came to them from all parts, the question presented itself to them. Some advanced minds, honest laymen ignorant of science, and removed from the influence of the doctors, did not insist up on circumcision. Some times even they dissuaded the new converts from the practice. These simple-minded and good souls desired only the salvation of the world, and sacri ficed all the rest to this. The orthodox, on the con trary, with the disciples of Schammai at their head, declared circumcision to be indispensable. Opposed to the proselytising of the Gentiles, they did nothing to facilitate the cause of religion ; on the contrary, they exhibited towards the converts a certain coldness; Schammai drove them out of his SAINT PAUL. 31 house we are told, with a baton. This division was clearly manifested in respect of the royal family of Adiabene. The Jew named Ananias who converted her, and who was by no means a savant, strongly dis suaded Izate against circumcision. " One can live as perfectly," said he, " as a Jew can, without circumci sion ; to adore God was the really important thing." The pious Helene was of the same opinion. A rigorist, named Eleazar, declared, on the contrary, that if the king did not undergo circumcision he was an impious person ; that the reading of the Law was of no avail if one did not observe it, and that the highest precept was circumcision. The king, at the risk of losing his crown, followed this advice. The petty kings who embraced Judaism, in view of the rich marriages that the family of Herod offered, sub mitted to the same rite. But true piety was of a less facile composition than politics and avaricious- ness. Many of the pious converts led the Jew ish life without being subjected to the rite which was reputed by the vulgar as the opening of the door to excesses. It was indeed for them a source of perpetual embarrassment. Society bigots, in whom prejudices are strong, are accustomed to represent their religious practices as matters of good taste, of superior education. Whilst in France the devout man, in order to avow his piety, is compelled to conquer a sort of shame, and of human respect, with the Mussul mans, on the other hand, the man who practices his religion is the gentleman ; he who is not a good Mus sulman is not the person that he ought to be ; his position is analogous to that of a boorish, ill-man nered country man with us. Similarly, in England and in the United States, he who does not observe the Sunday, is put to the ban in good society. Amongst the Jews, the position of the uncircumcised was still worse. Contact with such a being was in their eyes something insupportable ; circumcision 32 SAINT PAUL. appeared to them as obligatory on every one who wished to live amongst them. He who would not submit to it, was a creature of low quality ; a sort of impure animal that people avoided ; a wretch with whom a man of good standing could hold no relations. The grand duality which is the essence of Judaism, was revealed in this. The Law, which was essen tially restrictive, and made for the purpose of isolat ing, was totally different in spirit from the Prophets who dreamt of the conversion of the world, and embraced the widest fields. Two words borrowed from the Talmudic language well defines the difference that we have indicated. The agada, the opposite of the halaka, designates popular preaching, proposes to itself the conversion of the heathen, in opposition to the learned casuistry which only thinks of the strict execution of the Law, without aiming at converting any one. To use the phraseology of the Talmud, the gospels are the agadas ; the Talmud, on the contrary, is the highest expression of the halaka. It is the agada which has conquered the world and made Christi anity; the halaka is the foundation of orthodox Judaism, which still endures without seeking to ex tend itself. The agada is represented as a thing principally Galilaean ; the halaka as a thing peculiarly Jerusalemitish. Jesus, Hillel, the authors of apoca lypses and apochryphas, are agadists, pupils of the Prophets, inheritors of their infinite aspirations ; Schammai, the Talmudists, the Jews posterior to the destruction of Jerusalem, are the halakistes, the ad herents of the Law, with its strict observances. We shall see, up to the time of the supreme crisis of the year 70, the fanaticism of the Law increasing each day, and, on the eve of the great national disaster, terminating in a sort of reaction against the doctrines of St Paul, in those "eighteen measures" which afterwards rendered impossible all intercourse be- SAINT PAUL. 33 tween the Jews and the non-Jews, and opened the sad history of exclusive Judaism, hateful and hated, which was the Judaism of the Middle Ages, and is. still the Judaism of the East. It is clear that, for nascent Christianity, here was the point upon which its future depended. Judaism — did it or did it not impose particular rites upon the multitudes which professed it? Did it establish a distinction between the monotheistic basis which constituted its essence, and the observ ances with which it was surcharged? If the former party had triumphed, as the Schammaites wished it should, the Jewish propaganda would have been wiped out. It is quite certain that the world would not have become Jewish, in the narrow sense of the word. That which constituted the attraction of Judaism, was not its rites, which did not differ in principle from those of other religions : it was its theological simplicity. We accept it as a sort of deism, or religious philosophy ; and, in fact — in the mind of a Philo, for example — Judaism was itself very closely associated with philosophical specula tions. With the Essenians it had reassumed the form of a social Utopia ; with the author of the poem attributed to Phocylides, it had become a simple catechism of good sense and of honesty ; with the author of the treatise of " The Empire of Reason," a sort of Stoicism. Judaism, like all religions founded primarily upon caste and tribalism, was encumbered by practices destined to separate the believer from the rest of the world. These practices were no longer an obstacle on the day when Judaism justly aspired to become the universal religion, without either exclusion or separation. It was as Deism and not as Mosaicism that it was to become the universal religion of humanity. " Love all men," said Hillel, " and draw them together with the Law ; act not otherwise than you would not wish that others 0 34 SAINT PAUL. should act to you. Here is the whole Law, the rest is the commentary of it." When we read the treatises of Philo, entitled, " Of the Contemplative Life," or, " That Every Honest Man is Free ; " when we read even the Sibylline verses written by the Jews, we are transported into an order of ideas which contain nothing specially Jewish, into a world of general mysticism which is not more Jewish than Buddhist or Pythagorean. The Pseudo-Phocylides goes the length of abolishing the Sabbath. We per ceive that all these men, ardent for the amelioration of humanity, seek to reduce Judaism to a general morale, to strip it of all that it possesses of individu ality, and of everything that would make of it a restricted religion. Three capital reasons, in fact, rendered Judaism a thing very exclusive. These were, circumcision, the prohibition of mixed marriages, and the distinction between meats permissible or forbidden. Circum cision was for adults a painful ceremony ; a cere mony, moreover, not free from danger, and disagree able to the last degree. That was one of the reasons which interdicted the Jews from leading a life in common with other races, and made of them a separate caste. At the baths and at the gymnasiums, most important places in ancient cities, circumcision exposed the Jews to all manner of affronts. Every time that the attention of the Greeks or the Romans was drawn to the subject, it was the signal for out bursts of pleasantry. The Jews were very sensitive on the point, and avenged themselves by cruel re prisals. Many, in order to escape the ridicule, and wishing to pass themselves off for Greeks, attempted to dissimulate their original mark by a surgical operation, the details of which have been preserved to us by Celsus. As fox the converts who submitted to that initiatory ceremony, there was only one course they could take — that was, to conceal them- SAINT PAUL. 35 selves to escape the sarcasms. No man of the world could resign himself to such a situation, and this was doubtless the reason that the conversions to Judaism were much more numerous among the women than among the men, the former not being subjected at first to an experience, shocking and repulsive in every respect. We find many instances of Jewish women being married to Pagans, but there is not a single instance of a Jew being married to a Pagan woman. Hence the origin of much of the jeering. The necessity made itself felt by a broad casuistry which brought peace into troubled households. Mixed marriages were the origin of difficulties of a similar kind. The Jews regarded these marriages as pure fornication. It was the crime that the kanavm punished with the dagger, simply because the Law in not prescribing any particular punishment for it, left its repression in the hands of zealots. Although united by faith and love to Christ, two Christians could thus be prevented from contracting marri age. The Israelite converted to Jesus who wished to espouse a sister of the Grecian race, expected that union, holy in his eyes, to be called by the most outrageous names. The prescriptions as to meats being pure or impure were not of the least consequence. We can judge of this by that which still takes place in our own time. Nudity being no longer a part of modern manners, circumcision no longer subjects Israelites to these inconveniences. But the necessity of slaugh tering for themselves continues to be very embarrass ing for them. It requires of those who are strict not to eat with Christians, and, consequently, to be sequestered from general society. That precept is the principal cause which still places Judaism, in many couutries, in the position of an exclusive sect. In countries where Israelites are not separated from the rest of the nation, it is a rock of offence ; for, to 36 SAINT PAUL. understand it, it is sufficient on this point to have seen Puritan Jews arrive from Germany or Poland, who are shocked at the licences their co-religionists permit on this side of the Rhine. In cities like Salonica, in which the majority of the population is Jewish, and where the wealth is in the hands of the Jews, the actual trade of the community is on this account rendered impossible. Even in ancient times these re strictions were irksome. A Jewish law, the relic of innumerable centuries during which the responsibili ties of property were an essential part of religious legislation, stamped the pig with a brand of infamy, which had no raison d'etre in Europe. That old anti pathy, having its origin in the East, appeared puerile to the Greeks and the Romans. A multitude of other prohibitions had descended from a time when one of the pre-occupations of the leaders of civilisation was to constrain their subordinates from eating things unclean, or from touching carrion. The hygiene of marriage, in fine, had given room for the enacting of a code of legal impurities for women sufficiently complicated. The peculiarity of these kind of prohibitions is their survival from times when they had a raison d'etre, and of their becoming at length so vexatious that they might have had their origin in what was proper and salutary. One particular circumstance gave to the prohibi tions in regard to meat much importance. The flesh provided for the sacrifices made to the gods was considered as impure. Now these meats, after the sacrifices, were often carried to the market, where it became very difficult to distinguish them ; hence the inextricable scruples. The strict Jews did not regard. as lawful the indiscriminate provisioning of them selves in the market. They held that the seller should be questioned as to the origin of the meat, and that before accepting the dish the host should be ques tioned as to how it had been supplied. The imposing SAINT PAUL. 37 of that load of casuistry upon converts had evidently been carried to excess. Christianity would not have been Christianity if, like the Judaism of our day, it „had been compulsory to have slaughtering done separately, or if the Christian could not, without vio lating his conscience, eat with other men. When one has discovered in that network of difficulties religions surcharged with prohibitions pertaining to life ; when one has seen the Jew in the East ; the Mussulmans separated by their ritualistic laws, as if by a wall, from the European world, where they might take their place, one can comprehend the immense import ance of the questions which were to be decided at the time at which we are now arrived. The question to be decided was, whether Christianity should be a religion of formulas and rituals, a religion of ablutions, of purifications, of distinctions between things pure and things impure, or, on the other hand, the religion of mind, the idealistic cult, which has killed or shall kill by degrees religious material ism, all formularies, all ceremonies. Or, better still, the question to be decided was whether Christianity was to be a petty sect or a universal religion ; whether the idea of Jesus should be overshadowed by reason of the incapacity of his disciples; or whether that idea, by virtue of its original force, should triumph over the scruples of backward and narrow minds, which were ready to have it replaced and obliterated. The mission of Paul and Barnabas had presented the question with such a force that there was no way of avoiding a solution. Paul, who in the first period of his ministry had, it appears, preached cir cumcision, now declared it useless. He had sur reptitiously admitted Pagans into the Church ; he had constituted Churches composed of Gentiles ; Titus, his intimate