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LIFE

ANDREW MELVILLE

CONTAINING

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL

LITERARY HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
DURING THE
LATTER PART OF THE SIXTEENTH AND BEGINNING OF THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
WITH AN APPENDIX, CONSISTING OP OIUGINAT. PAPEBS.

By THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D.
JIIXISTEU OF THE GOSPEL, EDINBURGH.

THE SECOND EDITION.
VOL. II.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.

MDCCCXXIV.

PRINTED Br A. BALFOUE ANB CO.

ZM4<b

CONTENTS

VOLUME SECOND.

CHAPTER VII.
1596—1603.

Page
The Tumult in Edinburgh made a Pretext for overthrowing the
Liberties of the Church — Violent Proceedings against the Ca
pital — and its Ministers — The King's Questions respecting
the Government of the Church — Caution of the Synod of Fife
— Ecclesiastical Convention at Perth — Policy of the Court in
gaining over Ministers to its Measures — New Ecclesiastical
Commission — Royal Visitation of the University of St. An
drews — Melville restricted from attending Church Courts —
Rights of Theological Professors — Removal of the Ministers of
St. Andrews — Parliamentary Restoration of Bishops — Minis
ters' Vote in Parliament — Opposition to it— Cautions under
which it was agreed to — Bishops nominated — Death of dis
tinguished Ministers — Archbishop Beaton restored to the Tem
poralities of the See of Glasgow — Law of Free Monarchies —
Basilicon Doron — Gowrie's Conspiracy — Sufferings of Bruce
on Account of it — Anniversary of the King's Deliverance from
it-~The King renews his Vows — New Translation of the Bible
proposed — Measures for propagating the Gospel in the High
lands and Islands — Melville confined within the Precincts of
his College — Accession of James to the Throne of England ... 1

iv CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII.

1603—1607. Page
Melville's Correspondence with learned Foreigners — His Apo
logy for the Nonconformist Ministers of England — Hampton-
Court Conference — Proposed Union of the two Kingdoms —
Death of John Davidson — Plan of the Court for Superseding
the General Assembly — Ministers Imprisoned for Holding an
Assembly at Aberdeen — Convicted of High Treason — Mel
ville Protests in Parliament against Episcopacy — Extract from
Reasons of Protest — He is called to London with Seven of his
Brethren — Their Appearances before the Scottish Privy Coun
cil there — Sermons Preached for their Conversion — They are
Prohibited from Returning to Scotland — Melville's Epigram
on the Royal Altar — He is called before the Privy Council of
England for it — Confined to the House of the Dean of St.
Paul's — Convention of Ministers at Linlithgow — Constant Mo
derators appointed — The Ministers at London ordered to
Lodge with English Bishops — Interview between them and
Archbishop Bancroft — Melville called a Second Time before
the Council of England — Imprisoned in the Tower — Reflec
tions on his Treatment — His Brethren confined — Their digni
fied Behaviour  98

CHAPTER IX.

1607—1611.

Melville deprived of the Office of Principal at St. Andrews —
Succeeded by Robert Howie — Rigour of his Imprisonment in
the Tower — Relaxed — College of Rochelle in France applies
for him — He is consulted on tbe Arminian Controversy — Fruit-
, less Negociation for his Liberty — His Fortitude and Cheerful
ness — Encourages his Brethren in Scotland by his Letters —
His Majesty's Literary Employments— New Attempts for Mel-

CONTENTS. V
Pago
ville's Liberation — His Design of going to America — His Li
terary Recreations in the Tower — His pecuniary Misfortune —
Death ofhis Friends — Matrimonial Affair — Ecclesiastical Pro
ceedings in Scotland — Episcopacy approved by General Assem
bly at Glasgow — Reflections on this — Melville's fellow-pri
soners — He is Visited by Cameron and Casaubon — Duke of
Bouillon's Application for him — Opposed by the Court of
France — He seeks Admission into the Family of Prince Henry
— His Friends at Court — His pecuniary Embarrassments —
Sickness — Release from the Tower, and Departure to France.. 186

CHAPTER X.
1611—1622.
Melville's Reception in France — Scotchmen in the Protestant •
Universities there — University of Sedan — Melville's Employ
ment in ib— His Correspondence with his Nephew — Death of
Robert Wilkie and John Jonston — Melville leaves Sedan for a
short time — Intelligence from Scotland — Constancy of Forbes
and other banished Ministers — Death of James Melville — Scot
tish Students at Sedan — Melville opposes the Arminian Senti
ments of Tilenus — His Opinion of the Articles of Perth As
sembly — Changes on University of St. Andrews — Defence of
the Scottish Church against Tilenus — Melville's Health de
clines—His Death — Character and Writings  277

CHAPTER XI.
STATE OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND WHEN MELVILLE
WAS SETTLED AT ST. ANDREWS, ANNO 1580.
Erection of University of St. Andrews — Its Constitution — Col
leges founded in it — State of the University at the Reforma-

Vi CONTENTS. Page
tion — Mode of Teaching and Conferring Degrees in the Facul
ty of Arts— And of Theology— New Plan of the University
in the First Book of Discipline— By Buchanan — By Parlia
ment—Sketch ofthe New Mode of Teaching — Melville's Share
in Drawing it up — Reform on the other Universities — Pa
rochial Schools— High School of Glasgow— Of Edinburgh —
Scholastic Philosophy — John Rutherfurd — Civil Law — Wil
liam Skene — Edward Henryson — Theology and Poetry —
Alexander Arbuthnot — Thomas Smeton — Thomas Maitland — •
Patrick Adamson — John Davidson  336

CHAPTER XII.
STATE OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND WHEN MELVILLE
WAS BANISHED TO FRANCE, ANNO 1611.
Erection of New Universities and Colleges — Resort of Foreign
Students to Scotland — Literary Labours of Scotchmen in Dub
lin — Parochial Schools and Grammatical Education in Scot
land — Improvements on the High School of Edinburgh —
Hercules Rollock — Alexander Hume — Ramean Philosophy —
Theology and Collateral Branches of Study — Principal Rollock
— Bruce — Pont — The Simsons — Cowper — Civil and Scots
Law — John Skene — Thomas Craig — Welwood — Other Studies
— Napier of Merchiston — Hume of Godscroft — Vernacular
Poetry — Extent to which Latin Poetry was Cultivated — Ad
vantages and Disadvantages of this — General Estimate of the
Progress of Learning and of the Influence which Melville had
in Promoting it  39.5
Notes  451

CONTENTS. Vii

APPENDIX.

Letter from George Buchanan to Sir Thomas Randolph  513
Extract of a Letter from Henry Woddrington to Secretary
Walsingham  514.
Letter of Andrew Melville to T. Savile and G. Carleton  515
Archbishop Adamson to Archbishop Whitgift  517
Extracts of Letters from William Davison to Secretary Wal
singham, concerning the Administration of Arran  ;  518
Extract of a Letter from Mr. D. Andersone to certain Minis
ters in Scotland, conveying information respecting Scotch
Papists in Germany  521
Letter from John, Earl of Gowrie, to John Malcolm  525
Melvinus ad Senatum Anglicanum  527
Letter from Andrew Melville to Sir James Sempill of Bel-
trees  ib.
Letter from Andrew Melville to Robert Durie at Leyden  529
Index  531

LIFE

ANDREW MELVILLE.

CHAPTER VII.
1596—1603.
The Tumult in Edinburgh made a -pretext for overthrow
ing the Liberties of the Church — Violent Proceedings
against the Capital — and its Ministers — The Kinges
Questions respecting the Government of the Church —
Caution of the Synod of Fife — Ecclesiastical Conven
tion at Perth — Policy of the Court in gaining over. Mi
nisters to its Measures — New Ecclesiastical Commission
— ltoyal Visitation of the University of St. Andrews
— Melville restricted from attending Church Courts —
Rights of theological Professors — Removal of the Mi
nisters of St. Andrews — Parliamentary Restoration of
Bishops — Ministers'1 Vote in Parliament — Opposition to
it — Cautions under which it was agreed to — Bishops no
minated — Death of distinguished Ministers — Archbishop
Beaton restored to the Temporalities of the See of Glas
gow — Law of Free Monarchies — Basilicon Doron —
VOL. II. B

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Gpwrie's, Conspiracy— Sufferings of Bruce on, Account
of it— Anniversary ofthe King's Deliverance from it—
The King renews his Vows — New Translation of the
Bible proposed, — Measures for propagating the Gospel
inthe Highlands and Islands— MelvtUe confined wlthih
the Precincts of his College — Accession, of James to the
Throne of England.

Unpremeditated in its origin, and harmless, in
its effects, as,the uproar in. Edinburgh was, it offerr
ed a. pretext, which, was eagerly laid hold. of by the
court, for commencing an,attack:on the government
of the church. , A tumult had taken place ifr the, ca
pital, which would necessarily make a noise through
the kingdom. It would not be difficult to magnify
it into , a dangerous and designed rebellion, and, 1$
involve the ministers who were present on the oc
casion in the odijim attached to that crime. This
would enable the court to get rid of men who proved
a disagreeable check on its proceedings ; the severi
ties used against them would strike terror into the
minds of their brethren ; and thus measures, might
be carried which otherwise would have met* with, a
determined and successful resistance. Nothing, could
be more congenial to the character of James than
this piece of Machiavellian policy, which had a shew
of deep wisdom in the device, and required, a very
slendqr portion of courage in the execution.
To secure the success of his plan, he began by pro
moting a reconciliation between the two parties at
court. He induced the Octavians to resign the invi-
2

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 3
dious office of managing the revenue, and the gentle
men of the Bed-chamber to join in punishing a riot
which they had raised for the express purpose of driv
ing their rivals from their places *. , Having accom
plished this object, the King hastily quitted the pa
lace of Holyroodhouse, As soon as he was gone, a
proclamation was issued, requiring all in public of
fice to repair to him at Linlithgow, and command
ing every person who had not his ordinary resi
dence in the capital to leave it instantly. This was
followed by severer proclamations. The ministers
of Edinburgh, with a certain number of the citi
zens, were commanded to enter into ward in the
castle ; they were summoned before the Privy Coun
cil at Linlithgow to answer super inquirendis ; and
the magistrates were ordered to seize their persons.
The tumult was declared to be " a cruel and barba
rous attempt against his Majesty's royal person,
his nobility, and council* at the instigation of cer
tain Seditious ministers and barons;" and all who
had been accessory to it, or who should assist them,
were declared to be liable to the penalties of trea
son. 'In the beginning of January, his Majesty,
with great pomp and in- a Warlike attitude, returned
to Edinburgh, where he held a convention at which
these proclamations were ratified, and measures of
a still stronger kind were taken. It was ordained,
that the courts of justice should be removed to Perth;
and that no meeting of general assembly, provin-
* Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 107.
B 2

4 LIFE OF 'ANDREW MELVILLE.
rial synod, or presbytery, should henceforth be held
within the capital * '
A deputation from the town-council' had waited
on his Majesty at Linlithgow, to protest their inno
cence, and to implore forgiveness to the city for a tu
mult which had ended without bloodshed, and which
they had done every thing in their power to suppress.
Their supplication was rejected, andthey heard no
thing,' while they remained at cOurt, but denuncia
tions of vengeance. They were told that the border
ers would be brought in upon them — that their city
* " Comperit Georg Todrik one of the Tbailries of Eai^with co-
missionprs from the Idgges [Matie and chargit the ;preSByterie in his
Maties name to depart putwith, the boundis of thejj^urjsd^^pcof 'Edr.
The presbyterie for obedience to his Maties lawis cpnclujjlit to, depart ¦
arid to keip the presbyterie at Leyth." (Record of Presbytery of EaTn-
burgh, 1 lmo JaT" 1 596.) " Mr. Michael Cranstone" WaB Woderatb'f ' of
this, meeting of presbytery, in the absence of Robert Rrjice,|the ordi
nary moderator, who had been obliged to abscond. This circum
stance throws no small light' on' the motives of 'the King s behaviour
on the present occasion. " Cranston was the minister Wtfo had read
tlj£, story of Haman on the day of the tumult, and the only one whose
behaviour had any tendency to inflame the minds of th^ people. He
had' been summoned, but was alrea3yf eceived into favour ; for if this
had not been ¦ the case, the presbytery would riot have thought of put
ting him ip^thejghiiiij at this time. . It was not the coreduefrof 'the
ministers on the 17th of December, it was the, resistance, which they
had previously made to ms measures, at which James was so much
offended. Calderwood, in his account of what preceded the tumult,
says, "Mr. M^chael.Cranstovj, then a very forward minister, but now
key-cold,^ readeth lihe, history of Hainan and Mordecai,," (MS. vol. v.
p. 129.)"'
The minutes of presbytery are dated " Apud Leyth" from Jan. 11,
to the 8th of Feb.. 159S; i. e. 1597, according: to modern computa
tion. After that they are dated " At the Quenis-colledg." On the
9th of August, 1597, they begin to be dated " Apud Ed1."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 5
would be ra^ed to, the ground and sowed with salt —
and that a monument would be erected on the place
wfyere its stood to perpetuate the memory of such an
execrably treason.. Intimidated by these .menaces,
and. distressed at the loss of the courts, of justice,
they came to the resolution of surrendering their
politiqaj, a,nd, religious; rights. The magistrates, in
thq name of the, community, subscribed a bond in
which they engaged npt to receive back their minis
ters without the express consent of , his Majesty, and
to, give him for the future, an absolute negative over
the election of both magistrates and ministers. This
pusillanimous and abject submission encouraged the
court to treat them with still greater indignity.
" The magistrates and body of the town" were de
clared to be " universally guilty of the odious and
treasonable uproar committed against his Majesty."
And thirteen individuals, as representatives of the
burgh, were ordered to enter into prison at Perth,
and st^nd trial before the Court of Justiciary. One
of the number, who>had obtained a dispensation
from his Majesty,, being absent on the day appoint
ed, a sentence of non-compearance was pronounced
against the whole, the citizens were declared rebels,
and the property of the town was confiscated. Be
ing tbus entirely at the royal mercy, the members
of the town-council received his Majesty's gracious
pardon on their knees, after paying a fine, and giv
ing a new bond, containing articles of submission
still more humiliating than those which they had
B3

6 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
already subscribed * In the mean time, the court
was unable,- after the most rigid investigation, to
discover a single respectable citizen who had taken
part in the riot, or the Slightest trace of a premedi
tated insurrection. When we consider the mixture
of hypocrisy and tyranny which runs through these
proceedings, it is impossible to read the remark with
which Spotswood closes his account of the affair
without derision. " Never," says the sycophantish
prelate, '.'' did any king, considering the offence,
temper his authority with more grace and clemency
than did his Majesty at this time ; which the people
did all t acknowledge* ascryving' their life and safety
onely to his favour f ."¦
While the court was breathing out threatenings
against the inhabitants of Edinburgh, and particu
larly against its- ministers, the latter were advised
by .their friends to withdraw and conceal themselves
for a time J. As soon as it was known that they
had taken this step, they were publicly denounced
rebels. Great keenness was shown to find some evi-
* Register of Town Council of Edinburgh, vol. x. f. 104  117.
Record of Privy Council, from December 18, to March, 2,1, 1596.
Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. pp. 103 — 109, 114. Cald. v. 131, 137, 147,
151, 238. .1 Spotswood, pp. 431—434, 444. Melville's Diary, pp!
288,289. t Spbtswood's Hist. p. 444. ,,
t Bnice and Balcanquhal went into England, Balfour and Watson
concealed themselves in Fife. They wrote apologies for their con
duct,, in which they vindicated themselves from the aspersions thrown
on them, and assigned reasons for their flight. The apology of the
two former is inserted in Cald. v. 168—191. That of the two latter
is inserted in Melville's Diary, pp. ,280 — 288.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE, 7
dence of their accession to the tumult ; and when
this failed, recourse was had to fabrication in order
to criminate them. On the day that the King left
Edinburgh with such marks of displeasure, the ba
rons who remained behind met, and agreed to " take
upon them the patrociny and mediation of the
church and its cause;" and at their desire Bruce
wrote a letter to Lord Hamilton, asking him to
come and " countenance them in this matter against
those coiftteillors" who had inflamed his Majesty
against them *. Hamilton having conveyed a copy
of this letter to the King* some person about the
court (for I do not believe that his lordship was
capable of such a dishonourable act) altered it in
such a manner as to make it express an approba
tion of the late tumult, and consequently an inten
tion of embodying an armed resistance to the mea
sures of government f. ' Conscious of the fraud
» According to Spotswood (Hist. p. 432.) the letter was signed by
Bruce and Baicanquhal only ; but the copy of it inserted by Calder
wood ha& also the subscriptions of Rollock and Watson. (Vol. v.
p. 132.)
f Both the genuine and the falsified copies of the letter are insert
ed by Calderwood. (MS. vol. v. p. 132, 133.) Speaking of the tu
mult, the former says, " The people, animated, as effaires, partly be
the word and violence ofthe course, took armes/ and made some com
motion, fearing the'invasion of us yr ministers ; but, be the grace of
God, we repressed and pacified the motions incontinent." In the vi-
tiatefl copy this is altered in the folldwing manner: " The people
animated, no doubt, be the word and -motion of God's spirit,- took
arms ¦-" and what was said of the ministers repressing the commotion
is otaittedi Spotswood, in his account of the letter, has followed
the falsified copy, without so much as hinting that its genuineness
was ever called in question ; and at the same time that he quotes

8 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
which had been committed, the court did not -dare
to make any public use of the vitiated document ;
but it was circulated with great industry in pri
vate, with the view of blasting the reputation" sof
Bruce and his friends. . . r- 1
Matters being thus prepared j a publication ap
peared in the name of the King, consisting of' fifty-
five questions. They were drawn up by Secretary
'¦ '.- r. ,-ij
from a letter to Lord Hamilton, in which Bruce complains of the vii
tiation. (History, p. 432, compared, with Cald, v. 150. )~" It is im
possible to reprobate such conduct too severely, especially when it is
considered that Spotswood had hitherto co-operated with' his breth
ren. According to the accounts of different writers, he had evinced
a more than ordinary zeal in forwarding their measures : he, sub
scribed and promoted the subscription of Black's declinature; he
called out his patron, Torphichen, to defend the ministers on the day
of, the tumult ; and he transcribed Bruce'S; apology with his own hand,
and had even; given it a gharper edge. (Cald. MS. vol. v. p. 175.
Printed History, p. 339. Epist. PhUadelphi Vindici«e : Altare Da-
masc. p. 753.) Archibald Simson ( Annales MSS. p. -76.) agrees with
Calderwood, and charges Spotswood with acting treacherously previ
ously to the 17th of December, by informing the court of all that pass
ed in the private meetings of the ministers. This last charge might
however proceed from undue suspicion. But he appears to have de
clared for the court-measures soon after the tumult. . I find the fol
lowing references to him in the record- of the presbytery of Edinburgh :
" Maij iij 1596. , Anent the desyre of M. Johnn Spottiswood craving
that seing he was resident within the burgh, and was admitted' to the
minister), that thairfoire he myghtbelicentiat to exercise in thispres-
byterie. Quliais deisyre being considerit, it is grantit.'*-'— " Apud Leyth
xxv0 Ja'9 1596. The exereeis made be M. William Birni, and addi-
tioun be M. Johnn Spottiswood. The text Exod. 16. beginnand at
the 1 vs. to the 4. The doctrine judged, the haill brether were of
fended with the doctrine delivered be the said M. Johnn, refussit to
let him mak the nixt day, and appointit M. Henrie Blyth to mak the
exhortatioun the first of fe" nixt." It is highly probable that Spots-
wood had given offence to the presbytery, by some allusions to the
differences between the court and the church.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 9
Lindsay, after the model of the questions which
Archbishop Adamson had framed when the Second
Book of Discipline was composed ; and .were in
tended, by bringing into dispute, the principal heads
of the established government of the church* ; to pave
the way for the innovations which the court intend
ed to introduce* .> A Convention of Estates and a
meeting of the General Assembly were called by
royal authority, to be held at Perth in the end of
February., to consider these questions. This mea
sure had been previously resolved on, and the ques
tions were prepared before the ,17th of December ;
although the publication of them was deferred to
this time-jv
* " The Questions to be resolvit at the Convention of theEstaits
and General! Assemblie, appointed to be at the Burgh of Perth the
last day of Februarie next to come. Edinbvrgh Printed be Robert
Waldegraue, Printer to the Kings Majestie. Anno Dom. 1597." 4to.
Subscribed at the close *' James R." In the College'Library at Glas
gow is a copy of this book, which appears to have belonged to Mel
ville, and has on 'the margin, in his handwriting, short answers to
some of the questions. They agree in general with the answers ofthe
synod of Fife. Spotswood'has inserted all the questions in his His
tory (pjj. 433-^438.) :TwO' slight inaccuracies in the 13th and 53d
questions htay be corrected by Printed Calderwood, (pp. 381 — 389,)
where the'-address To the'Reader, prefixed to the publication,, will also
be found. ••¦• • ¦'
f. Calderwood has shown this from, the minutes of the commission-
ers ofthe General Assembly,; which he had in his possession, After
referring to various minutes het weem the 1 1 th of i November and the
11th of December, he adds, " So that it is dea*, that the king intend
ed before the 17th of December to, worfc ane alteration in discipline,
and to sett the ministers, on work to defend . themselves, th»t they
might be diverted from ipersiieing the exoomrnuniis&ted iEark, which
was also the ground of calling M*. David Black (before ittje, Counsel!
foF speeches •uttereilothree' years before.''- (MS. Hist.-v*i 193— 4.i)b

10 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
The leading ministers throughout the kingdom
prepared for a vigorous defence of the estabhshed
discipline. Though grieved at the advantage which
the court had gained by the late occurrence in the
capital, they did not suffer themselves to fall under
an unmanly dread of its menaces. The presbytery
of Haddington suspended one of their members for
agreeing* without their consent, to an arrangement
of the Privy Council for supplying the pulpits of
Edinburgh *. The synod of Lothian virtually ap
proved of the conduct of that presbytery, and testis
fied their dissatisfaction at his Majesty's proposing
that they should advise the infliction of censure on
their brethren who had fled f . Notwithstanding
the royal threat, that those ministers who refused
subscription to the lately-imposed bond should not
have their pensions, (as James insultingly called their
stipends,) not an individual of any note could be in
duced to subscribe ; and papers were circulated, in
which the bond was commented on With becoming
freedom, and shown to be ambiguous and ensnar
ing %. One of these papers, which is written with
* Record of Presb. of Haddington^ Dec. 29, Jan. 12, and- Feb. 9,
1596. t Instructions to Mr. John Preston, Mr. Ed*; Bruce, and Mr.
Wm. Oliphant, commissioners for the K. of Se. to the Synod of Lo
thian,- to be convened at Leith, Feb. 1, 1596. (Cotton MSS. Calig.
D. ii. 97.) This paper contains also the answers which the synod
returned to his Majesty's propositions.
% In one of the papers it is objected, that the bond was so express
ed as to irriply, that the King by himself, and independently of the
courts of justice, might decide on all civil and criminal causes; and
that he had a right not only to inflict civil punishment on ministers,

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 11
much ability and temper, concludes with these words:
" Howsoever it shall please God to dispose of his
(Majesty's) heart, the ministry, I dowte not, will
keepe themselves within the boundis of their call
inge, and neither directly nor indirectly attempte
any thing that shall not be lawfull and seeming for
them, but with patience committe all the successe
unto the Lorde ; remembringe the sayinge of Am
brose, that, when they have done their duties, preces
et lachrimoe arma nostra sunt, and we have no war
rant to proceede farther *."
The synod of Fife set an example to their breth
ren in the other provinces on this interesting occa
sion. Having met pro re nata, they appointed a
committee to draw up answers to the King's ques
tions f . They sent a deputation to request his Ma
jesty to refer the decision of them to the regular
meeting of the General Assembly, and to prorogue
the extraordinary meeting which he had called. In
ease he should not comply with this request, they
advised the presbyteries under their inspection to
but also to deprive them' of their office. And it is pleaded that, as
the word of God declares the duties of all civil relations, and as ido
latry, adultery, murder, &c. are criminal offences, so ministers, for in
culcating the former and rebuking, the latter, might be charged with
a violation of the bond. (Cald. v. 139 — 145.) It would be easy to
justify these interpretations. For example, the late Convention de
clared, that his Majesty had " power upon any necessitie to command
any minister — to preiche or to desist — from preiching in particular
placeis." (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 107.)
* Objections to the subscription that is obtruded upon the mini
sters of Scotland. (Cotton MSS, Calig. D. ii. 100.)
f Their answers may be seen in Printed Calderwood, pp. 382 — 390.

121 LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE.
send commissioners to Perth, in testimony of their
obedience to the royal authority : but they at the
same time drew up instructions for the regulation
of their cbnduct. The commissioners were instruct^
ed to declare, that they could not acknowledge that
meeting as a lawful General Assembly, nor con
sent that it should call in question the establish
ed polity of the church. ¦ If this point should be
decided against them, they were to protest for the
liberties of the church, and keep themselves free
from all approbation of the subsequent proceedings,.
In any extra-judicial discussion of the questions that
might take place, they were instructed to adhere, to
the following general principles : that the external
government of the church is laid down in the word
of God ; that it belongs to the pastors and doctors
of the church to declare what the Scriptures have
taught on this head; and, as a scriptural form of
government and discipline had after "long and grave
deliberation been regularly settled ih Scotland, as
the church had for many years been happily pre
served by means of it froni heresy and schism, and
as none of the ecclesiastical office-bearers moved any
doubts about it, that his Majesty should be request
ed not to disturb such a rare, peaceable, and decent
constitution by the agitating of fruitless- and unne
cessary questions *. The presbytery of Edinburgh
limited and instructed their representatives in the
same manner f. These instructions display much
* Melville's Diary, pp. 290 — 292.
+ Rec. of the Presb. of Edin. Feb. 22, 1596. Cald. v. 197—199.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 13
wisdom, and point out the true way of resisting in
novations which were sought to be introduced, not
by reason and argument, but by the combined in
fluence of fraud and force.
His Majesty was convinced by these proceedings,
that, in order to carry his measures, it behoved him
to employ other arts besides those of intimidation.
The ministers in the northern parts of the kingdom
had rarely attended the General Assembly, owing to
their distance from the places of its meeting, and the
deficiency of their incomes. They were compara
tively unacquainted with its modes of procedure,
and strangers to the designs of the court,; not to
mention their" general inferiority in point of gifts to
their brethren of the south. Sir Patrick Murray,
one of the gentlemen of the Bed-chamber, was now
despatched on a mission to them. He was instruct
ed to visit the presbyteries in Angus and Aberdeen
shire ; to acquaint them with the late dangerous
tumult, and the undutiful and treasonable conduct
of the ministers, in Edinburgh ; to procure, if pos
sible, their subscription to the bond, and their con
sent to receive the popish lords into the communion
of the church ; and to desire them to send some of
their members to the ensuing assembly to resolve
his Majesty's questions, which had already been
approved by the discreetest of the ministers *. In
his private conversations, Murray laboured to in-
* Instructions to Patrick Murray* (Cotton MSS. Calig. D. ii. 98.)
The following extracts from his instructions will shew the kind of

14 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
spire them with jealousies ofthe southern ministers,
as wishing to engross the whole management of ec
clesiastical affairs, to the exclusion of those who had
an equal right and more discretion to use it ; and
he assured them, that, if they were once acquainted
with his Majesty, any suspicions which they might
have conceived of him, and which had been fostered
by the representations of their ambitious brethren,
would be speedily and completely dissipated *.
Melville was prevented from being present at
Perth, in consequence of his being obliged, in his
capacity of rector, to attend a public meeting of the
university. But he had done his duty in procuring
the instructions by which the conduct of the com
missioners from Fife was regulated ; and his nephew
was prepared to express his sentiments on the differ
ent points that were likely to be brought forward.
After a contest of three days, during which all the
arts of court-intrigue were employed in influencing
the minds of the voters, it was decided by a major
ity of voices that the meeting should be held to be
a lawful General Assembly extraordinarily conven-

arguments which Murray was directed to employ. " We will not
believe that the presbyterie of Aberdene will acknawledge any supre-
macie of the presbyterie and ministers of Edinburge above them. — As
to the pretended commissioners of the generall assemblie their com
mission is found and decernit be us and our counsell to be unlawful].
— So ther is no present power above the said presbyterie of Aberdene
to stay them to accept the Earles reasonable satisfaction, in case the
same be offerit, sen we and the counsell hes commanded them to ac
cept the same." (Instructions, ut supra.)
* Spotswood, 438, 439.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 15
ed ; upon which the commissioners from Fife, agree
ably to their instructions, protested that nothing
which naight be done should be held valid, or im
proved to the prejudice of the liberties of the church
of Scotland. Disgusted at the influence which he
saw exerted, deserted by some of the friends in
whom he most confided, deprived of the assistance
ofhis uncle, and distrusting his own ability and
firmness, James Melville hastily quitted Perth. His
colleagues resolved to remain, and, under the pro
tection of their protest, to prevent, as far as possi
ble, the assembly from sacrificing the rights of the
church. But in spite of all their exertions, his Ma
jesty succeeded in obtaining such answers to his
leading questions, as gave him the greatest advantage
in carrying on his future operations against the ec
clesiastical constitution. The answer to the very first
question, simple and harmless as it may appear in
terms, was really, in the circumstances of the case,
pregnant with danger ; and the assembly, in agree
ing to it, acted like a garrison, which, on the
first parley, should throw open its gates, and allow
the enemy to make a lodgement within the wall *.

* That the assembly, when unbiassed, viewed the matter in this
light, may be inferred from the manner in which the answer was ex
pressed, before it was altered to please the King : " The breither
convened give their advys in the first article, that it is not expedient
to mak a law or act twiching this, leist a durre should be opened to
curious and turbulent sprits, otherwise they think it lawfull," &c.
(Melville's Diary, p. 305. Spotswood, 440.)

16 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
The King had published a long list of questions
which went to produce a total alteration of the ex
isting church-government. By declaring, in these
circumstances, " that it is lawful to his Majesty or
to the pastors to propose in a General Assembly
whatsoever point they desired to be resolved or re
formed in matters of external government," the as
sembly virtually and constructively sanctioned the
project of the court, although they might reserve to
themselves a right to deliberate upon its details.
The qualifications added to their resolution, " pro
viding it be done decenter, in right time and place,
and animo eedificandi non tentandi," were mere
words of course, and could be no safeguard against
any proposals of royal innovation. If it behoved
them to speak Latin, the answer which they ought
to have returned, (and it would have served as an
answer to all the questions,) was, Nolumus leges Ec
clesia Scoticanee mutari. The other answers which
the assembly gave related chiefly to the liberty ofthe
pulpit, upon which they imposed restrictions, which
were doubly dangerous at a time when the court
had not only discovered its hostile intentions against
the polity of the church, but had procured the as
sistance of some of its official guardians to carry
them into execution. Having succeeded thus far to
his wish, the King signified his willingness to refer
the decision of the remaining questions to another
General Assembly to be held at Dundee on the 10th
of May following ; and, in the mean time, the ar-

LIFE OF ANDREW' MELVILLE. 17
tides agreed to were ratified by the Convention of
Estates which was then sitting at Perth*.
This assembly is chiefly remarkable, as being the
first meeting of the ministers of Scotland which
yielded to that secret and corrupt influence, which
the King continued afterwards to use, until the Ge
neral Assembly was at last converted into a mere
organ of the court, employed for registering and
giving out royal edicts in ecclesiastical matters.
" Coming to Perth (says James Melville) we found
the ministers of the north convened in such number
as was not wont to be seen at any assemblies, and
every one a greater courtier nor another : So that
my ears heard new votes, and my ears saw a new
sight, to wit, flocks of ministers going in and out
at the king's palace, late at night and betimes in the
morning. Sir Patrick Murray, the diligent Apostle
of the North, had made all the northland ministers
acquainted with the King. They began then to
look big in the matter, and find fault with the mi
nisters of the south and the popes of Edinburgh, who

.• Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 110—112. Buik of Univ. Kfrk, ff. 131—134.
Cald. v. 222—236. Spotswood, 439—41,3. Melville's Diary, 303 —
309. James Melville enumerates thirteen reasons for maintaining
the nullity of this assembly. The chief of these are : that it was not
appointed by the last assembly, nor called by its commissioners, but
by the sole authority of the King ; that it was not opened by sermon ;
and that there was no choice of a moderator or clerk. The Buik of
the Universal Kirk says: " Exhortatioun yr was none ;" and it men
tions no moderator. It says that Mr. Thomas Nicholson was chosen
clerk ; but state:;, on the margin, that some thought his election did
not take place till the subsequent assembly.
VOL. II. C

18 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
had not handled matters well, but had almost lost
the King*." James afterwards depended chiefly
upon the votes of the northern ministers for carry
ing his measures. The General Assembly was ap
pointed to meet at such places as were most conve
nient for their attendance ; and if at any time it was
found necessary to convene it at a greater distance
from them, ways and means were fallen upon to pro
vide them with a viaticum f .
But to .secure credit to his cause it was necessary
for his Majesty to gain over some individuals who
possessed greater respectability, and who were able
to plead as well as to vote for his plans. James
Nicolson, minister of Meigle |, was highly esteemed
among his brethren. He was the intimate acquaint
ance and bosom friend of James Melville. At as
semblies they always lodged in the same apartment,
and slept in the same bed ; and harmonized as much

* Diary, p. 303. comp. his History of the Declining Age of the
Church, p. 7.
t "lam bold humbly to advise your Majesty, (says Archbishop
Gladstanes,) that, in the designation of the place of the ensuing G.
Assembly, your Majesty make choice either of the place appointed by
the last Assembly, whilk will help the formality of it, or then of
Dundee, where your Majesty knows your own northern men may have
commodity to repair. And albeit your Majesty's princely hberality
may supply distance of place by furniture to those that travel, yet," &c.
(Letter of Archbishop of St. Andrews to the King : April 18, 1610.
MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Fac. V. 1. 12. N° 50.)
J Mr. James Nicolson was presented to the parsonage and vicarage
of Cortoquhay, on the 7th of May, 1580 : and to the parsonage and
vicarage of Meigle, " penult febr. 1 583." (Register of Present, to Be
nefices, vol. ii. ff. 34, 97.) 2

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 19
in their sentiments about public affairs as they did
in their private' dispositions. On the evening be
fore the question respecting the constitution of the
assembly was determined, Nicolson was amissing ;
and in the morning James Melville learned, to his
astonishment and grief, that the mind of his friend
had undergone a sudden revolution. He had been
sent for to the palace, where he was detained till a
late hour ; and the King, partly by threats that if
his will was not complied with he would ruin the
church, and partly by promises and flatteries, had
engaged his vote. The two friends went together
to the meeting of ministers ; and after James Mel
ville had reasoned at great length against the pro
posal of the court, Nicolson rose and replied to his
arguments in a plausible speech, which had the
greatest influence in persuading the members to
come to the resolution which was adopted. — Thomas
Buchanan distinguished himself during this assembly
by the boldness and ability with which he asserted
the liberties of the church. Having summoned the
ministers into the hall where the Convention of
Estates was met, the King provoked the friends of
the established discipline to a dispute on the subject
of his queries, by insinuating broadly that their
silence proceeded from fear and distrust of their
cause. " We are not afraid/' replied Buchanan,
" nor do we distrust the justice of our cause ; but
we perceive a design to canvass and toss our mat
ters, that they may be thrown loose, and then left
to the decision of men of little skill and less con-

20 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
science." Having protested that nothing which he
might say should invalidate the Authority of the
received discipline, he proceeded to examine the
doubts started by the royal queries, and exposed
their weakness in a style not greatly to his Majes
ty's satisfaction. But, alas! this was the expiring
blaze of Buchanan's zeal. Before he left Perth he
was " sprinkled with the holy water of the court ;"
and at the next assembly, he appeared as an advo
cate for those very measures which he had so eagerly
and so ably opposed *. It may be observed, how
ever, that Buchanan, and some others who acted
along with him, seem to have intended merely to
concede some points which they deemed of less im
portance, with the view of pleasing the King. They
were kept in ignorance of the ulterior designs of
James, which were imparted to such men as Glad-
stanes, Spotswood, and Law, who had been cor
rupted by the promise of bishopricks. But the
latter had at .that time so little influence in the
church, that they could have carried no measure
without the assistance of the former, whose facility
and want of foresight we cannot help blaming,
while we acquit them of having been actuated by
mercenary motives.
Melville learned the proceedings at Perth with
deep concern, but without feelings of surprise or
despondency. He perceived the course which the
* Melville's Diary, pp. 303, 308, 311.

LIFE OF ANDRE M' MELVILLE. 21
court was driving, and that nothing would satisfy
the King but the overthrow of the presbyterian
constitution. Attached to this from conviction as
well as from the share he had had in its erection,
satisfied of its intrinsic excellence and its practical
utility, and believing it to be the cause of Christ, of
freedom, and of his country, he resolved to de
fend it with intrepidity and perseverance, to yield
up none of its outworks, to fight every inch of
ground, and to sacrifice his liberty, and, if necessary,
his life, in the contest. With this view he joined
with some of his brethren in keeping the day fixed
for holding the ordinary meeting of the General
Assembly. This meeting was constituted by Pont,
the last moderator, after which the members pre
sent agreed to dismiss, and to refer aU business to
the assembly which the King and Convention at
Perth had appointed to be held in Dundee. By this
step they asserted the right of the church as to the
holding of her assemblies, which it was one great
object of the court to infringe *.
The King was sensible that the advantages which
he had gained at Perth were in no small degree
owing to the absence of Melville, and he dreaded
his opposition in the assembly at Dundee. Before
it proceeded to business, Sir Patrick Murray, who
was now become his Majesty's Vicar-general, sent
for James Melville, and dealt with him to persuade
* Melville's Diary, p. 309. Cald. v. 2*0.

22 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
his uncle to return home, otherwise the King would
take forcible measures to remove him, James Mel
ville replied, that it Would be to no purpose for him
to make the attempt. If his Majesty should use
his authority in the way of commanding him to
leave the toWn, he had no doubt, he said, that his
uncle would submit, but death would not deter him
from acting according to his conscience.- " Truly*
I fear he shall suffer the dint of the King's wrath,"
said Sir Patrick. " And truly," replied the other,
" I am not afraid but he will bide all." James
Melville reported the conversation to his uncle,
" whose answer," says he, " I need not write."
Next morning they were both sent for to the royal
apartments. The interview was at first amicable
and calm ; but entering on the subject of variance,
Melville delivered his opinion with his wonted free
dom, and the altercation between him and the King
soon became warm and boisterous *.
Notwithstanding all the arts of management em
ployed, it was with difficulty that the court carried
its measures, even in a very modified form, in this
assembly. The assembly at Perth was declared
lawful, but not without an explanation ; its acts
were approved* but with certain qualifications; and
the additional answers now given to the King's
questions were guardedly expressed. Through the
* " And ther they heeled on, till all the hous and dos bathe hard,
mikle of a large houre. In end the King takes upe, and dismissis
him favourable." (Melville's Diary, p. 312.)

LIFE OF AND LIE W MELVILLE. 23
influence of the northern ministers an act passed
in favour of the popish lords, authorizing certain
ministers to receive them into the bosom of the
church, upon their complying with the conditions
prescribed to them. They were received accord
ingly ; although it was evident that they were in
duced to submit, in consequence of the failure of
an attempt which some of their adherents had made
on the peace of the kingdom ; and it was soon after
found necessary, with the consent of government,
to bring them again under the sentence of excom
munication. The design of altering the govern
ment of the church was carefully concealed from
this assembly ; but the King, under a specious pre
text, obtained their consent to a measure by which
he intended to accomplish it clandestinely. He re
quested them to appoint a committee of their num
ber with whom he might advise respecting certain
important affairs which they could not at present
find leisure to determine ; such as, the arrangements
to be made respecting the ministers of Edinburgh
and St. Andrews, the planting of vacant churches
in general, and the providing of local and fixed sti
pends for the ministers through the kingdom. To
this the assembly agreed, and nominated fourteen
ministers, to whom or any seven of them, they
granted power to convene with his Majesty for the
above purposes, and to give him advice " in all af
fairs concerning the weal of the church, and enter
tainment of peace and obedience to his Majesty
within his realm." This was a rash and dangerous

24 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
appointment. The General Assembly had been in
the habit of appointing commissioners to execute
particular measures, or to watch over the safety of
the church until their next meeting. But the pre
sent commission was entirely of a different kind.
The persons nominated on it were appointed for
mally as advisers or assessors to his Majesty. They
were in fact his ecclesiastical council ; and as, with
exception of an individual or two named to save
appearances, they were devoted to the court, he was
enabled, by their means, to exercise as much power
in the church as he did by his privy council in the
state. " A wedge taken out of the church to rend
her with her own forces !" says Calderwood : " the
very needle (says James Melville) which drew in the
episcopal thread * !"
James was too fond of the ecclesiastical branch
of his prerogative, and too eager for the accomplish
ment of his favourite plans, to suffer the new powers
which he had acquired to remain long unemployed.
Repairing to Falkland on the rising of the assembly,
he called the presbytery of St. Andrews before him,
reversed a sentence which they had pronounced
against a worthless minister, and restored him to
the exercise of his office. Accompanied by his privy
counsellors, laical and clerical, he next repaired to
the to\yn of St. Andrews, for the double purpose of

* Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 184—188. Melville's Diary, pp. 311,
312. Hist, of Dec. Age of the Church, p. 10. Cald. v. 243—261.
Spotswood, pp. .445 — 447.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 25
expelling its ministers, and imposing such restric
tions on the university as would facilitate his future
operations. He attended public worship on the
day of his arrival ; and when Wallace was about
to proceed to the application of his discourse,
James, either afraid of the freedom which he might
use, or wishing to gratify his own dictatorial hu
mour, interrupted the preacher and ordered him to
stop. Melville (although aware that one object of
the royal visit was to find some ground of accusa
tion against himself) could not refrain from publicly
expressing his displeasure at this royal interference,
and at the silence which the commissioners of the
church tamely preserved on the occasion *.
At the Royal Visitation of the university f , great
eagerness was testified to find matter of censure
against Melville. All those individuals, in the
university or in the town, whose envy or ill-will he
had incurred, were encouraged to come forward with
complaints against him ; and a large roll, consisting
of informations to his prejudice, was put into the
hands of the King. He underwent several strict
examinations before the visitors. But the explana-

* Melville's Diary, p. 313.
t In this visitation six of the commissioners of the church were
•associated with certain members of the privy council, the provost of
St. Andrews, &c. The founded persons in the several colleges were
required to give in to the visitors, " yair greiffis & disorders and con-
traversies gif thay ony haif, togidder with the abuses and enormiteis
comittit w'in ye samin," &c. (Summonds to appear before the
Visitors : July 7, 1597.)

26 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tions which he gave of his conduct were so satis
factory, and his defence of himself against the slan
ders of his detractors so powerful, that the visitors
could find no ground or pretext for proceeding
against him, either as the head of his own college,
or as the chief magistrate of the university *. Spots-
wood has preserved some of the accusations brought
against him, and disingenuously represents them
as having been proved before the visitors. " In the
New College, (says he) whereof the said Mr. An
drew had the charge, all things were found out of
order ; the rents ill husbanded, the professions ne
glected, and in place of divinity lectures, politick
questions oftentimes agitated : as, Whether the elec
tion or succession of Kings were the better form of
government ; How far the royal power extend
ed ; and, If Kings might be censured for abusing
the same, and deposed by the Estates of the King
dom. The King to correct these abuses did pre
scribe to every professor his subject'of teaching, ap
pointing the first master to read the Common Places
to the students, with the Law and History of the
Bible ; the second to read the New Testament ; the
third, the Prophets, with the Books of Ecclesiastes
and Canticles ; and the fourth, the Hebrew Gram
mar, with the Psalms, the Proverbs, and the Book
of Job f." The Acts ofthe Visitation, which were
in the archbishop's possession, are still in existence,
and disprove every one of these allegations. They
* Melville's Diary, p. 313. t History, p. 449.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 27
do not contain one word which insinuates that the
affairs of the New College were out of order * ; and
the regulations made respecting the future manage
ment of the academical revenues apply equally to
all the colleges. Nor do they contain one syllable
on the subject of abuses in the mode of teaching.
It is true that they prescribe the branches to be
taught in the different classes ; but this was not in
tended to " correct abuses." It was an arrangement
made in the prospect of an additional professor
being estabhshed in the college, according to a re
commendation of the visitors ; a fact which Spots-
wood has suppressed. While I am obliged to ex
pose these unpardonable perversions of a public do
cument, I am quite ready to admit that something
of the kind mentioned by the archbishop might be
included among the accusations presented against
the Principal of the New CoUege. The head de
Magistratu is to be found in every System of Di
vinity, and falls to be treated by every theological
professor in the course of his lectures. I have lit-

* One would almost suppose that Spotswood had confounded the
Visitation of 1597 with another which took place after he had been
many years Chancellor of the university, when it was stated by au
thority, " that of late years some abuses, corruptions, and disorders
have arisen, and are still yet fostered and entertained within the New
College of St. Andrews, partly upon the occasion of sloth, negligence
and connivance of the persons — to whose credit and care the redress
and reformation of these abuses properly appertained — whereupon has
followed the dilapidation, &c. of the patrimonie— the neglect of the
ordinar teaching— the Professours are become careless and negligent,"
&c. &c. (Commission for Visitation, Nov. 29, 1621.)

28 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tie doubt, that Melville, when he came to that part
of his course, laid down the radical principles on
which a free government and a limited monarchy
rest ; and it is not improbable that the young men
under his charge would take the liberty of occa
sionally discussing questions connected with this
subject in their private meetings *. This will not
now be considered as reflecting any dishonour, ei
ther on the master or his scholars. On the contra
ry, Melville's countrymen will listen with pride and
gratitude to the information, that, in an age when
the principles of liberty were but partially diffused,
and under an administration fast tending to despo
tism, there was at least one man, holding an im
portant public situation, who dared to avow such
principles, and who imbued the minds of his pupils
with those liberal views of civil government by
which the presbyterian ministers were distinguish-
* .Speaking of this subject in another work, Spotswood says : " Hsec
erat discipulorum," &c. " This was the theology of the students of
the New College, who at that time were more conversant with Bu
chanan's book, De Jure Regni, than with Calvin's Institutions."
(Refutatio Libelli, p. 67.) To this Calderwood replies : " Neminem
novi Theologi," &c. " I know none among us entitled to the name
of a Divine, who has not read Calvin's Institutions more diligently
than Spotswood, who, I suspect, is scarcely capable of understanding
them, although he should read them. Must a Divine spend all his
days in studying nothing but Calvin's Institutions ? Why should not
a Scottish theologian read the Dialogue of a learned Scotsman con
cerning the Law of Government among the Scots ?" (Epist. Philad.
Vind. Altare Damasc. p. 753.) Whatever the archbishop might do,
the King, at least, could not blame those who neglected Calvin. It
was one of the wise sayings of James, " That Calvin's Institutions is a
childish work !" (Cald. iv. 213.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 29
ed, and which all the efforts of a servile band of
prelates, in concert with an arbitrary court and a
selfish nobility, were afterwards unable to extin
guish. Not being able to find any thing in his conduct
which was censurable, the visitors deprived Melville
ofhis rectorship. This was easily accomplished; for,
disapproving of the union of that office with the
professorship of theology, he had accepted it at first
with reluctance, and acquiesced conditionally in his
last re-election. Of this circumstance the visitors
availed themselves to prevent the odium which they
must have incurred by ejecting him *. — Under the
pretext of providing for the better management of
the revenues of the colleges, a council, nominated
by the King, was appointed, with such powers as
gave it a control over all academical proceedings.
Thus his Majesty was furnished with a commission
to rule the church, and a council to rule the univer
sity, until he should be able to place bishops over
• " In respect the present Rector alledges he never accepted the
said office but conditionally, against the form of such elections, there
fore the office is found vacant." (Acts of Visitation. Melville's Diary,
p. 313.) Spotswood says that the King, understanding that Melville
had continued Rector for a number of years together " against the
accustomed form," commanded a new election ; " and for preventing
the hke disorders a statute was made that none should be continued
Rector above a year." (Hist. p. 448.) But how do the facts stand?
John Douglas was Rector from 1550 to 1572; Robert Hamilton from
1572 to 1576; James Wilkie from 1576 to 1590; Andrew Melville
from 1590 to 1597 ; and Robert Wilkie from 1597 to 1608. The re
election of Bobert Wilkie was sanctioned by the King. (The King's
Majesties Second Visitation.)

30 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
both, and become supreme Dictator in religion and
literature, as well as in law.
But the regulation which was intended chiefly to
affect Melville remains to be mentioned. All doc
tors and regents who taught theology or philoso
phy, not being pastors in the church, were dischar
ged, under the pain of deprivation and of rebellion
at the instance of the Conservator, from sitting in
sessions, presbyteries, provincial synods, or general
assembly, and from all teaching in congregations,
except in the weekly exercise and censuring of doc
trine. To reconcile them in some degree to this in
vasion on their rights, the actual masters were aU
lowed annually to nominate three persons, from
whom the council appointed by the visitors should
choose one to represent the university in the Gene
ral Assembly ; provided the same individual should
not be re-elected for three years. The pretext of
concern for the interests of learning, by preventing
the teachers from being distracted from their du
ties, was too flimsy to impose upon a single indivi
dual. The court was anxious to get rid of Mel
ville's opposition to its measures in the church ju
dicatories ; and this was deemed the safest way of
accomplishing that object, according to the creeping,
tortuous, and timid policy of James. In imposing
this restriction on the professors, the visitors acted
entirely by regal authority; for no such powers
were conveyed to them by the act of Parhament un-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. SI
der which they sat *. They were guilty of an in
fringement of the rights of the church : for by law
and by invariable practice, doctors or theological
professors were constituent members of her judica
tories. A greater insult was offered to the mem
bers of the university by the reservation made in this
case, than if the privilege had been altogether taken
from them. They were not deemed fit to be en
trusted with the power of choosing their own re
presentative to the General Assembly. This was
given to a council, composed of individuals who did
not belong to their body, and who were the crea
tures of the King. No wonder that Rollock sunk
in the estimation of his friends, by suffering himself,
as one of the visitors, to be made a tool to enslave
the university in which he was educated, and to
establish a precedent for enslaving the learned in
stitution over which he himself presided. Indeed,
by one of the regulations to which he gave his sanc
tion on the present occasion, he virtually stripped
himself of the right to sit in ecclesiastical judicato
ries ; and in order to escape from the operation of
his own law, he found it necessary to take a step
which violated its ostensible principle, by under
taking the additional duty of a fixed pastor of a par
ticular congregation f. The record bears, that all
the masters willingly submitted to the regulations
* In the year 1599, the ratification of a Convention of Estates was
procured to this and other reflations of the Visitors. (Act. Pari.
Scot. iv. 189.)
t See Note A.

32 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
made by the visitors, and gave their oath to observe
them under the pain of deprivation. As far as Mel
ville was concerned, this promise could mean no
more than that he would run his risk of the penal
ty ; for he was determined not to relinquish his right
to sit in the church courts. ' >-,-:
There is another act of the visitors which illus
trates the malignant influence of arbitrary power on
the interests of learning. William Welwood,, Pro
fessor of Laws in St. Salvator's CoUege*,, being
called before them, was declared to have transgress
ed the. foundation in sundry points, and was
deprived of his situation. Welwood was the
friend of Melville and of the ministers, of St.
Andrews f. Whether, in his lectures, he had
touched these delicate questions respecting the
origin and limits of kingly power which the Prin
cipal of the New College was accused of discuss
ing, I have no means of ascertaining. But his
profession, as a teacher of jurisprudence, was ob-
* John Arth<jur (a brother 4n-law of Archbishop Adamson) suc
ceeded William Skene as Professor of Laws. (Carta Recessus pro
Reformatione, Junij 21, 1586.) On his removal Welwood exchan
ged the Mathematical for the Juridical Chair, about the year 1587.
(Melville's Diary, pp. 20.0 — 203.)
t Ad Expediendos Processvs in Jvdiciis Ecclesiasticis. Appendix
Parallelorum Juris diuini humanique. Lvgd. Bat. 1594. 4to. Pp. 12.
The epistle .dedicatory is inscribed: ".' Fidis Christi seruis, Da vidi
Blakkio et Roberto Wallje, Ecclesiae Andreapolitanas pastoribus
vigilantissimis fratribusque plurimum dilectis, G. Vet.vod.'' Scaliger's
epitaph on Buchanan was published for the first time at the end of
this work, and is introduced with the following note : " Ne reliqua
esset pagina vacua, placuit subiicere Carmen hoc ab authore ipso etiam
assentiente, dum ista cuderentur, oblatum."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 33
noxious in the eyes of James. Accordingly, the
visitors declared, in their wisdom, " that the profes
sion of the Laws is no ways necessary at this time
in this university ;" and the class was suppressed.
Another set of visitors, two years after, ventured
to recommend the seeking out of " a sufficient learn
ed person in the Laws, able to discharge him both
in the ordinary teaching of that profession in the
said college, and of the place and jurisdiction of
commissary within the diocese ;" but the recommen
dation was " delete by his Majesty's special com
mand *." James considered himself as Teacher of
Laws to his whole kingdom ; and, unquestionably,
royal proclamations were the proper commentaries
on statutes which derived their sole authority from
the royal sanction, according to his favourite device,
Ejus est expUcare cujus est condere. — Melville
might have shared the same fate as Welwood, had
it not been for circumstances which pressed the fear
of disgrace into the service of a sense of justice.
There was at that time in the university a number
of young men from Denmark, Poland, France, and
the Low Countries, who had been attracted to

* The Actis and Recesse of the King's two Visitations of the Univ.
of St. Ands. In the year 1600, the King, out of " his frie favour
and clemency decerned Mr Wm Walwood to be re-possessed in the
lawyers piece and professioun in the auld college of Sanctandrous— •
upon his giving sufficient bond and security for his dutiful beha
viour to his Maitie." But his restitution did not take place, at least
not at that time. (His Majesty's Order and Letters, June 6, and
Nov. 3, 1600, and March 9, 1611.)
VOL. II. D

34 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Scotland by the fame of Melville's talents. James
was afraid to take a step which would have had'the
effect of lowering his reputation in the eyes of the
foreign literati, whose good opinion he' was fond of
cultivating *.
While the visitors we're busy in imposing on
the university such regulations as were dictated by
his Majesty, the commissioners of the General As
sembly had gratified him by their proceedings against
the ministers of St. Andrews. Wallace was accused
of having charged Secretary Lindsay with partiality
and injustice in the examination of the witnesses on
Black's process. This might surely have been ex
cused^, as proceeding from the amiable feeling of
sympathy with his colleague ; and the Secretary
was willing, for his part, to pass over the of
fence; But- he was instigated to prosecute ; and
Wallace, having declined the judgment of the com
missioners, was removed from St. Andrews f . Black

* Melville's Diary, p. 313. It may be mentioned here, that there
was another royal visitation of the university In the year 1599. On
that occasion it was agreed that the faculty of theology should be re
stored, but the designations to be given to the graduates was left to
subsequent' arrangement. Melville was chosen Dean of the theologi
cal faculty. No provision was' made for carrying into effect the re
commendation' of the former visiters; by the settlement of a fourth
professor in the New College; {Acts of Visit, and Diaty, ut supra.)
t Mr» Rb. Wallace reasons of his Declinature. ' (MS. in Bibl.
Jurid. Rob. III. 5; 1.) Melville's Diary, pp. 313, 314. Spbtswodd,
448. — On the 10th of December,) 1602, Mr: Robert Wallace was
admitted minister of Tranent. (Record of Presb. of Haddington,
Dec. 8, 1602.) James Gibson was translated from Pencaitland to
Tranent on the 9th of May, 1598. On the 6th of Octbber, 1602, a

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 35
was removed without any form of process * ; and
George Gladstanes, minister of Arbirlot in Angus,
was nominated as his successor f . Gladstanes was
a man entirely to his Majesty's mind. He had a
competent portion of pedantry, was abundantly vain
glorious, and at the same time possessed all the
obsequiousness which is requisite in one who is to
be raised to the primacy. As the session and better
part of the congregation were warmly attached to
their ministers, the admission of Gladstanes would
have met with great opposition, had not James
Melville, from amiable motives, taken an active
part in persuading the parties aggrieved to submit,
and make a virtue of necessity £. In consequence
of this, the King was so far. reconciled to Black, as
to allow his admission to the vacant parish of Ar
birlot. During the six years that he survived this
event, he gained universal esteem by his private

report was made of " the deceis of our loving brother James Gibsone,
of gud memorie." (Ibid.)
* Spotswood's .misrepresentations of this, affair are considered in
Note B.
t He was at first a schoolmaster in Montrose, and had been mini
ster in several parishes before his settlement at Arbirlot. (Wodrow's
Life of Gladstanes, p. 1. MSS. Bibl. Col. Glasg. vol. iv.) It would
seem, ,from a letter of Melville, that Gladstanes married a daughter
of John Dury, and consequently, was brother-in-law to James Mel
ville. For, writing' of the archbishop's death, he says: "'I have
pitie on his wyfe and children^ if it were but for good Johnne Duries
memory, whose simplicity and sincerity in his lyfe tyme condemned
the worldly wisdom in all, without exceptibn." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid.
Edin. M. 6. 9.)
J Melville's Diary, p. 316.
D 2

36 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
conduct, and by the affectionate and condescending
manner in which he discharged his pastoral duties
among a simple people. He died^oT^an apoplectic
sffiDkej^ when he was in the act ^T^ispensing the
communion-elements to his congregaMon. The cir-
cumstan'cej^cJI his death are beautifully described in
a poem which Melville' defiicated to his memory*'.
• Having taken these' precautions to prevefmV oppo
sition ihu$ie quarters froih' which it was mosfl'to
Threaded, the court 'thought 'that it might how
safely commence its operatiorip.'7 In the month of
December, 159^, the commissrohers of the General
Assenibly, who are henceforward to be considered
as moving at the direction of the King, gave in a
petition^ T$rT?ament, requesting that the church
shouM1 be admitted to a vote in the "supreme coun
cil of the natidn. '' The royal influence Was exerted
in ovi&coiMng any objections Which were entertain
ed against this measure on the part of the nobility,
whb nuhloured his Majesty by granting more than
was '^byftedf ^^he^petitioners. It was declared that
pi-elac^W^the^hird estate of the kingdom; that
such mml^er^Whls Majesty should pleas! to raise
to the aign'fty^cif bishop, abbot, or other prelate,
should fiayeW complete a right to sit and vote in
Parliament as those of the ecclesiastical estate had
ehjoyeJPat any former 'jieriod ; and that bishoprics,
as they became vacant, should be conferred on none
but such as were qualified and disposed to act as

See under Note B.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 37
ni^pis^er^ or, preachers. The, spiritual power to be
ex^cpedT by.bislipps in,.. tj^ef government of the
church, was, left (by ,the Jpnament to be settled be
tween his Majesty and the General' Assembly, with
out prejudice, in the mean time, to the authority pos
sessed by the several, ecclesiastical judicatories *.
The :fas% . plausp has ^been^; ascribed to the respect
which the, estates felt for the presbyterian discipline,
and tli^ir fears th^t "^tj^is beginning would tend, to
the overthrow ofthe established order of the church,
whijoh, they had sworn to defend j." Such might
be th$ views entertained by some members of par
liament, ,an(3, they might be professed, by, others ;
but it is probable that the form of the act was agree
able to the Kmg> who was aware ofthe opposition
which it would meet with from the ministers, (gnd
knew that, it was only in a gradual manner, and. by
great art and, management, that episcopacy couhl be
introduced into the church- .
The commissioners, ¦¦ of t}i§ \ church were anxious
to; represent what tthey had done in the most fa
vourably light. In a, .circular letter whi^h they ad
dressed to presbyteries, desiring. th^ to, ^end their
representatives to the General Asseinbiy at Dundee
in the month of March following, they took;, credit
to themselves for haying procured a meeting of that
court at an earlier day than had been appointed.

* Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. pp. 130, 131. . , ¦¦ ,i; : ? ,,
t History of the Reformation, by Mr.' John Forbes, minister of
Alford, MS. penes me, p. 19.
D 3

38 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
They spoke of the petition which they, had given
in to the late Parliament as merely a prosecution of
similar petitions presented by the church ; and they
connected it with the providing of fixed stipends for
ministers, and rescuing them from the poverty and
contempt under which they j had so long suffered.
They dwelt on the difficulty which they, in concert
with his Majesty, had felt in procuring this boon
for; the church; mentioned the care which they had
taken that it should be granted without prejudice
to the estabhshed discipline ; and signified, that it
was the advice and earnest wish of their best friends
that. they should not hesitate to accept it, although
the grant was not made altogether in the form
which they could have desired f. This is the lan
guage of men who either wished to deceive, or who
had suffered themselves to be grossly deceived. The
commissioners had no instructions from their con
stituents to take any step in this important affair.
It is true that the General Assembly had often com
plained that persons who had no authority or com
mission from the church took it upon them to sit
and vote in Parliament in her name ; and in some
instances a wish had been expressed that individuals
appointed by the church should be admitted to a
voice in such parhamentary causes as involved her
interest. But this was not her deliberate and una
nimous opinion, at least it had not been so for a
considerable time back ; and far less had she agreed
* Printed Cald. pp. 413, 414.

LIFE OF ANDltEW MELVILLE. 39
that these voters should be ministers of the gospel.
On the contrary, it was the decided opinion of the
principal ministers, that if the church should send
representatives to Parliament, they ought to be rul
ing elders, or such laymen as she might think pro
per to choose *. In fine, whatever might be the
views of the Estates, the evident object of the King
was, by means of the ministers' vote in Parliament,
to introduce episcopacy into the church ; and it
requires the utmost stretch of charity to believe
that the commissioners were ignorant of his in
tentions. The provincial synod of Fife met soon after the
dissolution of Parliament. Sir Patrick Murray Was
sent to it With a letter from the King, in which all
the arguments which the commissioners had used in

* The only evidence (so far as I can recollect) of the ministers hav
ing proposed that; some of their number should have votes in Parlia-
lnent, i^ to be found in (he Remarks which they inaile at Linlithgow
on the acts of the Pailiament 1584. But there was no meeting of the
General Assembly at that time; and the clause in question was in
serted at the instance of Pont, who had been a Lord of Session, in
opposition to the opinion of pther>; ministers, and particularly of Mel
ville, and his nephew. Even in that dqcumept,,an alternative is pro
posed : " Discreet commissioners of the most learned, both in the law of
God and of the country, being of the function of the ministrie or elders
oftliejcirk, are to represent thai estate, sat whose m^i^, the law ought
to be required, namely, in ecclesiastical matters.' (Melville's Diary,
p. 171.) Previously to this, in October, 1581, the assembly agreed
" that tuiching voting in parliament £ahd3 assisting in counsell, com
missioners froin the generall kirk sould supplie the place of bishops.
And as to the exercising of the civill or criminall jurisdiction anent
the office of Bishops, the heretabill baillies sould vse the same.'' (Buik
of Univ. Kirk, f. 113, b.)

40 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
favour of the vote in Parhament were repeated and
enforced. The impression at first made - by tJfeir
joint representations Was speedily effaced by the
speeches of the more judicious members of synod.
The subject was discussed with that Unshackled and
bold spirit which becomes the deliberations0 of a
presbyterian judicatory. In the course of the de
bate which ensued, James Melville, to the great dis
pleasure of the King's commissioner, exposed the
real nature of the proposed measure, and warned
his brethren of the snare which was laid for them.
They could not, he contended, accept the proffered
grant without giving their sanction to episcopacy :
for the ministers whom they sent to Parliament
could be admitted to sit and vote there in no other
character than that of bishops, according to the very
terms of the late act ; and what was this but to re
build what they had taken so much pains and time
to pull down ? His uncle followed on the same side.
As he was proceeding in his usual style of vehement
oratory, he was interrupted by Thomas Buchanan,
who told him, that he was prohibited from attend
ing church courts, and had no right to take part in
the discussion. " It was my province (replied Mel
ville) to resolve questions from the word of God,
and to reason, vote, and moderate in the assemblies
of the church, when yours was to teach grammar
rules;" a retort which was much relished by the
members of synod, who were offended at the late
tergiversation of Buchanan, and at his rude inter
ruption on the present occasion. A disposition to

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 41
defend their constitution against the danger to which
it was exposed now pervaded , the whole assembly.
The venerable Ferguson adverted to the early pe
riod at which, the evils of episcopacy had been dis
covered in Scotland ; he narrated the means which
had been used, from pulpits and in assemblies,: to
expel it completely from the church ; and comparing
the project now on foot to the artifice , by which the
Greeks, after a fruitless siege of many years, suc
ceeded in at last taking Troy, he concluded with
the warning words of theDardan prophetess, « Equo
ne credite, Teucri" Davidson, whose zeal had
prompted him to attend the meeting, shewed that
the parliamentary voter was a bishop in disguise,
and catching enthusiasm from the speech , of his
aged brother, exclaimed, ¦"¦ Buslc •*,., busk, bush, him
as bonnilie as ye can, and fetch him in asfairUeas
ye willy we see ^him^eill eneuch, we see thp horns
qfhismitre^." »
I, should, not give a faithful picture of the senti
ments of the age and of the state of public feeling,
if I passed over altogether the. impression made on
the public mind by two extraordinary phenomena
which occurred, at this time In the month of July,
1597, a smart shock of an earthquake was felt in
the north of Scotland, which extended through the
shires of Perth, Inverness* and Ross ; and in Febru
ary following there was a great eclipse of the sun.
Both of these occurrences were deemed portentous,
* dress. t Melville's Diary, pp. 326, 327.

42 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
and viewed as prognosticating a disastrous revolu
tion which should shake the constitution of the
church and obscure her glory. James Melville gives
the following account of the last of these appearan
ces : * In the month of February (1598,)' upon the
25th day, being the Saturday, betwixt nine and ten
hours before "noon, a most fearful and conspicuous
eclipse of the sun began, which continued about two
hours space. The whole face of the sun seemed to
be darkness and covered about half a quarter of an
hour, so that none could see to read upon a book ;
the stars appeared in the firmament ; and the sea,
land, and air, were so stilled and stricken dead, as
it were, that, through astonishment, herds, families,
men and women, were prostrate to the ground. My
self knew, out of the Ephemerides and Almanack,
the day and hour thereof, and also, by natural phi
losophy, the cause, and set myself to note the pro
ceedings thereof in a bason of water mixed with ink,
thinking the matter but common. But when it
came to the extremity of darkness, and my sight
lost all the sun, I was stricken with such heaviness
and fear that I had no refuge, but, prostrate on my
knees, commended myself to God and cried, mercy.
This was thought by all the wise and godly very
prodigious ; so that from pulpits and by writings
both in prose and verse, admonitions were given to
the ministers to beware that the changeable glister
ing shew of the world should not get in betwixt
them and Christ*."
* History of the Declining Age of the Church, p. 8. In his Diary
he has given a similar account of the eclipse ; and this coincidence

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 43
In the prospect of the ensuing General Assembly,
Melville could not help feeling the awkward situa
tion in which he was placed by the restriction im
posed on him at the late visitation of the universi
ty. He did not, however, hesitate in resolving to
make his appearance at Dundee, whatever it might
cost him. Had he acted otherwise at such a crisis,
he would have betrayed the rights of the church,
and forfeited the honour which he had acquired by
his exertions in the establishment of presbytery.
When his name was mentioned, at the calling of the
roll in the beginning of the assembly, his Majesty
challenged it, and said that he could not agree to
the admission of one whom he had prohibited from
attending on church courts. Melville defended his
right. His Majesty's prohibition, he said, might
extend to his place and emoluments in the univer
sity, but could not affect his doctoral office, which
was purely ecclesiastical : he had a commission from
his presbytery, and was resolved, for his part, not
to betray it. Davidson spoke to the same purpose,
and reminded the King that he was present as a
Christian, and not as president of the assembly.
James attempted a reply to this distinction, but had

forms one of the internal marks of the two histories having been writ
ten by the same author. " I was not ignorant," says he, " of the na
tural cause thairof, and yet when it cam to the amazfull uglie alriche
darknes, I was cast on my knies, and my hart almaist fealled." The
verses which he composed on this occasion are recorded in his Diary,
p. 320. The more poetical description of his uncle may be seen in
Delitise Poetarum Scotorum, ii. 120.

44 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
recourse to the ultimate reason of Kings,, by jisc]|ar-
ing that he would allow no business .tp, be transact
ed until his will was cp^ph^dvWith. ..Msivihg £<>
cordingly retired; but not until h§ had^ deliver^
his sentiments, briefly and nervously, on jthe Jepding
business which was to engage the atten^iojL^o^.the
assembly. He was commanded at first to confin^
himself to his lodgings j but no sooner was it un
derstood that his brethren repaired to him, than he
and his colleague, Jonston, were charged to, quit
Dundee instantly, under the pain of rebelbon^p,^
vidson complained of this, nextt day ^ ,$he,. assem
bly ; and another member* boldly asserted th^f, the
restriction, laid on the uni versity* and ,the inte^dic^-
tion now given, proceeded fronx the drc^d which |he
court had of Melville's learning. " J. will; not .hear
one word on that head," said his Majesty twice pr;
thrice. .," Then we must crave help of hina jthat
will hear us," replied; Davidson f. The highest
eulogium from the mouth <$; Jftjtftes ^cpuhi jiprt have
done half; SQ much honour to M^lyhh?,ashisrprjesent
treatment »qf him, did, He ,ha|, procured, ,a>. , pa^ia-
mentary statute in favour pf, the. ^neasure;wh,ifh he
wished to, carry ; , hfi, knew that a, great part pf $?
elders stood pledged to support it, by the vote which
they had given inj Payment ; he had, the cpmm^
sioners, of the churchy at jjn^^k ; and theyhad
* This was John Knox, minister, of Melrosej who^was a son of
WiUiam Knox minister of Cockpen, the' brother of the' Reformer.
t Melville^ Dia*y, p. 329. Cald. v.l30a,;303.n Wodrow's Life
of Andrew Melville, p. 73., MSS. vol. i. in Bibl. Col. Glasg. .

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 45
brought up a trained band of trusty voters from the
extremities of the north. And yet, with all these
advantages' on his side, he dreaded to bring forward
his motion, or to submit it to discussion, so long as
Melville remained in the house, or even within the
precincts of the town, in which the assembly was
held. After a week spent in secret and public manage
ment, during which the complaints given in from dif
ferent quarters against the commissioners were got
quashed, the main business was at last introduced
by a speech from the throne. His Majesty dwelt
on the important services which he had done for the
church, by establishing her discipline, watching over
her'pe'aee, and endeavouring to recover her patri
mony, which would' never be fully effected unless
the measure which he was about to propose was
adopted. He solemnly and repeatedly protested,
(with what truth it is now unnecessary to say,) that
he had no intention to introduce either Popish or
Anglican bishops, but that his sole object was that
some of the best and wisest of the ministry, chosen
by the General Assembly, should have a place in
the Privy Council and Parliament, to sit in judg
ment on their own affairs, and not to stand, as they
had too long stood, at the door, hke poor suppliants,
disregarded and despised. Bruce, Davidson, Aird,
James Melville, and John Carmichael, were the
chief speakers against, the vote in Parhament ; Pont,
Buchanan, and Gladstanes, in support of it. The
latter had a powerful auxiliary in the King, who

46 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
was always ready to interfere in the debate. Glad
stanes having pleaded the power which the priests
had among the ancient Romans " in rogandis et
ferendis legibus," Davidson replied, that at Rome
the priests were consulted, but had no vote in mak
ing laws : " prcesentibus sacerdotibus et divina ex-
ponentibus, sed non suffragia habentibus." " Where
have ye that ?" asked the King. " In Titus Livius,"
said Davidson. " Oh ! are you gbing then from the
Scriptures to Titus Livius ?" exclaimed his Majesty.
There were flatterers present who applauded this
wretched witticism ; and they were encouraged to
laugh at the old man, who pursued his argument
with equal disregard of the puerilities of James,
and the rudeness of his minions. The question be
ing called for, it was decided by a majority of ten
votes *, " that it was necessary and expedient for
the weal of the church, that the ministry, as the
third estate of this realm, should in the name of the
church have a vote in Parliament." The measure
was carried chiefly by the votes of the elders, and
it was urged by the minority that a number of them
had no commission ; but the demand of a scrutiny
was resisted. Davidson, who had refused to take
part in the vote, gave in a protest against this deci
sion, and against the proceedings of this and the
two preceding assemblies, so far as they derogated

" " Mr. Gilbert Body led the ring, a drunken Orknay ass, and the
graittest number followit, all for the bodie but [without]] respect of1
the spreit." (Melville's Diary, p. 329.)
2

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 47
from the rights of the church ; upon the ground of
their not being ,free assemblies, but overawed by
the King, and restricted t in their due and wonted
privileges. His protest was refused, and he was
prosecuted for it before his presbytery at the King's
instance *.
The Assembly farther agreed that fifty-one mi
nisters should be chosen to represent the church,
according to the ancient number of the bishops, ab
bots, and priors ; and that their election should be
long partly to the King and partly to the church.
The court presented a series of resolutions respect
ing the manner of electing the voters, the duration

» Spotswood, who embraces every opportunity of speaking disre
spectfully of Davidson, has advanced a number of assertions respect
ing his conduct on the present occasion, all of which it would be easy
to refute. Arhong other things, he says : " He himself, as his cus
tom was when he made any such trouble, fled away, and lurked a
while, till his peace was again made.'' (Hist. p. 452.) It is very easy
for a time-serving priest, who, by his tame compliances, can always
secure himself against falling into danger, to talk thus of a man, from
whose rebuke he more than once shrunk, and to accuse him of cow
ardice merely because he fled from the lawless rage of a despot.
But it is not true that Davidson either fled or concealed himself at
this time. On the 22d of March, 1597, immediately after the rising
of the General Assembly, Lord Tunglatid and David Macgill of Cran
ston Riddell appeared before the presbytery of Haddington, and, in
his Majesty's name, gave in a complaint against him. Being sum
moned to attend next meeting, Davidson appeared before the presby
tery at Haddington, on the 29th of March. On the 5th of April, it
was attested to the presbytery, that he was " stayit be ane heavie
fever," and on the 12th of that month, " the presbyterie w' consent
of his Maties commissioner continewit all farder dealing in this mater
till ye said Mr. Johne at the pleasor of God suld be restorit to his
health." (Record of Presbytery of Haddington.)

48 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
of their commission, their name, their revenues, and
the restrictions necessary to prevent them, from
abusing their powers. But the proposal of them ex
cited so much dissatisfaction, that the King, dread
ing, from the feeling that began to be displayed,
that he would lose the ground which he had already
gained, deemed it prudent to put off the discussion.
It was therefore appointed that the presbyteries
should immediately take the subject under consider
ation ; that they should report their opinions tp
their respective provincial synods ; and that each
synod should nominate three delegates, who, along
with the theological professors, should hold a con
ference, in the presence of his Majesty, on the points
which f^e< Assembly had left undetermined, ,. If they
were unanimous, the resolutions to which they came
were to be final ; if not, the whole matter was to be
referred to the next General Assembly*- , f
The resolutions in all the southern presbyteries
and synods evinced the greatest jealousy of episco
pacy, and a disposition to confine the powers of the
voter in parliament within the narrowest possible
bounds. Yet matters were so craftily conducted by
the agents of the court, in concert with such of the.
ministers as were secretly in their interest, that the
delegates chosen for the conference were, in several
instances, of opposite views to those of their consti-

* Buik of the Uniy. Kirk, ff. 188—192. . Cald. v. 301—325.
Melville's Diary, pp. 329, 330. And his History of the Declining
Age, pp. 13 — 18. Spotswood, pp. 450—452.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 49
tuents *. Perceiving this, disapproving of the whole
scheme, and convinced that no restrictions would
prevent it from issuing in the establishment of epis
copacy, there were individuals who thought it safest
to stand aloof, and to take no part in the subordi
nate arrangements. Among these was James Mel
ville. But his uncle was of a different mind. He
was quite aware of the policy which permitted him
to take part in private and extrajudicial conferences,
while he was excluded from the public assemblies
in which the points in debate were to be ultimately
and authoritatively determined. But he deemed it
of consequence to encourage his brethren by his
presence, and to interpose every obstacle in the way
of the accomplishment of a measure so injurious to
the interests of the church. Accordingly, he gave
faithful attendance on all the meetings of the con
ference f .
The result of the first meeting, held at Falkland,
was so dissatisfactory to the King, that he prorogued
the General Assembly which had been appointed to
meet at Aberdeen in July, 1599- Other meetings
were held ; but they were chiefly occupied in desul
tory conversation, or in attempts to lull asleep the
most vigilant of the church's guardians by artful
professions, and proposals for removing, what were
* Record of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, May 30, 1 598. Rec.
of Provincial Synod of Lothian, June, 1598. Melville's Diary, pp.
330, 331.
t Melville's Diary, p. 331.
VOL. II. E

50 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
called, unreasonable and unfounded jealousies *.
Melville took a leading part in an interesting de
bate which occurred in November, 15999 at a meet
ing of the conference, assisted by ministers from the
different quarters of the country, convened by royal
missives in the palace of Holyroodhouse. One de
sign of calling this meeting appears to have been,
to ascertain the arguments which were to be used
in opposition to the vote in parliament, that so the
court party might be prepared to meet them in the
next General Assembly. In opening the conference
the King signified, that all were at liberty to reason
on the subject at large, including the points which
had been determined, as well as those which had
been left undecided, at last assembly; but that such
as refused to state their objections at present should
forfeit their right to bring them forward at a sub
sequent period. Accordingly, the lawfulness of mi
nisters sitting in parliament came first under dis
cussion. And here the debate turned chiefly on
the following question — " Is it consistent with the
nature of their office, its duties, and the directions
of Scripture about it, for ministers of the gospel to
undertake a civil function ?"
By those who maintained the affirmative it was
argued, That, as the gospel does not destroy civil
policy, so it does not hinder any of those who pro
fess it from discharging political duties : That when
ministers are enjoined " not to entangle themselves
* Cald. v. 371. Melville's Hist, of the Declining Age, p. 19.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 51
with the affairs of this life," they are not prohibited
from discharging civil offices any more than the du
ties of natural economy and domestic life : That
there are approved examples in scripture of sacred
and civil offices being united in the same person :
That ministers were as much distracted from the
duties of their office by the visitation of churches
and waiting on meetings for fixing stipends, as they
would be by sitting in parliaments and conventions
of estates : That it was allowed by all that minis
ters might wait on his Majesty and give him their
advice in matters of state : That as free men and
citizens, ministers were entitled to be represented
as well as the other orders in the state : That the
General Assembly had often craved a vote in Par
liament : And that ecclesiastical persons had sitten
in that court ever since the Reformation.
In the negative it was argued, That, though the
gospel by no means destroys civil policy, yet all po
litical laws which are inconsistent with it, or which
interfere with any of its institutions, are unlawful :
That the duties of natural and domestic economy
are altogether different from those which belong to
public offices in society : That when the apostle pro
hibits ministers from " entangling themselves with
the affairs of this life," he puts his meaning out of
doubt, by referring, as an illustration, to the case
of a soldier, who must renounce and avoid all world
ly Occupations, that he may deyote himself to the
military life and entirely please and obey his com
mander : That the duties of the ministerial office
E 2

52 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
i ,
are so , great and manifold, and the injunctions to
consteuit^ ^nfi unremitting diligence in discharging
them so numerous, so solemn, and so urgent, that
no minister who is duly impressed with these con
siderations will accept of another function which
< must engross much of his time and attention ; and
that it is criminal to throw temptations to this in
his way : That the union of sacred and civil offices
iin certain individuals mentioned in scripture was
extraordinary and typical ; and when the Jewish
polity was established, these offices were separated,
and could not be lawfully held by the same persons :
That the occasional visitation of churches is a part
of the ministerial function : That if ministers are
diverted from their pastoral duty by commissions
for fixing stipends, this is owing to a defect in the
establishment which they had long , complained of,
and. for which the magistrates and their flocks must
answer : That ministers, as such, do not form an
order in the state, and that as citizens they are re
presented along with others by the commissioners
ofj shires and burghs : That if the King and estates
entrust ministers with the care of their souls, tbe
. latter may surely give credit to the former in what
relates to their bodies : That no General Assembly
before the last one had ever craved a vote for mi
nisters in parliament : And that, ever since the
.church had condemned episcopacy, she had objected
tp bishops and other persons called ecclesiastical,
sitting in the supreme court of the nation.
On this part of the debate, Melville deduced the

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 53
history of the gradual blending of ecclesiastical and
civil jurisdiction under the papacy, by means of
which the Roman Pontiff became at last so formid
able, armed himself with the two swords, trampled
on princes, and transferred crowns and kingdoms at
his pleasure. " Take heed," said he, addressing
James, " that you do not set up those who shall cast
you or your successors down."
The second question which was brought forward
related to the duration of the office. The court
party were anxious that the clerical voter should
hold his place ad vitam aut culpam : their opponents
insisted that the place should be filled by annual
election. The former argued, that no man would
submit to the trouble and expense that must be in
curred, if his continuance in office was precarious,
or limited to a single year or a single parliament ;
and that within so short a period persons could
neither acquire the knowledge of law, nor bring any
business which the church might entrust to them to
a termination. It was replied by the latter, that
they were at present deliberating on what was for
the good of the church and commonwealth, and not
on what might be agreeable or profitable to indivi
duals ; that by continuing in the employment mi
nisters would acquire more knowledge of the laws
of men, but less of those of God, more acquaintance
with the wiles of worldly policy, and less with the
sincerity of the wisdom which is from above ; and
that the General Assembly was more capable of at
tending to the real interests of the church than a
E 3

54 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
few men, who, if a judgment might be formed from
experience, would be chiefly occupied in securing
their own wealth and aggrandizement. The hurt
ful consequences of their continuing in office during
life or good behaviour were insisted on at great
length. It would secularize their minds ; it would
induce a habitual neglect of the duties of their spi
ritual function ; it would, in spite of all checks which
might be imposed, gradually raise them to superior
ity over their brethren, and make them indepen
dent of the ecclesiastical courts ; although the church
should depose them for improper conduct, yet if they
happened to please his Majesty, he would maintain
them in their place by his royal authority or by his
influence in the General Assembly ; and being se-<
cured in their lordships and livings they would seek
to revenge their quarrel, by injuring the church,
or such of their brethren as curbed their ambition
and complained of their misconduct. " There is no
fear," said the King, " but you will all prove true
enough to your craft." " God make us. all true
enough to Christ," replied Melville. " There is
nothing so good but it may be suspected, and thus
you will be content with nothing." " We doubt the
goodness of the thing, and have but too much reason
to suspect its evil." " His Majesty and the parlia
ment will not admit the voters otherwise than for
life ; and if you do not agree to this, you will lose
the benefit." " The loss will be small." « Ministers
then will lie in contempt and poverty." " It was
their Master's case before them : better poverty

LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE. 55
with sincerity, than promotion with corruption."
" Others will be promoted to the place, who will
oppress and ruin the church ; for his Majesty will
not want his third estate." " Then let Christ, the
King of the church, avenge her wrongs : he has
done so before."
The title to be given to the voter in Parlia
ment formed the next topic of debate. Those who
spoke the language of the court insisted that he
should have the name of bishop. " If we are agreed
in the substance," said they, " the name is of little
consequence ; and as the parliament has restored
the title of bishop, and may refuse to admit the re
presentative of the church Under any other desig
nation, it would be a pity to lose a privilege which
his Majesty has procured with such great pains and
difficulty, through scrupulosity about a name, which,
after all, is scriptural." To this Melville replied
ironically: "No doubt the name episcopos or bi
shop is scriptural ; and why should it not be given ?
But as something additional to the office of the scrip
ture-bishop is to be allotted to our new parliament-
men, I would propose to eke a little to the name,
and this shall be scriptural also. Let us baptize
them by the name which the apostle Peter gives to
such officers, and call them allotrio-episcopoi, busy-
bishops, v/ho meddle with matters foreign to their
calling." In earnest he replied, that the word bishop
was applied in the scriptures indiscriminately to all
ministers of the gospel ; that in common speech it
was now understood as the discriminative appella-

56 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tion of those who claimed a superiority of office and
power, as in the churches of Rome and England ;
that for good reasons the use tof it had been laid
aside and prohibited in the church of Scotland ; that
those to whom it was now proposed to give it were
to occupy the places to which ecclesiastical pre-emi
nence had been attached ; the title was calculated
to feed their vanity and lust of power; and being
accustomed to be saluted as lords at court and in
parliament, they would soon begin to look sour on
such as refused to give them their honorary titles in
the church.
Night put an end to the debate. Next morning
Lindsay, who acted as moderator, recapitulated
what had been done on the preceding day in such
a way as to insinuate that the heads which had been
under consideration were settled: agreeably to the
wishes of the court. A murmur of disapprobation
spread through the assembly ; and several members
rose and declared that their scruples against the
main proposal, so far from being weakened, were
greatly strengthened by the discussion of yesterday.!
Melville made an earnest and solemn appeal to the
moderator. He reminded him, that he was one of
the oldest ministers of the church, and had been pre
sent at many assemblies in which these very points
had, after the most grave and deliberate discussion,
been unanimously decided. And he asked him, how
he could for a moment imagine, that any one who
was settled in his judgment could be moved to alter
it by so light a conference as the present, in which

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 57
scripture? might* be said to have been profaned ra
ther than solidly and reverently handled. His Ma
jesty took offence at this last expression, and court
eously gave the speaker the lie. Melville replied,
that he had included himself in the censure, and did
not mean to confine it to one side of the house.
Finding that he had gained nothing, James broke
off the conference in a fret. In dismissing the mem
bers,' he said that he had' been induced by the Com
missioners of the church to call this meeting for the
satisfaction of such as had scruples, in the hopes
that matters would proceed peaceably and harmo
niously^ but he perceived men to be so full of their
own conceits, and so pre-occupied in their judg
ments, as not to; yield to reason, and would there
fore leave the matter to be determined by the Ge
neral Assembly. If they received the favour offer
ed them, he would ratify their conclusions' With his
civil sanction, and none should be allowed to speak
against them : if they refused it, they would have
themselves to blame for sinking still deeper and
deeper into poverty. As for himself, he could not
want one of his estates, but would Use his authori
ty in putting into the vacant bishoprics persons
who would accept of them, and who would do their
duty to him and to his kingdom '%
* Melville's Diary, pp. 333—344. James Melville committed' the
reasonings at this conference to writing whUeihis^recollectioa of them
was fresh. The whole of his account is copied into Calderwood's
MS. and large extracts from it may be seen' in Printed Calderwood,
pp. 428 — 434.

58 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
The General Assembly which met" at Montrose
on the 28th of March, 1600, excited greater interest
than had been felt at any meeting of the supreme
ecclesiastical judicatory for many years *. All were
convinced that upon its decision it depended whe
ther" the presbyterian constitution should stand, or
should yield to the gradual encroachments of pre
lacy under the protection of the royal supremacy.
The attendance of members was full, and sanguine
hopes of success were entertained by both parties.
The defenders of the establishment confided in the
goodness of their cause, and in the evident superior
ity in point of argument which they had maintain
ed at the last conference. Their opponents were
equally confident that they would prevail by address
and the powerful interest of the crown.
The presbytery of St. Andrews having chosen
him as one of their representatives, Melville deter
mined again to assert his right to a seat in the Ge
neral Assembly. It was no sooner known that he
had come to Montrose than he was sent for by the
King. His Majesty asked him why he was so trou
blesome, by persisting to attend on assemblies after
he had prohibited him. He rephed, that he had a

* Row mentions, that this assembly was " notified only be sound
of trumpet att the crosse of Edr and other neidful places, whereat many
good Christians wondered att, seing yr was never the lyke before."
(Hist. p. 78.) — It was appointed at this time that the beginning of
the year should henceforth be reckoned from the 1st of January, in
stead of the 25th of March. (Record of Privy Council, Dec. 17,
159,9.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 59
commission from the church, and behoved to dis
charge it under the pain of incurring the displeasure
of one who was greater than any earthly monarch.
Recourse was then had to menaces, but they served
only to rouse Melville's spirit. On quitting the
royal apartment, he put his hand to his throat,
and said, " Sir, is it this you would have ? You
shall have it before I betray the cause of Christ."
He was not allowed to take his seat in the judica
tory ; but it was judged unadvisable to order him
out of the town, as had been done on a former oc
casion. He accordingly remained, and assisted his
brethren with his advice during the sitting of the
assembly *.
The debate on the propriety of ministers voting
in Parliament was resumed ; and a formidable train
of arguments, including those which had been used
in the conference at Holyroodhouse, was brought
forward against the measure. In support of these
a paper was given in, consisting of extracts from
the writings of reformed divines and of the fathers,
with the decisions of the most ancient and renown
ed General Councils. Unable to reply to these ar
guments and authorities, the advocates of the mea
sure were forced to abandon the ground which they
had taken up during the late conferences. They
granted the force of the general reasoning used by
their opponents, but insisted that it was not ap
plicable to the case. They affected now to condemn
* Melville's Diary, p. 362. Hist, of the Declining State of the
Church, pp. 21, 25.