friend, had not been circumcised. The Church at Jerusalem could not longer close its 38 SAINT PAUL. eyes to facts so notorious. Broadly speaking, this Church was, on the point with which we are now engaged, hesitating, or favourable to the party the most backward. The conservative senate was there.. In close proximity to the Temple, in perpetual con tact with the Pharisees, the old Apostles, timid and narrow-minded, could not lend themselves to the profoundly revolutionary theories of Paul. Many of the Pharisees, however, had embraced Christianity without renouncing the essential principles of their sect. To such persons, the supposition that one could be saved without circumcision was blasphemy. To them the Law seeme'Q to remain in its entirety. They had been told that Jesus had come to fulfil the Law, not to abrogate it. The privileges of the children of Abraham appeared to them intact: the Gentiles could not enter into the kingdom of God without being previously affiliated with the family of Abraham ; in a word, before becoming a Christian, it was necessary to be made a Jew. Never, we can see, had Christianity had to resolve a more funda mental doubt. If one might credit the Jewish party, the love feast even, the common repast, would have been impossible; the two sections of the Church of Jesus would not have been able to commune the one with the other. From the theological point of view, the matter was still more serious; the question was to know whether one could be saved through the works of the Law or by the grace of Jesus Christ. Some members of the ^JJrarch of Judaea having arrived at Antioch without, as it would appear, any mission from the apostolic body, provoked discussion. They proclaimed loudly that one could not be saved without circumcision. It is necessary to recall that the Christians, who had at Antioch a name and a dis tinct individuality, had nothing of the kind at Jeru salem ; that which did not oppose whoever came from Jerusalem had not in the whole Church much force. SAINT PAUL. 39 for the centre of authority was there. People were greatly excited. Paul and Barnabas resisted in the most energetic manner. There were long disputes. To bring it to an end, it was decided that Paul and Barnabas should go to Jerusalem to consult with the Apostles and the Elders on the subject. The question had for Paul a personal importance. His action until now had been almost entirely inde pendent. He had only spent a fortnight at Jerusalem since his conversion, and for eleven years he had not put a foot in it. In the eyes of many he was a sort of heretic, teaching on his own account, and scarcely in communion with the rest of the faithful. He declared proudly that he had had his revelation, his apostleship. To go to Jerusalem was, in appearance at least, to forfeit his liberty, to subject his apostle ship to that of the Mother Church, to learn from others what he knew through his own and personal revelation. He did not deny the authority of the Mother Church ; but he defied it, because he was acquainted with the obstinacy of some of its mem bers. He therefore took precautions so as not to compromise himself too much. He declared that in going to Jerusalem he would not submit to any dictation ; he even feigned, indulging a pretension that was habitual to him, that in this he was obeying a command of Heaven, and of having had a revelation on the subject. He took with him his disciple Titus, who shared all his opinions, and who, as we have said above, was not cirQumcised. Paul, Barnabas, and Titus set out on their journey. -The Church at Antioch accompanied them on their route as far as Laodicaea-on-the-sea. They followed the coast of Phoenicia, then traversed Samaria, find ing at every step brethren, to whom they recounted the marvels of the conversion of the Gentiles. There was great joy everywhere. In this way they reached Jerusalem. This was one of the most 40 SAINT PAUL. solemn hours in the history of Christianity. The grand doubt was now to be solved. The men upon whom rested the whole future of the new religion were going to be ranged face to face. Upon their grandeur of soul, upon their uprightness of heart depended the future of humanity. Eighteen years had rolled on since the death of Jesus. The Apostles had grown old. One of them had suffered martyrdom. Others probably were dead. We know that the deceased members of the apostolic college were not replaced ; that the college became extinct when they had disappeared. On the part of the Apostles, they formed themselves into a college of elders, in which authority was divided. The " Church," the reputed depository of the Holy Spirit, was composed of the Apostles, of the elders, and of all the brotherhood. Amongst the simple- minded brethren themselves there were degrees. Inequality was perfectly admissible; but that in equality was altogether moral ; it was neither a question of external prerogative nor of material advantage. The three principal " pillars," as we have said, of the community were still Peter, James, the brother of the Lord, and John, the son of Zebedee. Many Galilaeans had disappeared. They had been replaced by a certain number of persons belonging to the party of the Pharisees. " Pharisee " was syno nymous with " devotee " ; but all the best saints of Jerusalem were also strong devotees. Lacking the mind, the finesse, the grandeur of Jesus, they had, after his death, fallen into a kind of stupid bigotry, a state similar to that which their master so strongly combated. They were incapable of irony ; they had almost forgotten the eloquent invectives of Jesus against the hypocrites. Some had developed into a sort of Jewish Indian priests, after the manner of John the Baptist and of Banou, monks totally ad dicted to formulas, and at whom Jesus certainly, if SAINT PAUL. 41 he had been still alive, could not have aimed sar casms enough. James, in particular, surnamed the Just, or "the brother of the Lord," was one of the most exact observers of the Law that there was. According to certain traditions — very doubtful, it is true — he was even an ascetic, practising all the Nazarene abstin ences, observing celibacy, drinking no intoxicating liquors, eschewing flesh, never cutting his hair, for bidding himself anointings and baths, wearing neither sandals nor garments of wool, clothed in plain linen. Nothing, we see, was more contrary to the idea of Jesus, who, at least from the death of John the Baptist, declared affectations of that kind perfectly vain. Abstinence — already in favour with certain branches of Judaism — became the fashion, and formed the dominant trait of the fraction of the Church which, later on, was to be connected with a pre tended Ebion. The pure Jews were opposed to those abstinences ; but the proselytes, particularly the women, inclined much to them. James did not stir from the Temple ; he remained there alone, it is said, for long hours in prayer, until the callus of his knees had contracted, like those of the chamois. It is be lieved that he passed his time there after the manner of Jeremiah, a penitent for the people, weeping for the sins of the nation, and turning aside the chastise ments that threatened them. He had only to raise his hands to heaven to perform miracles. He had been surnamed the Just, and also Obliam, that is to say, " Rampart of the people," because it was sup posed that it was his prayers which prevented the Divine wrath from sweeping everything away. The Jews, as we are assured, held him in the same veneration as the Christians. If that singular man was really the brother of Jesus, he must have been at least one of those inimical brothers who abjured him and wished him arrested ; and it is probable to 42 SAINT PAUL. such recollections that Paul, irritated by a mind so narrow, made allusion when he wrote concerning these pillars of the Church at Jerusalem :—" What soever they were, it maketh no matter to me ; God accepteth no man's person" (Gal. ii. 6). Jude, the brother of James, was, it seems, in entire agreement with his ideas. To sum up, the Church at Jerusalem had been more and more broadened by the spirit of Jesus. The dead weight of Judaism had borne it down. Jerusalem was for the new faith an unwholesome centre, and would have ended by destroying it. In that capital of Judaism, it was very difficult to cease being a Jew. Moreover, new men, like St Paul, all but systematically avoided residing there. Forced now, under pain of being separated from the primi tive Church, to come to confer with their elders, they found themselves in a position full of hardship ; and the work, which could not live except by the power of concord and of abnegation, ran an immense risk. The interview, in fact, was singularly protracted and embarrassing. People listened favourably at first to the account that Paul and Barnabas gave of their missions ; for every one, even the most Judaised, was of opinion that the conversion of the Gentiles was the harbinger of the Messiah. The curiosity to see the man of whom so much was being said, and who had led the sect into so new a path, was at first very lively. They glorified God for having made an Apostle out of a persecutor. But when they came to circumcision, and the obligation of practising the Law, dissension broke out in all its force. The Pharisean party set forth its pretensions in the most uncompromising manner. The party in favour of emancipation responded with triumphant force. They cited the cases of several uncircum cised persons who had received the Holy Ghost. If God made no distinction between Pagans and saint Raul. 43 Jews, how could they have the temerity to do it for Him? How could that be held for unclean which God had purified ? Why impose a yoke on the con verts that the race of Israel had not been able to bear ? It was through Jesus that one was saved, and not through the Law. Paul and Barnabas ad vanced in support of that thesis the miracles which God had wrought for the conversion of the Gentiles. But the Pharisee* objected with no less force that the Law was not abolished; that one never ceased to be a Jew ; that the obligations of a Jew remained ever the same. They refused to hold relations with Titus, who was uncircumcised ; they openly accused Paul of infidelity, and of being an enemy of the Law. The most admirable characteristic in the histories of the origins of Christianity is that that radical and serious division, embracing a question of the first importance, did not occasion in the Church a com plete schism, which would have been its ruin. The eager and impulsive mind of Paul had here a splen did opportunity of displaying itself; his sound prac tical sense, his sagacity, and his judgment, remedied everything. The two parties were eager, excited, almost harsh to one another; nobody rejected his advice; the question was not yet shaped ; people remained united in the common work. A superior bond, the love that every one had for Jesus, the remembrance which all entertained for him, were stronger than the divisions. The most fundamental dissension that was ever produced in the bosom of the Church, did not lead to reprobation. This is a great lesson that succeeding centuries have seldom been able to imitate. Paul understood that in large and heated assem blies he could never succeed, because that there narrow minds would always have the sway, and be cause Judaism a» «oo ong at Jerusalem for one 44 SAINT PAUL. to hope to be able to extort from it a concession of principles. He went and saw separately all person ages of consideration, in particular, Peter, James, and John. Peter, like all men who exist for the most part on elevated sentiment, was indifferent to questions of party. These disputes grieved him ; he wished for union, concord, and peace. His timid and rather contracted mind detached itself with diffi culty from Judaism; he would have preferred that the new converts had accepted circumcision, but he saw the impossibility of such a solution. Deep and tender natures are always undecided ; they some times even have to resort to a little dissimulation. They desire to please everybody — no question of principle seems with them to outweigh the value of peace. They let themselves be carried away by different parties, and to making contradictory pro mises and engagements. Peter sometimes com mitted this by no means heinous fault. To Paul, he was for uncircumcision ; to the strict Jews, he sided with the partisans of circumcision. The soul of Paul was so grand, so sincere, so full of the new zeal which Jesus had brought into the world, that Peter could not fail to sympathise with him. They loved each other, and when they were to gether, it was as sovereigns of the entire world of the future, which they divided between them. It was doubtless at the close of one of their con versations that Paul, with the exaggeration of lan guage and the verve that were habitual to him, said to Peter, " We quite understand one another ; yours is the gospel of circumcision ; mine is the gospel of uncircumcision." Paul laid hold of these words later on as a sort of regular treaty, which ought to be accepted by all the Apostles. It is difficult to believe that_ Peter and Paul should dare to repeat outside their private conversations words which would have injured to the highest degree the pre- SAINT PAUL. 45 tensions of James, and probably even those of John. But the words were uttered. These large schemes, which were hardly those of Jerusalem, struck greatly the enthusiastic soul of Peter. Paul made upon him the greatest impression, and won him over com pletely. Up to this time Peter had travelled little ; his pastoral visits had not, it seems, been extended beyond Palestine. He must have been about fifty years of age. Paul's eagerness for travelling, the recitals of the apostolic journeys, the projects that had been communicated to him in regard to the future, fired his zeal. It was from this time that Peter was seen to absent himself from Jerusalem, and to lead inhis turn the wandering life of apostle- ship. James, with the sanctity of a life so equivocal, was the chief of the Judaistic party. It was through him that almost all the conversions of Pharisees had been made : the exigencies of that party were im posed on him. Everything tends to the belief that he did not make any concession upon the dogmatic principle ; nevertheless, a moderate and conciliatory opinion soon began to make itself manifest. The legitimacy of the conversion of the Gentiles was admitted ; it was declared that it was useless to be disquieted in regard to what concerned circumci sion ; it was only necessary to maintain a few inter esting prescriptions, the morale or the suppression of which would shock too keenly the Jews. In order to reassure the Pharisean party, it was re marked that the existence of the Law was not for the sake of compromise, seeing that Moses had from time immemorial, and would always be, for the people to be read in the synagogues. The con verted Jews thus remained submissive to the entire Law, and the exemptions only concerned the con verted Pagans. In practice, however, people were to avoid shocking those who had more contracted 46 SAINT PAUL. ideas. It was probably these moderate persons, the authors of that harmless contradiction, who coun selled Paul to induce Titus to let himself be circum cised. Titus, in fact, had become one of the principal difficulties of the situation. The converted Pharisees of Jerusalem willingly supported the idea that, far removed from them, at Antioch, or in the depths of Asia Minor, there were Christians uncircumcised. But in their midst at Jerusalem, to be obliged to associate with them, and thus to commit a flagrant violation of that Law to which they were attached to the bottom of their hearts,- this was what they could not consent to. Paul took the most infinite precautions in acceding to this demand. It was indeed owned that it was not as a matter of necessity that the circumcision of Titus was demanded, as Titus would remain a Chris tian even if he did not submit to that rite ; but it was asked of him as a mark of condescension for the brethren whose consciences were pledged, and who otherwise could not hold relations with him. Paul consented,' but not without uttering some se vere words against the authors of such an exaction, against those false brethren who only had entered the Church to diminish the extent of the liberties created by Jesus. He protested that he would in nothing submit his opinions to theirs; that the concession he had made was for once only, for the sake of the general good, and of peace. With such reservations he gave his consent, and Titus was circumcised. That concession cost Paul much, and the sentence in which he spoke of it is one of the most original that he ever wrote. The language that it cost him seemed not to be able to run off his pen. The sen tence, at first sight, appeared to mean that Titus was not circumcised, whilst it implied that he was. Tht' remembrance of that painful moment often returned to him ; that semblance of returning to Judaism ap- SAINT PAUL. 47 peared to him sometimes as a denying of Jesus ; he re-assured himself by saying, — " And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews." Like all men who possess a multiplicity of ideas, Paul set little store by forms. He perceived the vanity of everything which was not a thing of the soul, and when the supreme interests of conscience were at play, he, usually so stubborn, abandoned all else. The capital concession which involved the circum cision of Titus, appeased much of the ill-feeling. It was admitted that in distant countries in which the new converts had no daily intercourse with the Jews, it would be sufficient if they abstained from blood, together with meats offered in sacrifice to the gods, or suffocated, and that they observed the same laws as the Jews in regard to marriage, and the relations between the sexes. The use of pork meat, the in terdiction of which was everywhere the symbol of Judaism, was left free. It was almost the embodi ment of the Noachic precepts ; that is to say, which it was supposed had been revealed to Noah, and which were imposed on all proselytes. The idea that the blood was the life, that the blood was life itself, inspired in the Jews an extreme horror for meats from which the blood had not been let. To abstain from these was for them a precept of natural religion. Demons were supposed to be particularly greedy of blood, so in eating meat not bled people ran the risk of having for companion of the food they partook of a demon. A man who about that period wrote under the usurped name of the celebrated Greek moralist Phocylides a short course of Jewish natural morals, simplified the usages of the non-Jews, by seizing upon similar solutions. That bold impostor did not essay to convert his reader to Judaism ; he sought merely to inculcate on him the "Noachical precepts," with some greatly modified Jewish rules in regard to meat and to marriage. The first of these rules 48 SAINT PAUL. was altered by him to accord with hygienic require ments and alimentary convenience, to the abstaining from things forbidden or unclean ; the second had reference t6 the- regulating and the purifying of sexual relations. All the rest of the Jewish ritual went for nothing. For the rest, that which issued from the assembly at Jerusalem was only agreed to by word of mouth, and was not even stated in very strict terms, for we shall see them frequently set aside. The idea of dog matic canons emanating from a council was not yet heard of. By reason of profound good sense, these simple people attained to the loftiest pinnacle of policy. They saw that the only way of escaping great questions was to leave them unresolved, to take a middle course which would please no one, and to leave problems to wear themselves out, and to die from lack of a raison d'etre. People were content to be divided. Paul ex plained to Peter, James, and John the gospel that he preached to the Gentiles ; the former entirely approved of it, finding nothing in it to reprimand, and not attempting to add anything thereto. Paul and Barnabas were heartily given the right hand of fellowship ; their immediate right divine to the apostleship of the Pagan world was admitted ; people recognised in them a sort of peculiar grace for what was the special object of their vocation. The title of Apostle of the Gentiles, which Paul had already assumed, was, as he assures us, officially con ferred on him ; and without doubt people accorded to him, at least by tacit assent, the fact which he prized the most, to wit, that he had had his special revelation as direct as those who had seen Jesus ; in other words, that his vision on the way to Dam ascus was of as much importance as the other ap- pearancesof Christ risen from the dead. All that was required of the three representatives of the SAINT PAUL. 49 Church of Antioch in return, was not to forget the poor at Jerusalem. The Church of that city, in fact, by reason of its communistic organisation, its peculiar responsibilities, and the misery which reigned in Judea, appeared to be nearing its last gasp. Paul and his party accepted gladly that idea. They hoped by a kind of contribution to shut the mouth of the intolerant Jerusalemitish party, and. to re concile it with the thought that he existed for the Church of the Gentiles. By means of a trifling tribute they purchased liberty of thought, and re mained in communication with the central Church, outside of which one did not dare hope for salva tion. In order that no doubt should remain as to the re conciliation, it was decided that Paul, Barnabas, and Titus, in returning to Antioch, were to be accom panied by two of the principal members of the Church at Jerusalem, Judas Bar-Saba and Silvanus or Silas, who were charged with disavowing the brethren from Judaea who had created the trouble in the Church at Antioch, and to render witness to Paul and Barnabas, whose services and devotion were recognised. The joy at Antioch was very great. Judas and Silas held the rank of prophets : their inspired speech was appreci ated extremely by the Church at Antioch. Silas was so much charmed with that atmosphere of life and of liberty, that he had no desire to return to Jerusalem. Judas alone returned to the Apostles, and Silas at tached himself to Paul by bonds of brotherhood, which every day became more intimate. 50 SAINT PAUL. CHAPTER IV. SLOW PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY : ITS INTRODUCTION AT ROME. An idea which, above all things, it is necessary to get rid of, when the question at issue is the propa gation of Christianity, is that that propagation had to be made by succeeding missionaries, and by preachers similar to those of modern times, who have to go from city to city. Paul and Barnabas and their companions were the only ones who sometimes pro ceeded in this manner. The rest was done by work men whose names remain unknown. Alongside'the Apostles who attained celebrity, there was thus an obscure apostleship, whose agents were not dogmat ists by profession, but who were none the less most efficacious. The Jews of the period were nomads par excellence. Merchants, servants, small tradesmen, they visited all the large towns of the coast, and pursued their calling. Active, industrious, polite, they brought with them their ideas, their good example, their exaltation, and dominated these populations, degraded in point of religion, with all the superiority that the enthusiastic man possesses over those that are indifferent. Those affiliated to the Christian sect travelled like the other Jews, and carried the glad tidings with them. It was a sort of familiar preaching, and much more persuasive than any other. The gentleness, the gaiety, the good humour, the patience of the new believers, caused them to be received gladly everywhere, and conciliated their minda Rome was one of the first points attacked in this manner. The capital of the Empire had heard the name of Jesus long before all the intermediate countries could have been evangelised, just as a high SAINT PAUL. 51 summit is illuminated when the valleys lying between it and the sun are still in darkness. Rome was, in fact, the rendezvous of all the Oriental religions, the point of the Mediterranean with which the Syrians had the most intercourse. They arrived there in enormous bands. Like all poor populations going up to attack the large cities in quest of fortune, they were obedient and humble. With them disembarked troops of Greeks, Asiatics, and Egyptians, all speaking Greek. Rome was literally a bilingual city. The language of the Jewish world and of the Christian world of Rome was for three centuries Greek. Greek was at Rome the language of all that was most wicked and most honest, of all that was the best and the most base. Rhetoricians, grammarians, philoso phers, noble pedagogues, preceptors, servants, in triguers, artists, singers, dancers, brokers, artisans, preachers of new sects, religious heroes — they all spoke Greek. The old Roman burgess class" lost ground each day, swamped as it was by this flood of strangers. It is in the highest degree probable that about the year 50 several Jews from Syria, already Christians, entered the capital of the Empire, and disseminated their ideas there. In fact, among the good admini strative measures of Claudius, Suetonius placed the following : — " He expelled the Jews from Rome, who, at the instigation of Chrestus, indulged frequently in riots." Certainly, it is possible that there might have been at Rome a Jew named Chrestus who fomented troubles amongst his co-religionists, and which led to their expulsion. But it is much more probable that the name of Chrestus was none other than that of Christ himself. The introduction of the new faith provoked, doubtless, in the Jewish quarter at Rome, altercations, quarrels, scenes analogous, in a word, to those which had already taken place at Damascus, at Antioch in Pisidia, and at Lystra. Wishing to 52 SAINT PAUL. put an end to these disorders, the police were compelled to take measures for the expulsion of the perturbators. The chiefs of police may have inquired superficially into the nature of the quarrel, which interested them so little ; a report addressed to the Government may have proved that the agitators called themselves Christiani, that is to say, partisans of a certain Christus ; that name being unknown, it may have been changed into Chrestus, in consequence of the custom of unlettered persons giving to the names of strangers a form appropriate to their habits. Hence, in order to come to a conclusion that there existed a man of that name, who had been the provoker and the leader of the riots, was but a short step to take; the inspectors of police might have overlooked the fact, and, without further in quiry, pronounced sentence of banishment against the two parties. The principal Jewish quarter in Rome was situated on the other side of the Tiber ; that is to say, in the part of the city the poorest and the most filthy, probably in the neighbourhood of the actual Porta Portese. Here was situated formerly, as in our own times, the port of Rome, the place where merchan dise was unloaded which had been brought in flat boats from Ostia. It was the quarter of the Jews and of the Syrians, " nations" born to servitude " as is remarked by Cicero. The first nucleus of the Jewish population at Rome had, in fact, been formed of freedmen, descendants, for the most part, of those who had been carried prisoners to Rome by Pompey. They had undergone slavery without changing any of their religious habits. That which is admirable about Judaism, is that simplicity of faith which makes the Jew, though transported a thousand leagues from his country, at the end of many generations a Jew still of the purest type. The intercourse between the synagogues of Rome and those of Jerusalem was SAINT PAUL. 53 continual. The first colony had been reinforced by numerous emigrants. These poor people dis embarked by hundreds at Eipa, and lived there by themselves in the