60 . LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the union of sacred and civil offices ; and pleaded
that the ministers who were to sit in Parhament
would have no civil charge, but were merely to be
present in that high court to watch over the inte
rests of the church, and give their advice in matters
of importance. When it was urged by their oppo
nents that the ecclesiastical voter must be employed
in making laws for the whole kingdom, they took
refuge under one of the weakest and worst of
James's political maxims, that it is the King alone
who makes laws, and the estates merely give him
their advice. In answer to the appeal which the
defenders of Presbytery made to the words of the
act of parliament restoring the " office, estate, and
dignity of bishops," they asserted that, the objec
tionable language had been purposely introduced
into the act by those who wished to keep the church
in poverty, in the hopes that it would induce the
ministers to reject the favour which his Majesty
had procured for them. This plea could not bear
examination ; and therefore a stop was put to the
dangerous discussion by a message from the King,
stating, that the last General Assembly had already
decided this point, and its decision behoved to stand.
Had it been allowed to put the general question to the
vote, there is reason to think that the whole scheme
would have been negatived. For on the question,
whether the parhamentary voters should retain their
place for life or be annually elected, it was carried,
in spite of all the influence of the court, by a ma
jority of three in favour of annual election. Yet,

LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE. 61
by collusion between the clerk and the King, the
minute was so drawn up as to express a resolution
materially eversive of that which had passed, and
in this altered form an approbation of it was pro
cured at the close of the assembly.
To induce the members to acquiesce in the un
popular measure, the court party agreed to the ra
tification of all the articles and cautions which had
been proposed in the conference at Falkland, with
the view of protecting the liberties of the church,
and guarding against the introduction of episco
pacy. They did not even object to the addition of
others still more strict. The voters were to have
the name, not of Bishops, but Commissioners of the
church in Parliament. As to their election, it was
agreed, that the General Assembly, with the advice
of synods and presbyteries, should nominate six in
dividuals in each province, from which number his
Majesty should choose one as- the ecclesiastical re
presentative of that province. For his emoluments
he was to be allowed the rents of the benefice to
which he should be presented, after the churches,
colleges, and schools, had been provided for out of
them. The following cautions, or " caveats," as
they were called, were enacted to prevent him from
abusing his power : That he should not presume to
propose any thing to parliament, convention, or
council, in the name of the church, without her ex
press warrant and direction ; nor consent to the
passing of any act prejudicial to the church, under
the pain of deposition from his office : That, at each

62 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
General Assembly, he should give an account of the
manner in which he had discharged his commission,
and submit, without appeal, to the censure of the as
sembly, under the pain of infamy and excommunica
tion : That he should rest satisfied with the part of
the benefice allotted to him, without encroaching
upon what was assigned to other ministers within
his province : That he should not dilapidate his be
nefice, nor dispose of any part of its rents without
the consent of the General Assembly : That he should
perform all the duties of the pastoral office within
his own particular congregation, subject to the cen
sure of the presbytery and provincial synod to which
he belonged : That in the exercise of disciphne, the
collation of benefices, the visitation of churches, and
all other parts of ecclesiastical government, he should
claim no more power or jurisdiction than what be
longed to other ministers, under the pain of depriva
tion : That in meetings of presbytery and of other
church courts, he should behave himself in all things,
and be subject to censure, in the same manner as
his brethren : That he should have no right to sit
in the General Assembly without a commission from
his presbytery : That, if deposed from the office of
the ministry, he should lose his vote in parliament,
and his benefice should become vacant : And that
he should incur the same loss upon being convicted
of having solicited the office. It was ordained, that
these " caveats" should be inserted, " as most ne
cessary and substantial points," in the body of an
act of parliament to be made for confirming the

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 63
church's vote ; and that every commissioner should
subscribe and swear to observe them when he was
admitted to his function *.
It is scarcely possible to conceive regulations bet
ter adapted to prevent the evils which were dread
ed. But the strictest cautions, sanctioned by the
most sacred promises, were feeble ties on an unprin
cipled court, and perfidious churchmen, who were
ready to sacrifice both honour and conscience to the
gratification of their avarice and ambition.
Mille adde catenas,
Effugiet tamen haec sceleratus vincula Proteus.
An early proof of this was given. A meeting of
the commissioners of the General Assembly, and
delegates from synods, was held in the month of
October following, in consequence of a letter from
the King desiring their advice respecting the settle
ment of ministers in Edinburgh, and " such other
things as shall be thought good to be proposed in
the name of the church for the weal of our and their
estate at our first parliament." Dreading the op
position of James Melville and two other ministers,
his Majesty got them appointed on a committee to
transact some business ; and during their absence,
he, with the consent of those present, summarily
nominated David Lindsay, . Peter Blackburn, and
* Buik of the Universall Kirk, ff. 193, 191. Cald. v. 414—4401
Melville's Diary, pp. 349— 36a Hist, of the Decl. Age, p. 19—25.
Forbes's History, pp. 23—26. Spotswood, 453, 457, 458.

64 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE*
George Gladstanes, to the vacant bishoprics of Ross,
Aberdeen, and Caithness. This transaction was
carefully concealed from the absent members until
the meeting was dissolved. And the bishops ap
pointed in this clandestine manner sat and voted in
the ensuing parliament, -in direct violation of the
cautions to which they had so lately given their
consent *.
Archbishop Spotswood was under the necessity ¦
of inserting the cautions in his History, and he was
forced to acknowledge, what was then notorious to
all the world, that " it was neither the King's in
tention, nor the mind of the wiser sort, to have these
cautions stand in force ; but to have matters peace
ably ended, and the reformation of the policy" (that
is, the introduction of episcopacy) " made without
any noise, the King gaVe way to these conceits f ."
The archbishop calls the ministers who acted this
part " the wiser sort ;" forgetting, perhaps, that this
species of wisdom, however much it may be " es
teemed among men, is abomination with God."
They were suffered to triumph for a while in the
success of their knavery ; but he who " taketh the
wise in their own craftiness," visited them at length

* Their presentations were dated the 5th Nov. 1600. (Reg. of
Present, to Benef. vol. iii. f. 30.) On the 30th Dec. 1600, David
Lindsay, bishop of Ross, was admitted to be " ane of the counsail;"
and on the 24th Nov. 1602, Mr. George Gladstanes, bishop of Caith
ness, was admitted, " be his Maiestie's direction and command."
(Record of Privy Council.)
• t Hist. p. 454.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 65
with merited retribution ; and the violation of these
very cautions, which had been ratified by the King,
sworn to by the bishops *, and never repealed by
any ecclesiastical authority, formed one of the chief
grounds upon which the archbishop and his col
leagues were afterwards deposed and excommuni
cated by the General Assembly f .
His Majesty was present at all the assemblies in
which this affair was discussed, and gave the most
religious attendance on every session. He did not
even miss a single meeting of the privy conference.
During the sitting of the General Assembly, affairs
of state were entirely neglected., and the court was
converted into a clerical levee. . The privy counsel
lors complained, that they could not have access to
their master on account of the crowd of preachers
which continually thronged his cabinet. In the
public deliberations and debates he directed and de
cided every thing in his double capacity of disputant
and umpire. Those who wish to perceive the glory
of Jfi'neti's reign must carefully attend to this part
of its. ;istory. It was at this time that he found a

* ' It was laycd to the charge of Mr. John Spottiswood, appointed
BisLu,i of Glasgow thereafter in Anno 1605, before his Maj. be the
lord BalmeHnoch, President, that he had sworn to observe the Ca
veats, and had obliged himself to subscryve them. Neither could his
Maj. be well satisfied with him in that matter untill he had procured
yi Act of the Presbytexie cf Glasgow testifying that he had not sub
served them, whilk he presented to his Maj. for his defence; as
thougk his oath had been nothing as long as he did not subscryve."
(Forbes's History, p. 27.)
f Acts pf the General Assembly, Anno 1638, Sess. 20.
VOL. II. F

66 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
stage on which he could exert his distinguishing
talent, and "stick, the doctor's -chair into the throne."
It was at this time that he acquired that skill in
points of divinity, and in the management of eccle
siastical meetings, which afterwards filled the' Eng
lish bishops, with both " admiration and shame,"
and made them cry out tfiat they verily thought he
was "4«spir«.4-" Never did this wise monarch ap
pear to such great advantage, as when, surrounded
with "his own northern men," he canvassed for votes1
with, ah the ardour and address of a candidate for a
borough ; or when, presiding in the debates of the
General Assembly, he kept the members to the ques
tion, regaled them with royal wit, calhng one " a
seditious knave," and another, " a liar ;" saying to
one speaker, " that's witch-like," and to another,
" that's anabaptistical," instructed the clerk in the
true geographical mode of calhng the roll, or taking
him home to his closet, helped him to correct the
minutes *. ¦' ' OTE'il
* Cald. v. 320, 399, 571. At the General Assembly in May,' 1597,
an ordinance was made, (says James Melville) " that at the penning
of everie act ther sould be certean brether w4 the clark, whereof I was
an and Mr. James Nicolsone an uther. But whill as I cam till at
tend, thay war commandit to com to the king with the minutes : and
sa I gat na access.'' (Diary, 312.) James Melville (Ib.p. 362.) sub
joins the following verse, probably from an old poem, to his account
ofthe proceedings at this time :
The Dron, the Doungeoun and the Draught
Did mak their cannon of the King :
Syn feirfiully with ws they faught,
And doun to dirt they did ws ding.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 67
During these transactions several occurrences of
a subordinate kind took place, to which it may be
proper to advert. The church suffered a severe loss
by the death of a number of her distinguished mi
nisters. The end of the year 1598 proved fatal to
David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, whose in
tegrity, united with an uncommon vein of good-
humoured wit, made him a favourite with all
classes '* Thomas Buchanan, Provost of Kirkheuch,
and minister of Ceres, died suddenly in the course of
the following year, lamented by those who knew his
worth and talents, though they disapproved of his
public conduct during the last two years of his life f .

* He died at " the age of 65." (Spotswood, p. 455.) John Jon-
ston fixes his death on the 23d of August, 1598. (Life of Knox, ii.
445.) To his works mentioned in the Life of Knox (vol. ii. note E.)
may be added the following : " An Ansuer to ane Epistle written by
Renat Benedict, the French Doctor Professor of Gods word (as the
Translator of the Epistle calleth him) to John Knox & the rest
of his brethren ministers of the word of God made by David Fear-
gussone minister of the same word at this present in Dunfermling —
Imprinted at Edinbrough by Robert Lekprevik, 1563." Black let
ter, 12mo. 43 leaves. The running title is : " Ane answer to Renat
Be. Epistle." In reply to the accusation that the object of the re
forming ministers was to " get and gather riches," Ferguson says :
" the greatest nomber of vs haue liued in great penurie, without all
stiped some tuelf moneth, some eight, and some half a year, hauing
nothing in the mean time to susteane our selues and our families, but
that which we haue borrowed of charitable persones vntil God send it
to vs to repay them." Foil. 6, 7. This was written " the 26th April,
1562." The translation of Renat's Epistle was by Winzet, and at
that time, probably, was only in MS.
+ Melville's Diary, p. 328. Spotswood (Hist. p. 455.) fixes his
death, incorrectly, in the year 1598. — " 1599. Apr. 12. M. Thomas
Buchquhanan diet." (The Laird of Carnbee's Diary. Append, to
F 2

68 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
But the death most deeply deplored was that of Ro
bert Rollock, Principal of the University of Edin
burgh, who was prematurely eut off in the prime of
life and in the midst of extensive usefulness. His
piety* his suavity of temper, his benevolence, and
his talents as a writer and teacher of youth, were
universally admired by his countrymen ; and those
who were offended at some parts of his public con
duct traced them to his guileless simplicity and con
stitutional aversion to every thing that wore the;
appearance of strife or might lead to confusion *.
About the same time the country was deprived of
one of its ablest statesmen, John Lindsay of Bab-
carras, " for natural judgement and learning the

Lamont's Diary, p. 383.) That this is the true date appears from
his Testament. " Item, I grant and confess that the haill buiks .
quhilk are presentlie in my possessioun pertains to Mr. Ro* Buchanan,
(my brothers son) and that I borrowed the same fra him." He died
rich. (Testament Testamentar of Mr. Thomas Buchanan, in Com
missary Records of Edinburgh.) On the 5th of May, 1599, " Eu--
phame Hay relict of umqle Mr. Thomas Buchquhannane" revoked a
deed which she had made during her husband's sickness, and in which
she had renounced the " conjunct fie of sik lands or annual rents as
belangit to him/' On the 20th June, " Jo. Buchquhannan (of Bal-
lecraquhie) & Mr. Rol Buchquhannan, provost of Kirkheuch," ap
peared as executors of his testament. (Book of Acts of the Commis-'
sariot of St. Andrews.)
* Spotswood, 455. Melville's Diary, 320. He had merely com
pleted the 43d year of his age when he died, " 6 Idus Febr. anno
1589." (1598.) Vitse & mortis Roberti Rolloci Scoti narratio. Scripts'
per Georgium Robertsonum. Edinburgi 1589. (1598.) C in eights.
Among the Epitaphs published by Robertson there is none by Mel
ville, but an elegy by him is prefixed to a life of Rollock written in
Latin by Henry Charteris, who succeeded him as Principal. (MS.
in Bibl. Col. Edin.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 69
greatest light of the policy and council of Scot
land*." In the beginning of the year 1600, the
zealous and upright John Dury, minister of Mon
trose, died in a manner becoming the life which he
had spent. Having held an interview with the ma
gistrates of the town and the elders of his session,
and left advices to be imparted to the King and mi
nisters at the approaching General Assembly, he in
quired after the day of the month, and being told
that it was the last of February, " O! then," ex
claimed he, " the last day of my wretched pilgrimage !
and the morrow the first of my rest and glory !"
And, laying his head on his eldest son's breast, pla
cidly expired. Melville, who entertained a high
esteem of Dury's honesty and goodness of heart,
honoured the memory of his friend by his verses f .
In the end of the same year, the celebrated John
* Melville's Diary, 328. Lindsay died Sept. 3, 1598. (Append, to
Lamont's Diary, p. 285.) He was Secretary of State, and, for several
years before his death, Chancellor of the University of St. Andrews.
Melville addressed a playful poem to him, in the form of a petition
from the university. (Delitise Poet. Scot. ii. 121.) I have an ori
ginal letter from Melville, " To my verie guid Lord my lord Secretar
L. Chanceler of the Vniversitie of Sanctandrois." It has no date,
but appears to have been written some years before Lindsay's death.
Among other things, it contains observations on the best remedies for
the stone, the disease which proved fatal to his lordship.
t One of his epitaphs on him is printed (Melvini Musse, p. 11.) : ^
others are preserved in MS. (Melville's Diary, pp. 345 — 347.) The
account which James Melville has given of his father-in-law's dying
advice to the ministers, (Diary, 344, 345,) is completely at variance
with that of Spotswood. (History 458.) He died on the 25th of Feb.
1600. Marion Marjoribanks was his relict, and John and Simeon,
his sons. (Test. Testamentar, in Commissary Records of Edinburgh.)
F 3

70 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Craig, who had been for a considerable time incapa
citated for any public service, terminated his days
at the advanced age of eighty-eight *
The eager desire which James felt to secure his
accession to the English throne induced him to
adopt measures which gave much offence to his sub
jects. With the view of conciliating the Roman
Catholics, he sent a secret embassy to the Pope.
The odium of the letter addressed in his name to
his Holiness, was afterwards thrown on his Secre
tary ; but it has been suspected, not without some
reason, that James acted the same part to Lord Bal-
merino in this affair, which Elizabeth did to Secre
tary Davidson respecting the execution of Queen

* Spotswood, 462 — 464. In May, 1594, the King caused it to be
intimated to the General Assembly that " Mr. Jon Crag is awaiting
wl houre it sail please God to call him and is altogether vnable to
serve any longer." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 176, a.) He died on the
12th of Dec. 1600; and left Marion Smail, his spouse, and Mr. William
Craig, his son, executors, who were appointed to take the advice of
Mr. Thomas Craig, advocate. He requested " his haill bairnes to re
main in househald with thaif mother while thair marriage with parties
honest." (Test. Testamentar, in Commissary Records of Edinburgh.)
I do not know whether the work referred to in the following minute
of Assembly, (August 12, 1590,) was published: " Ordaines ye
brether of the pbrie of Edr to peruse ye ansr sett out be Mr. Craig
against a pernicious wrytting put out against the confessioun of
faith, together with the preface made be Mr. Jon davidsone, and if
they find meitt the samen be published that they may be committit
to p'rent." (Ibid. f. 161.) On the " penult Maij" 1592, Craig's Cate
chism, " quhilk now is allowit and imprintit," was ordained to be
" read in families," and " red and leimit in lecture schooles in place
of the litle catechisrne." (Ibid. f. 163, b.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 71
Mary *. With the view of gratifying the Pope, and
procuring his support to the King's title, a project
was set on foot to grant a toleration to the Papists
in Scotland f . And Archbishop Beaton was not
only appointed ambassador at the court of France,
but restored to the temporalities of the see of Glas
gow:]:. These steps, though taken with great se
crecy and caution, did not escape the vigilance of
the ministers §.
The literary works which James produced at this
time contributed to strengthen the opposition to his
* Printed Cald. pp. 426, 427, 604. Ambassades de M. de la Boderie,
torn, iv, p. 66.
t Cald. v. 548. It would seem that James had a work on this
subject ready for the press. " The king at this time (June 1601)
promised to Mr. John Hall, that the book called a declaration of the
King's minde toward the catholicks sould never be sett furth." (Ibid.
p. 591.)
J The act of convention, penult. Junij 1598, was ratified by Par
liament in 1600. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 169, 256.) Keith says, that, in
1588, the King did, by Act of Parliament, " restore the old exauc-
torate and forfeited bishop Beaton to the temporality of the see of
Glasgow, which he did enjoy until his death on the — April, 1603."
(Scottish Bishops, p. 156.) This is a mistake. It is true, that Beaton
was not excepted from the benefit of the Act of Parliament 1587, re
scinding all forfeitures since 1561. But this " restitutioun remainit
not lang effectuall in his persoun, be reasone he failzeit in geving the
confessioun of his faith and acknawlegeing of or souerane lordis auctie,
as was ordainit be ye said restitutioun." (Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 624.)
When James was threatening to revenge his mother's death, he pro
posed to make Beaton his ambassador. (Courcelles's Dispatches,
March 8, and 14, 1587.)
§ The Presbytery of Edinburgh applied for a copy of the act respect
ing Beaton ; but were referred from the clerk of council to the clerk
of register, and from the latter to Mr. Alexander Hay. (Record of
Presb. Julij 4, 11, and 18, 1598.)

72 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
administration. In 1598 he pubhshed his True
Law of Free Monarchies. We must not imagine
that by a " free monarchy" was meant any thing
like what the expression suggests to us. It meant
a government exercised by a monarch who is- free
from all restraint or control, or, as the author fitly
denominates him, " a free and absolute monarch."
The treatise is, in fact, an unvarnished vindica-i
tion of arbitrary power in the prince, and of
passive obedience and non-resistance on the part
of the people, without any exception or reservation
whatever. The royal politician graciously allows* •¦¦'•
that princes owe a duty to their subjects, but he
thinks it " not needing to be long" in the declara
tion of it. He grants, that a king should consider1'
himself as ordained for the good of his people ; but
then, if he shall think and act otherwise, and choose,
as too many kings have chosen, to run the risk of
divine punishment, the people are not permitted to
" make any resistance but by flight," as we may
see by " the example of brute beasts and unreason
able creatures," among whom " we never read or
heard of any resistance" to their parents, " except
among the vipers." A free monarch can make
statutes as he thinks meet without asking the ad
vice of parliaments or states, and can suspend par
liamentary laws for reasons known to himself on
ly. " A good king will frame all his actions ac
cording to the law, yet is he not bound thereto "
but of hfe good will : although he be above the
law, he will subject and frame his actions there-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 73
to for example's sake to his subjects, and of his own
free will, but not as subject or bound thereto." In
confirmation of this doctrine, James appeals to
Samuel's description of, a king, and quotes and ex
pounds, with the utmost confidence and compla
cency, the account which that prophet gave the
Israelites of the oppressions which they would suf
fer, under a form of government on which they
fondly doated.
Such was " the true pattern of divinity" whieh
James found himself constrained in duty to publish,
for the correction of " our so long disordered com
monwealth," and for the instruction of his future
subjects in that which it was most necessary for
them to know, " next to the knowledge of their
God." He at least dealt honestly with the people
of England, j who had already begun to worship the
rising sun ; and in welcoming him so cordially and
unconditionally, as they afterwards did, when he
had plainly told them beforehand that they were
to be governed as a conquered kingdom, they might
fairly be considered as addressing him in the lan
guage which he puts into the mouths of the He
brews : " All your speeches and hard conditions
will not skarre us, but we will take the good and
evil of it upon us ; and we will be content to beare
whatsoever burden it shall please our King to lay
upon us, as well as other nations do." If they were
disappointed of the benefit which they expected to
" get of him in fighting their i battles," they had
themselves to blame, as he never gave large pro-

74 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
mises on that head. But he performed for them
services of a more valuable kind, as " the great
schoolmaster of the whole land," according to his
own description of his office. He taught them a
" style utterly unknown to the ancients ;" banished
the writings of Calvin, Buchanan, Ponet, and such
like " apologies for rebellions and treasons," which
had obtained too great authority among them * ;
and furnished orthodox text-books, from which the
orators of " Cam and Isis" might " preach the right
divine of kings to govern wrong f ."
The presbyterians of Scotland could not conceal
their disapprobation of the political principles ofthe
Law of Free Monarchies i:. This was one reason
of their being treated with such severity in the ce
lebrated Basilicon Doron, or Instructions of the
King to his son Prince Henry, which came to light
in the course of the following year. Fond of seeing
this work in print, and yet conscious that it would
give great offence, James was anxious to keep it
from the knowledge of his native subjects, until cir
cumstances should enable him to publish it with
* King James's Works, pp. 204, 205. ,
+ " Mr. George Herbert, being Prelector in the Rhetorique School
in Cambridg anno 1618, passed by those fluent orators that domineer
ed in the pulpits of Athens and Rome, and insisted to read upon an
oration of King James, which he analysed, shewed the concinnity of
the parts, the propriety of the phrase^ the height and power of it to
move the affections, the style utterly unknown to the ancients, who
could not conceive what kingly eloquence was, in respect of which
these noted demagogi were but hirelings and triobolary rhetoricians."
(Hacket's Life of Archbishop Williams, Part I. p. 175.)
% Cald. v. 365.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 75
safety. With this view " the printer being first
sworn to secrecy," says he, " I only permitted seven
of them to be printed, and these seven I dispersed
among some of my trustiest servants to be kept
closely by them *." Sir James Sempill of Beltrees,
one of the courtiers, shewed his copy to Melville,
with whom he was on a footing of intimacy. Hav
ing extracted some of the principal propositions in
the work, MelviUe sent them to his nephew, whose
colleague, John Dykes, laid them before the pro
vincial synod of Fife. The synod judged them to
be of the most pernicious tendency, and not be
lieving, or affecting not to believe, that they could
proceed from the high authority to which they were
attributed, sent them to his Majesty. An order
was immediately issued for the apprehension of
Dykes,- who absconded f . The propositions laid be
fore the synod were the following : That the office
of a king is of a mixed kind, partly civil and partly
ecclesiastical : That a principal part of his function
consists in ruling the church : That it belongs to
him to judge when preachers wander from their
text, and that such as refuse to submit to his judg
ment in such cases ought to be capitally punished :
That no ecclesiastical assemblies ought to be held
without his consent : That no man is more to be
hated of a king than a proud puritan : That parity
among ministers is irreconcilable with monarchy,
* See Note C
t Melville's Disu-y, 331. Cald. 337, 338. Spotswood, 457.

76 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
inimical to order, and the mother of confusion :
That puritans had been a pest to the commonwealth
and church of Scotland, wished to engross the civil
government as tribunes of the people, sought the
introduction of democracy into the state* and quar
relled with the King because he was a king : That
the chief persons among them should not be allowed
to_ remain in the land : in fine, That parity in the
church should be banished, episcopacy set up., and
all who preached against bishops rigorously punish
ed. Such were the sentiments which James enter
tained, and which he had printed, at the very time
that he was giving out that he had no intention of
altering the government of the church, or of intro
ducing episcopacy. It is easy to conceive what
effect this discovery must have produced on the
minds of the presbyterian ministers. And were it
not that we know that a sense of shame has but a
feeble influence on princes and statesmen, and that
they never want apologists for their worst actions,
it would be confounding to think that either the
King or his agents should have been so barefaced
as after this to repeat their protestations.
Finding that the work gave great offence, James
afterwards published an edition of the Doron, ac
companied with an apologetical preface. His apo
logy, as might be expected, is extremely awkward
and unsatisfactory. Too timid to avow his real
meaning, and too obstinate to retract what he had
advanced, he has recourse to equivocation, and to
explanations glaringly at variance with the text.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 77
The opprobrious name of puritans, he allows, was
properly applicable only to those called the Family
of Love, who arrogated to themselves an exclusive
and sinless purity. To gain credit to his asser
tion that he alluded chiefly to such persons, he
alleges that Brown, Penry, and other Englishmen
had, when in Scotland, " sown their popple," and
that certain " brainsick and heady preachers" had
imbibed their spirit ; although he could not but
know i that these rigid sectaries were unanimously
opposed by the Scottish ministers, and that the only
countenance which they received was from himself
and his courtiers *. The following acknowledgment
deserves particular notice, as it ascertains an im
portant fact, and enables us to judge of the policy
of the course which James was at present pursuing.
Speaking of the ministers, he says, " There is pre
sently a sufficient number of good men of them in
this kingdome ; and yet are they all known to be
against the form of the English church." And again,
speaking of the charge of puritanism, he says, " I
protest upon mine honour that I mean it not gene
rally of all preachers, or others, that like better of
the single form of policy in our church than of the
many ceremonies of the church of England, that are
persuaded that their bishops smell of a papal supre
macy, that the surplice, cornered cap, and such like,
are the outward badges of popish errors. No, I
am so far from being contentious in these things,
* See before, vol. i. p. 236.

78 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
(which for my own part I ever esteemed indifferent)
as I do equally love and honour the learned and
grave men of either of these opinions. It can no
ways become me to pronounce so lightly a sentence
in so old a controversy. We all (God be praised)
do agree in the grounds, and the bitterness of men
upon such questions doth but trouble the peace of
the church, and gives advantage and entry to the
papists by our division *." Such is the language
of one who spent a great part of his hfe in agitating
these very questions, who was at that time employ
ed in imposing these very forms upon a church,
which, according to his own acknowledgment, was
decidedly and unanimously averse to them, and who,
in this very publication, lays injunctions1 on his son
to prosecute the scheme after his death !
It has been said, that this work contributed more
to smoothen his accession than all the books written
in defence of his title to the Enghsh crown. But
the facts respecting its publication do not accord
with this theory j- . Though an impartial examina-
* Basilicon Doron, To the Reader, A 5, 6. Lond. 1603. King
James's Works, p. 144. What truth there was in all this, James
has himself told us in another of his writings : " That Bishops ought
to be in the church, I ever maintained as an Apostolike institution, and
so the ordinance of God ; — so was I ever an enemie to the confused
anarchie or parity of the puritans, as well appeareth in my Basilicon
Doron. — I that in my said book to my son do speak tenn times more
bitterly of them (the puritans) nor of papists — I that for the space of
six years before my .coming into England laboured nothing so much
as to depresse their paritie, and re-erect Bishops againe." (Premoni
tion to the Apology for the Oath of Allegeance, pp. 44, 45.)
t See Note C.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 79
tion of its contents will not justify the high enco
miums passed upon it *, yet its literary merits are
not contemptible. It is more free from childish
and disgusting pedantry than any other of James's
writings, and contains many good advices, mingled,
however, with not a few silly prejudices.
,A careful comparison of the Law of Free Mo
narchies and the Basilicon Doron throws no small
light on the history of the time. It points out the
true ground of the strong antipathies which James
felt to the presbyterian ministers, and ascertains
the meaning of his favourite ecclesiastico-political
aphorism, No Bishop, no King.
The affair of the Gowrie Conspiracy, which oc
curred in the first year of the seventeenth century,
proved injurious to the church, as well as vexatious
to individual ministers. For not giving thanks for
his Majesty's deliverance in the very words which
the court dictated on the first intimation of the oc
currence, the ministers of Edinburgh were called
.before the Privy Council f ; and having acknowledg
ed, in answer to the inquisitorial demands put to

* Bishop of Winton's Preface to King James's Works, sig. d.
Spotswood, p. 475. Walton's Lives, Zouch's edit. p. 296.
t Spotswood says that the council told the ministers, when they
were first sent for, " that they were only to signifie how the king had
escaped a great danger, and to stir up the people to thanksgiving ;"
but fC by no persuasion they could be moved to perform that duty."
(Hist. p. 461.) According to every other statement which I have ex
amined, the ministers declared their readiness to do this, and merely
declined to testify that his Majesty had been delivered " from a vile
treason.''

80 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
them, that they were not completely convinced of
the treason of Gowrie, although they ireverenced>the
King's narrative, five of them were removed from
the capital, and prohibited from preaching in Scot
land. Four of these soon after submitted, and each
was enjoined to profess his belief of the conspiracy,
and his sorrow for his error and incredulity, in se
veral churches, according to the penance imposed
upon persons who were chargeable with the most
heinous offences *. Bruce alone refused, and was
banishedf . Being subsequently recalled from France,
he signified that his doubts were in a great measure
removed, but still refused to make a pubhc profes
sion of his faith in the words of the court, or to .sub
mit to the humiliating penance which it enjoined.
As a subject, he said, he had never refused to do
the duty of a subject ; but he did not feel himself
at liberty to utter in the pulpit, under the authori
ty of his office, any thing of which he was not fully
persuaded. " I have a body and some goods," con
tinued he, " let his Majesty use them as God shall
direct him. But as to my inward peace, I would
pray his Majesty in all humility to suffer me to keep
* James Balfour was appointed to make his confession within the
towns of Dundee, Arbroath, Montrose, and Brechin. (Record of Privy
Council, Sept. 11, 1600.)
f Record of Privy Council, August 12, 31, Sept. 10, 11, 1600.
Cald. v. 475, 492—495, 527—542. The minute of Council bears,
that Bruce " still continewit doubtfull and nocht throwghlie resoluit
of the treasonabill and unnatural conspiracie ;" and that " it can
nawyse stand with his hienes suirtie and honour that ony sic distrust-
full personis salbe sufferit to remane within the cuntrey."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 81
it. Place me where God placed me, and I shah
teach as fruitful and wholesome doctrine to the
honour of the magistrate as God shall give me grace.
But to go through the country, and make proclama
tions here and there, will be counted1 either a beast
ly, fear or a beastly flattery ; and in so doing I
should raise greater' doubts, and do more harm than
good to the cause ; for people look not to Words but
grounds. And as for myself* I should be but a par
tial and sparing blazer of my own infirmities : others
will be far better heralds of my ignominy *."
• The truth is, that from the moment that Bruce
was removed from Edinburgh, it was determined
that he should never be allowed to return. He was
tantalized -for years with the hopes of being restored
to his place. The terms proposed to him were ei
ther such as it was known he would reject, or they
were evaded and withdrawn when he was ready to
accede to them. And he was afterwards, persecuted
till his death by the mean jealousy of the 'bishops,
who set spies on bis conduct, sent informations to
court against him, and procured orders to change
the place ofhis confinement from time to time, and
to drag him from one corner of the kingdom to ano
ther. The whole treatment which this independ
ent minister received was disgraceful to the govern
ment. Granting that he gave way to scrupulosi
ty—that he required a degree of evidence as to the
guilt of Gowrie, which was not necessary to justify
* Cald.. v. 599, 600. Crawfurd, i. 242.
VOL. II. G

82 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the part which he was required to take in announ
cing it — that there was a mixture of pride in his
motives, and that he stood too much on the point
of honour, (concessions that some will not be disr
posed to make): — still the nice and high sense of in
tegrity which he uniformly displayed,, his great, ta-,
lents, and the eminent services which he had per7
formed to church and state, not to speak of his birth
and connexions, ought to have secured him very
different treatment. But the court hated him for
his fidelity, and dreaded his influence in counteract
ing its favourite plans. There was another con
sideration which rendered his pardon hopeless.
James was conscious , that he had, deeply, injured
Bruce *. There is one proof of this which,. J shall
state, as it affords a striking illustration of the de
plorable state in which the, administration of justice
was at that time in the nation.
Bruce, when in favour with, the, court, had ob
tained a gift for hfe out of the lands of the abbey,
of Arbroath, which he had enjoyed for a number pf
years f . In the year 1598, the King privately dis-
* " Chi offende non pardonna ; et si jamais Prince a ete de cette
humeur, celui-ci est Test ;" says the French ambassador, in repre
senting the hopelessness of an application to James in behalf of the
son of the Earl of Gpwrie. (Ambassades de M.,de la Boderie, torn.
iii. p. 108.)
t The grant itself, which passed the seals on the 15th of October,
1589, speaks in the highest terms of the services which Bruce had
done to the King, and to the whole church, " be informing of his
Matie and counsall of sic thingis as concerns the weill therof and ad
vancing and furthsetting the same baith in counsell and sessioun."
(Register of Privy Seal, vol. ix. fol. 68.) The money and victual

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 83
posed of this to Lord Hamilton. He first stirred
up the tenants of the abbey to resist payment*,
and when this expedient failed, he aVowed the deed
by which he had alienated the annuity. Bruce
signified his willingness to renounce the grant, pro
vided the King retained it in his own hands or ap
plied it to the use of the church ; but learning that
it was to be bestowed on Lord Hamilton, he resolv
ed to defend his right. His Majesty called down
some of the Lords of Session to the palace, and sent
his ring to others, and by threats and persuasions
endeavoured to induce them to give a decision in
favour of the crown. Their lordships, however,
much to their credit, found Bruce's title to be valid
and complete f . On this occasion James exhibited
all the violence of an imbecile and undisciplined
mind. Being in court when the cause was heard,
and perceiving that it was likely to be decided con
trary to his wishes, he interrupted the judges while
they were delivering their opinions, and challenged
them, in a passionate manner, for daring to give an
opinion against him. Several of the lords rose, and
said, that, with all reverence to his Majesty, unless
contained in the gift are regularly entered as his stipend in the Books
of Assignation and Modification. One chalder of wheat and one of
bear were given from it, with Bruce's express consent, to his col
league, Balcanquhal. (Book of Assignation for the year 1591.)
* Register of Decreets and Acts of the Commissariot of St. An
drews, Aug. 21, 1598, compared with Nov. 6, 1595.
t Action : Gilbert Auchterlonie in Bonitoun, &c. against Lord
Hamilton and Mr. Robert Bruce; June 16, 1599. (Register of Acts
and Decreets of the Court of Session, vol. clxxxiii. fol. 198.)
G-2

84 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
he removed them from their office, they both durst
and would deliver their sentiments according to jus
tice; and, with the exception of one judge, the
whole bench voted against the party who had the
royal support. James threatened the advocates who
pleaded for Bruce *. He spoke of him on all occa
sions with the utmost asperity ; charging him with
stealing the hearts of his subjects, and saying, that*
were it not for shame, he would " throw a whinger
in his face." Determined to obtain his object j he
" wakened the process," by means of two ministers
in Angus to whom he transferred a part of the an
nuity. At a private interview, in the presence of
Sir George Elphingston, his Majesty requested
Bruce to " save his honour and he would not hurt
him ;" upon which a compromise was made, and
sanctioned by the Lords of Session. But the King
afterwards set this aside by his sole authority, al
tered the minute of the court, and threatened to
hang the clerk if he gave an extract of it in its ori
ginal and authentic form. Finding that he was to
be deprived of the greater part of his- annuity, and
that the remainder was to be given him only du
ring the royal pleasure, Bruce threw up the gift in
disdain f ¦.
The eagerness which James shewed to have the
conspiracy of Gowrie believed, increased instead of
removing the public incredulity. He issued a man-
* Bruce's counsel were Thomas Craig, John Russel, and James
Donaldson. t Cald. v. 363—367, 408—413.

Life of Andrew melville. 85
date to change the weekly sermon in all towns to
Tuesday, the day on which the event happened *.
Not contented with the observance of a national
thanksgiving on the occasion, he procured an act
of parhament, ordaining, that the fifth day of. Au
gust should be kept yearly " in all times and ages
to come," by all his subjects, as a " perpetual mo
nument of their most humble, hearty, and unfeign
ed thanks to God" for his " miraculous and extra
ordinary deliverance from the horrible and detest
able murder and parricide attempted against his
Majesty's most noble person f ." This appointment
was offensive on different grounds. It was an as
sumption on the part of the parliament, of the right
of the church-courts ^to judge in what related to pub
lic worship. It was at variance with the principles
of the church of Scotland, which, ever since the Re
formation, had condemned and laid aside the observ
ance of religious anniversaries, and of all recurring
holidays, with the exception of the weekly rest. The
appointment in question was liable to peculiar ob
jections, as doubts were very generally entertained
of the reaUty of the conspiracy to which it related ;
on which account ministers and people were an
nually forced either to offer mock thanks to the Al
mighty or to incur the resentment of the govern
ment. On this last ground, the English, accus-
* Record of Privy Council, Aug. 21, 1600. Record of the Kirk
Session of St. Andrews, Aug. 24. Extracts from Record of Kirk
Session of Glasgow, Sept. 25.
t Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 213, 214.
G 3

86 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tomed as they were to submit to such encroachments
on their natural and rehgious hberty, murmured at
the introduction of this new holiday*. Yet such
influence had the King now obtained over the
church-courts, that the General Assembly, held at
Holyroodhouse in the year 1602, gave its sanction
to the appointment ; and thus exposed the church
of Scotland to just reproach from her adversaries,
as agreeing to keep an annual festival in commemo
ration of the deliverance of an earthly prince, while
she refused this honour to the birth and death of
her divine Saviour, and to some of the most inte
resting events in the history of Christianity f.
James Melville was one of those who refused to
obey this act of parhament and assembly. He had
concurred with the commisioners of the church and
the synod of Fife in appointing a public thanks
giving immediately after the conspiracy J. But he
* " Amongst a number of other novelties, he (James) brought a
new holy-day into the church of England, wherein God had public
thanks given him for his Majesties deliverance out of the hands of
Earle Gourie : and this fell out upon the fifth of August, on which
many hes were told either at home or abroad, in the quire of St.
Pauls church or the Long Walk : For no Scotch man you would meet
beyond sea but did laugh at it, and the peripatetique politicians said
the relation in print did murder all possibility of credit." (Osborne's
Hist. Memoirs : Secret History of tbe Court of James the First,
vol. i. p. 276.) " The English (says Sir Anthony Welldon) believe
as little the truth of that story as the Scots themselves did." (Ibid.
p. 320.)
t Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 204, b.
$ Melville's Diary, p. 363. " At that tyme, (the end of August
1600,) being in Falkland, I saw a fuscambulus frenchman play

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 87
refused to keep the anniversary. The King sum
moned him and several of his brethren to answer
for their disobedience* and threatened to proceed
against them capitally if they declined the privy
council ; but having ascertained that they were de
termined to run all hazards, he satisfied himself
with giving them a royal admonition in the presence
of the commissioners of the General Assembly. It
does not appear that the ministers were afterwards
put to trouble on this head *.
It would seem that Melville was permitted to sit
in the General Assembly which met at Burntisland
in May, 1601 f. It was on this, occasion that. the
King became again a covenanter, by publicly renew
ing his former vows. His embassy to the court of
Rome >had not been well received, and the Roman
Catholics in England, had shown themselves unfa
vourable to his right of succession to the crown. At
home he had incurred great odium by the slaughter
of the Earl of Gowrie, as to whose guilt the body
of the people were invincibly incredulous. After
the assembly had been occupied for a considerable
time in deliberating on the " causes of the general

Strang and incredible pratticks upon stented takell in the palace clos,
befor the king, quein, and haill court. This was politicklie done to
initigat the Quein and peiple for Gowries ^slauchter. Even then was
Hendersone tryed befor ws, and Gowries pedagog wha haid bein but-
6d." (Ibid.)
* Record of Privy Council, Aug. 12, 1602. Cald. vi. 617.
t At least, Calderwood (v. 570) mentions him as voting, in the
privy conference, against the translation of the ministers of Edin
burgh.

88 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
defections from the purity, zeal, and practice of the
true rehgion in all estates of the country, and how
the same may be most effectually remedied;," his
Majesty rose and addressed them with great appear
ance of sincerity and pious feeling. He confessed
his offences and mismanagements in the government 1'
of the kingdom; and, lifting up his hand^ he vowed,
in the presence of God and of the assembly, that he
would, by the grace of God, live and die in the re
ligion presently professed in the realm of Scotland,
defend it against all its adversaries, minister justice
faithfully to his subjects, discountenance those who
attempted to hinder him in this good work, reform,
whatever was amiss in his person or family, and
perform all the duties of a good and Christian king
better than he , had hitherto performed them. At
his request the members of assembly gave a similar
pledge for the faithful discharge of their duty; and
it was ordained that this mutual vow should be in
timated from the pulpits on the following, Sabbath,
to convince the people of his Majesty's: good dispo
sitions, and of the cordiality which subsisted be
tween him and the church *.
It was at this assembly that a motion was made
to revise the common translation of the Bible, and the
metrical version of the Psalms. The former of these
was the only piece of reform which James exerted
himself in effecting after his accession to the Eng-
* Cald- v. 577, 578. Melville's Diary, p. 366. Hist, of the Decl.
Age, p. 25, 26. Row's Hist. p. 62.

LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE. 89
lish throne. On the present occasion, we are told,
he made a long speech, in the course of which he
dwelt on the honour which such a work would re
flect on the-church of Scotland. - " He did mention
(says Archbishop Spotswood) sundry escapes in
the common translation, and made it seem that he
was no less conversant in the 'Scriptures than they
whose profession it was ; and when he came to
speak of the Psalms, did recite whole verses of the
same, shewing both the faults of the metre and the
discrepance from the text. It was the joy of ah
that were present to hear it, and bred not little ad
miration in the whole assembly *." But ravished
as they were, and proud as they might be, of hav
ing for a king so great a divine, linguist, and pOet,
the Assembly did not think it fit to gratify his Ma
jesty by naming him on the committee ; but recom
mended the translation of the Bible to such of their
own number as were best acquainted with the origi
nal languages, and the correction of the Psalmody
to Pont f. This did not, however, prevent James
from employing his poetical talents on a new Ver
sion of the .Psalms, intended to be sung in churches.
If he had given encouragement to the ministers to
prosecute such works as these, instead of irritating
them, and embarrassing himself, by the agitation of
questions respecting forms of ecclesiastical govern
ment, James would have acted like a wise prince.
* Spotswood, p. 466.-
t Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 197, b.

90 LIFE OF ANDItEW MELVILLE.
He would have gained their esteem, diverted them
from those political discussions of which he was so
jealous, and essentially promoted the interests of re
ligion and letters in his native kingdom.
The preposterous and baleful policy of the court
distracted the ministers from other undertakings of
great moment and utility. Among these was the
introduction of the means of religious knowledge
into the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. In the
year 1597, the General Assembly appointed some
of their number to visit the North Highlands. In
passing through the shires of Inverness, Ross, and
Murray, the visitors found an unexpected avidity
for religious instruction in the people, and great
readiness on the part of the principal proprietors to
make provision for it. The chief of the clan Mack
intosh subscribed obligations for the payment of
stipends in the different parishes on his estate ; and
observing that the visitors were surprised at his ala
crity, he said to them, " You may think that I am
liberal, because no minister will venture to come
among us. But get me the men, and I will find suf
ficient caution for safety of their persons, obedience
to their doctrine and discipline, and good payment
of their stipends, either in St. Johnston, Dundee,
or Aberdeen." — " Indeed," says James Melville,
who was one of the visitors, " I have ever since
regretted the estate of our Highlands, and am sure
if Christ were preached among them, they would
shame many Lowland professors. And if pains
were taken but as willingly by prince and pastors
2

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 91
to plant their kirks as there is for wracking and
displanting the best constituted, Christ might be
preached and believed both in Highlands and Bor
ders *." — About the same time a scheme was plan
ned for civilizing the inhabitants of the Western
Isles, who were in a state of complete barbarism,
and scarcely owned, even a nominal subjection to
the crown. A number of private gentlemen, chiefly
belonging to Fife, undertook to plant a colony in
Lewis, and the adjacent places, which formed the
lordship of the Isles. They obtained a charter, con
firmed by Parhament, which conferred on them vari
ous privileges, and among other things authorized
them to erect ten parish churches, which were to be
endowed from the revenues of the bishopric of the
Isles f . The presbytery of St. Andrews took a
warm interest in this undertaking ; and at their
appointment, Robert Dury, minister of Anstruther,
sailed to Lewis in the year 1601, to assist the gen
tlemen of the society in the plantation of their
churches J. The next account we have of Dury is
as a prisoner in Blackness, for holding a meeting of
the General Assembly §.

* Melville's Diary, p. 325.
t Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 248 — 250. Spotswood, p. 468.
X Record of Kirk Session of Anstruther Wester, April 30, 1601.
§ Among the means used for the reformation of the Highlands, it
is proper to mention the translation of Knox's Liturgy, as it is called>
into Gaelic, by John Carswell, Superintendent of the West, and
Bishop of the Isles. It was entitled " Foikm na Nurrnuidheadh,"
i. e. Forms of Prayer; and was printed at Edinburgh by Robert
Lekprevick, 24th April, 1567. An account of this very curious and

92 LIFE OF ANDKEW MELVILLE.
While James remained in Scotland, the scheme
of introducing episcopacy, though never lost sight
of,. was cautiously prosecuted. After the dissolution
of the Assembly held at Burntisland, the commis
sioners of the church addressed a circular letter to
the ministers, intimating that the Spanish monarch
had hostile intentions against Britain, and request
ing them to impress their people with a sense of
their danger, and to assure them that his Majesty
was resolved to hazard his life and crown in the
defence of the gospel *. Melville wrote upon his
copy of the letter, Hannibal ad portas ! He was
convinced that the fears of the commissioners
were affected, and that their object was to raise a
false- alarm, with the view of turning the pubhc
attention from their own operations. Accordingly,
he neglected no opportunity of rousing his brethren
to a due sense of the real danger to which they were
exposed. In a discourse which he delivered at the
weekly exercise in the month of June, 1602, he con
demned the unfaithfulness and secular spirit which

rare work, and interesting extracts from it, accompanied with an
English translation, may be seen in Leyden's Notes to Descriptive
Poems, pp. 214 — 227. See also Martin's Description of the Western
Islands, p. 127. I have little doubt that the Highlanders had the
Psalms in their own language during the 16th century. A Gaelic
translation of the first fifty Psalms was published by the synod of
Argyle in the year 1 650 ; most probably made from the newly autho
rized version in Enghsh.
* The death of Philip II. in the year 1598, was fatal to the hopes
which had for so many years instigated the Roman Catholics of Scot
land to disturb the peace of their native country.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 93
were become common among ministers of the gos
pel; Gladstanes, feeling himself galled with this
rebuke, sent informations against him to court ;
and the King having come to St. Andrews, issued
a lettre de cachet without any authority from
the Privy Council, confining him within the pre
cincts of his college *. The design of this arbi
trary mandate was in part counteracted by a plan
which was adopted by the members of presby
tery, the greater part of whom had been pupils
of Melville. They set on foot an exercise in the
New College, in which they alternately treated a
theological question. This was attended by the
whole university. The questions selected were
chiefly such as related to the papal supremacy and
hierarchy, and the discussion was managed in such
a way as to make it bear on the points in dispute
between presbyterians and episcopalians. By this
means both ministers and students were confirmed
in their attachment to presbytery, and qualified for
defending it against its adversaries. As the exer
cise was performed in the Latin language, as it was

• "Apud S. Andrewes undecimo die mensis Julij, anno domini
1602. The kings Ma. for certaine causes and considerations move-
ing his H. ordaines a macer or oyr officer of armes, to passe & in his
name and authoritie command and charge Mr Andrew Melvill prin-
cipall of the New Colledge of S. Andrewes to remaine and containe
himself in waird within the precint of the said Colledge, and in noe
wise to resort or repaire without the said precincts while he be law
fully and orderly releeved, and freed be his Ma : under the paine of
rebellion and putting of him to the home, with certification to him,
if he faile and doe in the contrare that he shall be incontinent ther-

94 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
agreeable to the directions ofthe General Assembly,
and as the papists were the only opponents who
were named, the court could find no plausible pre
text for suppressing it *.
During the confinement of his uncle, James Mel
ville exerted himself with unusual zeal, and dis
played a resolution and courage of which he had
been supposed incapable. Perceiving that his good
nature had been imposed on by designing and faith
less brethren, that his silence was construed into
consent, and that the compliances which he made, .
with a view to peace and harmony, were uniformly
followed by farther encroachments on the rights of
the church, he determined, henceforward, inflexibly
to maintain his ground, to act invariably according
to the dictates of his own judgment, and to lend a
deaf ear to the fair professions of men who meant
only to deceive and overreach f . He attended the
assemblies of the church at the risk of his life, and
after denounced rebell and putt to the home, and all his moveables
goods escheat to his H. use, for his contemption.
(Cald. vi. 615.) , Thomas Fentenn messinger."
* Melville's History of the Declining Age, pp. 27, 28.
t During the sitting of the General Assembly in the year 1602,
he was sent for to the palace. As he came out of the cabinet, Wil
Uam Row, minister of Strathmiglo, who was waiting for access, over
heard the King saying to one of his attendants, " This is a good
simple man. I have streaked cream in his mouth : I'll warrant you,
he will procure a number of votes for me to-morrow." Row commu
nicated to James Melville what he had heard, and the latter having
next day given his vote against the proposal of the court, his Majesty
would not believe it, and made the clerk caU his name a second
time. (Livingston's Characteristicks, art. William Row.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 95
when confined by a lingering disease he wrote them
from his sick-bed letters containing the freest ad
vices and the most powerful exhortations to con
stancy. With the view of preventing his opposition
to the court measures at a meeting of the synod of
Fife, intimation was sent him that the King had
given one of his letters to the Lord Advocate for
the purpose of commencing a criminal prosecution
against him ; but he paid so little regard to this
threatening, that Sir Robert Murray, in reporting
the proceedings of the synod, informed his Majesty,
that James Melville was become more fiery and in
tractable than his uncle *.
At length the death of Elizabeth put James in
possession of the new kingdom for which he had
so ardently longed. In the speech which he made
in the High Church of Edinburgh before setting
out for England, he professed his satisfaction that
he left the church in a state of peace, and declared
that he had no intention of making any farther al
teration of its government. He repeated this assu
rance to the deputies of the synod of Lothian, who
waited on him as he passed through Haddington.
In answer to a petition which they presented in be
half of their confined brethren, he said, that he had
parted on the best terms with Bruce, that he had
* Wodrow's Life of Mr. James Melvil, pp. 96, 102: vol. xii MSS.
•in Bibl. Col. Glasg. Being told that the King hated him more than
any man in Scotland for crossing his plans, he coolly replied,
Nee sperans aliquid, nee extimescens,
Exarmaveris impotentis iram.

96 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
expected that Davidson would wait on him as he
came through Prestonpans, and that he had given
Melville the liberty of going six miles round St.
Andrews *. Ah the ministers offered their cordial
congratulations to James on this occasion, although
they could not but be aware that one of the first
uses which he would make of his increased power
would be to overthrow their liberties f. The seve
rity with which Melville had been treated did not
prevent him from employing his muse in celebrating
the peaceable accession of his sovereign to the throne
of England :

Scotangle Princeps, optime principum,
Scotangle Princeps, maxime principum,
Scotobritan-hiberae Princeps :
Orte polo, nate, sate princeps,
In regna concors te vocat Anglia ;
Te Vallia omnis ; te omnis Iernia ;
Et fata Roma; ; et Gallican i
Per veteres titulos triumphi
Addunt avitis imperiis novos
Sceptri decores ; Orcadum et insulis
Hetlandicisque, et plus trecentis
Hebridibus nemorosa Tempe :
Qua belluosus cautibus obstrepit
Nereus Britannis, qua Notus imbrifer,
Qua Circius, Vulturnus, Eurus
Quadrijuga vehitur procella :
* Cald. vi. 699—701. Melville's History of the Declining Age,
p. 36. The Rising and Usurpations of our pretendit Bishopes, MS.
p. 21. The relaxation of Melville's confinement was procured by the
Queen's mediation. (Cald. vi. 615.)
t Row's History, pp. 191, 192.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 97
Cujus ruentis nauifrago impetu
Vim sensit atram classis Iberica,
Allisa flictu confraginosis
Rupibus, et scopulis tremendis.
# * * #.
Tui videndi incensa cupidine
Plebs flagrat immenso, Eripe te mora
Scotobritan-hiberne Princeps.
Vive diu populoque fcelix,
Gratusque. Votis et pre'ce supplice
Rerum parenteral concilia : et refer
Exorsa regni lata, sanctum
Christus imperium ut gubernet,
Frsenaus proteruse regna licentiee,
Laxahs modesta; frama decentia:,
Vt vera virtus verticem mox
, Conspicuum super astra tollat *.

* Melvini Muss, pp. 12 — 15. There are three poems by him on
the accession of James, and one on the sickness of Elizabeth.

VOL. II. H

98 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.

CHAPTER VIII.
Melville's Correspondence with Learned Foreigners—*
His Apology for the Nonconformist Ministers of Eng
land — Hampton-Court Conference — Proposed Union of
the two Kingdoms — Death of John Davidson — Plan of
the Court for Superseding the General Assembly — Mi
nisters Imprisoned for Holding an Assembly at Abetr-
dee®- — Convicted of High Treason— Melville Protests in
Parliament against Episcopacy — Extract from Reasons
of Protest — He is called to London with Seven ofhis
Brethren — Their Appearances he/ore fhe Scottish Privy
Council — Sermons Preached for their Conversion—-
They are Prohibited from Returning to Scotland — MeU
'ville's Epigram on the Royal Altar — He is called before
the Privy Council of England for it — Confined to the
House ofthe Dean of St. PauTs — Convention of Minis
ters at Linlithgow — Constant Moderators Appointed-^-
The Ministers at London Ordered to Lodge with English
Bishops~Inlerview between them and Archbishop Ban
croft — Melville called a Second Time before the Council
of England — Imprisoned in the Tower — Reflections on
his Treatment — His Brethren Confined — Their Digni
fied Behaviour.
W hile the jealousy of the government led them
to circumscribe the usefulness of Melville in every
way that was within their power, his reputation

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 99
continued to spread on the Continent. Some of the
most distinguished of the foreign literati courted
his friendship, and corresponded With him by let
ters. Among these was Isaac Casaubon, who, after
teaching in the academies of Geneva and Montpel-
lier, had taken up his residence, and was prosecuting
his critical studies at Paris, where he enjoyed an
honorary salary as Reader to Henry IV. and Keep
er of the Royal Library. The correspondence be
tween them began in the year 1601, when Casau
bon addressed a letter to Melville couehed inthe
most flattering terms. " The present epistle, learn
ed Melville, is dictated by the purest and most sin
cere affection. Your piety and erudition are uni
versally known, and have endeared your name to
every good man and lover of letters. I became first
acquainted with your character at Geneva, through
the conversation of those great men, Beza, the de
ceased Stephanus *, and the learned Lectius, all of
whom, with many others, as often as your name
was introduced, were accustomed to speak in the
highest terms of your worth, probity, and genius.
You know the effect of splendid virtues on the
minds of the ingenuous ; and I have always ad
mired the saying of the ancients, that all good men
are linked together by a sacred friendship, although
often separated ' by many a mountain and many
a town.' Having long loved and silently revered
* Henry Stephens, the learned printer, was the father-in-law of
Casaubon.
H 2

100 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
your piety and learning, (two things in which I
have always been ambitious to excel,) I have at
length resolved to send this letter to you as an ex
pression of my feelings. Accept of it, learned Sir,
as a small but sincere testimony of that regard
which your reputation has excited in the breast of
a stranger. Permit me at the same time to make
a complaint, which is common to me with all the
lovers of learning who are acquainted with your
rare erudition. We are satisfied that you have be
side you a number of writings, especially on sub
jects connected with sacred literature, which, if
communicated to the studious, would be of the
greatest benefit to the church of God. Why do
you suppress them, and deny us the fruits of your
wakeful hours ? There are already too many, you
will say, who burn with a desire to appear before
the pubhc. True, my learned Sir ; we have many-
authors, but we have few or no Melvilles. Let me
entreat you to make your appearance, and to act
the part which Providence has assigned you in such
a manner as that we also may share the benefit
of your labours. Farewell, learned Melville ; and
henceforward reckon me in the number of your
friends *."
Another of Melville's foreign correspondents was
Mornay du Plessis, a nobleman Who united in his
* Casauboni Epistol*, p. 129, edit. Almeloveen. There is only
another letter to Melville in that collection. (Ib. p. 254.) It ap
pears from this that he had received letters from Melville. (Conrp.
p. 143.) V *

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 101
character the best qualities of the soldier, the states
man, the scholar, and the Christian. The cor
respondence between them appears to have com
menced on the occasion of a controversy excited
among the Protestants of France;, by a peculiar opi
nion respecting the doctrine of justification, which
PisGator, a celebrated theologian at Herborn in the
Palatinate, had started. The National Synod of
the French churches, which met at Gap in the year
1603, passed a severe censure on the novel tenet,
and wrote to other reformed churches and uni
versities requesting them to assist in its suppres
sion*. Melville and his colleague Johnston con
veyed their sentiments on the subject in a letter to
Du Plessis. They did not presume to judge of the
sentence of the Synod of Gap, but begged leave to
express their fears that strong measures would in
flame the minds of the disputants, and that the
farther agitation of the question might breed a dis
sension very injurious to the interests of the evan
gehcal churches. It appeared to them, that both
parties held the protestant doctrine of justification,
and only differed a little in their mode of explain
ing it. They, therefore, in the name of their breth
ren, entreated Du Plessis to employ the authority
which his piety, prudence, learned writings, and il
lustrious services in the cause of Christianity had

* Quick's Synodieon, i. 227. Piscator was accused of holding that
the sufferings only of Christ, and not the actions of his Ufe, are im
puted to believers in justification.
H 3

102 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
given him in the Gallican church, to bring about
an amicable adjustment of thecontroversy *-• In>his
reply to this letter, Du Plessis expressed his appro
bation of the prudent advice which they had given,
and informed them of the happy effects which it
had produced f . The King of Great Britain reck
oned it incumbent on him, in his new character of
Defender ofthe Faith, to interfere in this dispute,
as, he afterwards did very warmly in the controvert
sies excited in Holland by Arminius and Vorstius.
The synod of Gap had given him umbrage by a
declaration which he considered as derogating from
the due authority of bishops f.
The ministers of Scotland waited with anxiety
to see how James would act towards that numerous
and respectable body of his new subjects who had
all along pleaded for a farther .reformation in the
Enghsh - church. From this they could form a
pretty correct estimate of the line of conduct which
he intended to pursue with themselves. Before
the death of Elizabeth he had sounded the disposi*

? .Epistola'adMorneium, MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num.
46.:& Rob. III. 2. 18. num. loi
t Vie de M. du Plessis, p. 307. Quick's Synodieon, i. 265, 266.
X The synod declared that the title Superintendent, in, their, Con
fession, did not imply " any superiority of one Pastor above an
other." (Quick, i. 227.) Against this explication James sent a re
monstrance. (Laval, Hist. vol. v. p. 415.) Du Plessis, in a letter to
M. de la Fontaine, apologizes for the declaration of the synod. (Me
moires de M. du PJessis, torn. iv. p. 50.) — James pubhshed his Epi-
crisis de controversia mota de Justificatione, anno 1612. It begins with
a quotation from Solomon, and ends with Jacobus.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 103
tions of the puritans. They were universally in
favour of his title ; and there is no reason to doubt
that he gave them hopes in the event of his ac
cession *. When he was on his way to London
they presented to him a petition, commonly called,
from the number of names affixed to it, the Mille
nary Petition ; stating their grievances, and request
ing that measures might be adopted for redressing
them, and for removing corruptions which had long
been complained of by the soundest Protestants.
No sooner was this petition presented than the two
universities took the alarm. The university of
Cambridge passed a grace, " that whosoever oppos
ed, by word or writing, or any other way, the doctrine
or discipline ofthe church of England, or any part
of it, should be suspended, ipso facto, from any de
gree already taken, and be disabled from taking
any degree for the future," The university of Ox
ford published a formal answer to the petition, in
which they accused those who subscribed it of a
spirit of faction and hostility to monarchy, abused
the Scottish reformation, lauded the government of
the church of England as the great support of the
crown, and concluded with this very modest decla
ration, " there are at this day more learned men in
this kingdom than are to be found among all the
ministers of religion in ah Europe besides f ," These
* See his letter to Mr. Wilcock in Cald. vi. 698, 699, and Jacob's
Attestation of learned, godly, and famous Divines, pp. 14, 313.
¦t Who. were the individuals at this time in the church of England,
(those inclined to nonconformity excepted,) who were known in the
H 3

104 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
proceedings were not only injurious to several re
spectable members of both universities, who were
known to have taken part in the petition, but dis
respectful to the King, who had received it and
promised to inquire into the abuses of which it
cOmplaihted. Melville felt indignant at this prosti
tution of academical authority, and attacked the re
solutions of the English universities in a satirical
poem which he wrote in defence of the petitioners *.
The poem was extensively circulated in England,
and galled the ruling party in the church no less
than it gratified their opponents. Several of the
English academics drew their pens against it, but
their productions were confessedly very inferior to
Melville's in elegance and pungency f .
republic of letters ? To the names eulogized by Melville, Herbert
opposes the apostles Peter and Paul, the emperor Constantine, St.
Augustine, St. Ambrose, Duns Scotus, and King James ! (Musse
Resp. Epigr. 33. De Authorum Enuriieratione.)
* Pro supplici Euangelicorum Ministrorum in Anglia ad Serenis-
simum Regem, contra larvatam gemitise Academies Gorgonem Apolo
gia, sive Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria. Authore A. Melvino; 1604. Sir
Robert Sibbald mentions an edition of this poem in 1620. (De Scrip*.
toribus Scoticis, MS. p. 13-) It was reprinted in Calderwood's Altare
Damascenum. t One of these was George Herbert, who, in forty epigrams, ana
lyzed Melville's jioerii, and answered it piece-meal. Iiis epigrams
were added by Dr. Duport to a Collection of Latih poems by himself
and others, entitled " Ecclesiastes Solomonis &c. Accedunt Georjrii
Herberti Muss Responsoriaj ad Andrea? Melvini Anti-Tami-Cami-
Categoriam. Cantab. 1662." — Isaac Walton says, " If Andrew Mel
vin died before him, then George Herbert died without an enemy."
Upon which Walton's editor remarks : " We cannot suppose that
Andrew Melville could retain the least personal resentment against
Mr. Herbert ; whose verses have in them so little of the poignancy of

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 105
The proceedings and issue of the mock conference
at Hampton Court are well known. On that occa^-
sion care was not taken to preserve even the ap
pearances of impartiality. Every thing was pre
viously settled in private between the King and the
bishops. The individuals who were allowed to
plead for reform were few ; they were not chosen
by those in whose name they appeared, nor did
they express their sentiments ; and, although men
of talents and learning, they did not possess the
firmness and courage which the situation required.
The moderation of their demands was converted
into a proof of the weakness of their cause, and the
unreasonableness of nonconformity. The modesty
with which they urged them served only to draw
down upon them the most intemperate and insolent
abuse. They were browbeaten, threatened, taunt
ed, insulted, by "persons who were every way their
inferiors except in rank. The Puritans complained
of the unfairness of the account of the conference
which was published by Barlow ; but whatever in
justice the bishop may have done to their argu
ments, and whatever intention he may have had to
satire, that it is scarce possible to consider them as capable of exciting
the anger of him to whom they are addressed." (Walton's Lives, Dr.
Zouch's edit. p. 342.) — Thomas Atkinson, B.D. of St. John's College,
Cambridge, wrote an answer, under the title of " Melvinus Delirans,
sive Satyra edentula contra ejusdem Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoriam —
per Thomam Atkinson. Poema versibus Iambicis scriptum." (Harl;
MSS. num. 3496. 2.) It was dedicated to William Laud, when Dean
Of Gloucester and President of St. John's College. The MS. is not
now to be found in the British Museum.

106 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE-
injure their reputation, they ought to have applaud
ed his performance. Nothing, in fact, can be more
pitiable than the disclosure which it makes of the
bigotry and servile adulation of the bishops, and of
the intolerable conceit and grotesque ribaldry of
the King. To quote it is to expose them to ridi
cule. No modern Episcopalian can read it without
reddening with shame at the figure in which the
head and dignified members of his church are re
presented *. There was not the most distant idea
of giving relief to the complainers by this confer
ence. The object of it was to afford James an op
portunity of displaying his talents for theological
controversy before his new subjects, to give him a
plausible excuse for evading his promises to the non
conformists, and to smooth the way for the intro
duction of the forms of the English church into

* The Summe and Substance of the Conference — at Hampton
Court, January 44, 1603. Contracted by William Barlow, Doctour
of Divinitie, &c. Lond. 1605. It is reprinted in Phoenix, vol. i.
Besides Barlow, and the other authorities referred to by Neal, in his
History of the Puritans, those who wish full information of the con-?
ference may also consult Wilkins' s Concilia Mag. Brit. torn. ii. pp.
373—375. , ,
Barlow's Account of the Conference, with the Canons a,greed on
by the Convocation in the course of the same year, was published at
Paris in French by the Roman Catholics. Such notes as the follow
ing were added on the margin : King James abjures the Scottish church
—King James a semi-catholic, &c. (Ad Sereniss. Jacobum Primvm
— Ecclesise Scotic'anae libellus supplex. Auctore Jacobo Melvino.
P. 30. Lond. 1645.) The French Protestants complained that then-
adversaries endeavoured to render them odious by quoting what
James had said of the Puritans in his Basilicon Doron. (Lord
Hailes's Memorials and Letters, i. 73.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 1Q7
Scotland *. The liturgy was published with a few
trifling alterations, and conformity to it was enjoin
ed upon all ministers under the severest penalties f .
In his speech to the parliament which met soon after
at Westminster, James acknowledged the church of
Rome to be his " mother church, though defiled
With some infirmities and corruptions" — spoke with
the greatest tenderness of her adherents, and de
clared his readiness to " meet them in the mid
way :" but " the puritans or novelists, who do not
differ from us so much in points of religion as in
their confused form of policy and parity," were pro
nounced by his Majesty to be a " sect insufferable
in any well-governed commonwealth i.."
Warned by these facts, the ministers of Scotland
were awake to their danger when the union of the
kingdoms was proposed ; a measure of which James
was extremely fond, and which he set on foot imme
diately after he went to England. Melville Was
friendly to a legislative union, and joined with seve
ral ofhis learned countrymen in setting forth the ad
vantages which would accrue from it to both king
doms j. But he was convinced at the same time, from
the disposition of the court, that there was. the great
est reason to fear that the presbyterian establishment
* Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii. pp. 8, 20, Toulm. edit.
Compleat Hist, of England, ii. 665.
t Wilkins's Concilia, torn. ii. pp. 377, 406, 408.
X Journals of the Commons, vol. i. p. 142.
§ Delitia? Poet. Scot. ii. 118. There is a letter of Melville's pre
fixed to a treatise on the Union by Hume of Godscroft. (MS. in
Bibl. Col. Edin.)

108 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
would be sacrificed to accomphsh it. When the
parliament of Scotland was called to deliberate on
this important business, the synod of Fife, under
his influence, applied for liberty to hold a meeting
of the General Assembly. They were told by the
agents of the court that this was altogether unne
cessary, as the commissioners to be appointed by
parhament were merely to advise on the terms of
union, and to report to their constituents ; to which
the deputies of the synod rephed, that in ordinary
cases the resolutions of committees were adopted by
the Estates, and, consequently, the selection of the
commissioners and the instructions given to them
were of the very greatest importance. Having
failed in obtaining this object, the synod addressed
a spirited admonition to the commissioners of the
General Assembly. After expressing their fervent
wishes for the success of the proposed union, as con
ducive to the temporal prosperity of both kingdoms,
and to the security of the protestant religion in
them, they admonished the commissioners to crave
of the parliament that the laws formerly made in
favour of the church should be confirmed, and that
nothing should be done tending to hurt, alter, or
innovate her discipline and government, which was
founded on the word of God, established by the laws
of the land, and sanctioned by solemn promises and
oaths. They required them to protest, that, if any
step was taken to its prejudice, it should be null
and void ; and to charge those who voted in the
name of the church, to confine themselves within the

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 109
bounds of their commission, and to defend the eccle
siastical constitution, as they should answer to Christ
and his church. And in fine they adjured them,
before God and his elect angels, to inform the com
missioners for the union, and, through them, his
Majesty, that the members of synod were fully per
suaded that the essential grounds of the govern
ment established in the church of Scotland were
not indifferent or alterable, but rested on divine au
thority, equally as the other articles of religion did,
and that they would part with their lives sooner
than renounce them. The King was very desirous
that the commissioners for the union should be in
vested with unlimited powers ; but the parliament,
jealous of the designs of the court, passed an act,
declaring, in conformity with the request of the
synod of Fife, that they should have no power to
treat of any thing that concerned the religion and
ecclesiastical discipline of Scotland *.
In the course of the year 1604, John Davidson,
who had taken an active part in the public transac-

* Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 274. Forbes's MS. History, pp. 34, 35. James
Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, pp. 37 — 41. Printed Cald. p. 479
—481. Calderwood represents the admonition to the commissioners
of the General Assembly as given by the synod of Fife : James Mel
ville ascribes it to the commissioners of synods. Forbes states that
the King sent down a list of such persons as he wished to be chosen
commissioners for the union, consisting chiefly of bishops and newly-
created noblemen ; that the ancient nobility, offended at this, refused
to bear their expenses ; that the persons nominated by the King of
fered to go at their own charge ; and that, upon this, the nobility
made the act exempting ecclesiastical matters from their cognizance.

110 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tions of his time, departed this life *. On his return
from banishment after the death of the Regent Mor
ton, he became minister of the parish of Libberton.
The tyranny of Arran drove him a second time into
England. Upon the fah of Arran, he declined re
turning to Libberton, and was chosen to deliver a
morning lecture in one of the churches of Edin
burgh. In this situation he remained until he was
called to Prestonpans, where he officiated till his
death f . Davidson was a man of sincere and warm
piety, and of no inconsiderable portion of learning,
united with a large share of that blunt and fearless
horiesty which characterized the first reformers.
The bodily distress under which he laboured during
the last years of his life was aggravated by the perse
cution which he suffered from the government $. He
left behind him collections relating to the ecclesias-

* Four individuals " having comissione of the haill parish of
Saltprestoun, bot especially of ye laird of Prestone, compeirit la
menting ye death of or father Mr. Jon Davidsone yr last pastor."
(Record of Presbytery of Haddington, Sept. 5, 1604.)
t " Mr. John Davidsoun refusit to reenter to the kirk of Libber-
toun." (Record of the Presbytery of Edinburgh, Nov. 5, 1588.)
" The transportation of Mr. Ard Symsoun from Dalkeith till Cran
stoun, and Mr. John Davidsoun's planting at Dalkeith," are remitted
to the Presbytery of Edinburgh. (Rec. of Synod of Lothian and
Tweeddale, Sept. 17, 1589.) " Mr. John Davidsoun's preiching in
Edinburgh quarrellit and approved." (Ibid. Oct. 3, 1589. Comp.
April 1, 1595.) A proposal was made for having him settled in the
West Kirk. (Rec. of Presb. of Edin. Oct. 29, 1594, March 18,
1595.) X Cald. v. 579, 608.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. Ill
tical history of Scotland, with other writings, which
the court was eager to suppress *.
Some time before this, Gladstanes was nominated
to the archbishopric of St. Andrews, and Spotswood
to that of Glasgow, as a reward for their services
in forwarding the schemes of the court, and an en
couragement to them to persevere in their exertions
for the overthrow of presbytery.
During the years 1604 and 1605, Melville bore
an active part in the struggle for maintaining the
* His papers, after his death, came into the hands of John Jon-.
ston, Melville's colleague. " Item, I leaue the trunk that lyes under
the bwirde w* Mr. Johne Davidsones papers thairin to Mr. Rob'T
Wallace & Mr. Alexr Hoorne at Prestounepannes." ( Jonston's Testae
ment.) At Jonston's death, an order was issued by the lords of
privy council, (Nov. 21, 1611,) to the rector of the university and pro
vost and bailies of St. Andrews^ to " cause his coffers to be closed"
— as it was understood " that he had sundrie paperis writtis and
books, pairtlie written be himselfe, and pairtlie be utheris, — q1^ con-
tenis sum purposs and mater whairin his Matie may have verry iust
caus of offens, gif the same be sufferit to come to licht." (Collection
of Letters in the possession of the Earl of Haddington.) An ac
count of the progress which Davidson had made in his historical col
lections is given in a letter which he wrote to the King, April 1,
1603. (Cald. vi. 686 — 688.) " A little before his death he penned
a treatise, De Hostibus Ecclesias Christy wherein he afErmes.y* the
erecting of bishops in this kirk is the most subtile thinge to destroy
religione y4 ever could be devised." (Row's Hist. p. 293.) His ca
techism, entitled, " Some Helpes for young Schollers in Christiani
ty, Edinburgh 1602," was reprinted in 1708, with a very curious
preface by Mr- William Jameson, Professor of Ecclesiastical History
at Glasgow, in which he exposes the forgery of ^ Mr. Robert Calder,
Who, by a pretended quotation from this catechism, attempted to
persuade the public that Davidson had recanted presbyterian princi
ples before his death.

112 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLEr
General Assembly, the great bulwark of the liber
ties of the church p£ ScotlajwL ., , By, the parliament
ary establishment of Presbytery in the year ,1592,
it, was secure^ that the supreme judicatory should
be held, at leas^ once a year,, and a rule,. was laid
down fpr; fixing the particular day .and, place of every
meeting. Under various pretexts .James h.ad, m~
fringed this rule,; and, with the, assistance of the
commissioners of the churcb, had altered the times
and . places of assembling. In consequence, of a, com
plaint fppm the synod of Fife, the Assembly held ,at
Hplyrpodhouse ,hi I6i$2 came tp, the, resolution, that
General Assemblies should, here.aft.er, be regukxrly
kept according to the aqt of parliament *. ; Hj^.Ma^
jesty was present and agreed tp this resplutipn j yet
w^ep,ti^eithiie approached for boMhig ajn Assembly
at Aberdeen on the last Tuesday of July, 1604, he
prorogued, it until the cpuferences respecting the
union were, ove^r. As all classes in the nation were
eager in, securing their rights, the presbytery of St.
Andrews judged it incumbent on them to be care
ful p(f th^ rights of the church- They enjoined
the jr representatives to repair to Aberdeen ; who,
finding none present to join with, them in constitut
ing the Assembly, took a formal protest, in the pre
sence of witnesses, that they had done their duty,
and that whatever injury might arise to the liber-
» Buik of the Univ. Kirk, ff. 201, b; 203, a. At the Assembly in
May, 1597, his Majesty declared the act of parliament regulating the
meetings of the church courts to be " the most authentick forme of
consent that any king can give." (Ibid. f. 187, a.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 113
ties of the church from the desertion of that diet
should not be imputed to them or to their consti
tuents. This faithful step aroused the zeal of the other
presbyteries. At the ensuing meeting of the synod
of Fife, delegates from all parts of the church at
tended to consult on the course which should be
taken to assert their rights. At this meeting, and
at an extraordinary one subsequently held at Perth,
the parliamentary bishops and commissioners of the
church were severely taken to task, and accused of
clandestinely hindering the meeting of the General
Assembly, for the purpose of prolonging their own
delegated powers, and evading the censures which
they had incurred by transgressing the cautions.
It was at the same time resolved to send petitions
from all the synods, requesting his Majesty to allow
the supreme ecclesiastical judicatory to meet for
the transacting of important and urgent business.
Gladstanes conveyed information to the King of the
activity with which Melville and his nephew pro
moted these measures ; in consequence of which an
order came from London to incarcerate them. But
the council, either offended at the bishop's ofBcious-
ness, or afraid of the spirit which then pervaded the
nation, excused themselves from carrying the order
into execution *.

* Apologetical Narration by W. S. (William Scot, minister of
Cupar in Fife,) pp. 133—138 : MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Printed
Calderwoid, pp. 482 — 484.
VOL. II. I

114 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Notwithstanding the numerous petitions trans
mitted tb pourt from presbyteries and syupds % the
General Assembly was again prorogued in 1605 ;
and, as if to declare that the King had assumed, the
whole power of calling it into his own hands, no
time was fixed for its meeting, It now behoved the
ministers to make a determined stand, unless they
meant to surrender their rights without a struggle
to the crown.
The election of the members of Assembly had
taken place in many parts of the country before its
prorogation was known. After such mutual con
sultation as the shortness of the time permitted,
nine presbyteries resolved to send their representa
tives to Aberdeen, with instructions to constitute
the Assembly, and adjourn it to a particular day,
without proceeding to transact any business. John
Forbes, minister of Alford, who had lately had an
interview with his Majesty at London, and received
assurances of his disposition to maintain the juris
diction of the church, was employed to communicate

* On the 25th September, 1604, the presbytery of HaddingtoM) ap
pointed commissioners to go to St. Johnston " to regrait the delay of
the generall assemblie." Oct. 17, 1604, they agreed that a petition
should be presented to his Majesty on this subject. Sept. 11, 1665,
they appointed the following clause to be inserted in a supplication :
" That seing we understand his Ma'ie hes bein- abused in respect no
sute hath bene delyverit (as ane letter direct fro his Ma*!e bearis)
craving ane generall assemblie : qras the Sinod of lawthiane and
tueddell, convenit at tranent, direct ane letter to his Ma'k craving
maist humblie ane generall assemblie, and sent pt]] to his Malle be
Mr. Jho. Spottiswood." (Record of Presbytery.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 115
this resolution to the Chancellor. That statesman
professed himself satisfied with the moderation of
the proposal, and promised to refrain from inter
dicting the Assembly, and merely to address a' let
ter to the ministers who should meet, desiring them
to separate. Oh the 2d of July, nineteen ministers *
having met, after sermon, in the session-house of
Aberdeen, Straiten of Lauriston, the King's Com
missioner, presented to them a letter from the Lords
of Privy Council. As it was addressed " To the
brethren of the ministry convened at their Assem
bly in Aberdeen," it was agreed, before reading it,
to constitute the Assembly, and choose a moderator
and clerk. While they were employed in reading
the letter, a messenger at arms entered, and, in the
King's name, charged them to dismiss on the pain
of rebellion. The Assembly declared their readi
ness to comply with this order, and only requested
his Majesty's Commissioner to name a day and place
for next meeting. Upon his refusal, the moderator
appointed the Assembly to meet again in the same
place on the last Tuesday of September ensuing, and
then dissolved the meeting with prayer. Lauriston
afterwards gave out that he had discharged the
Assembly by open proclamation at the market-cross
of Aberdeen on the day before it met ; but no per-
* Ten other ministers came to Aberdeen after the Assembly was
dissolved, and by their subscriptions approved of what their brethren
had done.— The presbytery of Haddington severely reprimanded their
representative for not repairing to Aberdeen, and approved of the
procedure ofthe Assembly. (Record, July 17 and 24, 1605.)
I 2

116 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
son heard this, and it was universally beheved that
he antedated his proclamation, to conciliate the
King and the court .ministers, who were highly of
fended at him for the countenance ,whkhj - he had
given to the meeting *. . . *-.- !U\i\-.-'^
This is a summary account of the assembly at
Aberdeen, which afterwards made so much noise,
and which the King resented so highly. iThe. con
duct of the ministers who kept it, instead of merits
ing punishment, is entitled ;to warm and unquali*
fied approbation. It was marked al once by firmf
ness and moderation, by zeal for the rights (of the
church and respect for the authority of their sove
reign. Had they done less than they didytthey
would have forfeited the honourable character; which
the ministers of Scotland had acquired — disgraced
themselves, and discredited those to whose places
they had succeeded. They would have crouched to
the usurped claims of a regal supremacy, which they
and their predecessors had uniformly and steadily
-. --' i" • . .; .-, f. , -,.' • ,j-.y[( , '_-
, * Melville's History of, the Declining Age, pp. 52 — ^5. ,, Simson}
Annal. p. 90. Rising and Usurpation of the Pretendit BisKiopes/'pp.
22-^-24. History by Mr. John Forbes, pp. 42—62. The' MHast
MSS. are in my possession. ; John Forbes, :who was moderator of
the Assembly at Aberdeen, was a brother of Patrick Forbes pf Corse,
who afterwards became bishop'of Aberdeen. Spotswood's account is
entirely taken from the official Declaration of the just Causes of Ms
Maj. Proceedings against the Ministers who are now lyirig i&,Prison;
printed both at Edinburgh and London in 1605. A counter-state
ment was published by the ministers under the title" of Faithful Re
port of the Proceedings anent the Assembly of Ministers at Aberdeen :
printed in England in 1 606.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 117
resisted, which were not more inconsistent with
presbyterian principles than contrary to the laws
of the country, and which, if yielded to,: would
have converted the free and: independent General
Assembly of the church of Scotland into, a Parisian
parliament or an ¦ English convocation. They are
entitled to the- gratitude? of the friends of civil li
berty; iThe. question at issue between the court
aiMbitthem: amounted to this, whether they were to
be ruled by law, or by the arbitrary will of the
prince^4-whether i royal .proclamations were to be
obeyed when they suspended statutes enacted by
the joint authority of , King and Parliament. , , This
question came afterwards to be debated in England,
and was ultimately decided by the establishment of
the constitutional doctrine which confines the exer
cise of reyal authority within the boundaries of law.
But it cannot be denied, and it ought not to be for
gotten,: that the ministers of Scotland were the first
te avow this rational doctrine, at the expense of
being denounced and punished as traitors ; and that
their pleadings and sufferings in behalf of ecclesias
tical liberty set an example to the friends of civil
liberty in England. , In this respect complete justice
has not yet been done to their memory ; nor has ex
piation been made for the injuries done to the cause
which they maintained, by the slanderous libels
against these patriots which continue to stain the
pages Of English history.
The Privy Council did not resent the proceedings at
Aberdeen. But no sooner was his Majesty informed
i 3

118 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
of them than he transmitted orders to the law-offi
cers in Scotland to proceed with the utmost rigour
against the ministers who had ) presumed to contra
vene his command *. They were accordingly called
before the privy council, and fourteen of them havT
ing stood to the defence of their conduct, were
committed to different prisons. John Forbes, who
was moderator of the Assembly, and John Welch,
being considered as leaders, -were treated with greater
severity than the rest"; being confined within sepa
rate cells in the castle of Blackness* and secluded
from all intercourse with their friends. An anec
dote, authenticated by the records of the council,
affords a striking illustration of the spirit with which
the ministers were actuated. Robert Youngson,
minister of Clatt, had been induced to make an ac
knowledgment before the privy council, and was

* His Majesty's letter to Secretary Balmerino is dated " at Hauer-
ing in the boiire the xix of Julij 1 605." (Collection of Letters in
possession of- the Earl of Haddington.) The ministers were first
called before the Privy Council on the 25th of July. (Collection of
Acts of Secret Council, by Sir John Hay, Knight, Clerk of Register.)
James marked with his own hand such parts of the proceedings of
the ministers as in his opinion brought thena " within the compass
of the law." .Among these flje following merits, notice. : ." In the .said
Ire [[the letter of the Assembly to the Privy CounciTJ thereafter at
this signe -i— , they wald mak this thair appollogie'for'thair proceed
ing, that they sould not be the first oppenaris of ane gap to the oppin
bj-eache arj,d viq]atiomt, ofthe lawis and statutis of this realme ; willing
the counsell to wey and considder thairof ; as gif they wald mak ane
plane accusatioun of sum tyrannie, intendit be ws to the prejudice of
the la\yis, of our kingdome, an speiche altogidder smelling of treasoun
and lese majestie." (Collection of Letters, ut supra.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 119
dismissed. But on the day when the cause of his
brethren came to be tried, he voluntarily presented
himself along with them, professed his deep sorrow
for the acknowledgment which he had formerly
made, avowed the lawfulness of the late assembly,
and, having obtained the permission of the council,
took his place at the bar *. Having declined the
authority of the privy council as incompetent to
judge in a cause which was purely ecclesiastical^ six
of the ministers f were served with an indictment
to stand trial for high treason before the Court of
Justiciary at Linlithgow. They were indicted sole
ly for the fact of their having declined-the privy
council ; -and the charge of treason was founded on
a law enacted during the infamous administration
of Arran, which, so far as it respected ecclesiastical
matters, was disabled by a posterior statute. The
defence of their counsel was able and conclusive,
and the speeches of Forbes and Welch were of the
most impressive kind. But of what avail are in
nocence and eloquence against the arts of corruption
and terror ? The Earl of Dunbar, now the King's
favourite, was sent down to Scotland for the express
purpose" of securing the condemnation of the mini
sters. Such of the privy counsellors as the court
could depend on were appointed assessors to the
* Act of Secret Council, Oct. 24, 1605. (Sir John Hay's Collec
tion.) t John Forbes, minister at Alford, John Welch at Ayr, Robert
Dury at Anstruther, Andrew Duncah at Crail, John Sharp at Kil~
rnany, and Alexander Strachan at Creigh.

120 LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE.
judges; the t jury were packed ; after they -had re
tire the most, illegal- intercourse took place be-.
tweem them -¦ .and,, the : crown t officers ; and by. such
disgraceful rmethods a verdict twas at last obtained,
finding, hy a majority of threey the prisoners guilty:
of £cfq§pnr,t The pronouncing of the, sentence was
deferred until his Majesty's pleasure -should he?
known *.; /.n:: iii
T,heuGpndu(rty of- the ministers, during their im
prisonment and on their trial, gained >them , the
highest <e&teem. ., Those jwho had pronounced them
guilty were ashamed, of their own conduct. The
glaring and scandalous perversion of justice struck
the.m4nds of all men with horror. In vain ,did the
cour^r, issue proclamations, prohibiting, under the
pain rqf j death, any to pray, " either generally or
pariacu^rly,? for, the convicted ministers, or to call
in question the verdict pronounced against them,
or to ar#«pgn(any of the proceedings of government.
*J?arhes:sHist.:ppi 62—1 51. Melville's Decl. Age, pp.61— 92. Spots-»
wood, pp.487. — 489. Scot's Apolog. Narration, pp. 143^163. Of the
illegalities of the process^ no other proof is required than, the account Qf
it whlcn the Lord Advocate transmitted to the King. (Lord Hailes s
MeinSr&fe; vol. i. pp. 1 — 4.) In the same strain is the letter written
whipji, Secretary Baknerino addressed to his Majepty. <c by direction;
of the counsell." " To dissemble nothing," says he, " gif the Erie
of Dumbar had hot bene with ws, and pairtlie by his dexteritie in
aduising quhat wes fittest to be done in euerie thing, and pairtlie by
the avfie he had over his friends, of quhome a greit many past upoun
the assise, and pairtlie for that sume stood aw of his presens, knaw-
ing that he wald mak fidell relatioun to yqurflia^f of, eyerie mans
pairt,(|.the_ turne hadTnot framed sqwelLas^ blessit be God, it has."
(Col. of Letters belonging to Lord Haddington.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 121
The proclamations were disregarded and disobey
ed. Insensible to the feelings of the nation, the
King refused to exert his bright to pardon. He
would not even impart to his counsellors his resolu
tion as to " the punishment of the traitors, which
behoved," he said, " to remain for some time in his
own breast as an arcanum imperii'' - And he ordered
them to proceed without delay with the trial ofthe
ministers who were still in prison, and whose convic
tion he anticipated as a matter of course after* the
decision which had been given against their breth
ren, especially if "more wary election was made of
the next assisors *." Had this insane mandate been
carried into execution, it must have spread dissatis
faction and discontent through ' the nation, ahd
might have hastened on those confusions which
broke out during the succeeding reign. Fortunate
ly for James his counsellors were endued with more
wisdom than he possessed. They wrote him in
plain terms, that it was impossible for them to pro
cure the conviction of the remaining prisoners ; that
those who sat on the former jury would not con
sent to re-act the same part; that, even if they
were willing, it would, disgrace the government to
employ them ; and that no others could be fourtd
to undertake a task which would expose them to
universal odium and execration f . James reluctantly
«
* His Majesty's letter to the Lords of Secret Council, Jan. 22,
1606: Col. of Lefttcrs, ut silp. '"'"'
t The Counsellis Ansr to his Majesty's Letter, Januar— 1606:
Col. of Letters, ut sup.

122 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
yielded ; but .'*. the tender mercies of the wickedare
crueL?'i The eight ministers were released from
prison ; but they were banished singly to the extre
mities of the Highlands, to the Western Isles, Ork
ney, and Shetland ; and in these inclement and then
barbarous abodes, several of them contracted dis
eases which hurried them to a premature grave.
The dread which was entertained of the talents of
the six convicted ministers procured for them a
milder fate. After being imprisoned fourteen months
in the castle of Blackness, they were banished into
France *.
- These severities increased the nation's aversion
to episcopacy, and its dislike of the bishops, who
were univex*sally believed to have incensed his Ma
jesty against the men who opposed their elevation.
If the first introduction of episcopacy had produced
such persecution, what might be looked for when it
obtained a complete ascendancy and establishment f ?
The people contrasted the harsh treatment of their
ministers with the suspieious lenity shown to Ro
man Catholics. It was observed, that, at this very
time, Gilbert Brown, abbot of Newabbey, who had
for many years been a busy trafficker for Rome and
Spain, and a chief instrument of keeping the south
* Act of Secret Council, Oct. 23, 1606 : Sir John Hay's Collec
tion. Simsoni Annales, p. 91. Cald. 549.
t Melville expressed the general feeling in these hnes :
Talia si teneri producunt poma stolones ?
Quid longseva arbos ? qualia poma feret ?
(Simsoni Annales, p. 91.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 128
of Scotland under ignorance and superstition, was
released from the castle of Edinburgh, where rhe
had been liberally entertained at the public expense,
and was allowed to leave the kingdom, after ah his
crucifixes, agnus deis, relics, chalices, and sacred
vestments, had been religiously restored to him :
while John Welch, who had converted multitudes
from the errors of popery by his pastoral labours,
and had published, at his Majesty's particular re
quest, a learned confutation of the abbot's tenets,
was detained in vile durance, and obliged to sup
port himself in prison on his own charges *. " Ba-
rabbas (says a writer of that time) was released,
and the faithful preachers of the word of God were
retained in loathsome dungeons f ." Nor did it es
cape notice, that James continued unrelentingly to
prosecute the imprisoned ministers after his almost
miraculous escape from the Gunpowder Plot, and
rejected all intercessions in their favour, though
¦f Forty's Hist. p. Ill, Melville's Decl. Age, pp. 82, 83. Welch's
book is entitled, " A Reply against M. Gilbert Browne Priest.
Wherein is handled many of the Greatest and weightiest pointes of
crintroversie between vs and the Papistes, &c. By M. John Welche,
Preacher of Christ's Gospell at Aire. Edinburgh, Printed by Robert
^ aide-grave, 1602." Pp. 363. Dedicated to James VI. It wasre-
printed in 16fi, by Matthew Crawford, under the title of '" Popery
Anatomized." ' It would appear that some of the ministers received pecuniary aid
from their presbyteries during their imprisonment: " The haill
bretheren of the presbyterie agreis to ane cotributioune of fdurtie
marks for support of yr bretheren in ward.". (Record of the Presby
tery of Aberdeen, Nov. 15, 1605.)
t Simsoni Ajwial, p. 93.

124 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
embodied in Congratulatory addresses -which were
transmitted to him from his native kingdom on that
memorable occasion*. '' '"' ¦''¦"
-'Melville took a warm interest in the fate of his
persecuted brethren. He avowed Ms approbation
of their conduct in holding the assembly at Aber
deen and in declining the judgment of the 'privy
council!. He zealously 'promoted petitions to the
government in their favour.' He was present 'in
Linlithgow on the day of their trial to g&>e4em
his-' advice, and to make a final attempt for 'accom
modation with the privy council. Andy --after 'tfieir
conviction, he accompanied them to the place of their
confinement f . It was not long till he was ' called
tot. make a more open appearance in- behalf of the
cause' for which they suffered, and to share inthe
hardships 'which he now sought to alleviate. "- ;
, ,h..;:' K> y'<Ji(i;e »>¦¦ ),.-.-'> u--i. • r-\; J. j yui/K
* Printed Calderwood, p. 507. A poem by Melville on the Gun*
powder Plot is printed in Dent. Poet. Scot. torn. ii. pl 100. In the
speech which James* made to' the parliament of England after the
discovery of the, plot, while he shewed great anxiety to distinguish
between the Afferent kinds of papists, he went out of his way to de,
c]ar"elhis detestation of "the cruelty of* the Puritanes, worthy of fire,
tha*,*?ll admit no salvation to any Papist." (Wories, p. '504.) In
answer to the petitions. in behalf of the Scottish ministers, he said,
that ", the pajists were seeking his hfe indeed, bu,t the ministers were
seeking his crown, dearer to him nor his life." (Melville's Decl. Age,
p; ;83.)' The 'truth is, James abused the puritans because he dreaded
no harm from them, and he endeavoured to keep fair with the papists,
because, as he sometimes phrased it, " they were dexterous king-
killers ;" just as some Indians are said to worship the devil, for fear
he should do them a mischief. (Toplady's Historic Proof.; ii. 215.) .
f Printed Calderwood, pp. 50?, 516.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 125
Presuming . that these severe proceedings must
have intimidated and subdued the spirit of the mi
nisters, the court deemed the present a favourable
time (for taking another step in the introduction of
episcopacy. The provincial synods were assembled*
and deputies from hie Majesty required their con
sent, to five articles^ intended to secure the bishops
from being called to account for their late violations
of the^eautions, and to recognize the power, whieh
the King claimed over the General Assembly.! But
these articles were decisively rejected by the synod
of Fife ; and the other synods, with the exception
of that of Angus, referred the determination i of
them to the General Assembly % il > i,>ain9i,riuo;
Melville was deputed by the presbytery of St. An
drews to wait on the parliament which met at
Perth in August, 1 606 ; and was instructed toco-
operate with his brethren of other presbyteries in
seeing that the church suffered no injury at that as
sembly of the Estates. Understanding, that it was
intended to repeal the statute which had annexed
the temporalities of bishoprics to the crown; J and to
restore the epislbo||&3brder to their ancient privi
leges, they gave in to the Lords of Articles a repre
sentation ; stating, that the episcopal office stood
condemned by the laws of the church^ and that the
bishops were restored to a place in parliament with
out-prejudice to the established ecclesiastical go-
.n:.1 Vint- ••.¦¦!; jiit' .j.'' tll^|j9SK-if{q MlmJaaioa erf «B . , -u ., . .
l«9i 10I ,\h'-t\i sfli qnfc-fow oJ btes atfi zttmhnl smoa >.s lai/j, "j «-iaii..J
* S}mSjnJ||[cA«Siialiop.fS[8a"^ Melville's DecL Age, p<'92; Forbes,
pp. 165, 166. .016 ,-i'f'. .c(i| (iKJOWTjUaD bstni 'I fa

126 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
vernment ; and craving that, if any act were to
be passed itt their favour, the cautions enacted' by
the General Assembly, with the concurrence ofhis
Majesty, -should be embodied in it. In reply1 to
this they were explicitly told by the Chancellor,
that the bishops would be restored to the state iii
which they were a hundred years ago. lUpoh this
they prepared a protest, which being refused'by
the Lords of Articles, they gave in to 6adir of
the Estates. Forty-two names, of which Melville's
was the first, were affixed to this protest. The
commissioners of shires and burghs at first pre
mised to support it, but most of them were -in the
issue gained over by the agents of the court. The
chief nobility were averse to the restoration of epis
copacy*;1 but since James's advancement to the
throne of England, it was become a matter of great
er consequence than it had formerly been to pre
serve the royal favour ; and he employed an argu
ment with them which proved irresistible. The
gifts which they had obtained from church ' lands
were confirmed to them, and a great many'h'ew
temporal lordships were erected from the same fund.
The bishops did not scruple to violate the "caveats"
by consenting to this alienation of the property of
the church, and to the reduction of the number of

* " En Ecosse la plupart des Seigneurs sont non-seulemen't Piiri-
tains, mais mal-contens : de sorte que je ne scais s'il se pourra faire
obeh).'' (Lettre a M. de Villeroy, 31 May, 1606 : Ambassades de M.
de la Boderie, torn. i. p. 63.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 127
her voters in parliament from fifty-one to thirteen.
This compromise being made, the parliament re
stored the bishops to all their ancient and accus
tomed honours, dignities, prerogatives, privileges,
and livings, and at the same time revived the chap
ters which had been suppressed by the General As
sembly. The preamble to this act is perfectly ap
propriate. It recognizes his Majesty as " absolute
prince, judge, and governor over all persons, estates,
and causes, both spiritual and temporal." By an
other act the royal prerogative was raised to the
highest pitch, accompanied with the most extrava
gant and fulsome adulation of the reigning sove
reign *. The greatest precautions were taken to
prevent the ministers from protesting against these
deeds. Melville had been appointed by his brethren
to perform this task. On the day on which the
acts were to be ratified, he gained admission into
the House ; but no sooner did he stand up than an
order was given to remove him. Though thus pre^
vented from taking a protest according to legal
forms, he did not retire until he had made his er
rand sufficiently known f .
The protest was conceived in language respectful

* Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 281, 282. The last-mentioned act was con
cealed at the time. The oath of supremacy was ordained by act of
Privy Council only. (Record of Privy Council, June 2, 1607.) Cal
derwood (MS. vi. 1112) says, it was " printed at Edinburgh be Ro
bert Charters, anno dom. 1607."
f Printed Cald. p. 521. Simsoni Annal. p. 100. Melville's Decl.
Age, p. 105.

128 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
to the legislature, hut expressive of the'most deter
mined opposition to the measure under their consi
deration. It reminded the members of' parliament
; <Jhat they were not lords over the church, but nurs
ing fathers to her ; and that, instead of assuming* a
power to mould her government according to their
pleasure* it was their duty to preserve arid maintain
that which had been given her by her divine head.
It warned them that the measure' under their con
sideration Would, if adopted/ overthrow that disci
pline under which rehgion had flourished for so
many years in Scotland. It conjured 'ihem not to
undo all that they- had dbriein behalf of the' church ;
nor., for the sake of gratifying a few aspiring indi
viduals, to ' erect anew a hierarchy which hkd been
abjured by the nation, and which had1 uniformly
proved the source of "great idleness, palpable Ig
norance, insufferable pride,' pitiless tyranny, and
shameless ambition." And it concluded with de
claring; that the protesters were ready to p"roduce
reasons at large to shew that the power1 and dignity
which it was 'proposed to confer on bishops were
contrary to Scripture; the opinions of the fathers,
the canons of the ancient church, the writings of
the most learned and godly divines of modern
times, the doctrine and constitution of the church
of Scotland since the beginning of the Reformation.,
the laws of the realm, and the Welfare and honour
ofthe King, parliament, and subjects *. The! pro-
' - •¦ : ? . -i ' : i •¦ ;.i :• (si :¦¦_..! ¦- •
* Informations, or a Protestation, and a Treatise from Scotland.
Imprinted 1608. Pp. 94. 12mo. It appears from the epistle to the

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. "429
test was, drawn up by Patrick Simpson, minister. of
Stirling ; the reasons, of protest were. composed, by
J$me$ Melville,., with the assistance of his uncle *.
T^he fohowing, extracts from, the last-mentioned pa
per rw^ll,serve as a proof of the spirit with which it
was written, and pf the enlightened zeal for civil
liberty, ap4 the temporal welfare; of the nation,. with
w¥c^;i^ne raiWs^ were at this time actuated-,..;
^e^mee up ^ese Bishops once, (called, long
since 1 the Prince's. led-horse) things, ,if .they were
never pp unlawful, unjust, ungodly , and; pernitipus
to^ldr^^d realme, if they, shah he borne, ferifch
by tlffi, countenance, .autbpritie, i care and endeavpur
of , flip King, (supposing such a one, as God, forbid,
come, in the, roome of our most, renpuned Sovereign ;
for to ,theif best, hatb,; oftentimes succeeded, the
worst,) they shall be carried through by hjs Bishops,
set up and entertained by, him for that effect, ; and
the rest of the estates, not onely be indeed as. ciphers,
bu,t also bears the blamp thereof to, their.great evill
ancl4ish.0fl.ouf. If one will aske, How §hajj, these
Bishops be more subject to b§, carried after the
appetite of an evill prince then, the resVof jtiie
estate8 ? The , answer and reason is, because they
have their lordship and, living, their, honour, esti-

readcr, that this treatise, was printed abroad by an Englishman who
had fled ff om Banqrof t'§ persecutions. The Protestation nvay. be seen
in the printed History of. Calderwood^ pp. 527^531. ,, .
* Printed Cald. pp. 527, 536. The Reasons of Protest are inserted
at length in a well-written tract by Calderwood, entitled, The Course
of Conformity — Printed in the yeare 1622; (pp. 20—4.8.)
K

130 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
mation, profit and commoditie of the King. The
King may set them up and cast them downe,
give them and take from them, put them in and
out at his pleasure ; and therefore they must bee
at his direction to doe what liketh him : and in a
word, he may doe with them by law, because they
are set up against law. But with other estates hee
cannot doe so, they having either heritable standing
in their roomes by the fundamentall lawes, or then
but a commission from the estate that send them,
as from the burgesses or barons. Deprave me once
the Ecclesiasticall Estate, which have the gift of
knowledge and learning beyond others, and are sup
posed (because they should bee) of best conscience,
the rest will easily bee miscarried. And that so
much the more, that the Officers of Estate, Lords
of Session, Judges, Lawyers that have their offices
of the King, are commonly framed after the court's
affection. Yea, let ChanceUor, Secretarie, Trea
surer, President, Controller, and others that now
are, take heed that these new Prelates of the Kirk,
(as covetous and ambitious as ever they were of
old,) insinuating themselves by flatterie and obse-
quence into the Prince's favour, attaine to the bear
ing of all these offices of estate and crowne, and
to the exercising thereof, as craftily, avaritiously,
proudly, and cruelly, as ever the Papisticall Prelates
did. For as the holiest, best and wisest angels of
light, being depraved, became most wicked, craftie
and cruell divells, so the learnedest and best pas
tor, perverted and poysoned by that old serpent with

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 131
aVarice and ambition, becomes the falsest, worst.
and most cruell man, as experience in all ages hath
proved. " If any succeeding Prince please to play the
tyrant, and governe all, not by lawes, but by his
will and pleasure, signified by missives, articles, and
directions, these Bishops shall never admonish him
as faithfull pastors and messengers of God ; but as
they are made up by man, they must arid will flat
ter, pleasure and obey men. And as they stand by
affection of the Prince, so will they by no meanes
jeopard their standing, but be the readiest of all
to put the King's will and pleasure in execution;
though it were to take and apprehend the bodies of
the best, and such namely as would stand for the
lawes and freedome of the realme, and to cast therii
into dark and stinking prisons, put them in exile
from their native land, &c. The pitifull experience
iri times past makes us bold to give the warning
for the time to corne : for it hath been seen and felt,
and yet dayly is, in this Island. And finally, if the
Prince be prodigall, or would inrich his courtiers
by taxations, imposts, subsidies and exactions, layd
upon the subjects of the realme, who have been or
shall bee so ready to conclude and impose that by
parliament, as these who are made' and set up for
that and the like service * ?"
These were riot the representations' of alarmists,'
who wished to excite prejudices against the bishops
* Cald. vi. 1158—1162. Course of Conformity, pp. tl — 17.
K 2

LIFE OF ANTJREW MELVILLE.
from mere antipathy to their spiritual power. Nor
were they the offspring of iinaginations disordered
by unreasonable jealousy. In the course of a few
years the strongest of these predictions were fully
and literally verified, to the conviction of those who
had treated them as visionary. The bishops, who
owed their restitution solely to the favour of the
King, and who depended on him as " the breath of
their nostrils," did not blush to acknowledge them
selves to be his " Majesty's creatures," and devoted
themselves in all things to the pleasure of their
" earthly creator *" : they exerted all their influence
to lay the liberties of the nation, and the privileges
* " Most Gratious Soueraigne, May it please zour most excellent
Majestie, As of all vyces Ingratitude is most detestable, I findand my
self not only as first of that dead estait quhilk zour M. hath recreate,
but also in my priuate conditione so ouerquhelmed with your M.
princely and magnifick benignitie, could not bot repaire to zour M.
most gratious face, that so unworthie an creature micht both see,
blisse and thanke my earthly Creator." (Original Letter of Archbi
shop Gladstanes to the King, Sept. 11, 1609: MS. in Bibl. Jurid.
Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 62.) " We will not be idle in the mean time (says
he, in a letter to his Majesty, Aug. 31, 1612) to prepare such as have
vote to incline the right way. All men do follow us and hunt for our
favour, upon the report of your Maj. good acceptance of me and the
Bishop of Cathness, and sending for my Lord of Glasgow, and the
procurement, of this Parliament without advice of the Chancellor. —
No Estate may say that they are your Maj. creatures, as we may say,
so there is none whose standing is so slippery, when your Maj. shall
frown, as we: for at your Maj.. nod we must either stand or fall."
(Printed Cald. p. 645.) The same servility, though not expressed in
such gross terms, runs through a letter to the King by the bishops of
St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Orkney ; and a separate letter addressed
to him by Archbishop Spotswood. (MSS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M.
6. 9. nunis. 65 and 67.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 133
of the different orders in it, at his feet ; while he,
in return for their services, loaded them with hon
ours, and advanced them to the highest offices of
state. Owing to different causes these effects were
more sensibly felt in Scotland, where, if episcopacy
had been suffered to remain much longer, the go
vernment would have settled into a pure and con
firmed i despotism. But they were also felt in Eng
land. From the time that Henry VIII. eaused him
self to be declared Head of the English Church, and
forced the bishops to take out licenses from him,
and to acknowledge that all the jurisdiction which
they exercised flowed from the royal authority, the
episcopal bench and clergy became dependent on the
crown. When the spirit of liberty pervades a na
tion it will exert an influence upon all orders of
inen ; and there have been instances of English (I
cannot say Scottish) prelates, who have nobly with
stood the encroachments of arbitrary power, and de
fended the rights of the people. But still it is rea
sonable to suppose, (and experience justifies the sup
position,) that as a body they will be devoted to the
Will of tiie prince, to whom they owe their places,
from whom they look for preferment, and by whose
authority they perform all acts of ecclesiastical ju
risdiction. Candour demands the acknowledgment,
that a presbyterian church must also fall into state-
subserviency in proportion to the power which the
crown obtains in the appointment of its ministers ;
although this patronage is necessarily limited by the
want of preferments in such an establishment, and
K 3

134 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
checked by the freedom of 'discussion- which takes
place in its several assemblies *. >
In giving an account of the parliamentary resto
ration of prelacy, it would be unjust to omit men
tioning William Douglas, Earl of Morton, a noble
man who inherited the magnanimity of the Dou
glasses, tempered by the milder virtues of his illus
trious relative the Regent Murray. While he main
tained all the hospitality and even magnificence of
the ancient barons, his domestic arrangements were
conducted, and his fine family reared up, in accord
ance with the purity of his morals, and the strict
regard which he uniformly shewed to the duties of
religion. The public conduct of this peer was mark
ed by independence, and he shewed himself a warm
and steady friend to the presbyterian church. It
was chiefly through his exertions that the parlia-
* " The bishops (says Lord Karnes) were universally in the inte
rest of the crown, as they have been at all times, and upon all occasions ,•
and as the whole bishops were for the crown, it was indifferent which
eight were chosen." (Essays concerning British Antiquities, p. 53.)
This remark unquestionably requires some qualification. But the in
stance to which Lord Hailes refers disproves it in part only. (Me
morials, vol. i. p. 41.) Though all the bishops were " for the crown,"
they might not all be equally able to maintain its " interests ;" and
in this respect certainly it was not " indifferent which eight were
chosen" as Lords of the Articles.. But the reason why the King in
1612 sent a list of bishops was, not that he doubted of the attachment
of any of them, but that he might assert his prerogative to nominate
them. And the reason why Lord Burlie wished to change " one or
two" on the court-list was, not that he objected particularly to any of
the individuals named, but that he might maintain the privilege of
the nobility in the election ; as he distinctly states in his defence.
(Ibid. p. 42.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 135
ment had formerly passed an act exempting the go
vernment of the church from the cognizance of the
commissioners appointed on the union. The sick
ness which soon after put an end to his days pre
vented him from attending in his place at Perth ;
but he expressed his strong disapprobation of the
act restoring episcopacy, and with his dying breath
predicted the evils which it would entail on the
country *-
Melville's appearance before the parliament at
Perth was the last which he was permitted to make
in his native country. His removal from Scotland
had been determined on as a necessary preparative
to the execution of the projects of the court. Epis
copacy still stood condemned by the church, and the
bishops remained destitute of all spiritual power.
Such was the state of public sentiment and feeling
in the country, that any attempt to confer this
upon them by the mere exercise of civil authority
would have been nugatory, and might have proved
dangerous. The only way in which they could
hope to succeed was by obtaining the consent of the
church-courts to their assuming one degree of epis
copal- power after another, under false names and
deceitful pretexts. Notwithstanding the number of
ministers already in confinement, they judged it ne
cessary to get rid of others, before they durst face
an ecclesiastical assembly, or bring forward their
proposal in its most modified shape. This was ac-
* Simsoni Annales, pp. 53, 112. Printed Cald. p. 482,

136 LIFE 'OF ANDREW MELViLLE.
c(^i^re#«y'^ne(6« those porttrC%ratag'er^ wrnc*
James' 'wa^^sSofofiff^^rfpTWyiap0 M kmm&m»
MrfJ3, 9f6ofepa'^«»%'^^nWBS^wW^iV^ea^
to- Wvth^'comriianding' him1/5^ a#*&AM£'l%ttP3
asidej" to repair to London before1 the 125tn' *6f Sep
tember next, that his Majesty might treat with hint *!.
and others,- his brethren, of good 'KHMih^} judg
ment, and experience1,0 con^e'Mifig such thing&i;ds :
wdU'Ii1 tend to settle the peace ofthe church,1 and* to '
justify to the world the measures whiche his • Majes
ty, -after such extraordinary condescension, mig&t '
find itriecessary to adopt for repressing the obst^-'
nate and turbulent. Letters expressed in the same
terms were addressed to his nephew James Mel
ville, to William Scot, minister of Cupar, John Car-
michael of Kilconquhar, William Watson Of Burnt
island, James Balfour of Edinburgh, Adam Colt of
Musselburgh.) and Robert Wallace of Tranent *:
Having met to consult on the course which they
should take, the eight ministers deputed one of
their number to converse with the Earl of Dunbar,
the Scottish premier, and to request him to deal
with his Majesty to excuse them from a journey
.--hi . ," '.'.• ' .UT91 ,-j.- I v.- :,>rt, ni.
* Printed Calderwood, -pp.' 518, 519. '"'"¦'  ojtii axv'-i''
" June 1606.- Item to ane boy passand of Edr. with clos lfes that
come from his Matie To Mr. James Balfoure, Mr. Robert Wallace,
and Mr. Adame Colt, xiijs iiijd.
" Item, To ane other boy passand of Edr. with clos lfes that come
from his Mate To Mr. Andro Melvill, Mr. James Melvill, Mr. \Tm
Scot, Mr. Wm Watson, Mr. Jon Carmichell and Mr. Henry Philpj
xl>." (Compot. Thesaur. in Register House, Edinburgh.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 137
which they were .afraid would, ;prove, fruitless, and
which,, would be oppressive to them, on account, of
the-ih heaitht^ some osfajtben?, number s and the en-
gagemei*t§.jof^ aljli.f) Under. <the mask of great,' >fri#Rd- .
ship, -Dunbar t urged them to comply with, his Ma
jesty^ desire;, assuring them, that it would turn
out ,the bestr journey thati ever they undertook, that
he had.iadvised the measure out of regard to the.
church, and that the bishops, when made acquainted
with the design, were very far. from being pleased
with it*. Although they placed little confidence
in these assurances, the ministers resolved to go to
London, after they had waited on the approaching
parliament. . Indeed, they were shut up to this
course ,;,,f or had. they acted otherwise, they would
have incurred the charge of disobeying the royal
authority, and an order for their incarceration would
have been instantly issued. Melville acquainted
the presbytery of St. Andrews with the resolution

* There can be little1 doubt that the bishops both knew and had
advisedtthe calling of the ministers to London. Ina letter addressed
to his Majesty, " 19th Junii," (A. 1606,) Gladstanes testifies his
impatience for Melville's removal, and insinuates his hopes that he
would not be allowed to return to St. Andrews. " Mr. Andrew
Melvin hath begun to raise new storms with his Eolick blasts. Sir,
you are my Jupiter, and I, under your Highness, Neptune.,, I must
say, Non illi imperium pelagi, sacrumque tridentem,
Sed mihi sorte datum — i — t-r
Youj- Majesty will relegate him to some iEolia,
 ut illic vacua se jactet in aula."
(Lord Hailes'3 Memorials, i. 95.)

138 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
which he had formed. They declined giving him
any commission, to act in their name, judging it
safer that he and his brethren, should- appear in their
individual character, and not doubting that they
would prove faithful to the interest of .the church.
But they authorized him to receive an extract from
their records, containing the subscription of Glad
stanes to the presbyterian polity, to be used as he
should find necessary. Having put the affairs of
the college in the best order he could, Melville sailed
from Anstruther, in 'company with his nephew,
Scot, and Carmichael, on the 15th of August,, and
¦reached London on the 25th of that month. A
few days after they were joined by. their four
brethren, who travelled by land *.
As soon as it was known that they were come to
town, they were visited by a number of the minis
ters and citizens of London who favoured their
cause. The archbishops of Canterbury and York
sent to inquire for them, and invited them to their
houses ; but they excused themselves, on the ground
that they could pay no visits until they had seen
his Majesty f. James, who was absent on a pro
gress through the kingdom, had left his directions
for them with Alexander Hay, one of his secretaries
for Scotland, and Dr. John Gordon, dean of Salis-
* " 1606, Aug. 15, M. Andro Melvil, &c. departit fra Anstruther
towart Lundon." (Laird of Carnbee's Diary, in Append, to Lamont's
Diary, p. 283. Melville's Hist, of the Declining Age, pp.109 — 111.
Cald. vi. 1089, 1190.)
t Melville's Hist, ofthe Decl. Age, p. 111.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 139
bury. • Gordon was one of their countrymen, a son
of the bishop of Galloway, and had himself been at
one period presented to that bishopric. Soon after
the Reformation, he had gone to France for the
sake of his education, and remained in that country
until the accession of James to the English throne.
On the continent he had attained no inconsiderable
degree of literary celebrity, particularly for his skill
in the oriental languages *. This talent would have
made him an agreeable companion to Melville, had
they met on another occasion, and had not the task
allotted to Gordon, along with the dean of West
minster, rendered them a kind of honorary guard
on the ministers, and polite spies on their conduct.
*, On the 4th of January 1567, " Magister Joannes Gordon" ob-
obtained a gift under the Great Seal, of the bishopric of Galloway and
abbacy of Tungland, vacant by the resignation of Alexander, the last
bishop. " Et nos informati existentes de qualificatione singulari
dicti Magistri Joannis Et qd in hcbraica, caldaica, syriaca, grseca et
latina Unguis bene eruditus est — pro subditorum nostrorum instruc-
tione," &c. In the title of the charter he is said to be " tunc temporis
in Gallia studiis theologicis incumbente." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
Jac. V. i.14. num. 92.) I must Jeave it to others to unravel the con
fusion as to the titles of John, Roger, and George Gordons to the
bishopric of Galloway. s (Consult Register of Presentation to Bene
fices for Sept. 16, 1578, and July 8, 1586. Gordon's Earldom of
Sutherland, pp. 181, 290—293. Keith's Scot. Bishops, p. 166.
Printed Cald, pp. 425, 426.) There is a letter from John Gordon to
the Regent Murray, containing political intelligence. (Cotton MSS.
Calig. C. 1. 70.) And another to John Fox, on literary topics. (Harl.
MSS. 416.) A poem by him is prefixed to " Plaidoye pour M.Jean
Hamilton." And a poem in praise of him is inserted in Delitise
Poet. Scot. ii. 174. A list of his works may be formed from Wood's
Fasti, Bliss's edit. p. 131. and Charters's Account of Scots Divines,
p. 3. (MS. in Bibl, Jurid. Edin.)

140 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Notwithstanding this, Melville and Gordon had their
hterary hours, in which the stiffness and reserve of
their more formal interviews; were banished *.
M.The two Scottish archbishops, Gladstanes and
Spotswood, with others of the court-party, came to ,
London, to be present at the intended conferences.
A, rumour prevailed that the King purposed1 to have
th£ questions at issue publicly disputed, and to re
new the^scene in which he had hjanselfaeted/so con
spicuous a part at Hampton Court 'three years be-
fop., Melville and his fellow8 resolved not to en
gage in any such foolish contest. They had no au
thority to appear as champions for the Church of
Scotland, and were not so arrogant as to take this
character .upon them. The English divines, had no
right to interfere with their controversies ; and if
they.phose to dispute, were in no want, of antago
nists among their own countrymen. And as for
those who had come from Scotland, they were not
entitled to reason against a government which they
had so recently approved by their subscriptions,
and sworn to maintain. The ministers were not,
however, urged with any proposal of this nature.
They received at this time a letter from their bre
thren Who were prisoners in Blackness, expressing
the confidence which they reposed in their wisdom
and, constancy ; and charging them not to yield up
any part of the liberties of the church of Scotland,
>S S- - ' .." ¦'¦" " '" ' -•<•¦- "
* Melville's Hist, of trie Decl. Age, p. i20. Melvini Muss, p. 24,

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 141
with the view of pureeing for thefn* either a par
don or a'irtit%#tftftf>5SP punishment *. Iul
The* King shortened his progress? and returned
to London sooner than was expected, to meet With
the ministers f. They were introduced to him at
Hampton Court on the 20th of September, and
were allowed ¦ to- kiss his 'hand. - His Majesty con
versed with them familiarly for a considerable time ;
inquired5 after the news of the country ; and jocu
larly rallied Balfour on the length of his beard,
which, he alleged, had grown prodigiously since he
had the pleasure of seeing it in Scotland, and would
give him, he was afraid, rather a Turk-like look in
London^ X- • '
Two days after, they were sent for to Hampton
Court. On their arrival from their lodgings at
Kingston, they were courteously received by Arch
bishop Bancroft, who left the room as soon as the
King entered with the members of the Scottish
privy council. His Majesty stated at large the
# Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, pp. 113, 114.
t Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, i. 348.
X I have, taken my account of the transactions at London, and
Hampton Court chiefly from the narratives of two of, the ministers,,
James Melville and William Scot, who kept registers of every thing,
that happened. Calderwood borrows from James Melville. Some
important particulars are supplied by the despatches of the- French
ambassador, M. de la Boderie, who appears to have taken an interest
in the affair, and had access to good information by his residence at
court, and by means of M. de la Fontaine, one of the ministers of the
French Church at London, and a great intelligencer. Spotswood's
account is general.

142 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
reasons which had induced him to send for the
ministers, and concluded by intimating that there
were two points on which he demanded an explicit
declaration of their judgment : the one was, the
late pretended assembly at Aberdeen, including the
behaviour of those who had held it ; and the other
was, the best means of obtaining' a peaceable meet
ing 'Of that judicatory for establishing good order
and tranquillity in the church. James Melville,
after offering the compliments and congratulations
which were suited to the occasion, requested, in the
name of his brethren, that they might have time
allowed them to dehberate on the answer which
they should return to his Majesty's questions. They
were required to be ready with their answers on the
following day.
On entering the presence-chamber next day, they
found it crowded with the principal persons about
court. Melville suggested to the Earl of Dunbar
the impropriety of their being brought before such
a promiscuous assembly ; as his Majesty might be
offended at their uttering their sentiments, before
the English nobility, according to the free manner
to which they were accustomed in Scotland. But
he was told that the arrangements were already
made, and cautioned to be on his guard against say
ing any thing that was indiscreet or disrespectful
in the presence of such honburable strangers. *" The
King took his seat, with the Prince on his one
hand, and the archbishop of Canterbury on the
other. Around him were placed the Earls' of Salis-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 143
buiy, Suffolk, Worcester, Nottingham, and North
ampton, Lords Stanhope and Knolles, with other
Englishmen of rank ; besides all the Scottish no
bility who were at court. Behind the tapestry and
at the doors of the apartment stood several English
bishops and deans, who discovered themselves when
the conversation became animated. The ministers
had previously agreed to return a common answer
by the mouth of James Melville. But his Majesty
intimated that it behoved each individual to speak
for himself; and beginning with the Scottish bi
shops and commissioners, he asked them what their
opinion was concerning the assembly at Aberdeen.
They all answered briefly, in their turn, that they
condemned it as turbulent, factious, and unlawful.
Then addressing Melville, his Majesty said : " You
hear that your brethren cannot justify these men
nor their assembly. What say you, Mr. Andrew ?
Think you that a small number of eight or nine,
met without any warrant, wanting the chief mem
bers, the moderator and scribe, convening unman
nerly without a sermon, being also discharged by
open proclamation ; can these make an Assembly,
or not ?" To this Melville replied in a speech of
nearly an hour's length, delivered with much free
dom and spirit, and at the same time with much
respect. As for himself, he said, he had for a num
ber of years been debarred from attending on ge
neral assemblies and all public meetings; but, as
it was his Majesty's will, he would endeavour to
give him satisfaction on the different objections

144 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
whickhLfthadasfatted.eijJ^h sespect.tft the paucity
of ty&Bkf&SsLdihGrjfr w$P aft^aisiegliqngithe jffiecise
-flMnrfre^JatoKtfoofi^free mf&t&u&bespfoibG $C,$hri8t
(had tfielpromiiege&iitfe^fiP^^ I ^fttojsdjtf^y meet-
fipgy^M court est^li>sb#^bj&'JajffMgiddi*ol| feej. de
clared iunJawfal onLimasatnoij itrsnt&fertwss/fc iand
jtht^Oi who met at sfa\jevite& mere is»ifiei&Bti£t »u-
.fffa^^rfor.^Qirpguing,^ 9fse»biyoto &&&\ym$W,
fphiM jws^ulitt'that they, did, and taU $hg%itj&yifas*d
&$>W^<1 to do. Asp^j^ma^tmiH^^mi&mi-
ed., on Scripture, , feip iM-fg«gtjtf,s flajf&a^d (.hftifgm-
^B^ion^fiwWchf> they received, xfj«p^ri&^xjre^jr-
ifesiefe> r , , The presence - of ,the.&ime%m&tes§#mtf8ri
Ifge^kiwas „not essential ;to^thej0^^tj0Qf[{^te6«ap-
«jth*# "necessarily or MiiMyj^^Bri^ffi^Jafi^jd-
^ther^p tb^rroeni. , iffgjM^je.^ mus^§#fr^n
-$M to»e, ,of #he,,indnj&ters . of -M^mki M8?<*8$q#
.the, opening.of .the mee^^« , Asjtoolhfli^^gd^-
c^argef of the, ^ejnbjfc on^ejday ,&*$$# 'ftiBMfc.
,(feWW«g'Jto Lauristonj who w.qs ;£bq ^^^o^,
.njijajof^r on thatt occasion,) , he,, sfpdjj i^fi :tonq()flf
solemn fervour, " I charge; yJeiik.Sir,.4nf$hj|Jft§jif8a^
the.Qhureh of-^rrftaPAdSW JOU WiftwH^g^ before
J&e great ®fi&&tfhib apppara^ of Jes^Chjif^tp
judge ifte m&imt&etiqifi,,, &£^j$j^tr..utk,
311(1 .tell $&&m$&W Tjr^^fuch,:4j^ha|gf jgjg§^
or nOt."-^§ ip^sedj^.a >rep^y jubut La^*«.H
remain^ jpptytgp and -faq. King, fain to brn'ftk the

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 145
painful Silence' which ensued, requested Melville* to
go on to1 state his -reasons for not Condemning the
conduct of the ministers. " If it please your Ma
jesty to hear me, I have these reasons. First, I am
but a private man, come here upon your Majesty's
1 letter^ without any commission from the church ©f
Scotland ; and as no body has made me a judge, J I
cannot take upon me to condemn them. Secondly,
your Majesty hath* by your proclamation at Hamp-
tcin-Court,', (here he produced and read the procla
mation,) " remitted their trial to a General Assem
bly ; expecting' there a reparation of wrongs, if any
have- been done. I cannot prejudge the church and
assembly of 'my vote, which if I give now, I shall
be -sure to have my mouth shut then, as by expe
rience I and Others, my brethren, have found before.
Thirdly! J$es n<>n est integra, sed hactenus judicata
by yOur* Majesty's council; whether rightly or not
I remit to God, before whom one day they must
appeairahd answer for that sentence. I think your
Majesty will not be content that I should now con
tradict your council and their proceedings; Fourth
ly,0 how can I condemn my brethren indicia tiattsa,
not hearing their accusers objecting against them,
and themselves answering?"
• The speeches of the other ministers agreed with
that of Melville ; and what was omitted by one
was recollected and supplied by another. The King
exhibited evident symptoms of uneasiness, and an
anxiety to bring the conference to a close. James
Melville, at the conclusion of his speech, presented
VOL. II. L

146 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
a supplication which had been transmitted to him
from the condemned ministers. ' His Majesty gl£ne^
ed over it, and said with an 'angry1 smile, "Tattt
glad that this has been given in." An interruption
by Sir Thoihas Hamilton, the Lord Advocate, le"d
to a legal argument between him and Scot on the
trial of the ministers for treason, in the Coursfe • bf
which, the lawyer was thought by all to be* worsted
at his own weapons *. Indignant at hearing that
most' flagrant scene of iniquity vindicated' in the
presence of his Majesty' and such : an honourable
audience, Melville fell on his knees', and reque^tW
permission to speak a second time. ' Having ob
tained it, he gave himself up to all his native fire
and vehemence, and astonished the English1 nbbi-i
lity and clergy with a torrent of bold, impassioned,
impetuous eloquence, to which they were1 'altogether
strangers. Throwing aside the reserve 'which he
had studied in his former speech, he avowed hib
belief of the complete innocence of his brethren,
and justified their proceedings. He' recounted the
wrongs which had been done them on their trial, uf!
which *he was an eye and ear witness. AddreS's'-
ing the^ord Advocate, he charged him with havShg
favoured trafficking priests, and screened from pu
nishment his uncle, John Hamilton, who had been
banished from France, and branded as an incendiary

* Several of the English nobility made handsome offers to Wiffiam
Scot, provided he would consent to remain in England. (Life of
Scot, p. 7 : Wodrow's MSS. vol. iv.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE- 147
by the parliaments of that, kingdom ; whije, he em
ployed ah his craft and eloquence to convict the un
offending and, righteous servants of .Christ. The
arch-enemy, himself, he said, could not haye done
more against the saints of God, than, he had done
against these good men at Linlithgow ; and not
contented, with the part which he had then acted, he
behoved Still tO Sh$W himself '° Karros rwi/ ApiXpmf,
At this expression the King, turning to the arch
bishop of Canterbury, exclaimed, " What's that he
said? I think he, calls him, Antichrist. Nay, by
God ; it is ,the devil's name in the Revelation 1 of
the well-help ved John." Then rising hastily, he
said, "God be with you, Sirs." But, recollecting
hiw^lf^ .b^e tjurned, round ,|;.q. the ministers, and ask.-
ed them, what, advice they had to give, him for
pacifying the dissensions raised in the chiirch; to
whi<;b,they replied wjth one voice, Afxee Qeyprgl
Assembly. ,., ,, ,
The ministers were dismissed, with unequivocal
m^rkg^pf, approbation pn the part of those who( were
present- Tfep English .nobi.Uty, who had , hot been
accu^tpwed tp pee theM King addressed with such
freedom, could no,t rpfrain frpm expressing fjieir
admiration, at the PP^ness witbwhicih Melville and

*

: II y en a un entr'autres," S3ys the French ^ipbassadfir to Mar
quis de Sillery, " qui lui a parle avec un etrange liberte en toutes les
occasions ; & sur ce que l'Avocat General d'Ecosse voulut prendre la
parole dernierement contre icelui en la presence du Roi meme, il en
eut la t^fe lavee da Jelle facon, que Je Rpi & lui demeurerent sans
replique." (Ambassades de M. de la Boderie,, i. 4.35.)
L 2

148 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
his msoek^mld^v^^it^^ m^^^t^he£ove such
anfi&adience.i ^ifthefhaCtepi^^ Yr*mJr$Hfi!P % m<%g-
ed iMi^^bnk.speeche^!aM;/^ir§r^Sf%#^W?"-
.^Mewey of tbe replies wtytfajfawmv^QlSmm^-
¦^etie««vifiiKwbich \ they sWes&tiB&g&A TTkS-ffi&R&P
of the conference j whieh j^e^r^fttejigit^g^jh
the> city made a strong impression in their f^ypur.
They had the effect of dispelling the cloud of Bggju-
dfceswhich had been raised against them and their
a brethren ; and convinced the impartial, that, instead
of being the torbulent, discontented* and unre^pp-
nMh men they had been represented to be, they Tw^re
only claiming their undoubted rights, aud-rStan^ing
up for the ecclesiastical liberties pf i theiyrjcj^j^n^ry
again&fe the p, lawless- encroachniente, ofrrarbitr-ary
power*. " -itgol irf-gim) mw hsansel rftod emit
wh They had scarcely reached Kingston riw&ea,. they
Were overtaken by Secretary Hay, iwjjpireadtto
them, in the court before their lodging, a,t;,hfl$ge
not to return to Scotland;, ner- to approach ^g^nirt
of the King, Queen, or Prince, without ^gegi^l li-
\ cense. On the 38th of September, they were sent
bf for to the Scottish council assembled in the Ear} of
Dunbar's lodgings. James Melville was first <^dled
in, and was urged by the Lord Advocate with cer
tain ensnaring questions relating to his opinions
-and conduct. ,He refused to answer them, ''..^am
a free subject (said he) of the kingdom of Scpl^and,
* Melville's Hist, of 'the Decl. Age, pp. 131—124, 141. Scot's
Apolog. Narration, pp. 177—180. j Spotswood, pp. 497, 498. ,,,,,*

life of andrew melville. 149
which hath lftw8 and privileges of its own as free
'its 'any kingdom in the world : to them I will stand.
Therefhath"b.een no summonds executed against me.
The noblemen here sitting and I are not in our own
country. "The charge super inqukrendis was abo
hshed and declared long since to be iniquitous and
'iihjust.11' T ani bbund by no law or reason to ac
cuse myself." sHe besought the noblemen {present
to remember who they were, and to deal with him
'(though a mean man yet a free-born Scotchman) as
they would themselves wish to be used, according
tb'thei'laWS Of Scotland.*'1 He told the Lord Advo
cate, 'Who endeavoured to entangle him with legal
''quibbling, that, though no lawyer, he was endued
7 Vith' some portion of natural wit, and had; in 'his
time both learned and taught logic. " Mr. James,
'(said Dttnbar)'-wirl ye not deign to give an answer
oJfor- his Majesty's satisfaction ?" " With all rever-
3^etaCe,i:my' lordy I1 will (replied he); provided the
''Vq^M^ri^WBI* Mim and I may have time to ad-
-tfviMe^Qii Jthe! answers/' - Melville was called in last.
ns^evWi& <the members > of the council., • " thatnthey
[o feSfew^t Wkt'ihey Were doing ; and -that ttoey had
rj[b8&l8kirEMeW frPrri the ancient nobility ofi Scotland,
''wnoWre^w^ritA; J hazard their lands and lives for
the freedom Pf their country and the gospel, which
their sons were nPw' betraying and seeking to over-
^thrPw'*." " If they Were at all capable* pf serious re
lays * Melvilte, 1S@^-134. Scot; 180, 161.' Report tJfiMj^eqnferences
- Sept. 1606. MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 49.
L 3

150 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
flectit»nv the Scottish nobility must have blushed at
their conduct on the present occasion, in forgetting
SO" far what was due to their rank and place asr
td' consent to become the instruments of the court,
and of a few ambitious churchmen, to circumvent
meli who had been insidiously drawn from their
homes, and entrap them- into declarations' which
were afterwards to be1 used against them as crimi
nal charges. They ought plainly to have told their
master, that it was neither for his own honour nor
that of his native kingdom, (which his new subjects
were but too much disposed to contemn,) to have
men of such character detained there as suspected
persons, and his differences with them exposed to
the observation of Enghsh peers and prelates ; and
that^ if 'they were to be held as criminals, they
should be sent home to be tried by their own laws
and before their proper judges. If true T nobility
consists in that high and independent spirit, which,
whether produced by the recollection of the deeds
of .ancestry of by other causes, spurns every thing
which is dishonourable to the individual or to his
country, then Melville and his companions shewed
themselves to be, at this time, the nobles of Scot
land. The ministers received in writing the following
questions, to which they were required to return
answers. First, whether they had hot transgressed
their duty by praying for their condemned brethren,
and whether they were willing to crave his Ma
jesty's pardon for this offence. /Second, whether

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 151
they acknowledged that his Majesty, in virtue of
his royal prerogative, .had, ful} power to convocate,
prorogue, i and dismiss, sail ecclesiastical , assemblies
wijiihin lhis dominions* ; And, third, - whether, he
had not a lawful .right, by his royal authority, to
cailr before, him /&nd hip (Council all persons, ecclesi
astical and civil, for whatsoever faults ; and whether..
all the subjects are not bound to, appear, answer,
and obey, in the premises. Each of the, eight
ministers, as directed by the council, gave in an
swers to the questions,, They expressed theniseljifes,
guardedly, so as not to give the court any advantage
against them, , but without sacrificing their own
convictions or compromising the principles of the
church, pf, Scotland. Along with the answers they
presented a joint paper, containing their advice as
to, the best mode, of putting, an end to the eccle
siastical feuds with which, their native country was
agisted f.
, They, were now entitled to expect that they should
obtain liberty to return to their shomes. They had
tefttififld., their obedience to. his Majesty by coming
tp. London. They had attended all the conferences
which he had been pleased to appoint. , Theyrh.ad
returned answers to the questions which he had
proposed to them. They had given hhn their best
advice for re-establishing the peace of the church.
If, this was not acceptable to his Majesty, and if he
chose to act in a different manner, t it" was at least
,* Melville, 136, 14£. Scot, 180—187.

152 LIFE OF ANDftf^ MEfcfVIfiKE.
incvanbeaft'^Mftf &*p^i&$tymtiL<&ikub^]g@&&
faithV^t^sasfenii^W^ #te»fl *tf$hriS>udme$ ttmM&
preigfi&lff th^*^«0*rf>«lliterlvi&eis,8andr3iiateaf
criS^^BiofcSttipe^;e#ipeitSdSSd <ButahIritoHg>rf»iS
less mteafle#«hak> ^bSkoriSJidrlst^^^krbitardray
and^todeftett^^prolOHgettif rartisadirfth^^akiiilr tilt
Coid-ewere p^quinpiractibe tqlcorfaipt affl tn&ttrite
then* ' SkU^li^andrBa.hcn3feheldi6tefaH»i^,w^tik
sutftfagf^efflf as>W(fc3*©#tough*]aaad!&
endeavoured to detaiehf t^lemrifr«BHr tfieir AsefcfeareiJ<&
Wh&&%hisf methodfiaiMFspitefciiirere set on^heif
coiiti«te¥ff ;; and they weresfetob^iti dMoositi«fe^fiiip
in^whfc&^fey'mlght be. tempted to say looifler mmfc-
thln^*^hleh would afford > a prefcisfc af Qntiommitemg
the*' to -prison. ibirfw«S\-<.y«w\* t-wVs-a 9riJ no <Trf
His flMapefy had ¦'selected such of the Efiglisji
dignitaries as were most eminent fete Aheipripjjlpit
talents, and appointed them to presach-aaaidfhetHoyal
Chapel, during the conferences^ on the leadingpoints
of difference between thi episeppah^nfaisdcps^y-
terian^churchesv^1 The -Scqttishimiiiigteis ,iimffltf&L
orders to attend these sermons,] 1 and were rf giiktrfly
'.mt aioraa-i JBiiwamoa orfj • ,nonr»a adi tedi ave,
* Melville, p. 140. Row, 101. Livingston, Charact. art. WMam
Scot. " Je n'eusse jamais eras (says the French ambassador) qu'ils
eussent resiste de la sorte : car il n'y a eu voie que Ton n'ait tenue

pour les gagner. r Les disputes y ont ete employees, ou ledit Roi a
deploye tout ce qu'il a 'sent/ Von en est venit aux offies & auk pro-
messes, et depuis aux menaces a'bbrieseient j rifaistout'a etd efi fain,
n'ayant jamais iceux Ministres voulu cbnsentlir &1-Jiucune dfespiropo-
sitions que ledit Rdi leur a fait ; tellemeht qu'il est constraint de les
laisser la." (Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, i. 435.)
t Melville's Decl. Age, p. 146.

HFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 153
eQndueteduMk£)fc8»|te»t»i^, to a seat prepared for
thenar ilto[lKhi(feithev migNs devoutly listen to (the
instottctfians.pfgflieliKtitted'COttvertersdi Dr. Barlow.
Bishopoftiiintoln, began with &>^r;nTp»4Bbd:efe$§
of ' thnefkirtiqmty 'and superiority pjG ,fM-#P$fo;hWbigh
the Mnistersi characterized as "a co^,fvrtaliohi>$fl[Ms
text*;''' iDr. Buckridge, President of St. John's Col
lege, spreachtfdithet second sermon, which- was in
tended" to 'prove th©\royal supremacy in ecclesiasti-
cavrwatfcerk'. It was chiefly borrowed from Bilspn's
book on that * subject, with this addition, that the
pre^fehercofflfounded the doctrine of the presbyter
rians w&thothsfc of the papists. The third sermon
was' pweache&'lbyxElr. Andrews, Bishop of Chiches
ter, on the silver trumpets which were blown by the
pri^tS at (the! Jewish convocations, from which his
lordghipVib thife amazement of the ministers, under
took tedjwsovef rtha^ the convocating of ecclesiastical
councils and «^hods belongs properly to Christian
ehipi^teand; kings f. Dr. King, Dean of Christ's
Ctiuteh, sloteed this pulpit-show by an attack upon
the' Mlgys elders of the Church of Scotland. Colher
says that the sermon, " tho' somewhat remote from
the- words" of his text, was '^suitable to the occa-
-lt't/p (TObfiaasdmf; ih\iy\\ -.-*< ?><-«.?) Wra aifimBf, asgos'fr oi " .fai?,
¦•¦[»» Jk'n no'I owp -tov no e ti'lg? rofioa j-1 j! ; . ,
* !fts text wjjjL^jSgSiX. 38. TThe sepnpnjWas " written and
fynely compacted in a little boofc J^Ailk lie haijCalwayes in his hahd
for help of his mernprie ", (Melville s $$&£ Age, p. 120.) Melville
composed a satirical epigram on it. 3.(jQ!^U£je, p. 23.) And Barlow
retaliated by a versified pun upon his satirist's name. (Walton's
Lives, Zouch's edit. p. 353.) ,fl ,, . j,,^,,
t Melvini Muste, p. 23. ' ,,.A w,<x Mi

154 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
sion*' .But-the truth is, that thetext was as suit
able to the occasion #s the sermon was., 'ik was very
ingeniously taken frpm. the Canticlea—-" Solomon
hat^a .vineyard at Bqalhamon ; he, Ifit put, the vwef
yard, unto keepers* ;" audit afforded the. preacher
an excellent opportunity of paying due compliments
to. tb,e modern- Solpmon, the grand Lay Elder of
the Church of England, who,, in virtue of his royal
unction, possessed more ecclesiastical authority than
all the mi-tred and cassocked clergy in his kingdom.
If this " king of preachers" (as his Majesty used
wittily to call him) had at this time an eye to .that
rich spot of," the vineyard" which was afterwards
" jftp out" ^o him, he could not have i forwarded ;his
object be^r than by railing, as he did in this ser
mon, against presbyteries,, and crying to his Majes-.
ty, Down, down with them f . Lest the court-preach
ers should have failed in setting forth all the vir
tues of an English monarch, the ministers, on leav
ing ,the chapel, were conducted, by the Dean* of
Sarum, into the royal closet, where they had the
gratification of seeing James touch a, number, of
children for the cure of the king's evil £.

* Song viii. 11, 12. No body can doubt that the author of Vitis
, Palatina was capable of making a very amusing sermon on this text,
and one very gratifying to his royal master.
t Melville's Decl. Age, p. 135.
X Melville, 134. One of the panegyrists of James has very serious
ly alluded to this royal virtue in the following lines :
O happy Britaines, that thus have in One
A just, wise Prince, a prompt Philosopher,

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 155
Though the episcopal Orations had been more able
and more convincing than they really were, it was not
to be expected that they would make a favourable
impression on those for whom they were immedi
ately intended. The circumstances in which they
were delivered were calculated to awaken prejudices
which are neither Weak nor dishonourable. If ever
the Church of England had her days of chivalry,
they had then passed by ; else her champions would
have deemed it foul scorn to attack antagonists
who were not at liberty to defend themselves or to
return the blows which they received ; and day
after day to crow like cravens over men who sat
bound and shackled before them. Considering that
the ministers were constrained to attend, who could
have blamed them greatly, if, forgetting the sa-
credness, not of the place, (for they had no such
silly scruples,) but of the service for which they
were professedly met, they had at the moment given
expression to what they felt at hearing the church
to ¦ which they belonged so indecently assailed ?
They listened, however, with the most respectful
attention : they even took down notes from the
mouth of the preacher. But they did not scruple
A pregnant Poet, a Phisition,
A deepe Divine, a sweet tongtied Orator ;
A curer both of Kings and poore mans Evill ;
What would ye more ? a chaser of the DeVill.
(The Laudable Life and Deplorable Death of our late peerlesse
Prince Henry— By J. M. [[James Maxwell] Master of Artes. Lond.
1612.)

156 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
toj declare, after the Service w^rpvei',' ! that they
t^iigb^tbe* serhibns very lame in point of argu-
trkMfilM insisted that they should be prihtedrfchat
^Hey'iMght have an opportunity^bfSn^wermg them*.
hwere all printed; but when'th'C ministers were
ing to reply, they Were ordered to separate,
anft^tb^ake up their lodgings with ihe bishbj&'f.
On the 28th of September, they were required
by a message from his Majesty to be inTthe Royal
Chapel early next day ; and Melville and his nephew
received a particular charge n°t to be absent. It
was the festival of St. Michael, one of tie Diimi-
norum gentium of the Enghsh, and was celebrated
with much superMtibu^pdmy.'" Several fdre4gners
6f distinctio^'werV^&ent^amoh'g who'hi wW'the
Prince de Vaudemont, son to the Duke of Lorrain,
said commander Of the Venetian army. :iOh'ehter-
ving the, chapel, James Melville whispered, to his
uncle, that he suspected a design to- ensnare them
and put their patience to the test.1 Tbe*'chapel
resounded with all kinds of music. . On the altar
were placed^tw© shut books, two empty ebalices, and
two candlesticks with unlighted candles. And the
King and Queen approached it with great ceremony,
and presented"" their offerings. When the service
**ns7 9<tt sabmrt Km& 9-euIj sJtow aiui al .iS .q tSKiiW i 1M0M
* TI,>e First of UteFo^SerrabriBi
,; fin ^ptemberlXs^byAWfilkm, Lord, B^ Lond.
1607. In this ]»dBb«6hiyMa*iess^</8aU.tb» Ministers of Scotland, my
a«eU9wnBSBpas^»tife-ewd^l«ferifeAes,'' Ba»Wwi*«a«ens"tiiic**ts
» ttatedin the tex&fivbM \d baeoqmoo mw slodw 9iU rarftedw-fo
td T Melville's Hist: p. 147." ' v>jiiwi->, i-mn •>. -. ¦=; 

LIFE, OF,AND,RE,W MELVILLE. 15|7
was over, the, Prince, de.JV^uderoont said, he did, not
see, what ^gul^ihinder the churches of Borne, and
EngWi-ty Wtifi > a"4 one of fe^te^a^-gfr-
her^e buj^he, ad^r^^o^the. hp^* » Ory^n-
veW|offi fr$ Wfflfr wMch he.hadj^t W^e^d:
•«» Vrrrp fc^^ H§& Anjgns libri duo regia in in,9* n0
¦•¦ 'oil 9rijLamrari oata'duo, ipollubra sicca duo ? )^,B889m tl yd
'-xfqea ¥ftrerW.sWm^tuinque Dei tenet Anglia^flfnife^^^
Xumine csca suo, sorde sepulta sua?
/^Ibla^aM'tfum rej&fem instruit ararn,B *******
¦••* wOL a#iirpai«Baffipk»gltrfell^osa'ii^nt? ;! aril &gw
rT.'?<jl99 8KW bfIB .fl>! 3 ^(ft ^O MVVM.V'' KVWTOK
BX-ffifi^siM9^Pe °£ the court-spies, who frequented
<mo J to 9?bfCI sdJot rtoa ..inomabwiV oh gimhl
t^M^Ue, 131, I32f S(»t, 18p.9]^deow.'soI4le-.o&And«e^Mel-
ville, p. 82. . ¦
t For tne sake of 'the English reader, who may be desirous to know
the freasWB®c5aderf in' these lines, the following old translation of
theirj^wh^hy though, flat, donveys the sense, may be- added : jjj^
rR i Wny stand there on the Royal Altar hiew b9bcrx/0891
.*r-, ', Two closed books, blind lights, two basins drie?' 919W
' » b cr A ®°*b JJngknd hold ; prod's mind and worship . elpss, Q„. *
Blind of her sight, and buried in her dross?
""^ Doth she, with Chapel pWf in Romish dressi *>**& S"1-^
The purple whore religiously express ? >Jf 5a9iq fllffi
Melvini Musae, p. 24. In this work there are, besides the verses
given in the text, a rioem; by John Gordon, and two by John Bar
clay, author of Argenis^ in defence of the RayalAltari and five by
Melville in reply. It may admit of a doubt whether the poems which
bear the names of, Gordon and Barclays, were really written toy them,
or whether the whole were composed by Melville in the form of a
poetical just or mock encounter. The noted Poetical Duellist, Dr.

158 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
these verses was conveyed, to his Majesty, who was,
or affected to be, highly incensed &% them. Andifc
was immediately resolved to proceed against their
author. On the 30th of November, he was summoned to
Whitehall, and brought before the Privy Council
of England. His Majesty did npt attend, but one
or two Scottish noblemen were present. Melville,
frankly acknowledged tha£ he jbgd made, an epigram
of which that which was now shewn him was an
inaccurate copy. He had composed it, he said, un
der feelings of indignation and, grief at .seeing .such
superstitious vanity in a. reformed, church, upder, a
King who had been brought up in the pure light of
the Gospel, arid before strangers whq could not bu$-{
be confirmed in their idolatry by what they wit
nessed at Hampton Court on the,, oeca^jon .referredj
to. It was his intention to embrace the first op
portunity of speaking tp his Majesty on the sub
ject, and tp;J.$hew him the verses. . He. had given
out no copy of them, and he could not conceive hpw
they had been, conveyed to his Majesty. ,, He was
not conscious of any crnne in what,,he had doner
But if he had committed an offence, he ought to, he
tried for it in his own cpunfry : a^ a Scotchman, he
was not bound to answer before the council of Ensr-r
land, particularly as the King, his ^sovereign, was
Eglisham, attacked Melville's Epigram on the Altar. The edition of
his Duelhim Poeticum, printed in 1618, bears on the title, " Adjectis
prophilacticis adversus Andrea? Melvini Cavillum in Aram Regiam,
aliisque Epigrammatis."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 159
not present. The Archbishop of Canterbury, ad
dressing him, began to aggravate the offence, ar
guing that such a libel on the worship of the church
of England was a high misdemeanor, and even
brought the offender within the laws of treason.
This was too much for Melville to bear from d man
of whom he had so unfavourable an opinion as Ban
croft. He interrupted the primate. " My lords,"
exclaimed he, "Andrew Melville was never a trai
tor. But, my lords, tliere was one Richard Ban
croft, (let him be sought for,) who, during the life
of the late'Queen, wrote a treatise against his Ma
jesty's title to the crown of England; and here, (pull
ing the cot-pus delicti from his pocket,) here is the
book, which was answered by my brother John Da
vidson*." Bancroft was thrown into the utmost con
fusion by this bold and unexpected attack. In the
mean time, Melville went on to charge the archbishop
with his delinquencies. He accused him of. profan
ing the Sabbath, of maintaining an aniichristian hie
rarchy, and vain, foppish, superstitious ceremonies ;
and 'of silencing and imprisoning the true preach
ers Of the GoSpel for scrupling to conform to these.
Advancing gradually, as he spoke, to thi' head of the
table, where Bancroft sat, he took hold vf the lawn-
sleeves of the primate, and shaking the&i, and call
ing them Romish rags;, he said, " If you .are the au
thor of the book called ' English Scottizizig for Ge-
* Row repeatedly refers to this treatise of Bancroft, arid Davidson's
answer to it. (Hist. pp. 85, 347,) Bancrofts work is also mentioned
by Johij Forbes. (Hist, of the Ref. p. 33.)

160 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
neva Discipline,' then . I regard < you , as , the capital
enemy of. all the Reformed Churches in Muxopeymd
as such I wih profess- myself an enemy to you land
to your poceedings, to the effusion of the last drop
•of my blood: and it grieves me that >. such a> man
shpuld have his Majesty's ear, and sit i.88>bigh in
this honourable council." It was a considerable
time before any ofthe council: recovered .fceinutbejr
astonishment so far as to think of interposing! .be
tween the poor primate and his incensed. accuser.
Bishop Barlow at last stepped in ; but he was hand
led in the same unceremoniou» way. MelsviMei'at-
tacked his narrative of the Hampton-Court donfcr-
ence, and accused him of -representing the-Kiag as
of no religion, by making him say that, ^•theugfehe
was in the church of Scotland he was not of it*."
He then; proceeded to make strictures * on the ser*-
mon which he had heard Barlow preach in the Royal
Chapel. » " Remember where you are, and to whom
you are speaking," said one of the Scottish noble
men. " I remember it very well, my lord," (replied
Melville,) " and am only sorry that your lordship,
by sitting here and countenancing sttA proceeding*
against me^ should furnish a precedent which may
yet be useef against yourself or your posterity." firj
He was at last removed, and his brethren were
called in. % The Lord ChanceUor, apprehending that
all the Scottish ministers might be equally fie*- as
- -rt n.
* An English writer has used much stronger language in animad
verting on this expression. (Toplady 's Hist. Proof, ii. 333.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 161
the individual who^fcad just»been before them, ad-
*dfiesseid> James MeMifeland Wallace in' the mildest
and most j <*0»|*Bh*nt"a4y style* and took the task
pf ,artt^a^a^nftli«]S|:from the prirnatej that he
anight nfosadiMiit himself in a less offensive manner.
s!Fli%rtfc(M8firmd4i the testimony of Melville, that no
Pupy >0f the verses hrfd, so far as they knew, been
-gsvftei mit. I After j the council had deliberated for
^ssingitiBnqii'Mel ville was again called in ; 'and, hav-
iagsjbeeniadmonished by <the Chancellor to add' mo
desty astd difecretionito his learning and years* was
fcridyitfoafo he b^d been found guilty of scandaliim
W#&nffitmf>as&d was to be committed to the custody
s<rfj|feMdfidili of St. Paul's, until the pleasure of the
Kingjjasi to his farther punishment, should be known.
A'-waii^antiiwasvamimediately issued to the dean, Dr.
^5»i»Jfe tojreceisie J the prisoner into his house, to
totffM a^nedtdhaYe access to him, and to confer with
him; «tot(hn«eni3enti times on those points on which
h^tdifierfedjfr^'jliie church' estabhshed by law, for
Wll«3^rtJeT,featisfejBtion and conformity f,^ * ** •a9in
.qiffiitehigtg®^ «he man of whom they chiefly stood
i^ialrKri«ic«|fBtedij and' received assurance^, that his
JjBgtihdeMwcMdbbe detained 'at London; the: Scottish
bishops posted home to hold (a packed assembly.
aftsWJ-ilsi^,!'1 >.?£ i'ij-\ ,'.¦¦;¦: -.-i-VSK. -'•&> )Q *>;:¦>¦' vki
^ " Fearing, (says James Melville, " as it appeared in using such
JSrfAi^^Ha^forde^of spirit, whftfr he* needed1 nod.'5 T
t^^^ilMg^^r^'De5;linnigcAge^^..J:47iidU5t. .Scot's Apo
log. Narrat. pp. 188, 189. Row's History, pp. 103 — 105, 346—348.
Ambassades de M- de la Boderie, i. 456, 458. The warrant to Dr.
Oyeralliinfty J^sss^ntin^Br^auilra eteiomfof Walton'sLives, p. 351,
note. , > *¦$¦ M A»«i^[ ,**jH *V;?tv ' -,n."
VOL. II. M

162 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
After all their preparations they durst not allow a
free .election of representatives of the church. Mis
sives were addressed by the King to the several
presbyteries, desiring them to send such persons as
he named to Linlithgow on the 10th of December,
to consult with certain noblemen and members of
the. Privy Council on the means of preventing the
increase of popery and curing the distractions of the
church. In some presbyteries three and in others
six individuals were picked out, according as each
had a smaller or greater number of members favour
able to the measures of the court ; and private let
ters were addressed to them commanding their at
tendance at Linlithgow, whether they received a
commission from their constituents or not. Feeling
this to be an insult on them, as well as an invasion
of their rights, some presbyteries refused to give
any commission to the nominees of the court, while
others positively interdicted them from taking part
in the judicial decision of any ecclesiastical ques
tion *. The powers of a General Assembly were,
* " We the presbrie of hadingtou vnderstanding that our brethren
Mr James Carmichael Mr David Ogill and James reid are to repair
at his hienes comaund upon the tenth of this instant to ane meting of
the nobilitie in) linlithgow, and considering quod omnes tangit debet ab
Onibus curarj, ut quod culpa non caveat, qui rei se miscet ad se non per-
tinenti; Be thir presents dischargis ye said brethren to vote conclude
or determine of onie things the decision qrof pertenis to ane generall
assemblie, and comand thame in our name w' all humilitie to re-
queist the nobilitie thair convenit to be suteris to his matte That ane
frie generall assemblie may be convocatt as ye only remeid of all these
evillis mentioned in his hienes letter." (Record of Presbytery of
Haddington, Dec. 8, 1606.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 163
however, assumed by this illegitimate body. The
commissioners who acted on the part ofhis Majesty
presented a letter from him, in which he declared
it to be " his advice and pleasure," that " one of the
most godly and grave and meetest for government"
should presently be nominated as moderator of each
presbytery, to continue in that office until the jars
among the ministers were removed, and the popish
noblemen reclaimed ; and that the bishops should be
moderators of the presbyteries within whose bounds
they resided. Inclined as most of the members
were to gratify the King, this proposal met at first
with considerable opposition. It was seen that the
neW office was a mere stalking-horse to enable the
bishops to gain that pre-eminence which they durst
not directly assume ; or, in the language of some of
those who opposed the measure, " the constant mo
derators were the little thieves entering at the nar-
row windows to open the doors to the great thieves*."
To silence these objections his Majesty's commis
sioners assured the Assembly that he had no inten
tion to subvert the established church-government.
The bishops repeated their deceitful protestations,
that " it was not their intention to usurp any ty
rannous and un" awful jurisdiction over their breth
ren," and that they would " submit to the censure
pf the church f." A variety of cautions, similar to
those which had formerly been imposed on the voters

* Course of Conformity, p. 50.
t Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 219.
M 2

164 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
in parliament, and brought forward with the same
fraudulent design j were agreed to. The zeal of his
Majesty against popery was loudly proclaimed ; and
hopes were given that he would listen! to the inter
cessions which the Assembly had agreed' to make
in behalf of the ministers who were im confine
ment. By these means the strength of the (opposi
tion was broken, and the measure carried by an
overwhelming majority. When the act of Assem
bly was aftferWards pubhshed, it bore that the bishops
were to be moderators of provincial synods^ as well
as of presbyteries ; and there is great probability in
the allegation, that this clause was interpolated'af-
ter the minutes were sent to London and submitted
to his Majesty's revision *. , » . i.
This Assembly was opened by lLaw, bishpp . of
Orkney, with a sermon on these words, Pray for
the peace of Jerusalem ; and it was closed with the
warmest expressions of thanksgiving and gratula-
tibn on account of the uncommon spirit of unionand
harmony which had been displayed in all its ' deli
berations. None are so loud in their praises of peace
as those who are pursuing courses which directly
tend to violate it ; and in their dialect those are the
men of peace who yield a tame submission to all
the -impositions of authority, or who obsequiously
follow in the train of a ruling faction, at the expense
* Buik of Univ. Kirk, 218, b, — 221. Cald. vi. 1239 — 1266; vii.
45 — 60. Melville, Decl. Age, pp. 151 — 154. Scot, pp. 189— 196,
Row, pp- 105 — 110, Spotswood, pp.500 — 502.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 165
of abandoning principle and sacrificing1 the public
good. No ^Oner was: the Assembly over than the
different ' synods and presbyteries received legal
charges to! admit the constant moderators. All the
synods but one, whose name -I need not repeat, -re
fused ; and their refusal was imitated by a number
of presbyteries. Ministers in all parts of the counr
try were thrown into prison, or declared rebels and
forced to abscond for a time; and in some places
the most disgraceful scenes were exhibited, incon
sequence of the firmness of the church-courts and
the violence of the agents of government '*.
There is not a more pitiable situation than that
of a gbod man who has suffered himself to become
the tool of an unprincipled faction, and who has not
courage1 'to breakthrough the toils in whiclrhe has
been' unwarily caught ; whose character is used to
sanctify actions which he reprobates, and whose ser
vices are demanded to carry into execution schemes
of which he never cordially approved,1 and which he
every day sees more and more reason to condemn.
Such was the unhappy situation of James Nicolson.
The way in which he was led to desert his early
friends has been already stated f. From that time
he had taken a leading part1 in forwarding the de-^
signs ofthe court against the liberties of the church ;
although his behaviour occasionally gave symptoms
that " all was not at peace within." After long

* Printed Calderwood, pp. 565—569.
t See above, pp. 18, 19.
M 3

166 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
hesitation he had lately) been prevailed on to accept
a bishopric. Inimposing the; f acts of the. assembly
of Linlithgow, of which he was moderator, he had
to brook mortifications which caused him to be pi
tied even by those who were most offended at IMs
defection from the presbyterian cause. Soon after
this he sickened, and on his deatb*bed, expressed the
keenest regret for the course he had taken. When
his friends proposed sending for a physician, he ex
claimed, " Send for King James : it is the digesting
of the bishopric that has wracked my stomack"
He would not allow his episcopal titles to be put
into his testament ; and earnestly exhorted Jris
brother-in-law to keep aloof from the court, and not
to become a bishop ; " for if you do," said he* '* you
must resolve to take the will of your sovereignifor
the law of your conscience^5.'.' ,,,. ,,-,-,
Melville remained under the surveillance of ,the
dean of St; Paul's until the 9th of March,, 1607,
when (he received an order from the privy council
to remove to the house of the bishop of Winchester.
The messenger having retired without insisting -on
accompanying him immediately to the dwellmg of
his new overseer, he took the hberty of visiting his
4* Scot, p.,2ft5. Simson, 116. Epist. Philad. Vind, apud Altare
Damasc. p, 776,. WoiJrQw's Life of Nicolson, pp. 3, 4 : MSS, vol. ii.
His Testament runs thtjs; " I Mr James Nicolson Ministr, at Me-
gill &c" without any mention of his episcopal office. " He deceased
in the moneth of August 1607," and left a widow, Jane Ramsay,
and three children, James, Margaret* and Bessie, (Commissary Re
cord of Edinburgh.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 167
brethren ; and, as the court was then entirely occu
pied in managing the House of Commons, which
had shown symptoms of refractoriness, he was al
lowed to remain with them for several weeks *.
They had found means to excuse themselves from
taking up their residence in the houses of the bi
shops, but the order formerly issued to that effect
was now renewed. For the confinement of Mel
ville some pretext had been found in the charge
brought against him, and the legal proceedings
founded on it. In the case of the other ministers
nothingi of this kind could be alleged. Accordingly,
they highly resented this unprovoked encroachment
on their liberty. They wrote to Sir Anthony Ash
ley, one of the clerks of council, desiring to know the
grounds on which it proceeded ; but he could as
sign no cause. They waited on the bishop of Dur
ham, who received them in such a manner as was
not calculated to give them high ideas of the wel
come which they might expect from their episcopal
hosts f . They then addressed a spirited remon
strance to the privy council of England. They
complained of being detained in that country./ to

* Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 171.
+ His Lordship told JameS Melville, who was appointed to be his
guest, that, in order to receive him, it would be necessary to ptit a
gentleman out of his chamber, and two servants into one bed. He
invited two of the ministers to dine with him, but before the day
cam£ sent a message, saying, that it was not convenient for him to
receive them. (Melville:, ut supra, pp. 161 — 164.)

168 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the impairing of their, health, ijthejwasting of their
substance, and the heavy injury lof, their families
and flocks. They protested ^against the date • order
of council as a violation of ther law of nations, of
the privileges of their native country, and of» the
principles of justice, which forbid any man to" be
deprived of his freedom as- long as he is unaccused
and uhcondemned. It could be considered in no
other lighty they said, than as a punishment, and
for their part they would sooner .submit to banish
ment or imprisonment in a common jail. They
were pastors of the church of Scotland, long' re
nowned' among the churches of the Reformation ;
they had houses and incomes of their own with which
they were contented ; and it was repugnant to their
personal ¦ feelings,' discreditable to' their function
and^the church to which they belonged,, i audi not
very 'honourable to their-Sovereigmand native coun
try, for them to "feed like belly^godsi at the table
of ' stranger's," exchange the character of masters and
teachers for -that of bondmen and scholars, and ap
pear to the World to approve of what they and their
religious connexions had always condemned: Where
in had they offended ? Was it expected that they
should do violence to their judgment and conscience
to give his Majesty satisfaction? They knew> of
no principles held by them which were not sanc
tioned by the ecclesiastical and civil laws of Scot
land. But if it were otherwise, they craved that
they, might be sent1 home to be admonished of their

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 169
errors -by their own church,' without putting the lord
bishops iof England to trouble with them .*
The council referred them to the Archbishop of
Canterbury foir> an answer to their i petition ; in con
sequence of which two of them went to> Lambeth.
His Grace ;receii»ed i them with all the affability of a
courtier, and conversed on the subjects which gave
them so much pain with the ease and, sang froid
of a politician who knows that his power is firmly
estabhshed,.and that all his measures will be carried
into' execution. Judging from; the. exterior of his
conduct on this occasion, one could scarcely suppose
that. he was the same individual who had persecuted
the English . puritans, and > thrown so much, abuse
on the principles and proceedings of the ¦ presbyte
rian church in Scotland. Whenttheministers were
introduced, he ordered his attendants to withdraw.,
He apologized i for the order of council of which
they complained,- by alleging that it was intended
to provide them with accommodation suitable to
their station, seeing it was not the King's pleasure
that they should yet return: to: their own country.
James Melville having stated their reasons for de
clining this compelled courtesy, the primate acknow
ledged their force, and said, that the bishops them
selves did not' relish the proposal, though ( they ac
quiesced in it to please his -Majesty : " for (added
* The' order of Privy Council warranting the bishops to receive
the-ministers, the letter pf the ministers to Sir Anthony Ashley, with
his answer, and their petition to the Council, are all inserted in Mel
ville's Hist, ofthe Decl. Age, pp. 157—167.

170 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
he) 6ur custom is, after serious matters, to refresh
ourselves ah hour or two with cards or other
games*; but ye are more precise." Changing the
subject, he asked them if it Would not be desirable
to have the two churches united under the same go
vernment. They replied that it certainly would,
provided the union was accomplished on sound and
scriptural grounds ; but there was great danger of
widening the breach by injudicious attempts to close
it. " We will not reason upon that matter now,"
said the archbishop ; " but I am sure we both hold
the grounds of true rehgion, and are brethren in
Christ, and so should behave ourselves toward each
other. We differ only in forms of government in
the church and some ceremonies ; and, as I under
stand, since ye came from Scotland; your church is
brought almost to be one with ours in that also ; for I
am certified there are constant moderators appointed
in your general assemblies, synods and presbyteries.1"
His- Grace went on for a long time in this strain of
affected moderation, but real insolence ; not neglect
ing1 to say that he was in a better state When he
was but Richard Bancroft than now when he was
Archbishop of Canterbury. Scot thought it neces
sary to reply ; and began with saying, that they
could not relinquish their ecclesiastical discipline
with a good conscience. But the primate inter-
* It seems the bishops avowedly violated those canons, the trans
gression of which, in the most unimportant circumstances, they pu
nished so severely in the puritans. See the Canons of 1603, in Wil-
kins's Concilia, torn. ii. p. 393.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 171
rupted him with,, a gracious smile ; and, tapping
him kindly on the shoulder, said, " Tush, man;
here, take a ,cup of good sack." And filling the
cup, and "holding the napkin himself," he made
them drink *. So, with many fl attering expressions,
and courtly promises to intercede wi,th his Majesty
in their behalf, his Grace dismissed them f ,
The unjust judge in the parable was induced to
do the widow an act pf justice, to be rid of her
troublesome importunities. The privy council of
England adppted an opposite course ; and, as the
Scottish ministers persisted in demanding that they
should either be proved criminal or treated as inno-
cen£, they resolved to terminate the affair by one
act, of summary injustice.
On the morning of the 26th of April, a servant
of the, Earl pf Salisbury came to the house in the
Bow where fhe ministers were lodged, and delivered
a message, requesting Melville to speak with his
master; at his chambers in Whitehall. Viewing the
message in a friendly hght, Melville made himself
ready and set out with all expedition. ,Hi,s nephew,
who was more suspicious, followed him, as soon
as he had dressed himself, to the palace, accom
panied by Scot and. Wallace. Melyj^le came, to
the inn when he understopd of their arrival, and
told them that he had waited two hours without

* Osborne says, Bancroft was " characterized for a jovial doctor."
(Secret History of the court of, James I- vol. i. p. 65.) Warner taxes
him with want of hospitality. (Eccles.. Hist. vol. ii.p.,496.)
f Melville, 168—170. Row, 101, 102. Cald. viL 14—16.

172 LIFE. OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
beingjablpfeto see the iprenoser. y By tfri&Jtime he had
been! ifl^rmed: thati hei was to / appear before the
Enghsh! flBouncilj but isiid)! snot 'wMii to alarm bis>
friendsjj: " Why do you askfthe'reason of his lord-'
shipps- message ?" saidihe^ " no doubt, he wishes me
to dine j with him. But I shall disappoint him ; for
I mean to take my repast i with you." -At ^tatfle he
exertedi himself to cheer their ;spirit$V ac^fttaihted
thenrvwith the meditations on the second^psalrii
whichiheliadiindulged during -his1 Walk in the^g^Ju
lery o£theipalace; and recited the verses which he
had made on St. 'George, the tutelary saint of Eng
land, whose festival had lately been celebrated^ With
mncha foolish pageantry i * James Melvilley wh<y at
that moment could have wished 'that his uncle had?
never composed a couplet,- addressed^ him in the
words of Ovid : w ..... ...>i..-: i , mui (,u
...ii-, l. , - . '•> >'> ".* *J'f -t'OLi Sllj.
Si saperem doctas odissem jure sorores,
"" Nufarnaeultoripefrdciosasuo: ' ' ": *uui "10U4

!'¦

To wh^ch he replied, wifh his usual promptitude, in
the next words of the poet ;
Sed nunc (tanta meo comes est insania morbo)
Saxa(malum '.) refero rursus ad irita'pedem *>. l<i
" Well," said his nephew, " eat your dinner, and
be of good courage ;t for I have no doubt you are to
be called before the council for your altar- verses." —
" My heart is full and swells," rephed he ; " and I
* Ovidii Tristia,lib. ii. od. 1.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 173
would be glad to have that occasion to disburden it,
and to speak all. my mind plainly to them^ for their
dishonouring of Christ and ruining of so many souls
by bearing down the purity of the gospel and main
taining popish < superstition and corruptions.'' — " I
warrandyou," s^d James Melville, who was anxious
to repress his fervour, " they know you will speak
your mind freely ; and therefore have, sent for you
that they may find a pretext to keep you from going
home to Scotland."^—" If God have i any service for
me there, he will,; bring me home : if not, let me
glorify him .wherever I, be. I have often said.. to
you, cousin, He hath some part to play with us on
this theatre." As he said this, a messenger • enter
ed, and acquainted him that the Earl of Salisbury
wished to i see > him. " I have waited- long upon
my lord's dinner, (said Melville) pray him to suffer
me now to take a little of my own." Within a
short time two expresses were sent to inform him
that the council was sitting and waited for him ;
upon which he rose, and, having joined with his
brethren in a short prayer, repaired to the council-
room *.
His Majesty, did not make his appearance; but he
had placed himself in a closet adjoining to the room
in which the council was met. A low trick, and dis
graceful to royalty,' by which the prisoner was en
couraged to use liberties which he might not other
wise1 have taken, and which were overheard by the
t Melville's Hist; of the Decl. Agej f>pVl78 — 181.

174 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
person who was ultimately to decide' upon his fate.
The Pnly> charge wbich the council had to bring
agamst him was the epigram for which he had for
merly been questioned. Irritated as he was by what
he had suffered and by what he had seen, he was not
prepared to make apologies or retractions. " The
Earl of Salisbury (says the French ambassador, to
whom we owe the account of this interview) took
up the subject, and began to reprove him for his ob
stinacy in refusing to acknowledge the primacy,' and
for the verses which he had made in derision of the
royal chapel. Melville was so severe in his reply,
both in what related to the King, and tP' the Earl
personally, that his lordship was completely'put to
silence. To his assistance came the Archbishop of
Canterbury,1 then the Earl of' Northampton, then
the Lord Treasurer ; all of When* he rated in such
a manner, sparing none of the vices, public or pri
vate, with which they are respectively taxed, (and
none of them are angels): that they Would have been
glad that he had been in Scotland. In the end, not
behig'able to induce him to swear to the primacy,
and not knowing any other way to revenge them
selves oh him, they agreed to send him prisoner to
the Tower. When the sentence was pronounced,
he exclaimed : " To this comes the bOasted pride of
England ! A month ago you put to death a priest,
and to-morrow you will do the same to a minister*."
* In the end of 1607, a minister ih London was reprimanded for
some freedoms which he had taken from the pulpit with the estate of
bishops. Having afterwards given out some copies of his sermon, he

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 175
Then addressing, the Duke of Lennox and the Earl
of Mar, who were .in the council, he said, " I am
a Scotchman, my lords, a true Scotchman ; and if
you are such, take heed that they do not end with
you as they have begun with me." The King was
more irritated, at this last saying than at all which
had passed *." ,
, Being prohibited from approaching the palace,
the other ministers had employed one of their ser
vants tp watch the issue, who, returning at the end
of, three, hours, informed them that Melville was
conveyed by water to the Tower. They hastened
thither, but were refused access to him f .
It, is difficult to say which is most glaring, the
injustice or the ridiculousness of the proceedings of
the, council, first and last, against Melville. He
was no subject of England, and no member of the
Enghsh church : he owed no fealty or subjection to
tbe authorities of either. CaUed into that country
by fhe letter, and detained in it by, the will of his
sovereign, he was placed under the protection of the
royal authority ; and he was entitled to claim the
benefit of this, especially at a time, when conferences
were holding for uniting the two kingdoms f. What
was publicly whipped, made to stand four hours in the pillory, and
had one of his ears cut off. Two days after he was again brought
out, stood other four hours in the pillory, lost his remaining ear, and
was condemned to perpetual banishment. (Ambassades de M. de la
Boderie, ii. 489.)
* Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, torn. ii. pp. 207 — 209.
t Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 181. Row's Hist. p. 105.
X Dr. Zouch candidly allows that " the behaviour of Mr. Melville
during the conference afforded no pretext for detaining him in Eng-

176 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
had he done to forfeit this protection? Had he
pubhshed a libel against the constitution of Eng
land ? Had he intruded into her temples, or pub
licly insulted her worship ? Had he attacked or
even written a single line against one of her esta
blished rites ? He had been forced to listen to dis
courses which he disliked, and to witness religious
ceremonies which he detested. Was he, also to be
restrained from relieving his mind in private, by
indulging in a literary recreation to which he had
been addicted from his youth ? Or, was it a crime
to communicate the effusions of his muse to his
brethren who sympathised with all his feelings, and
shared in all his secrets? The only copy of the
epigram which had been seen was taken by a court-
spy who haunted his lodgings for the base purpose
of informing against him. But though he had been
industrious in circulating it, where was the mighty
harm? Was the church of England in such a fee
ble and tottering condition as to be in. danger from
a few strokes of a quill ? Did she, like the church
of Rome, tremble at the report of a pasquinade?
Were there none of all the learned sons whom she
had brought up, and of whose achievements she was
wont to boast, to rise up and defend her with the
weapons with which she had been assailed, that she
was obliged to call in the secular arm for her protec-

land," and that he endured '( much persecution ;" adding, " it is not
within my province to arraign the conduct of James for his great
severity thus exercised." (Walton's Lives, pp. 350 — 353.)

LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE. 177
tion, and to silence the audacious satirist by immur
ing him in a dungeon ? The council were, in fact,
the authors and propagators of the scandal which
they punished with such severity. If they had not
interfered, the epigram would most probably have
remained among the papers of the writer, or have
shared the same fate with similar productions, which
he amused himself with for the moment and then
committed to the flames. But, by their injudicious
interference, and in consequence of their having
made it the ground of a criminal prosecution, itw^s
circulated through Britain, was despatched by couriers
to the different parts of the continent, formed a sub
ject of merriment at the courts of Versailles, Madrid,
and even of the Vatican, and continues to this day
to be read and relished as a merited castigation of
a church, who, while she professed to have broken
off all connexion with Rome, shewed a disposition
to ape its manners, and to practise some of its siL.
liest and most senseless ceremonies.
My Lord Chancellor Ellesmere was pleased to
admonish Melville, at his first appearance, to join
gravity and moderation to his learning ; and the
admonition was good. But really there are some
actions so glaringly unjust as to provoke the meek
est of men. And there are some scenes so truly ri
diculous as to baffle the gravity of the most rigid
moralist and the most demure precisian. What
shall we think of the ChanceUor of all England,
with the principal peers and prelates of the realm,
assembled in close conclave, spending two solemn
VOL. II. N

178 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE..
sederunts on the demerits of an epigram, critically
scanning six Latin Unes, endeavouring, like school
boys, to construe them into treason, and in the end
gravely finding them chargeable with the anoma
lous and barbarous fault of scandalum magnatumf
Specta turn admissi risum teneatis, amici ?
Those who approve of these proceedings, wiU be
prepared to paUiate their iniquity by quoting pre
cedents and referring to examples equaUy arbitrary
and unjust ; and they wiU be loud in their censures
of the deportment of the prisoner on this occasion,
and in their declamations against the indiscretion
and violence which he displayed in the course of
his trial. Others, who are not disposed to join in
this condemnation, may lament that, by 'his vehe
ment and intemperate language, he should have de
tracted from the dignity of his defence, given his
enemies an advantage against him, and subjected
himself to a severer punishment than he would have
suffered if he had acted with more moderation and
prudence. I feel as little inclined to sympathize
with the regrets of this last class of persons, as 1
do to enter into serious argument with the first. I
know of no fixed and uniform standard of discre
tion by which the conduct of every individual is
to be ruled on great and extraordinary occasions.
" There is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of
the Almighty giveth him understanding." It is the
voice of the Deity that roars in the thunder and
that whispers in the breeze. There are virtues

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 179
Whose inild influence is grateful and refreshing in
the ordinary intercourse of life ; and there are others
Which are salutary in purifying the social atmo
sphere, and in relieving it from those oppressive
and noxious vapours by which it is apt at times to
become impregnated. Some men are blessed with a
placidity of mind and a command of temper which
nothing can ruffle or discompose. Others are gifted
with a keen and indignant sense of whatever is ini
quitous and base, With the power of giving expres
sion to what they feel, and with courage to exert
that power. Let each use the gift which he has
received, to the honour of Him who bestowed it,
and to the benefit of mankind ; subject only to those
general laws which are common to both. " Quench
not the spirit" of holy zeal for God and your coun
try by the cold dictates of a selfish and timorous
prudence, calculated to beget a temperance which
gives smoothness to the passion of the hypocrite
who plays his part on the world's theatre. " If my
anger go downward" (said Melville to one of his
prudent advisers,) " set your foot on it, and put it
out ; but if it go upward, suffer it to rise to its
place *."
He was persecuted for what was no crime, and
arraigned before a court which had no legal juris
diction over him. He was under no obligation to
defend himself ; but he had a right to complain. In
those who assumed the power to judge him he saw
* Livingston's Charact. art. Andrew Melville.
N2

180 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
men of high rank and honourable station indeed,
but men who were chargeable with many glaring
offences and acts of injustice, and whose rank and
station had precluded them from hitherto hearing
the voice of faithful reproof. If, roused by the un
worthy treatment which he met with, he felt it in
cumbent on him to discharge this dangerous duty,
are we prepared to pronounce his reprehensions un
warranted, or to say that they were productive of
no salutary and beneficial effect ? It is a vulgar
error to suppose that the decisions of an impassioned
mind are necessarily bUnd and headlong. WhUe
selfishness contracts and cowardice clouds the un
derstanding, the higher emotions impart a perspica
city and an expansion to the mind by which it per
ceives instantaneously and at one glance the course
which it ought to take. Melville knew that his
enemies sought an occasion against him, and that
an advantage would be taken of the freedom of
speech in which he chose to indulge. But he knew
also that he could not regain his personal liberty
without renouncing his principles and abjuring the
cause to which he was resolved inviolably to adhere.
Provided he was not permitted to return to his na
tive country, and to resume his academical function,
unfettered by sinful or dishonourable conditions,
the degree of external restraint under which he
might be laid was to him a matter of comparative
indifference. Nay, the punishment to which he had
for some time been subjected, was, in some respects,
more gaUing than any which the council might be

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 181
provoked to inflict. And as it was more revolting
to his own feelings, so was it also less creditable to
those public interests which in his breast were ever
paramount to personal considerations. Had he been
contented to " wait pinioned" at the court of Eng
land, or had he suffered himself to be quietly re
moved out of the way, and cooped up in some nar
row and remote island *, his name and the reasons
of his detention would have been little heard of or
inquired after. But his being committed to the
Tower as a state prisoner, with the circumstances
which led to this, excited great speculation ; and thus
the cause for which he was imprisoned came to be
talked of and generally known f . That the manner
in which he conducted himself in the presence of
the English council was not, as has been alleged
by some of his enemies, disgracefully violent, may
be inferred from the report of impartial persons, and
from the irritation which was felt by those whom he
attacked. But granting that he gave way to ex
cess, who does not prefer the open, ardent, impetu-
* It appears from a letter of Welch to Boyd of Trochrig, that it
was proposed that Melville should be sent to the Isle of Guernsey*
(MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 1. 14. num. 100.)
+ The French ambassador, after giving an account of the affair,
and desiring that it should be communicated to Henry, adds, that it
formed the only topic of conversation in London: " II ne se parle
main tenant ici d'autre chose, et en sont ceux de la Nation en grande
rumeur." (Ambassades de M. de la Boderie, ii. 209.) Along with
Melville's epigram, the ambassador transmitted a copy of verses hi
answer to it, by one of the Royal Secretaries) " from which (says he)
you will see the good intelligence that is between the Puritans and
those who are about this King." (Ib. i. 458.)
N 3

182 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ous, independent, irascible spirit of a Melville, to the
close, cold, sycophantish, intriguing, intolerant spirit
of a Barlow or a Bancroft ? Who would not have
taken the place of the prisoner at the bar, with all his
errors on his head, rather than have been detected as
a crowned spy, listening at the door of a closet, or
skulking behind its tapestry ?• The minute of coun
cil committing him to the Tower has, it seems,
perished ; but History has put the transaction on
her record, more durable than those of cabinet-Coun
cils, and it will be remembered to the disgrace of
its authors, and to the honour of the individual who
was the victim of their violent but impotent re
venge. Tell them the men that placed him here
Are scandals to the times,
Are at a loss to find his guilt,
And can't commit his crimes *.
When MelviUe was thrown into the Tower, the
fate of his brethren was also fixed. His nephew
was commanded to leave London within six days,
to repair to Newcastle upon Tyne, and not to go be
yond ten miles from that town on the pain of rebel
lion. The rest of the ministers were confined in dif
ferent parts of Scotland ; and such of them as were
allowed to reside within their own parishes were
prohibited from attendance on church-courts, and
bound to procure a certificate of their good beha
viour from a bishop, or else to return to London
* Defoe's Hymn to the Pillory.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 183
within a limited time *- The allegation that Mel
ville's restraint was owing to the violence of his
behaviour is refuted by the treatment which his
nephew received. He, at least, had given no offence
during his residence in England. On the contrary,
his conduct procured for him the approbation of the
council, and drew the most flattering commendations
from the lips of the Chancellor. Yet he was de
tained as a prisoner, and could not even obtain li
berty to go to Scotland for the purpose of visiting
his wife, when she was lying on her death-bed f .
It would be highly improper to pass over one
part of the conduct of the ministers. Their jour
ney to England had subjected them to very consi
derable expense. They had been nine months ab
sent from their own country. They had to support
their families at home. Each of them was attend
ed by a servant ; and they had kept a hospitable
table for such of their acquaintance as chose to visit
them in their lodgings at Kingston and in London;
* Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, pp. 181 — 183. Scot's Apolog.
Nar. p. 205. Report of the Conferences: MS.. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin<
M. 6. 9. num. 49. In the last mentioned MS. are two forms of li
cence to Balfour, who, it would appear, had objected to the first.
After being allowed to remain for some time at Cockburnspath, he was
ordered to remove to Frazerburgh in the north of Scotland; but the
infirmities of old age forced him to stop on the road, and he was re
leased from his confinement by the hand of death. (Cald. vii. 49.)
t After her death he was allowed, as a special favour, to go to
Anstruther to put his family affairs in order ; but he was prohibited
from preaching, or attesting any meeting of presbytery or synod,
during his stay, and was bound to return to the place of his conJ
finement at the end of one month. (Cald. vii. 49.)

184 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Soon after they came to court, they received a sum
of money to defray the expenses of their journey to
England *. But when his Majesty found that there
was no hope of their yielding to his wishes, he
withheld aU further supplies, and directed them to
take up their residence with the bishops. Rather
than submit to this, they chose to live at their own
cost. When they were preparing to leave Lon
don, Bamford and Snape, two nonconformist mi
nisters, and Croslay, a respectable apothecary, wait
ed on them with a considerable sum which they had
coUected among their friends, and begged them to
accept of it, to assist in defraying their expenses and
supporting their friend whom they were to leave
behind them as a prisoner. The Scottish ministers
thanked them for their kindness, but declined re
ceiving the gift. They could not accept of it, they
said, either in conscience or in honour. They could
not conscientiously take it, knowing that there were
a great many ministers in England imprisoned or
* " Upon Wednesday the 15th of October the erle of Dunbar sent
Robert Jowsie to their lodging, with eight sheets of gray paper full
of English money knit up in form of sugar loaves, containing five
hundreth merks apeace to every one of them forr their charges and ex-
pences in coming to court." (Cald. vi. 1227.) The following extract is
a proof of Calderwood's accuracy, and shews at the same time that the
money did not come from the English Exchequer. " July, 1606.
Item be comandemel; of the lordis of counsall : To Mr. James Bal-
foure, Mr. Robert Wallace, Mr. Adam Colt, Mr. Andro Melvill, Mr.
James Melvill, Mr. Wm Watsone, Mr. William Scot, and Mr. Jo"
Carmichaell, ministers, for thair charges & expensis in thair journay
toward his Majestie, ijm vic Ixvi" xiij8 iiijd." (Compot. Thesaur. in
Register House, Edinburgh.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 185
silenced for nonconformity, who stood in need of
more relief than their friends could afford. Nor
could they receive it without dishonouring their
sovereign, at whose desire they had undertaken this
journey, and who would doubtless reimburse what
they had expended ; and without disgracing their
country, which had already suffered in its reputa
tion, in consequence- . of the common talk of the
people of England, that the Scots came among them
to beg and "purse up the money of the land*."
Those who are. minutely acquainted with the history
of these times are aware that the complaints of the
English on this head were loud, and uttered in the
most contumelious language. Jealousy and national
prejudice might lead them to exaggerate; but it
cannot be denied that the mean and mercenary be
haviour of many of our countrymen, both of the
higher and lower orders, who flocked to England
after the accession of James, gave too much occa
sion for fixing this disgraceful stigma on the na
tion f. On this ground the ministers are entitled
to the highest praise for their considerate and dig
nified conduct.
On the day after his uncle's incarceration James
Melville received a note from him, marked by the
hand of the Lieutenant of the Tower, requesting
* Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, pp. 183, 184. Row's Hist. p. 106.
Simsoni Annal. p. 111.
f Secret History of the Court of James I. vol. i. pp. 143, 172, 217,
369 — 371. Winwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 217. De la Boderie,
torn. ii. pp. 302, 492, iii. 162.

186 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
that furniture for a room might be sent him, along
with his clothes and books. The strictest injunc
tions had been laid on the Lieutenant to aUow none
to have access to him ; but his nephew contrived,
by means of one of the keepers, to obtain an inter
view with him at the window of his apartment once
a-day as long as he remained in London. Nothing
which. could contribute to his comfort (for his libera
tion was at that time entirely hopeless) was neglect
ed by this amiable man and affectionate friend. AU
recoUection of his own hardships, and of the afflict
ed state of his family, was for the time absorbed
in the deep and distressing concern which he felt
for his captive uncle. It rent his tender heart to
think of leaving him in his old age, without a friend
to relieve the tedious hours of captivity, and with
none to perform the common offices of humanity to
him but a rude and unfeeling gaoler. He exposed
himself to the risk of being personaUy apprehended
by prolonging his stay for a fortnight after the
time fixed for his departure ; and employed aU his
influence with his friends at court to have the place
of his confinement changed from Newcastle to Lon
don, that he might be near his uncle, and ready to
embrace any opportunity of being serviceable to
him. But he was advised to desist from his apphr
cations, and to give immediate obedience to the royal
injunction, unless he wished orders of a more rigor
ous kind to be issued. The only favour that could
be obtained was a permission to MelviUe's servant
to incarcerate himself along with his master.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 187
Having secured this arrangement for his uncle's
comfort, and supplied him with all the money he
could spare, James Melville embarked for New
castle, on the 2nd of July, 1607, from the stairs
leading to the Tower ; and continued, as the vessel
sailed down the river, to fix his eyes, streaming
with tears, on the Bastile which enclosed the friend
for whom he had long felt an enthusiastic attach
ment, and whose face he was not again to behold *.
* Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, p. 183. Cald. vii. 35, 39.

188 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.

CHAPTER IX.
1607— 161L

Melville deprived ofthe Office of Principal at St. An
drews—Succeeded by Robert Howie — Rigour ofhis Im
prisonment in the Tower — Relaxed — College of Rochelle
iri 'France applies for him — He is Consulted on the Ar
minian Controversy — Fruitless Negociation for his Li
berty— ^His Fortitude and Cheerfulness' — Encourages
his Brethren in Scotland by his Letters — His Majesty's
Literary Employments — New Attempts for Melville's
Liberation— His Design of going to America — His Li
terary R.ecre,qiipns in the Tower — His pecuniary Mis-
fartune — D^ofh of his Friends — Matrimonial Affair —
Ecclesiastical Proceedings- in Scotland — Episcopacy ap
proved by General 'Assebibly at Glasgow — Reflections on
this — MetvilWs fellow-prisoners — He is Visited by Ca
meron and Casaubon — Duke of Bouillon's Application
¦for Him — Opposed by the Court of France — He seeks
Admission into the Family of Prince Henry — His Friends
at Caufrt^-His pecuniary Embarrassments — Sickness-
Release from the Tower, and Departure to France.
No time was lost in depriving MelviUe of his situ
ation in the university. Por this purpose a royal
commission was given to four laymen and four bi
shops, who met at St. Andrews on the 16th of June,
1607. They found Melville's place, as principal of

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 189
the New College, vacant, simply upon his Majesty's
letter, declaring that the privy council of England
had committed him to the Tower for a high tres
pass, and that he was not to be allowed to return to
St. Andrews *. The university did not act with
the spirit which they had displayed on a former oc
casion of a similar kind. Instead of remonstrating
against the infringement of their rights by the act
of a foreign jurisdiction, they did not even intercede
with his Majesty in behalf of an individual who re
flected so much honour on their body. To deter
the members of the New College from opposition,
the commissioners instituted a strict inquiry into
the management of their revenues ; and so eager
were the professors to escape from censure, that they
not only acquiesced in the removal of their princi
pal, but were wiUing to impute to him, in his ab
sence, the blame of irregularities to which they had
at least been accessory, if they were not the chief au
thors of them. The ingratitude and want of feel
ing which Patrick Melville evinced towards his
uncle at this time excited general indignation ; and
the commissioners availed themselves of it to de
prive him of a considerable part of the emoluments
to which he laid claim f . The only persons who
* Spotswood's Hist. p. 503.
t The bishops afterwards employed their influence with the court
to have Patrick Melville " restored to his first stipend, in regard of
his good affection- to his Majesty's service." (Letter of Archbishop
Spotswood to Sir James Sempill, Oct. 12, 1611 : MS. in Bibl. Jurid.
Edin. Jac. V. i. 14. num. 97.)

190 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE*
had the courage to testify their attachment to Mel
ville were his students, who presented a unanimous
petition to the commissioners, requesting that their
revered master might be restored to them. It is
not to the credit of churchmen that they often dis
cover less generosity and humane feeling in their
proceedings than laymen. Not contented with di
vesting Melville of the office of principal, the clerical
members of the commission would have deprived
him of his salary for the current year ; but the dis
graceful proposal was quashed by the lay commis
sioners, who, though equally disposed to gratify
the King, did not participate in the resentment of
their coUeagues, and were guided by principles of
honour *-
It was easy to extrude Melville, but not so easy
to find one who Was capable of filling his place.
This consideration created no small embarrassment
to the bishops to whom the arrangement of the bu
siness was committed. They were aware that Mel
ville's talents and fame would throw into the shade
any successor whom they might nominate ; and that
they would incur the odium Of having sacrificed the
interests of literature to the advancement of their
own ambitious views. In respect of literary qualifica-
* Letter, John . Dykes to James Melville : Cald. vii. 43 — 45.
Epistola Alexandra Humei Andrese Melvino: Melvini Epistol«>,
p. 310. Hume expresses his unwillingness to believe the report that
Jouston had acted an unkind part to Melville, and bears his testi
mony to the friendly conduct of Robert Wilkie, the principal of St.
Leonard's.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 191
tions, and of the place which he already held in the
college, Jonston was entitled to be advanced to the
office of principal. But he was tainted with Mel
ville's principles. This was the real bar to his pre
ferment, although the infirm state of'his health was
made the excuse for passing him by. Robert Howie
was the person fixed on as uniting the greatest por>
tion of talent with the indispensable quality of a dis
position to support the measures of the court. The
claims of Jonston being set aside by a mandate
from the court, Howie was, on the 27th of July, in
stalled in the office of principal by virtue of a royal
presentation, without regard to the comparative trial
and election ordained by the parliamentary charter
of the college. But conformable as he was, he re
ceived his appointment during the King's pleasure
only; and when he scrupled accepting it with this
limitation, he was told by Gladstanes that the
royal wiU was imperious and must be absolutely
obeyed. Some of the members of the university
had now summoned tip as much courage as to pro
test against his admission, on the ground that no
process of deprivation had been led against Mel
ville : but the objection was disregarded, and those
who brought it were threatened with being shut up
along with the traitor for whom they presumed to
plead *.
From hostility to Melville and dre.ad' of hisr being
allowed to return to St. Andrews, Gladstanes was
* Wodrow's Life of Robert Howie, p. 2.

192 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
extremely officious in the whole of this .affair. Per
ceiving his forwardness, the other commissioners
took care to devolve on him the most invidious and
ungrateful part of their work. In his correspond
ence with the court, the servUe bishop makes a me
rit of his attending in person at the breaking open
of Melville's lodging to give possession to his suc
cessor, at the same time that he states that this task
was imposed on him to degrade his character in the
pubhc, opinion. If we may believe the primate, the
new principal made his debut in such a manner as
totaUy to eclipse the reputation of his predecessor.
" Mr. Robert Howie (says he) has been entered
to teach in the New College, and that with so much
rare learning as not only breeds great contentment
to aU the clergy here, but also ravishes them with
admiration. So that the absence of his antecessor is
not missed, while they find, instead of superficial,
feckless inventions, profitable and substantious theo
logy. What difficulty and pains I have had to set
tle him here, without help of any other of councU or
clergy, God knoweth ! It was thought that the
gap of Mr. Andrew MelviUe's absence should have
furnished such matter of discontent to the kirk and
country as should have bred no smaU mutinie, and
should have enforced your Highness to send the
prisoner back, tanquam sine quo non *." This
shews how happy the bishop felt at having been

* Letter, Gladstanes to the King, Oct. 28, 1607 : MS. in Bibl.
Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 59.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 193
able to carry through a measure which he had de
spaired of accomplishing, and is the strongest pos
sible testimony in favour of those talents which he
wished to disparage. The lights which Melville's
genius threw over the science which he taught are
here characterized as " superficial, feckless inven
tions," while the duller divinity of his less gift
ed successor is dignified with the name of " profit
able and substantious theology." We know from
other quarters that Howie's early exhibitions, in
stead of being received with applause, were treated
with disrespect and censure. Having, in his lec
tures, undertaken the defence of episcopal power,
his arguments were refuted by his own students,
and he was subjected to a rebuke from the presby
tery *- Indeed, from the known sentiments of the
ministers, and the partiality of the students to a
favourite and persecuted teacher, it is natural to
suppose that both of them would be prepossessed
against Howie, and disposed to undervalue, rather
than to overrate and extol, his abilities and per
formances. Robert Howie was born in Aberdeen or its neigh
bourhood, and educated at King's College there. In
company with John Johnston, his countryman and
probably his fellow-student, he went to the conti
nent and spent a number of years in foreign univer
sities. He studied under two distinguished divines,

* Row, p. 218.
VOL. II. O

194 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Caspar Olevian, at Herborn *, and John James Gry-
naeus, at Basle f ; and during his residence at the
last of these places gave a specimen of his theologi
cal knowledge to the public ^. On his return to
Scotland he became one of the ministers of Aber
deen $. When Marischal CoUege was erected he
was appointed principal of that academy, in which
situation he continued until the year 1598, when he
was translated, by appointment of the General As
sembly, to be minister of Dundee ||. He incurred
the displeasure of the King by encouraging the
* The Dedication of the first edition of Buchanan's Sphwra, " Jo-
hanni Comiti a Nassau," is subscribed " Herbornae ex illustri schola
Celsitudinis tua;, quinto Martii 1586. C. T. Addictiss. Robertus
Houams Scotus."
f His Thesis, on The Freedom of the Will, which he disputed be
fore Grynaros, was printed " Basilea? Typis Oporinianis Anno Christi
M.i). lxxxix." A copy of it in the possession of Mr. David Laing
has the following inscription in Howie's handwriting, " M. Roberto
Rolloco Hovaws mittit."
X " De Reconciliatione Hominis cum Deo, Sev de Humani Ge
neris Redemptione, Tractatio Theologica. Avthore Roberto Hovaeeo
Scoto. Accesserunt eiusdem authoris disputationes dure : quarum
altera est de Communione fidelium cum Christo : altera de Justifica-
tione hominis coram Deo. Basileae per Sebastianvm Henripetri."
4to. Pp. 157. The colophon is, " Basileae — Anno cio io xci. Mense
Aprili." It has two dedications ; the one to Grynaeus, and the other
" Joanni Jonstono, Viro doctissimo, Popvlari et fratri suo charissi-
mo." Sir Robert Sibbald mentions different Theses by Howie at
Basle 1588 — 1591. (De Script. Scot. p. 56: conf. ejus Bibl. Scot.
p. 116.)
§ The Charter of Erection of Marischal College (April 2, 1593.)
is subscribed by " George Erie Marishall," — " coram his testibus —
Magistro Petro Blackburn, Roberto Howao Ministris Aberdonen."
&c. || Buik of the Universal Kirk, ff. 192, a, 198, b.
5

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 195
inhabitants of that town to assert their rights in
the election of their magistrates *. But after that
period he shewed himself conformable to the court,
and was one of those who appeared on the side
of the bishops in the late conferences at Hamp
ton Court f. Howie's literary and theological ac
quirements were respectable ; but he did not possess
the genius, the elegant taste, or the skill in sacred
languages, by which his predecessor was distin
guished. Though he embarked warmly in the epis
copal cause at his first coming to St. Andrews, yet
his zeal seems to have afterwards cooled, and he
not only favoured those who refused to conform to
the English modes of worship, but was in danger
of being ejected from his place as a nonconformist f.
He survived the establishment of episcopacy, and
remained at the head of the theological college of

* Letter from the King to the Privy Council, Anent the town of
Dundee and M. Robert Howye, Oct. 3, 1604. (Lord Haddington's
Col. of Letters.)
t Scot's Apolog. Narrat. p. 177. Melville, p. 126.
X Diary of Mr. Robert Trail, Minister of the Grayfriars, Edinburgh,
MS. p. 9. Cassandra Scoticana to Cassander Anglicanus : Ep. Dedic.
Medelburgi 1618. " Now (my dear Mr Howie) my labours are
particularlie directit to you, 1. beeaus peculiarlie due unto you as be
ing deryvet from you. 2. heiring heir abroad that for crossing, co
ping, capping, kneeling, &c. ye had receavit ane summonds of this
new necessitie I thoght good to yield you this muche consolation, be
seeching God to inarme you ayir to divt ^defeat?]] thame, or patience
and humilitie to indure thame, gif thay deale in regour with you."
(MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. probably transcribed from a printed'
book.)
O 2

196 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
St. Andrews for some time after the restoration of
presbytery *.
The injustice of Melville's imprisonment was
heightened by the unnecessary severity with which
he was treated in the Tower. A pretext was found
for withdrawing the indulgence of having a servant
confined along with him. No creature was aUowed
to see him but the person who brought him his
food. He was not even permitted to beguile the
irksome hours by his favourite amusement of writ
ing. The use of pen, ink, and paper, was strictly
prohibited him f . But tyrants, though they can fet
ter and torment the body, have no power over the
free and heaven-born soul. MelviUe's spirit remain
ed unconfined and unbroken in his narrow and un
comfortable ceU ; and he found means of expressing
the sense which he entertained of his unmerited
sufferings, and his resolution to endure the worst
which his persecutors could inflict. When his
apartment was examined, its waUs were found co
vered with verses, which he had engraved, in fair
and beautiful characters, with the tongue Ofhis shoe-
* It may be proper to state, that throughout the confidential cor
respondence between Melville and his nephew, there is not an invi
dious hint thrown out against Howie. James Melville names him
with high respect in a letter to his uncle, (Novocastr. Apr. penult.
1610): "Andream rheum, rudimentis Theolo.gi» et linguse sanctse
initiatum ut hae hyeme potui, in Scotiam nunc ablegavi, cum man-
datis ut Hovii nobilis uxorem ad maritum comitaretur ; id enim a
me proximis Uteris petiit Hovius noster." (Melvini Epist.. p. 161.)
+ De la Boderie, Ambassades, ii. 169.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 197
buckle *. In this situation he was kept for about
ten months.
James Melville was under great uneasiness lest
the health of his uncle should suffer by such rigor
ous imprisonment, during a winter so remarkable
for severity that the Thames continued frozen over

* This fact has been preserved by a foreign writer. (Gisberti
Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica, torn. iii. p. 52.) The verses from which
he quotes are to be found in Melvini Musw, p. 28.
Cum Balamitarum sit tanta frequentia vatum,
Cur loquitur toto nullus in orbe asinus ?
Non Genius stat contra, asinus non caeditur, ora
Non reserat muto, qui dedit ora Deus.
The following verses were also composed by him at this time :
At vati infoelici instat tibi carceris umbra,
Quin Christi illustri lumine liber ego.
Te tristi exilio, aut fato mutabit acerbo :
Nee triste exilium, mors nee acerba mihi.
Exilium a patria patrio me inducit Olympo :
Mors pro Christo atrox vita beata mihi.
Ibid. p. 22,
Si venissem ultro, spectassem singula et ultro,
Et quffisissem ultro ; tunc mea culpa levis ?
At veni jussus, spectavi et singula jussus,
Quaesivi et jussus ; nunc mea culpa gravis ?

Hoc Belga, hoc Batavus, Germanus, Gallus, et Anglus,
Hoc Liger, hoc Scotus quterit, et hostis Iber
Injussus, quod jussus ego Regique Deoqne
Quaesivi, officio functus utrique meo.
Solus ego plector, solum me fulmina tangunt,
Solus ego vulgi fabula factus agor. Ibid. p. 23.
O 3

198 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
for several jnpnths together. He was not relieved
from this anxiety until the month of May, 1608,
when he received a letter from him written with his
own hand in Greek ; thanking him for the money
which he had sent him, and informing him that his
health remained uninjured, and that his imprison
ment was now less severe than it had been *. He
was removed to a more airy and commodious apart
ment, was indulged with the use of writing mate
rials, and soon after was aUowed to see his ac
quaintance. This favour he owed to the interest
and exertions of his friends at court, and particu
larly of Sir James SempiU of Beltrees. " Through
the kind offices of SempiU," says he, in a letter
to his nephew, " I now enjoy more healthful air,
though stiU confined in the Tower. I am put in
hopes that I shaU have greater hberty within a
month or two on the return of Sine quo nihil; you
know whom I mean, your friend, forsooth, who did
not even deign to salute you lately f. Sure, you
admire the prudence and caution of the hero J !"
In the end of the year 1607, and before he had
obtained this mitigation of his confinement, the Pro
testants of RocheUe in France attempted to obtain

* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 1, 329.
f The person here meant is the Earl of Dunbar, the King's fa
vourite, who professed great regard for James Melville, with whom
he had been intimate in his youth. Melville more than once rallies
his nephew on his trusting to the empty promises of this courtier —
" Heroe vestro collimitaneo."
X Melvini Epistola:, p. 54.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 199
him to their college, as Professor of Divinity. With
this view they gave a commission to Gilbert Prim
rose, a Scotchman, who had been for some time mi
nister at Bourdeaux, and was then on a visit to Bri
tain * ; authorizing him to deal with King James
to set Melville at liberty and allow him to come to
them. James excused himself from complying with
this request, by alleging that he had not yet resolv
ed how to dispose of the prisoner. This negociation
gave offence to the French court. Their ambassa
dor at London received instructions to make parti
cular inquiry into the facts. Primrose, on return
ing to France, was called before the king, and ques
tioned strictly as to the nature of his commission ;
and the Duke of Sully was ordered to reprimand
the inhabitants of Rochelle for carrying on a corre
spondence with a foreign power without the know
ledge and permission of their native sovereign f.
Rochelle was one of the fortified cities in the hands
of the Protestants, and a principal key of the king
dom. The connexion which it had maintained with
England during the reign of Elizabeth, and the weak
and vacillating conduct of James, might justify cau
tion on the part of Henry ; yet it must be confessed

* Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. p. 289.
t De'la Boderie, Ambassades, ii. 386, 430, 433, 486; iii. 26.
Sully's Memoirs, v. 14. Lond. 1778. The fact is also alluded to in a
letter by James Cleland to King James. (MS. in Bibl- Jurid. Edin.
A. 3. 21.) In Sully's Memoirs it is said that James had acceded to
the application from Rochelle ; but this is contradicted by De la Bo
derie,

200 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
that, this, great prince, for some years before*. his
melancholy death, evinced a jealousy of his protest
ant subjects, and a partiality to the most inveterate
of their enemies, which it is difficult to defend either
on. the principles of gratitude or policy *.
At this time MelviUe was consulted by both par
ties i on the theological disputes which agitated the
church in Holland. These were. occasioned by the
novel opinions of the celebrated Arminius respecting
the origin of moral evil, predestination, free-wUl and
grace ; which afterwards spread extensively in aU
the reformed churches. In the year 1607, MelviUe
received a letter from Sibrandus Lubbertus, Profes
sor of Divinity at Franeker, giving him an account
of ;the sentiments and procedure of the innovators,
and requesting his opinion on the subject. This
was foUowed by a letter from Arminius himself, in
which he complained that Lubbertus had misrepre
sented him to foreign divines, and entered at consi^
derable length into a defence of his opinions and
conduct f. Arminius possessed an acute and perspi-
# This drew from Du Plessis, who was equally distinguished for
loyalty to his sovereign and attachment to his religion, the following
striking remarks': " We do not envy your killing the fatted calf Tor
the prodigal son, provided you say with a sincere heart to the obe
dient son, Thou knowest, my son, that all I have is thine, or rather,
provided you do not sacrifice the obedient son to make the better en
tertainment for the prodigal. In finej I am pleased with whatever is
done, provided it turns out well ; but I dread those treaties in which
things are given up and nothing got but words, and these the words
of men who until ofiate had no words." (Memoires, torn. ii. pp. 398,
399.) t Epistols Eccles. et Theolog. pp. 187, 190. Lubbert's letter is
addressed " Reverendo et Clarissimo viro D. W. Melvino, Sacrae Theo-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 201
carious mind, and was well skilled in the controver
sies of the age ; but he was full of confidence in his
own powers, flattered himself that he understood all
mysteries, and cherished the idea that he was raised
up to effect a revolution in religious sentiment, and
to give to the world a system of belief entirely new
and superior to any thing which had been hitherto
received or taught. He was by no means scrupu
lous in stigmatizing as heretical the opinions of
his opponents who hesitated to apply this invidious
epithet to his own *. Had his life been spared, he
would have produced a much greater change on pub
lic opinion than he did ; for to his other talents he
added the most consummate self-command and. ad
dress, and kept free from those extravagances and
that disgusting display of vanity which have de
feated the pretensions of others who had the same
lofty idea of their powers and destiny. Melville
did not entertain the same favourable opinion of this
logia? Doctori et Professori in inclyto Sanctandrseano." The other is
addressed, " W. Melvino." In both instances the transcriber has, by
mistake, put W. for A. Melvino. This appears from comparing Epist.
Eccl. et Theol. p. 220, with Brandt, Vita Arminii, p. 322.
* Those who would ascertain the real views and spirit of Armin
ius must consult the letters which he wrote to his confidential friends.
" Denjersa est Veritas (says he) etiam theologica — in puteo profundo,
unde non sine magno labore erui potest. — Ne mirare, Uytenbogarde ;
puto enim paucos esse qui istum articulum (the doctrine of the Trini
ty) intelligunt. — Fatebitur Helmichius nullam esse haeresin in ista
mea doctrina : at ego dico in Helmichii et aliorum doctrina non unam
haeresim, et non exiguam, sed fundamentalem, &c. — Ilia proferam
quse putabo veritati, paci et iempori serviri posse," &c. (Epist. Eccles.
. et Theol. pp. 39, 87, 139, 147.)

202 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
bold speculator which he had formerly expressed con
cerning Piscator * ; and we shaU find him opposing
his sentiments at a subsequent period.
In the end of the year 1608, he was visited by
several persons of rank, who put him in hopes of
obtaining a release from prison. At their desire
be addressed a copy of verses to the King, which
Secretary Hay undertook to present f . We are told
that James once pardoned a poet who had satirized
him, for the sake of two humorous lines with which
he concluded his lampoon ; saying, he was " a bitter
but a witty knave." But the elegant appeal which
was now made to his generosity had no effect on
him. By the advice of archbishop Spotswood^ Mel
viUe also wrote a submissive letter to the Privy
Council of England, in which, after mentioning the
occasion and motives of his writing the poem which
had given them offence, and for which he had suf
fered an imprisonment of nearly two years, he begged
their forgiveness for any expressions in it which
might be deemed indecorous or inconsistent with
Enghsh feelings. This apology, without containing
any thing dishonourable to the writer, afforded the
court a fair opportunity to relieve him from prison.
But no such thing was intended. What sincerity
there was in the archbishop's professions of friend
ship we shaU soon see ; and what reliance MelviUe
placed on them appears from the account of the
affair which he wrote to his nephew. " I have
* Melvini Epist. pp. 67, 96. t Ibid. p. 24.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 203
sent you a copy of my submission, which Glasgow,
your scholar, has taken with him to the King. For
the archbishop has been thrice or four times with
me, shewing me that the kirk laments my absence,
and that his earnest desire is to have me at home.
Sed non ego credulus illis. Dunbar must have the
honour of my deliverance : you may conjecture all
the rest that shall ensue. Relying on divine aid, I
am prepared for whatever the event may be — to re
main here, to return home, or to go into exUe. I
am weU in body and soul, thank God.' — Let me
know of your welfare, and your news, either his
torical or conjectural, if not prophetical *."
During the whole period of his imprisonment,
Melville's courage never once failed him, nor did his
spirits . suffer the least depression. The elation of
his mind was displayed in a poem which he wrote
at this time, containing an apologetical portrait of
himself, and which he tells us, was " extorted. from
him by the importunity of both friends and foes f ."
It was considered as betraying vanity ; because it
* Melvini Sipist. pp. 29 — 31. •
f It is entitled Prosopopeia Apologetica. (Ibid. pp. 22,23.) Among
the writings of Melville, Dempster (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 497.) men
tions " Melviniana superbia, lib. i. cui exordium,
Scotorum, Anglorum, Gallorum, a sanguine Regum,
Ille ego Melvinus." 
He evidently refers to the Prosopopeia, which contains something si
milar to what he quotes, although not in the exordium. This is one
proof among many that Dempster's mistakes were often owing to the
circumstance of his quoting from memory.

204 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
traced his descent in the royal line, and recorded
the services which he had done for his native coun
try. But may not a modest and humble man be
placed in circumstances which " compel him to
glory?" When those by whom he ought to have
been honoured and rewarded traduce and persecute
him, and when the credit of the office which he fills,
and of the cause which he has espoused, is in danger
of 'suffering through him, he may warrantably over
step the ordinary bounds of modesty, and employ
expressions, in speaking of himself, which in other
circumstances would be sufficient to convict him of
ostentation and foUy.
In a letter to his nephew, enclosing this poem
and the couplets addressed to his Majesty, he writes
thus : " These, you know, are only hght recreations
in which I indulge for the purpose of recruiting my
mind in the interval of severer studies and anxious
cares. But I am preparing for a greater undertak
ing : join with me in wishing it success. I shall
execute it, if not according to the importance of the
subject, yet, to the utmost of my ability, royaUy ;
and shaU not dishonour myself or you, to say no
thing of others, whether friends or foes, whose ex
pectations, through divine assistance, I shall endea
vour not to disappoint. Not that I wish to hurt
any one : that is contrary to my natural disposition.
But I must prepare to defend the cause in the best
manner I can. Shall I fly hope? shaU I court fear?
or shall I waste the flower of my mind in a state of
dubiety between hope and fear ? Thus was I wont

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 205
formerly to jest with the muses, and thus am I now
forced seriously to discourse with you about our
affairs, pubhc and private. But away with fears, !
I wiU cherish the hope of every thing that is cheer
ing and joyous. Meanwhile I bid you farewell in
Christ. Give me frequent and early inteUigence of
every thing you hear as to our affairs. Again fare-r
well, and take care of your health." In another
letter to the same correspondent, he says : " My
mind is fresh and vigorous, nor is my bodily strength
in the least impaired. I am preparing for the com
bat, and shall wonder if things pass over thus. : I
am persuaded that N. (the King) remains unaltered
in, his intentions, and that it will not be easy to
drive him from them. The saying, Fronti nulla
fides, often comes into my mind. But, leaving
events to providence, let us do our duty, and not
hesitate to act a courageous part in the cause, and
under the auspices of Him who rules in the midst
of his enemies. Though we have endured contra
diction, we have not yet resisted unto blood, striv
ing against sin ; but this also will we do when call
ed to it by the master of the combat. I am at pre
sent engaged in a work which will let our adver
saries see how they will be able to keep their feet
on the, slippery ground of human authority, after
they have been driven from the solid and firm footr
ing of divine right *."
These extracts evidently refer to a work on the
* Melvini Epist. pp. 21 — 28.

206 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
episcopal controversy which he had planned. In
the course of the year 1608, copies of a sermon
pubhshed by Dr. Downham in defence of the go
vernment of the Church of England were sent down
to Scotland, and distributed gratis among the mi
nisters, with the view of promoting their conversion
to episcopacy. MelviUe had sent his nephew a hur
ried review of this sermon when it was first print
ed *. He now sent him two large letters, contain
ing a luminous, rapid and spirited refutation of the
principal arguments for prelacy drawn from scrip
ture and antiquity. These were immediately trans
mitted to Scotland by James MelviUe, along with a
letter from himself, which shews that they had
operated as a cordial in reviving his drooping spi
rits. " When I reflect (says he to Patrick Symson)
on the fortitude and constancy of my banished bre
thren ; when I consider that you have been mira
culously plucked from the jaws of the grave and
restored to the church ; when I muse on the prema
ture death of my friend Nicolson, by which he who
possessed such rare gifts was snatched from the cur
rent which threatened to carry him completely away,
* Melvini Epist. pp. 1 — 8. He concludes the review by saying :
" Such tautologies and vain babbling I wald never have looked for at
this tyme to have proceidit from the man, who is a Logicioner, nor to
be directed toward the north for convincing our brethren, who, if they
be not corrupted more with the 14000 lib. Sterling,- sent thither (as
they say) tanquam aureus hamus, than with the evidence of this book,
they will never be persuaded to leave the truth embraced, &c. Mul
tos ego vidi ineptos homines, at Phormione neminem. Bilson is more
dangerous."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 207
and along with him to wreck the interest of religion
among us ; when I think of the good health of my
revered uncle, and the exceUent spirits which he
enjoys at the close of his climacteric year, and after
being shut up in a strait prison during two severe
winters and as many scorching summers ; and when
I perceive that royal authority, bribery, and the most
consummate craft and subtilty have hitherto been
employed against us with so little success ; — I am
wonderfuUy encouraged, and at intervals my breast
heaves with the hope that the captives shall yet re
turn, and that the city and temple of our Jerusalem
shaU again be built.
Hue me raptat amor dulcis, et impotens
Ardor ferre moras. O niveum diem
Qui templo reducem me statuat tuo !
O lucis jubar aureum ! *.
Nothing less however appears as yet :
 sed cui inops fidit Deus
Spes et vota bonos ducat ad exitus f .
In the mean time, my beloved and upright brethren,
on whom the defence of the cause at home is de
volved, and whom Jesus, our leader and commander,
has placed in the front of the battle, rouse up, fight,
stand, shew yourselves men, be strong, and you
shall be more than conquerors. O that we who are
removed to a distance from you were employed like
Moses, Aaron and Hur, on the mountain ! Swayed
* Buchanani Psalm, xiii.
t lb. Psalm, xiv. a quotation from memory.

208 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
by the opinion of my dear brother M- W. C. *, I
was once incUhed to think that we might tolerate at
this time many things which we cannot approve ;
but when I consider all circumstances,' I am much
afraid that such forbearance would prove highly in
jurious, and deprive us of the simplicity, sincerity,
hberty and power of the gospel. Read, I beseech
you, again and again and again, these pages of
Andrew Melville, written hastily oh the spur of
the occasion, but fraught with divine truth and
learning, and apparently intended for you and your
fellow combatants against intruding bishops. When
you have perused them, with his petition to the
King, return the whole to the bearer, that he may
take a copy of them for the use of other brethren -f."
Melville was not a little amused in his prison
with the accounts which he received of the literary
contest in which his Majesty was involved, in con
sequence of his Apology for the Oath of AUegiance.
The cock-fighting, and " the admirable pastime,
lately taken up, of hunting or daring of dottereUs
and other of that nature," in which James had been
lately spending the greater part of his time, and at
which the people of London were so indignant |,
* Probably Mr. William Cowpef of Perth.
t Melvini Epist. pp. 44 — 47.
X Winwood's Memor. vol. i.p. 217. The people threatened, if he
did not desist from his unkingly sports, to poison his dogs and other
game-companions, and to send himself to the hills whence he came.
The subject was introduced on the stage, and all the players were for
a time banished from the capital by an order from court. (De la Bo
derie, Ambassades, i. 56, 310.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 209
were now laid aside, and his Majesty was continual
ly closetted with a select number of the most learned
of his clergy. One was employed in writing an
answer to Cardinal Bellarmine, and another to the
Jesuit Parsons, while a third superintended the im
pression of Barclay De Potestate Papas. As James
was " never the man that could think a Cardinal a
meet match for a King," he chose to call the book
which was to appear under his own name, A Pre
monition to all Christian Monarchs. The bishop
who made the first draught of this work, and , to
whom the correction of it was afterwards submitted,
found that he had got Penelope's web to weave ; for
what he finished at night his Majesty undid in the
morning ; and when the work came at last from
the press, it was found necessary to have some parts
of it still farther altered, and the poor printer was
sent to prison for having given but copies of it be
fore this operation was performed. It was immedi
ately translated into the different modern languages
by the clerks in waiting, and sent by special am
bassadors to all Christian States, except the Swiss
Cantons. But the Premonition pleased nobody but
those against whom it was directed, who, having
started a royal stag, were resolved to have sport of
him. It was attacked from various quarters, and
with great keenness, in replies both serious and sa
tirical. " In the mean time, (says Melville) his
Majesty chafes, and every body else chuckles. Hex
ringitur ; alii rident *."
* De la Boderie, Ambassades, torn. iv. pp. 271, 301, 318, 324, 372.
Melvini Epist. pp. 51, 79.
VOL. II. P

210 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
MelviUe was again tantalized with the prospect
of obtaining his hberty. At a convention held in
Scotland it had been agreed tp petition the King to
aUow the exUed ministers to return home. On this
occasion the bishops acted with great duplicity.
They i agreed to the petition; and yet they gave
the agent whom they sent to London written in
structions to apologize to his Majesty for what they
had done, and to request him not to set the minis
ters at hberty*. Spotswood, on going to court,
promised to bring MelviUe along with him, to be
placed as principal in the University of Glasgow;
and he expressed much regret at his return that he
had not been able to effect his purpose f . But we
learn from a letter of the archbishop's, that in all
this he acted a hypocritical part. " For these mat
ters of the ministers, (says he) please your Majesty,
we are here quiet ; and their absence will even breed
a forgetfulness. The bishop of St. Andrews has
peace at will, whereby your Majesty can take up
the instruments of his trouble f." It would appear
that archbishop Gladstanes had been less cautious
than his brother of Glasgow in expressing his real
* Printed Calderwood, p. 602. Scot's Apolog. Narrat. p. 219.
t Cald. vii. 323.
J Letter to the King, Nov. 1609 : MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
M. 6. 9. num. 65. In this letter Spotswood professes that it was his
design to yield up his bishopric, and retire from public life, to shew
the world that he was not actuated by ambition. Yet, only two.
months after this, he accepted the office of an Extraordinary Lord of
Session, in addition to those burdens which he had pronounced " in
supportable !"

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 211
sentiments on this subject. His words had come
to the ears of Melville, who, in one of his letters to
his nephew, speaks of the Scottish Primate in the
following severe terms : " Vertumnus, you know
whom I mean, the rapacious Gled* that nestles in
the old ruins of the meretricious Babylon, boasts
that he has received the King's hand and promise
that I shall not see my native country while he
lives. Loripes (whom it is easy to reprove but im-
pdssible to reform) has not forgotten certain words
which I addressed to him jocularly when he was
dining with5 me before we left Scotland f ." On the
subject of their liberation we find James Melville
Writing thus to his uncle : " I waited on the Chan
cellor, as he passed through this town on his re
turn to Scotland, and thanked him for the concern
which he had taken in your affair. He repeated
to me what passed between his Majesty and him,
and a long conversation which he had with the pri->
mate (to whom his Majesty referred him) in the
porch of the palace of Whitehall. His Grace finally
promised that he would use all his influence in
your behalf with the King, and with the bishops of
Scotland, who would not stand in the way of your
returning to your college, provided it did not en-
* Gled, in the Scottish language, is the name of the Kite. This
play on tbe primate's name (including an allusion to the intemper
ance with which he was charged) occurs in different epigrams writ
ten on him. (Simsoni Annales, pp. 129, 130> Melvini Musae*
pp. 18—20.)
t Melvini Epist. p. 48.
P %

212 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
danger the peace of the church. 'Leave him to
me ; I wiU pledge myself that he shaU not take part
in any plots against you,' said the Chancellor. I
took the opportunity of laying' my own case before
his lordship. I Complained that I was detained here,
and deprived of my stipend, though innocent, un-
condemned, unjudged, unaccused, without even the
shadow of a crime laid to my charge.' I begged
that I might be permitted to return home and re
sume the oversight of my poor sea-faring • people ;
or, if this could not be grantedy that liberty should
be given me to go to France, or at least that my ex-
pences here should be borne. With many expres
sions of regard he promised to take an early oppor
tunity of writing the Earl of Dunbar in our behalf,
adding that it would give him the greatest pleasure
to be of any service to us *." .- ,
Despairing of being permitted to return to his
native country, MelviUe entertained at this time a
serious intention of going to the New World, and in
pursuance of it had several interviews with a person
who had embarked in an extensive colonial expedi
tion. It does not certainly appear to what part of
America he purposed to retire, but it was most pro
bably Virginia. " My friend (he writes to his ne
phew) has prepared a fleet; he has raised two thou
sand soldiers and four hundred supernumeraries ;
and is in daily expectation of the return of a ser
vant whom he has sent before him. With a slen-
* Melvini Epist. pp. 121 — 123.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 213
der fortune and involved in debt, he cherishes san
guine hopes of ultimate success, and omits no part
ofthe duty of a good and prudent commander. I
had a visit from him to-day along with his son-in-
law. What expectations I should entertain, I know
not ; but of one thing I am sure that he is a good
and worthy man, and wants the means, not the in
clination, to do well. I betake myself to my sacred
anchor : " seek ye first the kingdom of God and his
righteousness, and all other things shall be added
to you *." — We can scarcely suppose that the court
would hinder his emigration to such a distant quar
ter of the globe ; it is, therefore, most likely that
something occurred to divert his mind from the pro
ject. His sohtary hours were relieved by the company
of two of his namersons, who successively resided
with him, and whom he instructed in languages and
philosophy. The one was a son of James MelviUe
and the other a son of one of his brothers, who had
left a large family unprovided for f . This last young
man was pf a romantic and unsettled turn of mind,
and appears to have insinuated himself into the af-
* Melvini Epist. p. 55. The English were at this time very eager
in forming settlements in America. (De la Boderie, Amb. torn. iv.
pp. 263, 264.) Sir Walter Raleigh, whp was then in the Tower, had
projected the expedition to Guiana which afterwards cost him his life ;
and Melville, in one of his letters, speaks of one of his grand-nephews,
who was with him, wishing to visit that country. (Epist. p. 143.)
¦f James Melville's son, after leaving the Tower, resided for some
time with a Scotchman named Guthrie, who taught an academy in the
neighbourhood of London. He was brother to Alexander Guthrie of
r 3

214 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
fections of his grand-uncle, who was induced to ad
vance him, at different times, sums which his limit
ed finances could not weU bear *. But the principal
recreation which MelviUe found was in the cultiva
tion .of his favourite muse. Every packet which
he sent to his nephew contained one, and some of
them three or four of his poetical productions. <*. I
have added to this (says he) the second and six*.
teenth psalms, both of them warm from the anvil,
and the last hastily struck off this morning, so that
I have not had time to apply the file to it. I wish
you to consider this remark as applying also to the
first psalm, which I sent you some time ago, both as
to the translation and to the numbers and poetical
ornaments. If you compare them with Buchanan's,
you wUl observe a considerable difference. The first
psalm almost pleases me f." Men of real genius often
defraud the public by the desultory nature of their
studies, or by the injudicious choice which they
make of subjects on which to exert their talents.
This was one of MelviUe's faults, of which his nephew
frequently admonished him. " Why do you require

Edinburgh, and a relation of James Lawson, the minister. He died
in the year 1609. (Melvini Epist. pp. 56, 64, 100.) His school was
at Hoddesdon in the year 1584. (Life prefixed to Bishop Cowper's
Works.) " De filio Andrea quam gratum !" says James Melville.
" Guthrsei, araicissimi viri, Lucubratiunculam ubi perlegero, testimo
nio quali author meretur ornabo. Ego ad eos literas dedi. (Melvini
Epist p. 98.)
* Ibid. pp. 143, 153, 170, 305, 306, 324. Letter from A. Melville
to Boyd of Trochrig, in Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 49.
t Melvini Epist. p. 87.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 215
my judgment of your verses, when you know that I
am disposed to form too favourable an opinion of all
that you do ? However, I will tell you what others
say of them. They say that you are doing what has
been already weU done, contending in vain with the
great Buchanan, and neglecting what you ought to
do. Notwithstanding, I doubt not that, in the course
of providence, better things may be produced than
have yet been executed ; and I am persuaded that
you have not forgotten the work which you pro
mised *." This drew from MelvUle a defence of his
conduct. " I send you certain psalms which I have
translated into Latin verse : an Iliad after Homer,
forsooth ! But I am not like the prince of Latin
poets, who says :
Etsi me vario jactatum laudis amore,
Irritaque expertum fallacis premia vulgi.
By such trivial performances I do not seek for glory
or popular applause, nor do I Court the bounty of
kings and princes ; but I yield to the power, what
ever it is, that inspires me ; and do not so much
seek to escape from private vexations, as obey my
ruling passion and indulge my genius. I indulge
it the' more willingly that I derive advantage mixed
with the purest pleasure from such studies, and
think that I sometimes elicit the hidden meaning of
the prophet which had escaped others. And I em
ploy 'poetic numbers, that I may make a shew of
contending with those champions who have deserv-
* Melvini Epist. p. 93.

216 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE,
e^Y[£a$$Wtyj®&Valm- ^ $is, %#<«£ literature.
It becomes ine, tp3Jhjnkjnpdestiy of, my own works ;
we ar,e ah1 ready to;fU$ter, .PW^ejlves ; : and whejre is the
indjyiduarwhqdoes npt sometimes slip a foot on thi$
dangerous ground.? iBut Itrwst tathekeeping of .the
grea^E^ler^ heaven andearth, to whom X ha.ve de-
dic^e^and deypted myaU, and whose glory I wish
I could ^ advance with a willingness and,alacrity some-
wha,tv answerable to the great and manifold proofs
ofhis kindness and beneficences conferred on me,t."
— Notwithstanding the dissuasions. of, bis* judicious
friend, MelviUe continued his labours on the psalms,
and a specimen of them was committed to the press
during the time that he lay in the Tower f .
A, misfortune which befel him at this time ;gave
him no smaU uneasiness. His purse, containing all
the money which he possessed, and on which he de
pended for his support during the approaching win
ter, was stolen. It is probable that this act of theft
was committed by one of the keepers of the prison ;
and in his circumstances it would have been useless
and even dangerous to complain or to take steps
for recovering his lost property. He was under
the necessity, therefore, of applying, to James Mel
viUe, to fwhom he conveyed information of the un-
* Melvini Epist. pp. 100—102.
+ The only notice of this publication which I have seen is in one
of his letters to James Melville, dated " Ex Turn, Jan. 6, 1610."
" Mitto ad te versus aliquot meos typis excusos, ut scias me non te-
mere in Psalmos incurrisse, ex quibus pedem retraho vel invitus."
(Melvini Epist. p. 144.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 217
pleasant occurrence in the following delicate alle
gory. " I had lately in my possession upwards of
twenty birds of the Seraphic species, kept with no
small care, and cherished in a warm nest under the
shade of my wings. Whether they were tired of
their confinement and seized with a desire for li
berty, or what was the cause, I am not prepared to
say ; but without bidding their unsuspicious host
farewell, poising their airy wings, they fled, not to
return, and have left me to deplore their absence.
I soothe my grief by meditating on that beautiful
discourse on providence contained in the sixth chap
ter of Matthew, and by the consciousness that I was
not deficient in at least ordinary care. The saying,
The Lord will provide, often comes to my mind.
I have experienced the truth of it through the whole
course of my life ; my indulgent Father, out of re
gard to my infirnuty, having prevented me hitherto
from ever feeling extreme want. Such an accident
as this I never before met with, but it is one com
mon to men :
Qualia multa mari nautse patiuntur in alto.
Be not inquisitive as to the particulars, of which I
am neither altogether certain nor altogether ignor
ant ; and I have vowed silence.
Desine meque tuis incendere teque querelis.
The loss could not have been foreseen or provided
against, and it is counterbalanced by another un
expected event, the friendly treaty respecting the

218 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
affairs of our church which is in prospect ; so that
it would seem that the master of the feast and su
preme disposer of all events has seen meet to mingle
for me a bitter-sweet cup. Our excellent friend
TraiU has visited me and delivered Lindsay's token
of remembrance, which I received as a pledge of my
restoration to the coUege *. I am afraid lest the
approaching winter should prevent sailing, and put
a stop to aU communication between us. Where
fore, if you have any thing that can be of use to
me, transmit it as expeditiously as possible f ."
This caU was instantly obeyed. Indeed the purse
of James MelviUe was always at his uncle's com
mand, and his remittances were uniformly convey
ed with such readiness and delicacy as made them
appear rather as the performance of a filial duty or
the discharge of a debt of gratitude, than as gratui
tous favours and acts of generosity to a distressed
friend. " Riches," says he in the letter which he
sent along with the money, " take to themselves
eagles' wings, and fly away. But there is enough
in the sacred promises to which you refer. He who
has such securities may surely rest satisfied. Be
of good courage, therefore, my father : the Good
Shepherd will supply you abundantly with all good
things. I shall send you money, and you wiU send
me songs,
* This refers, probably, to a legacy from Secretary Lindsay, who
had been Chancellor of the University of St Andrews.
t Melvini Epist. pp. 91, 92.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 219
Jucundiora melle et auro,
Et nitidis potiora gemmis.
Let us continue this mutual intercourse ; and I
have good hope that you will run short of verses
for my use, before I run short of gold for yours *."
MelviUe's answer affords a beautiful example of
the union of piety and gratitude. " Your succe-
daneum for the fugitive gold came most seasonably
to my relief. So profusely beneficent has my divine
and indulgent Father been towards me as even to
exceed my wishes. O that I may be found grate
ful and mindful of the benefits bestowed on me by
him who has accepted me gratuitously in his Son !
O that I may love him, who first loved me, with all
my mind, soul, and strength ! and that I may bring
forth the fruits of this love, by promoting the good
of his church in these difficult times, and amidst aU
the ingratitude that abounds ! — I received the Span
ish and British angels, equalling in number the
Apostles, the Graces, and the Elements, with a
supernumerary one of the Seraphic order : aurum
contra caro. I do not rejoice so much in them,
(although these commutable pieces of money are at
present very useful to me) as I do at the renewing
of the memory of my deceased friends, and the pro
spect of our friendship being, perpetuated in their
posterity, who have given such a favourable pre
sage of future virtue and genuine piety ; for what
* Melvini Epist. pp. 92, 93.

220 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
else could have induced them to take such an interest
in my affairs at this time ? Wherefore I congratu
late them, and I rejoice that this favourable oppor
tunity of transmitting friendship inviolate from fa
ther to son and grandson has been afforded *. So
you have the confidence to say, that the fountain of
the muses from which I draw will be exhausted
sooner than the vein of that gold mine, whence you
extract the treasures with which you supply me so
liberaUy. Hold, prithee ! Take care what you say,
especially to poets like me, who when I do sing,
sing at the invitation of the muses and under their
inspiration. This makes me more regardless of the
capricious judgment of critics ; for in writing verses
I do not aim at vain glory or any human reward,
but yield a free homage to the muses and seek a
liberal recreation to my own mind. About any
thing beyond this, I am quite indifferent ; only I
reckon aU the time gained which is spent in these
sacred lucubrations, as they help to recal my mind
from sensible things to divine contemplation, and fit
me for the better discharge of the duties of my sta
tion. Nor do I contend with any individual so
much as with myself, over whom if I gain an ad-
* This refers to the family of George Greir, from whom James
Melville had received part of the money which he sent to his uncle.
(Melvini Epist. p. 117.) Greir was second minister of Haddington,
(Record of Presb. of Hadd. Jan. 26, 1603.) and married Elizabeth,
daughter of James Lawson, minister of Edinburgh. (Testament of
Elizabeth Lowsone, in Commissary Record of Edin. April 5, 1615.
Comp. Inquis. Retorn. Gen. num. 142.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 221
vantage I consider myself as having carried off the
prize *."
In the course of this year he had to mourn the
loss of several of his . relations and acquaintance.
His feeUngs on receiving these melancholy tidings,
are expressed in the letters he wrote to his favourite
and constantcorrespondent. " I am just come from
reading in the second epistle to Timothy, which has
allayed the tumult raised in my breast by the. tid
ings I have received. Yet I cannot but feel. See
that the funeral obsequies be duly performed. J Let
no mark of respect and friendship be wanting to the
memory of two brethren — brethren both of them
by the bonds of piety, grace, and celestial parentage,
and one of them by the additional tie of nature, and
still more nearly alhed to me than to you. Act,, I
pray you, a pious and becoming part. Discharge
the debt due to grace and friendship, to nature and
propinquity. Discharge it with tears, but let them
be the tears of Abraham, the father of us all, ' who
rose up from weeping for his wife.' These are tem
porary things : we mind things that are eternal.
' Put the brethren in remembrance,' and exhort
them to constancy. — What a loss, in respect of piety
and erudition, has the church sustained by the death
of , my friend the great Scaliger, who, about the end
of January, exchanged an earthly for a heavenly
country ! How can I but be touched and deeply
affected for the loss of such a person, and of others
* Melvini Epist. pp. 108—111.

222 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
whom I loved in this world, and who have gone
before me ! Of such there are not a few known to
you who belonged to our church, and were aUied to
us either by natural or spiritual consanguinity.
Need I name them ?. Knox, Arbuthnot, Smeton,
Lawson, Row, the two Melvilles, my dearest brothers
and your father and unci.©, the two brothers, George
and Andrew Hay, Pont, Craig, RoUock, Ferguson,
Christison, Davidson, your father-in-law Dury, and
mkny others, after whose example, and in whose
footsteps we ought to press through aU impediments,
Seeking the crown of glory in that new and straight
path which the author and finisher of our faith hath
trodden before us,- and paved and consecrated for us
by his own blood.
Cur tam sollici tis vitam consumimus annis,
Torquemurque metu, ccecaque cu'pidine rerum,
jEternisque senes curis ?  ¦. ¦'--

Humana cuncta fumus, umbra, vanitas,
Et seena? imago, et, verbo ut absolvam, nihil.
I am an old man and garrulous ; for there is
nothing in which old men take greater pleasure
than talking. Love also prattles. What do I say ?
You know it was formerly rumoured that I was in
love ; and why should I not be seriously so now,
seeing I began this last spring to grow young again,
and to play the boy — perhaps, that I might imitate
you as closely as possible. You know what I mean.
Dictum sapient i *."
* Melvini Epist. pp. 76 — 78.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 223
In Melville's letters to his nephew there is often
much playfulness, proceeding from the vivacity of
his imagination, and the kindness of his heart, which
shewed that the writer possessed a great flow of spi
rits, and a mind which, though not always exempt
from distress, was always at peace with itself, and
at ease and in love with the person to whom it im
parted without reserve its thoughts and its feelings.
He delighted in the seria mixta jocis ; and in dis
coursing on the gravest and most momentous sub
jects was wont to relieve his own mind and that of
his correspondent by throwing out some pleasant re
partee, or suggesting some agreeable and joyous re
miniscence. But all this wiU not account or apolo
gize for the appearance of incongruity and even le
vity that there is in the concluding part of the last
extract — in the sudden transition from lamenting
over the dead to jesting on love and matrimony.
The foUowing explanation will, however, shew that
the writer was never more deeply in earnest than
on this occasion. The reader must by this time be
aware, although he has not been expressly told,
that Melville was a bachelor, and consequently that
he was now an old one. He will therefore be sur
prised to have a correspondence upon a matrimonial
affair laid before them ; and will find that it is not
chargeable with that total absence of every thing
worldly which made the love-letters of John Knox
so unattractive. To prevent disappointment, how
ever, I must state, that Melville was not the lover;
he was only his friend and counsellor. James Mel-
3

224 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ville, who was ten years younger than his uncle,
had now been upwards of two years a widower.
During his residence at Newcastle he had become
acquainted with a young woman, the daughter of a
deceased clergyman in Berwick upon Tweed. Suf
fice it to say, that the accomplishments of this
young lady had made a conquest of his heart, and
there was every reason to think that he would marry
her. Some of his friends in Scotland, who were of
opinion that it was imprudent for .him to ', marry at
aU, or at any rate to marry one who. was so very
much younger than himself, communicated the in
teUigence to his uncle, ,who, they knew5 -had .great
er influence with him than any other individual
MelviUe was of the same opinion with his friends,
and he made the transition alluded to, thast he
might draw on a correspondence on the subject,
and suggest to his nephew the impropriety and un-
seasonableness of the step which he was , meditat
ing- He had scarcely sent off his letter, when he re
ceived one from James Melville, in which, after mo
destly introducing the affair " beneath well-sound
ing Greek," he gave him a description of the object
of his attachment, who had every recommendation
but a fortune, stated the reasons for and against the
step which he proposed to take, and earnestly beg
ged his uncle's advice. Melville immediately rephed.
" On the subject of matrimony (says he) I am at a
loss what to write ; as I have no experience of that
happy state. With you I bow with reverence to

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 225
the declarations in favour of it which you quote
from the sacred oracles, though my years place me
beyondi the reafch oftheir application.' You state
tho arguments on both sides with' great accuracy;
but it is' not difficult to perceive to what side you
incline. You entirely pass over the widow % and
launch out in praises of the young woman. This
gives ground for suspecting your judgment, and for
thinking that affection and not reason has' the do
minion; Love has got admittance and keeps the
door fast bolted on reason. Perhaps this is cum ra
tione insanire. I know you have sharp eyes, but in
this business it is proper to make use of the ears
also." Having suggested some considerations',' al!
in favour of the Widow, he adds : " but you know
these things much better than I do ; and it becomes
me to remember the adage Vkamag eis kfyta;, or rather,
Su'S Minervam." After some ingenious remarks on
the different seasons of human life, backed with the
authority of Solon, Seneca, Varro, and Virgil, he
concludes : " Thus, my dear James, do I address
you with the same freedom which the elder Africa- '
nus used with the younger. Act a part becoming
your extraction, your judgment, and your prudence.
With respect to what I hinted about the age'at which
yotfr father died, may heaven avert the omen from
yoiii and turn it rather on your friend. Tu vero serus
* The lady with whom James Melville lodged at Newcastle, and
whom his friends thought a fitter match for him than the object of
his choice.
VOL. II. Q

226 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
in caelum redeas. You see what a prolix letter I
have written you, and without a spice of wit in it.
Advise weU. Time, under God, will direct you.
The bearer is a-going, and yet I cannot leave off
prating to you. Love is fond of prating." — " I
congratulate myself, (says James MelviUe in his
reply,) that, by starting the subject of marriage, I
have drawn from you three golden pages, fiUed with
proofs of the greatest love to me and of profound
learning and prudence. They shaU Ue in my bosom,
in place of a wife, during the winter months, until
I have taken that time for deUberation which the
affair and my circumstances require. Nevertheless
I am resolved to end my days, sooner or later, in
honourable wedlock :
Nubila mens est,
Vinctaque frenis,
Haec nisi regnet."
Having assigned his reasons for thinking that the
widow whom his friends recommended would be an
unsuitable partner for him, he adds : " I have not
forgotten the saying of an ancient sage, ' A man
cannot be wise and in love at the same time ;' and
I recoUect the words of the Itahan writer, ' Senza
moghe, ben che non senza donna, avenge che le cose
che superano le force nostre sono piu in desiderio
che in magisterio.' To the instance of my father
you might have added that of my brother ; for both
of them died in their fifty-third year, a circumstance
which occurred to my own mind, and which has

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 227
affected me not a little since you objected it. But
is it not eligible to have a faithful and affectionate
wife, if it were only to watch by one's death-bed
and to close, one's eyes ? and is it not allowed us to
enjoy the comforts of life while we live ? I thank
God I never enjoyed better health. Perhaps it is
the last effort of nature, as in the. case of my father.
Be it so : I wiU rejoice in it as the first step of my
entrance into true life ; and much rather would I
meet, a premature grave than suffer the grief which
I would feel at witnessing your death or the ruin of
the good cause *."
His uncle was stiU afraid that the step was an
imprudent one ; and therefore resolved to use
stronger language than he had employed in his for
mer letter, with the view of making him pause, al
though at the risk of offending him. This was a
proof of the truest friendship ; for he was at this
time deeply in debt to his nephew, and had the
prospect of yet needing to make additional draughts
on his kindness and liberality. Having made some
remarks on the intelligence . which James MelviUe
had sent him as to the state of church matters in
Scotland, and the prospect of their speedily coming
to a crisis, he thus addresses him : " Therefore, I
cannot but exhort you to be vigilant, and prepared
with renovated vigour to fight this glorious battle,
for which you have been restored to health and re
served to this day. AU effeminacy of mind must
* Melvini Epist. pp. 81— 90, 93—96.
Q 2

228 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
be laid aside; the old man must be put off; and
we must behave ourselves stoutly and resolutely,
lest in the last scene of the conflict we fail through
error or fear, not to say dotage, to which every slip
of old men is commonly imputed. Your son, An
drew, has, I hope, been with you for several weeks.
He, with John, Elizabeth, and Anne, (whose names
must renew the memory of your dearest wife,) wiU
prevent you from being fascinated and luUed asleep
by the charms of this young woman so distinguish
ed for taciturnity and prudence. The very argu
ments which you adduce to prove that you are guid
ed in this affair by judgment more than affection,
betray affection ; not to recur to the age whieh
proved fatal to your relations. I dare not say,
Otium, Melvine, tibi molestum est:
Otio exultas nimiumque gestis ;
Otium Reges simul et beatas
Perdidit urbes.
But what shaU I say of your discourse on sepulchral
wedlock, and so forth ? It is really quite extrava
gant, and only shews how much you are carried
away by your affections. The plain case is this :
You are the father of five children, four of whom
are at a very critical age, and two of them daugh
ters, weU-born, liberally educated, and approaching
to maturity. They need your paternal solicitude
and watchfulness. Your brother's children are de
pendent on you, and require much of your atten
tion. And, in these circumstances, you 

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 229
Conceive that you hear your friend Dykes, with
severe brow and ardent eyes, with an impassioned
but affectionate tone, urging these and similar
considerations upon you. I merely suggest them,
and am forced to break off. 'May the author of all
good counsel give you direction. Farewell, and live
in the Lord, my dear James, by far the best beloved
of all my friends. Take time to deliberate. Fes-
tina lente."
It must be confessed that there are in this letter
some severe things, and that it contains insinua
tions which the conduct of James MelviUe had not
merited, and which could not fail to hurt his feel
ings. It drew from him a spirited reply, in which
respect for his uncle, and a conviction of his friend
ly intentions, though they restrained, could not al
together suppress the irritation which he felt. " It
would seem that I have used too great freedom in
writing to you on the subject of marriage. To
what but this can I trace your unfavourable, not to
say injurious, suspicions of me — that I have fallen
into dotage, am playing the fool, idling, slumber
ing, and giving myself up to love. Good words,
prithee \ I am constrained to answer, lest forbear
ance should injure my reputation and the cause for
which I appear. In answer to the charge of dot
age, I might, as Sophocles says, repeat such things
as could not proceed from a fool or a dotard. I am
not conscious that I have turned a hair's-breadth
from the straight course which I have been all
along pursuing, or that there is any change in my
Q 3

230 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
conduct, except that, as I draw nearer the goal, I
feel my mind, through the grace of Christ, more
prepense to piety and holiness. I live here i daily
under the eyes of very acute censors, and yet I
have not heard that I have been charged with any
thing foolish either in speech or behaviour. It is
true that I at present enjoy greater ease than I
could wish ; but I can say with Virgil's shepherd,
•i, ¦ . i/Di-
O Melibcee, Deus nobis haec otia fecit.
And perhaps I was never less idle than I now am ;
so that Icould give such an account, not dnly of my
former active life, but also of my present repose, as
a wise and good man ought to be prepared to give.
I certainly do not mean to deny that I take my rest
in the' night, and enjoy sound sleep; God having
blessed me with health and a mind free from corrod
ing sdhcitude. Nor do I deny that I am in love ;
but it is legitimate, holy, chaste, sober love. But
I think of a second marriage ! I do ; and I wish I
had thought of it two years ago. It is surely very
unreasonable that what is ' honourable in aU' should
be turned to my disgrace. Do not, my chaste fa
ther, measure all others by yourself, who, inflamed
with the sacred love of the Muses, and reposing in
the embraces of Minerva, look with severe indiffer
ence on conjugal fehcity, and have aU your days
abstained from it for the sake of purer and more
refined delights. But I restrain myself. I do not
pretend that I am not under the influence of the af
fections, for how then could I be in love ? All that

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 231
I profess is that they are kept under the restraints
of reason and religion. — Your friend Dykes talks
scoffingly in what he says about sepulchral wedlock.
It is a crude cavil, and savours too much of choler.
Indeed, I can perceive nothing of any weight in
what you adduce, except it be the incongruity of an
old, man marrying a young woman. But I am not
an old< man, I am only elderly. She indeed is in
the flower of life, being only nineteen years of age.
And who that is wise would not prefer for a part
ner one who is sound in mind and body, mo
dest, yielding, humble, affectionate, open-hearted,
sweet-tempered, and thus every way quahfied for
rendering life agreeable? A widow, or one of
more advanced age, who possesses these properties,
is rara avis in terris. At least I can meet with
none such here. If therefore you concede to me
the liberty of taking a wife, and do not forbid ma
trimony entirely, (which I hope you wiU not do,)
you must allow me to choose a fit partner for my-
,self. I have many reasons for not taking a widow,
and more for taking a young woman ; nor do I
want examples of the best men who have acted as
I mean to do ; such as Knox, Craig, Pont, Dal-
.gleish, and others in our own church. But, that
you may know how differently my real friend
. Dykes * thinks from your fictitious friend of that
* John Dykes was James Melville's brother-in-law, as well as col
league. He married a daughter of John Dury. (Testament Testa-
men tar of John Dury, in Commissary Rec. pf Edin. 2d July, 1600,
See also above, vol. i. p. 328.)

232 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
name, I beg leave to inform you that I: have just
received a -letter from him, in which he congratu
lates me on my attachment to an excellent young
woman who entertains for me a reciprocal affection,
wiU take care of me in my dedining years, and be
a -solace to me during my exUe. I have only to re
quest of you, my loving father, that you wUl form
an equally favourable opinion of my intentions, or
that at least you will pardon in me what you may
not be able entirely to approve **."
This letter convinced Melville that his nephew's
resolution was fixed, and that he had proceeded too
far in opposing his inclinations. He therefore yield
ed with as good a grace as possible. " Our friend
Bamford has delivered me your very serious and
long, but not prolix, letter. The longer the more
agreeable ; although' it contained some things which
I could not read without tears. — Your apology, like
the garden of Adonis, planted with the most delici
ous flowers, and adorned with bower-work, exhales
nothing but pure and sacred loves, which, although
of the most delicate kind, might captivate Minerva
instead of Venus :
Illam dulcis amor tinctis in Nectare teh's
Imbuit i eque suis proprias attexui t alas, <
Inque meas quibus acta manus perque ora volaret.
It has penetrated my heart, not to say wounded it;
and almost made me sigh after such happiness.
But, alas ! it is too late at my advanced age. What
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 114 — 116, 126 — 133.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 233
remains, therefore, but that I congratulate you, and
encourage you to go on in your virtuous course ?
You do injustice to my Dykes and me when you
accuse us of bantering ; a fault which is not more
foreign to his disposition than it was to the design
of my letter. What, my son! would I mock you
on so serious and sacred a subject ? Far be this
from one who strives against every thing that is
unamiable about him, or which merits the dislike of
good men. May your love succeed and be crowned
with the most fortunate and auspicious issue to you
and yours ! If I seemed to oppose it, impute this
to yourself and your urgent request for my opinion.
Nor could I prevail on myself to conceal from you
what I heard from others or suspected they would
say, that I might excite you to look narrowly to
yourself and your affairs at this crisis. I now con
gratulate and give joy to Melissa as the successor of
Eliza. It is my prayer that she may spend many
happy years in your company, and, what is more,
that she may make you the father of a fair off
spring *."
The marriage took place accordingly, and appears
to have been attended with happy effects. Melville
never had the pleasure of seeing his fair young
niece, but he sent his affectionate salutations to " the
honied Melissa" in every letter which he wrote to
his nephew, who took particular pleasure in acknow
ledging the compliment. Whatever may be thought
* Melvini Epistoke, pp. 134— HI, 142, 113-

234 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
as to the prudence of his second marriage, it is but
justice to James Melville to say, that it had no in
fluence in enervating his mind, or in making him
indifferent or remiss in his exertions in behalf of
the cause for which he was a sufferer. He rejected
the offer of a bishopric, which Sir John Anstruther
made him in the name of the King ; he refused to
purchase his hberty by acceding to conditions incon
sistent with his principles * ; he continued to coun
sel and encourage his brethren in Scotland by his
letters ; and he drew up several writings, historical
and apologetical, relating to the church of Scotland,
which he only waited the consent of his brethren
and a fit opportunity to pubUsh to the world. In
this last respect he had some ground for retaliating
on his uncle, whom he urged to perform his pro
mises, by putting the finishing hand as speedily as
possible to his work on the episcopal controversy.
This work, though not laid aside, proceeded slowly,
and was often interrupted by studies more congenial
to the taste and dispositions of the author. To the
friendly remonstrances of his nephew, MelviUe re
phed : " By the paraphrases of which I send you
a specimen, I sustain the imbecility of my spirit,
which hitherto has not been left destitute of Christ
ian confidence, or of any kind of consolation, by
him who in his mercy has honoured me to favour
his cause, if not by actual services, at least by sin
cere, though many ways imperfect, purposes and
* Cald. vii. 72, 208.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 235
endeavours. It grieves me that 1, cannot be present
to assist its defenders,, and that I can do so little
for it in my absence. But why do I say, it grieves
me ? No ; I do not grieve, though I once grieved
that I had been so unprofitable to the church of
Christ. Without my assistance the supreme Judge
hath pleaded his own cause, and he will, still, plead
it * — In reminding me of my promise, you apt, a
friendly and a prudent part, knowing, as you do,
my habitual indolence and supineness. Yet I can
redeem my pledge with no great expense or labour.
The controversialists to whom you refer, torture, tiie
passages of scripture which they allege for, pseudo-
episcopacy ; and their arguments have beep already
refuted by others. Nor do they place their chief
confidence in argument, but in the mask of anti
quity, and the pretext of royal authority, which
they boastingly represent as absolute and omnipo
tent. They dare not come out into, the open field,
nor will they commit themselves in any contest
which is not to be finally decided by the arbitrary
will of an individual. By means of injunctions,
proclamations, edicts, and pretended judicial pro
cesses, they break through every barrier, and per
vert all laws, human and divine. Keep yourself
easy on the head of my ' thrasonic boasting ;' for
I. measure the cause by the force of truth, and
not my own abilities, and look for victory over
the prostrate audacity of our adversaries through
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 107, 108.

236 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the divine blessing. In so good a cause I do not
despair of being able at least to answer when chal
lenged ; but instead of arrogating any thing to my
self, I am disposed to place great confidence in my
brethren, whose diUgence in preparing for the com
bat I cannot but highly applaud *."
It is proper now to turn to Scotland, and take a
view of those ecclesiastical transactions in which
MelviUe felt so deep an interest. The same arts
of court policy which had been put in practice for a
number of years continued to be employed for the
overthrow of Presbytery. And as its ablest and
most resolute defenders were either exiled or impri
soned, these arts were but too successful. The
bishops were conscious that there were still great
difficulties in the way of their accomphshing their
object. While they were at work in removing
these, they contrived to lay asleep the jealousy of
their opponents, and to bind up their hands, by en
gaging them in a treaty for peace and accommoda
tion. At a conference held at Falkland in June,
1608, and at a packed General Assembly convened
at Linlithgow in the subsequent month, both parties,
with professions of mutual regard, agreed to leave
the matters in dispute to be settled by a certain
number of individuals, and promised upon oath to
abstain in the mean time from agitating them, or
saying any thing in private or public which might
* Melvini Epistolse, pp. 13*, 135.
5

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 237
tend to keep alive the dissension *. At a meeting
held in May, 1609, they renewed this engagement,
and joined in a common address to the King, in
which they gave him thanks for his exertions to
settle the peace of the church f . When a scheme
is on foot for overturning the constitutional liber
ties of a society, all such engagements to silence and
the maintenance of peace are ensnaring and dan
gerous. In the present instance, the engagement
was a virtual retractation of the opposition hitherto
managed against episcopacy. It implied an acknow
ledgment on the part of the Presbyterians, that the
point in dispute was indifferent, and consequently
might be yielded out of regard to peace, and in obe
dience to the royal authority. It shut the mouths
of such as feared an oath, and exposed them to cen
sure as violators of their promise if they resisted
any step which their opponents might take ; while
it imposed no restraint on those who had the power
in their hands, and had shown by their former con
duct that they could trample on the most sacred en
gagements $.
It was during this deceitful truce, accordingly,

* Cald. vii. 146, 195—201. Scot's Apolog. Narrat. pp. 211— 217.
Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age, pp. 225, 240—243.
+ Cald. vii. 297—310. Scot, pp. 222—227. Melville, pp. 252—
265. J In a letter to the King, dated Linlithgow, July last, 1608, the
bishops say, " So now, Sir, as we hope for an end of all our conten
tions, and a prevailing in your Majesty's service," &c. (MS. in Bibl.
Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 61.)

238 LIFE, OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
that, the ecclesiastical leaders took a step which they
had ,bitfterto. carefully avoided. They had. aU along
denied that there was any intention of moulding the
government of the church after the , Enghsh form,
and had vindicated the changes which had been sucr
cessively introduced on the ground of their being
necessary for recovering the ecclesiastical property,
or to give satisfaction to the King. But they now
avowed a change of sentiment. A, new light* they
aUeged, had sprung up in their minds during .then;
late studies ; they were convinced t£i,at episcopacy
was more agreeable to Scripture than that form
of government which had. been established in .Sept-*,
land; and they were wiUing to impart the rea
sons which had convinced them to their brethren)
who were of a different mind. With j thi,s, view
they proposed that the question should be submitted
to a formal dispute. Considering what, the conduct
ofthe bishops had been for a course of years, their
professions of sudden conversion were more than sus
picious, and it was not difficult to trace their ',' new ,
light" to its genuine source *. However, three of
* When Cowper was made Bishop of Galloway, an old woman who
had been one of his parishioners at Perth, and a favourite, could not
be persuaded that her minister had deserted the presbyterian cause.
Resolved to satisfy herself, she paid him a visit in the Canongate,
where he had his residence as Dean of the Chapel Royal. The retinue
of servants through which she passed staggered the good woman's
confidence ; and on being ushered into the room where the bishop sat
in state, she exclaimed, " Oh, Sir ! what's this ? And ye hae really
left the guid cause, and turned prelate !"— " Janet, (said the bishop)
I have got new light upon these things." — " So I see, Sir (rephed

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 239
the ministers of Fife,— Scot, Dykes, and Carmichael,'
accepted their challenge, and prepared for the con
test. But it was enough for the patrons of episco
pacy to have called in question the received discip
line, and they found excuses for putting off the dis
cussion which they had provoked. To assist them
in the dispute, or rather to deter their opponents
from agreeing to it, Dr. Abbot and two other learn
ed divines were sent down from England. With
out wishing to derogate from the talents of the Eng
lish missionaries, we cannot help saying that they
gave but slender proofs of their prowess on this oc
casion. Had they come to Scotland four years earlier,
when the ablest defenders of presbytery were in the
country and at liberty, they would have had an op
portunity of signalizing themselves honourably as
the champions of the hierarchy ; and, notwithstand
ing the royal insinuation at the Hampton-Court
conference, we will venture to say that they would
have run no risk of having their doctoral habili
ments torn, although the sleeves of their cassocks
might perhaps have been a little disordered by the
rude fervour of Scottish eloquence. But their com
ing at the present time and traversing the country
in state, bore too strong a resemblance to the con
duct of a bravo, who proudly walks the stage, when
he knows that his antagonists have been seized by
the officers of justice or bound over to keep the
Janet) ; for when ye was at Perth, ye had but ae candle, and now
ye've got twa before ye : that's a' your new light."

240 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
peace. The English doctors were content with in
sinuating themselves into the good opinion of the
ministers in private, and pronouncing eulogiums on
their church-polity from the principal pulpits in the
kingdom. Dr. Abbot preached before the General
Assembly at Linlithgow, and had public thanks
given him for his " exceUent sermon *." Such com
mendations were then less complimentary than they
have become in the present charitable age, and I
doubt not that the sermon was excellent. Indeed,
a more prudent choice of a missionary could not
have been made. The amiable manners, modera
tion, and zeal for the reformed religion, by which
Abbot was distinguished, could not fail to have a
prepossessing influence in favour of his opinions.
But if his mission contributed to the overthrow of
the presbyterian church of Scotland, she, in her fall,
took a severe revenge on her rival. In reward of
his services on this occasion, Abbot was advanced
to the archbishopric of Canterbury f ; and we are
assured, by those who should know the fact, that
his semi-puritanical principles and moderate admi
nistration were a principal cause of the subsequent
ruin of the hierarchy, and triumph of presbytery, in
England J.
From the accounts of the friendly treaty which
were brought him in the Tower, Melville was at
* MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 61.
t Birch's Hist. View of Negociations, p. 338.
X Heylin's Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 383. Clarendon's Hist.
vol. i. pp. 88, 89. 1707, Svo.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 241
first inclined to form a favourable opinion of that
measure. But his nephew, whose proximity to the
scene of action gave him a better opportunity of
being acquainted with the exact state of matters,
and the real intentions of the ruling party, disap
proved of it from the beginning, and had warned
his brethren against agreeing to it *. ". I am afraid
(says he, in a letter to his uncle) that your solution
of my scruples is not satisfactory. These twenty
individuals, (who met at Falkland) were chpseji by
the General* Assembly to determine all matters that
were up, controversy. They have decided that the
truce, and the address approving of the royal mea
sures, .shall be pubhshed in all the churches of the
kingdom, and that none shall speak against them.
And they have promised to use their influence
to induce their brethren to acquiesce in this de
cision. The bishops boast to his Majesty of their
success, and appeal to the letter subscribed by aU
the delegates. It is true that our excellent brethren
who have been placed in the front of the battle were
far from intending this, and are now grieved at the
advantage which has been taken of them. But
through their over-confidence, the whole discipline
has been caUed in question. It has been with the
greatest difficulty that I have been able for some time
back to restrain Carmichael, Dykes, and certain
others from disputation; so secure were these young
men in the strength of the cause (which no doubt
* Cald. vii. 126, 202, 289. Melville's Decl. Age, p. 216.
VOL. II. R

242 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
is commendable) and in their own abilities. But
who does not perceive the danger of disputing be
fore such a judge ? for the king will be the judge.
Therefore I dread the worst — -not only the over
throw of the discipUne, but also the thraldom of
conscience under the mask of forbearance, tolera
tion, and bonds of peace. For what wiU not epis
copal men, popish or protestant, presume to do for
the advancement of their schemes ? whUe those of
the purer sort wiU not dare even to mutter. N *.
has long ago finished a large answer to Barlow ; but
unless he can secure a maintenance for his family in
exile he is unwiUing to publish it, and I cannot
urge him. I also have many things in my Adver~
saria, but they are as a sword in its scabbard. In
the mean time the Greeks are masters of the city,
which, if not in flames, is deserted by its defenders f."
Melville could not deny the force of these reasons,
but still he was disposed to put a more favourable
construction on the conduct of his brethren. " If
they have erred (says he in his reply) I am of opi
nion that they have erred more through fear than
self-confidence. If they have been guilty of any
oversight, it has proceeded from dejection rather
than elation of mind. Nor need we wonder at this,
when we read what his Majesty has lately pubhsh
ed, in his contest with BeUarmine, the crimes which
he imputed to the puritans, and the violent hostility
* Probably Mr. John Carmichael, minister of Ely.
t Melvini Epistolae, pp. 123 — 125.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 243
Which he shews to the whole of that party. These
declarations might make our brethren dread the
worst, and induce them to ratify the bond of peace*."
This was one of the amiable traits in MelviUe'a
character. He was himself a stranger to fear ; and
no man was less disposed to make concessions hurt-
ful to truth, or to give way, even for an hour, to
the insidious proposals of its adversaries. Yet no
man was more ready than he to make allowances
for those who failed through defect of courage
or of firmness ; and provided he was satisfied of
their integrity and good intentions, he censured
their faults with the utmost reluctance and tender
ness. He was even averse to form a harsh judg
ment of the motives of those individuals whose con
duct he most decidedly condemned. " Notwith
standing ihe stormy season, (says he, in a letter to
a friend in Scotland,) I have felt nothing hitherto
but fair and pleasant weather, keeping both soul and
body in a cheerful disposition. Such is the bounti
ful grace of our merciful heavenly Father toward
me in this vale of misery and shadow of death. So
that nothing has come against my heart to trouble
me, but the affliction of my brethren, and the bear
ing down of the cause by the ignorance of some, and
the craft of others, for charity will not suffer me to
suspect malice in any f ."
James Melville's predictions were soon verified.
During the time agreed on for a cessation of hosti-
* Melvini Epistohe, p. 134. ' t Cald. vii. 210.
r2

244 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
lities, the bishops were bushy employed in strength
ening their influence, and in ripening their plans for
execution. At the parhament held in 1609, not one
of the ministers was present to oppose any mea
sures hostile to the church which might be pro
posed. The Commissary-courts were, suppressed ;
and the power of judging in matrimonial and tes
tamentary causes, and in aU others of a mixed
kind, was transferred to the bishops in their se
veral dioceses *. Large sums of money were ex
pended by the King in buying back the alienated
episcopal lands and revenues, that the bishops might
hve in a style suitable to their rank f . Archbishop
Spotswood was made an Extraordinary Lord of
Session, to prepare the way for the restoration of
the episcopal order to the place which they had for
merly held in that court J. But nothing contributed
more to the advancement of their designs than the
* Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 430, 431. The bishops, in a Memorial to
his Majesty, had requested his interposition to procure this power
for them. (Scot's Apolog. Narrat. p. 221. Printed Cald. p. 602.)
t James Melville says that this cost the King " above 300,000
lib. Sterling." (Hist, of the Decl. Age of the Church of Scotland,
p. 265. Simsoni Annales, p. 124.)
X This was one of the requests in the Memorial referred to in the
last note but one. In a letter, dated Feb. 18, 1610, Gladstanes
says: "Your Majesty may look for uniform and constant service
from all my brethren, the prelates, whom also your Majesty will
please to encourage, — partly when places in the Session shall vaik by
promoting some moe to the same, whilk will both repair the decay
of our livings and patrimony, and procure the dependance of the rest
ofthe ministry, who have their fortunes and estates subject to the
pleasure of that judicatory." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid, Edin. M. 6, 9.
num. 68.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 245
power which they received from the court to modify
or fix the stipends of the ministers. " By augmenta
tion they allured, by diminution they weakened, a
number of the ministry ; and that so covertly, that
one cause was pretended publicly and another alleged
in secret*." — " The bishops sit at the helm (says
James Melville, in a letter, to his uncle); the rest
of the commissioners being either removed by them,
or withdrawing of their own accord. The bishop
of St. Andrews keeps a splendid establishment at
Edinburgh, consisting of his wife, children, and a
great retinue of servants ; and ostentatiously dis
plays his silken robes every Sabbath in Bruce's pul
pit before the magistrates and nobility. Crowds
of poor ministers, mean souls, besiege his door, press
round him when he comes abroad, and for the sake
of their stipends (the modifying of which is entirely
in his power) do every thing but adore him. What
say you to thisf ?" At last, the power of the bishops
was carried to the highest pitch to which the King
could raise it, by the introduction of the English
Inquisition — the court of High Commission, This
detestable court, whose procedure was regulated by
no fixed laws or forms of justice, was armed with
the united terrors of civil and ecclesiastical despor
tism. It had the power of receiving appeals from
any ecclesiastical judicatory, of caUing before it all
persons accused of error or immorality, and all
* Printed Cald, pp. 574, 578. t Melvini Epistohe, p. 125.
R 3

246 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
preachers and teachers in schools or coUeges, charged
with speeches which were impertinent, contrary to
the estabhshed order of the church, or favourable
to those who had been confined or banished for ec
clesiastical offences ; and, on finding them guilty, it
was empowered to depose and excommunicate, to
fine and imprison them. The presence of an arch
bishop was necessary to the validity of aU its meet
ings, and it was easy for him to summon such of
his coUeagues as he knew to be devoted to bis wiU ;
so that it was to aU intents and purposes an episco
pal court. " As it exalted the bishops far above
any prelate that ever was in Scotland, so it put the
King in possession of that which long time he had
desired and hunted for, to wit, the royal preroga
tive and absolute power to use the bodies and goods
of bis subjects at his pleasure, without form or pro
cess of the common law : so that our bishops were
fit instruments of the overthrow of the freedom and
hberty both of the church and realm of Scot
land *."
Being thus Lords of parhament, privy council,
session, exchequer, and regality, Modifiers of sti
pends, Constant Moderators and Visitors of pres
byteries, and Royal High Commissioners, the bishops
thought they might now safely submit the question
of episcopacy to the determination of a General As
sembly, Accordingly, a meeting of that judicatory
* Melville's Hist, of the Decl. Age, pp. 270 — 276.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 247
was, at their request, appointed to be held at Glas
gow in the month of June, 1610; royal missives were
sent to the presbyteries, nominating the individuals
whom they should choose as their representatives to
it ; and the Earl of Dunbar came down from Lon
don as King's Commissioner, to be present at its
deliberations, and to provide that every thing should
be done according to the royal will and pleasure *.
In his letter to the Assembly, his Majesty told
the members, that he had expected, that, weary of
the anarchy which reigned among them, they would
have solicited him before that time to restore the
primitive government of the church ; but since they
had failed in doing this, either through the culpable
backwardness of the bishops, or the factious singu
larity of the meaner sort of ministers, he had been
obliged to take up the affair himself. He had caUed
them together, he said, to testify his affection to
the church, and " not because their consent was
very necessary," for " it was very lawful and grant
ed to him by God" to have done the work "abso
lutely out of his own royal power and authority ;"
and they would learn, from the Earl of Dunbar
and the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to whom he

* In a common letter sent by the bishops to his Majesty, requesting
him to call this Assembly, they say : " We shall take, by God's help,
the most safe and sure way : and what we undertake, we shall be an
swerable to your Majesty for performance. We have all our ministers,
even such as were most refractory, at the point of toleration. They
will suffer things to proceed and be quiet, because they cannot longer
strive." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 66.)