quarter adjacent to Trans- tevere, serving as street porters, engaging in small commerce, exchanging matches for broken glasses, and presenting to the haughty Italian population a type which, later, should become to them too familiar — that of a mendicant skilled in his art. A Roman who respected himself never put his foot into these debased quarters. It was treated as a suburb given over to contemned classes, and to disreputable avoca tions ; tanneries, sausage factories, steeping troughs, were relegated there. So the unfortunates lived quite tranquilly in that despised corner, in the midst of bales of merchandise, infamous taverns, and of litter porters (Syrians), who had here their general quarters. The police did not enter it except when the quarrels were bloody, or when they were too often repeated. Few of the quarters of Rome were so free ; politics had nothing to do with it. Not only was religion practised in ordinary times without opposition, but every facility was afforded for active propagandism. Protected by the contempt which they inspired, little sensitive, moreover, to the railleries of the people of the world, the Jews of Transtevere led thus a very active, religious, and social life. They possessed a few kakamin (schools) ; nowhere was the ritual and ceremonial of the Law more scrupulously observed ; the synagogues had the most perfect organisation that ever was known. The titles of " father " and of " mother of the synagogue " were much prized. Some rich, converts took biblical names; they converted their slaves along with themselves ; the Scroll was explained by the doctors ; they built places of prayer, and showed themselves to be proud of the considera tion they enjoyed in that little world. The poor 54 SAINT PAUL. Jew, when begging, found the opportunity, in a trembling voice, to whisper into the ear of the grand Roman dame a few sentences of the Law, and often gained over the matron, who had given him a hand ful of small change. To observe the Sabbath and the Jewish feasts was, according to Horace, the characteristic which classes a man amongst the weak-minded, that is to say, with the multitude, unus multorum. Universal benevolence, the felicity of reposing with the just, assisting the poor, purity of manners, the sweetness of family life, the mild perception of death, which was considered as a sleep, are the sentiments which are found on the Jewish inscriptions, together with that special note of touching unction of humility, certain hope, which characterises Christian inscriptions. There were many Jews, men of the world, rich and powerful, such as Tiberius Alexander, who attained to the highest honours of the Empire, and who twice or thrice exercised an influence of the first order in public affairs, and had even, to the great chagrin of the Romans, his statue in the Forum ; but the latter were no longer good Jews. The Herods, although ostentatiously practising their religion at Rome, were also far from (it was only through their relations with the Pagans) being true Israelites. The poor remained faithful, esteeming these world lings as renegades ; in like manner, we see in our day the Polish or Hungarian Jews treat with severity the aristocratic French . Israelites who have deserted the synagogue, and have had their children educated in Protestantism, so as to make their circle more exclusive. A world of ideas were thus propounded on the com mon wharf where was unloaded the merchandise of the whole world ; but all this is lost in the tumult of a large city like London or Paris. Certainly the proud patricians, who, in their promenades upon the Aven- SAINT PAUL. 55 tine cast their eyes to the other side of the Tiber, could not suspect that the future was being prepared in the pile of poor houses erected at the foot of Jani- culum. The day when, under the reign of Claudius, a certain Jew, initiated in the new beliefs, placed foot on the ground opposite the Emporium, that same day no one knew in Rome that the founder of a second Empire, another Romulus, lodged at the gate on a bed of straw. Near the gate was a kind of lodging-house, well known to the people and the soldiers, which went under the name of Taberna meri- toria. There was shown here, in order to attract the credulous, a pretended fountain of oil, issuing from the rocks. Very soon that fountain of oil was regarded by the Christians as symbolical. It was pretended that its appearance had coincided with the birth of Jesus. It appears that later on the Taberna was made into a church. Who knows whether the oldest souvenirs of Christianity were not connected with that resort ! Under Alexander Severus we see the Christians and the tavern-keepers contending for a certain spot which had formerly been public, and which that good Emperor adjudged to the Christians. One feels that one is here upon the natal soil of an old popular Christianity. Claudius, about that time, struck with the " progress of foreign superstitions," believed that he was performing an act of" good con servative policy in re-establishing the soothsayers. In a report made to the Senate, complaint was made of the indifference of the times for the ancient usages of Italy, and for good discipline. The Senate had invited the Pontiffs to see whether it was possible to re-establish the old customs. Everything went well, in consequence, and it was believed that these respectable impostures were saved for all eternity. The great question of the moment was the attain ment of Agrippa to power, the adoption of Nero by 56 SAINT PAUL. Claudius, and his ever-increasing fortune. No one thought of the poor Jew who uttered for the first time the name of Christus in the Syrian colony, and expounded the faith which brought happiness to those amongst whom he was living. Others soon arrived. The letters from Syria, brought by the newcomers, spoke of the movement which was in creasing more and more. A small circle was formed. Everybody " smelled the garlick." These ancestors of the Roman prelates were poor proletariats, filthy, undistinguished, ill-mannered, clothed in dirty smock- frocks, and had the bad breath of people who are ill- fed. Their hovels had that odour of misery which exhales from persons poorly nourished and clothed, and huddled up in a small room. They soon became numerous enough to make a noise. They preached in the ghetto, and the orthodox Jews resisted them. What witb the tumultuous scenes which were taking place ; what with the scenes recurring night by night ; what with the Roman police being interviewed ; what (little caring to know what was the cause of the trouble) with addressing a report to the superior authority, and laying the troubles to the account of a certain Chrestus, whom it was impossible to get hold of ; what with the expulsion of the agita tors having been decided on — there was nothing in that which was not plausible. The passage in Sue tonius, and, better still, that of the Acts, would seem to imply that all the Jews were driven out on that occasion; but such a thing is not to be supposed. The likelihood is that the Christians, the partisans of the seditious Chrestus, were alone expelled. Claudius, in general, was favourable to the Jews, and it is even not impossible that the expulsion of the Christians, of which we have just been speaking, took place at the instigation of the Jews — the Herods, for example. These expulsions, however, were always only tem porary ami '"mditional. The tide, arrested for the SAINT PAUL. 57 moment, always returned. The edict of Claudius was, in any case, of little consequence, since Josephus does not mention it, and in the year 58 Rome had already a new Christian Church. The founders of this first Church at Rome, de stroyed by the decree of Claudius, are unknown. But we know the names of two Jews who were exiled in consequence of the emeutes of the Porta Portese. They were an old pious couple, the one Aquila, originally a Jew from Pontus, following the same calling as St Paul, that of an upholsterer, the other Priscilla, his wife. They sought refuge at Corinth, where we soon see them en rapport with St Paul, whose intimate friends and zealous fellow-workers they became. Aquila and Priscilla are hence the two oldest known members of the Church at Rome. But they are hardly remembered. Legend, which is al ways unjust, because it is always swayed by political motives, has expelled from the Christian Pantheon these two obscure workers, in order to attribute the honour of the foundation of the Church of Rome to a name more illustrious, corresponding better to the proud pretensions of universal dominion which the capital of the Empire, now become Christian, could not abdicate. , For us, it is not at the theatrical basilica which has been consecrated to St Peter, it is at the Porta Portese, that ancient ghetto, where we really find the starting-point of Western Christianity. It is the traces of those poir wandering Jews, who carried with them the religion of the world, — those men who hardly dreamt, in their misery, of the kingdom of God — we must search out and embrace. We do not contest with Rome its essential title ; Rome was probably the first spot of th& Western world, and even of Europe, where Christianity was established But in place of these proud and magnificent churches, in place of these insulting devices, Christus vincit, Christus regit, Christus imperat — Christ conquers, 58 SAINT PAUL. Christ reigns, Christ governs — it would be much better to erect a little chapel to the two good Jews of Pontus who were expelled by the police of Claudius for belonging to the party of Chrestus. After the Church of Rome (if it was not even an terior) the most ancient Western Church was that of Pozzuoli. St Paul found Christians there about the year 61. Pozzuoli was in a certain sense the port of Rome ; it was at least the place where the Jews and the Syrians who came to Rome disembarked. This strange soil undermined by fire; these Phlegreens fields; that sulphur bed; these caverns full of burn ing vapours, which seemed the breath of hell ; these sulphurous waters; these myths of giants, and of demons buried in the burning valleys, a sort of Gehennas ; these baths, which appeared to the aus tere Jews and the enemies of total nudity the acme of abomination — greatly impressed the imaginations of the new emigrants, and have left a deep trace on the apocalyptic compositions of the times. The follies of Caligula, of which we still see traces, left also in these places terrible recollections. In any case, one capital feature, as we have already had occasion to remark, is, that the Church at Rome was not, like the Churches of Asia Minor, of Mace donia and of Greece, a foundation of the school of Paul. It was a Judaeo-Christian creation, connected directly Avith the Church at Jerusalem. Paul was never here on his own ground; he found in that great Church many shortcomings, which he treated with indulgence, but which offended his exalted idealism. Attached to circumcision, and to exterior practices ; ebionite by its taste for abstinences, and by its doctrine, more Jew than Christian, in re gard to the person and the" death of Jesus ; strongly attached to millenarianism, the Roman Church presented in its early days the essential features which have distinguished it during its long and mar- SAINT PAUL. 59 vellous history. The direct daughter of Jerusalem, the Roman Church has always had an ascetic, sacer dotal character, and been opposed to ther Protestant tendency of St Paul. Peter was its veritable chief ; then, being penetrated by the political and hier archical spirit of old Pagan Rome, it became, in truth, the new Jerusalem, the city of the pontificate, of religion, hierarchical and solemn, of material sacra ments, which are their own justification, the city of ascetics, after the manner of Jacques Obliam, with its callosities on the knees and its plates of gold on the forehead. She was to be the church of authority. If it can be believed, the special sign of the apostolic mission was the showing of a letter signed by the Apostles, the producing of a certificate of orthodoxy. The good and the evil that the Church at Jerusalem did for infant Christianity, the Church of Rome did for the Church universal. It was in vain that Paul addressed to them his beautiful epistle, in order to explain to them the mystery of the cross of Jesus and of salvation by faith alone. This epistle the Church at Rome but vaguely comprehended. But Luther, fourteen and a half centuries later, comprehended it, and opened a new era in the secular series of the alternative triumphs of Peter and Paul. CHAPTER V. SECOND JOURNEY OF PAUL — ANOTHER SOJOURN AT GALATIA. Hardly had Paul returned to Antioch, when he began forming new projects. His ardent soul could not brook repose. On the one hand, he proposed to enlarge the rather limited field of his first mission : on the other, the desire to see again his dear Churches 60 SAINT PAUL. of Galatia, to confirm them in the faith, pursued him incessantly. The tenderness which that strange nature appeared in some respects to lack, had been transformed into a powerful faculty of loving the communities which he had founded. He had for his Churches the sentiments that other men have for that which they love the most. This was indeed a special gift of the Jews. The feeling of association with which they were imbued caused them to give to the esprit de famille applications altogether novel. The synagogue and the church were thus what the monastery was to the Middle Ages, the beloved home, the hearth of the warmest affections, the roof under which people sheltered that which they held most dear. Paul communicated his design to Barnabas. But the friendship of the two Apostles, which had been proof against the severest tests, which no suscepti bility of amour propre, no freak of character had been able to lessen, received now a cruel blow. Barnabas proposed to Paul to take John, surnamed Mark, with them: Paul flew into a passion. He could not pardon John-Mark for having abandoned the first mission at