248 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
had imparted his mind, what those alterations were
which he was determined to make whether they con
sented to them or not. The Assembly was not of
a temper either to resent or resist these magisterial
and haughty orders. A committee was appointed
to draw up such resolutions as would prove satisfac
tory to his Majesty, or rather to receive what had
already been agreed upon between him and the
bishops ; and their report was immediately adopted
and approved. The- General Assembly held at
Aberdeen in the year 1605 was condemned, and the
right of caUing and dismissing Assemblies was de
clared to be a branch of the royal prerogative. The
bishops were declared moderators of Diocesan Sy
nods ; all presentations to benefices were appointed
to be directed to them, in place of presbyteries ; and
the power of excommunicating and absolving of
fenders, of ordaining and deposing ministers, and of
visiting aU the churches within their respective
dioceses, was conferred on them. In ordination
and deposition, the bishop was to be assisted by the
" ministers of the bounds" (for the name of a pres
bytery was insufferable to the royal ears) ; and if
found culpable he might be removed by the General
Assembly, "with his Majesty's advice and consent*."
* In a letter written to his Majesty, March 14, 1610, Spotswood
says : " They have at this time a strong apprehension of the discharge
of presbyteries ; and, for the standing thereof in any tolerable sort,
will refuse no conditions : so it were good to use the opportunity, and
cut them short of their power, and leave them a bare name, which for
the present may please, but in a little time shall evanish." (MS. in
Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 1. 12. num. 44.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 249
But these limitations of the episcopal power were
merely a blind thrown over the eyes of the simple ;
and accordingly, they were excluded from the subse
quent ratification of the acts of the Assembly by
Parliament *. There were only five votes against
the resolutions. Primrose, and some other ministers
in Ayrshire, intended to protest against the whole
proceedings, but means were found to prevent them
from carrying their purpose into execution.
Constituted as this Assembly was, it is altogether
unnecessary to enter into any particular account of
the way in which it was managed. It had no pre
tension to be regarded as a regular meeting of the
supreme judicatory of the church of Scotland; it
had not the semblance of that freedom which be
longs to a lawful assembly ; and as it would have
been less insulting to the nation, so it would have
been equally good in point of authority, if the mat
ters enacted by it had been at once proclaimed by
heralds at the market-cross, as edicts emanating from
the royal will. One fact only shall be stated. The
Commissioner produced aproclamation, which he said
he was appointed to make, abolishing presbyteries,
and prohibiting them to meet for the future. While
alarm and grief at this intimation sat on the coun
tenances of the members, some of the nobility, who
* In the preamble of the act of parliament, the conclusions of the
General Assembly are thus introduced : " In manner, substance, and
effect following; with the explanation maid be the estaitis of parlia
ment presentlie convenit of some of these articles resolued vpoun in
foirsaid assemblie of Glasgow." (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 469.)
6

250 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
were instructed to act their part in the farce, rose
and entreated the Commissioner to keep back the
proclamation until the King should be informed of
their present proceedings ; upon which his lordship,
with affected condescension, acceded to their propo
sal, and promised to join with them in soliciting his
Majesty to rest satisfied with what the Assembly
had done, and to permit the presbyteries to continue.
This transaction deterred any from appearing as
protesters, and it was industriously circulated
through the country, to induce ministers and people
to submit to the obnoxious decisions. Bribery, as
weU as artifice, was practised on the members of
this assembly, which obtained the name of the ange
lical assembly, in aUusion to the name of the coins
distributed on the occasion *. Those who voted
with the court endeavoured to excuse their receiv
ing these " wages of unrighteousness," by aUeging
that they were given them to defray their travelling
expenses f . Two years were aUowed to elapse be
fore the acts of this Assembly were ratified, and the
* Sir James Balfour says, the Earl of Dunbar distributed among
the ministers " 40,000 merks to facilitate the matter and obtain their
suffrages.'' (Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 398.) Nothing, it was
said, was to be seen about Glasgow, for some time after the assembly,
but angels. A travelling pauper, named James Read, who -had been
there in the course of his profession, having heard what a country
minister got for his vote, railed on him as a fool for selling his Mas
ter for two angels, when he (the pauper) had got three for nothing.
(Simsoni Annales, p. 124. Row's Hist. p. 160. Proceedings of the
Assemblie holden at Glasgow in 1638 : MS. penes me, p. 66.)
t Cald. vii. 389—406. Row, 147 — 155. Melville's Decl. Age, 277
—284. Scot, 233—240. Wodrow's Life of Law, p. 9.
4

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 251
laws in favour of presbytery rescinded, by parlia
ment *.
Thus, after a struggle of more than ten years,
was Episcopacy established in Scotland. The way
in which it was introduced exhibits a complete con
trast to the introduction of the ecclesiastical polity
which it supplanted. Presbytery made its way by
the weapons of argument and persuasion, without
the aid of the civil power, which viewed its pro
gress with a jealous eye, and raised its arm repeat
edly to crush it. Its patrons avowed from the
beginning all that they intended, and never had
recourse to falsehood or fraud to accomplish their
favourite object. And it had been rooted in the
opinions and affections of the nation long before it
obtained a legal establishment. Episcopacy, on the
contrary, was the creature of the state. It had the
whole weight of the authority and influence of the
crown all along on its side ; and even with this it
could not have prevailed, or maintained its ground,
without the aid of those arts to which government
has recourse for carrying its worst and most unpo
pular measures. Deceit and perfidy and bribery
were joined to fines, and imprisonments, and banish
ments, and the terrors of the gibbet. Dissimulation
was the grand engine by which the presbyterian
constitution was overthrown. While the court dis
graced itself by a series of low and over-reaching
tricks, the aspiring clergy plunged themselves into
* Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 469, 470.

252 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the deepest and most profligate perjury, They re
fused no pledge which the jealousy of the church-
courts, awakened by the measures of government,
required of them. When engaged in a scheme for
overthrowing the established discipline, they re
newed the assurances of their inviolable attachment
and adherence to it *. With the most solemn asse
verations and execrations, they disclaimed aU inten-

* On the 2d of August, 1604, all the members of the presbytery
of St. Andrews, including Gladstanes, renewed their subscription of
the National Covenant, and at the same time subscribed the act of
parliament, 1592, which ratified presbytery, as an authentic explana
tion of the discipline which they swore to maintain, — " to testify
their harmony and hearty agreement in all things both concerning
doctrine and discipline ; promising solemnly to defend the same al
ways, according to their callings, and never to come in the contrary
according to the great oath set down in the foresaid Confession of
Faith." And what was the form of this oath ? " Promising and
swearing by the great name of the Lord our God, that we shall con
tinue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this kirk, and
shall defend the same, according to our vocation and power, all the
days of our lives, under the pains contained in the law, and danger
both of body and soul in the day of God's fearful judgment. And
seeing that many are stirred up, — to promise, swear, and subscribe
deceitfully, — we therefore, willing to take away all suspicion of hypo
crisy, and of such double dealing with God and his kirk, protest and
call the searcher of all hearts for witness, that our minds and hearts
do fully agree with this our confession, promise, oath, and subscrip
tion," &c. To this engagement, sanctioned by this awful appeal and
protestation, did Gladstanes set his hand immediately after the mo
derator of the presbytery. (Extract from the Record of Presb. of St.
And. in Melville's Decl. Age, pp. 109—111.) Spotswood and Law
subscribed the Book of Policy, among the members of the presbytery
of Linlithgow. (Rec. of Synod of Lothian and Tweeddale, Oct. 6,
1591.) And, in the year ] 604, they renewed their pledges. (Sim
soni Annal. pp. 89, 107. Printed Calderwood, pp. 484, 485.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 253
tion of bringing prelacy into the church, and swore
to observe the cautions enacted to guard against ita
admission. Every change which was made was de
clared to be the only one intended ; but no sooner
had the alarm excited by it been allayed than it was
followed by another, until at last the whole system
of the hierarchy was introduced and established by
the exertions of those who had so frequently disown
ed and abjured it. No expressions can be too strong
in reprobating a scene of deliberate, systematic, and
persevering prevarication and perfidy, to which it
will not be easy to find a parallel in the whole his
tory of political intrigue, and which, as practised
by churchmen, must have had the most pernicious
influence on religion, by debasing the character of
its ministers, especially in the estimation of the
higher ranks, whom they now vied with in honours,
and sought to supplant in the highest offices of the
state. A victory gained by such arts was more
dishonourable than many defeats. It required only
another triumph of a similar kind to secure the per
petual proscription of episcopacy from this country,
and to fix a stigma upon it which must induce its
warmest admirers to wish that every trace of its
existence were erased from the annals of Scotland.
A Scottish gentleman of the name of Colville
communicated the result of the assembly at Glasgow
to Melville. He was deeply affected by the intel
ligence ; and continued for a considerable time in a
state of profound and distressing silence. When
his grief at last found utterance, it vented itself in

254 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
a vehement denunciation against the Commissioner,
Dunbar, whom he regarded, and justly, as the prime
agent in overturning the ecclesiastical liberties of
his native country *. Not that he wanted considera
tions to alleviate the distress which he felt on this
occasion. His conscience acquitted him of having
wilfully failed in any part of his duty during the
long and painful struggle ; and he had the satisfac
tion to reflect, that though the cause was unsuccess
ful, its honour remained untarnished. Until he
and his associates were removed out of the way by
fraudulent and forcible means, the enemy gained no
real advantage, and durst not attack the citadel,
notwithstanding their knowledge of the treachery
and feebleness of many of its defenders. With all
his vanity and boastfulness, Gladstanes acknow
ledged that they would have been unable to execute
their designs, if Andrew Melville had remained in
the country and been at liberty. The firm and in
dependent, though oppressed and overborne, oppon
ents of episcopacy were the real victors ; and it was
not without reason that MelviUe applied the elegant
* Scot reports Melville's words to have been, " that man (Dun
bar) that hath overthrown that kirk and the liberties of Christ's king-
dome there shall never have the grace to set his foot in that kingdome
againe.'' (Apolog. Narrat. p. 248.) And the same account is given
by Row. (Hist. p. 158.) But in the confidential correspondence be
tween Melville and his nephew, there is not the most distant allusion
to any prophecy, although Dunbar's death is repeatedly mentioned.
It is most probable that a prophetical turn was given to Melville's
words after the sudden death of the premier ,¦ and this remark may be
extended to many of those sayings which have been recorded as
prophecies in the lives of good men.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 255
description of an ancient historian to himself and
his fellow-combatants : " Certatim gloriosa in cer-
tamina ruebatur ; multoque avidius turn martyria
gloriosis mortibus queerebantur, quam nunc episco-
patus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. — Neque ma-
jore unquam triumpho vicimus, quam quum decern
annorum stragibus vinci non potuimus *."
The overthrow of presbytery afflicted James Mel
ville as acutely as his uncle ; but it did not surprise
him so much, as he was less sanguine in his hopes
of a successful resistance, from the knowledge which
he possessed of the actual state of matters in Scot
land. Before the late General Assembly sat down,
his fears had anticipated the issue, and he had be
wailed it in the most tender strains in his letters to
his brethren f . Jealous of the personal interviews
and epistolary correspondence which he held with
his brethren in Scotland, the bishops procured an
order to remove him from Newcastle to Carlisle,
where he would have it less in his power to coun
teract their plans. The only consolation which he
had in the prospect of this change of abode was the
opportunity that it would give him of meeting with
his much esteemed friend and fellow-sufferer, John
Murray X]. But by means of his friends at court he

* Melvini Epist. p. 27 : ex Sulpitii Severi Hist. Saer. lib. i. cap. 33.
+ See his letter to William Scot in Printed Calderwood, p. 614.
X John Murray, minister of Leith, was at this time confined in
Dumfries-shire. He was prosecuted for a sermon containing some
free remarks on the conduct of the bishops, which had been printed
without his knowledge. The Privy Council sustained his defence,

256 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE
obtained a revocation of the order, and was per
mitted to take up his residence at Berwick *. If he
was indebted for this favour to the interest of the
Earl of Dunbar, he met at the same time with an
injury from that nobleman, which cured him of
any inclination which he still felt to rely on his pa
tronage, and which may be added to the numerous
proofs of the good faith of courtiers. " I cannot
conceal from you (says he, in a letter to his uncle)
the affront which I have received from my lord of
Dunbar. On passing through this place to Glas
gow, he charged me once and again and a third
time — ultroneously charged me, when I was asking
no such favour of him, to send for my son Andrew,
and have him in readiness to accompany him when
he returned to the south ; as he intended to ; place
him in one of the English universities, and would
supply him with every thing that he needed. At
considerable expense I recalled the young man from
France, and, placing him before his lordship on his
return, I told him that my son waited his orders.
He took no notice of him ; but mounting his horse
and contracting his brows, stretched out his hand
to me, and departed without uttering a word f ."
but the bishops procured a letter from the King, reprimanding the
Council, and ordering Murray into confinement. (Regist. Secret.
Concil. Royal Letters, &c. 20th March, and 30th April, 1608 ; and
5th March, 1609. Printed Cald. pp. 580 — 582.) His sermon was
printed along with " Informations or a Protestation, A. 1608 ;" but .
it is rarely to be found in the copies of that tract.
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 150, 166.
t Ibid. pp. 183, 184.

LIFE OF ANDEEW MELVILLE. 257
This proud man was soon after brought down from
his elevation, and laid where " the kings and coun
sellors of the earth rest with the prisoners, who no
longer hear the voice of the oppressor."
Melville was visited in the Tower by several
of the supporters of episcopacy, whom he received
in such a way as to testify his sense of their cour
tesy, at the same time that he told them his opinion
of their conduct with his characteristical frankness
and warmth. " Two of my old scholars (says he)
called on me when they were lately here. The sight
of them made my mouth water ; and I poured forth
my indignation on them in my usual manner. I
did not dissemble the injury done to the brethren
through their fault. I exhorted them to return
to their duty and not to go on to ' fight against
God.' The injuries done to myself I forgave the
commonwealth and church. I shewed them that the
arms of all ought to be turned against the common
enemy, unanimity and fraternal concord cultivated,
and the exiled brethren recalled. They agreed with
me on these points, but pleaded that the King is
bent on maintaining order, and he must be obeyed
in aU things :
Et veterem in limo ranae cecinere querelam.
I parted with these civil gentlemen on the most civil
terms ; and they of course will trumpet everywhere
the praises of your friend's profound erudition *."
* Melvini Epistolas, p. 54.
VOL. II. S

258 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Among his visitants was his countryman, John
Cameron, who had come over at this time from
France. As he was favourable to the ecclesiastical
plans of the court, a dispute soon ensued between
them. Cameron was dogmatical and loquacious,
and Melville was not disposed to allow him to run
away with the argument. When they were hotly
engaged, the Tower bell gave warning that all visi
tors should retire, and the combatants were reluc
tantly separated. At parting, Melville admonished
Cameron, that being a young man, he should be
ware of " being lifted up with pride," and of dis
paraging that discipline, which, from the time of the
Reformation, had formed an integral part of religion
in his native country, and had hitherto resisted the
attacks of all its adversaries, both domestic and
foreign *.
He had at this time an opportunity of becoming
personally acquainted with Isaac Casaubon ; but he
found the sentiments of that great scholar much
altered from what they were when his epistolary
correspondence with him commenced. During his
residence at the French court, Causabon's attach
ment to the reformed religion had been shaken,
and the Roman Catholics entertained confident
hopes of making him a convert, when his patron,
Henry the Great, was assassinated f. On that tragical
* Melvini Epist. pp. 112, 113.
t When Rosweid afterwards published that Casaubon had intended
to profess himself a Roman Catholic, the statement was strongly con
tradicted by his son Meric, and by Jacobus Cappellus. But it is evi
dent from his own letters, that Casaubon, although he could not

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 259
event he retired into England, and was warmly re
ceived by James and the bishops. But though he
obtained a dipensation to hold two prebends without
entering into holy orders, the tasks allotted to him
were neither creditable to his talents nor congenial
to his feelings*. He who had devoted his life to the
cultivation of Grecian and Oriental literature, and
who had edited and iUustrated Strabo, Athenaeus,
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Polysenus, and Poly
bius, was now condemned to drudge in replying to
the Jesuit Fronto le Due, correcting his Majesty's
answer to Cardinal Du Perron, refuting the An
nals of Cardinal Baronius, and, what was still more
degrading, writing letters to induce his illustrious
friend De Thou to substitute King James's narra
tive of the troubles of Scotland in the room of that
which he had already published on the authority of
Buchanan. Melville is mentioned as one of three
individuals in whose learned society he found relief
from these irksome and ungrateful occupations f.
The warm approbation of the constitution of the

easily digest some of the grosser articles of the Popish creed, was se
riously deliberating on the change ; and his son has kept back a
part of one of his letters which contains strong evidence to that
purpose. (Merici Casauboni Epistolae, pp. 85, 89, coll. cum Epist.
Isaaci Casauboni, p. 607. Epist. Eccles. et Theol. p. 250.) Du
Moulin wrote to the Bishop of Bath and Wells advising him by all
means to detain Casaubon in England ; as there was every reason to
fear his recantation if he returned to France. (Casauboni Vita, ab
Almelov. p. 55.)
* Birch's Hist. View of Negociations, p. 340.
t Casauboni Vita, p. 54.
s 2

260 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
church of England which Casaubon expressed, and
the countenance which he gave to the consecration
of the Scottish prelates at Lambeth, were by no
means agreeable to MelviUe * But notwithstand
ing this, he received frequent visits from him in the
Tower ; and on these occasions they entertained
and instructed one another with critical remarks
on ancient authors, and especially on the Scrip
tures f .
During his imprisonment he received marks of
civility and friendship from several of the episcopal
divines in England ; among whom was Joseph HaU,
afterwards bishop of Norwich, and weU known by
his pious and ingenious writings f.

* In a letter to Boyd of Trochrig, Melville mentions this last cir
cumstance with regret. (Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 210.)
t Casaubon has preserved, in his Ephemerides, a critical emenda
tion of the common text of 1 Timothy iii. 15, 16, which Melville
suggested to him at one of these interviews. He proposed to read the
passage thus : " These things write I unto thee — that thou mayest
know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God,
which is the church of the living God. The pillar and ground of the
truth, and great without controversy, is the mystery of godliness,
God was manifest in the flesh," &c. (Casauboniana, pp. 92, 292.)
" Mira novitas !" exclaims Casaubon. But, with all deference to
the learned critic, the proposed reading was not a novelty. It is to
be found in the Basil editions of the Greek Testament, annis 1540
and 1545; and has been adopted by several modern critics of great
authority. X " Literas a D. Josepho Hallo christianae amoris et humanitatis
pleriissimas accepi ; pro quibus non potui non agere gratias. Ejus in
Salamonem opella, nuper edita, bene placet." (Melvini Epistolae,
p. 99.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 261
By Sir William Wade, the Governor ofthe Tower,
he appears to have been treated with every indul
gence which was consistent with his safe custody *.
Among his fellow-prisoners were Sir Walter Raleigh,
and the favourite Magi of the Duke of Northum
berland!. There were also in the Tower at this
time three Scotchmen of the popish persuasion ; the
noted John Hamilton, Paterson, a priest, and Camp
bell, a Capuchin friar, who were kept under an easy
restraint, and sumptuously provided for \. Melville
had several interviews with them ; and waited on
the death-bed of Hamilton, whom he exhorted,
though without success, to rest his hopes of final
acceptance on the atonement and advocacy of Christ,
instead ofthe merits and intercession of creatures §. In
the year 1610, Sir William Seymour, afterwards Duke
of Hertford, was sent to the Tower for clandestine
ly marrying the Lady ArabeUa, who was nearly al
lied to the royal family. On this occasion Melville
composed the following couplet, expressive of the
similarity of the cause of Seymour's imprisonment
* Melvini Epistole, pp. 318, 321, 323.
t Biographia Brit. art. Harriot, Thomas.
X Melvini Epist. p. 137. In the year 1608, James sent a letter to
the Privy Council of Scotland, reprimanding them for overlooking
" Mr. Johne Hamiltoune." (Letter from the Counsall to his Maiestie :
Lord Haddington's Collect.) About the same time Mr. Alexander Camp
bell and Mr. Johne Young apologize to his Majesty "for the resetting
of one Johne Cambell a Capuchin frier." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
Jac. V. 1. 12.) They were not apprehended until the year 1609.
§ Rob. Johnston, Hist. Rer. Brit. p. 460.
S3

262 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
to his own, founded on an allusion to the lady's
name, which in Latin signifies a fair altar.
Communis tecum mihi causa est carceris, Ara
bella tibi causa est ,; Araque sacra mihi *.
These hnes he sent to the noble prisoner on his en
tering the Tower, and the witty distich of " the
poetical minister" was much talked of at court f .
In the month of November, 1610, upon the return
of Lord Wotton, the English ambassador, from
France, the Duke of BouiUon sent an application by
him to King James, requesting him to release Melville
from the Tower, and aUow him to come to his uni
versity at Sedan. It is probable that MelviUe owed
this interposition in his favour to his friend Aaron

* The following translation of the lines is given in the Biographia
Britannica :
From the same cause my woe proceeds anrl thine,
Your Altab lovely is, and sacred mine.
For the imperfection of the translation, the apology of the learned
compiler may be sustained, that it is " almost impossible to translate
these lines into English without injuring either the sense or the spi
rit." But he has gone farther wrong in his commentary, in conse
quence ofhis being ignorant of the fact, that the poet was confined for
verses written on the Royal Altar. " The wit (says he) consists in
the allusion, grounded on the lady's name, signifying in Latin a
fair Altar, and Melvin's being committed for the cause of God's altar,
at least in his own opinion." (Biogr. Brit. art. Arabella Stuart.)
This would have been but dull wit, however sound " his own opi
nion" had been.
+ Sir Ralph Win wood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 201. Row's Hist.
p. 173.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 263
Capel, one of the ministers of the French church in
London, who had a brother in the University of
Sedan. As the Duke was one of the grandees of
France, and at the head of the protestants in that
kingdom, James was pleased at having an opportu
nity to gratify him by granting the request *. But
when Melville had the prospect of immediately ob
taining his liberty, a formidable opposition was made
to it from an unexpected quarter. The French am
bassador at London thought it proper to acquaint
his court with the transaction which was going on
between the Duke of Bouillon and James. The
Queen Regent instantly wrote, that she did not judge
it safe that a person of Melville's qualities should
come into her kingdom, where there was already a
sufficient number of turbulent and restless spirits ;
and therefore charged her ambassador to oppose the
measure, by representing to James that it was not
reasonable to send to France an individual whom
he had found it necessary to lay under restraint at
home on account of his seditious behaviour f . At
an interview with his Majesty, the ambassador laid
this representation before him. James professed
himself greatly embarrassed in consequence of his
promise to Bouillon. The request, he said, had
been publicly presented by Lord Wotton ; and, not
suspecting that a Marshal of France, and one of the
principal counsellors of her Majesty, had not made

* Melvini Epistola?, p. 173.
t De la Boderie, Ambassades, torn. v. pp. 513 — 51.5.

264 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
. her acquainted with the application, he had readily
acceded to it, on condition that the prisoner should
not be aUowed either to preach or publish, but
should confine himself to reading and teaching in
Sedan. At the same time, he professed his desire
to obhge the Queen in this and aU other matters ;
and only requested, that, with the view of disen
gaging him from his promise, she should speak to
the Duke in such a manner as to prevent him from
insisting on his request. In the course of the con
versation with the French ambassador, his Majesty
discovered his strong antipathy to Melville ; and
gave a short narrative of his life, in which he ap
pears to have been guided n'ot so much by a regard
to truth, as by a desire to increase the fears ex
pressed by the French queen. The Duke of Bouil
lon, he said, would not be so urgent in his request,
if he were acquainted with the fierce and contentious
humour of the man. After he returned from Ge
neva, where he was educated, he had been placed in
one of the universities of Scotland, which he kept
in continual broils during the four years that he re
mained in it : on that account his Majesty was oblig
ed to remove him to another university, into which
he also carried the torch of discord : and, finaUy,
being called up to London to answer for his disor
derly conduct, he was no sooner there than he feU
upon his Majesty and his principal counseUors,
whom he treated so abusively, that it became ne
cessary, in order to prevent something worse, to
shut him up in the Tower, where he still remain-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 265
ed *. The Queen Regent addressed a second des
patch to her ambassador, instructing him to perse
vere in his opposition to Melville's journey f . The
secret, however, was, that the French court was not
so much afraid of the seditious spirit of the Scot
tish Professor, as offended at Bouillon for present
ing such a request without its knowledge, and
jealous of his intercourse with the court of Lon
don $. Accordingly, the Duke having made a satis
factory apology for the step which he had taken, the
Queen Regent withdrew her opposition.
Melville had sent the earliest information of the
change in his prospects to his nephew. " The
Duke of BouiUon has applied to the King, by
the ambassador Wotton and by letters, for liberty
to me to go to France. His Majesty is said to
have yielded. I am in a state of suspense as to the
course which I ought to take. There is no room
for me in Britain on account of pseudo-episcopacy —
no hope of my being aUowed to revisit my native
country. Our bishops return home after being
anointed with the waters of the Thames. Alas, li
berty is fled ! religion is banished ! — I have nothing
new to write to you, except my hesitation about my
banishment. I reflect upon the active life which
I spent in my native country during the space
of thirty-six years, the idle life which I have been
condemned to spend in prison, the reward which I

* De la Boderie, torn. v. pp. 530—533.
t Ibid- p. 541. J Ibid. p. 517.
3

266 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
have received from men for my labours, the incon
veniences of old age, and other things of a similar
kind, taken in connexion with the disgraceful bond
age of the church and the base perfidy of men. But
in vain : I am still irresolute. Shall I desert my
station ? shall I fly from my native country, from
my native church, from my very self? Or, shaU I
deliver myself up, like a bound quadruped, to the
will and pleasure of men ? No: sooner than do this,
I am resolved, by the grace of God, to endure the
greatest extremity. But until my fate is fixed, I
cannot be free from anxiety. Be assured, however,
that nothing earthly affects me so deeplyas the treach
ery of men to God, and the defection of our church
in this critical conjuncture. Yet our adversaries
have not all the success which they could wish —
but I dare not write all that I could teU you by
word of mouth. Our affairs are in a bad state, but
there is still some ground of hope. Take care of
your health, and send me your advice, as quickly
as possible, and in one word. ShaU I go, or, shall
I remain * ?"
It is evident from this letter that he felt reluc
tant to go abroad. He was become attached to his
native country by a long residence in it. Though
he had no family of his own, he had formed attach
ments which were nearly as close and endearing as
those which are strictly domestic. His health and
spirits were stiU uncommonly good ; but he had
* Melvini Epist. pp. 173—175.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 267
arrived at that period of life when the mind loses its
elastic spring and its power of accommodating itself
to external circumstances ; and he felt averse to
enter upon a new scene of action in a country where
the people and the manners had undergone a com
plete change since he had known them. There
were, therefore, no sacrifices, those of conscience
and honour excepted, which he was not prepared to
make, in order to obtain permission to remain in
Scotland. James Melville knew that all hopes of this kind
were vain, and therefore advised him to embrace the
offer which was in his power. " Summon up your
courage, and prepare to obey the call of providence.
Perhaps this is ' a man of Macedonia' — a messen
ger from God to invite you to the help of the inha
bitants of Burgundy and Lorrain. Like the apostle,
' let none of these things move you, neither count
your life dear, that you may finish your course with
joy, and the ministry which you have received of
the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace
of God.' Te si fata tuis paterentur ducere vitam
Auspiciis, et sponte tua componere curas,
Urbem Trojanam primum 
Sed nunc Italiam — — 
Seeing you are bound like Jeremiah, you must go
whither you are led, though not in obedience to the
will of men, yet in cheerful submission to the will

268 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
of God, who will keep you in all his ways. So far
as I can see, there is no choice left, but a hard ne
cessity is imposed on you. I may add, that those
who are joined with you in the same cause, and I
in particular, would esteem it the greatest favour to
have it in our power to accompany you. For what
can I look for but continued distress of mind, whe
ther here or at home ? Take this then as my an
swer to your question, Either I must go abroad, or
death will soon be the consequence. I entreat you
to act the part of Joseph, and procure for me an in
vitation from the illustrious Duke, to serve in the
church or schools of France. I know the king will
readily accede to his request; but if I leave the
country without the royal license, I will incur pro
scription and confiscation. Melissa is as desirous
of being with you as I am, and is ready to accom
pany me wherever providence may direct my course.
She lately sent you, as a mark of her regard, a small
present, consisting of an embroidered cloak, a neck-
kerchief, and some other articles, trimmed with her
own hands. Have you received them ? — I know not
how it is, but my soul fails and melts within me,
and the tears rush into my eyes at the thought, of
which I cannot get rid, that I shall see your face no
more. While I write, my sweet Melissa, my only
earthly solace in my solitude and exile, overcome
with womanly grief, wets my bosom with her tears,
and desires me to bid you, in her name, a long fare
well. And I — Would to God you had long ago

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 269
closed my eyes at Montrose. I can write no more.
Eternal blessings rest upon you *."
While MelviUe remained in a state of suspense,
he resolved to make an attempt to regain his liberty
on terms less hard than banishment. He addressed
a letter to Sir James SempiU, in which, after mo
destly stating his claims, " at least, to an honest re
treat from warfare, with the hope of burial with
his ancestors," he offered his services to Prince
Henry, who was then inthe seventeenth year ofhis
age f . The Prince, whose character was in every
respect the reverse of his father's, would have re
ceived him into his family with the utmost pleasure,
if he had been left to his own choice. But there
was no ground to hope that the King would permit
such an instructor to be placed about the person of
his son, of whose active spirit and popularity he was
already become jealous. Melville wisely committed
the affair wholly to the discretion of Sir James Sem
piU, Sir James Fullerton, and Thomas Murray \ ; on
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 176, 184.
+ Original Letter to Sir James SempiU of Beltrees : MS. in Archiv.
Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii. num. 6.
X Thomas Murray was tutor and secretary to Prince Charles, and
afterwards provost of Eton College. He was the son of  Murray
of Woodend. (Douglasfs Baronage, p. 286.) His Latin poems,
which were published separately, are included in the Delitice Poeta
rum Scotorum. Various tributes were paid to him by the poets of
the age. (Leochau Epigrammata, pp. 38, 44, 87. Dumbari Epigr.
p. 114. Arct.JonstoniPoem. p. 281. Middelb. 1642.) In the year
1615, an attempt was made by Archbishop Gladstanes, to have him
removed from the Prince, " as ill-affected to the estate of the kirk.''

270 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
whom he placed a more entire dependence than on
any other of his acquaintance about the court. In his
letters he often expresses a grateful sense of the kind
ness which they had shown him during his imprison
ment. Of SempiU in particular he writes in the foUow
ing terms to his nephew : " Did my friend Sempill,
the assertor of my liberty, visit you in passing ? If he
did, as he promised he would, why have you not
said a word about him ? All my friends owe much to
him on my account. He takes a warm interest in my
studies as well as in the welfare of my person ; and,
what is more, I am persuaded that he takes a warm
interest in the cause. The court does not contain a
more religious man, one who unites in a greater de
gree modesty with genius, and a sound judgment
with elegant accomplishments. In procuring for me
a mitigation of my imprisonment," he has shown,
both by words and deeds, a constancy truly worthy
of a Christian. If you meet with him on his return
(for he means to return with your hero) thank him
on my account ; for he wiU not rest satisfied until
he has effected my liberation completely *."
(Letters from Archbishop Spotswood to Mr. Murray of the Bedcham
ber, Jan. 30, and Feb. 6, 1615: Wodrow's Life of Spotswood, pp.
51, 52.) His appointment to be Provost of Eton College, in the year
1621, was opposed, partly on suspicions of his puritanism. (Cabala,
pp. 289, 290.) He died " anno aH. 59, A. D. 1623, April 9 ;" (Le
Neve, Mon. Ang. vol. i. p. 86;) and left behind him five sons and
two daughters. (Latter will, extracted from Registry of the Prero
gative Court of Canterbury.)
* Melvini Epistolae, p. 78. Three epigrams by Melville are pre
fixed to a work against Selden by Sir James Sempill, entitled, " Sacri-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 271
In the month of February, 1611, Melville receiv
ed a letter from the Duke of Bouillon, stating that
he had procured his release from the Tower, and
inviting him to Sedan*. On this occasion he felt
great embarrassment as to pecuniary matters. The
government was so illiberal as to make him no al
lowance for bearing his expenses. He had been
obliged to support himself in the Tower, where
every individual who performed the smallest service
expected to be rewarded according to the rank of
the prisoner. His finances were so much exhausted
that he could not fit himself out for making an ap
pearance in a foreign country suited to his station
and connexions. And his nephew, on account of
certain extraordinary expenses which he had lately
incurred, felt himself unable to relieve him. The
urgency of his necessities and the delicacy of his
feelings, are well described in a letter written by him
at this time to James Melville, relating to a collec
tion which his friends in Scotland proposed to make
for him. " Our friend of Ely (says he) writes to me
that I owe much to our brother at Stirling ; refer
ring, I suppose, to the collection which has been so
ledge sacredly handled— Lond. 1619." 4to. Sir James was the author
of " Cassandra Scoticana to Cassander Anglicanus ;" (see above, p.
195;) and, in part at least, of a satirical poem against the church of
Rome, called "The Packman's Pater Noster."— Robert Boyd of
Trochrig, in mentioning Sempill's death, February 1625, extols his
character and his friendship for M.'lville. (Wodrow's Life of Boyd,
p. 148.)
* Cald: vii. ICG.

272 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
much talked of, and which, I am afraid, must be
viewed in the light of an exaction rather than a vo
luntary offering, and a gift to men rather than God.,
I know that I am under great obligations to Patrick*,
both on public and private grounds. But my na
ture will not suffer me, as the orator says, to enrich
myself from the spoils of others, and especiaUy of
strangers on whom I have no claims. I acknow
ledge that it is not unreasonable that my necessities
should be relieved by such of my brethren as are
able and willing, considering that I am reduced to
these straits not for any evil that I have done, but
for the public cause of Christ which they profess in
common with me. ' It is more blessed to give; than.
to receive' is an apostolical saying, which it is easier
to use and act upon when fortune flows than when
it ebbs. As it is the mark of a haughty mind to
spurn the benevolence of brethren, so, on the other
hand, it does not suit my disposition to grasp at
money which has been wheedled from a promiscu
ous multitude by fair and flattering speeches. Ne
cessity, you wiU say, has no law. But what neces
sity can be so great as to warrant one to compro
mise the character of a good man, or to sacrifice
one's reputation ? To sound a trumpet in bestow
ing a favour betrays ostentation ; and an ingenuous
and modest person wiU not be fond of having a noise
made at the receiving of a favour. It was always
my desire to be concealed in the crowd, even when
* Patrick Symson, minister of Stirling.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 273
the field of honour appeared to ripen before me. But
I act a foolish part in reasoning so stoically about
gifts of which nothing has yet reached me but the
sound. I will not purchase hope ; nor will I ever,
on my own account, extort money by eucharistical
letters. What I am requested to do is, to give
thanks to Simpson and Gillespie, (both of them
most deserving men) and to their flocks, with the
view of stimulating them to the making of a col
lection. This, if not a preposterous, is certainly
not a very honourable course. I could do many
things for others which I would blush to do for
myself. Advise me how to act, or rather take
the management of the business into your own
hands. You know how utterly unpractised I am
in such affairs*." The collection was made and
remitted to him ; but it came so late as almost to
prove, as he expresses it, moutarde apres diner f .
His health had hitherto remained uncommonly
good ; but it began at last to suffer from confine
ment, and he was seized with a fever. On the cer
tificate of the physicians he was permitted to leave
the Tower, and to enjoy the free air for a few days
within ten miles of London. But he was prohibit
ed from coming near the court of , the King, Queen,
or Prince \. During this interval he was visited
by the Earl of Cassilis, who insisted on making
another attempt to procure liberty for him to return
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 167—170. t Ibid. pp. 176, 185.
X Cald. vii. p. 466.
VOL. II. T

274 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
to his native country. But although his lordship
exerted all his influence, the terms dictated by the
court were so hard that Melville rejected them at
once *. Some of the Scottish bishops who happened
to be in London joined in the Earl's application ;
and Spotswood went so far as to request, publicly
on his knees, that Melville might be sent to the
University of Glasgow. His Majesty humoured the
farce, by turning to his courtiers, and extolling the
Christian spirit which the archbishop displayed in
interceding for the capital enemy of his order f .
Having recovered his health, Melville sailed for
France, after having been a prisoner in the Tower
for the space of four years. Before going aboard
the vessel he wrote the following hasty hnes to his
affectionate nephew :
" My dear son, my dear James, farewell, farewell
in the Lord, with your sweet MeUssa. I must now
go to other climes. Such is the pleasure of my di
vine and heavenly Father ; and I look upon it as a
fruit of his paternal love towards me. Why should
I not, when he has recovered me from a sudden and
heavy distemper, and animates me to the journey
by so many tokens of his favour ? Now at length
I feel the truth of the presage which I have fre
quently pronounced, That it behoved me to confess
Christ on a larger theatre ; which, so far as it may
* Melvini Epistolae, p. 295.
+ Row's Hist. pp. 348, 349. We can be at no loss in judging of
Spotswood's sincerity on this occasion, after reading what he has
said of Melville's banishment, in his History, pp. 499, 500.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 275
yet be unfulfilled, shall soon, I augur, receive a com
plete verification. In the mean time I retain you
in my heart, nor shall any thing in this life be dearer
to me, after God, than you. The excellent Capel
has in the most friendly manner recommended you
by letter to the Duke of Bouillon, but has as yet re
ceived no answer. To-day I set out on my journey
under the auspices of Heaven : May God in his
mercy give it a prosperous issue. Join with me in
supplicating that it may turn out to his glory and
the profit of his church. Although I have no un
easiness about my library, yet I must request you
to charge those who are entrusted with its keeping
to be careful of it, both for my sake, and for the
sake of the church, to which I have dedicated my
self and all my property. Who knows but we may
yet meet again to give thanks publicly to God for
all his benefits to us ? Why should we not cherish
the hope of better days ; seeing the fraud and pride
of our enemies have brought us to a condition which
appears to prognosticate the ruin of the lately-reared
fabric? Our three pretended bishops affirm that
they urged, and on their knees supplicated his Ma
jesty to restore me to my native country ; but you
know the disposition of the men, and what was the
drift of their request. In the mean time write to me
frequently by Capel concerning every thing, and
especially what is doing respecting the ecclesiastical
history. I am much grieved at the imprisonment
of my young friend Balfour, your sister's son ; if I
can procure his liberty, by the assistance of foreign-
T 2

273 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ers, I shall look upon it as a favour conferred on
myself. The vessel is under weigh, and I am called
aboard. My salutations to all friends. The grace
of God be with you always. From the Tower of
London — just embarking — on the day after the
funeral of your Maecenas, the 19th of April, 1611.
Your's as his own, in the Lord,
Andrew Melville *."
* Melvini Epistolae, pp. 188 — 190.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 277

CHAPTER X.
1611—1622.

Melville's Reception in France — Scotchmen in the Protest
ant Universities there — University of Sedan — Mel
ville'1 s Employment in it — His Correspondence with his
Nephew — Death of Robert Wilkie and John Jonston —
Melville leaves Sedan for a short time— Intelligence f-fom
Scotland — Constancy of Forbes and other banished Mi
nisters — Death of James Melville— Scottish Students at
Sedan — Melville opposes the Arminian Sentiments of
Tilenus — His Opinion of the Articles of Perth Assem
bly — Changes on University of St. Andrews — Defence of
the Scottish Church against Tilenus — Melville's Health
declines— -His Depth— Character and Writings.

On landing in France, Melville stopped for a short
time at Rouen, At Paris he was affectionately re
ceived by one of his scholars, George Sibbald of
Rankeillor-over and Giblistoun, who was then pro
secuting his studies in the French capital, and who,
after taking the degree of doctor in medicine at
Padua, spent his time and fortune in promoting li-
t 3

278 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
terature and science in his native country *. He
was also hospitably entertained by Du Moulin, the
weU-known protestant minister of Paris, who was
greatly pleased with the learning which he display
ed in conversation. The Frenchman had heard that
he was un peu colere, and therefore was afraid to
enter with him on a controversy which was then
keenly agitated among the Protestants of France.
These fears were however groundless ; for Melville's
sentiments on that subject were very moderate.
After remaining a few days in Paris, he repaired to
Sedan, and was admitted to the place destined for
him in the university f .
The protestants of France had at this time six
universities ; Montauban, Saumur, Nismes, Mont-
pellier, Die, and Sedan {. Besides these, they had

* Sibbald expresses his eagerness to see Melville, after his long
imprisonment, in the beautiful words of Horace, Ut mater juvenem,
&c. (Letter to Boyd of Trochrig, May 14, 1611 : Wodrow's Life of
Boyd, p. 53.) Dr. George Sibbald is mentioned in Inquis. Retornat.
Spec. Fife, num. 118. Comp. num. 123. Vita Arct. Johnstoni : Poet.
Scot. Muss Sacrae, torn. i. pp. xxx. xlix. lxiv. Dumbari Epigram.
p. 183. There are a number of his MSS. in the Advocates Library
at Edinburgh. His only printed work, as far as I know, besides his
academical theses, is " Regulae bene et salubriter vivendi — Edinb.
1701;" published by his nephew, Sir Robert Sibbald. He married
Anna de Maliverne, a French lady, and the relict of Robert Boyd
of Trochrig. (General Register of Deeds, vol. dlv. fi 39, b ; and
vol. dlxxxi. 12th April, 1653.)
+ Letter from Du Moulin to Boyd of Trochrig, May 29, 1611 :
Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 56.
X Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. pp. 330, 382, 387, 388. This is ex
clusive of those of Pau, Orthes and Lescar (the two last were united)
in the kingdom of Navarre and Beam.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 279
fifteen colleges, erected in other parts of the king
dom, in which languages, philosophy, and belles let-
tres were taught *. The number of Scotchmen who
taught in these seminaries was great. They were
to be found in all the universities and colleges ; in
several of them they held the honorary situation of
Principal ; and in others they amounted to a third
part of the Professors. Most of them had been
educated under Melville at St. Andrews f .
The territory of Sedan and Raucourt had long
formed a separate principality, governed by its own
laws, under the Dukes of Bouillon, who were petty
sovereigns, but subject to the crown of France.
About the year 1578, a .university was erected in
the town of Sedan by Robert de la Marck, Duke of
Bouillon |. By marrying his only child, Henry de
la Tour, Viscount of Turenne, had succeeded to his
titles and domains §. He proved a great patron to
the university, which was supported partly by his
munificence, and partly by a sum of money annually
allotted to it from the funds of the National Synod.
It had professorships of Theology, Hebrew, Greek,
* Quick's Synodicou, vol. i. pp. 275, 380, 388.
t It was my intention to subjoin, in the notes, an account of such
Scotchmen as were teachers in the protestant academies of France ;
but I find that there is not room for it.
X Emanuel Tremellius was professor of Hebrew at Sedan when he
died in 1580. (Melch. Adami Vitae Exter. Theol. p. 143. Teissier,
Eloges, iii. 179.)
§ Marsollier, Histoire de Henry de la Tour, Due de Bouillon,
pp. 139, 167, 173. Vie de Mornay du Plessis, pp. 153, 219. Laval,
Hist, ofthe Reform, in France, vi. 879.

280 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Law, Philosophy, and Humanity *. Walter Donr
aldson, a native of Aberdeen, and known as the
author of several learned works, was Principal,
and Professor of Natural and Moral Philosophy,
during all the time that Melville was in the;Uniyer-
sity f . Another of his countrymen, John Smith,
was also a Professor of Philosophy \. James Ca-
pellus, one of the ministers of Sedan,, taught ^he .Her, .
brew class. Though not so acute and bold a critic
as his brother Lewis, he was possessed of extensive
learning, and lived on terms of great intimacy with
MelviUe §. The Professor of Divinity was Dlauiel
* Quick, i. 330, 342. Bayle, Diet. art. Perrot, Nicole. Bayle
had been a professor at Sedan. Henry IV. allotted 45,000 crowns
annually to the National Synod; and Lewis XIII. added 45,000
livres. In 1609, the Synod granted to the University of Sedan £1500,
of which £700 was to be given to the Professor of Divinity. . The
annual sum given to it from 1612 to 1620 was £4000. (Aymons,
Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reform, de France, torn. i. p. 378.).
t Donaldsoni Synopsis (Economica, Prsefat. Paris. 1620. Two
other works of his are mentioned in Bayle, DiGt. art. Donaldson,
Gualter. He is called " Poeta Laureatus," (Leochaei Epigram, p. 21,)
that is, one who had taken a degree in grammar and rhetoric. " Wal-
terus Donaldson armiger, utriusque juris doctor apud Rupellam in
Gallia, natus in abredonia — fuit filius legitimus Alexandri Donaldson
armigeii (ex nobilissima et antiquissima familia donaldorum in regno
nostro Scotia; oriund.) et Elizabethan Lamb quae fuit filia legitima
Davidis Lamb, Baronis de Dunkenny." (Literae Prosapiae Alexri
Donaldson Medicinae Doctoris, dat. Edin. Nov. 15, 1642: MS. in
Bibl. Jurid. Edin. W. 6. 26. p. 21. Conf. A. 3. 19. num. 116.)
X Steph. Morinus, Vita Sam. Bocharti, p. 2 ; apud Bocharti Opera,
torn. i.
§ Colomesii Gallia Orientalis, pp. 157, 223. Colomies says : " Lu-
tlovicus Capellus, Jacobi unicus frater." But in a letter to Boyd of
Trochrig, Ludovicus calls Aaron Capel of London his brother. ( Wod-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 281
Tilenus, a native of Silesia, who, having come to
France in his youth, recommended himself to the
chief persons among the Protestants by his conduct
as tutor to the Lord of Laval, and as a writer in
defence of the reformed cause *. The profession of
Divinity, which Tilenus had hitherto sustained alone,
was now divided between him and Melville. The
former taught the system, while the latter prelected
on the Scriptures. Each delivered three lectures
in the week, and they presided alternately in the
theological disputations f .
In the beginning of the year 1612, Melville was
gratified by receiving an affectionate letter from his
nephew. " Ah, my dear father ! Are you well ?
where are you ? what are you doing ? do you still
remember me ? I have almost forgotten you for
some months, so much has my attention been occu
pied with my petition to the King. I have received
for answer, that I can have no hopes but in the way
of yielding an absolute submission to the decrees of
the late assembly at Glasgow : so that I despair of

row's Life of Boyd, p. 80.) There are two poems by Melville pre
fixed to a work of James Capellus, entitled " Historia Sacra et Exo
tica — Sedani 1613." Capellus introduces Melville's opinion on a
question which he discusses in the course of that work, calling him
" vir doctissimus et collega charissimus." (Hist. Saer. p. 236. Wolfii
Curae Crit. in Nov. Test. torn. iii. p. 657.)
* Memoires de Mornay du Plessis, torn. ii. pp. 455, 456. Quick's
Synod, vol. i. p. 187. Epistres Francaises a Mons. de la Scala,
p. 420.
t Mons. de Laune to Trochrig; Sedan, ' Nov. 20, 1611 : Wod
row's Life of Boyd, p. 58.

282 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
returning to my native country." Before he had
an opportunity- of answering this letter, MelviUe
received two letters from the same quarter, express
ing great distress at not having heard from him,
and communicating ample intelligence respecting
the state of matters in Scotland. The bishops were
triumphing in the exercise of their newly-acquired
pre-eminence, and daily received fresh proofs of the
royal favour. A remark of Chancellor Seaton was
much talked of : " If our bishops get the kingdom
of heaven they must be happy men ; for they already
reign on earth." Not satisfied with ruling the church-
courts, they claimed an extensive civil authority
within their dioceses. The burghs were deprived
of their privileges, and forced to receive such ma
gistrates as their episcopal superiors, in concert with
the court, were pleased to nominate *. No opposition
* In the year 1609, Archbishop Spotswood put a stop to the elec
tion of the magistrates of Glasgow ; and wrote to the King in the fol
lowing terms : " In all humblenes I present my opinion to your most
sacred Majesty that it may be your Highnes gracious pleasure to
command them of new to elect the Baillies that were nominate by your
Majesty in your first letter, and to si.gnify that it is your Highnes mind
that they have no Provost at this time." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
M. 6. 9. num. 65.) Two years after he treated the town of Ayr in the
same manner. (Letter, Spotswood to Beltrees, Oct. 12, 1611: Wod
row's Life of Spotswood, p. 36.) Archbishop Gladstanes, in a letter
to the King, June 9, 1611, says: " lt was your pleasure and direc
tion, — that I should be possessed, with the like privileges in the elec-
tione of the magistrats there (in St. Andrews,) as my lord of Glasgow
is endued with in that his city. — Sir, whereas they are troublesome, I
will be answerable to your Majesty and Counsell for them, after that
I be possessed of my right." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9-
num. 72.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 283
was at this time made to them. The nation had
not yet recovered from the terror inspired by the
threatening proclamations of the King, and the des-
potical powers of the High Commission. " How
shall I mention the state of our church !" says
James Melville. " It overwhelms me with grief,
shame, and confusion. All those whose duty it is
to care for it have laid aside their concern. The
pulpits are silent. A deep sleep has fallen down
upon our prophets. The hands of all are bound.
Issachar crouches, like an ass under his two burdens.
The pangs of death are come upon me : fear and
trembling have seized me : horror covers me. O
that I had the wings of a dove, that I might fly,
that I might wander far away, and lodge in the
desert !"
James Melville informed his uncle of the decease
of two of his most intimate acquaintance in the
University of St. Andrews. " The father of St.
Leonard's College, our steady friend Wilkie, has
happily ended his days. He has left all his pro
perty to the college, and nominated our acquaint
ance Bruce for his successor, to whom he kindly
commended the care of my John. I hope your
muse will not be forgetful of that good man and
sincere friend. How much more happy is he than
I ! But I trust I shall not be long in following him.
Indeed, unless you had survived to animate me, and
my Melissa had watched over my health, my poor
soul, pierced with woiinds, would ere now have quit
ted its prison. But I endure by the strength of God,

284 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
and comfort myself with your words, ' Who knows
but we may yet meet again ?' Ah ! when will that
day arrive*!" — " Your coUeague, John Jonston (says
he, in his letter of the 25th November) closed his
life last month. He sent for the members of the
university and presbytery, before whom he made a
confession of his faith, and professed his sincere at
tachment to the doctrine and disciphne o§ our church,
in which he desired to die. He did not conceal his
dishke of the lately-erected tyranny, and his detes
tation of the pride, temerity, fraud, and whole con
duct of the bishops. He pronounced a grave and
ample eulogium on your instructions, admonitions,
and example ; craving pardon of God and you for
having offended you in any instance, and for not
having borne more meekly with your wholesome
and friendly anger. As a memorial, he has left you
a gilt velvet cap, a gold coin, and one of his best
books f . His death would have been a most mourn
ful event to the church, university, and aU good men,
had it not been that he has for several years labour
ed under an incurable disease, and that the ruin of
the church has swallowed up all lesser sorrows, and
exhausted our tears £."
* This letter is dated July 15, 1611. (Melvini Epist. pp. 193 —
196.) + " Item, I leave in taikin of my sinceir love and affectioun to
Mr. Andro Melvill ane fyne new Duche cap of fyne blak velvet, lynit
w4 fyne martrik skinnes." (Testament of John Jonston.) He died
Oct. 20, 1611.
X Melvini Epist. pp. 196, 281. There areJive of Jonston's letters
printed in Camdeni Epist. pp. 41, 75, 95, 123, 127 ; and a number of

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 285
The answers which Melville returned to these
letters were calculated to cheer the spirits of his
tender-hearted nephew. " Your letter, my dear
James, gave me as much pleasure as it is possible
for one to receive in these gloomy and evil days.
We must not forget the apostolical injunctiqn,,
' Rejoice always: rejoice in hope.' Non si mqlp
nunc, et olim erit. Providence is often pleased tp
grant prosperity and long impunity to those whom
it intends to punish for their crimes, in order that
they may feel more severely from the reverse.
MsyaXa didbtfiv iun^ri/iOiT ', aXk' ha,
i
Taf <rU|(ipogas "KafiuGiv tmtpantSrtguf.
No oracular response pronounced from the tripod
of Apollo was ever truer than this couplet , of
Pindar *. It is easy for a wicked man to throw
a commonwealth into disorder : God only can re
store it. Empires which have been procured by

his poems are to be found in Cambden's Britannia. In Wodrow's
Life of Robert Boyd (pp. 43, 47, 53,) are several of his letters, and
particularly one containing an account of certain of his MSS. which
he sent to be printed at Saumur. He married Catherine Melville, of
the house of Carnbee. (Appendix to Lamont's Diary, p. 285.) In
his Consolatio Christiana (pp. 101-2) are epitaphs which he wrote on
her and two of their children. An attempt was made to obtain him
for second minister of Haddington. (Record of Presb. of Haddington,
Oct. 24, 1599; June 11, and 18, and July 2, 1600.)
* Aristotle quotes the lines as from a poet unknown. (Rhetoric.
lib. ii. c. 24. ed. Goulstoni.) They are included in the Fragmenta of
Euripides. (Eurip. a Beck, torn. ii. p. 496.)

286 LIFE OF ANDREAV MELVILLE.
fraud cannot be stable or permanent. Pride and
cruelty will meet with a severe, though it may be a
late, retribution ; and, according to the Hebrew pro
verb, 'when the tale of bricks is doubled, Moses comes.'
The result of past events is oracular of the future.
' In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen.' Why
then exert our ingenuity and labour in adding to
our vexation ? Away with fearful apprehensions !"
The following quotation is a specimen of the fami
liar and classic pleasantry which he was accustomed
to use with his friends. " What is the profound
Dreamer. * (so I was accustomed to call him when
we travelled together in 1584) — what is our Cory-
don of Haddington about ? I know he cannot be
idle : has he not brought forth or perfected any
thing yet, after so many decades of years ? Tempus
Atla veniet tua quo spoliabitur arbos. Let me know
if our old friend WaUace has at last become the fa
ther of books and bairns ? Menalcas of Cupar on
the Eden f is, I hear, constant ; and I hope he wiU
prove vigilant in discharging aU the duties of a pas
tor, and not mutable in his friendships, as too many
discover themselves to be in these cloudy days.
Salute him in my name ; as also Damoetas of Elie i,
and our friend Dykes, with such others as you know
to ' hold the beginning of their confidence and the

* " ~Bktu$om songecreui." The person referred to is James Car
michael, minister of Haddington.
t WiUiam Scot, minister of Cupar in Fife.
X John Carmichael, minister of Elie.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 287
rejoicing of their hope firm to the end.' And, pray,
do not forget my venerable old cousin, who must
now, I fear, be on the brink of the grave, and who
has long been afflicted with gout, gravel, and colic.
When I came to this country I was the means of
releasing his son from prison ; and I still look for
his letter of thanks. It will give me the greatest
pleasure, in this retirement of mine, to hear from
him or any of his friends, and to be informed of
every thing about them. I must not forget the laird
of Dysart, the present chief of our family ; nor the
baron of Rossie, our kinsman. We old men daily
grow children again, and are ever and anon turning
our eyes and thoughts back on our cradles. We
praise the past days because we can take little plea
sure in the present. Suffer me then to doat ; for I
am now become pleased with old age, although ' I
have lived so long as to see some things which I
could wish never to have seen.' I try daily to learn
something new, and thus to prevent my old age from
becoming listless and inert. I am always doing, or
at least attempting to do, something in those studies
to which I devoted myself in the younger part of
my life. Accept this long epistle from a talkative
old man. Loqui senibus res est gratissima, says
your favourite Palingenius, the very mention of
whose name gives me new life ; for the regenera
tion * forms almost the sole topic of my meditations,
and in this do I exercise myself that I may have
* Palingenesia.

288 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
my conversation in heaven." — " Your account of the
happy death of my coUeague Jonston filled me with
both grief and joy. He was a man of real piety,
attached to the purity of rehgion, and of a most
courteous disposition. The university has lost a
teacher, the church a member, and I a friend, to
whom there are few equal." — " I cannot refrain
from bewailing the death of my friend Myrrha, and
the loss which I, in common with all good men, have
sustained by the removal of that most pious woman *.
How dearly I loved her you know, and our friend
Godscroft knows better than any other man. Re
member me kindly to him, and say that his letter
and poems have at last reached me. Often has the
decease of that choice woman drawn tears from my
eyes since I received the afflicting tidings. And at
this moment my grief breaks out afresh — but I re
strain myself f."
One of the first things which he did after his
settlement at Sedan was to look out for an eligible
situation for his nephew. But, however desirous of
his company, he was obhged to discourage him from
coming to the continent. " I know (says he) you

* It appears from a letter of James Melville, that the lady here re
ferred to was a sister of John Murray, minister of Leith. " Joannes
Murraus, triumphantis tuae Myrrhae frater, et Joannes Carus Fadon-
sidius, Johnstoni tui nunc in coelo ovantis, gener : qui viri I" (Mel
vini Epistolss, p. 303.) John Murray had two sisters married, the
one to Sir Robert Douglas of Spot, and the other to Sir William.
Moncrieffof that Ilk. (Douglas's Baronage, pp. 45, 102.)
t Melvini Epistolae, pp. 290 — 295.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 289
will do nothing rashly in your own affair. At pre
sent there is no room for you here either in the
church or academy. And I am afraid that the
variableness and humidity of the climate , in the
Low Countries would be injurious to your health,
Will Mar do nothing for you or for the pubhc
cause ? WiU Lennox do nothing ? Nor the other
noblemen who are in favour with his Majesty ?
What crime have you committed ? What has the
Monarch now to dread ? Does not the Primate sit
in txhixaohf^-rtraxitque sub astrafurorem f What
is there then to hinder you, and me also, (now ap
proaching my seventieth year, and consequently
emeritus,) from breathing our native air, and, as a
reward of our toils, being received into the Prytane-
um, to spend the remainder of our lives, without
seeking to share the honours and affluence, which
we do not envy the pretended bishops ? We have
not been a dishonour to the kingdom, and we are
aUied to the royal family. But let envy do its
worst, no prison, no exile shall prevent us from
confidently expecting the kingdom of heaven *."
When MelviUe first went to Sedan, his friends
in France were apprehensive that he would not find
his situation quite comfortable f. He had every
reason to be satisfied with the polite and munificent
behaviour of the Duke of Bouillon t- But the
number of students in the university was smzdl.
* Melvini Epistolae, p. 296. t Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 4fo
X Melvini Epistolae, p. 292.
VOL. II. U

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
His colleague Tilenus was a man of talents, but
haughty and morose. He was a keen stickler for
the peculiar tenet of Piscator, and some other opini
ons which were generaUy disliked by the French
ministers. MelviUe did not enter into these dis
putes, and treated all the students, whatever were
their sentiments respecting them, with equal Civility
and attention. But Tilenus could not conceal his
antipathy to such young men as thought differently
from himself, or who came from academies in which
his opinions were rejected ; and in consequence of
this many of them left Sedan and went to Saumur *.
In these circumstances, Melville was induced to
listen to the proposals of Monsieur de Barsack,
Treasurer of the Parliament of Dauphiny, who
wished him to superintend the education of his
three sons. An annual salary of five hundred
crowns was promised him, and he was to be allowed
either to reside with the young men at Grenoble,
or to take them along with him to Die, provided he
obtained a professorship in the university which was
established in that town. He went to Grenoble, in
the month of November, 1612, to make a trial of the
situation ; but, not finding it agreeable, he returned
within a short time to Sedan f .
* Melvini Epistolae, p. 293. Letter from Mons. de Laune, a stu
dent at Sedan : in Wodrow's Life of Boyd, pp. 57, 58. In the year
1612 the students of Sedan did not amount to a third of those of
Saumur, who, in the year 1606, were upwards of 400. '(Life of Boyd,
pp. 28, 58.)
+ Letter from G. Sibbald ; in Wodrow's Life of Boyd, p. 59.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 291
The intelligence which he received on returning
from Grenoble was not of a cheering description.
A letter from his old colleague Welwood, who was
then at London, conveyed to him the melancholy
tidings of the death of Prince Henry, by which the
hopes of all good men in Britain and on the conti
nent were blasted *. Letters from his nephew at
Berwick and from Alexander Hume at Prestonpans
informed him, that the Parliament of Scotland had,
in compliance with a royal injunction, conferred
on the bishops spiritual powers more extensive than
those which they had presumed to ask from the cor
rupt and servile assembly at Glasgow. " The bishops
(says Hume) fret because they have failed in pro
curing for his Majesty as large a subsidy as they
had promised him. Their employment now is not
to preach Christ but the King. On the Sabbath
before the meeting of Parliament the bishops of
Galloway and Brechin told the people, that the King
had a right not only to their property but also to
their lives, and that they should grudge no sacrifice
for one who was the defender of their faith, a con
fessor and a semi-martyr. Brechin farther exhorted
the women to retrench their superfluous expenses
in dress, and the men to avoid excess in the use
of wine, that they might have it in their power to
give the more to the King. Such is the doctrine
* On the 18th of February, 1613, a funeral oration on Prince
Henry, by Principal Donaldson, was pronounced in the hall of the
College of Sedan, before a great assembly. (Lacryms Tvmulo-nvn-
qvam satis Lavdati Herois Henrici Friderici Stvarti — a Gvaltero Dp-
naldsono Scoto-Britanno — Sedani, 1613. 8vo.)
TJ 2

292 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
of our episcopal church. We are to abstain from
vice not as vice, but in order to fill the royal cof
fers*!" The reader may wish to learn something con
cerning MelviUe's companions in exile — the six mi
nisters who were banished for holding the assembly
at Aberdeen. Strachan sickened and died at Mid
dleburg, soon after they landed on the continent f .
Welsh, after remaining for some time at Bourdeaux,
became minister of Jonsack, in the province of An-
goumois ; Duncan was received into the CoUege of
Rochelle j Sharp was made professor of divinity in
the University of Die, in Dauphine $. Forbes and
Dury settled in HoUand : the former was preacher
to the English merchants at Middleburg, from which
he removed to Delft ; the latter obtained a Scotch
congregation in Leyden $. Melville kept up a close
correspondence with the two last ; and, in the course
of the year 1612, was gratified with a visit from
Forbes, who spent several weeks at Sedan, along
with his brother Arthur, an officer in the Swedish
service ||.
* Melvini Epist. pp. 312, 317—320. Comp. Lord Hailes's Memor.
of Britain, vol. i. pp. 40 — 48.
t Cald. vii. 78.
X Melvini Epist. p. 161. Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, pp. 28,
160, 173.
§ Melvini Epist. pp. 286, 329. Forbesii Comment, in Apoc. Pref.
Interp. || Melvini Epist. p. 306. Sir Arthur Forbes of Castle Forbes in
Ireland, the fourth son of William Forbes of Corse, was the ancestor
of Earl Grannard. (Garden, Vita prefix. Oper. Joannis Forbesii.
Lumsden's Geneal ogie of the Family of Forbes, pp. 21 — 23.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 293
In the course of the year 1613, the report reached
Melville that his nephew and Bruce had made their
peace with the King, and submitted to the bishops.
Strong as his confidence in the integrity and firm
ness of both of these individuals was, he could not
help feeling uneasy at this inteUigence. " If Bruce
and you are to be restored, (says he in a letter to
James MelviUe,) what is to be done with me ? What
is to be done with my brethren, who, though innocent,
suffered two years imprisonment, and have lived six
years in this country as exiles ? I know not what
persecution is, if this is not. — Give my salutations
to Bruce, and tell him that I would rather hear of
his base servitude than see it*." His apprehen
sions were removed by letters from his nephew.
Some occasion had been given for the report which
he had heard. The petitions which the congrega
tions and friends of the banished ministers had from
time to time presented in their behalf, were now
supported by the Chancellor and several of the no
bility, who were disgusted with the pride of the up
start prelates, and desirous of imposing a check on
their ambition. The bishops found it necessary to
join in these petitions, and hoped to turn the mea--
sure to their own account, by procuring at least a
partial approbation of their authority from some of
those who had been its greatest opponents. Pro
posals were, accordingly, made to all of them, with
the exception of Melville. Powerful considerations
* Melvini Epistclse, pp. 308, 309,
TJ 3

294 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
were not wanting to induce them to comply, at the
expense of making some sacrifice of principle. Se
veral of them had lost their health abroad ; they
were aU advanced in Ufe ; they had families ; and
felt passionately attached to their native country.
The commutation of capital punishment into exile
is regarded as an act of clemency ; and if obliged
to choose banishment or death, there is probably
none who would not prefer the former. But, on
the other hand, many who would willingly have laid
their necks on the block rather than comply with
what they deemed sinful, have had their resolution
subdued by the mitigated but slow and exhausting
pains of imprisonment or exile.
In the present instance, however, aU the minis
ters rejected the terms offered them. The senti
ments by which they were actuated in coming to
this resolution, are forcibly expressed by Forbes in
a letter to James Melville. " I always expected
(says he) some proposal of this kind, and indeed I
wonder that the bishops have deferred making it so
long after the establishment of their tyranny. The
only way of accounting for the delay is, by suppos
ing that, like aU who are conscious of being embark
ed in a bad course, they can never think themselves
sufficiently secured against danger. How wretched
the condition of these men, who, harassed by conti
nual fear and anxiety, can neither do well without
us, nor yet enjoy our company with safety ! What
wise man would court these unsatisfactory and
precarious honours, which, instead of giving peace

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 295
to the possessor, torment him with incessant ap
prehensions ! Shall we then confirm what they
feel to be so vain, by a single word, or the
slightest mark of our approbation? God forbid
that a cause which is destitute of intrinsic strength,
and the innate excellence of virtue, should receive
from us a prop to its weakness, or a covering to
its turpitude ! Suffer the self-convicted rogues to
walk on their own feet, and we shall soon see them
faU by their own act. Let us not fear their wiles,
but turn our eyes to Him who, sitting above, go
verns all things, and overrules them to the good of
those who love him. He that shall come will come
without delay, and will cleanse his floor, and con
sume the chaff and rubbish with the fire of his
wrath. I have been grieved, but not staggered at
the weakness of A. D. * who has ' suffered so many
things in vain.' He will not add to the strength
of those to whom he has gone over, nor will he
weaken us whom he has deserted. The crown which
he has taken from his own head he has placed on
ours. I am not moved by the foolish judgment of
vain courtiers, nor by the empty triumphs of the
bishops : such winds cannot shake the foundation

* This probably refers to Andrew Duncan, who had been lately al
lowed to return from banishment in consequence of his making some
acknowledgments to the King respecting the Assembly held at Aber
deen. (Cald. vii. 500 — 503.) He was afterwards prosecuted before
the High Commission, and imprisoned for nonconformity to the Ar
ticles of Perth. (Wodrow's Life of Andrew Duncan, pp. 4 — 11.
Printed Cald. pp. 730, 764.)

296 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
on which we rest. If they appear for a time to be
victorious, they shaU feel at last that those who van
quish in a bad cause, vanquish to their ruin. At the
same time we ought not rashly to contemn the peace
and liberty offered us in the name of the prince. But
if, under the external mask of liberty, they seek to
draw us into a slavery worse not only than impri
sonment and exile, but than the loss of life itself, we
are not to purchase the hberty of our bodies by the
enthralling of our souls. I had rather remain the
captive of a legitimate sovereign than become the
servant of iUegitimate lords. I esteem it more ho
nourable to carry the chains of a lawful king than
to wear the insignia of usurping prelates. In the
former case I am a witness with Christ in the hope
of his glory: in the latter, perjured and an associate
with wicked men, I would be found attempting to
rebuild the city wbich had been thrown down and
laid under a curse, would share of her plagues, and
be involved in her ruin. Pardon my boldness. It
would have become a son to be more modest in
writing to a father. But grief and indignation at
the present deplorable state of affairs, and at the
hard condition of good men who cannot obtain cor
poral liberty without submitting to spiritual bond
age, have unconsciously drawn these reflections from
my pen *."
Melville must have been gratified with the spirit
which breathed in this letter. He could not despair
* Melvini Epist. pp. 326 — 329.

• LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 297
of the liberties of his country as long as they had
such friends as Forbes. Under the mortifications
which he felt at the ingratitude of the public, and
the defection of the greater part of those who had
received their education under him, he could not
say that he " spent his strength for nought and in
vain," when he had been the means of training up
a few individuals of such rare virtue and constancy.
The next letter which he wrote to his nephew,
shews how much the late intelligence from Scot
land had cheered him. " I cannot but hope for every
thing good from Bruce. The court-rumours are
vain and calumnious, especially with respect to he
roes like him, adorned with every virtue. I am
anxious to hear good accounts of Patrick Simson,
the faithful bishop of Stirling, and a few others of
the same stamp with him. Godscroft has written
to me once and again, ardently, vehemently. I love
the sincere zeal and undaunted spirit of that excel
lent man and most upright friend. Would to God
that the equestrian, not to say the ecclesiastical, or
der could boast of many Godscrofts * ! Our friend
Welwood has also written to me ; but at present it
is not in my power, nor do I reckon it prudent to
reply to them according to their desire. You know
* This refers to the letters which David Hume of Godscroft had
written to bishops Law and Cowper in defence of Presbytery. Wod-
rowhas collected a number of them in his Life of Hume, pp. 18 — 40,
and in his Appendix to the Life of Cowper. " I wish they were
printed, (says James Melville,) one would scarcely desire to see any
thing better on the subject." (Melvini Epist. p. 194.)

298 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
my disposition long ago. I am unwiUing, for the
mere purpose of making a shew of good-wiU, to
gratify my friends in such a way as may involve
them in trouble, even although they request it of
me. The Lord, on whom, and not on the plea
sure or wishes of men, I depend whoUy, has his
own times. I keep all my friends in my eye : I
cany them in Tay bosom : I commend them to the
God of mercy in my daily prayers. What comes
to my hand I do : I fiU up my station to the best
Of my ability : my conversation is in heaven : I
neither importune nor deprecate the day of my
death : I maintain my post : I aspire after things
divine : about those which are human I give my
self little trouble. In fine, I hve to God and the
church : I do not sink under adversity : I reserve
myself for better days. My mind is prepared by
the grace of God, and strong in the Lord, for whose
sake I am not afraid to meet death in that new
and living way which he hath consecrated, and which
leads to heaven alike from every quarter of the
globe *."
A letter from Sir James Fullerton, which he re
ceived in the month of April, 1614, gave a shock to
his feelings Which it required aU his fortitude to
bear. His dearest friend, and most affectionate and
dutiful nephew, James MelviUe, was no more. His
health had for some time been in a state of dechne,
which was accelerated by grief at the issue of pubhc
* Melvini Epist. p. 325.
6

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 299
affairs in Scotland, which his extreme sensibility
disposed him to brood over with too intense and ex
clusive an interest. In consequence of the importu
nity of his friends and an apparently earnest invita
tion from archbishop Gladstanes, he set out for Edin
burgh, in the beginning of the year 1614, to arrange
matters for his return to Kilrinny, or, if this was
found impracticable, to resign his charge and make
permanent provision for that parish. But he had
not gone far when he was taken so ill as to be un
able to proceed on the journey, and with difficulty
returned to Berwick. The medicines prescribed by
the physicians failed in arresting the progress of
the distemper, which soon exhibited alarming
symptoms. He received the intimation of his dan
ger with the most perfect composure, and told his
friends that he was not only resigned to the will of
God, but satisfied that he could not die at a more
proper season. On Wednesday the 19th of Janua-
ary, he " set his house in order ;" and all his chil
dren being present, except his son Andrew, (who
was prosecuting his theological studies at Sedan,)
he gave them his dying charge and parental bless
ing. His friend Joshua Dury, minister of St. An
drews, and Patrick Hume of Ayton, a gentleman
who had shown him great kindness during his resi
dence at Berwick, waited by his bed-side. The
greater part of his time was spent in prayer. When
he mentioned the Church of Scotland, he prayed for
repentance and forgiveness to those who had caused
a schism in it by overturning its reformed disci
pline ; and, addressing those around him, he said :

300 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
" In my life I ever detested and resisted the hier
archy, as a thing unlawful and antichristian, for
Which I am an exile, and I take you all to witness
that I die in the same judgment." He made parti
cular mention of his uncle at Sedan ; gave him a
high commendation for learning, but still more for
courage and constancy in the cause of Christ ;
and prayed that God would continue and increase
the gifts bestowed on him. In the midst of the
acute pain which he endured during that night
and the succeeding morning, he expressed his re
signation and confidence chiefly in the language of
Scripture, and often repeated favourite sentences
from the Psalms in Hebrew. Being reminded by
some of his attendants of the Christian assurance
which the apostle Paul had expressed in the pros
pect of his death, he replied : " Every one is not a
Paul ; yet I have a desire to depart and be with
Christ, and I am assured that I shaU enter into
glory." — " Do you not wish to be restored to
health ?" said one of the attendants. " No ; not for
twenty worlds." Perceiving nature to be nearly ex
hausted, his friends requested him to give them a
token that he departed in peace; upon which he
repeated the last words of the martyr Stephen, and
breathed gently away *.
He died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, and in
the eighth year of his banishment. From the ac
count given of him, and the extracts produced from
* Cald. MS. vii. 505—513.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 301
his letters, in the preceding part of this work, the
reader will be able to form a correct idea of his cha
racter. The presbyterian ministers of that age were
in general characterized by piety, assiduity in the
discharge of parochial duties, disinterestedness, pub
lic spirit, and the love of freedom. In James Mel
viUe these qualities were combined with the amiable
dispositions of the man, and the courteous manners
of the gentleman. Though of a mild temper, and not
easily provoked, he possessed great sensibility ; could
vindicate himself with spirit when unjustly attacked ;
and testified, on all occasions, an honest indignation
at whatever was base and unprincipled, especially
in the conduct of men of his own profession. He
felt a high veneration for the talents and character
of his uncle ; but he was a confidential friend and
able coadjutor, not a humble dependent or syco-
phantish admirer ; and his conduct during the last
years of his life, when he was thrown on the re
sources of his own mind, served to display the
soundness of his judgment, and to unfold the energy
of his character *. " He was one of the wisest di
rectors of church-affairs in his time," says Calder
wood. " For that cause he was ever employed by
the General Assemblies and other public meetings ;
and acted his part so gravely, so wisely, and so
* When some urged that James Melville might be allowed to re
turn home, although it was dangerous to set his uncle at liberty,
archbishop Spotswood is said to have replied : " Mr. Andrew is but
a l>last, but Mr, James is a crafty byding man, and more to be feared
than his uncle." (Wodrow's Life of James Melville, p. 146.)

302 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
calmly, that the adversaries could get no advantage."
Besides what he had published at an early period of
his Ufe, he prepared several treatises for the press a
short time before his death. His Supplication to
the King, in the name of the Church of Scotland, a
work on which he bestowed great pains, is composed
in an elegant and impressive style. Possessing less
fancy than feeling, his poems, which are aU written
in the Scottish dialect, do not rise above mediocrity ;
but from this censure, some parts of his Lamenta
tion over the overthrow of the Church of Scotland
deserve to be exempted *.
The distress which MelviUe felt at receiving the
tidings of his nephew's death was calm and silent,
because it was deep. It is expressed with a tender
simplicity in the epitaph which he wrote for him f .
In a letter to his friend Dury at Leyden, he says :
" The Lord hath taken to himself the faithful bro
ther, my dearly beloved son, Mr. James MelviUe,
in January ; as I am informed by Mr. James Ful
lerton. I fear melancholy to have abridged his
days. He was in great perplexity and doubt what
to do, as ye know and as Mr. Bamford wrote me ;
and I answered by these letters which I sent to
you. I cannot tell if they be yet beside you ; but
I persuade myself he has never seen them. He was
resolved to accept no restitution without you and
* See Note D.
t This epitaph is printed at the end of the Libellus Supplex of
James Melville. (See Note D.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 303
Mr. Forbes. Now he is out of all doubt and fash-
rie *, enjoying the fruits of his suffering here : God
forgive the instruments of his withholding from his
flock. I cannot write more at this time. If ye
have received the particulars of his sickness and his
death, I pray you let me know the circumstances
at large f ."
Besides the civilities which he shewed to all the
students, Melville paid particuliar attention to such
of his countrymen as came to the university of Set
dan. Among these were John Dury, afterwards
well known for the persevering exertions which he
made to accomplish a union between the Lutheran
and Reformed Churches J, and the learned Dr.
John Forbes, son to the bishop of Aberdeen §. Dr.
Arthur Jonston, the poet, also spent a considerable
part of his early life in the university of Sedan.
His juvenile effusions prove that he Uved on a foot
ing of intimacy with Melville, who treated him with
kindness as the nephew of his former colleague, and
could not fail to be pleased with a young man whose
literary taste was so congenial" to his own, and who
had already given flattering presages of those ta-

* Trouble.
+ Letters from Melville to Robert Durie, num. 5 : MS. in Bibl.
Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 42. These letters are written in English.
X He was the son of Robert Dury at Leyden. (Melville's Letters
to Durie, num. 4.)
§ See the Preface and Letters prefixed to his Latin translation of
his father's Commentary on the Revelation, Amst. 1 646. He is known
by his learned work, Instructions Historico-Theologicce, in 2 vols.
folio.

304 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
lents which entitle him to rank, as a sacred poet,
next to Buchanan *. — During his residence at Se
dan, MelviUe kept up a correspondence with dif
ferent hterary characters on the continent, of whom
Heinsius, Gomarus, and Du Plessis were the prin
cipal f .
In addition to his ordinary academical employ
ment, he was involved at this time in a con
troversy, which was peculiarly delicate from the
connexion in which he was placed with the indivi
dual who was his principal opponent. At his first
coming to Sedan he found several of the students
infected with Arminianism f. His coUeague Tile
nus, after publishing against this system of faith,
became a convert to it §. But instead of avowing
the change, he exerted himself covertly, and contrary
to his subscription, in instilling his new opinions
into the minds of the students ||. MelviUe had an
instinctive abhorrence of every thing Uke dupUcity
and breach of trust. He accordingly concurred with
* Vita Arct. Jonstoni, in Poet. Scot. Mus. Sac. pp. xxxi, xxxv.
In the works of Jonston, besides an encomiastic poem on Melville,
are Lusus Amcebei, consisting of a poetical correspondence supposed
to have passed between the author and Tilenus and Melville, at Se
dan. Tilenus is rallied on the long-delayed birth of a daughter, and
Melville on his being childless and an old bachelor. (Arturi Jonstoni
Poemata, pp. 371, 387—397. Middelb. 1642.)
f Letters to Robert Durie, passim. Wodrow's Life of Boyd, pp. 53,
58. X Melville's Letters to Robert Durie, num. 1.
§ Walchii Bibliotheca Theologica, torn. ii. pp. 544, 558.
|| Letter from Rivet to Boyd of Trochrig, Dec. 5, 1617 ; in Wod
row's Life of Boyd, p. 194.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 305
some of his colleagues in exposing an insidious "'at
tempt to pervert the sentiments of the young men
under his charge, and to ruin the university. In con
sequence of this Tilenus left Sedan, and became an
open and virulent adversary of Calvinism *.
* Scoti ttv Tuxn-nis Paraclesis, pp. 34, 35. Epistolae Eccles. et
Theolog. pp. 17, 616, 619, 770. Le Vassor, Histoire de Louis XIII.
torn. iv. p. 606.
Tilenus shewed himself so violent and unfair in his representations
of the opinions of his old friends that the more judicious Remonstrants
were ashamed of his conduct. Yet a late controversial writer against
Calvinism, in stating the opinions of his opponents, has given the
propositions of the Synod of Dort, not in the words of, the Synod it
self, but of its adversary Tilenus, as " the most moderate and im
partial account of their proceedings !" (Copleston's Enquiry into
the Doctrines of Necessity and Predestination, pp. 217, 218.) But this
is not all : the quotation is purely apocryphal. The propositions are
not those of Tilenus, nor are they taken from a work of his, but from
a satirical dialogue or mock-trial, published by an anonymous sectary
during the Cromwellian Protectorate, into which the name of Tile
nus -wasjktitiously introduced. The work is entitled, " The Exami
nation of Tilenus before the Triers, in order to his intended settle
ment in the Office of a Public Preacher in the Commonwealth of
Utopia." The following are the names of some of the Triers : Dr. Ab
solute, Mr. Fatalitie, Mr. Narrow-grace, alias Stint-igrace, and Dr.
Dam-man. Now, if it had so happened that the propositions of the
Synod of Dort had been put into the mouth of this last personage
instead of Tilenus, we should no doubt have been told by the learn
ed Provost of Oriel College, that this said Dr. Damn-man was a
" most moderate and impartial" writer, and left to seek for him and
his works in the land of Utopia; where also, if anywhere, we might
have found " the Landgrave of Turing ! a patron of the reformed
doctrines," who justified his vicious life by the doctrine of predesti
nation ! (Enquiry, p. 31.) A modern writer who could trust Heylin
as an authority, deserved to fall into such ridiculous blunders.
— As the subject has been introduced, I must be allowed to add,
that the publications against Calvinism which have lately appeared
in England are, in their statement of the question, unfair ; in then-
reasoning, shallow ; and, in respect of the knowledge which they dis
play of the history of theological opinions, contemptible.
VOL. II. X

306 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Spotswood betrays his ignorance, as weU as his
spleen, in the short account which he gives of Mel
viUe after he was released from the Tower. " He
was sent to Sedan (says he) where he lived in no
great respect, and contracting the gout lay almost
bedfast to his death *." Considering his advanced
age when he was banished to France, it would not
have excited surprise if he had spent the remainder
of his days in inactivity, or without performing
any thing which attracted the public attention. But
the facts which we have stated testify the contrary.
Nor durst the bishops of Scotland grant permission
to this same unrespected and bedfast invaUd to re
turn to his native country, although they knew that
the act would have gained them the greatest credit.
The archbishop ought to have avoided any aUusion
to his disorder, considering that it was contracted in
the prison to which the bishops had been the' in
struments of dooming him. He had, indeed, begun
to feel the infirmities of old age, but not to such a
degree as to prevent him from performing his pro
fessional duties, to subdue the undaunted spirit of
which his adversaries stood in so much awe, or
even to mar his wonted cheerfulness f . In a letter
written in the year 1612, he says, as if in answer
to the above insinuation : " Am I not threescore
* Hist. p. 500.
t Speaking of Spotswood's behaviour in the General Assembly
held in 1617, Simson says : " Necnon furere et debacchari in Andream
Melvinum, virum optimum, et foedissimis calumniis absentem mor-
dere qui presentem nisi tremulus videre vix potuerit." (Annales,
P. 137.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE: 307
and eight years old ; unto the which age none of
my fourteen brethren came ? And yet, I thank God,
I eat, I drink, I sleep as well as I did these thirty
years bygone, and better than when I was younger
— in ipso fiore adolescentice. Only the gravel now
and then seasons my mirth with some little pain,
which I have felt only since the beginning of March
the last year, a month before my deliverance from
prison. I feel, thank God, no abatement of the
alacrity and ardour of my mind for the propagation
of the truth. Neither use I spectacles now more
than ever ; yea, I use none at all, nor ever did, and
see now to read Hebrew without points, and in
the smallest characters. Why may I not live to
see a changement to the better, when the prince
shall be informed truly by honest men, or God open
his eyes and move his heart to see the pride of
stately prelates * ?" In a letter written to the same
correspondent in the course of the following year,
he says : " I thank you, loving brother, for your
care of us ; but I fear I put you to over great
charge in paying for my letters, which I would not
do if I were sure that my letters would be deliver
ed in case I would pay for them ; such is either the
negligence or greediness of this age. I know your
loving heart ; but it is indiscretion on my part to
burden you too much. Take this English word
in good part— -it fell out of the pen. My heart is
a Scotch heart, and as good or better nor ever it
was, both toward God and man. The Lord only
* Letters to Robert Durie, num. 1.
X2

308 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
be praised thereof, to whom belongs all glory. Who
can tell when out of this confusion it may please
him to draw out some good order, to the comfort
of his children and reUef of his servants ? Courage,
courage, brother ! Judicabimus angelos ; quanto
magis mortales .'" And in the year 1616, he writes
again to Dury : " Let the bishops be mowdewarps*:
we will lay up our treasures in heaven, where they
be safe. My colic, gravel, and gout, be messen
gers (but not importune) to spoil my patience, but
to exercise my faith. My health is better nor I
would look for at this age : praised be the true Me
diator, to whose glory may it serve and to the bene
fit of his church f .
After his settlement at Sedan, he requested his
friends in London to embrace any favourable op
portunity that might offer for procuring his restora
tion. But this he did not so much from any hopes
of success which he entertained, as to shew " that
he had not thrown off all regard to the church and
land of his fathers, and did not contemn the favour
of his sovereign \" In the year 1616, Forbes went
to England, and, after waiting six months, was ad
mitted to kiss his Majesty's hand, and obtained a
promise (which was never realized) that he and
Dury would be relieved from banishment. In a let
ter which Melville wrote to Dury, he says, after
some satirical reflections on the hand which Spots-
wood had in that affair : " This I write not to hin-

* moles. f Letters to Robert Durie, num. 3 and 4.
+ Melvini Epist. p. 293.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 309
der you to accept of your liberty obtained already at
the king's hands, as I am informed by Mr. Forbes's
letters. You are wise and resolute in the Lord,
whose Spirit hath guided you hitherto in your wan
derings through the wilderness of this crooked age.
I am rejoiced to hear both of your coming home,
and replanting in the ministry at home. — As for
me, I know their double dealing from the beginning,
and how I am both hated and feared by them ; and
so was my cousin Mr. James. The Metropolitan,
I ween, was minded to deal for me ; but my late-
written verses offended both King and bishops.
Yet they be general, and such as none but a wan-
shapen bishop can be offended with — rcmugyoi xai Ssmg
(Miriams. I am not weary of this sejour, grace and
hospitality in Sedan *."
He lost this correspondent, who died at Leyden in
the course of this year f. Of all his friends, next to
his nephew, he felt most attached to Dury, and his
letters to him are written in the most confidential
strain, mingled with kind-hearted and familiar plea
santry \. John Forbes survived his feUo'w-exile many
* Letters to Robert Durie, num. 6.
t Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 145.
X In one of his letters to him, he says : " Faill not to send Armi
nius against Perkins De Predestinatione, whatever it cost, with the
contra-poison done be Gomarus, quern singulariter amo e» »«,»««. When
our dame bakes you shall have a sconne £cake.|] Commend me to
my good cummer, and to my godson, and the rest of the bairns — I may
see them once er 1 die, now entering my seventie year." And in
another letter : " To be short, I have been these eight days exercised
with a rheum, and this day have ta'en a sirope ; so that er it be long
x 3

310 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
years, and died in Holland about the year 1634,
after he had been removed from his charge at Delft
by the jealous interference of the English govern
ment *.
In the beginning of the year 1619, the town of
Sedan was a scene of festivity, in consequence of
the marriage of Marie de la Tour, the eldest daugh
ter of the Duke of BouiUon, to the Duke de la
Tremouille |. On that occasion MelviUe resolved
not to be behind the most juvenile of his coUeagues
in testifying his respect for the family of his noble
patron ; and he produced an Epithalamium. A
marriage-song by a Professor of Divinity, in the se
venty-fourth year of his age, may be regarded as a
literary curiosity; and it proves that old age, though
it could not fail to have cooled, had not been able to
quench his genius. The theme which he chose was
not, however, unbecoming his character and years ;
and probably thinking that, in his circumstances, it
was enough to have shown his good will, he did not
finish the poem f .
To the latest period of his life, he continued
alive to the general welfare of the reformed church,
and the private welfare of his particular friends.
But he felt peculiarly interested in the affairs of the
I hope to drink to you. My cummer and all the bairns be locked up
in my heart."
* Preface to his " Four Sermons on 1 Tim. vi. 13 — 16. Pubhsh
ed by S. O. Anno 1635." Forbes is the author of several other trea
tises, and lived greatly respected in Holland.
+ Memoires de Mornay du Plessis, torn. iv. pp. 105, 156.
X Delitite Poet. Scot. torn. ii. pp. 66—81,

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 311
Church of Scotland, which, before his death, was
again converted into a scene of contention, in pro
secution of the preposterous scheme of bringing it
to a complete conformity to the Church of England.
When episcopal government was forced on Scotland,
if any person had asserted that this was only a pre
lude to the obtrusion of the English forms of wor
ship, he would have run the risk of being prosecuted
for " lese-making." Yet there can be now no doubt
that this formed from the beginning an essential
part of the plan of the court. The bishops were
aware that the nation was averse to it, and afraid
that it might excite such discontent as would prove
hazardous to their precarious pre-eminence. They
accordingly made an attempt to divert his Majesty
from pushing the projected change. But a manly
opposition to any measure which was sanctioned
by the royal pleasure, however impolitic, was not
to be expected from those who had declared them
selves the creatures of the court ; and having re
ceived a magisterial reprimand for their ignorant
scruples and impertinent interference, they consent
ed to become servile instruments in executing the
will of the monarch, and in forcing the obnoxious
ceremonies on a reclaiming and insulted nation *.
* Lord Hailes, Memor. and Letters, vol. i. pp. 79 — 83. The
bishops pleaded that his Majesty was determined at all events to
impose the ceremonies, and that, if they did not yield, he would
overthrow the church. This might be the impression on the
minds of some of them ; but it is eyident, at least, that there was
a collusion between the court and the primate. Before the General

312 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
After an ineffectual attempt at St. Andrews in 1617,
they succeeded in accomplishing their object in a
General Assembly held at Perth in the course of the
foUowing year. By flatteries, falsehoods, and threat
enings, a majority of votes was procured in favour
of such of the English rites as it pleased the court
at that time to select. The Five Articles of Perth, as
the acts of this assembly are usually caUed, enjoined
kneehng in the act of receiving the sacramental ele
ments of bread and wine, the observance of hoUdays,
episcopal confirmation, private baptism, and private
communicating. s These were ratified by Parliament
in the year 1621, and enforced by the High Com
mission ; but they met with great resistance, and
were never universally obeyed *.
About this time also certain changes on the uni
versity of St. Andrews were completed. Soon af-
Assembly had agreed to the innovations, Spotswood writes : " We
are here to communicate, God willing, on Easter-day, when I shall
have every thing in that manner performed as your" Majesty desires.
All of our number are advertised to do the like in their places ; and
the most I know will observe the samine. Our adversaries will call
this a transgression of the received custom'; but I do not yet see that
any thing will effect their obedience, save your Majesty's authority."
(Letter to the King, March 29, 1618 : Wodrow's Life of Spots, p. 74.)
* Printed Cald. pp. 698 — 715. Spotswood, pp. 537— 540. Course
of Conformity, pp. 58 — 103. Scoti -rev ruxmroi Paraclesis, pp. 179 
181. Perth Assembly, pp. 7 — 10, 14. Printed anno 1619. The
account, given in the last-mentioned tract, of the threats employed in
the Assembly, is not materially contradicted by the episcopal advo
cate, Bishop Lyndsay, in his True Narrative of Proceedings in the
Assembly at Perth, pp. 87 — 89 ; and it is confirmed by the official
account of the King's Commissioner, published by Lord Hailes.
(Memor. i. 87—91.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 313
ter archbishop Gladstanes obtained the direction of
its affairs, he revived the professorship of canon law,
to which he nominated his son-in-law ; " as the
ready way to bring out the presbyterian discipline
from the hearts of the young ones, and to acquaint
even the eldest with the ancient church government
whereof they are ignorant *." In commemorating
the obligations which the literature of Scotland is
under to the archbishop, we must not forget his
exertions for the revival of academical degrees in
divinity. Upon the expulsion of Melville, he ex
pressed much anxiety to have his successor invested
with " Insignia Doctoratus," and requested his Ma
jesty, in his " incomparable wisdom," to send him
" the form and order of making Bachelors and Doc-
. tors of Divinity," that he might " create one or two
Doctors, to incite others to the same honour, and to
encourage our ignorant clergy to learning. And
the primate proposed that such graduates should,
" in presentation to benefices, be preferred to othersf ."
This object was not, however, gained until the year
1616, after the death of Gladstanes, when Dr. John
Young, Dean of Winchester, came to St. Andrews
with the royal instructions, and presided in the first
act. His Majesty directed that those who were
found qualified for degrees should " preach a sermon

* Letter to the King, May 3, 1611 : MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
Jac. V. 1. 12. num. 17.
t Letter and Memoires to his Sacred Majesty, Sept. 8, 1607 : MS.
ibid. M. 6. 9. num. 58, 59.

314 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
before the Lords at Edinburgh, in a hood agreeing
to their degree, that so they might be known" (by
the hood or by the sermon ?) " to be men fitte for the
prime places of the church *." Previously to the in
troduction of this important improvement, the di
vines who came from England for the purpose of
forwarding the conformity between the two churches,
were exceedingly struck with the literary sterility
of our country. Like a celebrated traveller who
could scarcely observe a tree above the size of a
bush between Berwick and St. Andrews, the Eng
lish Doctors could not hear of above one of their
own species in the whole kingdom : so that if prompt
measures had not been taken to have the race pro
pagated by help from England, it must inevitably,
within a short time, have become whoUy extinct f .
The presbyterians, indeed, had doctors, but then
they were no more than teachers ; and in their
church calendar were placed below the pastors of
parishes. It cannot be denied that " our ignorant
clergy" exerted themselves in promoting literature ;
but then their exertions were confined to the task
pf making men learned, and they neglected the work
* His Majesty's Letter and Articles for the University. In the
Articles it is appointed that five holidays shall be annually celebrated
in the University, with suitable prayers and sermons.
+ " The name of a School Doctor was grown out of date : only
one Graduat (that I did hear of) at St. Andrews did outlive that in
jury of times. Now comes his Majesty (as one born to the honour
of learning) and restores the schools to their former glories." (Let
ter of Dr. Joseph Hall to Mr. William Struthers ; in Wodrow's Life
of Struthers, p. 3 : MSS. vol. ii.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 315
of calling them so. They prescribed, it is true, an
extensive course of theological instruction, and en
acted that none should be admitted to the ministry
who had not completed this course, and could not
procure testimonials of his diligence and proficiency
from the professors under whom he had studied ;
but then they were completely ignorant of the art
of creating divines by certain mystic words and
symbols. The truth is, that they did not object to
academical graduation, so far as it was necessary to
mark the progress which young men had made in
their theological studies *. But they did not admit that
it belonged to universities to Ucense persons to teach
divinity ubicunque terrarum ; they were jealous of
those titles which, in the English church, had been
always associated with ideas of ecclesiastical supe
riority ; and they knew that, considered merely as
badges of honour, instead of being a reward to merit
or an incentive to diligence, they served chiefly to
tickle the vanity of the weak, bolster up the pre
tensions of the arrogant, and induce persons to

* " Anent proceding be degrees in Schools to the degree of a Doc
tor of Divinity, it was ordained (by the General Assembly, Anno
1569) that the brethren of Sanct Andrews convene and form such or-
dor as they sail think meit, and that they present the same to the
next Assembly to be revised and considered, that the Assembly may
eik or diminish as they sail think good, and that thereafter the order
allowed be established." (Cald. ii. 123.) " The appellation of the
degries appoyntit be his Matie to be heirefter in the yierlie course
of theologie w'in the New College to be advysed be the counsell [[of
the university] and reported to his Ma'ie upon the forsaid day."
(Visit, of University of St. Andrews, anno 1599.)

816 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
sigh after the name instead of the reality of learn
ing. Lis est de nomine, non re.
An overweening fondness for mere forms is us
uaUy accompanied with indifference to the substance,
in literature and in religion. The same prelate who
testified such eagerness to have the clergy decorated
with empty titles and silken robes, banished the man
who had done more to raise their character, in point
of hterary and theological endowments, than all the
gowned graduates who had fiUed the academical
chairs of Scotland for two hundred years. And the
same parliament which ratified the Articles of Perth,
repealed the act of 1579, which reformed the Uni
versity of St. Andrews, and thus threw education
back to the state in which it was before the revival
of letters. The apology made for this disgraceful
act of the legislature was, "that it is equitable that
the wiU of the original founders should take effect
so far as is consistent with the religion presently
professed. But if a deviation from the wiU of the
founders in such an important point as that of re
hgion was warrantable and proper, what reasonable
objection could be urged against such a change on
the mode of instruction as was necessary to accom
modate it to the progress which the age had made
in knowledge and literature ? The true reasons for
the repeal of the act of 1579 were, on the part of
the professors, an aversion to the arduous course of
instruction which that act prescribed ; and, on the
part of the bishops, an antipathy to the men who
had recommended it, and an anxiety to remove

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 317
every monument of the existence and triumph of
presbytery. But, eager as they were to accomplish
this object, the utility of the New College, as con
stituted on Melville's favourite plan, was so univer
sally acknowledged, that they durst not touch it ;
and, accordingly, an express exception, though at
variance with the principle assumed in the act, was
made in its favour *.
What MelviUe's feelings on receiving information
of the procedure of the General Assembly at Perth
were, we learn from a letter written, at his direc
tion, by one of his students to a friend in Scotland
who had lately been at Sedan. He was not pre
pared to expect that the rulers would push matters
to such an extreme. Cherishing the hope that the
corruptions lately established would work their own
cure, and that the barons would soon grow weary
of a tyranny which they had unwarily contributed
to erect, he had ofiate curbed, instead of stimulating,
the zeal of such of his acquaintance as returned
from France to Scotland, and whom he knew to be
ardently attached to the presbyterian constitution ;
but now he judged it necessary to rouse his brethren
to a vigorous resistance of the innovations which it
was attempted to impose. He felt deeply concern
ed for them, and expressed a great desire to receive
the earliest intelligence of all their proceedings f.
* Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. pp. 682, 683.
t Letter, John Hume to Mr. John Adamson, Sedan, March 9,
1620: MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 80; It appears from
this letter that Adamson was then employed in making a collection
of Melville's poems.

318 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
As often as he took up the Basilicon Doron (which
he frequently did) he could not refrain from tears,
when he reflected on the disclosure which it made of
the King's designs against the church, and on the
crooked policy with which they had been carried
into execution.
His desire to assist his brethren at this critical
period prompted him to break through a restraint
imposed on him when he was released from the Tow
er, and to which he had hitherto submitted. He com
posed a small treatise, which was published anony
mously, consisting of aphorisms on things indifferent
in religion, and bearing upon the chief argument
used by the advocates for conformity to the obtruded
ceremonies. Another work commonly ascribed to him
is an answer to his late colleague, Tilenus, who, dis-
appointedin his scheme of raising partisans in France,
sought to ingratiate himself with King James by
a defence of the late proceedings in Scotland, and by
an unprovoked and vituperative attack on the Scot
tish presbyterians *. The answer to Tilenus is
written with great ability, and in a style of nervous

* " Parsnesis ad Scotos, Geneuensis Discipline Zelotas. Autore
Dan. Tileno Silesio. Lond. 1620." Cambden says : " Anno 1620,
Sept. 5. Tilenus, magnus Theologus, venit in Angliam, & edit librum
contra Scotos, zelotas discipline Genevensis." (Annales, p. 61.) He
published another work on the same subject, but written with greater
moderation : " De Disciplina Ecclesiastica Brevis & Modesta disser
tation ad Ecclesiam Scoticam. Autore Gallo quodam Theologo, Verbi
Divini Ministro. Abredoniae, Excudebat Eduardus Rabanus, Impen-
sis Davidis Melvill, 1622."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 319
reasoning, seasoned with satire, which is, upon the
whole, less severe than the rudeness of the attack
which it repels would have justified *. But it was
not the work of Melville ; although it is not un
likely that he furnished materials to his friend, Sir
James Sempill, who was the real author f .
The sources of inteUigence have now failed me,
and I have it not in my power to communicate any
additional information relative to the latter period
of Melville's life. In 1620 his health grew worse X[ ;
and it is probable that the distempers with which
he had been occasionally visited ever since he was
in the Tower, became now more frequent in their
attacks, and gradually wasted his constitution. He
died at Sedan in the course of the year 1622, at
* " Scoti nu ruxavTm Paraclesis contra Danielis Tileni Silesii Pa-
rsenesin. — Cuius pars prima est, De Episcopali Ecclesia? Regimine.
Anno 1622." At the close of the work, the author signifies his in
tention of publishing two other parts, on Elders, and on the Five
Ceremonies obtruded on the Church of Scotland. But the necessity
for these was superseded by the elaborate Altare Damascenum of
Calderwood, which appeared in the course of the following year.
t Melv'Ue 's repeatedly referred to in that work, and we cannot sup
pose that he would have spoken of himself, even for the purpose of
concealment, in such terms as the following : — " in quibus prtecipuus
erat divinus noster Melvinus." (P. 86. Conf. p. 231.) Add to
this the testimony of Calderwood, who had the best opportunity of
being informed on the subject: " About this time (1620) Tilenus,
a Silesian by birth, a professor in Sedan, came to England, looking
for great preferment and benefit for a pamphlet, intituled Parsenesis
ad Scotos Genevensis discipline zelotas, wherein he defended the state,
of bishops and the five articles. The booke was confuted soone after
be Sir James Sempill of Beltrise, and be the author of the booke in
tituled Altare Damascenum." (Cald. viii. 962, 963.)
X Hume's Letter to Adamson, ut supra. 5

320 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the advanced age of ;. seventy-seven years *. At
that time, there was at least one of his country
men in the university, Alexander Colville, who
enjoyed his friendship, and, it may be beUeved,
would not fail to pay every attention to his vener
able master in his last moments f . In consequence
of the civil war which raged in France, it was a
considerable time before his friends in Scotland
were apprized of the fact of his death ; and, even
then, they were left in ignorance of the circum
stances which attended it J.

* " Andreas Melvinus, vir maxime pietatis, singularis zeli (zelus
domus Dei comedit eum), omnium linguarum et scientiarum acumine
primus, imo solus ; Athenas et Solymam in Scotiam induxit ; pseudo-
episcopatus et papistarum hostis acerrimus ; ccelebs, castus ; ad voca
tus a Rege, Turri conjicitur : post Dux Bulonie in Galliam ducit,
ubi fortissimus aixn-ra, jam octogenarius moritur, 1622." (Simsoni
Annales. See also Wodrow's Life of Andrew Melville, p. 112.)
t Hume's Letter, ut supra. Petri Molinei Oratio — habita Se-
dani viij. Idus Decembres 1628, ante inaugurationem viri doctissimi
AJexandri Colvini in gradum Doctoratus eiusq; admissionem ad
Professionem Theologicam. Sedani 1629. From this Oration (p. 129,)
it appears that Colville had been for several years Professor of He
brew before he was admitted to the theological chair. In 1642, he
was called from Sedan to be Professor of Divinity in the New College
of St. Andrews. (Baillie's Letters, vol. i. p. 305. Index to Unprint-
ed Acts of Assembly, 1642.)
X Robert Boyd of Trochrig, at that time Principal of the Univer
sity of Edinburgh, has the following notice of Melville's death in
his Obituary. " May the Lord have pity upon us, and preserve in
us the work of his own grace, for the good and salvation of our soul,
and the destruction of this body of death and sin ! As to the death
of that venerable father of our church, the ornament of his nation,
and great hght of this age, in all virtue, learning, vivacity of spirit,
promptitude, zeal, holy freedom and boldness, and invincible cou-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 321
It is natural for us to desire minute information
respecting the decease of any individual in whose
life we have taken a deep interest ; and we cannot
help feeUng disappointed, when we are barely told
that " he died." But laudable as this curiosity may
be, and gratifying and useful as it is to have the
spiritual portrait of a great and good man drawn
on his death-bed and at the hour of his departure,
we ought not to forget that there is a still more
decisive and unequivocal test of character. It was
by the faith which he evinced during his life that
the first martyr " obtained witness that he was
righteous ; and by it he, being dead, yet speaketh."
We have no reason to regret being left without any
rage in a good cause, with a holy course of life and resolution, who
dyed at Sedan last year, 1622, aged about 80 years. He was reject
ed of his native country, by the mahce of the times and men, be
cause he had, with fortitude and firmness, maintained the truth, and
given testimony to it before the princes of this world. He had keep-
ed a good conscience, without changes, either out of fear, or by the
flattery and favour of men, after his imprisonment in the Tower of
London, and his living an exile of more than 10 years. As to his
death, I say, and the particular circumstances of it, I have not yet
received distinct and certain information, because of the trouble and
persecutions arisen in the church of France for some years. May
the Lord conduct us by the strait gate to his kingdom of everlasting
peace, for the merits of his weel beloved Son Jesus Christ, our Savi
our. Amen." (Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd, p. 146.) — Calder
wood, in a work which he published in Holland in the year 1623,
says : " De Melvino autem affirmare nulla assentatione (nam audio
paulo ante fatis cessisse) melius Regi ab infantia voluisse, quam as-
sentatores istos." (Altare Damasc. p. 741.) And, in the Preface to
that work, he says : " Andreas Melvinus, qui fere octogenarius
diem supremum clausit in exilio, vir undiquaque doctus, pius, can-
didus, et strenuus Christi miles."
VOL. II. Y

322 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
authentic record of the manner in which the apostles
finished their course, nor are we under any tempta
tion to have recourse to suspicions and^ apocryphal
traditions in order to supply the defect, when their
writings and the history of their hves enable us
" fully to know their doctrine, manner of life, pur
pose, long-suffering, charity, patience, persecutions,
afflictions." I have met' with no account) of the
last sickness of MelvUle ; but I have no doubt that
he died as he hved. At a: period, when it was not
uncommon to circulate false rumours of the death
bed recantations of men who had distinguished
themselves in pubhc controversies, it was never
whispered that he had retracted i his .sentiments, or
that he signified the smaUest regret for the suffer
ings which he had endured in behalf of the civU and
rehgious liberties of his country.
It is not an easy task to form a correct and im
partial estimate of the talents and character of those
who have distinguished themselves in great nation
al struggles. If their contemporaries were unduly
biassed by the strength of their > attachments and
antipathies, we who hve at a later period lose in
correctness of views what we gain in impartiahty
of judging, by the distance at which we are ^placed
from the men whom we attempt to describe, and by
want of sympathy with manners and feehngs so
dissimilar to our own. In forming our opinion of
them from contemporary records, we are as much
embarrassed by the narrow views and want of dis
crimination of their friends, as by the hostility and

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 323
misrepresentations of their adversaries. The nar
ratives of public transactions transmitted to us by
those who lived at the time, often resemble the der
scription of a great battle by a spectator : officers
and men are beheld confusedly mingled together,
and the issue appears to depend on the exertion of
brute force, aided by insensibility to danger ; while
the military skill and presence of mind by which
the whole mass is disposed, put in motion, and gOr
verned, are disregarded and left out of view. There
is still another source of error. If civil history is
chiefly the record of wars and bloodshed, the pages
of ecclesiastical history are too often filled With ac
counts of theological contention ; and accustomed
to contemplate the principal individuals who fi
gure in these scenes, either in the attitude of eager
assault or of stubborn resistance, we are ready to
form an unfavourable opinion of their moral qualities
and private dispositions. Cooler reflection, and a
more minute acquaintance with facts, will serve
to correct our over-hasty conclusions. When we
follow the warrior into the retreats of peace, and
find him displaying, in the social and domestic
circle, all the gentle and amiable features of human
nature, we may regret that it should ever have been
necessary for him to enter- on a scene which called
forth the sterner feelings, but we will, at the same
time, be convinced that he is incapable of wanton
and deliberate cruelty, and it will require the
strongest evidence to induce us to heUevp that he
was in any instance guilty of conduct so much at
y 2

324 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
variance with what we know of his temper and
habits. With respect to those who lived in former
times, this information can be derived only from
private memoirs and letters. When such documents
relating to any individual exist, and when they have
been referred to as authorities, and produced as illus
trations, with fidelity and judgment, the outlines of
his character are no longer left to be filled up by
the fancy or the prejudices of his biographer. If I
have succeeded according to my wish, the reader is
already acquainted with the person whose life is re
corded in this work ; and it is not necessary for me
to attempt an elaborate delineation of his< character.
Nor is it necessary for me to enter into a formal re
futation of the erroneous opinions which have pre
vailed concerning it. The facts which have been
produced wiU best serve to correct these mistakes,
whether they have originated in dgnorance or in
prejudice. MelviUe possessed great intrepidity, invincible
fortitude, and unextinguishable ardour of mind.
His spirit was independent, high, fiery, and incap
able of being tamed by threats or violence ; but he
was at the same time open, candid, generous, affec
tionate, faithful. The whole tenor of his life bears
testimony, to the sincerity and strength of his
religious convictions. We do not find him making
disclosures, even to his most confidential correspond
ents, of the secret communings of his heart with its
God. But we find, what is a less equivocal proof
of genuine devotion, a habitual sense of divine

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE- 325
things, a subjection of mind to the divine will, and
a uniform aim and desire to advance the divine
glory, pervading and intermingling with all that he
did or said. The spirit of his piety was strikingly
contrasted with that compound of indifference and
selfishness which is so often lauded under the much
abused names of moderation and charity. " Thou
canst not > bear them that are evil, and thou hast,
tried them that say they are apostles and are not,
and hast found them liars," was the commendation
which he coveted and which he merited. He felt,
and he was not ashamed to avow, an ardent at->
tachment to civil liberty. Possessing, in a high,
degree* ¦ the perfervidum ingenium of his country-,
men, sudden and impetuous in his feelings, as
well as < prompt and vivacious in his conceptions,
he poured out a torrent of vigorous, vehement, re
gardless, resistless indignation, mingled at times
with defiance and scorn, on those who incurred his
displeasure. But his anger, even when it rose to,
its greatest height, was altogether different from the
ebuUitions of a splenetic or rancorous mind. On
no occasion was it ever excited by a sense of per
sonal injuries, which he meekly bore and forgave^
It was called forth by a strong feeling of the im-a
propriety of the conduct which he resented, and of
its tendency to injure those public interests to which
he was devoted. And there was always about it
an honesty, an elevation, a freedom from personal
hate, malice, and revenge, which made it respected
even by those who censured its violence, or whp
Y 3

326 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
smarted under its severity. If his religious and
patriotic zeal Was sometimes intemperate, it was al
ways disinterested ; if, by giving himself up to' its
influence, he Was Occasionally carried beyond1 the
bounds of virtuous moderation and prudence,' it is
also true that he was borne above every sordid and
mercenary aim, and escaped from the atmosphere
of selfishness, in which so many who have §et out
weU in a public career have had thrir zeal cooled
dnd their progress arrested.
Notwithstanding the heat and vehemence dis
played in his public conduct, he was an agreeable
companion in private. Provided 'those who were
about hini could bear with his " Wholesome and
friendly anger.," and allow him freely to censure What
he thought wrong in their conduct, he assumed no
arrogant airs of superiority,, exacted no humiliating
marks of submission, but lived With ; them as "a
brother among brethren. His heart Was susceptible
Of aU the humane and social affections. Though he
spent the greater part of his life in a coUege, he was
no ascetic or mOrose recluse; and though "his book
was his bride and his study his bride-Chamber *,"
yet he felt as tender a sympathy with his friends in
all their domestic concerns, as if he had been himself
a husband and a father. The gay, goOd-httmoured,
hearty pleasantry which appears in his familiar let
ters, evinces a cheerfulness and kindliness of dispo-

* An expression applied to Archbishop Grindal, who never mar
ried.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 327
sition, which continued, to the latest period of his
life, unsoured by the harsh treatment which he met
with, and uninjured by the fretting infirmities of
old age.
His intellectual endowments were confessedly su
perior. Possessing a vigorous mind, cultivated by
Study, he excelled all his countrymen of that age in
the acquirements of a various and profound erudi
tion^ He was the first Scotchman who added a taste
for elegant literature to an extensive acquaintance
with theology. In all the important public trans
actions of his time, he sustained a conspicuous part.
But those who have represented him as exercising,
or affecting to exercise, the authority of the leader
of a party, in the common acceptation of that term,
have greatly mistaken his character. He had no
pretension to those talents which qualify one for
this task. He was a stranger to the smooth arts
and insinuating address by which persons whose ta
lents were not of the highest order have often suc
ceeded in managing public bodies. He could not
stoop: to flatter and fawn upon the multitude, nor
was he disposed to make those sacrifices of principle
and personal independence which are required from
every one who sets up for the head of a party,. Ne
vertheless, his . reputation for learning and probity,
his extensive acquaintance with the subjects ., in de
bate, his promptitude of mind, his ready, fervid,
and vehement eloquence, and, above all, the heroic
courage and firmness which he uniformly displayed
in the hour of danger, gave him an ascendancy over
6

328 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the pubhc mind which was in some respects great
er.;* than -that; exerted by any acknowledged i leader.
In the church courts there were others better qua
lified for moderating in a debate, for directing the
mode of/ procedure, or conducting a snegPedation
with the court ; but stiU MelvUle was regarded by
the nation as the master-spirit which animated the
Whole body, and watched over the rights and Uber-
ties of the church. His zeal and fearlessness led
him sometimes, in the heat of action^ to leave the
ranks of his brethren, and to seize a position which
they deemed improper or hazardous;; but stiU their
eye was fixed on him, and they were encouraged by
his< example to maintain the conflict on lower and
less dangerous ground. u
- I; have not met with any description of his exter
nal: appearance, except that given by his Majesty,
who has informed us that he was of low stature *.
Nor do I know of any portrait of him. His bodUy
constitution was sound; he enjoyed a long; course
of good health ; his animal spirits were Uvely ; and
he was a stranger to those alternate- visitations of
morbid sensibility and oppressive languor by which
men of talents and studious habits are often tor
mented;/ The greater part of MelviUe's writings' consists
of Latin poems f. These display the vigour of his
imagination and the elegance' of his taste ; and

,,* See above, vol. i. p. 379.
-}¦ A list of his works will be found in Note E.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 329
some of them will bear a comparison with the pro
ductions of such of his contemporaries as were the
greatest masters of that species of writing. But,
though, his poems were admired at the time when
they appeared, it must be confessed that they have
not transmitted his reputation to posterity. This
is .chiefly to be ascribed to the change, which has
taken place in hterary taste, and the disrepute into
which such compositions have fallen in later times.
It has. been also owing in some degree to his not
having; produced a work of any great extent, a cir
cumstance which has no small influence on public
opinion. . Had Buchanan not published his Para
phrase of the Psalms, the merit of his other poeti
cal pieces would probably have been now known
only to a few. Melville found always sufficient ac
tive employment to excuse him from the duty of
writing for the public. He was not ambitious of
hterary fame, and was quite superior to mercenary
views ; nor had the art of converting authorship
into an engine for making a fortune been discover
ed in that age. Another circumstance which has
proved injurious to his literary fame is, that a
great number of his poems are satires on the hier
archy. This, together with the firm resistance
which he made to the episcopal poUty, excited a
strong, antipathy against him among the defenders
ofthe English church, who have either disparaged
his talents or treated his writings with neglect *.
* See Dr. Duport's verses " In Andream Melvinum Scotum, de
sua Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria, Saphico versu conscripta ;" added to

330 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Not. that aU of them are chargeable with this in-
justicei Isaac Waltph, though displeased with the
freedoms which MelviUe had taken with his fa
vourite church, does not attempt to deny or con
ceal his talents *-.- A modern English divine, who is
a much better judge than Walton, speaks of him m
the following terms, " The learning and abUities
of Mr. Melville were equaUed only by the purity of
,t-,l )¦¦- I • xi- . .¦ • r,ff ' ¦ , '
his editipn of " Ecclesiastes Salamcmis^-1662," - A striking specimen
of the spirit referred to in the text is given by Bishop Nicolson. In
his account of treatises left by Scotchmen '" on the description and an
tiquities of their country," he says: "-I have not seen Arid. Mdvin'i
Fjngmentum de Origine Gentis Scotorum. :,Npr wfll 4h&> character
which a modern writer gives of the author tempt any man to enquire
after it." (Scottish Hist. Library, p. 15. Lond. 1702. 8vo.Jj Now,'^he
woflc -was sfitfing the worthy bishop in the face all the time; in a bbok
which She had repeatedly quoted. The reader may be curious to see
the; character which made an Antiquarian so indifferent about a dis
course on Antiquities ; and as this character is really a curiosity of
iis' kind, I shall subjoin it. " Master Andrew Melvil-*was a Mail,
by Nature, fierce and -fiery, confident and peremptory, peevish, and
ungovernable: Education in him, had not sweetened Nature, but
Nature had sowred Education ; and both conspiring together, had
trifckt him uji Into a true Ori>gmal ; a piece compounded of pride and
petulance, of jeer and jangle, of Satyre and Sarcasm ; of venome and
vehernence : He hated the Crown as much as the Mitre, the Scepter
as much as the Crosier, and could have made as bold with the Purple
as with the Rochet : His prime Talent was Lampooning and writing
Anti-T-arni-Cami-Categorias. In a word, He was the very Arche
typal Bitter Beard of the Party." (Sage's Fundamental Charter of
Presbytery Examined, pp. 217, 218.)
/ ?i* He Was, says he, " master of a great wit, a wit full of knots and
clenches ; a wit sharp and satirical : exceeded, I think, by none of that
nation but, their Buchanan." This testimony to Melville, which ap
peared in the first edition of the Life of George Herbert, was suppress
ed in the subsequent editions. Dr. Zouch restored it in his edition
of Walton's Lives, p. 295. "^

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 331
his manners and the sanctity of his life. His tem^
per was warm and violent; his' carriage and zeal
perfectly suited to the times in which he lived.
Archbishop Spotswood is uniformly unfriendly to
his memory. He seems to have been treated by
his adversaries with great asperity ."> — And, having
quoted Duport's poem against him, he adds : " Let
it not, however, be inferred from these verses, that
Andrew MelviUe always sought to dip his pen in
gah ; that he was principally delighted With the
severity of satire and invective. He occasionally
diverted his muse to the subject of just panegyric.
In many Of ' his epigrams he has celebrated the li
terary attainments of his contemporaries. He has
endeared his name to posterity by his encomium on
the profound learning of the two ScaUgers, and the
classic elegance of Buchanan, his preceptor, and the
parent of the Muses. His Latin paraphrase of the
Song of Moses is truly excellent — exquisitely beau
tiful*." MelviUe's reputation, however, does not rest on
his writings. It is founded on the active services
which he performed for his country — on his success
ful exertions in behalf of its literature, and his ac
tivity in rearing and defending that ecclesiastical
polity by Which it has long been distinguished.
There may be some who are disposed to depreciate
the last of these services, and to represent him as
contending, and exposing himself to sufferings, for
* Dr. Zouch, Walton's Lives, pp. 354, 355.

332 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
disputable and controverted points of smaU moment,
relating to forms of government and plans of discip
line. Such language, though sometimes employed
by good and well-meaning Men, proceeds from- Very
narrow and mistaken views. If appUed to civil go
vernment, who does not see the sweeping inferences
to which it would lead ? It would discredit the most
meritorious struggles in behalf of liberty and law
which mark the most glorious epochs in our history.
It would condemn those patriots who nobly bled in
defence of this sacred cause on the scaffold Or in the
field, and represent them as having " died as a fool
dieth," if not as rebels and ringleaders of revolt.
And it would sink and degrade the free cbnstitution
of Britain to a level with the despotical autocracies
of Turkey and Spain. Who that has duly reflected
on the subject can be ignorant that forms of govern
ment exert a mighty influence, both directly and in
directly, on the manners, and habits, and sentiments
of the people who live under them ; and that some
of these forms are unspeakably preferable to Others ?
That they are better adapted to impose a check on
ambitious or corrupt rulers — prevent or correct
abuses arising 'from mal-administration — provide
for the impartial distribution of justice-^-preserve
the spirit and perpetuate the enjoyment of Uberty —
promote education, virtue, and religion ; and, in flne^
to seCttre to the people at large all that happiness
which it is the original and proper design of- go
vernment to procure and bestow ? The opposite
sentiment is so palpably absurd, that there is ground

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 333
to suspect that it is often adopted by persons as an
excuse for their apathy to the public welfare, pr an
apology for maintaining connexions which they
find to be conducive tp fhe advancement pf, their seT
cular, interests. These remarks apply with, greater
force, to. ecclesiastical than to political government.
Setting aside entirely the argument from scripture ;
the advancement of the interests of religion, the
preservation of purity of faith and morals, the re
gular dispensing of religious instruction, and of aU
divine ordinances, and, in general, the promoting
pf s the spiritual improvement and salvation of the
people, have always depended, and must always; de
pend, in a high degree, on the form of government
established in a church, and on the rules by which,
discipline is exercised in it. Perfection is not to be
expected in any society on earth, and the best, sys
tem of laws may be abused, and. will cease to accoin-
plish its ends when the vivific spirit has been suf?
fered to depart ; but when these ends are habitually
and glaringly counteracted in any church, it will ge
nerally be found, on examination, that some check
or corrective which scripture, reason, and the cir
cumstances of the times warranted and pointed put,
has been removed or was awanting. The eccle§i^sti-(
cal constitution which MelviUe had the chief , hanfl-
in establishing, is eminently calculated to advance
these ends. And to it, joined to the spirit whjycjb,, he,
infused by his example and instructions, Scptiapd,
has been indebted for other blessings of a collateral
kind, and of the highest importance. To it she

3,34 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE-
owes that system of education which has extended
its blessings to the. lowest, class in the community.
Tp It she, owes the. inteUigence, sobriety, andreh?
gious principle which distinguish her commonalty
from those of other countries, To.it she owed a
simple, unambitious, laborious, and at the same time
independent order of ministers. And to it she was
indebted for that pubhc spirit which has resisted
manifold disadvantages in her pohtical situation and
institutions ; — disadvantages, which otherwise must
have reduced .her to a state of slavery, and made
her the instrument of enslaving the nation with
which she became aUied, first by the union of the
crowns, and afterwards by the union pf the king
doms. I,t. is a great mistake to suppose, and the facts
which have been adduced in the preceding narra
tive, refute the supposition, that MelviUe . and his
associates were engaged merely in resisting the im
position of certain ecclesiastical forms. The object
of the contest was far more extensive ;and moment
ous. The efficiency, if not the existence, of .that
discipUne which had long operated as a powerful
check on irreligion and vice, was at, stake. The in
dependence, and consequently the usefulness, of thg
ministers was struck at. The inferior judicatories
might be aUowed to. meet, but only under a guard
of episcopal janizaries. The General < Assembly
might be occasionaUy called together, but merely
for the purpose of recording royal edicts, and be
coming an instrument of greater oppression and

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 335
tyranny than the court could have exercised without
its aid. The immediate object of the King, by the
changes which he made in the government of the
church,' was to constitute himself Dictator in all
matters of religion ; and his ultimate object Was,
by means of the bishops, to overturn the civil liber
ties of the nation, and to become absolute master of
the consciences, properties, and lives of all his sub
jects in the three kingdoms. It was a contest there
fore that involved aU that is dear to men and Christ
ians— -all that is valuable in liberty and sacred in
religion. Melville was the first to discover and to
denounce the scheme which was planned for the
overthrow of these ; and he persisted in opposing
its execution at the expense of deprivation of office,
imprisonment, and perpetual banishment from his
native country. No sufferings to which he was
subjected could bring him to retract the opposition
which he had made to it. No offers which he re
ceived could induce him to give it the slightest mark
of his approbation. By the fortitude^ constancy,
and cheerfulness with which he bore his exile., he
continued to testify against it ; and, by animating
his brethren who remained at home, he contributed
materiaUy to bring about a revolution, which, not
long after his death, levelled with the ground that
ill-omened fabric, the rearing of which had cost the
labour of so many years, and the expense of so much
principle and conscience.

336 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.

CHAPTER XI.

STATE OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND WHEN
MELVILLE WAS SETTLED AT ST. ANDREWS,
ANNO 1580.

Erecfion qf University of St. Andrews — Its Constitution
— Colleges founded in it — State ofthe University at the
Reformation — Mode of Teaching and Conferring De
grees in the Faculty of Arts — and of Theology — New
Plan of the University in the First Book of Discipline
— by Buchanan — by Parliament — Sketch of the New
Mode of Teaching — Melville's Share in Drawing it up
— 'Reform on the Other Universities — Parochial Schools
— High School of Glasgow — of Edinburgh — Scholastic
Philosophy — John Rutherfurd — Civil Law — WiUiam
Sken^ — Edward Henry son — Theology and Poetry—
Alexander Arbuthnot — Thomas Smeton — Thomas Mait
land — Patrick Adamson — John Davidson.

\V e have had repeated occasion, in the preceding
pages, to advert to the state of literature in Scot
land. But the subject, from its importance, and
the connexion in which it stands with the life of

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 337
MelviUe, is entitled to something more than a cur
sory notice and incidental illustrations. I shall, there
fore, endeavour, in this chapter, to throw some light
on the state of our literature when Melville was first
established in the university of St. Andrews ; and,
in the following chapter, shall conclude with an ac
count of the progress which it had made when he
was removed from that situation.
The literary history of Scotland at the first of
these periods embraces the universities, the parochi
al schools, and the individuals who distinguished
themselves by their writings. The university of St.
Andrews was the earliest, and continued long to be
the most celebrated of our academical institutions.
For two centuries almost all the eminent men who
appeared in this country were connected with it,
either as teachers or pupils. A brief description of
its constitution, the mode of instruction practised
in it, and the changes made on this, wiU convey a
better idea of the state of our literature than any
sketch which I could propose to give of the history
of all the universities.
At the commencement of the fifteenth century, no
great school existed in Scotland ; and the youth
who were desirous of a liberal education were under
the necessity of seeking it abroad. The inconve
niences arising from this were increased by the dis
sensions which the conflicting claims, of [the, rival?
popes excited on the continent. Tp remedy the evil,
Henry Wardlaw, bishop of St. Andrews, with the .
consent of parliament, erected, in the year 1411, ,t
VOL. II. z

LIFE OF, ANDREW MELVILLE.
a Qgnegafi Study, or university, ip-Jhe chief city of
his diocese*; and, two years after, the charter
winch he had granted was confirmed by a bull from
Benedict XIII. whom the Scots then acknowledged
as, sovereign pontiff f.
- r. The university of St. Andrews was formed on the
model of those of Paris and Bologna, and enjoyed
the same privUeges. AU its members,, or supposts,
as they were called, including the students who had
-attained the degree of bachelor as weU.as the mas
ters, were divided into nations, according to the
.places from which they came. At a congregation
or general meeting, they elected four procurators,
who had a right to act for them in aU causes in
which their interests were concerned, and four-in
trants or electors, by whom the rector was chosen.
The rector was the chief magistrate, and had au
thority, to- judge and pronounce sentence, with the
advice and consent of his assessors 4, in all causes,
civil- and criminal, relating to members of the uni
versity, with the exception of crimes which incurred
the highest punishment §. He had a right to re-
* Forduni Scotichron. lib. xv. chap. 22. Boethii Hist. Scot. lib.
xvi. The bishop erected the university "de consilio, consensu, et
communi tractatu trium Statuum personarum regni -Seotia?." (Bulla
Fundationis Univ. S. Andrea?.)
t Papers of the University.
$ In general the university elected the assessors, and empowered
the Rector to appoint his deputies. The number of assessors, was
twelve : three from each nation.
§ "dummodo adatrocem injuriam non sit processus." -(Concession
6f Privileges by Bishop Wardlaw.) There is one instance of capital

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 339
pledge any member of the university who might be
called before any other judge, civil or ecclesiastical;
and, in certain cases, those who did ttot belong to
the university might be called before the rector's
court, upon the complaint of a master or student.
It is natural to suppose that the exercise of these
powers would give occasion to a collision of
authorities ; and, accordingly, a concordat Was
entered into, at an early period, between the uni
versity and the magistrates of the city, by Which
the limits of their jurisdictions were defined and
adjusted*. The university had the right of
purchasing victuals free from custom, within the
city and the regality of the abbey f. It was also
exempted from paying all other imposts and taxes,
even those levied by the Estates, with the exception
of, what is called, the great custom. Its members
enjoyed immunity from the duties exacted for Con
firming testaments ; and such of them as were
clergymen, and possessed benefices with cure, were
Uberated by the papal bull from obligation to per-

punishment being inflicted by the sentence of the rector of the uni
versity of Glasgow. (Statist. Account of Scotland, vol. xxi. Append.)
* Concordia inita, per episcop. Jac. Kennedy, inter suppDsita uni-
versitatis et cives Sti. Andrea?, A. D. 1440.
t The prior joined with the bishop in the charter of Concession
of Privileges. — The abbey of St. Andrews had a jurisdiction of its
own, and magistrates independent of those of the city. About the
time of the Reformation, the Master of Lindsay was " principall
baillie of the priorie of Sanct-androis," and Robert Pont was " pro
curator phiscall of the said priorie." (Summonds — David. Monepenny
elder of Pitmilly ags* Mr. James Wilkie, &c. March 6, 1577.)
z 2

340 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
sonal residence as long as they taught in the uni
versity* Besides its civil and criminal jurisdic
tion, the university possessed ecclesiastical, powers,
in the exercise of which it sometimes proceeded to
excommunication f. It may be mentioned as an
evidence of the respeet paid to literature, that, in
consequence of a dispute which had arisen, it was
determined that the Rector of the University should
take precedence of the Prior of the Abbey in all
public processions f.
' For the direction of its literary affairs, the mem
bers of the university were divided into' faculties,
according to the sciences that were taught. :At the
head of each of these was a dean, who presided at
the meetings of the masters of his faculty for regu
lating the mode of study, and for examinations.
The Chancellor presided at meetings of the uni-

* Bulla Concess. Privileg. Univ. S. A.
T In a dispute which the rector and professors of theology in the
university had with the masters of St. Salvator's College about the
power of conferring degrees, the former threatened the latter with
ecclesiastical censures. The matter was settled by a provincial coun
cil held in 1470, in the way of the College consenting to renounce the
right which they had acquired by a papal bull. (Hovei Oratio 4e
Fundat. Univ. Andr. MS.) In the reformation of the University of
St. Andrews in 1579, it is provided, " that in place of the pane of
cursing vsit of befoir vpoun offendo" and inobedientis They be now
decernit be decreit of the rector and chief membris of the vniusitie
efter the-cognitioun of the caus to be debarrit secludit and remouit
out of the vniusitie And to tyne and foirfalt the priuilegis and bene-
fittis yrof." (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. p. 181.)
X Hovei Oratio.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 341
versity for the conferring of degrees *. ,i It was long
before medicine was taught, as a separate science,,
in our universities, and it does not appear that they
were accustomed anciently to confer degrees in law.
The branches taught were the arts or philosophy,
canon law, and divinity f. . „...,,
However limited this course of education was,
and however rude and imperfect the mode in which
it was conducted, such an institution could not fail
to produce effects favourable to the progress ipf
knowledge. The erection of the University of St.
Andrews may be regarded as marking the first dawn
of learning in Scotland. Attracted by novelty, or
animated by that thirst for knowledge which has,
always characterized Scotchmen, students came to
St. Andrews from every part of the kingdom.
The university appears to have been possessed
of very slender funds until the erection of colleges
in it. The College of St. Solvator was founded by
bishop Kennedy in the year 1450 ; that of St. Leo
nard was founded by John Hepburn, the prior of
the abbey, in the year 1512 ; and the erection of
St. Mary's, or the New CoUege, was begun by
archbishop Beaton in the year 1532, and com
pleted by archbishop Hamilton in the year 1552.

* Hovei Oratio. The mode of study, and of examination for, de
grees in the arts or philosophy,, appears to have been regulated soon
after the erection of the university. James of Hadcliston was dean
of the faculty of theology in 1432, when similar regulations were
made as to theological study and graduation.
t See Note F.
z 3

342 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Each of these was endowed with funds for the sup
port of a certain number of professors and bur
sars. In the regulations of St. Mary's CoUege, we
may observe the advancement which knowledge
had already made, and the influence which it exert
ed over the minds of the popish prelates or their
advisers *.
A coUege has been compared to an incorporated
trade within a burgh ; but it bears a stiU more strik
ing resemblance to a convent. The principal differ
ence between them is, that the latter was an asso
ciation entirely for religious purposes, whereas learn
ing was the chief object of the former. The mem
bers of a coUege, like the monks, were bound to hve,
eat, and sleep in the same house, they were sup
ported in common upon the goods of the coUege,
and were astricted in aU things to the will of the
founder. A university, though a chartered body,
was not under the same regulations, nor was the
same provision made for its members. The coUege
was within the university ; the members of the
former were also members of the latter, partook of
its privileges, and were subject to its government.
Two things deserve notice as to the coUege of St.
Leonard. In the first place, although it owed its
erection to monks, was placed under their immediate
superintendence, and taught constantly by persons
taken from the convent ; and although its original
foundation and subsequent endowments were highly
* See Note G.

LIFH OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 343
calculated to foster superstition *, yet the reformed
opinions obtained an earlier and more extensive re
ception in this college than in the rest of the Univer
sity |. In the second place, this seminary had at
first to struggle with great difficulties on account of
the; slenderness of its funds ; but by the vigilance
of its patrons, and the diligence of those who had
the charge of education, it not only surmounted, these,
but, attained great celebrity. So many of the sons
of the nobility and gentry came to study at St. Leo
nard's, that the name of the College of Poor Clerks,
which the founder had originally given it, conveyed
a very erroneous idea of those who resided within
itswaUs -\.
The defence and increase of the Catholic faith
was one declared object of the erection of allthe.
colleges. This is more particularly expressed in
the deeds founding and providing for the College of
St. Mary. It was erected " for defending and con-

*' Iff 1525, John Archibald founded an altar in the College of Poor
Students, to the honour of the blessed Virgin Mary, " for the, salva
tion of John Hepburn, prior of the monastery and all the canons,
also for the souls of Mr. Michael Livingston, former vicar of Wemis,
and of Sir-Robert Wallis, former archdeacon of St. Andrews ; also of
the souls of his own father and his mother, and his spouse fttargret
Symsoun, and all his benefactors and friends." — The masters appear
to have entertained notions of piety somewhat different from the
above, when, in 1550, >they ordained that the fines levied : from ab
sentees should, after growing to a round sum, be converted "¦ in
vinum, ad refopilhijjdps conversantium animos, et in. alios pips usus."
(Papers of University.)
t Life of John Knox, vol. i. p. 31.
X Hovei Oratio. Comp. Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 431.
1

344 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
firming the Cathohc Faith, that the Christian reli-
ligion might flourish, the word of God might be
more abundantly sown in the hearts of the faithful,
and to oppose the heresies and schisms of the pesti
ferous heretics and heresiarchs who, alas ! have
sprung up and flourished in these tinies, in this as
weU as in many other parts of the world *." Yet
within a short time after this language was held,
these " pestiferous heretics" prevailed against the
Catholic faith, and obtained possession of the very
places and funds which were destined for their sup
pression and extirpation. The protestant sentiments
had for many years been secretly spreading in all
the coUeges of St. Andrews, and they were now em
braced by the greater part of the professors, with
perhaps the exception of those of St. Salvator's.
During the agitation of the rehgious controversy,
the academical exercises were interrupted, and the
number of students diminished. In the year 1559,
the faculty of arts was under the necessity of su
perceding the public exhibitions usual at gradua
tion f . Several of the masters in St. Salvator's, in-

* Donatio de Conveth, Jun. 26, 1550 ; et Donatio de Tarvet,
Mart. 31, 1558.
f '< Nonus Rectoratus Magri Joannis Douglasii propositi novi
collegii Mariani, 1558. Hoc anno propter tumultus religionis ergo
exertos, paucissimi scholastici ad hanc universitatem venerunt."
(Only three names of Incorporati are inserted.) — " Consiliis habitis
15 Maij a°59 de promovendis discipulis statuit academia oes laureados
hujus anni pro laurea tis haberi, quod universa reip. perturba°ne et
religionis reformatione veteres ritus seruare impediretur."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 345
eluding William Cranston, the principal, adhered to
the ancient religion, and left their places ; but the
greater part, if not the whole, of those belonging to
the two other colleges, embraced the Reformation,
and consequently retained their situations. John
Douglas, afterwards archbishop of St. Andrews, was
at this time principal of St. Mary's College *, and
John Duncanson was principal of St. Leonard's f .
Every thing connected with the Roman Catholic
faith and worship, which was interwoven with the
laws and practice of the university and of the col
leges belonging to it, was removed at the establish
ment of the Reformation. Other alterations were
at the same time contemplated by the reformers, but
various causes prevented them from being carried
into effect. Accordingly, the mode of teaching, and
the academical exercises, so far as related to philo
sophy or the arts, continued nearly on their former
footing. All the scholars who entered at one time into a

* Keith (Scottish Bishops, p. 25,) has confounded the Archbishop
with a preacher named Douglas, who was chaplain to the Earl of
Argyle in 1558. The description given of the latter will not answer
to the former, who was provost of St. Mary's College from 1547, till
his death in 1574, and was always resident in the university.
f Duncanson demitted in 1566. In a donation of books, and other
valuable articles, subscribed by his own hand, he styles himself
" umqle Maister principall of Sanctleonardis College, — and Mr. James
Wilkye PrincipaU regent and maister of the samyn ih name of the
College askit instrument." Wilkie appears to have1 considered the
succession to the principality as ,his due, but it was conferred on
Buchanan.

346 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
college, formed a class, which was put under the
government of a regent, with whom they con
tinued, four years. The regents had not, hke the
professors, permanent situations in the college. It
would appear, that originally every master, of
arts was bound to teach a class, and came un
der an engagement to this purpose, at his, laurea-
tipn, Afterwards it became customary to grant
dispensations froin this duty. When, the number
of graduated persons had increased, and it became
in other respects an object of importance tp obtain
a regency, those who were de^rpus.pf, it presented
a petition to the faculty, in which they professed
their knowledge of the text of Aristotle, and . re
quested permission to explain it, or, in other, words,
to govern a class. They were ordinarUy bound to
continue until they had taught two classes ; but at
St. Andrews, the greater part of the regents re
tained their situations, to which the profits arising
from altarages or chaplanries were attached, until
they, obtained a living in the church or an office in
the state.
Though the regular time of the course was four
years, it was usually finished in three years and a
half. The session began on the first of October,
and continued through the whole year, except the
months of August and September, which were al
lowed as a vacation. The regent assembled his
class three hours every day, and read and explained
the books of Aristotle, which the students were
bound to bring along with them. He began with

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 347
dialectics or logic, then proceeded to ethics, next
to physics, and concluded with metaphysics, which
was called prima philosophia or the highest branch
of philosophy, and mathematics, which included
arithmetic. During their course, the students were
frequently employed in disputations and declama
tions, both privately in their class, and pubhcly be
fore the college and the university. Besides seeing
that the regents and students did their duty, the
principal usually read pubhc lectures on what were
then reckoned the higher branches of philosophy,
which were attended by all the students in the col
lege, except those of the first year *.
In the middle of the third year of their course,
such of the students as obtained an attestation of

* James Melville has left an account of the course of study fol
lowed by WiUiam Collace, who was his regent in St. Leonard's be
tween 1570 and 1574. After stating that he began with teaching
" Cassander's Rhetoric," he adds : " We hard the Oration pro rege
Deitaro. Then he gaifF ws a compend of his awin of Philosopi and
the partes yrof. — We enterit in the organ of Arist. y4 year, and leir-
nit to the Demonstrations. — The secund yeir of my course we hard
the Demonstrations, the Topiks, and the Sophist captiones. And
the Primarius Mr. James Wilkie, a guid peacable sweet auld man
wha huffed me weill, teached the four species of the arithmetik arid
sum thing of the sphere. — The thrid yeir of our course we hard
the fyve buiks of the Ethiks, w* the aught buiks of the Physiks, and
de ortu et interitu. That yeir we had our Bachelar act according to
the solemnities then vsed of Declamations, banqueting and playes. —
The fourt and last yeir of our course, quhilk was the 17 yeir of my
age outpast and 18 rinning, we learned the buiks de coelo and mete
ors, also the sphere more exactly teachit by our awin regent, and
maidws for our vicces and blackstons, and had at Pace our promotion
and finishing of our course." (Diary, pp. 22 — 24.)

&48 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
regular attendance and good behaviour from their
regent and the principal of their coUege, were ad
mitted to" enter on trials for the degree of bachelor.
For this piirp'o^e the faculty chose every year three
regents, one from each coUege, as examinatorS. In
the presence of these the candidates determined*
a question,1 in logic or morals, in a continued dis
cburse, and answered such questions as were pro-
p'd&id to them on any of the branches Which they
had studied under their respective regents:' The
examinators made their report to the faculty, when
such as had given satisfaction' Were confirmed as
bachelors by the Dean, and the rest were sent to a
lower class. — The act of laureation at the end of
the course was conducted in a similar manner*. But
oh this occasion the candidates were examined on
the whole circle of the arts, and bound to defend a
thesis, which had been previously affixed to the gates'
Of the different colleges. They were divided into
circles, and their names arranged according tb their
merit, with a certain preference, however, to persons'
of rank f . And the degree of master of arts was
solemnly conferred on them by the Chancellor of
the university, in nomine Patris, Filii, et Spiritus
* From this aet they were called Determinantes.
t " Fxaminatos secundum scientia? et morum eminentiam princi-
paliter locent et ordinent. Ex pra?clara tamen domo paterna nobili-
tatppa sanguinis trabentes, nee non cum Regentibus honeste et com-
mensaliter yiyentes, modo in Uteris aliqualiter eruditi et moribus probi
nonnihil pensitantes." (Statuta anni 1570.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 349
Sancti. The intermediate degree of licentiate, of
arts is recognised by the laws, but it was not se
parately conferred, at least in later times. Both
at receiving the degree of bachelor and master, the
graduates paid certain sums of money, according to
their rank, to the purse of the university and of
the faculty, to the dean, and to other officers ; and
those who were poor obliged themselves to give
what was due tp the public funds as soon as they
were in ability. By an old law, each student, in
cluding those who held bursaries, was bound to give
to his regent annuaUy, for three years, a Scpte
noble, which < hi later times was interpreted as an
swering to a pound Scots, " salva cujuscunque
uberiore liheralitate *."
We cannot form such an exact judgment respect
ing the ancient mode of teaching theology, as the
Reformation necessarily made a greater change on
this department of instruction. Many of the an
cient forms, however, were still retained and ob
served. There continued to be a theological facul
ty, consisting of the doctors, licentiates, and bache-

* Statuta 17 Mart. 15S3. By the Statutes of 1561, the student
was bound to give thirty shillings, " unless he be poor."
The designation pauper does not appear to have been always used
in the same sense. In Feb. 1579, it was declared " Solos bursarios
et mendicos pauperes esse censendos." But from other documents
it appears that all the students of philosophy were divided into three
classes ; " Primars or potentiores, Secondars or potentes, and ternars
or minus potentes, olim pauperes ;" and the latter paid dues, although
proportionally smaller than the two former.

350 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
lors of divinity, who resided within the university *.
They assembled, along with the students of divini
ty, annuaUy on the first of October, when a sermon
or oration, intended to excite the hearers to dih-
gence in sacred studies, was deUvered. The mas
ters and bachelors then met apart, and arranged the
subjects on which each should read lectures during
the year, and the times at which they should read
them. The lectures were deUvered on the Scrip
tures, which were divided into five parts ; the Pen
tateuch or legal books, the historical books, the sa
piential, the prophetical, and those of the New Test
ament f . " Formerly, under papacy, the students
ascended to degrees in theology, hy reading the
Sentences of Peter Lombard ; but now, since the
reformation of religion and the burial of popery,
this practice is altered and reformed." From the
beginning of July to the end of September there
was an intermission of the lectures ; and during
this interval, the students were exercised once a-
week in theological disputations, at which one of
the masters presided, and the rest were present and
took a share in the debate. The disputants were
* Baron speaks of John Winram as dean of the faculty of theo
logy about 1574. (MS. Orat. super Jac. Martinio.)
t The particular books included under each of these divisions are
specified ; and it is a curious circumstance, that most of the Apo
cryphal books are among them. Thus, among the historical books
ste, ' duo Esdre, duo Tobie, Judith, quibus et duo Macabeorum libri
adjungi possunt." Among the sapiential books we find " Librum Sa
pientia? et Ecclesiasticum ;" and " Baruch" is enumerated along with
the books of the prophets. (Statut. Theol. Reform. A. 1570.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 851
exhorted to avoid the altercation usually practised
in the schools, " and not to bite and devour one
another like dogs, but to behave as men desirous of
mutual instruction, and as the servants of Christ,
who ought not to strive but to be gentle to all.",
The lectures were chiefly delivered by those who
were proceeding in their theological degrees. Be
fore entering on this duty, it behoved them to have
been students of divinity for three years, to have
sustained the part of a respondent twice in the pub
lic disputes during the vacancies, to have: given
proof of their talents twice in the weekly exercise,
and to have preached once in the vulgar language
before: the people and in Latin before the universe
ty. After this, being admitted by the faculty, they
taught for four years in the public schools, by ex
pounding the Scriptures, according to the arrange^
ment formerly mentioned. The probationary lec
ture which they deUvered at the commencement of
each part of the course, may be viewed as a speci
men of the mode of teaching then practised. The
lecturer began with pronouncing a panegyric on the
books of Scripture which he proposed to expound ;
he next gave a summary of their contents ; and, in
the third place, having selected a particular passage,
he started a question from it, stated the opinions
held on the affirmative and negative sides, laid down
certain propositions for clearing the truth, confirmed
it by testimonies of Scripture, and solved the diffi
culties that might be urged against it. Before fhe
students in the public schools, the lecturers were

352 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
bound to confine themselves to a single chapter at
a time, and were directed to explain the text dis
tinctly and methodically, by comparing it with other
passages of Scripture, or by producing the judgr
ment of the most approved and skilful interpreters,
" provided nothing was brought forward that could
not stand the test of Scripture." — It would seem
that this was nearly the method which the profes
sors followed in their theological lectures *.
When the student commenced lecturing on the
legal books, he was declared by the faculty a cur
sory bachelor of divinity ; on commencing the pro
phetical books, he became a formed bachelor ; and,
on entering on the books of the New Testament, he
was pronounced a confirmed bachelor. On finish
ing his course of teaching, he proceeded to take his
degrees of hcentiate and doctor. The statutes de
scribe at length the disputations which were main
tained, and the ceremonies which were used on both
these occasions f .
Such was the plan of study agreed upon by the
theological professors about the time of the Refor
mation. But there is no good reason to think that
it was reduced to practice ; and though this had
been the case, it has little claim to our commenda
tion. The lectures read by young men who had
studied divinity for so short a period as three years,
* Melville's Diary, p. 24.
+ Statuta Fac. Theolog. olim condita, et jam abolito papismo et
reformata r'eligione, circa A. D. 1560, in parte mutata, et juxta nor-
mam verbi Dei in melius reformata.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 353
must have been extremely jejune and superficial ;
and it does not appear that any effectual provision
was made to secure their diligence in these exhi
bitions. Yet their lectures, such as they were,
served as a pretext for the regular professors ne
glecting the duty of theological instruction. In
these circumstances, we need not be surprised to
find that the study of divinity in the university was
nearly nominal, and that scholastic philosophy en
grossed the attention of both masters and scholars *.
The First Book of Discipline proposed a plan
for re-modelling the three universities, which con
tained the following arrangements for St. Andrews.
The first college was to contain classes for dialectics,
mathematics, natural philosophy, and medicine. In
the second college, a lecturer on ethics, economics,
and politics, and two lecturers on law, Roman and
municipal, were to be established. And the third
college was to be provided with two teachers of
languages, one of Greek and another of Hebrew,
and two teachers of divinity, the one of the Old and
the other ,of jthe New Testament. None were to be
graduated in their respective faculties unless they
had attended the regular course, which, for students
of philosophy, was three years, of law, four years, and
of medicine and divinity, five years. Tbis plan was
unquestionably ah improvement on the original con
stitution, according to which the three colleges
were completely independent, and exactly the same
* Melville's Diary, p. 92.
VOL. II. 2 A

354 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
branches were taught in each. And in other re
spects it was favourable to the advancement of lite
rature and science. But it was not adopted. In
vain did the authors recommend it to the nobility,
along with a proposal to erect parochial schools, as
contributing to " the most high advancement of the
commonwealth." In vain they urged, " If God
shaU give your wisdoms grace to set forward letters
in the sort prescribed, ye shaU leave wisdom and
learning to your posterity, a treasure more to be
esteemed than any earthly treasures ye are able to
amass for them, which, without wisdom, are more
able to be their ruin and confusion than help and
comfort *." Prejudice is blind, and avarice deaf, to
all considerations of public good ; but the plan will
remain a lasting monument of the enlightened and
patriotic views of its compilers.
In the year 1563, a petition was presented to the
Queen and Lords of Articles, " in the name of all
that within this realm ar desyrous that leirning and
letters floreis f," stating that the patrimony of some
of the foundations in the colleges, particularly at
St. Andrews, was wasted, and that several sciences,
and especially those which were most necessary, the
tongues and humanity, were very imperfectly taught
* First Book of Discipline : Art. Ofthe Erection of Universities.
t This petition continued to lie before the Parliament ; and in
1567, and again in 1581, it was referred by them to the consideration
of commissioners. It must, therefore, have contained proposals addi
tional to those which were sanctioned by the act of 1579. (Act. Pari.
Scot. vol. iii. pp. 30, 214.) 1

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 355
in them, to the great detriment of the whole lieges,
their children and posterity ; and praying that mea
sures should be taken to remedy these evils. In
consequence of this representation, the parliament
appointed a committee to visit the colleges, and to
report their opinion as to the best mode of improv
ing the state of education *. No report from the
committee is on record ; but there has been pre
served a plan for the colleges of St. Andrews, which
appears to have been drawn up, in virtue of this
appointment, by Buchanan, who was one of the
commissioners. The arrangements which it pro
poses differ in detail from those of the First Book
of Discipline, though they proceed on the same ge
neral principle. The first college was to be entire
ly confined to the teaching of languages, and regu
lated in a great measure as a grammar school f.
The second, called the college of philosophy, was to
have four regents in the arts, and a lecturer on me
dicine. The third, named the college of divinity,
was most poorly provided for : it was only to have
a principal, to be reader in Hebrew, and a lawyer X-

* Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii. p. 544.
t It seems to have been formed on the model of the college or school
of Geneva. (Les Ordonnances Eeclesiastiques de l'Eglise de Geneve :
Item l'Ordre des Escoles, pp. 83 — 87.)
X The plan is published in Dr. Irving's Mem. of Buchanan, App.
No. iii. 2d edit. According to the old plan of teaching in universi
ties, mathematics formed, rather preposterously, the last part of the
course. The First Book of Discipline appointed them to be taught
before physics. But Buchanan's plan reverts to the ancient arrange-
2 A 2

356 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
The author of this draught had his attention too
exclusively directed to the cultivation of languages
and humanity.
The civil war which raged between the adherents
of the king and queen put a stop, to these measures
of academical reform, but no sooner was peace esta
blished than the design was resumed by the friends
of literature. In April, 1576, the General Assem
bly appointed commissioners to visit and consider
the state of the university of St. Andrews * ; and in
1578, the parliament made a similar appointment as
to aU the universities in the kingdom f . Nothing
having been done in consequence of this appoint
ment, the General Assembly which met in July,
1579, presented a petition to the king and council,
urging the necessity of a change on the university
of St. Andrews ; and nominated commissioners to
co-operate in that business with such as the council
might be pleased to appoint $. The council imme
diately appointed commissioners, to whom they gave
ample powers. They were authorized to consider
the foundations in the university, and not only to
ment — " the naturell philosophie, metaphisicks, and principis of ma
th ematicks.'' * Buik of Universall Kirk, p. 65.
+ Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 98. Melville was one of the commissioners
nominated by Parliament to visit the University of St. Andrews.
They were authorized to examine the foundations of the colleges, to
reform what tended to superstition, to remove unqualified and plant
qualified persons; but not to make alterations on the mode of
teaching. X Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 93.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 357
remove superstition and displace unqualified persons,
but also to change the form of study and the num
ber of professors, to join or divide the faculties, to
annex each faculty to such college as they thought
most proper for it, and in general to estabUsh such
order in the university as should tend most to the
glory of God1, profit of the commonwealth, and good
up-bringing of the youth in sciences needful for
continuance of the true religion. The commission
ers found, that aU the colleges had departed from
their original foundations, and that these founda
tions disagreed in many things with the true reli
gion, and were far from " that perfection of teach
ing which this learned age craves;" and they agreed
upon a new form of instruction to be observed in
the university. This was laid before the ensuing
meeting of parliament, by which it was ratified on
the 11th of November, 1579. The following is an
outUne of the provisions made by the new estabhsh-
ment. In the coUege of St. Salvator, a principal, and
four ordinary professors or regents of humanity and
philosophy, were established. The first regent was
to teach the Greek Grammar, and to exercise the
students in Latin composition during the first, and
in Greek during the second half year. The second
regent was to teach the principles of invention, dis
position, and elocution ; or, in other words, of rhe
toric, in the shortest, easiest, and most accurate
manner, with the practice of them in the best au
thors, Roman and Greek. The students of this
2a3

358 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
class were to spend an hour at least every day in
composition, and during the last half year they were
to declaim or pronounce an oration once every month,
in Latin and Greek alternately. It was the duty
of the third regent to teach the most profitable and
needful parts of the logics of Aristotle, with his
ethics and politics, all in Greek, and the offices of
Cicero in Latin. The fourth regent was to teach so
much of the physics as was needful, and the doctrine
of the sphere. Each regent was to retain his own pro
fession. On Sunday a lesson in the Greek New
Testament was to be read in aU the four classes.
Professors of mathematics and law, who were to lec
ture on four days of every week, were also estabhsh
ed in this college. The lectures on law were to be
attended by all the advocates and writers in the com
missary court; and none were to be admitted for the
future to act as procurators before the lords or other
judges, until they gave a specimen of their learning
before the university, and produced a testimonial of
their diligent attendance and the degree of their
progress. The principal of St. Salvator's was to act
as professor of medicine. — The same arrangements
were made as to the CoUege of St. Leonard ; with
this difference, that there were no classes for mathe
matics and law estabhshed in it; and the principal,
instead of teaching medicine, was to explain the
philosophy of Plato. — St. Mary's, or the New Col
lege, was appropriated entirely to the study of the
ology and the languages connected with it. The
course of study in it was to be completed in four

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 359
years, under the tuition of five professors. The
first professor was to teach the elements of Hebrew
during six months, and of Chaldee and Syriac dur
ing the remainder of the first year. During the
subsequent eighteen months, the students were to
prosecute the study of these languages under the se
cond professor, who was to explain the pentateuch
and historical books of the Old Testament critically,
by comparing the original text with the Chaldee
paraphrases, the Septuagint, and other ancient ver
sions. The third professor was to explain the pro
phetical books of the Old Testament after the same
manner, during the last eighteen months of the
course. During the whole four years, the fourth
professor was to explain the New Testament by com
paring the original with the Syriac version. And
the fifth professor, who was Principal of the Col
lege, was to lecture, during the same period, on the
common places or system of divinity. AU the stu
dents were bound to attend the lectures of three
professors every day during the continuance oftheir
theological course ; by which it was expected that
they would, " with meane diligence, becume perfite
theologians." Public disputations were to be held
every week, declamations once a month, and at three
periods during the course, a solemn examination was
to take place, at which, " every learned man shaU
be free to dispute." Eight bursars of theology were
to reside with the professors, and to be supported
on the rents of the college. It was ordained, that
after four years had elapsed from the date of this

360 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
new erection, none should be admitted ministers of
the church who had not completed their course of
theology, or who should not be found worthy and
qualified to receive aU their degrees in it after a
" rigorous examination" by the faculty. The persons
at present occupying the place of masters in the New
CoUege, were ordered to remove from it without
delay *. From the " great variety at this present
pf learned in the knowledge of the tongues and-
other things needful," the parhamentary commis
sioners had selected such as they thought most qua-
Ufied for teaching in the New CoUege ; and it was
ordained, that, upon any future vacancy, the place
should be filled by open comparative trial before the
archbishop of St. Andrews, the conservator of the
privileges of the university, the rector, deans of fa
culty, and theological professors. Vacancies in the
two other coUeges were to be supplied in a similar
manner. As the youth had lost much time by long
vacations, it was ordained, that for the future the
classes should sit during the whole year, except the
month of September f . Rules were laid down for
preventing the revenues of the coUeges from being
wasted or diverted to improper uses. And at the
end of every period of four years, a roy al visitation
of the university was to take place, to inquire into

* See Note H.
+ So early as the days of Augustine, it appears that the month of
September, as the season of the vintage, was allowed as a vacation in
schools. (Valesiana, p. 65.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 361
the effects of this reformation, and to see that its
regulations were observed *.
It would be affronting the learned reader to enter
into a statement of the superiority of this plan of
education to that which it was intended to super
sede. It was the most liberal and enlightened plan
of study which had yet been established, as far as
I know, in any European university. In comparing
it with modern institutions, great aUowance must be
made for the imperfect state in which many of the
sciences were at that period. But even as to these
we may observe an evident tendency to improve
ment in the new regulations. The " most profitable
and needful parts" only of the AristoteUan logic and
physics were to be taught ; and the lectures on Pla
tonic philosophy served as a counterpoise to the
Peripatetic, which had hitherto possessed an exclu
sive and uncontrolled authority in the university.
The method of study prescribed for the theological
coUege was weU calculated to realize the hopes ex
pressed in the act. It appointed a greater number
of teachers of the Old Testament than either was
necessary or could easily be obtained ; and one of
them might have been employed with more advan
tage in reading lectures on Ecclesiastical History,
according to an arrangement which was subsequent
ly introduced. But the attention paid to the sa
cred languages, and especiaUy to the oriental tongues,
is entitled to the highest commendation, and shews
* Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. pp. 178— 182.

362 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
that the authors of the plan had conceived correct
ideas of the importance of this branch of literature
for forming able and judicious interpreters of Scrip
ture. Indeed, it proceeds upon the very principles
which have since been laid down and recommended
' by the best writers on Biblical Interpretation. I
would not, however, be understood as intimating
that the benefits which actuaUy resulted from this
change on the university were proportioned to its
merits. The wisest plans, and the most salutary
enactments, wiU prove nugatory, if proper measures
are not taken to carry them into execution, or even
if they go much beyond the degree of iUumination
which the age has reached. There is reason to
think that in the present instance this was the case
to a certain extent. The new mode of study was
very partially acted upon in the coUeges of St. Sal-
vator and St. Leonard ; nor was the act of parha
ment carried into effect as to the number of pro
fessors in the New College.
The reformation of the university of St. An
drews has, by mistake, been ascribed to Buchanan.
This has arisen partly from confounding it with
another scheme of academical instruction which he
drew up at an earlier period *, and partly from his
being one of the commissioners who subscribed the
plan that was actuaUy adopted. That he assisted
in correcting it, and in procuring for it a parlia
mentary sanction, is highly probable. But there is
no reason for supposing that the plan was of his con
struction. The course of his studies and the nature
* See above, p. 355.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. ' 363
of his acquirements did not qualify him for entering
into the arrangements which are most minutely de
tailed in it. We have direct evidence that MelviUe
had the principal hand in drawing it up * ; and
though this had been awanting, we should have
been warranted in forming this opinion, from the
striking resemblance that it bears to the mode of
study previously introduced by him into the uni
versity of Glasgow f .
It is difficult to ascertain the precise number of
students who attended the university at one time.
In ordinary cases it does not appear that it exceeded
two hundred, and it did not fall much short of that
number, during the latter half of the sixteenth cen
tury. Fewer had attended it during the first half,
and still fewer previously to that period.
An account of the university of Glasgow, and of
the improvements made on it, has already been
given in the narrative of what took place when
Melville held the situation of principal there {.
The University and King's College of Aberdeen,
founded by bishop Elphingston, at the close of the
fifteenth century, provided for an extensive educa
tion §. But notwithstanding this, and although
* Melville's Diary,' pp. 58, 64. t See above, vol. i. pp. 67 — 70.
X See vol. i. pp. 65—72.
§ Provision was made for four professors, consisting of a doctor of
divinity, of canon law, of civil law, and of medicine ; ten bachelors,
who were to instruct fourteen bursars in philosophy, while they pro
secuted their own studies under the doctors ; and a teacher of hu
manity, whose office it was to initiate the young men into grammar
before entering on their philosophical course. (Boethii Aberdon.
Episcop. Vitse, f. xxix. b.)

364 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
some of its early teachers exceUed any that were to
be found in the other academies, it seems never to
have attracted many students *. This may be ac
counted for, partly at least, from its situation, and
the comparatively rude state of the surrounding
country. At the estabUshment of the Reformation,
Anderson, the principal, and the greater part of the
professors, adhered to the old religion, and being
supported by the neighbouring noblemen, who were
addicted to popery, kept their places for several
years. When they were at last extruded, the col
lege was found to be impoverished by the aUenation
of its revenues. In the year 1578, when great ex
ertions were made in behalf of aU the seminaries of
education, means were used for restoring its dila
pidated funds ; and at the same time a new plan of
instruction was drawn up for it, similar to those in
troduced at Glasgow and St. Andrews f . The plan
met with opposition from different quarters, and its
formal ratification by the legislature was evaded,
but it was introduced into the university and acted
upon for a considerable period |.
To ascertain the state of learning in the country,
it is necessary to attend to the inferior schools, in
which the youth were prepared for entering the
university ; and multitudes, who never proceeded
that length, had access to the means of common
* Hector Boece (Boethius) the celebrated historian of Scotland,
was the first principal, and John Vaus, author of a Latin grammar,
was the first professor of humanity, at Aberdeen.
t Melville's Diary, p. 43.
X See Note I.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 365
education. Long before the Reformation all the
principal towns had grammar schools in which the
Latin language was taught *. They had also " lec
ture schools," as they were called, in which children
were instructed to read the vernacular language.
Subsequently to the establishment of the Reforma
tion, the means of education were extended to other
parts of the country ; and, where regular schools
were not founded, the readers in churches generally
suppUed the deficiency, by teaching the youth to
read the catechism and the Scriptures.
There was a grammar school in Glasgow at an
early period of the fourteenth century. It depended
immediately on the cathedral church, and the
chancellor of the diocese had not only the appoint
ment of the masters, but also the superintendence
of whatever related to education in the city f . The
grammar school continued to be a distinct establish
ment after the erection of the university, and con
siderable care appears to have been taken to supply
it with good teachers. Thomas Jack, who resigned
the charge of this institution when Melville came
to Glasgow, was well qualified for the situation.
This is evident from his Onomasticon Poeticum,
containing an explanation of the proper names which
occur in the writings of the ancient poets, composed

* Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 4. John Kerde gives a tenement of land
to the grammar school of Dunbarton, 8 March, 1486. And the burgh
of Dunbarton gives four marks from the common mill, " Dn0 Jhoi
Kerde pbro Magistro Scolai Grammaticalis eiusd." 20 Apr. 1486.
(Charters of the Burgh.) ,
t See Note K.

366 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
in Latin verse, with the view of being committed
to memory by the boys, and published by him at
the recommendation of Buchanan and MelviUe.
On leaving the school of Glasgow, Jack became mi
nister of the neighbouring parish of Eastwood, but
continued to maintain a close correspondence with
the masters of the College, and particularly with
Melville, of whose services to the literature of Scot
land he entertained the highest idea *. He was suc
ceeded in the school by a connexion of his own,
Patrick Sharp, whose literary obligations to Mel
viUe have already been noticed.
The grammar school of Edinburgh was originaUy
connected with the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, and
the appointment of the teachers was transferred from
the abbots to the magistrates of the city. WiUiam
Robertson, who was head master of the school at
the establishment of the Reformation, remained at
tached to the popish rehgion, and appears to have
been in other respects very unquaUfied for the situa
tion. The Town Council were anxious to have him
removed, that they might place the seminary on a
footing more worthy of the metropolis ; but they
were unable to accomplish this, owing partly to the
support which Robertson received from the Queen,
and partly to his having been provided to the place
for life. In these circumstances they had recourse
to a provisional arrangement ; and in the year 1568,
they entered into terms with Thomas Buchanan, a
* See under Note K.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 367
nephew of the poet, who was then teaching as a
regent at St. Andrews, in the College of St. Salva-
tor, and engaged him to take the management of
their school. Buchanan was well qualified for bring
ing the seminary into repute ; but he remained only
a short time in Edinburgh. Differences having
arisen between him and the magistrates as to the
terms of their agreement, he was induced to leave
them in 1571, and to become master of the gram
mar school of Stirling, where his uncle was resid
ing *. In consequence of his removal, the grammar
school of Edinburgh fell back to its former state of
insignificance. But the friends of learning in the
city continued to urge its claims on the public ;
and a commodious house for teaching having been
finished, in the year 1579, on the spot still occupied
by the High School buildings, Robertson was soon
after prevailed upon to retire on a pension, and a
new and improved plan of education, to which we
shall afterwards advert, was organized f .
John Rutherfurd was at this time the most cele
brated master of scholastic philosophy in Scotland.
He was a native of Jedburgh in Roxburghshire,
and having gone to France, entered the College of
* G. Robertson, Vita Roberti Rolloci, A 3. Edin. 1599. Rolloci
Comment, in Epist. ad Thessalon. Dedic. Epist. Melville's Diary,
pp. 38, 91. James Melville calls Thomas Buchanan the cousing of
George Buchanan ; David Buchanan calls him his brother-german ;
(De Scriptoribus Scotis Illust. num. 61, MS. in Advocates Library;)
but Robert Rollock, who had the best means of information, informs
us that he was his nephew. — Mr. Thomas Duncansone was " school
master and reidar in Striveling," in 1563. (Keith's Hist. p. 531.)
t See Note L.