Perga, at the moment when it had entered upon the most perilous stage of the journey. The man who had once refused to go on with the work, appeared to him as unworthy of being enrolled anew. Barnabas defended his cousin, whose motives, in fact, it is probable Paul judged with too much severity. The quarrel waxed very hot : it was impossible to come to. an understanding. That old friendship which had been the condition of the evangelic preach ing, gave place for a time to a miserable question of individuals. To speak truly, it is allowable to sup pose that the rupture was based on deeper reasons. It is' a miracle that the always increasing preten sions of Paul, his pride, his eagerness to be absolute chief, had not already twenty times rendered rela- SAINT PAUL. 61 tions impossible between two men whose reciprocal positions had entirely changed. Barnabas had not the genius of Paul; but who can tell whether in the true hierarchy of souls, which is regulated by the order of goodness, he did not occupy a still higher rank ? When we recall what Barnabas had been to Paul ; when we think that it was he who at Jerusalem had silenced the not altogether groundless defiances of which the new convert was the object; — who went to seek at Tarsus the future Apostle, as yet isolated and uncertain as to his path; — who introduced him into the young and active life of Antioch ; — who, in a word, made him an Apostle, — one cannot help seeing in that open rupture a motive of secondary importance, a gross act of ingratitude on the part of Paul. But the exigencies of the work were too powerful , for him. What man of. action is there that has not once in his life committed a great crime of the heart? The two Apostles then separated from each other. Barnabas and John -Mark embarked at Seleucia for Cyprus. History from this point loses sight of his wanderings. While Paul marches on to glory, his companion, falling into obscurity the moment he quitted him who illuminated him with his rays, wears himself out with the labours of an unrecorded apostleship. The enormous injustice which often regulates the things of this world, presides over history like as over everything else. Those who undertake the role of self-devotion and unostentation, are ordinarily forgotten. The author of the Acts, with his ingenuous conciliatory policy, has, without wishing it, sacrificed Barnabas to the desire that he entertained of reconciling Peter to Paul. By a sort of instinctive lack of the prin ciple of compensation, on the one hand diminish ing and subordinating the importance of Paul, on 62 SAINT PAUL. the other, the author has enhanced the importance of Paul at the expense of a modest fellow-worker, who had not a part cut out for him, and who was not weighted in history with the unequal weights which result from the arrangements of parties. Hence arises the ignorance in which we are placed as to what belongs to the apostleship of Barnabas. We only know that that apostleship continued to be very active. Barnabas remained faithful to the grand rules which Paul and he had established during their first mission. He did not take with him in his peregrinations female companions ; he lived always by his work, never accepting anything from the Church. He again encountered Paul at Antioch. The imperious temper of Paul provoked a fresh dis cord between them ; but the nature or sentiment of the holy work carried all before it ; the communion between the two Apostles remained intact. Labour ing each in his own way, they remained in com munication the one with the other, mutually in forming one another of their labours. In spite of the greatest dissensions, Paul continued always to treat Barnabas as a fellow-worker, and to consider him as dividing with himself the work of the apostleship of the Gentiles. Ardent, hot-headed, and susceptible, Paul soon forgot, when the great principles to which he had devoted his life were not in question. In place of Barnabas, Paul selected for his com panion Silas, the prophet of the Church at Jerusalem, who had remained at Antioch. He was probably not sorry at the defection of John-Mark, who, it seems, wished to be near Peter. Silas possessed, it is said, the title of a Roman citizen, which, joined with his name of Silvanus, induces the belief that he was not of Judea, or that he had already had occasion to familiarise himself with the world of the Gentiles. Both departed, recommended by the brethren to the grace of God. These forms were not at that time SAINT PAUL. 63 vain. People believed that the finger of God was everywhere ; that each step of the Apostles of the new kingdom was directed by the immediate inspira tion of Heaven. Paul and Silas journeyed by land. Taking to the north, across the plain of Antioch, they traversed the defile of Amanus, the Assyrian passes ; then rounding the end of the Gulf of Issus they crossed the northern ridge of Amanus by the Amanida pass ; they then traversed Cilicia, passing probably through Tarsus, emerging from Taurus doubtless by the celebrated Cilician passes — one of them the most frightful mountain pass in the world ; penetrating thence into Lycaonia ; finally reaching Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium. Paul found his dear Churches in the same state in which he had left them. The faithful had persevered, and their numbers had increased. Timothy, who was but an infant at the time of his first journey, had be come an excellent subject. His youth, his piety, and his intelligence, delighted Paul. All the faithful of Lycaonia testified highly of him. Paul attached him to himself, loved him tenderly, and always found in him a zealous collaborateur, or, rather, a son (it is Paul himself who uses this expression). Timothy was a man of great candour, modesty, and reserve. He had not assurance enough to undertake the chief roles; he lacked authority, especially in Greek countries, where the minds of the people were frivol ous and fickle ; but his self-denial made of him an unequalled deacon and secretary £o Paul. Paul moreover declared that he had not another disciple who was so completely according to his heart. Im partial history is compelled to withhold, to the advantage of Timothy and of Barnabas, a portion of the glory monopolised by the all-absorbing per sonality 6f Paul. Paul, in attaching Timothy to himself, foresaw 64 SAINT PAUL. grave embarrassments. He feared that, in his com munications with the Jews, Timothy, uncircumcised as he was, could only be a source of repulsion and of trouble. It was, in fact, known everywhere that his father was a Pagan. A multitude of timorous people would decline to hold intercourse with him : the quarrels, which had hardly been laid to rest by the interview at Jerusalem, would be revived. Paul recalled the difficulties he had experienced in regard to Titus. He resolved to anticipate these ; and, in order to avoid being brought later to make a con cession to the principles he had recoiled from, he circumcised Timothy himself. This was altogether in conformity with the principles which had guided him in the affair of Titus, and which he always practised. But he had never been induced to say that circumcision was necessary to salvation ; for, in his eyes, that would have been an error of faith. Yet circumcision being in itself not a wicked thing, he thought that it might be practised, in order to avoid scandal and schism. His great rule was that an apostle ought to be all things to all men, and to yield to the prejudices of those whom he wished to gain over, when these prejudices in themselves were merely frivolous, and did not contain anything ab solutely reprehensible. But, at the same time, as if he had a presentiment of the tests that the faith of the Galatians was about to be put to, he made them promise never to listen to another teacher than him self, and to anathematise all other teaching save his own. From Iconium Paul probably went to Antioch in Pisidia, and completed thus the visit of the principal Churches in Galatia, founded during his first journey. He resolved then to enter upon new territory ; but grave doubts restrained him. The thought of at tacking the West of Asia Minor, that is to say, the province of Asia, came into his mind. It was the SAINT PAUL. 65 part of Asia the most populated. Ephesus was the capital of it ; it contained the beautiful and flourish ing cities of Smyrna, Pergamos, Magnesia, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Colossus, Laodicaaa, Hierapolis, Tralles, Miletus, in which the centre of Christianity was soon to be established. It is not known what turned St Paul away from carrying his efforts in that direction. " The Holy Spirit," says the writer of the Acts, " forbade him going to preach in Asia." The Apostles, it must be borne in mind, were reputed to obey, in choosing the direction of their courses, in spirations from on high. Sometimes there were real motives, reflections, or positive indications which they dissimulated under this language. Sometimes there was also the absence of motives. The opinion that God made known to man his volitions by means of dreams, was widespread, just as it is still in our day in the East. A dream, a sudden impulse, an unpremeditated movement, an inexplicable noise (bath kol), appeared to them as the manifestations of the Spirit, and decided the route of the mission. What is certain is that, from Antioch in Pisidia, instead of going in the direction of the brilliant provinces of the south-east of Asia Minor, Paul and his companions plunged more and more into the heart of the peninsula, which contained pro vinces much less celebrated and less civilised. They traversed Phrygia Epictetus, passed probably through the towns of Synnada and ^Ezana, and reached the confines of Mysia. There, their indecision returned. Should they turn to the north towards Bithynia, or continue west and enter Mysia? They essayed first to enter Bithynia, but untoward events supervened, which they took for the indications of the will of Heaven. They imagined that the spirit of Jesus did not wish that they should tarry in that country. They then traversed Mysia from one end to the other, and arrived at Alexandria-Troas, a consider- E 66 SAINT PATTli. able port almost opposite Tenedos, and not far from the site of ancient Troy. The apostolic band made thus, in almost a single journey, a distance of more than a hundred leagues, across a country little known, and which, destitute of Roman colonies and Jewish synagogues, did not offer them any of the facilities they had found elsewhere. These long journeys in Asia Minor, full of sweet ennuis and mystical dreams, are a singular mixture of sadness and of charm. Often the route is hard ; certain cantons are peculiarly rugged and barren. Other parts, on the contrary, are full of freshness, and do not correspond at all to the ideas that we are accustomed to embrace in that vague phrase, the East. The mouth of the Orontes marks, both in relation to nature and in relation to races, a well- defined line of demarcation. Asia Minor, both for aspect and for the style of landscape, recalls Italy or our South, at the eminence of Valence and of Avignon. The European is not out of his native climate there, as he is in Syria or in Egypt. It is, if I may say so, an Aryan, not a Semitic country, and it is not to be doubted that one day it will be occupied anew by the Indo-European race (Greeks and Armenians). Water there is abundant : the towns are as if inundated by it. Certain points, such as Nymphi, Magnesia in Siplyus, are veritable paradises. The smooth mountain slopes which bound almost everywhere the horizon, present such varieties of infinite forms, and sometimes of fan tastic shapes, that they would be regarded as idle fancies if an artist dare to imitate them. There are summits indented like the teeth of a saw, sides torn and slashed, strange cones, and perpendicular walls, in which are finely exposed to view all the beauties of the stone. Thanks to the numerous chains of mountains, the waters are living and sparkling. Long rows of poplars, small SAINT PAUL. 67 plane-trees, in the wide surface of the winter tor rents, superb stumps of trees, where the feet plunge into pools, and which jut out in dark tufts from the foot of each mountain, these are the solace of the traveller. At the source of each stream the caravans stop to water. The journey continues for days and days upon the narrow lines of antique pavement which for centuries have borne travellers so diverse, and oftentimes fatigued; but the halts are delicious. A repose of an hour, a piece of bread eaten upon the banks of these limpid streams, run ning in beds of pebbles, sustains one for a long time. At Troas, Paul, who in certain parts of that journey seems not to have followed any well-defined plan, became once more irresolute as to which route he should choose. Macedonia appeared to him to offer a fine harvest. It appears that he was confirmed in that idea by a Macedonian whom he encountered at Troas. He was a doctor, an uncircumcised pro selyte, by the name of Lucanus or Lucas. This Latin name would lead one to believe that the new dis ciple belonged to the Roman colony of Philippi ; his rare knowledge, in fact, of nautical geography and of navigation would, however, rather incline to the idea that he was a Neapolitan : the ports and all the coast of the Mediterranean appear to have been re markably familiar to him. This man, to whom was reserved so important a part in the history of Christianity, seeing he was to be the historian of the Christian origins, and seeing his judgment, self-deceptive as to the future, was to regulate the ideas that were formed in the early times of the Church, had received a sufficiently careful Jewish and Hellenic education. He had a gentle and conciliatory mind, a tender and sympathetic soul, a modest temperament, inclining to self-effacement. Paul loved him much, and Luke, on his part, was always faithful to his master. Like Timothy, Luke 68 SAINT PAUL. appeared to have been born expressly to be the com panion of