368 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Guienne at Bourdeaux. There he prosecuted his
studies under Nicolaus Gruchius *, equally dis
tinguished for his knowledge of Roman Antiquities,
and his skill in the Aristotelian Philosophy f . He
appears to have accompanied his teacher, and his
countryman Buchanan, on their literary expedition
to Portugal, from which he came to the university
of Paris J. His reputation reached archbishop Ha-

* Rhetorfortis, De Arte Disserendi, p. 10.
t Teissier, Eloges, ii. 435—437.
X Dempster, Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 565. Dr. Irving is disposed to
question this statement. (Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 70, 2d edit.) The
silence of Buchanan, who, in his Ufe, does not speak of any of his
countrymen, except his own brother, accompanying him, certainly
throws a degrree of doubt over the subject ; but still I am rather in
clined to admit the testimony of Dempster. It is most probable that
Rutherfurd studied under Gruchius before that professor went to Por
tugal ; and in this case it is not unlikely that he should have been
induced to accompany him. Dempster mentions, in a very particular
manner, a work of Rutherfurd's, containing discourses which he had
delivered at Coimbra : " Praefationes solemnes Parisiis et Conimbriae
habitas, lib. i. Extant typis Wechelianis." And he seems to have been
at pains to ascertain the circumstances of Rutherfurd's life, for we
find him referring to the records of the University of Paris. " Venit
Lutetiam anno 1552. Acta nationis Germanicas ad D. Cosm." — In
the matriculation list of the University of St. Andrews for the year
1551 is found, "Ex Collegio Mariano, Joannes Ruderfurd, natio.
Brita." If this was the person afterwards principal of St. Salvator's,
and if he began his studies in 1551, he could not have belonged to the
Portugueze colony ; but there is reason to think that they were dif
ferent individuals. — There are two letters of Joannes Gelida to John
Rutherfurd and Filibert Lodonet, (dated Decimo Cal. Nov. 1555, &
Non. Febr. 1555,) inviting them to teach in the school of Bourdeaux.
(Joan. Gelida> Epist. et Carm. in Clar. Hispanorum Opuscula Se
lect, et Rar. collecta a Fr. Cerdano et Rico Valentino, vol. i. pp. 151,
152. Madriti, 1781.) In the same collection, (i. 149,) is a letter of
Gelida to George Buchanan, congratulating him on his safe return to
France from Portugal: " Burdigalse, Idibus Novembris, 1552."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 369
milton, who invited him home to occupy a chair in,
the College of St. Mary, which he had recently or
ganized at St. Andrews * ; and after teaching in it
for some years as Professor of Humanity, Ruther
furd was translated to be Principal of St. Salvator's
College in the same University. In such estimation
was he held, that, soon after his admission into the
University, he was raised to the honourable situation
of Dean of the Faculty of Arts, although not qua
lified for holding it according to the strict import of
the statutes f. He had embraced the reformed doc
trines before their establishment in Scotland, and
was declared qualified " for ministering and teach
ing" by the first General Assembly J. By the au
thority of a subsequent Assembly he was admitted
minister of Cults, a parish in the neighbourhood of
St. Andrews, of which the principals of St. Salva-
* Hovei Oratio; MS. in Archiv. Univ. S. Andr. " Comadis me to
agre w' Maisteris Edward Henrison and Johne Ruderfurde to be Re
gents in his 1. College: 12Decembris, 1553." (Accompt of receipts and
disbursements by the agent at Rome, for the Earl of Arran, John,
Archbishop of St. Andrews, &c. p. 320: MS. in possession of Thomas
Thomson, Esq.)
fit was objected against his eligibility, that he was not in priest's
orders, and that he was a regent, that is, (as I suppose,) that he was
not a professor or permanent teacher — " primum q no fuit Sacerdos,
secundum quod fuit regens, ut loquuntur, actu." This was in No
vember, 1557.' (Act. Fac. Art. S. Andr. ff. 18, b; 181, a.)— The first
time he is mentioned in the records is as one of the electors of the
Rector, in 1556, when he is designed, " Ex Britannia, Mr. Jo. Ru-
therfurde, philosophus doctissimus Collegii Mariani," — and again,
" philosophus eximius." He appears to have been translated to St.
Salvator's in 1560.
X Keith's Hist. p. 522.
VOL. II. 2 B

370 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tor's were, by the foundation of sthatrcollege, cpneti-
tuted, rectors *; It was also part of ! his, .-d^ty, as
principal, to lecture; on theology, But Rutherford
was more celebr^ed as a phUosopher than as a divine.
Considered in the former character, his labours, were
unquestionably of benefit to, the, university janjdtiie
nation. The publication of his treatise on the. Art
of Reasoning may he considered as parking a,.stage
in;the progress: of philosophy in Scotland. It is
formed, indeed, strictly upon Aristotelian, principles,
of which he was a great admirer ; but >stiU it differs
widely from the systems which had long maintain
ed an exclusive place in the schools. Treading in
the steps of his master, De Grouchi, Rutherfurd re
jected the errors into which the ancient commentar
tors; upon Aristotle had fallen, and discarded many
of the frivolous questions which the modern dialec
ticians took so much delight in < discussing, i, His
work contains a perspicuous view of that branch of
the Peripatetic philosophy of which it professes to
treat. He had caught a portion of the classical spi
rit of the age ; and the simplicity and comparative
purity of his Latin style, exhibit a striking contrast
to the barbarous and unintelligible jargon Which
had,,hecpme hereditary in the tribe pf schoolmen
and sophists f . It appears from a eurious document,
.I-liiili'.ii" " i? ,,'<;;
* Buik of the Univ. Kirk, f. 7. , , :, .„.,-. , . , , ,.
t " Commentariarvm de-Arte Diisserendi, libri qvatvor Joanne Re-
torforti Jedburgseo Scatoauthcte. ..Et I nunc . demumi ah eodem, .diji-
genter recogniti et emendati. Edinburgi apud Henricura Gharteris

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 371
that RutherfurdHike some other philosphers, did
not always display his< philosophy in the 'govern
ment pf his temper. Itt consequence of complaints
against him by his colleagues, a visitation of the
College Of St. Salvator took place in 1563, when it
was found that the principal had shown himself
" too hasty and impatient ;" and he was admonish
ed " not to let the sun go down upon his wrath,
and to study to bridle his tongue and conduct him
self with greater humanity and mildness *." ¦
William Ramsay deserves to be mentioned among
those who cultivated polite letters along with phi
losophy and divinity, and who, at the establishment
of the Reformation in Scotland, left the foreign
academies of which they were members, thait^they
might take the charge of public instruction in their
native country f . He had been Rutherfurd's com
panion on the continent, and became his colleague
at St. Andrews. Ramsay taught in St. Salvator's

157*7. Cum Priuilegio Regali." 4to. Pp. 78. The author informs us
that his work had been at first printed without his knowledge, and
very incorrectly, from a manuscript furnished by one of his scholars.
Pp,j 3, , ?.^-His ," Comment,; ii{ , Libr. Arist. de arte Metrica? Edinb.
1557," mentioned by Mackenzie, I Tiave not seen.
* Charter of Regress by Mr. J6hn Douglas, Rector, &c. Sept. 15,
im&< Comp. Cald. MS. vol. ii. ppi 432, 439. ;¦ 'juiwy w
t I think it highly probable that he is the individual referred to in
a letter of Obertus Gifanius. (Buchanani Epist. p. 7.) His name does
not appear in the records of the Universityiof St. Andrews from 1537,
when "he* wWftMder Master of Arts/till 1560, when he became a Pro
fessor ; from whiehitiis highly probable1 that he was abroad during
the interval. '<« '
2B2

372 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
when Melville attended the University, but was
dead before the latter returned to Scotland.*. <¦.-,.
Ih' ihe year 1556, a pension was gramted to Atex>v
ander Syme, to enable Mm to wait on the Queen.
Regent, and be her Reader in the Laws or other
sciences, at Edinburgh or any other place that ,she<
might appoint f. But the teaching of .Civil Law,
properly speaking, commenced in Scotland at- the
establishment ofthe Reformation. Previously to that
era the canons were the great object of study,/ and
those who occasionaUy deUvered lectures on civil
law were generally, if not always, in priest's orders.
It was by an innovation on the original constitution
of St. Mary's ' CoUege, similar to that which had
been made On rehgious instruction, that WiUiam
Skene was first authorized to teach as a civUian at
St;- Andrews, and to substitute the Institutes and
Pandects in the room of the Sacred Canons and
Decretals. Though less known than his brother, the clerk
* Dempster, Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 564 ; where a book concerning
the Poftugueze is ascribed to Ramsay. On the 17th of January,
1558, a yearly pension of £100 was given to " Mr. Willme Ramsay."
(Reg. of Privy Seal, vol. xxix. fol. 67.) In 1564, the General As
sembly appointed a committee to examine Mr. William Ramsay's An
swer to Bullinger's book on the habits of Preachers. . Keith, 568.
Ramsay Was minister of Kemback, a church held by the .second mas
ter of St. Salvator's- College. In consequence of a dispute in which
he was involved, which came before the General Assembly, he ob
tained a testimonial from the kirk session of St. Andrews, June 21,
1570, and died in the course of that year. (Record of Kirk Session.
Buik Of Univ. Kirk, pp. 49, 50. Bannatyne's Journal, p. 379.)
t See Note M. ; .'• ,

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 373
register, and though not eminent for talents, Wil
liam Skene deserves to be remembered for his private
worth, and his usefulness as a teacher and ajudge.
He appears to have studied, and Jto have taken the
degree of licentiate utriusque juris, in a foreign unir
versity; and upon his return to his native country
was made canonist in JSt. Mary's College *. After
the Reformation, he explained Cicero's treatise on
Laws and the Institutes of Justinian ; and as this
was the only class of the kind in the University,
such of the students of the other colleges .as chose
were at liberty to attend his lectures. He gained
the affection of his scholars by the condescending
manner in which he explained to them in private
what he had taught in the class, and shewed them
the practice of law in the Commissary Court, pf
which he was the chief judge f. John Skene taught
* Among the " Nola Incorp. 1556, in Novo Collegio," the first
name is " Magr Gulielmus Skene in utroque jure licentiatus." (Liber
Rectoris Univ. S. Andr.) This entry shews that he had not studied
at St. Andrews ; nor do I think that any of the Scottish Univer
sities were at that period in the habit of conferring degrees in law.
On the 31st of March, 1558, the right to the church, of Tarvet was
conveyed to St. Mary's College, by putting the archbishop's signet
" digito discreti viri Mag" Willielmi Skeyne, juris licentiati, et ejus-
dem Collegii Canonistm," as procurator for his colleagues. (Papers of
St. Mary's College.) In the Rector's Book, he is repeatedly said to
be " ex Angusia." He was Conservator of the Privileges of the Uni
versity, and elected Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Nov. 3, 1565. (Act.
Fac. Art.)
+ Melville's Diary, p. 24. , Sir John Skene frequently refers to a
book of his brother William, most probably in manuscript. (De
Verborum Significatione, sig. I 4, K 2, O 3.) In an inventory of
the books and papers of Mr. Wilham Skene, Commissary of St. An-
2b3

374 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
for some" years, as!-a"regent, in the- same eollege
with his* brother*. :' ' !
Edward Henrys on was a man of greater talents
and learning5 than Skene. He received ithe>*degree
of 'doctor of laws from the University of Bourges: ih
FrahCe, where he studied under Eguinar Bar©, one
of the first civilians who had recourse to; the "pure
sources of ancient jurisprudence, and who blended1 po
lite literature withthe pursuits oftheir immediatepro-
fession. Having finished his studies, Henryson resid
ed for Some time with Ulrich Fuggery and enjoyed
a pension from that munificent patron of learned men.
Both T at that time, and afterwards while he read
lectures on law at Bourges, he published several
works which hiade his name known in the learned
world. By his translations from the Greek- heco-

drews, taken Dec. 11, 1583, afterTiis decease, by an order of the Lords
of Session, the following articles occur: " Certane Wreittis upon the
lawis, rtyreittin and penit be ye Commissar:" — ¦" Maister William
Skeynis prottocol w' certane shrowles and wyeris vreittis lyand lowse
w'in ye same." (Papers of St. Salvator's College.) The titles of the
books in this list have been very imperfectly and incorrectly taken. —
Sir John alsq refers to a book of his brother Alexander, an advocate.
(De Verb. Signif. I 4. Comp. Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii. p. 105.) Alex
ander Skene signs a deed, as Notary Public, at Paris, 'Sept. '13.) 1552.
(Keith's Scotish Bishops, p. 74.) • In 1561; •¦'* Maiste^ AleX. Skyne
advocate," was warded by the magistrates of Edinburgh for attend
ing mass, but " at ye desyre and requeist of Maister William Skene,"
was set at libertie on certain conditions. (Register of Town Council,
vol. iv. f. 9, a';,:10, b.) ¦•!¦> ¦>'¦=.. -,, *ii-rf.ii --•« ,rr.;« -..'i -
* His name appears as a regfetit in tlie years 1564 and 1 565. (Lib.
Rect. etFafc. Art.)"; This'tnust have Weri pVeridus to hi,s,Mvaiing
on the continent, "wh^ch he' hlfehtions ife'pcatedly in his treatise De
Verborum Sig'nificatione.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 375
operated with some of; .the most, enlightened men of
that age in diffusing polite letters- H And his law
tracts are aUowed to be not unworthy of the distin
guished school in which he received his education.
.Upon his return to Scotland, at the establishment
of the Reformation, he was (appointed one of the
Commissaries pf Edinburgh, and justified the char
acter he had gained, abroad by the uniform encour
agement whAchjbe gave to literature in his native
-country *- ml\ *-s,'V»« ain b^ftehirt <£<. -<qM .mmc-si
S* Of the j state of 4 theological learning we shall
speak more particularly in the next chapter. But
it is proper to give an account in this place of some
individuals who joined the study of polite letters
with that of theology, r . One of h the most distin
guished of these, in point of talents and station,
was Alexander Arbuthnot. He was descended of
« an ancient family in the shire of Kincardine f, and
after finishing his philosophical course, and teaching
for some time~ih the University of St. Andrews,
went to France, *and prosecuted his studies under
Cujas. Being declared licentiate of laws, he came
home in 1566, with the view of following that pro
fession, but was induced to devote himself to the
service of the church, n In 1568, he was made prin-
i.ii-~tifi iol ikiimi mb'A "io .-.ji.-ij,ty,...i arii \d.ininnvi Sfiw .oiu:,o«i ..
- niBiIii'W TsleifiM lo JaiaupbT lias Mvaab si( ia " and ^aat jjai
.*. See Node N, <,. , -,.¦,. ntotw ,a--i<i'd . w
t He was not the son, as Mackenzie erroneously states, (Lives, iii.
p. 186,) hut thg grandson of. the barpn of Arbuthnpt. His father
ma?- Andrew \ Arbuthnot of Futhes, fourth son of Sir Robert Ar
buthnot of tka.% Ilk. (Nisbet's Heraldry, 1^!#.,.AjHVi *-.•*.*¦ 2nd
edit.) innrttfltTv''. <",. •'•' ¦.¦'* ''

376 LIif E <QF ANDREW MELVILLE.
cipal,, of . ,the University of Aberdeen* (Writers, of
eygjrjjTs party speak in , high terms ,pf the.talpnts and
virtues of Arbuthnot. He was skilled in mathema
tics , and. (medicine as, well as in law and theology.
Though decided in his religious and poUtical creed,
th^ uprightness of his .ehaa?,acter and the amiable-
ness.,pf his, manners disarmed the resentment of his
opponents, and procured him their respect and es
teem*,. ,Few individuals could have maintained
theinseives inthe, situation in which he was. placed.
When he went to Aberdeen, the greater part of the
gentlemen in, the neighbourhood were strongly ad-
dic,tedi to the popish religion, and his predecessor,
frpni; hostility to the protestant estabUshment, had
reduced the university to absolute poverty. ' In these
circumstances, he had to struggle with the, greatest
difficulties, especially during the civil war, when the
government was .destitute of authority in the north,
and 'the .interests of learning were forgotten. To
this ihe feelingly alludes in one of his poems :
¦ i" ,' > : t - ¦ ; >'•
I wald travel, and ydlenes I hait,
" Gif I culd'find sum gude voeStioun.
But all for nocht: in vain lang may I wait
, Or I get honest occupatioun.
Letters are lichtliet in our natioun ;
For iefnying now is nother lyf'nor rent :
, Quhat marvel is thoch Xmume and lament f.\
In the latter part of the fifteenth, and first half of
^'Spotswood's History, p.l33& ' Wodrow's Life of Alexander Ar
buthnot : MSS. vol. i. ; >.'..- -,;..)>,! <r
t Pinkerton's Ancient Scottish Poems, vol. i. p. 155.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 377
the sixteenth century, Scottish poetry had been
much cultivated ; and Henrysoh, Dunbar, Douglas,
and Lyndsay, had attained great excellence in it,
considering the rude state in Which thfey found then-
native language. But this species of composition
had fallen into neglect. It has been alleged that the
reformers discouraged it, or that the confusions in
which the country was involved by the Reformation
banished the study of poetry. The former allega
tion is evidently unfounded, and the latter accounts
for the fact but partially. The chief reason is to be
found in the new direction which had been given to
literary pursuits in consequence of the great num
bers of our countrymen who studied abroad, and ac
quired that taste for Latin poetry which had become
so general in all parts of the continent. From the
time that Buchanan returned to Scotland, his learn
ed countrymen were ambitious of paying their court
to the muse in the language of ancient Rome, while
they left their native tongue to be used by writers
of inferior talents and education. Alexander Ar
buthnot did not, however, follow their example in this
respect. His poems were all composed in the Scottish
language. Had he cultivated this species of compo
sition, he possessed talents for it which would have
attracted notice. But he indulged in poetry merely
as an elegant amusement, by which he relieved his
mind, when fatigued by the laborious duties of his
office, or harassed with cares and disappointments.
And he appears to have been cautious of detracting

378 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
from the grave character of the -professor, 'by asso
ciating it with one of a less dignified :description^,i|
.;,,,.'.', " , ik> i ¦ : i ... ¦""•.'• "• '/hSV-Jl'.} (.»•:'.
, j^.Inpoetrie I preis topasjthe tyme, . 'iijfilo ,. '<¦
When cairfull thochts with sorrow sailyes me t
"l1 :iBotgifImellwithnieetercirfwHhr^mt '"''U UOIMMV)!-^
With rascal rymours I shall rakint be*. ;,;;:!5 ¦'¦- -it- ! '
Though ' his genius could sport .jnr the gayer -and -:
more sprightly scenes of fancy, Arbuthnot confinied
himself chiefly; tp productions of a thoughtful and
serious cast ;, and in some of these; we. perceive a
very pleasing, air of moral melancholy diffused over
great goodness of heart f. , , i

* Pinkerton, ut supra.
t Tjhe following linep from one of his unpublished poems, though
not distinguished in other respects, may be given as a specimen of
this quality, in addition to his pbtenvoh the -Miseries of ap'Oor scholar,
which is -already printed. The Fainyeit falset and unthan'kfidness of a
friend, gaye pqcapipn; tg them : , ( ; ?
The simple wit and scharpnes of Ingyn, '
Quhilk quhillome wes, now quyt is tain away :
The steiring spirit quhilk poets call devyn
Into my febill Tbreist I find decay :
I neither courage halve to sing nor say,
Quhen I behald this warldis wickednes ;
And quhen I find I am so far thame fray
Quha was my onlie comfort and gleidnes.
My fais fall, and friendis .gude succes,
Sumtym my pen wes bissie to indyte:
Of nobill men the yaliapt prowes
Somtym my courage yairnit for to wreit :
_ The laud, honour, and the praises great
pf thame sumtym I wissed till advance

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 379
The only work which Alexander Arbuthnot ris
known to have published, is a treatise on the origin
and dignity of Law. It probably consisted of aca-.
demical orations or theses ; but the only authentic
information we have concerning it is contained in
the encomiastic verses of Thomas Maitland *.
Next to Arbuthnot, and resembling him in many
points, was Thomas Smeton. When he had finish
ed his academical education, and was teaching as a
regent in the college of St. Salvator, the controversy '
about rehgion was warmly agitated at St. Andrews ;
and so zealous was he in favour of the old system,
that leaving the university and bis native country,
he retired to France, at the triumph of the Refor-
mation. He continued for some time an eager
though candid champion of the Roman Catholic
faith ; but at last, in consequence of conversations
which he held with MelviUe, Thomas Maitland, Gil
bert Moncrieff, and others of his countrymen Whom
he met with at Paris, disagreeable doubts arose

Quhom now of neid my hairt has in despyt,
And quhom I wyt of this wanhappie chance. ,
Then, mistress, huk na man-, for onie fruit,
Or ony wark to com ofmy Ingyne^ .
For now I nather cair for fame nor bruit :
I haive sa tint that X na njair can tyne. .t , ,
(Maitland MS.)
* ''Alexandri Arbuthnsei Orationibus de origine et dignitate juris
prafixa :" Delitiae Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 153. Mackenzie (Lives, iii.
194,) says that the Orationes were printed at Edinburgh in 1572.

380 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
in his mind as to the religion in which he had' been
educated. He did not, however, give? way to these,
but attaching himself to the society of the Jesuits,
the most zealous and able defenders ofthe church of
Rome, he resolved to examine the subjects in dispute
deliberately, and, if he found his doubts remain at
the end of his period of probation, to decline the
vow, and act according to his convictions *. With
the view of obtaining the fullest information, he
undertook a journey to Italy, and, passing through
Geneva, conferred With Melville, who wished him
success in his great object, though he could not ap
prove of his measures. During eighteen months
that he spent in Rome, under the tuition of the Je
suits in that city, he had frequent opportunities of
visiting the prisons of the Inquisition, and of con
versing with the persons confined for heresy. His
conversation on these occasions excited the suspi
cions of his vigilant guardians, and he was remitted
to Paris through the different colleges that were on
the rpad. On his return to the French capital, he
candidly disclosed his mind to his countryman Ed
mund Hay *, from whom he had already experi
enced much kindness. The discovery of his attach
ment to the reformed tenets grieved Hay, who had
formed great expectations from Smeton's talents,

* Dempster says that Smeton taught Humanity at Paris (in the
University), and afterward in the College of Clermont, with great ap
plause. (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 586.)
* See above, vol. i. p. 26.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 381
but it did not induce him to withdraw, his friend
ship. After several unsuccessful attempts, to reco
ver him from his errors, the good father warned
Smeton: of the danger to which he would expose
himself by avowing his sentiments in France, and
gave him his best advice; which was, .to return
home, to marry,, to read the fathers and doctors pf
the church, and not to give ear to the ministers.
It is gratifying to meet with such an honourable
exception to the bigotry and violence which then
reigned in France, and by which many of our
countrymen who had taken up their residence in
it were deeply infected. It is also a pleasing
circumstance, that this piece of informatipn has
come to us from the grateful pen of Smeton, who,
not satisfied with relating the facts to his acquaint
ance, pubUcly acknowledged the kindness with which
he had been treated by this mild and affectionate
J ¦•¦">, ,ii.-
Jesuit *. The neglect of one part of Hay's advice
had; nearly cost Smeton his life, which was saved,
during the Bartholomew massacre, by his taking
refuge in the house of Walsingham, the English
ambassador, whoni he accompanied to London.
* " Vera hcec esse testabitur Edmundus II aius, Laiolanae in Gallia
secta? pnsfectvij3«,( Quem cjim non J/aucis ingenii dotibus ornarit qui
omnia in omnibus pro arbitrio operatur, vtinam vera etiam dignetur
Evangelii sui cognitione. Hoc illi et aliis omnibus ex animo precor :
sedilli imprimis, obplurima priuatim oflicia ab illius in me humani-
tate, cum dubjus.fluctuarem> profecta:; Quae, vt referenda? gratis
facultas desit, gratissima certe memoria col&pa." (Smetoni Responsio
ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, p. 16.)

38£ LIFE QF ANDREW MEL. VILLE.
After teaching a, school fc#,spme time ^Cql^hjitpp
in Essex, he, returned,,^ the year 1 5,7,7,,, te; .his na
tive c^un^y, and accepted of, the (church; of jPai^ey,,
chiefly for the sake of enjoying MglyiUe^ §pciety *,
At MelviUe's recpmmendationv^rne^qn undertook
to answer the virulent dialogue lately published by
Archibald, Hamilton; a task which, he,: executed
with much ability f , He was weU, acquainted ^with
the writings of the ancients, and with .the mode
of . controversial warfare which the defenders, of the
chu=rph of Rome, and especiaUy the, Jesuits, had
lately adopted. Being privy to their designs against
Scotland, he excited the ministers to vigilance, gave
directions to the young men how to conduct, their
studies, and dissuaded the nobihty and gentry from
sending their sons to those foreign seminaries, in
which their minds would be in the greatest hazard
of "being corrupted. That they might be under the
less temptation, to this, he zealously concurred with
Melville in his plan for re-modelling the CoUeges
at St. Andrews, of which we have already had

• To avail themselves as far as possible of his services, the Univer
sity of Glasgow, in 1578, chose Smeton Dean of Faculty. (Acta
Univ. Glasg.)
t Dr. Edward, Bulkely, in a letter to Buchanan, dated Chester,
28tb..Nov. 1,580,, says; t" Legi Smythonii librum adversus Hamilto-
num ,Apostatam. Vestra? Scotia, nunc vera Christi cognitione ac li-
terisj illustratae, gratulor quod tales praestanfes assertbres habeat."
(Buchanani Epistolse, p.,31, edit. Ruoaim.) ' Dempster describes this
work as "opus verborum ornatunoninetegaiis, sed doctrina vacuum."
(Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 586.) He ascribes to Smeton, " Epitaphium
Metellani, lib. i." (Ibid.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 383
occasion to speak *. Smeton was well acquainted
with the learned languages, wrote Latin with great
purity, and had not, like many of his countrymen
who had been "abroad, neglected his native tongue,
in which he composed with great propriety f . In
private life he was distinguished for his retired and
temperate habits ; encroaching upon the hours usu^
ally devoted to diet and sleep, that he might de
vote more time to his studies. Yet his temper Was
sweet, and his manners affable and remote from1
every thing like rusticity or moroseness.. His pre
mature death, soon after he succeeded Melville as
principal of the university of Glasgow, was an un
speakable loss to that seminary.
* Smetoni Respons. ad Dialog. Hamiltonii; Pra?fat. et pp. 15, 16; '
Melville's Diary, pp. 55—58. Spotswood, p. 336. James Melvillej
whom. I have chipfly followed, received the particulars which, lie re
cords from Smeton's own mouth. His account varies from that of
Spotswood in some minute particulars. He does not speak of Tho
mas Maitland's accompanying him to Italy. ¦ , s:i u
t James Melville says, that Smeton was usually employed by,.his ¦
brethren in drawing up important papers, as he " excellit baith in
language and form of letter." (Diary, p. 58;) Besides the answer
to Hairiilton, Snieton was, concerned in another work, of which the
only account I can give is contained in the following extracts. " Ane
method of preaching to be printed and put in Scots be Mr. Thos
Smetoun." (Buik of Universall Kirk, f. 112, a.) April 1581. f< Anent
the printing the method of preaching and prophesieing set out be
and shewed and read in the Assembly, '
theAsseirijphe hath thoght meet that the gamine may be'cbmmittittd'
Irons, ancl printed as necessary fqr the forme of teaching, and to be
put in Scottish be their brother Mr. Thomas Smetqrie." (Cald. iii.
43.) — The autnor's name does not appear.—" Hyperius de formandis
concionibus" was printed at Basil in 1563. "* Hyperius Practice
of Preaching," translated into English by Ludham, was printed in
1577.

384 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Another individual who makes a prominent fi
gure in the history of the period is Patrick Adam
son, known at first by the name of Constyne.or Con
stantine. He had received his elementary educa
tion under his brother-in-law, Andrew Simson, and,
having finished his phUosophical course at St. An
drews, in the College of St. Mary, taught for some
years in it, most probably as grammarian. After
the establishment of the Reformation, he became
minister of Ceres, a parish in the vicinity of St.
Andrews. This charge he left to accompany the
eldest son of Sir James Mackgill, Clerk-Register,
on his travels to France ; and during his residence
in that country he applied himself to the study of
law at the university of Bourges. Upon his return
to Scotland, in the year 1570, he fluctuated as to
the profession which he should choose. Declining"
the office of principal of St. Leonard's College, which
Buchanan had demitted in his favour *, he began
to practise at the bar ; and reUnquishing this em
ployment he resumed his former vocation as a preach
er. He officiated some years as minister of Paisley,
from which he removed to become chaplain to the
Regent, who promoted him to the archiepiscopal see
of St. Andrews f . Before his advancement to the
primacy in 1576, Adamson had given proofs of his
talents by the publication of several works. They
consist chiefly of Latin poems. Though inferior to

* Ruddimanni Prsefat. in Opcr. Buchanani.
t See Note 0.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 385
Melville ih erudition and in vivacity of genius, he
was nevertheless a polite scholar, an elegant poet,
and a most persuasive and attracting preacher.' But
he was inordinately ambitious, and ndt over-scru-
ptilPufe as to the measures which he employed for
gratifying his ruling passion ; by which means he
tarnished his reputation, and defeated the influence
of the great abilities which he unquestionably pos
sessed; Though Thomas Maitland had died before MelviUe
returned tb Scotland, yet he deserves to be mention
ed here as one of his class-fellows at coilesge, and as
the intimate friend of Arbuthnot and Smeton. He
belonged to a family, all the members of which, not
excepting the females, were addicted to literary pur
suits *. His father, Sir Richard Maitland of Leth-
ington, one of the Lords of Session, is well known as
a writer of Scottish poetry; and both his brothers,
William and Johnf, were distinguished for their
elegant taste as well as the political eminence to
which they rose. Thomas Maitland had given va
rious proofs of his poetical talents before his pre
mature death. If they do not display a vigorous
imagination, his poems at least evince great com
mand of the Latin language, and are written with
ease and spirit %. His political conduct partook in
* Pinkerton's Scottish Poems, Introd. '¦ ¦ ¦¦¦•
f John Maitland, Lord Thirlstane, was successively Lord! Privy
Seal, Secretary of State, and Lord Chancellor of Scotland.
X Pie appears to have written a treatise on undertaking war against
the Turks. (Delitise Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p, 17l.)
VOL. II. 2 C

386 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
a considerable degree of that versatility by which
his elder brother's was characterized. After eulogiz
ing the character and administration of the Regent
Murray, he exulted over his faU*. Maitland is
better known from Buchanan's having made him his
interlocutor in his dialogue on the Law of the
Scottish Monarchy, than from his own poems.
When he joined the party who sought to restore
Queen Mary, Maitland disclaimed the principles
contained in that treatise, and insisted that the
author had no other reason for couphng his name
with them than his own fancy f . Buchanan did not
wish to insinuate that the conversation which he
describes was actually held, but he certainly meant
it to be understood that the sentiments which he
puts into the mouth of his interlocutor were enter
tained by Maitland. And it was vain for the latter
to deny this, seeing he had recommended in verse

* Comp. Delitiae Poet. Scot. torn. ii. p. 163, with Life of Knox,
vol. ii. p. 175.
t Innes's Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland,
vol. i- p. 359. Buchanan's Dialogue was not published for several
years after the death of Maitland ; but there is reason to think, as
Innes says, that copies of it were handed about as early as 1570. —
There is in the College Library of Edinburgh a MS. (the gift of
William Drummond of Hathornden) entitled, " Thoma? Metelani ad
Serenissimam principem Elizabetham Anglorum Reginam Epistola."
It consists of 41 pages 4to. ; and is properly a discourse or oration,
composed in a very rhetorical style, urging the propriety of setting
Queen Mary at liberty, and restoring her to her dominions. There
is no date to it, but from internal evidence it appears to have been
written in the year 1570 or 1571. It bears every mark of having
been intended for publication.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 387
the most obnoxious of the tenets Which the writer
of the dialogue inculcates in prose. In his poem on
the coronation of James VI. he holds up arbitrary
government to reprobation, and celebrates the resist
ance made by the people to tyrants. Having given
examples of this from ancient history; and shown
How Rome, impatient, spurned proud Tarquin's yoke,
How ages after Brutus' spirit woke,
Aud hurled at Caesar's breast the patriot stroke ;
Maitland comes to Scotland, places before the eyes of
the young king the fate of sueh of his ancestors as had
arrogated a power superior to the laws, and describes
the sudden and overwhelming resistance which his
impetuous countrymen were Wont to oppose to en
croachments on their rights, in language which no
courtly poet, however chivalrous his ideas, would
dare to employ, and which proves that he was then
no believer in the divine right and sacred inviola
bility of despots *.
* Gens inclyta Scotse
Progenies, qua? sponte sua tibi jura ferenti
Obsequitur, consueta bonos defendere reges
Oppositu laterum, nullis cessura periclis,
DUm sancto regis depellat corpore ferrum :
Ilia eadem, si quando ferox, sitiensque cruoris
Exurgat, fortem trepida cum plebe Senatum
Qui vincire velit, patriseque infringere leges :
Non tolerat. sed fama volat, subitoque tumultu
A'ceensi heroes v-irtusque armata popelli
Sceptra rapit, mox dejectum de sede tyrannum,
Nunc morte horrifica,, ssevo nunc carcere franat.
(Delitias Poetarum Scotorum, torn. ii. p. 162.)
2 C 2

388 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
John Davidson, who was Melville's predecessor
at Glasgow, was a clergyman before the Reforma
tion, and had studied at Paris along with Quintin
Kennedy, abbot of Crossraguel. Having returned
to Scotland, he was placed in 1557, at the head of
the College of Glasgow. When the controversy
concerning religion first arose, Davidson adhered to
the established church, but he afterwards changed
his views and joined the reformers. His answer to
Kennedy shews him to have been a modest and can
did man, although not possessed of great learning.
He testifies much respect for his old coUege compa
nion, notwithstanding the diversity of their senti
ments, and acknowledges the kindness with which
he had formerly been treated by Archbishop Beat
on*. We have repeatedly had occasion to speak of
John Davidson, who was minister at Libberton, and
afterwards at Prestonpans. But it may be proper
to take notice here of two curious poems composed
by him, which throw considerable light on the man
ners and transactions of his time. The Regent
Morton, with the • view of securing for the use of
the court a larger prbportion of the thirds of bene
fices, had obtained, in 1573, an order of the Privy
Council for uniting two, three, and even four par
ishes, and putting them under the care of one mi
nister. As pluralities had always been condemned
by the reformed ministers, and considered as one of
* See Note P.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 389
the worst abuses in the popish church, this act ex
cited great dissatisfaction. John Davidson, who was
then a regent in St. Leonard's College *, and a young
man of great zeal, expressed the general sentiment
in a metrical dialogue, in which he exposed the evil
of the practice, and taxed, in terms more homely
than pleasant, the motives in which it evidently ori
ginated. His poem was printed without his know
ledge, upon which he was summoned to a justice-air
at Haddington, and sentence of imprisonment was
pronounced against him. He was liberated upon
bail, in the hopes that he might be prevailed upon
to retract what he had written, or that the Gene
ral Assembly might be induced to condemn it. A
number of his colleagues in the University, who
were desirous of pleasing the court, shewed them
selves unfavourable to him ; Rutherfurd, the prinr
cipal of St. Salvator's College, who imagined that he
was disrespectfully alluded to in the dialogue, had
written an answer to it f ; and the greater part of
* He is the author of the poem in Commendatiovn of Uprichtnes,
republished in the Life of John Knox, vol. ii. Supplement.
+ " The Moderator injoyned them silence, and desired Mr John
Rutherford yet again to produce his book ; but he yet still refused,
and said, ' that Mr John (Davidson) had called him crused goose in
his book, that he had little Latin in his book, and that was false,*
with many other brawling words. — Mr. Alexander Arbuthnot said,
you take that to you which no man speaks against you." (Cald. MS.
vol. ii. pp. 432, 439.)
The following is the passage in the poem which gave offence to
Rutherfurd : Thair is sum Collages we ken,
Weill foundit to uphald learnit men :
2 C 3

390 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
the Assembly were so much afraid of the Regent's
resentment, that, although they were of the same
sentiments with Davidson, they declined approving
of his book, and left him to the vengeance of his
powerful prosecutor. Interest was made in his be
half by some of the principal gentlemen in the coun
try, but Morton was inflexible ; and finding that
nothing short of recantation would save him from
punishment, Davidson, after lurking for a while in
the west of Scotland, retired into England, from
which he was not permitted to return during the
life-time of the Regent *. Lekprevick, the printer
of the poem, was also prosecuted, and confined for
some time in the Castle of Edinburgh f.
The prosecution of Davidson does little honour
to the administration of Morton. There is nothing
in the book which could give ground of offence or
alarm to any good government. It is a temperate
discussion of a measure which was at least contro-
Amang the rest foundit we se
The teiching of theologie.
Lat anis the Counsell send and se,
Gif thir places weill gydit be ;
And not abusit with waist rudis,
That dois nathing bot spendis yai gudis
That was maid for that haly use,
And not to feid ane crusit guse.
* During his exile Davidson visited the continent. (Cald. MS.
vol. iii. p. 248.)
t Proceedings against Davidson and Lekprevick, in Record of Privy
Council. Lekprevick's summons is inserted in Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 442.
The prosecution was founded on the act of parliament 1551, " against
blasphemous rymes or tragedies." 3

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 391
vertible. The reasons urged in its support are can
didly and fairly stated, and they are examined and
refuted in a fair and dispassionate manner. The
evils which the act of council was calculated to pro
duce are indeed exposed with faithfulness and spi
rit ; but without any thing disrespectful to autho
rity, or tending in the slightest degree to excite
" sedition and uproar."
In a hterary point of view, the merits of the Dia
logue are far from contemptible. It is superior to
most of the fugitive pieces of the time. Without
pretensions to fine poetry, the versification is easy
and smooth, and the conversation is carried on in a
very natural and spirited manner. The introduc
tion to the poem may amuse such readers as are
wearied with the dryness of some of the preceding
details : Unto Dundie as I maid way,
Nocht lang afoir Sanctandrois day,
At Kinghorne ferrie passand ouir
Into ye Boit was thre or four
Of gen till men, as did appeir.
I said, Schirs, is thair on y heir
Quhais Jornay lyis unto Dundie ?
Twa of thame answerit courtaslie,
We purpose nocht for to ga thidder,
Bot yit our gait will ly togidder
Quhill * we be passit Kennewie.
Than I sail beir yow companie, ,
Said I ; and with that we did land,
Syne lap upon our horse fra hand,
* UntU.

392 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
And on our Jornay rudelie raid.
Thir twa unto Sanctandrois maid ;
The tane of thame appearit to be
Ane cunning Clerk of greit clergie,
Of visage graue and manneris sage,
His tongue weill taucht, but * all outrage,
Men micht haue kend that he had bene
Quhair gude Instructioun he had sene.
The uther did appeir to me
Ane cumlie Courteour to be,
Quha was perfyte and weill besene.
In thingis that to this land pertene.
Be + we had riddin half ane myle,
With myrrie mowis passing the quhyle^
Thir twa of quhome befoir I spak
Of sindrie purposis did crak,
And enterit in amang the rest
To speik how that the kirk was drest.
And this began the Courteour:
Quhat think ye of this new ordour ?
Ye that ar Clerkis and men of wit,
I wat weill ye wiU speik of it
Amangis your selfis quhen ye conuene :
I pray you tell me quhat ye mene,
And gif this ordour ye allow,
Or alwayis how it plesis yow.
The Clerk said ; Sir, the treuth to tell,
With Princes maters for to mell
I think it lyis nocht in our gait :
Lat Courteouris of sic thingis trait.
The Courteour maid answering ;
Yit men will speik, Sir, of the king ;
Bot this new ordour that is tane
Wes nocht maid be the Court allane :
The Kirkis Commissionars wes thare,
And did aggrie to les and mair.
Yit men may speik as they haue feill,
Quhidder it lykis thame euill or weill.
* Without. t Before.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 393
The Clerk said: haue thay condescendit,
I think our speiking can nocht mend it ;
Bot ane thing I dar tak on me,
Gif as ye say the mater be
That thay of Kirk thairto assentit,
Thay sal be first that sail repent it;
Thocht for thair tyme sum wylie wynkit,
The ages after will forthink it.

The poem concludes with the following lines,
which shew that the author was by no means pleas
ed with the conduct of the greater part of the mi
nisters of the church :
Forsuith, Schir (said the Courteour)
I am assurit had ilk Preichour
Unto the mater bene als frak
As ye haue bene heir sen ye spak,
It had not cum to sic ane heid
As this day we se it proceid.
Bot I can se few men amang thame,
Thocht all the warld suld clene ouirgang thame.
That hes ane face to speik agane
Sic as the Kirk of Christ prophane.
Had gude John Knox not yit bene deid,
It had not cum unto this heid :
Had thay myntit till sic ane steir,
He had maid heuin and eirth to heir *.

* There is a copy of this rare poem in the Advocates Library. It
is complete, with the exception of the title-page, which is much
wasted. The following title is made up from that copy and other do
cuments. " Ane Dialog or £Mu]tuall talking] betwix a ^clerk)] and [ane
cour]teour, Concerning [Tour kirks]] till ane Minister, C[|ollectit

39* LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Davidson also composed at this time a poem to
the memory of Robert CampbeU of Kinyeancleugh,
a gentleman who had distinguished himself by his
early attachment to the reformed rehgion, and his
disinterested and invariable friendship for our na
tional Reformer. CampbeU died while actively em
ployed in screening Davidson from the effects of
persecution ; and the latter has gratefully comme
morated the virtues of his protector. This poem is
inferior to the former in point of composition ; but
it preserves a number of curious and interesting
facts relating to the history of those times *.

out of thair)] mouthis, and put [in verse by a]] young man qu[Tia
did]] forgather w[]ith thame]] in his Jor[]nay, as]] efter foil [Wis.]]"
The book is printed in black letter, and consists of 16 leaves in
12mo. It has no imprint, but we learn from the summons to Ro
bert Lekpreuk, that it was printed by him in January, 1573; i.e.
1574, according to modern reckoning. (Cald. MS. vol. ii. p. 442.).
* See Note Q.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 395

CHAPTER XII.
STATE OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND WHEN MEL
VILLE WAS REMOVED FROM HIS SITUATION AT
ST. ANDREWS. ANNO 1611.

Erection of New Universities and Colleges— Resort of
Foreign Students to Scotland — Literary Labours qf
Scotchmen in Dublin — Parochial Schools and Gramma
tical Education in Scotland — Hercules Rollock — Alex
ander Hume — Ramean Philosophy — Theology and Col
lateral Branches qf Study — Principal Rollock — Bruce
— Pont — The Simsons — Cowper — Civil and Scots Law
— John Skene' — Craig — Welwood — Other Studies —
Napier qf Merchiston — Hume qf Godscroft — Vernacular
Poetry — Extent to which Latin Poetry was Cultivated —
Advantages and Disadvantages qf this — General Esti
mate qf the Progress qf Learning and qf the Influence
which Melville had in Promoting it.

In tracing the progress of Uterature in this coun
try during Melville's residence at St. Andrews, the
first tiling which claims our notice is the additions
made to the number of our universities.

396 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
We have seen that the early institutions for pro
moting literature were generally attached to cathe
dral churches or monasteries. The universities of
St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen having been
founded by bishops, it was natural for their founders
to erect them in the chief cities of their respective
sees. Edinburgh was not an episcopal seat, and,
consequently, was unprovided with a university or
great school ; although it had long been considered
as the capital of the kingdom. As soon as the Re
formation was established, the magistrates, in con
cert with the ministers of the capital, attempted to
have this defect supplied * ; but their endeavours
were thwarted by the bishops, who were jealous of
the reputation and prosperity ofthe seminaries placed
under their own immediate and official protection j- .
The University of Edinburgh, which has since risen
to such eminence, owed its erection to the fall of epis
copacy. In the year 1579, when the General Assem
bly had attacked the episcopal office and drawn up
the model of presbytery, the design of founding a
college in Edinburgh was revived X[; Encouraged
by the ministers and other pubUc-spirited indivi
duals in the city, the magistrates immediately com
menced building apartments for the accommodation
of professors and students ; and in the end of the

* Record of Town Council of Edinburgh., April 23, 1561, and
April 8, 1562. See under Note V.
t Crawfurd's Hist, of University of Edinburgh, p. 19. Maitland's
Hist, of Edin. p. 356.
X Record of Town Council, April 24, and Nov. 25, 1579.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 397
year 1583 the classes were opened, under the pa
tronage of the town-council, and the sanction of a
royal charter *. By donations from individuals and
public bodies, and by obtaining part of a legacy
which Robert Reid, bishop of Orkney, had be
queathed for a similar purpose f , the patrons were
enabled to extend the benefits of the institution.
From the number of students who resorted to the
new college, it was apparent that it would soon
rival the most frequented of the older establish
ments ; and although it suffered a great loss by the
premature death of Rollock, its excellent principal,
yet was it in a prosperous condition when Melville
was removed from Scotland X[.
Transferred from one sovereign to another, and
lying at a distance from the seats of the govern
ments to which they at different times became sub
ject, the inhabitants of the Orkney Islands had been
neglected, and aUowed to remain in ignorance and
barbarism. Bishop Reid, whose attention to the
interests of learning deserves great praise, endea-

* Though the name of a University is riot applied to the institution
either in the Royal Charter of 1582, or in the Act of Parliament of
1621, yet in the latter, it is declared to be," ane Colledge — of humane
letteris and toungis, of philosophie, theologie, medicine, the lawis, and
all uther liberall sciences," and is endowed with " all liberties, fre-
domes, immunities and priviledgis appertening to ane free Colledge,
and that in als ample fbrmei and' lairge maner as anye Colledge hes
or bruikis w'in this his Maties realme." ¦ (Act. "Pari. Scot. iv. 670,
671.) t See Note R.
X Crawfurd's Hist, of the Univ. of Edinburgh, p. 67.

398 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
voured to remedy this evil by providing means of
education for his clergy and the youth of his dio
cese. Having given a new foundation to his cathe
dral church of Kirkwall in 1544, he appointed the
person who held the office of Chancellor to read pub
licly, once a week, a lecture on the canon law;
and the chaplain of St. Peter's to act as master of a
grammar school *. After the reformation the emo
luments of the chaplainry continued to be applied to
the support of the master of the grammar school of
Kirkwall f . In the year 1581, a proposal to erect

* " Hie Cancellarius, qui pro tempore fuerit, tertium locum post
prepositum occupabit, qui semel in scptimana, nisi aliunde legitime
impedietur, tenebitur publice in Jure pontificio legere in Capitulo
omnibus canonicis, prebendariis, capellanis, et aliis interesse volenti-
bus." — Ordamamus preterea capellaniam beati Petri primum omnium
tresdecim incompatibilem cum alio beneficio, alteragio seu servitio per
petuo, cujus sacellanus erit Magister artium et peritus grammaticus,
Spole grammaticalis erit magister." (Nova Erectio ad decorem et
augmentationem divini cultus in Ecclesia Cathedrali Orchadensi. Oct.
28, 1544. in Arch. Civit. Edin.) This deed was confirmed by Car
dinal Beaton "pridie kal. Julii, 1545." (Bulla Nove Erectionis
Ecclesia? et Capituli Orchadensis : ibid.) Mackenzie, in his Life of
Bishop Reid, says : " He built St. Olau's Church in Kirkwall, and
a large court of buildings, to be a college for instructing of the youth
in these and the adjacent isles, in grammar, philosophy, and mathe
matics." (Lives, iii. 47.)
+ There is extant an original Gift and Presentation by Patrick Earl
of Orkney (dated Feb. 26, 1595.) of the " Prebendarie of St. Peter
lyand within the diocie of Orkney — conforme to the erection thereof."
The presentee is " to make actual residence for serving of the gramar
school at Kirkwall as Master principal thereunto — utherways this gift
to expyre ipso facto." This was followed by a decreet of the Court,
of Session, May 22, 1601, confirming the gift. (Communication from
Alexander Peterkin, Esq. Sheriff-Substitute of Orkney.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 399
a College in Orkney was laid before parliament, by
which it was referred, along with other plans for
promoting education, to certain commissioners *.
It is probable that the scheme was defeated by the
interest of those who had got possession of the ec
clesiastical revenues of that diocese, which formed
the only fund from which the seminary could have
been erected and endowed.
In 1592, the year in which presbytery obtained
a legal establishment, Sir Alexander Fraser of
Phillorth laid the foundation of a university and
college within the town of Fraserburgh in Aber
deenshire f . It was intended for the ornament of
a town on which he had conferred many privileges,
and for the instruction of the youth in the northern
part of the kingdom. The parliament ratified the
institution in 1597, with high commendations of
the liberality and patriotism of the founder |.
* Act. Pari. Scot. iii. 214.
+ The grant confirming to him the lands and barony of Phillorth
(July 1, 1592.) contains the following clause : " Dedimus et conces-
simus tenoreque presencium damus et concedimus plenariam potesta
tem et libertatem prefato Alexandro Fraser heredibus suis masculis
et assignatis Collegium seu Collegia infra dictum burgum de Fraser
edificandi, Universitatem erigendi, omnia genera officialium eisdem
convenien et eofresponden elegendi locandi e|t deprivandi, fundationes
pro eorum sustentatione et omnia privilegia quecunque necessaria fa-
ciendi et dotandi, Rectores principales et subprincipales et alia mem
bra necessaria ad voluntatem et optionem dicti Alexri ejusque here-
dum masculorum et assignatorum antedict. faciendi eligendi mutandi
et deponendi, leges acta et statuta pro boni ordinis obscrvatione faci
endi et custodire causandi." (Register of Privy Seal, vol. lxiv. f. 46.)
$ Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 147, 148.

400 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Charles Ferme, who had taught for several years as
a regent at Edinburgh, was chosen principal of the
new college; and in the year 1600, the General
Assembly authorized him to undertake this office,
along with that of minister of the parish of Fraser
burgh *. His labours were much interrupted by
the Earl of Huntly ; and an end was put to them
by his confinement, first in the castle of Down and
afterwards in the island of Bute, for assisting at the
General Assembly at Aberdeen f . It does not ap
pear that he had any successor in the coUege, which
was most probably allowed to fall into decay amidst
the distractions produced by the alteration of church-
government.
* Buik of the Universall Kirk, f. 194, b. Crawfurd's Hist, of
Univ. of Edin. pp. 31, 33, 37, 39, 42. Ferrmei Analysis in Epist. ad
Romanos, Epist. Dedic. et Epist. ad Leet. Edinb. 1651.
+ In 1608, Ferme wrote, from the place of his confinement, to
Robert Bruce : " I have to this hour been releaved be the com
fort of no creature ; neither have I heard to whom I may go. A
thousand deaths hathemy soul tasted of; but still the truth and mer-
pie of the Lord hath succoured me." (Cald. vii. 98, 99.) He was
restored to his parish before his death, which happened on the 24th
of September, 1617. Verses to his memory were composed by Ar
chibald Simson, (Annal. p. 138.) and by Principal Adamson of Edin
burgh, who, in the 75th year of his age, published a work of Ferme,
who had been his regent at college. (Prefix, ad Fermaei Analys. ut
supra.) " Mr. Charles Fairme," was called to be " second minister
of Haddin>gton." (Record of Presbytery of Haddington, July 28,
and Aug. 25, 1596, and Sept. 28, 1597.) At trie " desyre of patrik
cohren and Georg heriot, commissionares direct from the session of the
kirk of the north-west quarter of Edr," the presbytery " tollerat Mr
Charles ferum to preach in the Kirk of that quarter, at sic tymes and
necessary occasiones as he salbe imployit be said session." (Rec. of
Presb. of Edinburgh, Sept. 12, 1598.) He " was gane to the north
parts," in Dec. 12, 1598. , (Ibid.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 401
The College of/ Fraserburgh might have suc
ceeded better, had it not been for a similar establish-
ment erected about the same time by George Earl
Marischal in the town of New Aberdeen *. Maris
chal College was originally endowed only for a prin
cipal, three regents, and six bursars ; but its situa
tion in a flourishing town furnished it with students,
its proximity to King's College excited emulation,
and the gratitude or the pride of individuals who
received their , education at it soon increased the
number of its professorships and bursaries, as well
as the smaU stock of books with which it was origi
nally provided f .
Whatever may be thought as to the expediency
of some of these collegial institutions, there can
be but one opinion as to the zeal which they evinced
in behalf of the interests of literature. Whether
the founders acted from the impulse of their own
minds, or were guided by the deference which they
paid to the opinions of others, the fact of so many
academies rising up at the same time, shews that
the public attention had been awakened to the im
portance of education, and that a general and strong
passion for literary pursuits was felt through the

* The Charter of the College was signed by " George Erie Mar
shall," on the 2nd of April, 1593. It was approved of by theGeneral
Assembly at Dundee on the 24th of the same month, " after being
examined by a Committee of their, number." (Memorial by Princi
pal Blackwell.) And it was ratified by Parhament on the 21st of
July following. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 35.)
•f- Memorial for Marischal College by Principal Blackwell.
VOL. II. 2 D

402 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
nation. It may, also be observed that the improve
ments in the mode of teaching which had been in
troduced into the universities of St. Andrews and
Glasgow 'were adopted in one degree or another in
the newly-erected coUeges. At Edinburgh, indeed,
each regent conducted his students through the
whole course of their studies, either because Rol
lock had been accustomed to this method at St.. An
drews, or because he could not find a sufficient num
ber of teachers. But at Aberdeen, in Marischal
CoUege from the beginning the regents had parti
cular professions assigned to them * ; and the same
arrangement was prescribed by the new founda
tion of King's College f . When Melville returned
from Geneva, although more than thirty years had
elapsed from the first introduction of the Greek
language into Scotland, the students at St. An
drews did not acquire any knowledge of it be
yond the regular declensions. But now the most
difficult Greek authors were read and explained
in aU our universities. The knowledge of He
brew was brought to the country by a deserving
individual at the establishment of the Reforma-
* " Nolumus autem Academia? nostra? praeceptores ad novas Pro-
fessiones transilire, sed ut in eadem professione se exerceant, ut ado-
lescentes qui gradatim ascendant, dignum suis studiisetingeniis nan-
ciscantur Praeceptorem." (Nova? Academiee Abredonensis per Comi-
tem Marischallum Regia Autoritate, Erectio et Instructio.) The
Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac languages, Physiology (Natural History)
Geometry, Geography, Chronology, and Astronomy, were to be taught
by the Principal and Masters of Marischal College.
t See under Note I.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 403
tion ; and yet, fourteen years after that period, not
one of the professors in the first university of the
kingdom could teach its alphabet *. But now the
Hebrew language was accurately taught in each of
the universities, along with the cognate tongues
which had hitherto been utterly unknown in Scot
land. The scientific lectures first read by Melville
at Glasgow, and afterwards adopted in the other
universities, included several useful branches of
knowledge, not formerly taught in the established
course of study, or treated in the most superficial
manner ; as geography, chronology, civil and natu
ral history, geometry and the system of the sphere,
accbrding to the discoveries of recent astronomers.
The resort of foreign students to Scotland at this
period is another interesting fact in the history of
our national Uterature. Formerly no instance of
this kind had occurred. On the contrary, it was a
common practice for the yputh of this country, upon
finishing their course of education at one of our col
leges, to go abroad, and prosecute their studies at
one or more of the universities on the continent.
Nor did any one think himself entitled to the ho
nourable appellation of a learned man who had not
added the advantages of a foreign to those of a do
mestic education. But after the reformation of the
universities of St. Andrews and Glasgow, and the
erection of the College of Edinburgh, this practice
became graduaUy less frequent, until it ceased en-
* Life of John Knox, vol. i. p. 6 ; ii. 14. Melville's Diary, p. 26.
2 D 2

404 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tirely, except with those who wished to attain pro
ficiency in law or in medicine. If students in lan
guages, the arts, or divinity, now left Scotland, it
was generally to teach, and not to be taught, in fo
reign seminaries. The same cause which produced
this change attracted students from abroad to this
country. A few years after Melville went to the
university of St. Andrews, the names of foreigners
appear for the first, time on its records. The. num
ber of these rapidly increased ; and Scotland conti
nued to be frequented by students from the continent
for a considerable time after the original cause of at
traction had been removed. Though St. Andrews
was the chief place to which they resorted, yet they
studied also in the universities of Edinburgh and
Glasgow. Some of them were persons of noble
birth, but the greater part were young men en
gaged in the cultivation of theology and the branches
of learning connected with it. No adequate cause
ofthe fact under consideration can be assigned but
the repprt which had gone abroad of the flourishing
state of education in Scotland. It is a mistake to
suppose that the foreign students were for the most
part Danes, who were induced to visit this country
in consequence of the connexion established between
it and Denmark by the marriage of James. Some
of them were Danes ; but a still greater number
were French, besides Belgians, Germans, and Poles *.
The number of Scotchmen who at this time dis-
* See Note S.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 405
tinguished themselves as teachers in foreign univer
sities and schools was great. I have had occasion to
speak of some of those who taught in the protestant
academies of France ; but to give any thing like a
proper account of them would lead me into a digres
sion disproportionately large. I cannot however omit
mentioning here a literary undertaking in Ireland
by two of our countrymen. The state of education
in that country had fallen so low that it was with
difficulty that an individual capable of teaching the
learned languages could be found even in the capi
tal. In the year 1587, James Fullerton arid Janies
Hamilton estabhshed a school in Dublin. The ta
lents of the two Scotchmen, joined with the most
engaging manners, soon procured them scholars.
After they had taught privately for five years, they
were admitted to professorships ih Trinity Col
lege, the fabric of which had been recently com
pleted ; and they contributed to bring the Universi
ty of Dublin into that reputation which it quick
ly acquired. Their labours would have deserved
commemoration if they had done no more than
educate the celebrated James Usher, afterwards
archbishop of Armagh, the great ornament of the
church of Ireland, and one of the most learned men
of his age. He was 'one of their first pupils in
the grammar school, was conducted through the
course of philosophy at the university by Hamilton,
and was accustomed to mention it as an instancejof
the kindness of Providence that he received his
education under the two Scotchmen, " who came
2 D 3

406 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
hither by. chance, and yet proved so happily useful
to himself and others." Whether the primate was
initiated by them into the principles of the Hebrew
language, in which he afterwards attained great
proficiency, we are not informed ; but they intro
duced him to the beauties of the classic poets and
orators, with which he was captivated in his youth
to a degree which we could scarcely have supposed
from the tenor of his subsequent studies *. It has
been said that Hamilton and FuUerton concealed a
political design under their hterary undertaking ;
and that they were, sent to Dublin by the Scottish
court as secret agents to obtain the consent of the
Irish nobility and gentry to James's right of suc
cession to Elizabeth. This is not at all likely. It
is much more probable, that the enterprise was en
tirely literary, and undertaken from the same mo
tives which induced so many of their learned coun
trymen at that time to seek a foreign field for the
exertion of their talents. At a subsequent period
James availed himself of the credit which they had
gained, and they were employed by him in secret
negociations, which they conducted with much abi-

* Parr's Life of Usher, p. 3. Smith, Vita Usserii, p. 16. Dil
lingham, Vita Laur. Chadertoni, p. 55. There is a letter from Ha
milton to Sir James Sempill, (Dublin, May 4, 1612.) in recommen
dation cf Usher, when he went to London to publish his first work.
" Clear them (Dr. Chaloner and Mr. Usher) to his Matie that they
ar not puritants ; for they have dignitarieships and prebends in the
Cathedral churches here." (MS. in Archiv. Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii.
num. 18.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 407
lity and success*. The services of both were re
warded. Fullerton was knighted, admitted a gen
tleman of the Bed-chamber, and resided at court af
ter the accession. Hamilton was created Viscount
Claneboy, and afterwards Earl of Clanbrissel f ;
was entrusted with great authority in Ireland ; and
in concert with his pupil, the primate, and his
countryman, the bishop of Raphoe, shewed favour
to such ministers as took shelter in that country
from the persecution of the Scottish prelates -\. Ful
lerton and Hamilton were early acquaintances of
Melville §, and the former was pne of his most inti
mate and steady friends ||. He retained his love of
* This is confirmed. by the account which Dr. Birch gives; al
though he speaks immediately of negociations with the. English nobi
lity. (Life of Henry, Prince of Wales, p. 232.) The letter from
King James inserted in the Appendix to Strype's Annals, vol. iv. and
which Strype supposes to have been written to Lbrd Hamilton, was
addressed, I have no doubt, to James Hamilton, afterwards Viscount
Claneboy. + Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 257. According to Lodge,
he was the eldest son of Hans Hamilton of Dunlop. Crawford says
that Hans Hamilton, vicar of Dunlop, was son of Archibald Hamil
ton of Raploch. (MS. Baronage, pp. 265—267 : in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
Jac. V. 5. 30.)
X Life of Mr. Robert Blair, pp. 47—52, 64, 80. Life of Mr. John
Livingston. § In the year 1585, James Hamilton was made Master of Arts
at St. Andrews, and in 1586, one of the same name was laureated at
Glasgow. I have stated (vol. i. p. 71.) that Sir James Fullerton was
educated under Melville at Glasgow. But it may be added, that in
the list of Melville's class-fellows are the names " Jacobus Hamyl-
toun," and "Jacobus Fullartoun." (See above, vol. i. p. 422.)
|| Letter from Melville to Sir James Sempill of Beltrees, in Ap
pendix.

408 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
letters, and a partiality for his early studies, after
he had exchanged the life of the scholar for that of
the courtier *.
In the preceding chapter some account has been
given of the state of the inferior order of seminaries
in Scotland when MelviUe came to St; Andrews f •
Since that time the number of parochial schools had
increased, although in many places they were stiU
wanting, and in others the teachers enjoyed a very
inadequate and precarious support. There was as
yet no law which compeUed the landholders or
parishioners to provide them with accommodations
or salaries. The persuasions of the ministers and
the authority of the church-courts were, however,
exerted in supplying this defect. As every minister
was bound regularly to examine his people, it be
came his interest to have a schoolmaster for the in
struction of the youth. At the annual visitation of
* " Hoc saxum (a grammatical difficulty) cum diu volvissem, tan
dem incidi in Jacobum Fullertonum, virum doctum, et in omni di-
sciplina satis exercitatum. Cum eo rem disceptavi, &c." (Humii
Grammatica Nova, Part. ii. p. 15.) See also Leochxi Epigram, pp.
23, 48. In 1611, Sir James Fullerton was, by the favour of Prince
Henry, appointed Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, and Master of the
Privy Purse to the Duke of York. (Birch's Life of Henry, Prince of
Wales, pp. 232—235.) His Testament is dated Dec. 28, 1630, and
was proved Feb. 5, 1630, O. S. He left no issue, and bequeath
ed " the estate and interest of the manor of Bifleete," with his leases
of the Lead Mines, &c. after paying his debts, tp his " deare and
wellbeloved wife, the Lady Bruce." " The Right Honourable
Thomas Lord Bruce, Baron of Kinlosse" was his sole executor.
(Will, extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Can
terbury.) f gee above, p. 365. Comp. vol. i. pp. 416—418.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 409
parishes by presbyteries and provincial synods, the
state of the schools formed one subject of uniform in
quiry ; the qualifications of the teachers were tried ;
and where there was no school, means were used for
having one established. A " common order" as to
the rate of contribution to be raised for the salary
of the teacher, and as to the fees to be paid by
the scholars, was laid down and put in practice, long
before the act of council in 1616 which was ratified
by parliament in 1633. It is a mistake to suppose
that the parochial schools of Scotland owed their
origin to these enactments. The parliamentary sta
tute has, indeed, been eventually of great benefit.
But it would have remained a dead letter but for the
exertions of the church-courts ; and, owing to the
vague nature of its provisions, it continued long to
be evaded by those who were insensible to the bene
fits of education, or who grudged the smaUest ex
pense for the sake Of promoting it. The reader will
find in the notes some facts which throw light on
the state of parochial instruction at this period *.
The classical schools had also increased in num
ber, and improvements were introduced into those
which had existed from ancient times. Two indi
viduals, who were successively at the head of the
High School of Edinburgh, are entitled to our no
tice here, from the services which they rendered to
the literature of their country, as weU as the con
nexion which they had with MelviUe. Hercules
* See Note T.

410 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
RoUock had received a complete education, and was
an exceUent classical scholar. After finishing his
studies at St. Andrews, and teaching for some time
in King's CoUege, Aberdeen *, he went abroad, and
studied at Poitiers in France f . On his return to
Scotland, he was warmly recommended to the young
King by Buchanan £ ; and it seems to have been
in consequence of this recommendation that he was
appointed Commissary of Angus and the Carse of
Gowrie, which were disjoined from the Commissariot
of St. Andrews in the year 1580, and erected into a
separate jurisdiction. But the new court was soon
suppressed, in consequence of the opposition made
to it by the commissary and magistrates of St. An
drews §. In 1584, RoUock was brought from Dun
dee || , and continued head master of the High School
of Edinburgh for eleven years, at the end of which
he was displaced in consequence of some offence
* Orem's Description of Old Aberdeen, p. 159.
t Delitiae Poet. Scot. ii. 350, 351. Comp. Buchanani Epist. pp. 13,
21. In a MS. Catalogue of Scottish writers, (to be found in the Ad
vocates Library, in the same volume with Charters's Account of Scot
tish .divines) Hercules Rollock is said to have published " Panegyrim
de Pace in Gallia constituenda. Pictavi 1576." He had also been
some time in England. (Delit. ut supra, p. 361.)
X Buchanani Epist. p. 29.
§. Record of Privy Council, January 12, 1580.
|| May 29, 1584. Record of Town Council of Edin. vol. vii. f. 90.
On the 17th of April, 1588, his salary was augmented "from 50 to
100 pundis." In his petition for an augmentation, he tells the coun
cil, that "upoun infonnatioun of Mr. James lawsoun and other fa-
voreris of lerning he was employet to undertak ye chairge of thair hie
schole." (Ib. vol. viii. f. 149, b. 150.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 411
which was taken at his conduct *. On his removal
from the High School he obtained an office in the
Court of Session, and was patronised by the King f .
-He was suspected of being the author of a lampoon
against Bruce and the other ministers who were
banished at the time of the tumult which happened
in the capital ; on which account Melville attacked
him, in several stinging epigrams, as a mercenary
poet, and a starved schoolmaster turned lawyer.
Poets are not disposed to brook an affront. Rol
lock replied ; and in a poem, more distinguished for
its length than its vigour, denied the charge, and
vindicated hjs character X]. Whatever might be his
imprudences or personal foibles, he certainly con
tributed to raise the character of the useful semi
nary over which he had presided §.
Alexander Hume, who succeeded to the rector
ship of the High School, if not so good a poet as

* Record of Town Council, vol. x. f. 71. Rollock imputes his dis
missal to the ignorance of the citizens, who were incapable of appre
ciating the excellence of his instructions, so superior to those of or
dinary pedagogues ; aud he represents the school as sinking, at his
removal, into the barbarism from which he had recovered it. (Delit.
Poet. Scot. ii. 389.)
+ Delit. ut supra.
X Ibid. p. 117. Comp. p. 337. In the catalogue of books present
ed to the University of Edinburgh, by Drummond of Hawthornden,
(p, 24,) is the following article : " Ad Herculem Rollocum responsio
Andrea? Melvini. MS autogr." But the MS. is not now to be found.
§ The magistrates appear to have been sensible of this ; for on
the 20th pf February, 1600, they gave an allowance to " the relict
and bairns of Mr Hercules Rollock." (Council Register, voL x.
f. 270.)

412 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
RoUock, was a superior grammarian, and a more
acceptable teacher *. He has himself informed us,
that he was descended of the ancient family of the
Humes, acquired the knowlege of the Latin lan
guage under the well-known Andrew Simson at
Dunbar, went through the course of phUosophy at
St. Andrews, and afterwards spent sixteen years in
England, partly in studying > at the University of
Oxford, and partly in teaching. His theological
works shall be mentioned afterwards. While he
taught at Edinburgh, his attention was turned to
the elementary books which were at that time used
in grammar schools, and he was ambitious of improv
ing on the labours of foreigners, as well as of his
countrymen, Simson, Carmichael, and Duncan f .
His Latin Grammar, on which he had spent many
years, and which he published, after submitting it
to the correction of MelviUe and other learned
friends, did not give the satisfaction which he ex
pected. This was partly owing to prejudice against
innovation, and partly to the author's having sacri
ficed ease and perspicuity to logical precision in his
arrangement and definitions. But, although less

* Crawfurd's Hist, of the Univ. of Edin. p. 64. His appointment
was on the 23d of April, 1596. (Council' Register, vol. x. ff. 75, 76.)
t " Grammatics Latinse, de Ety'mologia, liber secundus. Cantab.
1587." James Carmichael, minister of Haddington, was the author
of this work. Andrew Duncan, the author of various grammatical
pieces, (Ames, by Herbert, iii. 1515, 1516, 1518.) was minister of
Crail, and one of those who were banished to France for holding the
Assembly at Aberdeen.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 413
adapted for youth, the work displays considerable
knowledge of the principles of grammar, and might
be useful to teachers and advanced scholars. The
privy council, in pursuance of an act of parliament,
enjoined it to be used in all the schools of the king
dom ; an injunction which was defeated by the in
terest of the bishops, whose displeasure the author
had incurred, and by the persevering opposition of
Ray, who succeeded to his place in the High
School *.
It was during the incumbency of Hume, that
the High School of Edinburgh received that form
which it has preserved, with little alteration, to
the present day. In the year 1598, a code of
laws, drawn up by a committee of learned men,
and intended to regulate the mode of teaching
and the government of the youth, received the
sanction of the town-council. The school was di
vided into four classes, to be taught separately by
four masters, including the principal. The boys
passed from one master to another at the end of
each year ; a plan which has not the same recom
mendations when applied to the teaching of a single
language that it has when applied to different lan
guages or branches of science. By the same laws,
the Humanity class in the College was also regulat
ed, and Greek was appointed to be taught in it as
well as Latin. In the year 1614, a fifth class was
established in the High School, and during their
* See Note U.

414 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
attendance on it the boys were initiated into Greek
grammar *.
In the year 1606, Hume rehnquished his situa
tion in Edinburgh, and became principal master of
the grammar school at Prestonpans, which had been
recently founded by John Davidson. The exertions
which Davidson made to provide for the rehgious
and hterary instruction of his parish entitle him
to the most grateful remembrance. At his own
expense he built a church and a manse, a school-
house and a dweUing-house for the master. The
school was erected for teaching the three learned
languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew ; and the
founder destined aU his heritable and moveable pro
perty, including his books, to the support and orna
ment of this trihngual academy f . Similar endow
ments were made by others i. ; and there is reason to
think that, in not a few instances, the funds which
benevolent individuals bequeathed for* the promo
tion of learning were clandestinely retained, or U-
legaUy aUenated from their original destination, by
the infidelity and avarice of executors and trustees.
Several acts of the legislature were made to prevent
such abuses §.
* See Note V. t See Note W.
X John Howieson, minister of Cambuslang, endowed a school, and
made provision for the poor, within his parish. Letter from him to
the General Assembly, Nov. 16, 1602 : MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
Rob. III. 2. 17. f. 156.) " The King's Scole of Dunkeld," founded
Feb. 22, 1567, (Reg. of Presentations, vol. i. p. 5.) was ratified by
Parliament in 1606. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 313.)
§ Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 94 ; vol. v. p. 22.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 415
In investigating the progress which science made
in Scotland during this period, the first thing which
strikes us is the introduction of the Ramean philo
sophy, and its general substitution in the room of
the Aristotelian. The influence which Ramus had
in the advancement of philosophy has not, in my
opinion, had that importance attached to it by mo
dern writers which it deserves. In forming an esti
mate of the degree in which any individual has con
tributed to the illumination of the age in which he
hved, it is necessary to take into account something
more than the character of his opinions viewed in
themselves : we must inquire if they were brought
fairly and fuUy into contact with the public mind,
and attend to the circumstances which combined to
aid or to neutralize their effect. By a careful exa
mination of the writings of such men as Bruno and
Cardan, we may discover here and there a senti
ment akin to a truer philosophy ; but these senti
ments appear to have struck their minds during cer
tain lucid intervals, and are buried in a farrago of
fantastic, extravagant, and unintelligible notions,
which at that period must have had the tendency
to discredit them completely with persons of sober
thinking. They are to be viewed rather as curious
phenomena in the history of individuals than as in
dications of the progress made by the human mind.
There are three grand events in the modern history
of philosophy. The first is the revival of litera
ture, which, by promoting the study of the original
writings of the ancients, rescued the Aristotelian

416 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
philosophy from the barbarism and corruption which
it had contracted during the middle ages. The se
cond is the emancipation of the human mind from
that slavish subjection to authority under which it
had been long held by a superstitious veneration
for the name of Aristotle. The third is the intro
duction of, what is commonly caUed, the inductive
philosophy. The two former preceded and made
way for the latter. In bringing about the first a
multitude Of persons in all parts of Europe had co
operated with nearly equal zeal. The merit of ef
fecting the second is in a great measure due to one
individual. The Platonic school which was found
ed in the fifteenth century did not produce any ex
tensive or permanent effects on the mode of study
and philosophizing. It originated in literary en
thusiasm ; its disciples were Chiefly confined to Italy ;
and they contented themselves with pronouncing ex
travagant and rapturous panegyrics on the divine
Plato. Valla, Agricola*, Vives, and NizoUus had
pointed out various defects in the reigning philo
sophy, and recommended a mode of investigating
truth more rational than that which was pursued
in the schools. But they had not succeeded in fix
ing the attention of the public on the subject. The
attack which Ramus made on the Peripatetic phi
losophy was direct, avowed, persevering, and ir
resistible. He possessed an acute mind, a compe-
* Ramus acknowledges that he was indebted for more accurate
views of Logic to Rudolphus Agricola, and that he learned them from
Sturmius, one of Agricola's scholars. (Prefat. in Schol. Grammat.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 417
tent acquaintance with ancient learning, an ardent
love of truth, and invincible courage in maintaining
it. He had apphed with avidity to the study of
the logic of Aristotle ; and the result was a convic
tion, that it was an instrument utterly unfit for dis
covering truth in any of the sciences, and answer
ing no other purpose than that of scholastic wrang
ling and digladiation. This conviction he commu
nicated to the public ; and, in spite of all the resist
ance which he encountered from ignorance and pre
judice, he succeeded in bringing over a great part of
the learned world to his views. What Luther was
in the church, Ramus was in the schools. He over
threw the infallibility of the Stagyrite, and pro
claimed the right of mankind to think for them
selves in matters of philosophy ; a right which he
maintained with the most undaunted fortitude, and
to which he may be said to have died a martyr *.
If Ramus had not shaken the authority of the long-
* " Easdem in religionis restitutione judiciorum remoras etas
nostra experta est. Quapropter per Deum optimum maximum, Lo
gical artis professores exhortor, ut philosophic veritatem pluris quam
philosophi ullius authoritatem faciant. — Tales denique sint in Aristo-
tele cognoscendo et interpretando, qualis Aristoteles in Platone fuit.
Unum enim id illis exopto, ut Aristoteles ipsi sibi sint, vel Aristotele
etiam prastantiores magistri : sicut Aristoteles nimirum Plato alter
esse, aut etiam Platone prsestantior esse voluit." (Rami Animad. in
Organ. Aristotelis, lib. ii. cap. ix. p. 66. edit. Francof. 1594.) Those
who wish to understand the spirit of Ramus, and the motives which
induced him to embark in the cause of philosophical reform, should
read the whole of the 13th chapter of the 4th book of his Animad-
versiones. Brucker has given extracts from it; (Hist. Philos. torn.
v. pp. 566 — 568.)
VOL. II. 2 E

418 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
venerated Organon of Aristotle, the world might
not have seen the Novum Organum of Bacon. The
faults of the Ramean system of Dialectics have long
been acknowledged. It proceeded upon the radical
principles of the logic of Aristotle ; its distinctions
often turned more upon words than things ; and the
artificial method and uniform partitions which it
prescribed in treating every subject, were unnatural,
and calculated to fetter, instead of forwarding, the
mind in the discovery of truth. But it discarded
many of the useless speculations, and much of the
unmeaning jargon respecting topics, predicables, and
predicaments, which made so great a figure in the
ancient logic- It inculcated upon its disciples the
necessity of accuracy and order in arranging their
own ideas and in analyzing those of others *- And,
as it advanced no claims to infaUibility, submitted

* Bacon was anxious to disclaim connexion with Ramus, whom
he calls the " neoteric rebel against Aristotle." Catalina Cethegum ?
But he acknowledges the merits of Ramus on the head of method.
rt Methodus veluti scientiarum architectura est : atque hae in parte
melius meruit Ramus," &c. (De Augm. Scient. lib. vi. cap. ii.)
Hooker refers to the system of Ramus in the following passage.
Having spoken of the utility of art in advancing knowledge, and of
the little progress which had been made in all parts of natural know
ledge since the days of Aristotle, he adds : " In the poverty of that
other new-devised aid, two things are, notwithstanding, singular.
Of marvellous quick dispatch it is, and doth shew them that have
it as much almost in three days, as if it had dwelt threescore years.
with them. A.gain, because the curiosity of man's wit doth many
times with peril wade farther in the search of things then were con
venient, the same is thereby restrained unto such generalities, as,
everywhere offering themselves, are apparent unto men of the weakest
conceit that need be." (Eccles. Polity, book i. § 6.)

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 419
all its rules to the test of practical utility, and set
this constantly before the eye of the student as the
only legitimate end of the whole logical apparatus,
its faults were soon discovered, and yielded readily
to a more natural method of reasoning and investi
gation. The eloquence of Ramus, added to the novelty of
his opinions, and the ardour and boldness with
which he maintained them, had a fascinating influ
ence on his students. Foreigners, who attended his
lectures in the university of Paris, carried his pecu
liar sentiments along with them to their respective
countries. Within a few years after his death his
writings were known through Europe ; and, before
the conclusion of the sixteenth century, Ramism, as
the new mode of philosophising was called, was
publicly taught in some of the principal universi
ties of Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, HoUand,
and Britain *. I formerly stated that Melville
studied under him, and that on his return to his
native country, he introduced his master's system of
logic into the university of Glasgow f . It continued
to be taught there under his successor, Patrick
* Brucker, Hist. Philos. torn. v. pp. 576—58 1. Bayle, Diot. art.
De la Ramee, Note O. Melch. Adami Vitae Germ. Philos. p. 509.
Casp. Brantius, Vita Jac. Arminii, p. 16. Scaligerana, Thuana, &c.
torn. ii. 352, 527. Ramus's Logic was prelected on at Cambridge in
1590. (Dillingham, Vita Chadertoni et Usserii, p. lS.)^r" (B-yari-
ous editions of his works were published in England beforkslfe year
1600. (Ames, by Herbert, passim.)
t See above, vol. i. pp. 24, 67.
2e2

420 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
Sharp*. At St. Andrews, however, it met with
the most determined resistance. It is a striking
proof of the ascendency which the name of Aris
totle had gained over the human mind, that his phi
losophy continued long to maintain its ground in
the greater part of the protestant schools. When
Luther had attacked it with his usual vehemence,
his coUeague Melanchthon interposed for its protec
tion. From attachment to it, the members of the
Academy of Geneva refused to admit Ramus into
their number, during the time that Melville resided
in that city f . It was not until the year 1588, that
the General Assembly ofthe Church of Scotland gave
public warning against sentiments subversive of
religion contained in books which were put into the
hands of all the youth J. And twenty years after
every vestige of papal authority had been abolished
in the university of St. Andrews, Melville had al
most excited a tumult in it by calling in question
the infallibility of a heathen philosopher. But he
ultimately succeeded in effecting a reform on the
philosophical creed at St. Andrews §. RoUock, who
became a convert to the new philosophy, introduced
it into the College of Edinburgh, in which it con
tinued long to be taught ||. The writings of Aris-

* Riveti Opera, torn. iii. p. 897.
•'tt.'^IieniEpjstolae, epp. 34, 36. Brantius, Vita Arminii, pp. 21, 22.
i-t«Strie,->P:ii.p. 439.
§ See above, vol. i. pp. 169 — 171.
[| Adamsoni Praefat. in Ferman Anal. Epist. ad Romanos. Craw
ford's Hist, of Univ. of Edin. pp. 58—60. Bower's Hist. vol. i. Ap-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 421
totle were not, however, banished from our uni
versities, and his authority appears to have revived
at St. Andrews after Melville's removal *.
Theological learning made great advancement
during this period. Formerly no commentary on
scripture, and no coUection of sermons, had appear
ed in Scotland. This defect was now supplied by
the writings of Rollock and Bruce. The former
pubhshed commentaries on most of the books of the
New Testament, and on some parts of the Old,
which were speedily reprinted on the continent,
with warm recommendations by foreign divines f .
Though they contain occasional remarks on the ori
ginal, RoUock's commentaries are not distinguished
for critical learning, nor do they discover deep re
search; but they are perspicuous, succinct, and judi
cious. His treatise on Effectual Calling is a com
pendious system of divinity, and affords a favourable
specimen of the manner in which he executed this
part of his academical lectures. It shews, among

pend. No. iii. Sir Robert Sibbald mentions an early edition of Ra-
mus's Logic by one of our countrymen : " Rolandus Mackilmenaeus
Scotus, P. Rami Dialectics libri duo. Lond. 1576, 8vo." (De Script.
Scot. p. 152.) " Rollandus Makilmane Novi Collegii" was laureated
at St. Andrews, Feb. 10, 1569. Editions of the Dialectica were print
ed at Edinburgh as late as 1637 and 1640.
* William Forbes (afterwards Bishop of Edinburgh) who taught
as a regent in King's College at the beginning of the 17th century,
was a strenuous advocate for the Aristotelian philosophy. (Bayle,
Diet. art. Forbes, Guil.)
+ Beza's recommendation was conveyed in a letter to John John
ston, and is prefixed to f ' Tractatus de Vocatione — Authore Roberto
Rolloco Scoto. Edinburgi 1597."
2e 3

422 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
other things, that his understanding Was not led
astray by admiration of the Ramean logic, and that
he did not suffer a superstitious or pedantic regard
to methodistic rules to usurp the place of good sense
in the arrangement and communication of his ideas.
His sermons, which were published from notes taken
by some of his hearers, exhibit him in a very ami
able light, as " condescending to men of low estate,"
and keeping sacredly in view the proper end of
preaching, the instruction and salvation ofthe people.,
and not the display of the learning, ingenuity, or elo
quence of the preacher ** Bruce was a man of a

* " Certaine Sermons vpon severall places of the Epistles of Paul.
Preached by M. Robert Rollock— Edinb. 1599." The epistle " To
the Christiane Reader," prefixed to these Sermons, was probably writ
ten by James Melville, who subscribes the Scottish Sonnets which
follow it :
Thy diuine Doctor deirest now is deid,
Thy peirles Preicher now hes plaide his part.
Thy painfull Pastor, quha in love did leid
Thy little lambes with sweit and tender hart,
Hes dreed his dayes with sair and bitter smart,
To purchase pleasand profit unto thee.
His words, his warks, his wayes, his vertues gart
Thee get this gaine of great felicitie.
By his testament, Rollock appointed such of his manuscripts as
should be thought worthy of publication to be dedicated to his friend
Sir William Scot of Elie, Director of the Chancery. Scot wrote to
Boyd of Trochrig at Saumur : (Edin. Mar. 3, 1609.) " Please to re
ceive Rollocus prayers as he utterit them in pulpit before and after
sermons. — I am presently in hand with Rollocus sermons on John's
Evangel. — I will earnestly request you to cause print in one great vo-
6

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 423
stronger mind than Rollock. His sermons, parti
cularly those on the sacraments, are more elaborately
composed, more doctrinal and argumentative, more
calculated to lead " on to perfection" those who are
already grounded in the principles of religion, and
whose spiritual senses are " exercised to discern be
tween good and evil." He possessed at the same
time the faculty of making himself understood on
the inost intricate subjects, and his sermons dis
cover the same unction which recommended those
of his piouS colleague *. RoUock's manner in the
piUpit was mild, affectionate, and winning: Bruce's
was solemn, impressive, and commanding ; and,
to apply to his sermons the reverse of the figure
by which one of his hearers described his prayers,
" every sentence was hke a bolt shot from heaven."
It is commonly supposed that the pubhc discourses
of the presbyterians at this time were protracted
to a tedious length. The facts which have come to
my knowledge lead to an opposite conclusion ; and

lume all Rollocus Latine works." Speaking of Boyd's works, he
adds : ' ' If they were in this country, as I did to Rollocus, their
printing should be no charge to you." (Letter, in Wodrow's Life of
Robert Boyd, p. 42 : MSS. vol. v.)
* Bruce's Five Sermons on the Sacrament were printed at Edin
burgh by Robert Waldegrave in 1590; and his miscellaneous ser
mons came from the same press in 1591. Both volumes, as well as
a number of Rollock's treatises, were afterwards translated into Eng
lish. In their original form they are curious as specimens of compo
sition in the Scottish language, within a few years of the time at
which it was generally laid aside by our writers.

424 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
I have no doubt that the practice referred to was
introduced at a later period *.
The Hebrew language being now regularly taught
in aU our universities, several individuals attained
to proficiency in it f. Patrick Symson acquired it
in his old age $ ; and his brother, William Symson,
undertook to explain one of the abstrusest parts of
its philology, in the first work on Hebrew Uterature
which appeared in Scotland §.
* Burnet says that Bishop Forbes of Edinburgh had " a strange
faculty of preaching five or six hours at a time." (Hist, of his own
Times, i. 27.) But the following extract will shew that Forbes's
tediousness, even when not carried to this extreme, gave offence to
his brethren at an early period. " Nov. 1, 1605. — The said daye
Mr. Willeame forbes regent exercesit, quha was comended, but cen-
surit becaus he techit two hours. Na additione, becaus of the hour
was past." (Record of the Presbytery of Aberdeen.) Speaking of
Bruce, Livingston says : " He was both in pubhc and private very
short in prayer with others. — I have heard him say, he hath wearried
when others have been longsome in prayer." (Charact. art. Mr. Ro
bert Bruce. J
t Wodrow's Life of John Scrimger, p. 18; and Livingston's Charact.
art. William Aird. In the Nova Fundatio of King's College, and in
the Charter of Marischal College, Aberdeen, great anxiety is express
ed by the founders that the Hebrew and Syriac tongues should be
carefully taught by skilful professors.
X Archibald Simson's Life of Patrick Simson, MS. in the Advo
cates Library.
§ " Gul. Simpsonus edidit breves et perspicuas Regulas de Accen-
tibus Hebraicis. 12mo. Londinj, 1617." (Sibbald De Script. Scot
p. 7.) This work (which I have not seen) is also mentioned in the
Epistle Dedicatory to " The Destruction of inbred corruption, or the
Christian's warfare against his bosome enemy — by Mr. Alexander
Symson late minister of God's word at Merton in Scotland, Lond.
1644." 12mo. The reader may be pleased to see the following ex
tract from that dedication. " The Author (Alexander Symson) was

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 425
The attention paid to the learned languages laid
the foundation for the critical study of the Scrip
tures. It is to be lamented that the disputes in
which the ministers were involved, and the hard
ships which many of them suffered, should have
diverted them from this study at a time when in
dividuals had begun to cultivate it with enthusiasm.
Among these Robert Wallace, minister of St. An
drews and afterwards of Tranent, deserves to be
particularized*. The only work which Patrick
Sharp, principal of the College of Glasgow, left be
hind him, does not afford a proof of those literary
acquirements which it is known he possessed f .
He was the teacher of John Cameron, whose pro-
the last branch of that goodly vine that overspread the whole land :
his father, Master Andrew Symson, minister of Dunbar, being one of
the first that opposed Popery, (under whom some of the ancient No
bilitie, and many of the Gentry and Clergy of Scotland were educat
ed, of whom not a few proved worthy Instruments for the advance
ment of God's glory in Church and Common- wealth) : As his Bro
thers, Master Matthew who died young ; Master Patrick, Minister
of Striveling, who wrote The History of the Church, thrice printed ;
Master William, Minister of Dumbarton, who wrote De Hebraicis
Accentibus ; Master Archibald, Minister of Dalkeith, who wrote of
the Creation, Christs seven words on the Crosse, Samsons seven lochs of
haire, The seven Penitentiall Psalmes, Hieroglyphia animalium terre-
strium, <5fc. with a Chronicle qf Scotland, in Latine, not yet printed ;
Master Abraham, Minister of Norhara."
* Casauboni Epistolae, ab Almel. p. 669.
+ " Doctrinse Christianae brevis explicatio. Authore Patricio
Scharpio, Theologia? professore in Acadernia Glascvense. Edinbvrgi
Excudebat Robertvs Walde-graue, 1599." 8vo. Pp. 287. This is
an explication of the first three chapters of Genesis, the Apostles'
Creed, Institution of the Lord's Supper, Decalogue and Lord's
Prayer.

426 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ficiency in Greek literature excited astonishment on
the continent, and whom bishop HaU pronounced
" the most learned man ever Scotland produced *."
Cameron was a subtle theologian, and displayed
much critical acumen in the interpretation of the
Scriptures. He was not more distinguished by
his writings, than by the circumstance of his hav
ing formed the opinions of Amyrauld, who divided
the French protestants on the point of universal
grace, and of Capellus, who attained to great ce
lebrity as- the founder of a new school in He
brew philology and criticism f. Robert Boyd of
Trochrig was a contemporary of Cameron, and
like him taught in the academies of France as
well as of his native country |. His Prelections
on the Epistle to the Ephesians contain some
good critical remarks, as weU as many eloquent
passages ; and it is to be regretted that he should
have rendered the work heavy and repulsive by
indulging, according to a practice then common
among the continental commentators, in long di
gressions, for the sake of illustrating general doc
trines and deciding the controversies of the time.
* Capelli Icon Joan. Cameronis, prsef. Oper. Cameronis. Genev.
1642. In 1598, Joannes Cameroun was laureated at Glasgow, and
in 1599, he was admitted one of the regents.
t Lewis Capel to Boyd of Trochrig, Sept. 15, 1618 : Wodrow's
Life of Robert Boyd, p. 80. Riveti Opera, torn. iii. p. 896.
X " Robertus Boyd" was laureated at Edinburgh in 1595. To
his signature in the Album is added, in another hand, " Minr verb.
in Gallia postea prof, theol. et primarius Acad. Glasg. dein Edinb."

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 427
The Hieroglyphica * of Archibald Symson, which
treat of the different branches of zoology refer
red to in Scripture, shew the learning of the au
thor ; but his fancy led him, in this as well as in
his other works, to expatiate in the field of aUe-
goryf. The works of Patrick Symson contain a
* " Hieroglyphica Animalivm Terrestrivm, Volatilium, &c. que
in Scripturis Sacris inveniuntur. — Per Archibaldum Simsonum Dal-
kethensis Ecclesia Pastorem. Edin. 1622." 4to. The first part is
confined to terrestrial Animals. The second and third parts, which
treat of Fowls and Fishes, appeared in 1623. And in 1 624, that which
relates to Reptiles and Insects followed, under the name of " Tomvs
Secvndvs." t Drummond, the poet, appears to have been pleased with the alle
gorical writings of Symson ; as he has encomiastic verses at the be
ginning of several of them. The following are prefixed to " Hepta-
meron. The Sevin Dayes — by M. A. Symson, Minister at Dalkeith.
Sanct- Andrews Printed by Edward Raban, Printer to the Universitie.
1621." sm. 8vo.
God binding with hid Tendons this great ALL,
Did make a LVTE, which had all parts it giuen :
This LVTES round Bellie was the azur'd Heauen ;
The Rose those Lights which He did there install :
The Basses were the Earth and Ocean :
The Treble shrill the Aire : the other Strings,
The vnlike Bodies, were of mixed things :
And then His Hand to breake sweete Notes began.
Those loftie Concords did so farre rebound.
That Floods, Rocks, Meadows, Forrests did them heare :
Birds, Fishes, Beasts danc'd to their siluer sound.
Onlie to them Man had a deafned Eare.
Now him to rouse from sleepe so deepe and long,
God wak'ned hath the Eccho of this Song.
W. D.

428 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
succinct History of the Christian Church, written
in a style which, though not uniformly correct, is
spirited, and breathes a classical air. Robert Pont,,
whose learning was various, had paid particular
attention to Sacred Chronology, which he illus
trated in several treatises *. Alexander Hume, of
whom we have spoken as a grammarian, entered
the lists as a polemical writer against members
both of the Romish and English Churches f . And
* " A Newe Treatise of the right Reckoning of yeares and ages of
the World — By M. Robert Pont an aged Pastour of the Kirk of Scot
land. — Edin. 1599." This is different from his work " De Sabbati-
corum annorum periodis. Lond. 1619." Charters also ascribes to
him " Chronologiam de Sabbatis. Lond. 1626." His son, Timothy
Pont, gave great assistance in drawing up the description and maps
of Scotland which appeared in Bleau's Atlas. (Memor. Balfouriana,
pp. 6, 36.) " Mr. Timothie pont min1 of Dwnet," and " Mr. Za-
charie pont minr of Bowar Wattin, in Caithness," occur in the Books
of Assignation and Modification of Stipends for the years 1601 — 1608.
I find that it was not Robert Pont who married a daughter of John
Knox, as I have elsewhere stated by mistake, (Life of Knox, vol. ii.-
Note BB.) but his son, Zachary. This appears from the following
documents. " Junij 4, 1607. The session of Sanct Cuthbertis kirk
contra Margaret Smith anent the throuche of Mr. Robert Pont hir
husband." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. A. 4. 22.) " Marg. Knox
spous to Mr. Zach. Pont min* at boar in Cathnes, w' consent of Mr.
Jon Ker minr at Preston, and Mr. Jas Knox, ane of the regents of
the College of Edr, receives from Andro Lord Stewart of Vchiltrie
1300 merks." (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol. cvii. 28 May, 1605.)
There is a previous deed relating to the same subject, which is signed
by " Mr. Jon Ker sone to vmq11 Andro Ker of fawdounside witnes."
(Ibid. vol. civ. 13 Dec. 1604.)
+ An account of his controversy with Dr. Adam Hill, on the article
of the Creed concerning Christ's descent into Hell, may be seen in
Wood's Athene, by Bliss, i. pp. 622—624. The following extracts
relate to his Rejoinder, or second book against Hill. " 5 Feby. 1593.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 429
John Howieson composed an elaborate answer to
BeUarmine, the redoubted and far-famed champion
of Rome *.
The most learned of the divines who embraced
episcopacy received their education during this
period. Patrick Forbes of Corse, the relation and
scholar of Melville f , and who afterwards became
bishop of Aberdeen, wrote an able defence of the
caUing of the ministers of the Reformed Churches,
and a commentary on the Revelation. The dis
courses of William Cowper, minister of Perth, and
afterwards bishop of Galloway, are perhaps superior
to any sermons of that age. A vein of practical
piety runs through all his evangelical instructions ;
the style is remarkable for ease and fluency ; and
the illustrations are often striking and happy. His
residence in England, during some years of the
The Pbrie appointis thair brether M. Ro' Rollock and M. Jo" Dauid-
soun to sy' the book.writtin be M. Alexr Home concerning that part
of the creit He discendit to hell, and to report yr judgement ye xii*
of this Instant." " 12th Fe"y. 1593. The said brether reporting
y1 judgements of the sufEciencie of y<= wark hes approuit ye same, and
finds it may be prentit." (Record of Presb. of Edinburgh.) His
book against the Roman Catholics is entitled, " A Didvction of the
Trve and Catholik meaning of our Sauiour his words this is my bodie
— by Alexander Hvme Maister of the high Schoole of Edinburgh.
Edin. 1602." A collection of practical treatises by him on Conscience,
&c was printed by R. Waldegrave, Edin. 1594, 12mo. (See also
Wood, ut sup. Ames by Herbert, p. 1515.)
* Buik of Univ. Kirk, f. 201. He is the author of a treatise on
Conscience, Edin. 1600. (Wood, and Charters.)
+ Melville's Diary, p. 122. Garden, Vita Joannis Forbesii : prse-
fix. Oper. Forbesii. Wodrow's Life of Patrick Forbes of Corse,
p. 2 : MSS. vol. ii.

430 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
early part of his Ufe, may have given him that
command of the English language by which his
writings are distinguished*. Archbishop Spots*
wood's History of the Church of Scotland was com
posed at a period considerably later ; but as I have
been under the necessity of repeatedly calling in
question its accuracy, I may take this opportunity
of saying, that, as a composition, it is highly credit
able to the talents of the author, and is as much
superior to the historical coUections of Calderwood
in point of style and arrangement, as it is inferior
to them in accuracy and variety of materials.
The progress of our literature during this pe^
riod is very discernible in the department of juris
prudence. Besides his edition of the acts of par
liament from the reign of James I. Sir John Skene,
the Clerk Register, published for the first time, in
Latin and in English, a collection of the laws and
constitutions of our elder princes. Whatever opi
nion may be entertained as to the title which some
of these have to be considered as originally belong
ing to the Scottish code, or as to the period at which
others of them were enacted, it must be acknow^
ledged that the labours of the publisher were meri
torious and valuable. He had travelled in Norway,
Denmark, and adjacent countries f ; and the know-
* Life of Bishop Cowper, prefixed to his works, Lond. 1623, fol.
He was born in the year 1568, and entered the university of St. An
drews in 1580. (Dikaiolqgie, p. 108.) He was admitted minister of
Perth, Oct. 5, 1595. (Extracts from Rec. of Kirk Se,ssion of Perth,
by Rev. Mr. Scott.)
+ Sibbaldi Bibl. Scot. p. 134.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 431
ledge which he acquired of the northern languages
and customs enabled him to throw light on the an
cient laws and legal usages of Scotland, both in his
treatise De Verborum Significatione, and in his
notes on the Hegiam Majestatem *. In vigour of
mind and in acquaintance with the general prin
ciples of law, Sir Thomas Craig excelled Skene, as
much as he fell behind him in the knowledge of the
ancient statutory and consuetudinary laws of his
country f . His book De Feudis was the first re
gular treatise on law composed in Scotland. It is
written with elegance and in a philosophical spirit ;
and the author of such a masterly performance
could not fail, during his long practice at the bar,
to raise the character of the profession, and to dif
fuse enlightened and liberal views among his breth-

* When the Regiam Majestatem was put to press, " finding non
so meit as Mr. James Carmichaell, minister at Haddingtoune — ¦
to examine and espy and correct such errors and faults yrin as vsuallie
occures in every printing that first cumis from the presse," the Lords
of Privy Council applied to his presbytery to excuse his absence
from his charge, " the space of tua monethis or thereby." (Let
ter to the presbyterie of hadingtoune ; Oct. 13, 1608 : in Lord Had
dington's Col.) There is a poem by Carmichael at the end of the
Scotch translation of that work.
t Craig has certainly failed in illustrating the peculiar form which
the feudal law had assumed in Scotland : and in referring to ancient
laws, and to decisions anterior to his own practice, he proceeds usually
on the information of his older brethren. But perhaps the censures
which a late writer has pronounced on him are too summary and in
discriminate. The charge of ignorance brought against him, for as
serting that the civil law had not been taught in this country, will, I
apprehend, turn out on examination to be unfounded. (Ross's Lec
tures on the Law of. Scotland, vol. ii. p. 9.)