Paul. Submission and blind confidence, unbounded admiration, a desire to be submissive, un limited devotion, were his habitual sentiments. It might be said that it was this absolute abnegation of self that made le moine hibernais in the hands of his abbot. The ideal of "the disciple" was never so perfectly realised. Luke was literally fascinated by the superiority of Paul. His affability as a man of the people proclaimed itself incessantly; his idle fancy showed him always to be a model of perfection and of happiness ; an honest man, a good master in his family, of which he was the spiritual head ; a Jew at heart, who was converted with all his house. He esteemed the Roman officers, and unhesitatingly believed them to be virtuous. One of the objects he admired the most was a good centurion, pious, benevolent towards the Jews, well served, well obeyed. He had probably studied the Roman army at Philippi, and had been much struck with it. He naturally supposed that discipline and the hierarchy were things of a moral order. His esteem for the Roman functionaries was also great. His title of doctor implies that he possessed medical knowledge, which is proved besides by his writings, but does not imply a scientific and rational culture, which few doctors possessed then. What Luke was par excel lence was '' the man of firm will " — the true Israelite at heart, he to whom Jesus brought peace. It is he who has transmitted to us, and who probably com posed, those delicious canticles of the birth and of the infancy of Jesus, those hymns of the angels, of Mary, of Zachariah, of old Simeon, in which shone out in tones so clear and so joyous the happiness of the new alliance, the Hosanna of the pious proselyte, the accord re-established between the fathers and the sons in the enlarged family of Israel. Everything tends to the belief that Luke was SAINT PAUL. 69 touched by grace at Troas ; that he was attached from that time to Paul, and persuaded him that he would find in Macedonia an excellent field. His words made a great impression upon the Apostle. The latter believed he saw in a vision a Macedonian, standing up, who invited him, saying unto him, "Come over and help us." This was received by the apostolic group as a command of God that they should go to Macedonia, and they waited only a favourable opportunity to depart thence CHAPTER VI. CONTINUATION OF THE SECOND JOURNEY OF PAUL — THE MACEDONIAN MISSION. The mission at this point entered upon entirely new ground. It was what was called the province of Macedonia ; but these regions had not formed a portion of the Macedonian kingdom since the time of Philip. They were, in reality, portions of Thracia, anciently colonised by the Greeks, then absorbed by the powerful monarchy the centre of which was at Pella, and which was included for two hundred years in the great Roman unity. Few countries in the world were, in fact, purer in race than the countries situated between Haemus and the Mediterranean. That they were composed of diverse branches was true, but each genuinely belonged to the Indo- European family, which were superimposed on it. If we except some Phoenician influences coming from Thasos and from Samothracia, almost nothing for eign had penetrated into the interior. Thracia, which was in great part Celtic, had remained faithful to 70 SAINT PAUL. the Aryan life: she preserved the ancient religions, under a form which appeared barbarous to the Greeks and Romans, but which, in reality, was only primitive. As for Macedonia, it was probably the region the most honest, the most serious, the most pious of the ancient world. It was originally a country of feudal boroughs, not of large independent towns; now, the latter is, of all administrations, that which has best conserved human morality, and placed the most forces in reserve for the future. Monarchical through steadfastness of mind and through abnegation, filled with antipathy for char latanism, and for the frequent barren agitations of small republics, the Macedonians presented to Greece the type of a society analogous to that of the Middle Ages, founded upon loyalism, upon faith in legitimacy and heredity, and upon a conservative spirit, equally removed from the grovelling despot ism of the East, and from that democratic fever which, inflaming the blood of the people, wears out quickly those who abandon themselves to it. Thus disencumbered from the causes of social corruption that democracy almost always brings in its train, and yet free from the iron chains which Sparta had invented to fortify herself against revolution, the Macedonians were the people of antiquity who most resembled the Romans. They recall in some other respects the German barons, brave, dissipated, rude, proud, faithful. If they realised but for a moment Avhat the Romans knew how to establish in a durable manner, they would have had less honour in having survived their attempt. The little king dom of Macedonia, without factions or seditions, with its good interior administration, was the most solid nationality that the Romans had to combat in the East. A strong patriotic and legitimist spirit reigned there to such a degree that after their defeats we see the inhabitants take fire with a SAINT PAUL. 71 singular facility against the impostors who pre tended to continue their old dynasty. Under the Romans, Macedonia remained a land worthy and pure. It furnished to Brutus two ex cellent legions. We do not see the Macedonians, like the Syrians, the Egyptians, the Asiatics, rush ing to Rome in order to enrich themselves with the fruits of their evil practices. Despite the terrible substitution of races which followed, it may be said that Macedonia has always preserved the same character. It is a country placed under the normal conditions of European life, — wooded, fertile, watered by splendid rivers, possessing interior sources of wealth; whilst that Greece, meagre, poor, singular in everything, has nothing left it but glory and beauty. A land of miracles, like Judaea and Sinai, Greece flourished once, but can never flourish again. She has created something unique, which cannot be reproduced. It seems that when God has once manifested Himself in a country, He blasts it for ever. A land of klephtes and of artists, Greece can not again take an original part on the day when the world enters into the channels of wealth, of industry, of abundant consumption : she can only produce genius. In passing through it one is astonished that a powerful race was able to live upon that pile of arid mountains, in the middle of which is a somewhat humid and deep valley, a little plain, a kilometre in extent — all this compels our wonder. Never has there been so plainly seen the opposition which exists between opulence and high art. Macedonia, on the contrary, will one day resemble Switzerland or the south of Germany. Its villages are like clumps of gigantic trees. She has everything that is required for becoming a country of great culture, and of great industry — vast plains, rich mountains, verdant prairies, extended prospects, very different from 72 SAINT PAUL. those charming little mazes of the site of Greece. Solemn and grave, the Macedonian peasant has no longer anything of the assurance and the vivacity of the Hellenic peasant. The women, beautiful and chaste, work in the fields like the men. We might say, a country of Protestant peasants : it is a beautiful and strong race, laborious, steady, loving its country, and full of the future. Embarking at Troas, Paul and his companions (Silas, Timothy, and probably Luke) set sail with- a fair wind, touched the first evening at Samo- thracia, and the morrow approached Neapolis, a town situated upon a small promontory opposite the Isle of Thasos. Neapolis was the port of the great city of Philippi, situated about three leagues thence in the interior. It was the point where the great Egnatine road, which traversed Macedonia and Thracia from west to east, touched the sea. Taking this road, which they did not need to quit until reaching Thessalonica, the Apostles ascended the stony slope cut in the rocks which overlooked Neapolis, emerged from the little chain of mountains which forms the coast, and entered the beautiful plain in the centre of which stands, detached upon a projecting promontory of the mountain, the city of Philippi. This rich plain, the lowest portion of which is composed of a lake and of marshes, communicates with the basin of Strymon from behind Pangea. The gold mines which at the Hellenic and Macedonian epoch had made the country celebrated, were now almost abandoned. But the military importance of the position of Philippi, squeezed in between the mountain and the morass, had given to it a new life. The battle which ninety-four years before the arrival of the Christian missionaries had opened its gates, brought to it an unexpected splendour. Augustus had established there one of the most considerable SAINT PAUL. 73 Roman colonies, under the^'Ms italicum. The city was much more Latin than Greek ; Latin was there the common tongue ; the religions of Latium seemed to have been transported thither intact. The surround ing plain, dotted with towns, was equally, at the epoch at which we have now arrived, a kind of Roman can ton, thrown into the heart of Thracia. The colony was inscribed in the Voltinian tribune. It had been formed principally of the wrecks of the Antonine party, which Augustus had cantoned on these coasts ; it was there mixed with portions of the old Thracian stock. In any case, it was a hard-working popula tion, living orderly and peaceably; besides, it was very religious. The confraternities flourished there, particularly those under the patronage of the god Sylvain, who was considered as a sort of tutelary genius of the Latin domination. The mysteries of the Baccnus of Thracia embraced exalted ideas in re gard to immortality, and made the population fami liar with the views of a future life, and of an idyllic paradise very similar to that which Christianity had spread. Polytheism was in these countries less complicated than elsewhere. The religion of Saba- zius, common to Thracia and to Phrygia, in close rapport with the ancient Orpheism, and yet detached by the syncretism of the times from the Dionysian mysteries, included the germs of monotheism. A certain infantile simplicity of taste prepared the way for the Gospel. Everything indicated habits honest, serious, and amiable. One felt oneself to be in a centre analogous to that in which the agronomic and sentimental poetry of Virgil was created. The ever green plain was favourable for the varied culture of vegetables and flowers. Splendid fountains, gush ing from the base of the mountain of shining marble which crowned the city, diffused, when properly ap plied, wealth, shade and freshness. The thickets of poplars and willows, of fig trees and cherry trees and 74 SAINT PAUL. of wild vines, exhaled the sweetest odours, and scented the brooks, which abounded on all sides. Moreover, the prairies, which were overrun or covered with monster roses, exhibited herds of dull-eyed buffaloes, with enormous horns, with their heads just above the water ; whilst the bees and the swarms of black and blue butterflies gyrated fromflower to flower. Pangaea, with its majestic summits, which were covered with snow till the .middle of June, stretched out as if to unite the city across the morass. Beautiful ranges of mountains bounded the horizon on all the other sides, leaving only an aperture through which the sky vanished, and showing in the clear distance the basin of Strymon. Philippi offered to the mission a most appropriate field. We have already seen that in Galatia the Roman colonies of Antioch in Pisidia and of Iconium had very favourably received the new doctrine. We shall observe the same thing at Corinth and at Alex- andria-Troas. The population, which had been for a long time settled there, and possessing ancient local traditions, gave few signs of innovations. The Jewry of Philippi, if there was one, was little import ant ; at most, it was limited probably to the women celebrating the Sabbath. Even in the towns in which there were no Jews, the Sabbath was usually cele brated by some of the people. In any case, it seems clear that there was no synagogue there. When the apostolic band entered the city, it was on the first day of the week. Paul, Silas, Timothy, and Luke remained some days within doors, awaiting, accord-, ing to custom, the Sabbath day. Luke, who knew the country, remembered that the people who had adopted Jewish customs were wont to assemble on that day without in the suburbs, upon the banks of a small secluded rivulet, which issued from the ground a league and a half from the city, from an enormous boiling spring, and which was called Gan- SAINT PAUL. 75 gas or Gangites. Perhaps it went then by the antique Aryan name of the sacred rivers (Qanga). What is certain is that the peaceful scenes recounted in the Acts, and which marked the first establishment ot Christianity in Macedonia, took place at the same spot where a century before the fate of the world had been decided. Gangites marked the spot in the great battle of the year 42 before Jesus Christ, where were placed the foremost ensigns of Brutus and of Cassius. In towns where there was no synagogue, the meetings of those who were affiliated to Judaism were held in small hypethral erections, or frequently simply in the open air in enclosed spaces, which were called proseuchce. People delighted in establishing these oratories near the sea or rivers, so as to have facilities, for ablutions. The Apostles repaired to the place indicated. Many women, in fact, resorted there for devotion. The Apostles spoke to them, and proclaimed to them the mystery of Jesus. They were listened to attentively. One woman, in par ticular, was touched. " The Lord," says the writer of the Acts, "opened her heart." She was called Lydia or Lydian, because she was from Thyatira. She traded in one of the principal products of Lydian industry — purple. She was a pious person, of the order of those who were called " believing in God," that is to say, a Pagan by birth, but observing the precepts denominated " Noachic." She was baptised, with all her house, and did not rest until, through much entreaty, she induced the four missionaries to take up their abode with her. They remained there some weeks, teaching each Sunday at the place of prayer, upon the banks of the Gangites. A small Church, almost wholly composed of women, was formed. It was very pious, very obedient, and most devoted to Paul. Besides Lydia, this Church embraced within its bosom Evhodia and Syntyche, 76 SAINT PAUL. who with the Apostle fought valiantly for the Gospel, but who sometimes had disputes in regard to the ministry of deaconesses. Epaphroditus, a courageous man, whom Paul treated as a brother, a fellow-worker, a companion in arms ; Clement, and others still, whom Paul called "his fellow-workers, and whose names," said he, " are written in the book of life." Timothy was also much beloved of the Philippians, and he had for them great devotion. It was the only Church from which Paul accepted pecuniary succour, because it was rich, and was little burdened by poor Jews. Lydia was undoubtedly the principal author of these gifts. Paul accepted them from her, for he knew her to be strongly at tached to him. This woman gave from the heart ; one had not to fear reproaches on her part, nor for an interested -return. . Paul preferred, doubtless, to be indebted to a woman (probably a widow), of whom he was sure, rather than to men, in respect of whom he would have been less independent, if he had had some acquaintance with them. The absolute purity of Christian manners dis armed all suspicion. Perhaps, moreover, it is not too audacious to suppose that it is Lydia whom Paul, in his Epistle to the Philippians, calls "my dear spouse." That expression can be taken, if one so desires, as a simple metaphor. Is it, neverthe less, absolutely impossible that Paul may have con tracted with that sister a union more intimate? The only thing certain is, that Paul did not take this sister with him in his journeys. Notwith standing this, a whole branch of ecclesiastical tradi tion has claimed that he was married. The character of the Christian woman became more and more outlined. To the Jewish woman, sometimes so strong, so devoted ; to the Syrian woman, who is indebted to the soft languor of a distempered organisation for flashes of enthusiasm SAINT PAUL. 77 and of love ; to Tabitha, Mary Magdalen, succeeded the Greek women, Lydia, Phoebe, Chloe, vivacious, gay, active, amiable, distinguished, open-hearted to all, yet nevertheless circumspect, giving themselves up to their master to whom they were subordinate, capable of the greatest things, because they were contented to be the fellow-labourers of the men and their sisters, and to aid them when they performed worthy actions. These Greek women, sprung from a fine and healthy race, experienced at the turn of life a change which transformed them. They be came pale, and their eyes wandered languishingly ; they then covered the bands of thick hair which bounded their cheeks with a black veil, and devoted themselves to austere cares, and brought to bear on these an animated and intelligent ardour. The "female servant," or Greek deaconess, surpassed even her of Syria and of Palestine in courage. These women, guardians of the secrets of the Church, ran the greatest dangers, and endured every torment, rather than divulge anything. They created the dignity of their sex, and justly too, because they did not speak of their rights ; they did more than the men, in assuming the attitude of limiting themselves to serving the latter. An incident happened which hastened the depart ure of the missionaries. The city began to speak of them, and public imagination was engaged already upon the marvellous virtues which were attributed to them. One morning, as they were repairing to the place of prayer, they encountered a young slave — probably a ventriloquist — who passed for a witch, and predicted the future. Her masters made a great deal of money out of that ignoble performance. The poor girl, either because she possessed indeed a spirit of divination, or because she was tired of her infamous calling, had. no sooner perceived the mis sionaries than she started to follow them, uttering 78 SAINT PAUL. loud cries. The faithful pretended that she was rendering homage to the new faith and to those who preached it. This was repeated several times. At length, one day, Paul exorcised her. The girl, calmed, pretended to be freed from the spirit which tormented her. But the anger of her masters was extreme. Through the healing of the girl they lost their livelihood. They entered a process against Paul, and Silas as his accomplice, and caused them to be taken to the agora, before the duumvirs. It would have been difficult to found a claim for indemnity upon such peculiar grounds. The plain tiffs laid special stress on the fact of the trouble caused in the city, and of illegal preaching. " They preach customs," said they, "that we are not allowed to follow, inasmuch as we are Romans." The city, in fact, was under the Italian law, and liberty of worship became the more constrained the nearer people were to the Roman city. The superstitious population, excited by the masters of the witch, made, at the same moment, a hostile demonstration against the Apostles. These sorts of petty uprisings were fre quent in ancient towns. The newsmongers, the unemployed, the "plunderers of the agora," as De mosthenes had already denominated them, lived on them. The duumvirs, believing that they were deal ing with ordinary Jews, condemned — without in forming themselves of, or inquiring into, the position of the accused — Paul and Silas to be beaten. The lictors divested the Apostles of their garments, and beat them cruelly in public. They were next cast into prison, put in one of the innermost cells, and had their feet made fast in the stocks. Whether they had not been allowed to speak in their own defence, or whether they purposely had courted the glory of suffering humiliation for their Master, it does not appear that either Paul or Silas took advantage of their title of citizens before SAINT PAUL. 79 the tribunal. It was during the night in the prison that they declared their rank. The jailor was much troubled. Thus far he had treated the two Jews with harshness; now he found himself in the pres ence of two Romans, Paulus and Silvanus, unlawfully condemned. He washed their wounds, and gave them to eat. It is probable that. the duumvirs were informed at the same time ; for early in the morning they sent the lictors to order the jailor to release the captives. The Valerian and the Porcian laws were express. The application of stripes to a Roman citizen constituted a grave offence. Paul, taking advantage of this circumstance, refused thus to leave his confinement. He demanded, it is related, that the duumvirs should themselves come and give him his liberty. The embarrassment of the latter was somewhat great. They came and besought Paul to quit the city. The two prisoners, once at liberty, repaired to the house of Lydia. They were received as martyrs. They, addressed to the brethren a few parting words of exhortation and consolation, and departed. In no city had Paul ever been so beloved, and so much loved. Timothy, who was not implicated in the prosecution, and Luke, who played a secondary part, remained at Philippi. Luke did not see Paul again until five years after. Paul and Silas, having departed from Philippi, followed the Egnantine road, which led to Amphi- polis. This was one of the most beautiful day's journey Paul ever experienced. In leaving the plain of Philippi, the road enters a smiling valley, domin ated by the peaks of Panga. The natives cultivated there flax and the plants of the most temperate countries. Large villages were to be seen in every indentation of the mountain. The Roman road was made of marble flagstones. At each step, almost under every plane tree, deep wells filled with water, 80 SAINT PAUL. coming directly from the snowy vicinage, and filtering through the thick layers of permeable earth, presented themselves to the traveller. Through the openings in the white marble rocks issued rivulets of incom parable limpidity. It is in such a locality that one learns to place pure water in the first rank of the gifts of Nature. Amphipolis was a large city, the capital of a province, and about an hour's journey from the mouth of the Strymon. The Apostles do not appear to have stopped there, probably because it was a purely Hellenic city. From Amphipolis the Apostles, after quitting the estuary of Strymon, proceeded between the sea and the mountain, across the thick woods and the prairies which extend to the sand on the sea shore. The first halt, under the plane trees, near a cooling fountain which issues from the sand, a few steps from the sea, is a delicious place. The Apostles then entered Aulon of Arethusa, a deep rent, a kind of Bosphorus cut perpendicularly, which served as an outlet from the interior lakes to the sea, and passed, probably without any one knowing it, by the side of the tomb of Euri pides. The beauty of the trees, the freshness of the. air, the rapidity of the waters, the strong growth of the ferns and shrubs of all kinds, recall the prospect of Grand Chartreuse or of Gresivaudan, thrown into the bottom of a furnace. The basin of the lakes of Mygdonia, in fact, is torrid, having, as we might say, surfaces of molten lead ; the snakeweeds, raising their heads out of the water and seeking the shade, im print there only a few wrinkles. The flocks, to wards the south, crowded together round the foot of the trees, seem shrivelled up. If it were not for the hum of the insects and the song of the birds, which alone in creation can resist such oppression, it might be regarded as the kingdom of the dead. Traversing the small town of Apollonia, without halting, Paul skirted the south side of the lakes, and SAINT PAUL. 81 continuing almost as far as the bottom of the plain whose depressed centre they occupy, he arrived at the foot of the small range of heights which form the east side of the gulf of Thessalonica. When one attains the summits of these hills, the outline of Olympus is seen in all its splendour. The base and the middle regions of the mountain are blended with the azure of the sky ;, the snows of the summit appear as an ethereal dwelling suspended in space. But, alas I the holy mountain had been already disenchanted. Man had ascended it, and had clearly seen that the gods no longer dwelt there. When Cicero, in his exile at Thessalonica, saw their white summits, he knew that there was there only snow and rocks. Paul, doubtless, had no regard for these enchanted places belonging to another race. A great city was before him, and from experience he divined that he would find there an excellent base for establishing something grand. Since the Roman domination, Thessalonica had be come one of the most important commercial ports of the Mediterranean. It was a very wealthy and populous city. It had a grand synagogue, serving as a religious centre to the Judaism of Philippi, of Amphipolis, and of Apollonia, all of which had only oratories. Paul followed here his usual practice. For three consecutive Sabbaths he spoke in the syna gogue, repeating his uniform discourse on Jesus, proving that he was the Messiah, that the Scrip tures had found in him their fulfilment, that he had to suffer, and that he had risen again. Some Jews were converted ; but the conversions were numerous, especially among the Greeks "fearing God." It was always this class which furnished to the new faith its most zealous adherents. The women came in crowds. All that was best in the feminine society of Thessalonica had already for a long time observed the Sabbath and the Jewish 82 SAINT PAUL. ceremonies ; the ilite of these pious dames flocked to the new preachers. The ordinary phenomena of thaumaturgy, of glossology, of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, of mystical effusions, and of ecktases were produced. The Church of Thessalonica soon rivalled that of Philippi in piety and in delicate attentions to the Apostle. Paul nowhere expended more ardour, tenderness, and penetrating grace. This man, natur ally vivacious and passionate, exhibited in his mis sion a surprising gentleness and calmness ; he was a father, a mother, a nurse, as he himself said ; while his austerity and rudeness served but to enhance his charm. Stubborn and stern natures have, when they wish to be unctuous, unequalled powers of seduc tion. Severe language, never flattery, has much more chance of being made agreeable, with women in particular, than softness, which is often the in dication of feeble and interested views. Paul and. Silas lived at the house of one Jesus, an Israelite by race, who, according to the usage of the Jews, had Grecianised his name to that of Jason; but they 'would accept nothing but lodgings. Paul laboured at his trade night and day, in order to cost the Church nothing. The rich purple merchants of Philippi and the sisterhood would, moreover, have been grieved if others than they had furnished to the Apostle the things requisite for existence. On two occasions, during his sojourn at Thessalonica, Paul received from Philippi an offering which he accepted. That was altogether contrary to his prin ciples ; his rule was to . maintain himself, without receiving anything from the Churches ; yet .he would have made a scruple about refusing this present of the heart: the pain that he would have given to pious women prevented him. Perhaps, moreover, as we have already stated, he preferred to contract obligations from the women, who never restrained his action, except in regard to men like Jason, in SAINT PAUL. 83 respect of whom he desired to preserve his autho rity. Nowhere, it seems, had Paul so much as at Thessalonica succeeded in realising his ideal. The population to which he addressed himself was chiefly composed of laborious workmen ; Paul entered into their spirit : he preached to them order, industry, and to hold fast to the good in sight of the heathen. A complete new series of precepts were added to his lessons ; to wit, economy, application to business, industrial honour founded upon ease and independence. By a contrast, which ought not to surprise us, he expounded to them, at the same time, the most fantastic mysteries of the Apo calypse that had ever been described to them. The Church at Thessalonica was a model that Paul afterwards delighted to cite, and whose good odour, like a perfume of edification, spread everywhere. There were nominated, besides Jason, among the notables of the Church, Gaius, Aristarchus, and Se- cundus ; Aristarchus was circumcised. That which had happened twenty times before happened again at Thessalonica. The discontented Jews fomented trouble. They employed a band of idlers, of vagabonds, and of those poor creatures of every description who in ancient cities passed the day and night under the columns of the basilicas, ready to make a noise for whoever paid them for" it. They went in a body to assail the house of Jason. They called loudly for Paul and Silas. As they did not find them, the rioters seized Jason, together with some of the faithful, and brought them before the politarcs of magistrates. The most confusing cries were raised. "Revolution aries are in the city," said some, "and Jason has received them." "All these people," said others, " are in revolt against the edicts of the emperor." "They have a king they call Jesus," said a third 84 SAINT PAUL. party. The excitement was great, and the politarcs were somewhat alarmed. They compelled Jason and the faithful who had been arrested with him to give bail, then sent them away. The following night the brethren led Paul and Silas out of the city, and had them conducted to Berasa. The per secutions of the Jews against the little Church con tinued, but that only served to consolidate it. The Jews of Beraea were more liberal and better educated than those of Thessalonica. They listened willingly, and allowed Paul, without interruption, to expound his ideas in the synagogue. For several days it was to them a lively source of curiosity. They passed the time in perusing the Scriptures, in order to find there the texts cited by Paul, and to see whether they were correct. Many were con verted, among others a certain Jew, named Sopater or Sosipater, son of Pyrrhus. Here, nevertheless, as in all the other Churches of Macedonia, the women were in the majority. The converts belonged all to the Greek race, to that class of devout persons who, without being Jews, practised the Jewish ceremonies. Many Greeks and proselytes were also converted, and the synagogue for once remained peaceable. The storm came from Thessalonica. The Jews of that city, learning that Paul had preached with success at Beraea, came to the latter city, and renewed there their plotting. Paul was again obliged to depart hurriedly, and without taking Silas with him. Many of the brethren of Berasa accompanied him as an escort. The warning given by the synagogues of Mace donia was such that sojourning in this country seemed to have become impossible to Paul. He saw himself tracked from city to city, and the rioters to spring up, as it were, from under his feet. The Roman police were not very hostile to him ; but they acted in the circumstances according to the SAINT PAUL. 85 habitual practice of police. When there was dis turbance in the street, they would blame everybody, and without fretting themselves as to that which served as the true pretext for the excitement, they would beg of people to be quiet or to move on. It was in effect an encouragement to disturbance, and to esta blish in principle that it only needed a few fanatics to deprive a citizen of his liberty. The policeman never piques himself much on philosophy. Paul hence re solved to depart, and to go to some distant country, where the hatred of his adversaries could not follow him. Leaving Silas and Timothy in Macedonia, he, with the Beraeans, directed his steps towards the sea. Thus ended that brilliant Macedonian mission, the most successful of any that Paul had as yet ac complished. Churches composed of entirely new elements had been formed. It was no longer the easy-going Syrian woman, the good-natured Lyca- onian woman ; it was the subtle, delicate, elegant, spiritual races, who, prepared by Judaism, now em braced the new religion. The coast of Macedonia was completely covered with Greek colonies. The Greek genius had there borne its choicest fruits. These noble Churches of Philippi and of Thessalonica, composed of the most distinguished women of each city, were unquestionably the two greatest conquests that Christianity had yet made. The Jewish woman was outstripped ; submissive, retired, and obedient, participating little in religion, the iatter was not easily converted. It. was the woman " fearing God," the Greek woman, wearied of the goddesses brandish ing their spears on the summit of the Acropolis, the virtuous woman turning her back on a worn-out Paganism, and seeking the pure religion, who was attracted heavenwards. These were the second foundresses of our faith. Next to the Galileans who followed Jesus and served him, Lydia, Phoebe, the obscure pious women of Philippi and of Thessalonica 86 SAINT PAUL. are the true saints to whom the n.ew faith owed its. most rapid progress. CHAPTER VIL CONTINUATION OF THE SECOND JOURNEY OF PAUL — PAUL AT ATHENS. Paul, accompanied still by the faithful Beraeans, sailed for Athens. From the end of the Gulf of Thermasus to Phalera, or to Piraeus, the voyage in a small craft occupies three or four days. The traveller passes the foot of Olympus, of Ossa, and of Pelion ; he follows the sinuosities of the interior sea which Euboea separates from the rest of the iEgaean Sea, and touches the singularly narrow strait of Euripus. On either bank one skirts that .truly holy ground where perfection is at once discovered, where the ideal has really existed, — that soil which has seen the noblest of races found at once art, science, philosophy, and politics. Paul, no doubt, experienced on landing there that species of filial sentiment which cultivated men experience when touching this venerated soil. It was another world: his holy ground was else where. Greece had not recovered from the terrible blows she had received during the previous centuries. Like the sons of Earth, these aristocratic tribunes had torn one another to pieces ; the Romans had completely exterminated them ; the old families had nearly disappeared ; the ancient cities of Thebes and of Argos had become poor villages ; Olympus and Sparta had been humiliated ; Athens and Corinth were the sole survivors. The country was almost a desert : the images of desolation which we gather from the descriptions of Polybius, Cicero SAINT PAUL. 87 Strabo, and Pausanias are heart-rending. The ap pearances of liberty which the Romans had left in the towns, and which only disappeared under Ves pasian, were little else than irony. The wicked ad ministration of the Romans had ruined everything ; the temples were no longer maintained ; at each step there were pedestals from which the con querors had stolen the statues, or which adulation had consecrated to the new rulers. Peloponesus, in particular, had been struck dead. Sparta had killed her ; consumed by the proximity of this foolish Utopia, that poor country never sprang into life again. At the Roman epoch, moreover, the admini stration of the large cities had absorbed and super seded the numerous small ruling centres : Corinth attracted to itself all the life. The race, if we except Corinth, had, however, re mained quite pure ; the number of Jews outside of Corinth was inconsiderable. Greece had received but a single Roman colony. The invasions of slaves and of Albanians, which have so completely changed the Hellenic blood, did not take place till later. The old religions were still flourishing. Some women, unknown to their husbands, practised much in secret, at the far corner of the gymnasiums, the foreign superstitions, especially those of the Egyptians. The sages, however, protested. " What a God he must be," said they, "who is pleased with the surreptitious homage of married women I A wife ought not to have other friends besides those of her husband. The gods, are they not our best friends?" It seems that, either during the voyage or at the moment of his arrival in Athens, Paul regretted having left his companions in Macedonia. Perhaps that new world astonished him, and he found him self there too much isolated. What is certain is, that in dismissing the faithful Berasans he charged 88 SAINT PAUL. them to request Silas and Timothy to come and join him at the earliest possible moment. Paul therefore found himself for some days alone at Athens. This had not happened to him for a long time. His life had been as a whirlwind, and he had never journeyed without two or three companions. Athens, to the world, was something unique — at all events, something totally different from anything that Paul had seen before ; hence, he was extremely embarrassed. In waiting for his companions, he amused himself by roaming, in the widest sense, over the city. The Acropolis, with the innumerable statues which covered it, and which constituted it a museum such as had never before been seen, must, in particular, have been to him a subject of the deepest reflection. Athens, although she had suffered much from Sylla, although, like Greece, she had been pillaged by the Roman administrators, and was already in part de spoiled by the gross avidity of its masters, had yet the appearance of being ornamented with almost all her master-pieces of art. The monuments of the Acropolis were intact. Some clumsy additions of detail, quite a sufficient number of mediocre works which were already glittering in the sanctuary of high art, some silly substitutions, which consisted in placing Romans on the pedestals of ancient Greeks, had not changed the sanctity of that im maculate temple of the beautiful. Poecile, with its brilliant decoration, was as fresh as it was on the first day. The exploits of the odious Secundus Carinas, the purveyor of statues for the gilded House, did not commence until some years after, and Athens suffered less from this than did Delphos and Olympus. The false taste of the Romans for colonnaded cities had not penetrated here ; the houses were poor and by no means commodious. That exquisite city was moreover an irregular city. SAINT PAUL. 89 with narrow streets which were the conservators of its old monuments, and archaic souvenirs were preferred to streets scientifically laid out. Many of these marvellous things affected Paul but little; he beheld the only perfect objects which had ever existed, which shall ever exist, — the Propylaeum, that chef-d'ceuvre of grandeur; the Parthenon, which absorbed every other grandeur save its own; the Temple of Victory without wings, worthy of the battles which it consecrated; the Erechthaeum, a prodigy of elegance and of finish; the Errhephorae, these divine young women with a bearing so full of grace; he beheld all that, and his faith was not over come, nor was he disquieted. With the prejudices of the iconoclastic Jew, insensible to the plastic. beauties which blinded him, he took these incompar able figures for idols. "His spirit," says his bio grapher, " was stirred in him when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry." Ah I thou lovely and chaste images, true gods and goddesses, tremble ! Behold him who raised against you the hammer I The fatal words had gone forth: "Ye are idols!"! The error of that pitiful little Jew was your death- 1 warrant ! Surrounded by so many things which he did not understand, there were two which greatly struck the Apostle: first,, the very religious character of the Athenians, which was manifested by a multitude of temples, altars, and sanctuaries of every description, symbols of a tolerant eclecticism which they carried into religion; in the second place, certain anonymous altars which were erected to the "unknown gods." These altars were somewhat numerous at Athens and in the environs. Other cities of Greece pos sessed them also. Those at the port of Phalera (Paul must have seen them on landing) were cele brated ; they belonged to the legends of the Trojan War. They bore this inscription : — 90 SAINT PAUL. ArNX12TOI20EOI2. " To the unknown gods." Some of them were even thus inscribed : — ArNnsTnieEm. "To an unknown God." These altars owed their existence to the extreme scrupulousness of the Athe nians for things religious, and to their habit of seeing in everything the manifestation of a mysterious and special power. Fearing, without knowing it, to offend some god of whose name they were ignorant, or of neglecting a powerful god, or even of wishing to obtain a favour which might depend upon a certain . divinity with whom they were unacquainted, they either erected anonymous altars, or placed up the afore-mentioned inscriptions. It is possible, too, that these fanciful inscriptions were taken from altars which were originally anonymous, to which, in the work of making a general census, had to be affixed some such an epigraph, for lack of the knowledge of that which properly belonged to them. Paul was greatly surprised at these dedications. Interpreting them with his Jewish mind, he imputed to them a meaning which did not belong to them. He believed that they had reference to a God called par excellence "The Unknown God." He saw in that Unknown God the God of the Jews, the only God, towards whom Paganism itself might have had some mysteri ous aspirations. This idea was the more natural, be cause in the eyes of Pagans that which in particular characterised the God of the Jews was, that he was a God without name, a doubtful God. It was further probable that it was in some religious ceremony, or in some philosophical discussion, that Paul heard the hemistich e : — T