432 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ren. William Welwood, who was prohibited from
continuing his'lectures on law at St. Andrews, publish
ed several useful and compendious treatises, which
entitle him to a place among the juridical writers
of the age. His Parallel exhibits a clear but meagre
statement of the points of resemblance between the
Jewish and Roman codes of jurisprudence *. His
tract on Ecclesiastical Processes may be viewed as
the first specimen of a Form of Process, which
the Church of Scotland did not then possess f . His
Abridgement of Sea Laws has the merit of being
the first regular treatise' on maritime jurisprudence
which appeared in Britain, and led him to take
part in a controversy which called forth the talents
and erudition of a Grotius and a Selden %.
The name of Welwood is also connected with

* " Ivris Divini Ivdaeorum, ac Ivris Civilis Romanorvm Parallela.
— Avthore Gvilielmo Velvod. Lvgd. Bat. 1594." 4to.
t Its title has been given above. (P. 32.) It was intended to dis
tinguish between the forms of procedure used in civil courts and those
which ought to be used in church courts — as to citations — the mode
of trial — and appeals.
X " An Abridgment of all Sea-lawes : — By William Welwood, pro
fessor of the Ciuill Lawe. London 1613." 4to. It was reprinted, but
without the author's name, by Malynes, in his Lex Mercatoria, Lond.
1686. The Latin edition of this Abridgment, which appears to have
been published before 1613, I have not seen. That part of it which
relates to the controverted question was re-published under the fol
lowing title : " De Dominio Maris, — Cosmopoli, Excudebat G. Fonti-
siluius 16. Calend. Januar. 1615." 4to. An edition of it was printed
at the Hague in 1663; and in the course of that year there appeared
an answer to it by Theod. J. F. Graswinckel, a Dutch lawyer, who
wrote also against the Mare Clausum of Selden.

LIFE OF ANDREW. MELVILLE. 433
the progress of physics and the arts. He possessed
an inquisitive mind ; and in all his disquisitions we
can trace a commendable desire to convert his
knowledge to the good of mankind*. While
he taught mathematics at St. Andrews, he obtained
from government a patent for a new mode of raising
water with facility from wells and low grounds.
He afterwards published an account of his plan, and
of the principles upon which he calculated that it
would produce the intended effect. This publication
is a curious specimen of the state in which the
science of hydraulics was at that time, and of. those
experiments by which its true principles came to be
gradually discovered and applied f . The chronolo
gical works of Robert Pont confirm the testimonies
borne to his skill in mathematics and astronomy \.
But the individual who left all his contemporaries
far behind him in such pursuits, and who reflected
the highest honour on his country, was John Na
pier of Merchiston, the inventor of the logarith-
* He was the author of a treatise of practical theology : " Ars
Domandarvm Pertvrbationvm ex solo Dei verbo quasi transcripto
constructa. Avthore Gvilielmo Velvod. Middelbvrgi, 1594." 8vo.
Pp. 62. The dedication to John, Earl of Cassilis, " Collegii ad An-
dreapolin, quod Saluatorianum cognominant Patrono," is dated "Ex
Academia Andreana, Calen. Maijs. 1594."
t See Note X.
X Sibbaldi Bibl. Scot. p. 224. Pont was the intimate friend of the
Laird (does he need the false title of Lord, or the equivocal one of
Baron ?J of Merchiston : — "honoratum et apprime eruditum amicum
nostrum fidelem Christi seruum Joannem Naperum." (De Sabbati-
corum Annon.m Periodis, per Robertum Pontanumy Caledonium
Britannum, p. 198. A0 16 19.)
VOL. II. 2 F

434 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
niic calculation ; an invention which has contri
buted, perhaps more than any other, to extend the
boundaries of ' knowledge, and to multiply disco
veries in all branches of natural philosophy ; and
which, at the same time that it establishes the
author's claim to genius, proves that he had de
voted himself with the most persevering ardour to
the study of mathematical science. Previously,
indeed, to his making his great discovery, Napier
Was well known to his countrymen for his profound
acquaintance with mathematics, his application of
them to the improvement of the arts, and the cu
rious and bold experiments which his active and
inventive mind was continuaUy prompting him to
make *.
When the elder Scaliger visited Scotland about
the middle of the sixteenth century, it did not con
tain, according to his statement, more than one re
gular practitioner in Medicine. If we are to judge
by this rulei the science must have' made great ad
vancement before the close of that century. At this
time, however, and down to a much later period, :the
medical men of Scotland derived their professional
knowledge almost entirely from foreign schools. Dr.
Peter Lowe, who, after practising in various parts

* Skene, De Verborum Signification, voc. Particata. Birrel's
Diary, p. 47. Tilloch's Philosophical Magazine, vol. xviii. p. 53 ;
where Napier's " Secret Inventions" are published, accompanied with
observations, which go to prove that none of these inventions is in
credible. Dempster says that Napier dissipated his fortune by his
experiments.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 435
of the continent, and being honoured with the ap
pointment of Ordinary Surgeon to Henry IV. of
France, returned to his native country before the
year 1598, was the author of a system of Surgery,
which exhibits a popular view of the art of healing
in his time, interspersed with descriptions of cases
which had occurred in his own practice *. Dr. Dun
can Liddel, whose treatises on various subjects con
nected with medicine were well received on the
continent, was prematurely cut off in the midst of
his exertions for promoting science in his native
country f .
Among the miscellaneous writers of this period,
David Hume of Godscroft, one of Melville's early
and most intimate friends, deserves to be particular
ly mentioned $. This accomplished and patriotic
gentleman was extensively acquainted with ancient

* " The Whole Course of "Chyrvrgie— Compiled by Peter Lowe
Scotchman. Arellian Doctor in the Facultie of Chirurgie in Paris —
A0 1597." In the Dedication of the 2d edition to " Gilbert Prim
rose Sergeant Chirurgian to the Kings Majestie," &c. (dated " from
my house in Glasgow the 20 day of December 1612,") he says : " It
pleased his Sacred Majestie to heare my complaint, about some four-
teene years agoe, vpon certaine abusers of our Art — I got a pri-
uiledge under his Highnesse privie seale, to try and examine all men
upon the Art of Chirurgie, to discharge & allow in the West parts
of Scotland which were worthy or unworthy to professe the same."
+ Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 577. Principal Blackwell's Memorial.
Liddelii Apotheosis: Delit. Poet. Scot. ii. 550. His " Disput. de
Elementis" was printed at Helmstadt in 1596; and an edition of
his worlts was published by L. Serranus, Lugd. Bat. 1624.
X He was the son of Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, and pro-
2F 2

436 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
and modern languages, theology, politics, and his- •
tory. His Apologia Basilica is a refutation of the r
celebrated Princeps of Machiavel, and shews that
he was a true friend to monarchy, although he had
repeatedly exerted himseU to check its excesses by
his sword and by his pen. Besides its genealo
gical information, his History of the Houses of
Douglas and Angus contains many useful iUustra-
tions of public events;, and striking pictures of the
manners ofthe times *. Though often incorrect and
loose in its style, it is written with much spirit and
prietor of Godscroft in Lammermuir. In one of his Eclogues, he
says: haud frustra tot, docte Menalca,
Carmina fusa tibi : Late nemus omne resultat
Lsetitia : nunc upilio, nunc ipse bibulcus
Per juga Lamyrii, vel per juga montis Ocelli.
In the notes he subjoins the following explanation. " Lamyrii mon-
tes sunt in provincia Marchiae, ubi villula scribentis Theager, vulgo
Godscroft. Ocelli montes £Ochil hills] in Jernia forthae imminentes
ad quorum radices est Vcd-acquila vulgb Gleneagles, ipsius nunc ha-
bitaculum." (Daphn- Amaryllis, Authore Davide Humio Thea.grio>
Wedderburnensi, p. 17. Lond. 1605.) John Haldane of Gleneagles
was married to his sister. (Hist, of Douglas and Angus, ii. 284.)
In another of his works are poems by him inscribed " David Humius
Pater"—" Maria Jhonstona Mater" — " Jacobus Jhonstonus, El-
phistonius, Socer." (Lvsvs Poetici, pp. 50, 53.)
* Speaking of Hume, Mr. Pinkerton says : " This writer, who
composed his work about the year 1630, has often original and au
thentic information." (Hist, of Scotland, i. 216.) It is true that Hume
lived nearly to the year 1630, and might finish his History in his old
age, but he was born between 1550 and 1560. Being the confidential
adviser and agent, as well as the kinsman of Archibald (the third of
that name) Earl of Angus, he had access to the family papers of that
nobleman, and to other valuable sources of intelligence.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 437
naivete, and abounds with reflections, serious and
amusing, political, moral and religious, which place
the happy temper and virtuous dispositions of the
author in a very favourable and pleasing hght. The
feudal ideas, which were general in his age, and the
aristocratic feeling which he inherited as the de
scendant of an ancient family, are frequently blended
with the principles of the reformer and advocate of
pohtical liberty, in a way which is both curious and
amusing. Poetry, in all its varieties, was zealously cultivat
ed by our countrymen at this period. In richness
of imagery and elegance of diction, Montgomery
unquestionably carried away the palm from all his
contemporaries who wrote in the Scottish dialect.
Among those who devoted themselves to sacred
poetry, Alexander Hume possesses the greatest me
rit. Like most of the poets of that time he is very
unequal ; but his versification is often fluent, and
his descriptions lively and even vigorous*. The
Godly Dream of Lady Culros younger is not desti
tute of fancy f . James Cockburne is the author of
two scarce pieces, which discover a bold but un-
chastened imagination %. As they have not been
• Hymnes or Sacred Songs. — Edinburgh, 1599.
t Of1 the same pious cast as the Dream, but inferipr to it in versi
fication, is " The Complaint of a Christian Sovle. — Printed at Edin-
bvrgh by Robert Charters, 1610." 4to. C. 2. It is subscribed at the
close : " M. George Muschet, Minister of the Evangell at Dunning."
X The first is entitled, " Gabriels Salvtation to Marie. Made by
James Cockbvrne :" The second, " Jvdas Kisse to the Sonne of
2 F 8

438 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
noticed, so far as I know, by any of our writers, the
reader may not be displeased to have the, following
specimen laid before him. It is part of a description
Of the scene in the garden of Gethsemane.
Now had darke silent night, high treasons freend,
Ouermantled all the earth in sable hew :
Wrapt was the Moone in mist that latelie shynde,
Tbe fyrie lampes of heauen themselues withdrew :
. Horror and darknesse vylde possest the skye,
The fittest tyme for foullest tragedye.
Within their wings sweete birds their billes they hide,
Rockt with the windes on toppes of troubled trees :
Feeld-feeding flocks to cliftes and caues they slide,
Such was the raging of the roaring seyes :
No sound of comfort sweete possest the eares,
Saue Serpents hisse, and Crocodilishe teares.
In this sad season Jesus did attend
His Fathers will, and those did him persew,
Brooke Cedron corst, which way well Judas kend,
As was his vse his prayers to renew :
And to the Mount of Oliues he is gone,
With aged Peter, James, and louing Johne.
O gardene gay, greene may thou euer grow,
Let weeping dew refreshe thy withred flowres :
To testifie the teares did ouerflow
The cheekes of him refresht the hearts of ours.
And for his sake thy name be euer neist
In name to that sweet garden of the East.
The poets of Scotland anticipated their sovereign's
accession to the throne of England, by adopting the
Marie." The imprint of each is " Edinbvrgh Printed by Robert
Charteris; — An. Dom. mdcv." 4to. The Dedication to " Jean Ham-
miltone, Ladie Sltirling," is dated " from Cambusnethane." Pre
fixed are recommendatory verses by " W. A. of Menstrie," i. c. Wil
liam Alexander, afterwards created Earl of Stirling.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 439
language of that kingdom; and their early efforts pf
this kind were very flattering. When Melville was
removed from Scotland, Drummond of Hawthorn*
den had but recently finished his academical studies *,
and, had not as yet discovered those talents which
ranked him among the first of English lyric poets.
But Sir Robert Ayton, and Sir William Alex
ander, afterwards Earl of Stirling, had already
given favourable specimens of their poetical ta-=
lents. Another Scottish knight and courtier, Sir
David Murray of Gorthy, deserves also to be men
tioned for the success with which he wrote in Eng
lish verse f.

* " Gvilielmvs Drummond" was laureated at Edinburgh in the
year 1605. The regent of his class was Mr. James. Knox. (Record
of the Univ. of Edin.)
+ " The Tragicall Death of Sophonisba. Written by David Mvr.
ray. Scoto-Brittaine. Lond. 1611." 8vo. — Along with this was pub
lished, »' Caelia, containing certain sonnets."—" A Paraphrase of the
civ. Psalme, by David Murray. Edinburgh, Printed by Andro Hart.
Anno Dom. 1615." 4to. Sir David was Governor to Prince Henry.
He was a son of Robert Murray of Abercairny, and brother of John
Murray, minister of Leith, an intimate friend of Melville's. • (Douc
glas's Baronage, p. 102. Melvini Epist. p. 151.) His Paraphrase
begins thus :
My Soule praise thou Iehouas holie Name,
For he is great, and of exceeding Might,
Who cloth'd with Glorie, maiestie, and Fame,
And couered with the garments of the light, ,
The azure Heauen doth like a Curtaine spred,
And in the depths his chalmer beames hath layd.
The clouds he makes his chariot to be,
On them he wheeles the christall Skies about,

440 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
But perhaps the most extraordinary circumstance
in the history of our literature at this period is
the enthusiasm with which Latin poetry was culti
vated by our countrymen. Divines, lawyers, phy
sicians, country-gentlemen, courtiers and statesmen,
devoted themselves to this difficult species of com
position, and contended with each other in the
various strains which the ancient masters of Roman
song had employed. The principal poems in the
collection entitled Delitiee Poetarum Scotorum, were
originally published, or at least written, at this time.
They are of course possessed of very different de
grees of merit, but of the collection in general we
may say that it is equal to any of the collections of
the same kind which appeared in other countries,
except that which contains the Latin poems com
posed by natives of Italy. If this was not the
classic age of Scotland, it was at least the age
of classical literature in it ; and at no subsequent
period of our history have the languages of Greece
and Rome been so successfully cultivated, or the
beauties of their poetry so deeply felt and so justly
And on the wings of JEolus, doth Hee
At pleasour walke ; and sends his Angels out,
Swift Heraulds that doe execute his will :
His words the heauens with firie lightnings fill.
The Earths foundation he did firmelie place,
And layd it so that it should neuer slyde,
He made the Depths her round about embrace,
And like a Robe her naked shores to hide,
Whose waters would o'rflow the Mountains high,
But that they backe at his rebuke doe flie.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 441
imitated. Besides Melville, the individuals who
attained the greatest excellence in this branch of
literature, were Sir Thomas Craig, Sir Robert
Ayton, Hume of Godscroft, John Jonston, and
Hercules Rollock. The poems of Craig do honour
to the cultivated taste and learning of their author.
Through the foreign garb in which Ayton chose
most frequently to appear before the public as a
poet, we can easily trace that elegant fancy which
he has displayed in his English compositions. If
I were not afraid of appearing to detract from the
merit of one whose early productions secured the
approbation of Buchanan, I would say that RoUock
was better acquainted with the language than the
spirit of the Roman poets. His description of the
miseries of Scotland during the civil war is his most
poetical performance *. John Jonston confined
himself chiefly to the writing of epitaphs and short
pieces, which he has executed with much neatness
and elegant simplicity, although he falls short, even
in this species of composition, of his kinsman, Ar
thur Jonston, in terseness and in classic point f .
Few of his contemporaries shew a mind more deep-
* " I send you the papers of the late M. Hercules Rollock which
you desired. And because I am not acquaint with Mr. Anderson,
send me a receipt of them, either from you or him. Saumure,
March 5, 1619." (Mark Duncan to Boyd of Trochrig: Wodrow's
Life of Boyd, p. 80.)
t A very beautiful poem by John Jonston, entitled, Mors Piorum,
is added, among others, to his work in prose, entitled, Consolatio
Christiana, pp. 103 — 106. Lugd. Bat. 1609.

442 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
ly imbued with the genuine spirit of classical poetry
than Hume of Godscroft. The easy structure of
his verse reminds us continually of the ancient mo
dels on which it has been formed ; and, if deficient
in vigour, his fancy has a liveliness and buoyancy
which prevents the reader from wearying of his
longest descriptions *.
I am aware that many entertain a very contempt
uous opinion of all productions of the kind now
mentioned. According to them it is utterly imprac
ticable to write weU, or at least to compose tolerable
poetry, in a foreign or dead language. They are
therefore disposed to discard the whole coUection
of modern Latin poetry, as unworthy of the name,
and consisting merely of shreds from the classics
patched into centos. That a great part of it is of
this description cannot be denied. But those who
are inclined to pronounce this censure indiscrimi
nately upon the whole, would need to be sure that
there is no risk of their being placed in the same
* Hume has given a specimen of a poem which he composed at
fourteen years of age. (Daphn-Amaryllis, pp. 22^-24.) And he
refers to the presages which Buchanan formed from his early effu
sions. (Delit. i. 381.) His poem, entitled Aselcanus, is dedicated
" Ad Andraam Melvinvm." — " Patriae alteru decus Melvine — deli-
ctorum veniam te peto literarium Dictatorem et nominatim >Jsrs{.3af «
illi. — Si condonas, condonata putem Musis et Apollini. — Vides quid
tibi tribuam ; certe, quantum nee Romano pontifici in peccata, jus."
(Lvsvs Poetici, p. 85.) Aselcane was the name of one of Hume's
sons, (Record of the Kirk Session of Prestonpans. Gen. Reg. of
Decreets, vol. eclx. July 3, 1617; and vol. eclxxxvii. August 11,
1619.) See under Note E.

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 443
awkward situation with certain scholars of no mean
acquirements in former times, who had a modern
poem passed on them for a genuine production of
an ancient classic *. After the writings of Sanna-
zarius, Flaminius, Muretus, Buchanan, De 1' Hopi-
tal, Douza, and Balde, not to mention many others
scarcely inferior to them, it seems too late to come
forward with the assertion, that it is impossible to
produce tolerable Latin poetry in modern times.
Indeed, considering the applause which these pro
ductions have received from the best judges, the
assertion amounts to this, that we cannot now per
ceive the beauties of the classical poets of Rome.
I have no doubt that if even the best of modern
Latin poems had been submitted to the judgment
of Horace, he would have found them chargeable
with many blemishes which our eye cannot detect ;
but I have as little doubt that, instead of rejecting
them with the fastidious disdain of some recent
critics, that master of the art of Poetry would have
pronounced them wonderful efforts, and enlarged
* D'Alembert furnishes an instance somewhat different. In the
course of his argument against the cultivation of ancient learning,
he had jeeringly repeated the exclamation of an enthusiast for the
classics, Ah ! had you but understood Greek ! But not contented with
wielding the weapon of ridicule, he rashly ventured upon classical
ground, and mentioned one Marinus, a modern writer in Latin, who,
in his opinion, had " approached as near as possible to Cicero." One
of D'Alembert's opponents, after producing examples of wretched La
tinity from Marinus, concludes by turning the philosopher's sarcasm
against himself : Ah! Sir, had you but understood Latin! (Klotzii
Acta Literaria, vol. v. part. iv. p. 446.)

444 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
in their favour, the indulgence which he was dis
posed to shew to the compositions of his contem
poraries :
Verum ubi plura nitent in carmine, non ego paucis
Offendar maculis.
There is one thing that is overlooked in the reason
ings of many on this subject. They are not aware
of the degree of attention which was paid to the
Latin language, and the advantages which the
learned had for attaining a perfect acquaintance
with it, in the sixteenth century. The use of the
vernacular tongues was strictly prohibited in all
schools and colleges ; and from the age of six to
sixteen the youth spoke and heard nothing but La
tin. In their epistolary correspondence, and even
in their ordinary conversation, the learned made use
of the same medium of communication. They chose
to write in it in preference to their native language ;
and, judging from their compositions in both, it is
evident they had a greater command of the former
than of the latter.
The circumstance last mentioned furnishes one
of the strongest objections against the practice in
question. And it must be confessed, that it is
much easier to prove that the writers of the six
teenth century attained to excellence in Latin com
position, than it is to vindicate that engrossing
attention to the language by which they were able
to reach that excellence. It led them to neglect the
cultivation and improvement of the vernacular Ian-

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 445
guages. It tended to produce servile imitation, and
to give a spiritless uniformity to literary produc
tions. And by forming men of letters into a sepa
rate cast, it prevented them from exerting an influ
ence over the minds of the people at large, and de
prived literature of those advantages which flow
from the free circulation of ideas and feelings
among all classes of the community. But whatever
disadvantages might result from this practice, we
must not overlook the important advantages with
which it was attended. We never ought to forget,
that the refinement, and the science, secular and sa
cred, with which modern Europe is enriched, must
be traced to the revival of ancient literature ; and
that the hid treasures could not have been laid
open and rendered available, but for that enthusiasm
with which the languages of Greece and Rome were
cultivated in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
The passion for writing in these languages, in verse
as well as in prose, is to be viewed both in the light
of an effect and a cause of the revival of letters.
When we consider the rude state in which the dif
ferent languages of Europe then were, and that the
number of readers in any country was extremely
small, we will cease to wonder that men of letters
should have chosen so generally and so long to make
use of a highly cultivated tongue, recommended to
them by so many powerful associations, and in
which their writings could be read and understood
by all the learned in every nation. Besides, the
great attention paid to those studies, although it re-

446 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
tarded the improvement of modern languages, con
tributed ultimately to carry them to a higher pitch
of cultivation than they would otherwise have at
tained. The accurate knowledge of the general
principles of language which was thus acquired
(and which cannot be so weU acquired in any other
way as by the study of dead or foreign languages)
came to be applied to the vernacular tongues, which,
at the same time that they were polished after the
example, were enriched from the resources of the
most refined and copious languages of antiquity. The
writers of that age display an elegance of taste and
an elevation of sentiment, which give then! an un
speakable superiority over their predecessors, and
which are to be ascribed in a great measure to their
familiarity with the works of the ancients. Before
passing a severe censure on the avidity with which
ancient letters were then prosecuted, it would be
but justice also to consider the important discove
ries which were made at the same time, and the sti
mulus which was given to the human mind in the
general search after truth. Nor should it be for
gotten, that the study of the languages of Greece
and Rome was combined with the study of the
eastern tongues, which, in addition to its throw
ing much light on the sacred scriptures, laid open
an entirely new field of taste and inquiry, has
proved subservient to political purposes of the
greatest magnitude, and promises to be still more
extensively useful in promoting the improvement

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 447
and regeneration of the largest and most populous
regions; of the globe.
¦ The general question respecting the advantages
of classical learning is not now before us. Suffice
it to say here, that the fears which have been ex
pressed of its tendency to injure genius by checking
originahty of thought, and religion by begetting a
spirit and ideas of an unchristian complexion, are
in a great degree fanciful and exaggerated. Its
principal opponents have not been found in the first
ranks of genius, nor have they been distinguished
for their attachment to Christianity. On the other
hand, the greatest and best authors whom Britain
has produced have been familiar with it ; and al
though novelty and accidental causes may give a
temporary fame to attempts which proceed on an
avowed disregard of the works of the ancients, our
fine writers will find it necessary at last to invigo
rate their genius, and purify their taste, by dipping
in those fountains which helped to confer immorta
lity on their predecessors. i
The facts which have been' "pointed out in the
course of this brief review, will, it is hoped, assist
the reader in forming an idea of the state of our
national literature at this period. They may per
haps convince him, that Scotland was not so late in
entering on the career of literary improvement as is
commonly imagined ; that she had advanced, at the
time of which we Avrite, nearly to the same stage
as the other nations of Europe ; and that if she

448 LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE.
did not afterwards make the progress which was to
be expected, or if she retrograded, this is to be im
puted to other causes than to want of spirit in her
inhabitants, or to the genius of her ecclesiastical
constitution. In asserting that Melville had the chief influence
in bringing the literature of Scotland to that pitch
of improvement which it reached at this time, I am
supported by the testimony of contemporary wri
ters of opposite parties, as weU as by facts which
have been brought forward in the course of this work.
The study of letters introduced by the Reformation,
suffered a severe check from the confusions in which
the country was involved for a number of years.
Many of those who had the charge of education
left the kingdom, and such as remained, being dis
couraged by want of support and patronage, desisted
from their labours, or contented themselves with a
perfunctory discharge of their duty, without making
the exertions necessary for their own improvement
and the advancement of knowledge. Attempts to
effect a reform on the old literary establishments
had repeatedly failed from want of zeal in the pa
trons, and prejudice or aversion to labour on the
part of the teachers. The arrival of Melville im
parted a new impulse to the public mind, and
his high reputation for learning, joined to the
enthusiasm with which he pleaded its cause, en
abled him to introduce an improved plan of study
into all the universities. By his instructions and
his example, he continued and increased the im
pulse which he had at first given to the minds

LIFE OF ANDREW MELVILLE. 449
of his countrymen. In languages, in theology, and
in that species of poetical composition which was
then most practised among the learned, his influence
was direct and acknowledged. And though he did
not himself cultivate several ofthe branches of study
which are included in the preceding sketch, yet he
stimulated others to cultivate them, by the ardour
with which he inspired their minds, and by the
praises which he was always ready to bestow on
their exertions and performances.
I conclude with a single remark, containing the
chief reason which induced me to undertake this
work, and to devote so much time and labour to its
execution. If the love of pure religion, rational
liberty, and polite letters, forms the basis of national
virtue and happiness, I know no individual, after
her Reformer, from whom Scotland has received
greater benefits, and to whom she owes a deeper
debt of gratitude and respect, than Andrew Mel
ville.

vol. n. 2 G

NOTES

VOLUME SECOND.

Note A. p. 31.
Ecclesiastical Rights of Professors of Divinity. — It was report
ed to the General Assembly in April, 1582, " that ane elderschip
(presbytery) is begun already at St androes of pastouris and teachers,
bot not of those that hes not the cure of teaching." (Buik of Univ.
Kirk, f. 118, b.) By the General Assembly, May 1586, " It is found
that all such as the scripture appoints governors of the Kirk of God,
as namelie pastors, doctors, and elders, may convene to generall as
semblies, and vote in ecclesiastical matters." (Ibid. f. 139, b.) Be
ing constituent members of the presbyteries within whose bounds
they resided, doctors or professors of divinity might be sent by them,
as well as by their universities, as representatives to the General As
sembly. In consequence of a complaint from the Synod of Fife that
this right had been infringed, it was recognized anew by the Assembly
which met at Holyroodhouse in the year 1602, and at which his Ma
jesty was present. (Ibid. f. 203, a.) One reason of Rollock's being
admitted one of the ministers of Edinburgh, soon after the meeting
of the commissioners at St. Andrews, might be to exempt him from
the restriction intended to be laid on all theological professors. On
that occasion Bruce at first objected to receiving imposition of hands,
as implying that he had not previously a valid call to the ministry.
Patrick Simpson, in a letter dated May 1, 1598, says : " I perceive
that Mr Rob. Rollock stands much on the lacke of ordination in your
ministry, which makes me marvail how he could call himself a mi
nister of Christs Evangel at Ed. in his Analysis upon the Epistle to
2 G 2

452 NOTES.
the Romans, and in the mean time wanting ordination to that minis
try, if this fform of ordination which we want be so essentiall as he
speaks." (Wodrow's Life of Bruce, p. 35 : MSS'. vol. i.) But I do
not think that Rollock, in 1593, when he published the book referred
to, was a minister in the same sense as Bruce and Symson were : I
mean that he was not properly the pastor of a Congregation. In con
sequence of a petition from the town, the presbytery had authorized
him to preach the morning lecture in one of the churches. (Rec. of
Presb. of Edin. Sept. 5, 1587.) But it was not till the beginning of
the year 1598, that he " was admittit to be ane of the aught ordinal-
ministers of this bur'." (Reg. of Town Council, Jan. 25, 1 597.)
Note B. pp.35, 36.
Character of David Black. — Spotswood says, that " Mr. Black was
summoned" before the commissioners. (Hist. p. 448.) But James
Melville, who was one of the commissioners, says, " Mr. Robert
Wallace was proceidit against and removit from St. Andrs be sum
form of kinglie commissione, proceiding and process. Bot Mr. David
Black was never anes called, and yet, of mere kinglie power, it beho-
vit him to be debarrit St. Andrs." (Diary, p. 314.) Spotswood farther
says, that " the elders and deacons of the church — all upon oath de
poned that the accusations were true, and that Blake had spoken all
that whereof he was convicted before the Councel. — And they de
clared that both the one and the other were given to factions, and that
they did not carry themselves with that indifferency which became
preachers." Yet the archbishop had himself stated, a little be
fore, that Black presented to the privy council, as a proof of the
falsehood of the charges, two testimonials, the one subscribed by the
provost, bailies, and council, and the other by the rector, dean of fa
culty, and professors of the university. (Hist. p. 425. Comp. Rec. of
Privy Council, ult. Nov. 1596.) Now, several of the magistrates and
of the professors were at that time members of session. But this is
not all. The following extracts from the minutes of session prove
that the elders and deacons felt the highest respect and regard for
Black. Die nono Januarii, 1596.
The qlk day, Mr. Robert Wallace, Mr. David Monypenny, and
Mr. Robert Zule, ar ordenit to pas to ye counsall of ye toun and desyr
ane supplication to his M. for relief of Mr. David Blak yr pastor, and

NOTES. 453
als order to be takin for serving of Mr. David Blakeis cuir q11 he cum
hame, and yat order may be taken w' ye parochin q11 he cum hame
qlkis ar now all gane lous. Die xixmo Martii, 1596.
The qlk day ye sessioun hes statut that ye clerk uret ane bill and
missive in yr names to Mr. David Blak, yr minister to gif him thankes
for his last lr of recommendatione send be him to yame, as also to
shaw him yt ye kinges ma. is desyrus to confer w4 him, and y' he
send his awin supplicatione to his ma. to obtain licens to cum to his
ma. to yt effect. And to schaw to ye said Mr. David yt qt lyis in
thair power to farther his hame cuming they sail do ye samin wl his
awin advys, and to schaw him ye townis commissionaris, send to his
ma. for his delyuerance, resauit ye samin ansr of his ma.
Supplicatione for Mr David Blak. Die viii Maij, 1597.
The qlk day, ye sessioun of Sanctandrois hes ordanit ane supplica
tione to be send to ye generall assemblie convenit to morne at Dun
die requesting thair godlie w. to interseid to his ma. to grant licens
to Mr. David Blak thair jjninister^ to be restorit and admittit to cum
hame to this citie to use his functioun of ye ministrie as he was wont
to do befoir and becaus ye bailzies and sum otheris of ye elderis and
deconis wes n' present to consent heireto the sessioun ordanit Alex.
Winchester, Martyn Lumsdane, George Cristie, Robert Wmsoun, &
Charlis Watsoun clerk to pas wl ye said supplicatione to thame &
otheris zealous men of this citie to iuquir of thame to subscryve ye said
supplicatione, & request for ye pastor aforesaid, & for his hame cum
ing again.
Melville's poem on Black's death may be seen in Delit. Poet. Scot.
torn. ii. pp. 81 — 84. There are two encomiastic poems on him by
Hume of Godscroft. (Lusus Poetici, pp. 53 — 55.) " Mr. David Black
minr of St. Andrews" obtained a decree for an " annual rent of aucht
bolls victual — furth of the lands of lochschedis," which he inherited
from " umqll Henry Blak burges of ye bruch of Perth, father to the
said complainer." (Act Buik of the Commissariot of St. Andrews,
July 18, 1594.) Note C. p. 75.
Basilicon Doron. — According to Spotswood, this work was shown
to Melville in MS. and in consequence of extracts from it being laid

454 NOTES.
before the Synod of Fyfe, his Majesty published It in the course of
that year, 1599, (Hist. p. 457.) But this is contradicted by the
account which James has himself given in his apologetic preface to
the second edition, and which I have followed in the text. I have
now before me a copy of the first edition, belonging to Archibald
Constable, Esq. Edinburgh ; and I have no doubt that it is one of
the seven copies (perhaps the only one now existing) to which that
edition was limited. Its title is, " BA2IAKON AflPON. Devided
into three Bookes. Edinbvrgh, Printed by Robert Walde-graue Prin
ter to the Kings Majestie. 1599." X in fours. It is beautifully
printed in a large Italic letter. Prefixed to it are two sonnets, the
first of which, entitled " The Dedication of the booke," is not to be
found in the subsequent editions. I have seen no reason to think
that it was reprinted until 1603, in the course of which year it went
through three editions ; all of them, probably, published after the
death of Elizabeth. If this was the fact, the wonderful influence
which Spotswood says it had in promoting James's accession must
have been ex post facto. I have not seen it mentioned between 1599
and 1603. One of the seven copies might be conveyed to some of
the courtiers of Elizabeth in the secret correspondence which James
carried on with them during that interval ; but they had other rea
sons than his merits as an author for favouring his title.
On comparing the first edition with the subsequent ones, I find
that alterations were made on the work. For though all the charges
against the Scottish preachers are retained in substance, James found
it necessary to drop or soften some of his most unguarded and harsh
expressions, and to give an ambiguous turn to the sentences which
had created the greatest offence. For example, in the oriiginal edi
tion (pp. 8, 9,) he says : " If my conscience had not resolued me,
all my religion was grounded upon the plaine words of the scrip
ture, I had neuer outwardly avowed it, for pleasure or awe of the
vaime pride of some sedicioiis Preachours." In the edition printed
at London in 1603, (p. 5,) that sentence ends  " I had neuer
outwardlie auo wed it,, for pleasure or awe of any flesh."  " The
reformation of Religion in Scotland being made by a popular tumult
and rebellion (as wel appeared by the destruction of our policie)
and not proceeding from the Princes ordour, &c." (P. 46, orig. ed.)
" The reformation of Religion in Scotland, being extraordinarily
wrought by God, wherein many things were inordinately done by a po-
pulare tumult and rebellion of such as blindly were doing the worke of
God but clogged with their own passions and particular respects," &c.

NOTES. 455
(P. 31, ed. 1603.) — " Take heede therefore (my Sonne) to these Pu-
ritanes, verie pestes in the Church and common- weill qf Scotland ;
whom (by long experience) I have found, no deserts can oblish," &c.
(P. 49, orig. ed.) " Take heed therefore (my Son) to such Pvritans,
verie pestes in the Church and common-weale, whom no deserts can
oblige," &c. (P. 34, ed. 1603.) The following sentence of the origi
nal edition (p. 51,) was afterwards omitted : " And the first that
raileth against you, punish with the rigour of the lawe ; for I haue
else in my days bursten them with ouer-much reason." The following
sentence respecting those who " meddle with the policie in the pul-
pite," is also omitted : " But snibbe sukerlie the first minteth to it :
And (if he Hke to appeale or declyne) when ye haue taken order with
his heade, his brethren may (if they please) powle his haire and pare
his nayles as the King my Grandefather said of a Priest." (Pp. 107,
108.) The following character of the Islanders of Scotland is
dropped : " Thinke no other of them all, then as Wolues and Wild
Boares." (P. 43.) Note D. p. 302.
Writings of James Melville. — Under the year 1591, he gives the
following account of what was most probably his first publication.
" Then did 1 first put in Print some of my poesie, to wit, the de
scription of the Spanyarts Naturall out of Jul115 Scaliger, w4 sum ex-
hortationes for warning of kirk and countrey." (Diary, p. 225.)
In a short history of his life at Anstruther, prefixed to his Diary, he
says : " In the year 1598 I cawsit print my Catechisme for the pro
fit of my peiple and bestowit yrvpo'n fyve hunder marks quhilk God
moved the hart of a maist godlie and lowing frind to frebe offer to
me in len for yl effect : of the £quhilk]] I remean addettit, bot could
never to my knowledge attein to a hunder marks again for the buiks."
(Ib. p. 10.) This rare book was published under the following title :
" A Spiritvall Propine of a Pastour to his People. Heb. 5. 12. You
whom it behooued, &c. Jam. 1. 19, 21, 22. And sa my beloued bre
thren, &c. [^Edinburgh, Printed by Robert Walde-graue Printer to
the Kings Maiestie, Cum Privilegio Regio *.'"2 It is in quarto, and
consists of 127 pages. On the back of the title-page are " Contents
of the Buik." The Epistle Dedicatorie is addressed " To the Reve-
rende Fathers and Brethren, Elders of the Congregation of Kilrinny,
and haill flocke committed to their gouernement." — " Receiue Reue-
* The imprint is supplied from the title to the second part.

456 NOTES.
rende Fathers, loulng brethren, and deir flock, this Spirituall Pro-
pine : conteining in short summe the substance of that exercise of
tryall, wherewith ye are acquainted in dayly doctrine, before ye com
municate at the Table of the. Lorde, togidder with the grounds of
the doctrine of godlinesse and saluation, contryued in a peece of not
vnpleasand and verie profitable Poesie," &c. It is dated " From
Ansteruther, the 20 day of Nouember, 1598. Your Pastor, louing
and faithful be the grace of God vnto the death, James Malviix."
Then follow sonnets, commendatory of the work, by M. R. D. [[Mr.
Robert Dury] M. I. D. [[Mr. John Davidson] A. M. [[Andrew
Melville] M. I. I. [[Mr. John Johnston] M. W. S. [[Mr. William
Scot] M. I. C. and M..I. C. [[probably Mr. John and Mr. James
Carmichael.] They are all in Scotch, exceptthat- subscribed A. M.
which is in Latin, and accompanied with a translation, probably by
James Melville. The first part of the work is in prose, and consists
of prayers and meditations suited to different occasions, directions for
self-examination, and " the forme of tryall and examination, taken
of all sik as ar admitted to the Table of the Lord," in question and
answer. The second part is in poetry, and is introduced by the fol
lowing title : " A Morning Vision : or Poem for the Practise of Pietie,
in Devotion, Faith and Repentance : Wherein the Lords Prayer, Be-
leefe, and Commands, and sa the whole Catechisme, and right vse
thereof, is largely exponed." It is prefaced by a metrical dedication
to " James the Sext, King of Scottes, and Prince of Poets in his
language;" and contains, among other devotional- and moral pieces,
a singular composition, set to music, and entitled, " Celeusma Nav-
ticvm : The Seamans Shovte or-mutuall exhortation, to ga forward
in the spirituall voyage."
In giving an account of treatises against the imposition of prelacy
on the Church of Scotland, Row says : " I have also seen a little
poem in print, called the Black Bastill, or a Lamentation ofthe Kirk
of Scotland, compiled by Mr. James Melville, sometime Minis1 at
Anstruther and now confyned in England, 1611." (Hist, pp.311,
312.) 1 have not met with a copy of the printed work, but a MS.
volume, communicated to me by Robert Graham, Esq. contains a
poem which I have no doubt is a transcript of that to which Row re
fers. It is entitled, The BlackbastaU, and consists of 93 stanzas. Pre
fixed to it is the date, " November, 1611."
The following stanzas form part of the exordium.

NOTES. 457
The air was cleart w' quhyt and sable clouds,
Hard froist, wl frequent schours of hail and snow,
Into ye nicht the stormie vind with thouds
And balfoull billows on ye sea did blaw :
Men beastis and foulls vnto thair beilds did draw ;
Fain than to find the fruct of simmer thrift,
Quhen clad with snaw was sand, wodd, crag and clift.
I satt at fyre weill guyrdit in my goun,
The starving sparrows at my window cheipid,
To reid ane quhyle I to my book was boun :
In at ane panne, the pretty progne peipped,
And moved me for fear I sould haue sleiped,
To ryse and sett ane keasment oppen wyd,
To sie give robein wald cum in and byde.
Puir progne, sueitlie I haue hard ye sing
Thair at my window one the simmer day ;
And now sen wintar hidder dois ye bring
I pray ye enter in my hous and stay
Till it be fair, and than thous go thy way,
For trewlie thous be treated courteouslie
And nothing thralled in thy libertie.
Cum in, sueit robin, welcum verrilie,
Said I, and doun I satt me be the fyre,
Then in cums robein reidbreist mirrelie
And souppis and lodgis at my harts desyre :
But one ye morne I him perceaved to tyre ;
For phebus schyning sueitlie him allurd.
I gaue him leif, and furth guid robein furd.
The poet betakes himself to his meditations, and sees " full cleirlie
in ane visioun,"Ane woman with ane cumlie countenance,
With ferdit face and garisch in attyre.
Ane croun of glas vpone hir heid did [[[glance],
Hir clothes war collourit contrair hir [[[desyre],
Ane heavie yock layd on hir neck and [[lyre],

458 NOTES.
Of reid ane scepter in hir hand she buir :
In riche aray yit sillie, leane and puir.
Hoised up one hie upone a royal throne
Thair feirclie satt abone the woman's head
(Which held hir under feir and all undone
As presoner) ane rampand Lyon reid :
This lyon craftie foxes tua did leid :
And round about hir threttein wolves danced,
To haue the keiping of hir scheip advanced.
After the leopard, " the Lyons grit lieutenant," (the Earl of Dun
bar,) has fenced the court, and a wolf, " clad in silk," has made/' ane
preitching all of woll and milk," the Lion (the King) is declared su
preme, and at his will and pleasure the wolves (the bishops) are set
over the flock ; on which the captive lady breaks out into a " heavie
Lamentation," which occupies the rest of the poem.
In the same MS. is another poem (of 69 stanzas) on the same sub
ject with the preceding, evidently composed by James Melville, and
entitled, " Thrie may keip counsell give twa be away ; or Eusebius,
Democritus, Heraclitus." Democritus says :
I laucht to sie how lords ar maid of louns,
And how thai ar intretted in our touns.
Quher sumtyme thai war fain for to reteir thame
For rocks and stoannes of wyffis that came so near thame.
I laucht to sie thame now -sett ouer the flocks
Who came to cowrt with thair auld mullis and sockis,
Quher thai war nocht regairdit with ane sows
By king, by cowrt, nor any of his hous.
I laucht how Jon and George, who war most sclandrous,
Ar lords advanced of Glasgow and St Androus ;
How WilUam, Androu, Sanders, and the laif,
By perjurie and playing of the knaif,
Ar styllit in god our fathers reuerend,
Who scarrs amongs our pastours trew war kend,
And justlie so, for now ar thai declynd
And ar becum men of contrarie mynd.
The Reverend William Blackie, minister of Yetholm, possessed a
manuscript volume, which he has deposited in the Advocates Library.

NOTES. 459
It consists of poems in the Scottish language by James Melville, and
in the handwriting of the author. They appear to have been all
written by him during his banishment. The greater part of .Jhem
are expressive of his feelings on the overthrow of the liberties of the
Church of Scotland, and the imprisonment and banishment of his
uncle. " A Preservative from Apostacie, or the Song of Moses, the
servant of God, Deut. xxxii. with short notes, translated out of He
brew and put in metre," is dedicated " to the Church of Scotland in
generall, and the people of the paroch of Kilrennie in speciali." Then
follows a long sonnet, entitled, " The Wandering Sheepe, or David's
Tragique Fall." The last poem in the volume is " The Reliefe of
the Longing Soule : The Song of Songs, which is Solomon's, exponed
by a large paraphrase of metre for memorie and aften meditatioun."
Prefixed to it is a dedication : " To his lowing sister in Jesus Christ,
M. Nicolas Murray, grace, mercy and peace be multiplied. — London,
Novemb. 5, 1606. YK much bound in Christ, James Melvill."
The following are specimens of the. poetry in this volume.
To Mr. Andrew Melvin.
O matchles Melvin, honour of our lands !
How are we grieved and gladit with thy bands !
We grieve to see sic men comitt as thee,
We joy to hear how constantly thou stands
Pleading the cause of God cast in thy hands
Against this bastard brood of Bischoprie,
Whais eydle rites, pompe, pryd and graceless glore,
Justlie thou haits ; hait still, hait more and more.
Happie, thryse happie, Melvine, thoch in warde,
Men loves thy cause, God has it in regarde,
No prisone can thy libertie restraine
To speak the right, but * flatterie or but fairde,
Pure, plain, not mingled, maimed or impairde.
No brangled titles can thy honour staine,
Thy tell-treuth fervent freedom wha would blame,
'Wrays but his awin fals, faint, or servile shame.
* Without.

460 NOTES.

AT MR. ANDREW MELVINg's GOING TO FRANCE, APRIL 1611.
Mond a I'envers.
No marvell Scotland thow be like to tyn,
For thou hes lost thy honey and thy wine,
Thy strength, thy courage, and thy libertie,
Went all away, when as he went from thee.
In learning, upright zeall, religion trew,
He maister was, but now bid all a Dieu,
Be mute, you Scottish muses: no more verse!
But sobbing say, Le mond est a I'envers.
In the MS. volume entitled, Melvini Epistolae, is a translation into
English verse of part of the Zodiacus Vitas of Marcellus Palingenius.:
" Dedicat to the E. of D. ;" that is, the Earl of Dunbar. It contains
only Aries and part of Taurus. There can be no doubt of its being
the work of James Melville. The MS. is in his handwriting,
and on the margin is a number of variations. — His apology for the
Church of Scotland does not appear to have been printed till many
years after his death : " Ad Serenissimum Jacobum Primvm Britan-
niarvm Monarcham, Ecclesise Scoticanas libellus supplex, inxoyn-nxoc
xxi ot-atptio-rixes. Auctore Jacobo Melvino Verbi Dei Ministro, Domini
Andrea; Melvini ton <mu nepote. Londini, — 1645." 8vo. In the Ad
vocates Library are two poems in MS., " Funeral Tears," and a
" Dialogue," on the death of James Melville, written by Thomas
Melville." (Jac. V. 7. nos. 6, 7.) I subjoin the epitaph on him by
his uncle, printed at the end of the last mentioned book, which is

Epitaphium Auctoris, a Domino
Andrea Melvino conscriptum.
Chare nepos, de fratre nepos, mihi fratre, nepote
Charior, et quicquid fratre nepote queat
Charius esse usquam ; quin me mihi charior ipso,
Et quicquid mihi me charius esse queat.
Consiliis auctor mihi tu, dux rebus agendis,
Cum privata, aut res publica agenda fuit.
Amborum mens una animo, corde una voluntas,
Corque unum in duplici corpore, et una anima.

NOTES. 461
Vna ambo vexati odiis immanibus, ambo
Dignati et Christi pro grege dura pati.
Dura pati, sed iniqua pati, sub crimine ficto,
Ni Christum, et Christi crimen amare igregem.
Qui locus, aut quae me hora tibi nunc dividat, idem
Hie locus, hsec me eadem dividat hora mihi.
Tune tui desiderium mihi triste relinquas ?
Qui prior hue veni, non prior hinc abeam ?
An sequar usque comes ? sic, sic juvat ire sub astra.
Tecum ego ut exul eram, tecum ero et in patria.
Christus ubi caput, aeternam nos poscit in aulam,
Arctiusutjungat nos sua membra sibi.
Induviis donee redivivi corporis artus
Vestiat, illustrans lumine purpureo.
JEternum ut patrem, natumque et flamen ovantes,
Carmine perpetuo concelebremus, lo.
Note E. p. 328.
Writings of Andrew Melville. — I subjoin a list of his printed
works. 1. " Carmen Mosis — Andrea Melvino Scoto Avctore. Basileae.
m.d. lxxiii." 8vo. (See above, vol. i. pp. 86 — 90.)
2. " 2TEOANI2KION. Ad Scotia; Regem, habitum in Corona-
tione Reginse. — Per Andream Meluinum. — Edinbvrgi 1590." 4to.
(See above, vol. i. pp. 301, 462.)
3. " Carmina ex Doctissimis Poetis Selecta, inter quos, quoedam Geo.
Buchanani et And. Melvini inseruntur. 1590." 8vo. (Ruddimanni
Bibl. Roman, p. 71.)
4 " Principis Scoti- Britannorvm Natalia. Edinbvr.gi — 1594." 4to.
(See above, vol. i. p. 376.)
5. " Theses Theologicae de libero arbitrio. Edinburgi, 1597.'' 4to.
(Sibbald, de Script. Scot. p. 42.) These might be the Theses of some
of his students.
6. " Scholastica Diatriba de Rebvs Divinis ad Anquirendam et in-
veniendam veritatem, a candidatis S. Theol. habenda (Deo volente)
ad d. xxvi. et xxvii. Juh'j in Scholis Theologicis Acad. Audreanae,
Spiritu Sancto Praeside. D. And. Melvino S. Theol. D. et illivs facul-
tatis Decano o-vg»-r>nr» moderante. Edinbvrgi, Excudebat Robertus
Waldegraue Typographus Regius 1599." 4to. Pp. 16. (In Bibl. Col.
Glasg.)

462 NOTES.
7. " Gathelus, seu Fragmentum de origine Gentis Scotorum."
This poem was first printed along with " Jonstoni Inscriptiones Hi-
storicae Regum Scotorum. Amstel. 1602."
8. " Pro supplici Evangelicorum Ministrorum in Anglia — Apolo
gia, sive Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria. Authore A. Melvino. 1604."
(See above, vol. ii. p. 104.)
9. Select Psalms turned into Latin verse, and printed (probably at
London) in 1609. (See above, vol. ii. p. 216.)
10. " Nescimus Qvid Vesper Servs Vehat. Satyra Menippasa Vin-
centii Liberii Hollandii. mdcxix." 4to. Pp» 35. Another edition was
published in the year 1620. A copy of each is in the British Mu
seum. On the back of the title is a letter, " Liberius Vincentius
Hollandus Francisco de Ingenuis S. P. D." dated " Amstelodami iv.
Idus Sept. Anno a Christo nato m.dc.xix." I have not seen this
work, but from extracts which have been communicated to me, it
appears to be a satire partly in prose and partly in verse, and refers
much to the affairs of Venice. This last circumstance, taken in con
nexion with Melville's advanced age, excites a suspicion that he was
not the author. And yet if he was not, it is strange that it should
have been so generally ascribed to him both by Scottish and foreign
writers. (Barbier, Diet, des Ouvrages Anonymes et Pseudonymes,
torn. iii. p. 489. Charters's Acco. of Scots Divines, p. 4.) It has also
been ascribed to Nicholaus Crassus, a Venetian.
11. " Viri clarissimi A. Melvini Mvsae et P. Adamsoni Vita et
Palinodia et Celsse commissionis — descriptio. Anno m.dcxx." 4to.
Pp. 67. Melville was not consulted in the publication of these poems,
nor was he the author (as has often been inaccurately stated) of the
tracts added to them. In the epistle to the reader, the publisher
says : " quia absque eius venia ; gratum illi an futurum sit hoc meum
studium nescio." — " Est vir iste clarissimus omni invidia & excep-
tione major : virosque illustres Josephum Scaligerum, Theodorum
Bezam et alios habet laudum praecones : non ideo opus est illi meo
encomio. Tantum descripsi vitam Adamsoni," &c. — John Adamson
(afterwards Principal of the College of Edinburgh) was employed in
collecting Melville's fugitive poems, (see above, p. 317,) but whether
he or Calderwood was the publisher of the Musw, I cannot determine.
12. " De Adiaphoris. Scoti too rux'i-r«s Aphorismi. Anno Domini
1622." 12mo. Pp. 20. (In Bibl. Jurid. Edin.)
13. " Andrea? Melvini Scotiae Topographia." This poem is pre
fixed to the Theatrum Scotia; in Bleaus Atlas. " 'Tis Buchanan's

NOTES. 463
prose turn'd into elegant verse ;" says Bishop Nicholson. (Scot. Hist.
Lib. p. 18.) In a letter to Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, " ult. de-
cemb. 1655," J. Bleau acknowledges a letter from him containing
" les corrections du vers de Melvinus." (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin.
A. 3. 19. num. 35.)
Melville was a large contributor to a collection of poems, by Scotch
men and Zealanders, " In Obitvm Johannis Wallasii Scoto Belgse —
Ludg. Batav. 1603." 4to. There are two poems by him in John
Jonston's " Sidera Veteris iEvi," p. 33 ; a work which was published
along with his '.' Iambi Sacri," and his " Cantica Sacra Novi Testa-
menti — Salmurii 1611." He has also verses prefixed to " Comment, in
Apost. Acta M. Joannis Malcolmi Scoti — Middelb. 1615." Malcolm,
in his Dedication to the King, and in the body of the work (p. 264,)
defends Melville with much freedom, and laments his removal from
Scotland. Among his works in manuscript are the following :
1. " D. Andreae Melvini epistolae Londino e turri carceris ad Jaco-
bum Melvinum Nouocastri exulantem scripts, cum ejusdem Jacobi
nonnullis ad eundem. Annis supra millesimu sexcentessimo octavo,
nono, decimo, undecimo. Item Ecclesiae Scoticanae Oratio Apologe-
tica ad Regem An. 1610, mense Aprilis." This volume (which is in
the Library of the University of Edinburgh) brings down the corre
spondence between Melville and his nephew till the end of the year
1613. It belonged to James Melville, and is partly in his hand
writing. Before his death he committed it to the care of his friend.
Sir Patrick Hume of Ayton, who has inserted the following note :
" Hie visu est insere (sic J paraliepomena quaedam eiusdem et alioru
quoru auTou-^jiSas cum libellis ipsis ipse mihi comenda vit author paulo
ante obitu. Pa Hume."
2. " Letters from Andrew Melville to * * * * in the United Pro
vinces." (In Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 42.) They are six
in number, and were addressed to Robert Durie at Leyden.
3. " Floretum Archiepiscopale ; id est, errores Pontificii, asser-
tiones temerariae, et hyberbolicae interpretationes." (Ibid. num. 47.)
They are extracted fiom archbishop Adamson's academical prelec
tions at St. Andrews, in Melville's handwriting, and subscribed by
him. 4. Paraphrasis Epistolae ad Hebraeos Andreae Melvini." (Harl.
MSS. num. 6947. 9. It is a metrical paraphrase of the whole epistle,
and was most probably composed ih the Tower.

464 NOTES.
5. " A. Melvinus in Cap. 4. Danielis." (In Bibl. Col. S. Trinit.
Dublin.) This I have not seen.
There are verses by him, in his own handwriting, among the Sem
pill Papers (MS. in Arch. Eccl. Scot. vol. xxviii. num. 7 ;) and in a
collection of Letters from Learned Men to James VI. (MS. in Bibl.
Jurid. Edin.) On a blank leaf at the beginning of a copy of Aulus
Gellius (transmitted to me by Dr. Lee) there is a poem written, with
this title : " Canticum Mariae, paraphrasticos expressum, a D. An
drea Melvino Seoto." I have not seeii it elsewhere. It is followed
by poems of Buchanan, all of which have been published. The vo
lume bears this inscription, among others : " Liber Magri Gulielmi
Guildej. 1610." — Copies of Melville's large Answer to Downham's
Sermon were at one time not uncommon. In enumerating the writers
in defence of ruling elders, a foreign divine mentions •" Ex Scotis,
And. Melvinus in MS. refut. concionis Downamii." (Voetii Poli-
tica Ecclesiastica, torn. ii. p. 458.) It is also mentioned by Charters.
(Acco. of Scots Divines, p. 4.) Charters says that there is a copy of a
Latin commentary by him in the Library of the Students of Divinity
at Edinburgh. " I have seen also in the library of the College of
Glasgow, a large folio, entitled, Prcelectiones in Epistolam ad Romanes,
in small write, said to be writ by Mr. Melvil." (Wodrow's Life of
Mr. Andrew Melville, p. 111.) Neither of these MSS. is now to be
found. Five poems " ex Musis Andreae Melvini, viri clarissirai et un-
diquaque doctissimi," are appended by Dr. Koelman of Utrecht to
his Dissertation, De Diebus Festis. Traj. ad Rhenum, 1693.
In Biographical Memoranda, No. iii. p. 108, printed at Bristol in
1814, an English " Poem by A. Melvin" is given from a MS. in the
possession of the editor. On inspecting that MS. I find that the
poem is by George Herbert.
Besides those formerly mentioned, encomiastic verses on Melville
were written by David Wedderburn, (Musse Sacrae, torn. i. p. xlvii.)
by John Dunbar, (Epigr. p. 29,) by John Leech, (Epigr. p. 86,) By
James Wright, (Poemat. prasf. Strangio, De Interpret. Scripture,) and
by Leon. Moyartus, (Lachrymae Zelandicse in Obitum Joan. Wal-
lasii.) Four letters from Melville to David Hume of Godscroft are pre
fixed to the Lusus Poetici of the latter. They afford specimens of
his humour as well as proofs of the intimate friendship which sub
sisted between him and Hume. One of them is subscribed, " Plus
fellis, quam mellis ;" which shews that the play on his name, with

NOTES. 4t)5
which episcopalian epigrammatists have diverted themselves so much,
was not the invention either of Dr. Duport or bishop Barlow. James
Hume, the son of the poet, is the author of various works on arith
metic and mathematics. In the edition of his father's poems, pub
lished by him at Paris in 1639, he has inserted several epigrams
against Melville, with answers to them by his father. In a note to
the latter, he says: " Scripsit author aha duo Epigrammata ad Mel-
vinfi ; sed, quia nimis acerba in Episcopos Anglicanos, omisimus."
(Dav. Humii Lusus Poet. p. 114.) From this it appears that the
editor was a politician as well as a mathematician.
I have a copy of Buchanan's History, with marginal notes in Mel
ville's handwriting. In one of these, so far as I can make sense of
it, (for part of it has been cut off) he traces his own descent from the
royal families of Scotland and England, in the way of stating that he
was sprung from Queen Jane, the wife of James I. by her second
husband, Sir James Stewart, surnamed the Black Knight. On the
title-page of the dialogue De Jure Regni, he has written these lines :
Libera si dentur populo suffragia, quis tam
Perditus ut dubitet Senecam prseferre Neroni ?
Did he intend this to apply to Buchanan and his royal pupil ?
Note F. p. 341.
University qf St. Andrews. — At the opening of the classes in 1411,
Bishop Wardlaw, with the concurrence of James Bisset, prior of the
Abbey of St. Andrews, and Thomas Stewart, archdeacon of Lothian,
¦granted to the masters and students the privileges belonging to a uni
versity, and applied in the usual way to the pope for a confirmation
of what he had done. Besides the bull founding the university,
which was issued on the 27th of August, 1413, Benedict XIII. signed
on the same day five other bulls securing its rights.
The university laboured under no want of teachers at its Com
mencement. Before the papal bulls were executed, Laurence Lin
dores, as professor of divinity, began to read the fourth book of the
Sentences. Richard Corvel, John Litstar, John Scheves, and Wil
liam Stephani or Stevenson, appeared as lecturers on cahon kw. And
John Gyll, William Fowlis, and William Crosier, taught the arts of
philosophy. This is the account given by Fordun. (Scotichronicon,
lib. xv. cap. 22.) Hector Boethius makes Laurence Lindores pro
fessor of laws, and Richard Corveil doctor of decretals. (Hist. Scot.
lib. xvi.) Spotswood, though he refers to Boethius as his authority,
VOL. II. 2 H

466 NOTES.
gives a different statement; making Scheves, Stephen, and Lister
readers in divinity, Lendors in canon law, and Cornwall in civil law.
(Hist. p. 57.)
The first professors appear to have had no salaries. The revenues
of the university for some time consisted chiefly of small sums received
from the students at their admission and graduation; and the greater
part, of these was applied to the defraying of the common expenses.
The classes were at first taught ih such places of the city as were found
most convenient. Robert de Montrose gave a house for the students
of theology to meet in, which was at a subsequent period converted
into the public library. And bishop Kennedy appropriated to the
classes of philosophy certain buildings in the neighbourhood, which
retained the name of the Pasdagogium until it was erected into a col
lege under the designation of St. Mary's. (Hovei Oratio.)
James I. wrio, in recompence of his long captivity, had received a
good education in England, patronised the newly erected university
after his return to Scotland. Besides confirming its privileges by a
royal charter, he assembled those who had distinguished themselves
by teaching, and by the progress which they had made in their
studies, and after conversing familiarly with them, and applauding
their exertions, rewarded them according to their merit with offices in
the state or benefices in the church. (Fordun. Hovei. Orat. Buch.
Hist. p. 190. edit. Rudd.) ;
Note G. p. 342.
Colleges' at St. Andrews. — I shall give here some more minute facts
as to each of these according to the order of time in wbich they were
erected. St. Salvator's College. — This college, which was founded by James
Kennedy, archbishop of St. Andrews, in 1450, received from its
founder a new and more improved form in 1458. It consisted of
three professors of divinity, called the provost or principal, the
licentiate, and the bachelor; four masters of arts, who were also
in priest's orders; and six poor scholars or clerks, making in all
thirteen persons, according to the number of the apostles of our
.Saviour, in honour of whom the college was named. The provost
was bound to read lessons ih theology once a-week, the licentiate
thrice a-week, and the bachelor every readable day : the first, to
preach to the people four times, and the second, six times a-year.
From the four masters of arts, two at least were to be annually chosen
as regents, the one to teach logic, and the other physics and meta
physics, according to the method of the schools and the statutes of

NOTES. 467
iJie university. The college was liberally endowed by the founder
for the support of the masters and scholars ; besides the altarages
subsequently founded by other individuals. The provost had the
rectory of Cults conferred on him, the licentiate the rectory of Kem-
bach, and the bachelor that of Denino ; parish churches in the neigh
bourhood of St. Andrews, the revenues of which they drew, after
appropriating a certain part of the emoluments to the respective
vicars. The rectory of Kilmany was appropriated for the com
mon support of the founded persons, and of the servants attached
to the establishment, in victuals, &c. The strictest rules were
laid down as to the behaviour of all the members, and as to the re
ligious exercises, as well as the studies, of those who were admit
ted to the benefits of the institution. Young men of rank or opu
lence, who might choose to study in the college, and to pay for
their board, were bound to obey the provost, and to submit in
all things to the rules of the house equally as the bursars or poor
scholars. Bishop Kennedy was careful to have his college provided with the
most able teachers. With this view he called home John Athelmer
who had been educated at St. Andrews, but was then in the univer
sity of Paris, and placed him in the situation of provost or principal.
To him he joined Thomas Logy, who had already filled the office of
rector of the university, and James Ogilvy, as second and third mas
ters or professors of divinity. Mr. Jo. Athelmer was presented to
the " paroche church of Qhylt" (Cults) March 25, 1450. He is often
mentioned as Dean of Theology. " Mr Jo. Aimer, praepositus Col
legii Sti Salv." occurs in the records as late as 1473. James Ogilvy
seems to have been the same person, who, on account of his great
learning and virtue, was designed for bishop of St. Andrews by the
General Council of Basil, and who afterwards taught theology in the
University of Aberdeen. ( Boetii Vitas Abredonens. Episcop. fol. xxvii.
b.) St. Leonard's CoUege — Adjoining to the church of St. Leonard, and
within the precincts of the Abbey, was an aneient hospital for the recep
tion of pious strangers who came in pilgrimage to visit the relies of St.
Andrew, being attracted by the fame of the miracles wrought by them.
" The miracles and pilgrimages having ceased in process of time, as may
be believed," the hospital was converted into a receptacle for aged wo
men. But the patrons, not being satisfied with the eonduct ofthe new
objects of their charity, resolved to convert the hospital, with the ad
joining church; into a College, " for training up poor scholars in
2 H 2

468 NOTES.
learning and the arts, to the glory of God and the. spiritual edifica
tion of the people." This was called the College of St. Leonard. The
charter of foundation was executed in 1512, by John Hepburn, prior
of the Abbey, and confirmed by archbishop Alexander Stewart, and
by King James IV. The prior and conventual chapter were patrons
of this College, and retained the power of visiting it and reforming
its abuses. The teachers were always taken from the monastery.
Dr. Howie, in his Oration frequently quoted, has stated that John
Annand was the first principal of St. Leonard's College ; and Boece
has done the same. (Vit. Episc. Abred. xxvii.) But Alexander
Young was principal down to 1517; Gavin Logie in 1523 — 1537;
Thomas Cunninghame in 1538; and John Annand in 1544. (Tran-
sumptum Fundationis ; and subscriptions to the Statutes in the last
mentioned year.) Gavin Losgie is the person known for his early par
tiality to the Reformation. (Life of Knox, vol. i. Note I.) Annand
was probably the person who disputed with Knox at St. Andrews.
(Ibid. p. 58.) This College was intended for the support and educa
tion of twenty poor scholars. The principal was appointed to read
on two days of every week a lecture on the Scriptures, or on specula
tive theology, to the priests, regents, and others who chose to attend.
And by a subsequent regulation an additional salary was appointed
to be given to two of the four regents, provided they chose to read,
twice or thrice in the week, a lecture on the Scriptures, or on the
Master of Sentences. (Papers of University.)
It was required of those who were admitted to St. Leonard's Col
lege, that, besides being of good character, acquainted with grammar,
and skilled in writing, they shpuld be sufficiently instructed in the
Gregorian song, — " cantuque Gregoriano sufficienter instructum."
(Papers of University.) The religious of the Priory of St. Andrews
were always celebrated for their skill in music, and singing formed
one of the regular exercises of the students. (Boetii Abredon. Epis-
cop. Vitae, f. xxvi.)' Individuals who had belonged to it were em
ployed in composing the music used in churches after the Reforma
tion. (Old Music Book, MS.)
St. Mary's, or New College. — There were still in the univer
sity professors and students who did not belong to either of the
colleges of St. Salvator and St. Leonard. These continued to
teach in the Paedagogium, although they were not formed into a
college, and had but slender funds. Archbishop Alexander Stew
art, who has been highly commended by Erasmus for his litera
ry attainments, intended to give it a collegiate form, and with

NOTES. 469
this view he not only repaired the chapel of St. John the Evangelist,
which served as a place of worship to the paedagogium, but also be
stowed on it the living of the church of St. Michael de Tarvet, in the
neighbourhood of Cupar in Fife. In the deed of annexation it is said,
that the paedagogium of the university " lay almost extinct in conse
quence of the deficiency of funds and of learned men ;" and that the
archbishop, with the consent of his chapter, had resolved to " endow
and erect it into a college, to the praise of God, the defence of the
faith, the increase of learned men, and the salvation of the souls of
the king, his predecessors and successors, the archbishops of St. An
drews, and all the faithful." The premature death of the primate,
who soon after fell in the field of Flowden, appears to have defeated
this annexation, and prevented, the erection of the college. It was
not to be expected that the paedagogium would rival colleges which
were provided with extensive funds and accommodations both for
masters and scholars. But it continued to have regents and a princi
pal ; and several distinguished individuals, among whom were George
Buchanan, received their education in it, while it remained on its
original footing. Archbishop James Beaton resumed the design of
his predecessor, and obtained a bull from Pope Paul III. authorizing
him to erect buildings for a college and chapel, under the name of the
Assumption of St. Mary, in which grammar, logic, theology, medi
cine, and law, both canon and civil, should be taught, divine offices
performed, and a collegial table provided from the rents of certain
benefices which were united and annexed to the institution. The
buildings which were begun on the site of the paedagogium by arch
bishop Beaton were carried on by his nephew and successor, the Car
dinal. But the college was not finally erected until 1554, after arch
bishop Hamilton had obtained a papal bull from Julius III. by which
he was authorized to alter at his pleasure the arrangements made by
his predecessor.
By the foundation of bishop Hamilton, St. Mary's College, or, as it
was often called, the New College, was provided with four principal
professors, denominated the provost, licentiate, bachelor, and canon
ist; eight students of theology; three professors of philosophy and
two of rhetoric and grammar; sixteen students of philosophy; a pro-
visor, cook, and janitor; and five vicars pensionary. The princi
pal, besides exercising the ordinary jurisdiction of the college and
presiding at the theological disputations once a-week, was to read
a lecture on the sacred Scriptures, or to preach, every Monday.
The licentiate was to read a lecture on the Scriptures four times,
2H3

470 NOTES.
and the bachelor five times a-week. And the canonist was to lec
ture on canon law five times every week. It was also the duty of
each of these professors to say mass at stated times. It behoved the
students of divinity to be in priest's orders and initiated into theo
logy, " so as to have answered thrice in pubhc, and given specimen
Of their erudition according to the custom of the university."
They were bound regularly to attend the lectures of the three theo
logical professors, to answer publicly to the difficulties of Scripture
every holiday, to say mass, and to preach thrice a-year in public.
Their continuance in this situation was limited to six years ; for it
was expected, " that by the divine blessing, and their assiduity, they
shall within this period be fit for becoming licentiates in theology,
and for discharging higher offices." The three professors of philoso
phy were to teach logic, ethics, physics, and mathematics, at the
direction of the principal ; and the orator and grammarian were, at
the same direction, to interpret the most useful authors in their re
spective faculties. And they were not to hold their places above six
years, or the time during which they taught two courses, unless they
received a new appointment. It behoved the students of philosophy,
before their admission, to be initiated into grammar and the Latin
tongue, so as to be able to express themselves properly in that language
at disputations and examinations ; to swear that they had no benefice
or patrimony to support them, and to supplicate, for the love of God,
to be admitted to the place of poor students. Each of them in order
was bound to awake all the domestics at five in the morning, and
furnish lights to such as wished them. The professors, regents, and
students, were to wear capes after the Parisian manner ; and all the
scholars, including the noble and wealthy, as well as the bursars,
were to wear gowns bound round them with a girdle, to which the
bursars were to add a black hood. By the bull of Julius III. as well
as that of Paul III. the college had the power of conferring degrees
Jn all the faculties ; and the jurisdiction over the bursars belonged
jto the principal, from whom an appeal lay to the archbishop and the
pope, to the exclusion of the rector of the university or any other
judge, even in the second instance. The college was provided with
ample funds. The revenues of four parish churches, Tyninghame,
Tannadice, Inchebriok, (including Craig and Pert) and Conveth or
Laurence-kirk, were appointed for its support; in addition, as it
would appear, to what had formerly belonged to the Paedagogium.
(Fundatio et Erectio Novi Collegii,)

NOTES. 471
Some of the professors of the New College, nominated by arch
bishop Beaton, including the principal, had previously been teachers
in the Ptedagogium. The instrument of Presentation and Investi
ture, Feb. 8, 1538, appoints " Magistrum Robertum Bannermanf
pro theologo et primario dicti collegii de assumption,? be^tae Mariae Et
pro sub-principal i Mag™1 David Guynd pro Canonista Magrm Thomam
Kyncragy pro civilista Mag™1 Johem Gledstanis Item pro regentibus
artium et studentibus in theologia Magistros Andream Kynninmond,
Johannem Forbous Wilhelmum Young et Walterum Fethy." Those
whose names are printed in Italics had previously been teachers in
the Pa?dagogium,
Archbishop Hamilton, in his foundation, omitted civil law and me
dicine, which his predecessors had appointed to be taught. But,
upon the whole, his arrangements appear to have been adapted to the
means of instruction which he had in his power ; and in several points
they indicate a due attention to the progress which learning had made
since the erection of the two other colleges. He was equally attentive
in providing the college with professors. Archibald Hay, who was
made principal soon after Cardinal Beaton's death, appears to have,
excelled most of his countrymen at that time in learning and libe
ral views. During his residence in the College qf Montague at
Paris, he published a panegyrical oration on archbishop Beaton's
advancement to the purple. It is entitled, " Ad IUustriss. Tit.c S.
Stephani in Monte Ccelio Cardinalem D. Dauidem Betonum — Gratji-
latorius Panegyricus Archibaldi Hayi. Parisiis 1540." It is in 4tq.
and ends on fol. lxvi. On the title-page is a motto in Greek and
in Hebrew. The dedication to the Cardinal is subscribed " addic-
tissimus Consobrinus vester Archibald Hayus." In the course of this,
work the author censures, with much freedom, the ignorance, ne
gligence, and hypocrisy of the clergy, but makes no allusion to the
reformed opinions either in the way of approbation or condemnation.
The most curious and valuable part of it is that in which he lays
down a plan of teaching for the new college which the Cardinal wa,s
employed in organizing. It will be of far more consequence, he says,
to procure teachers capable of instructing the youth in the, three
learned languages, than to endow a rich but illiterate college. If
it should be thought proper to add teachers of Chaldee and Arar
bic, he would highly approve of the arrangement. " Quod si
visum fuerit linguae caldaicae et arabica? interpretes addere, vehe-
menter probabo; quandoquidem cum Hebraica magna habent af-
finitatem, et plurima sunt illis duabus Unguis scripta, quae non pa-
rum sinthabitura momenti ad rerum pulcherrimarum intelligentiam."
(Fol. lix.) Though he does not propose to banish the Peripatetic

472 NOTES.
philosophy from the schools, yet he would wish to see the study of
the divine Plato take the place of scholastic argutice. (Fol. Ix. a.) He
laments the neglect of the Roman law, and extols the science of ma
thematics. (Fol. Ix. b. lxii. a.)
Robert Bannerman resigned the provostship, Jujy 12, 1546, on ac
count of his advanced age, and to allow the college to be provided
" de alio quovis famoso, juniori et magis ydoneo primario seu princi-
pali." On the same day collation was given to Archibald Hay, " cle-
rico Sti Andreae dioces.'* Oct. 1, 1547, the office was conferred " per-
docto et spectabili viro Magro Johanni Douglass clerico dunkelden.
dioc." in consequence of the death " quond. Mag1' Archibaldi Hay
ultimi primarii."
Dr. Howie mentions tile kind reception which archbishop Hamil
ton gave to two Englishmen, Richard Smith and Richard Marshall.
(Oratio de Fundatoribus Acad, et Coll. Andreapol.) " Richardus
Martialis, Alb. Theologus," was incorporated at St. Andrews in 1549.
In 1550, Mr. John Douglas, being made rector for the first time, had
for one of his deputes " Richardum Martialem verbi dei praeconem
egregium." In 1556, the same person is styled " Collegii Mariani
Licentiatus." — " Doctor Richardus Smythseus, Anglus," was incor
porated in 1550. In 1552, he styles himself i" professor sacrae
Theologiae." Richard Martial, D.D. was of Christ Church College,
,of which be was made Dean in 1553'. (Wood's Athena? Oxon. by
Bliss, vol. ii. col. 136, 138.) Smith was also of Oxford, and is the
author of a great many controversial works against the protestants.
(Wood, ut supra, voL i. pp. 333 — 337.) Dr. Laurence Humphrey
represents him as flying into Scotland to avoid a dispute with his suc
cessor Peter Martyr : " Anirnosus iste Achilles, die ad disputandum
constitute, — ad Divum Andream in Scotiam profugeret, ratus eum
qui in hoc articulo bene lateret, bene viuere." (Joannis Ivelli Vita
et Mors, p. 44.) " Those of his persuasion accounted him the best
schoolman of his time, and they have said that he baffled Pet-
Martyr several times. Protestant writers say that he was a sophister
—and that he was a goggle-eyed fellow, and very inconstant in his
opinion." (Wood, ut supra.) Further particulars concerning him
will be found in Burnet's Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii. p. 162. App,
No. 54. Strype's Cranmer, p, 17?.
Note H. p. 360.
Change qf Professors (ft St. Andrews in 1580. — It was at first propos
ed that St. Salvator's, or the Old College, as it was called, should be
converted into the seminary for divinity, on account of the number of

NOTES. 473
chaplainries founded in it, which would serve for the sustentation of
the theological students. And, to make room for Melville, it had been
agreed that James Martine, who was at the head of that college,
should be translated, and made principal of the New College. But
upon maturer deliberation, this measure was thought unadvisable. It
was judged that those who were presented to the chaplainries in St.
Salvator's might study theology in any college in which it was ap
pointed to be taught. The revenues of the New College, and the
number of bursars in it, were greater than those of either of the other
two. And there was less need for dispossessing the founded persdns
in it, in order to make room for those who had been elected professors
of theology. (Determination anent the Old and New College, Sep
tember 6, 1579; subscribed " R. Dunfermling. P. Sanctandros.")
This last was the chief reason of its being preferred. The General
Assembly had declared that Robert Hamilton's holding the office of
provost of the New College was an impediment to him in the discharge
ofhis duty as minister of St. Andrews, and had repeatedly- enjoined
him to demit the former situation. (Buik of Uuiversall Kirk, p. 67.
Cald. MS. vol. iii. pp. 480, 564.) Archibald Hamilton, the second
principal master of that college, who had long been disaffected to the
constitution in church and state, had lately avowed himself a Roman
Catholic, and deserted the university. His name occurs for the last
time in the records of the university, Nov. 2, 1576, when he was
elected, one of the auditors of the questor's accompts. On the 6th
Oct. 1574, his name was excluded from the roll of persons to be
chosen as elders in St. Andrews, "because he being of befoir nominat
and electit refused to accept the office of elder on him, and not to be
nominat quhil he mak repentance yrfoir." (Records of the Kirk Ses
sion of St. Andrews.) The place of John Hamilton, one of the re
gents, had also been vacated in the same way. John Hamilton, " ex
gymnasio M°," was chosen one of the examinators of the bachelors,
Feb. 21, 1574. He could not, therefore, have left Scotland earlier than
1575. Lord Hailes (Sketch of the Life of John Hamilton, p. 2.)
says that he was in France in 15T3 ; proceeding upon the authority
of Servin, who, in 1586, says, "II y a treze ans qu'il demeure en
ceste ville." (Plaidoye de Maistre Lois Servin Advocat en Parlament,
pour Maistre Jean Hamilton Escossois, p. 14. Par. 1586.) The
Plaidoye was published by Hamilton himself, which shews how dif
ficult it is to attain to accuracy in such minute circumstances. The
counsel who pleaded against Hamilton alleged, " qu'il ne scait parler
aie Latin ne Francois." Servin replied that his client was ready to

474 NOTES.
give proof before the parliament of his knowledge of both languages.
( Ibid. pp. 59, 1 09.) The pleading related to the cure of St. Cosme and
St. Damian, to which Hamilton had been presented hy the universi
ty, and contains some curious matter as to the constitution of univer
sities and the privileges of the Scots in France. — The professors of
law and mathematics in St. Mary's College were transferred to St.
Salvator's. And such of the regents as were displaced were allowed
to remain, if they chose, as bursars of theology.
When this reformation was made on the university, Patrick Ad
amson, as archbishop of St. Andrews, held the honorary office of
Chancellor. James Wilkie was Rector of the university, and Prin
cipal of the College of St. Leonard, in which he had taught for more
than thirty years *. James Martine was Principal of St. Salvator's.
College, which place John Rutherfurd, shortly before his death, had
resigned to him t. Though he had never left the college in which he
received his education, the literary attainments of Martine were re
spectable, and he continued to discharge the duties of his office with
credit to himself for nearly half a century. (Baronii Orat. Funeb. pro
M. Jacobo Martinio.) WiUiam Skene was Dean of the Faculty of
Arts, and Conservator of the PrivUeges of the University.
Note I. p. 364.
New Foundation of King's CoUege, Aberdeen.— \l appoints a prin
cipal, sub-principal, three regents, and a teacher of grammar. The
latter is thus described : " Volumus praeceptorem grammatical virum
esse bonum et doctum et apprime versatum in Latina et Graeca litera-
• In the Library at St. Andrews, there are Greek books which belong.
ed to James Wilkie, containing MS. notes, from which Dr. Lee is in
duced to think that he was acquainted with that language. There is the
same evidence as to the literary acquirements of John Rutherfurd, Wil
liam Ramsay, John Duncanson, and Robert Wilkie.
j- Ou the 26th September, 1577, " Johne Rutherfurd, younger, son law-
full to ane venerabill man, Mr Johne Rutherfurd, Rector of the univer
sity of St Ands — with express "consent ajid assent of the said Mr Johne
his father," signed a letter of factory to the half of the teind. sheaves of
Quilts ; *« prasentibus Mro Jacobo Martine prccposito dicti Collegii," &c.
On the 18th December, 1577, " Christiane Forsyth, relict and executris
of umqll Mr Johne Rutherfurd, sumtyme provost of St Salvator's College
and rector of the university of St And3, delivered certain wreitts and evi-
dentis," &c. Rutherfurd must, therefore, have died in the interval be
tween the 26th September and the 18th December, 157.7. (Papers of Uni
versity.)

NOTES. 475
tura, cum carmine quam soluta oratione." The first regent was ta
teach Greek ; the second the precepts of invention, disposition, and
elocution, in" as easy a method as possible; and the third the rudi
ments of arithmetic and geometry. The sub-principal was to teach
physiology, the history of animals as chiefly necessary, geography
and astrology, general cosmography, and the reckoning of time,
" which throws great light on other arts and the knowledge of his
tory ;" and towards the end of his course he was to initiate the stu
dents into the principles of the holy tongue. The principal was al
ternately to lecture on theology, and explain the Hebrew language;
and he is thus described : " Is in sacris Uteris probe institutus, ad
aperienda fidei rnysteria et reconditos divini verbi thesauros, idoneus
linguarum etiam gnarus et peritus sit oportet, inprimis vero Hebraicae
et Syriacae, cujus professorem esse instituimus ; linguam enim sacram,
ut par est, promoveri inter subditos nostros cupimus, ut scripturarum
fontes et rnysteria rectius aperiantur." The teachers were appointed
to confine themselves to their own branches. " Quatuor autem hos
regentes noluimus (prout in regni nostri Academiis ohm mos fuit)
novas professiones quotannis immutare, quo facto fuit ut dum multa
profiterentur, in paucis periti invenirentur ; verum voluimus ut in
eadem professione se exerceant," &c. (Nova Fundatio, Jacobo 6to
rege.) This foundation is contained in a Royal Charter, the copy of which
now before me is without date. But in the description of the dona
tions made to the College by King James VI. it agrees with the act
of parliament in 1617, entitled, " Ratificatioun to the Old Colledge
off Abirdene." (Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 576.)
The foUowing are some of the steps taken respecting this new erecr
tion. In AprU, 1583, George, Earl Marischal, Robert, Commendator
of Deir, and certain brethren who had charge of the King's Majesty's
Commission, presented a petition to the General Assembly, desiring
them to visit the College of Aberdeen to take trial of the travels they
had taken in the said matter, and " to depute some persons to take
trial of the members thereof, that they.be sufficient and qualified and
conforme to the new erectione." To this the Assembly agreed, and
ordained Mr. James Lawson, Mr. Andrew MelviUe, and Mr. Nicol
Dalgleish, " to consider the proceedings of the said commissioners
touching the said erection, and if they find the same aUowable and
weel done, to give their testimony and approbation thereof to be pre
sented to the Erie Marshal, that his Lo. may travel for the King's
M. confirmation thereof." (Cald. MS. vol. iii. pp. 236, 237.) Nothing
having been done in the affair, the Assembly which met in October

476 NOTES.
that year renewed the appointment of the committee. (Ib. p. 268.)
It appears, from the following letter, that this measure met with
opposition from the crown.
" Chancellor, Rector, and other members of our College of Abd.
we greit yow weiU. We are sureUe informed that at this last giTali
assembUe it was desyrit by some persones that Mr. Alex1 Arbuthnot,
Princ11 of our said CoUege, sould transport himself to St. Andrews,
and be minister thairof q'through our said College saU be heaviUe
damnifiet, and the foundatione thairof prejudged. As also it is meanit
they intend to pervert the ordour of the foundatione established be
our progenitors and estaites of our realme. Quhairfore we wiU and
comand you to observe and keipe the heides of your fundatione, and
in no wayes to hurt the funds, ay and q11 the estaites be convenit to
ane Parhament. At qlk tyme we wiU cause see qt is to be reformit
thairin. And this ye do upone your obedience as ye wUl ansr unto
us therupone notwithstanding any ordour taken pntlie or to be taken
thairin in any sort thair- anent, and keep this our lre for your war-
rand. Thus comittes you to God. At halyruidhous, 25 May, 1583.
Et sic subs. "James Rex."
In 1581, Parhament appointed a commission to " treate and con
clude on certane articles ;" one of which was " Reform a tioun of the
coUege of Abirdene." (Act. Pari.- Scot. vol. iii. p. 214.) In
1584, the new foundation was presented by the professors to parha
ment, and at their request a commission was appointed to consider it.
(Ib. p. 355.) In 1597, ParUament passed the foUowing act : " Oure
Souerane Lord with aduyse and consent of the estaittis of this present
parliament Ratifeis [[and] apprevis the new foundatioun of his ma'*
coUedge of auld abirdene to be reveist be his hienes comissioneris
appointit to that effect, viz. Mr. Johne lyndesay of balcarhous
his ma***8 secretar, Mr. James Elphingstoun of barntoun ane of
the senators of his hienes colledge of Justice and Mr. dauid Cunyng-
hame bischop of abirdene in all and sindrie poinds privUedgis liber-
teis Immuniteis claussis and circumstances yrof quhatsumeuir eftir
the forme and tennor of the samyn. And ordanis his mateis clerk of
reg1 to ressaue the said funda tioun and to extend ane act of parliament
thairvpoun in the mair forme with extensioun of aU claussis neidfuU."
(Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iv. p. 153.)
The question as to the legality of the New Foundation was warm
ly disputed in the College, between the years 1634 and 1638. The
greater part of the professors, with Dr. Arthur Jonston, the Rector,
at their head, maintained the affirmative, in opposition to the pro-

NOTES. 477
fessors of canon law and medicine. On the 7th of October, 1637, a
royal letter was issued for visiting King's College, and " establishing
the new foundation by James VI. ;" but, in consequence of the repre
sentations of " the mediciner and canonist," this visitation was not
held, and a new commission was given in the foUowing year, appointing
the visitors to proceed " according to the old foundation." At this visi
tation (April, 1638,) the Rector and his friends pleaded that the ori
ginal deed of new foundation, subscribed by the King, privy councU,
bishop, and members of the college, had been secretly destroyed and
burnt sixteen years ago, which they offered to prove presently ; and
that the act of parhament quoted above was a vaUd ratification of it.
This was denied by the other party, who pleaded that, in an action be
fore the Court of Session in March, 1636, the Lords had found that
the act of Parliament could " make no faith," forasmuch as " the
alledgit fundation wes nevir revised, reported, nor ratified in ParUa-
ment." And with respect to " the copie of the act of counsaU alledgit
subscribed be his Matie at Abirdeine, 1592," they argued that it was
" ane tyme of greyt trouble and confusione in this land, and wes
done sine causa cognitionis et partibus non auditis, if ever it wes
done." (Papers of Visitation ; and Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen,
vol. ii. pp. 439 — 442.) Note K. p. 365.
Grammar School of Glasgow. — In the statutes of the Cathedral
Church of Glasgow, confirmed in the fourteenth century, it is de
clared : " Cancellarii officium est in scolis regendis et libris reparan-
dis et corrigendis curam impendere, lectiones auscultate et terminare."
(Chartul. Glascuens. torn. i. p. 549 : in Bibl. Coll. Glasg.) In 1494,
Mr. Martin Wan, Chancellor of the MetropoUtan Church of Glas
gow, brought a complaint before the Bishop, (Robert Blacader) against
M. D. D. Dwne, a priest of the diocese, for teaching scholars in gram
mar, and children in inferior branches by himself apart, openly and
pubUcly, ("per se ac separatim palam et manifeste,") in the said city,
without the aUowance and in opposition to the will of the Chancellor.
Wan pleaded, that, by statute and immemorial usage, he had the power
of appointing and deposing the master of the grammar-school, and
of Ucensing or prohibiting all teachers of youth in Glasgow. 
" instituend. et destituend. magrum scolse grammaticaUs civitatis glas-
guensis, curamque et regimen dictae scolo? ac magisterium ejusdem ha-
bend. sic quce quod absque illius (sic J magri martini canceUarii praeno-
minati ac cancellarii dictae ecclesiae pro tempore existentis, nulli Uceat
scolam grammaticalem tenere, scholaresque in grammatica aut juvenes

478 NOTES.
in puerilibus per se clam aut palam infra praediclam civitatem seu
universitatem instruere et docere." The bishop having heard the
parties, considered the productions, and examined witnesses, decided,
with the advice of his chapter, and of the rector and clerks of the
university, in favour of the Chancellor, and prohibited Dwne from
aU teaching or instructing of youth or scholars, without license spe
cially sought and obtained from the said Mr. Martin, or the Chan
cellor for the time being. (Cartul. Glasg. torn. ii. p. 939.)
It appears from this that there was a grammar-school in Glasgow
long before the year 1494. In the sixteenth century the situation of
master of it was highly respectable. Among the non-regentes nomi
nated to elect the reetor, or to examine the graduates, the records of
the university mention, in 1523 and 1523, " Matthaeus Reid mag1
scalae grammaticaUs ;" !in 1549 and 1551, " Mag. Alexr Crawford
mag. scolse gramaticalis ;" and in 1555, " Archibald3 Crawford prae-
ceptor schol. gram.''
At what time Thomas Jack became master, I have not learned. The
following is the title of his book : " Onomasticon Poeticvm siue Propri-
orvm Qvibvs in svisMonvmentis vsi svnt veteres Poet«e,Brevis Descrip-
tio Poetica, Thoma Jacchaeo Caledonio Avthore. Edinbvrgi Excvdebat
Robertvs Waldegraue, Typographus Regiae Maiestatis. 1592. Cum
Privilegio Regali." 4to. Pp. 150. It is dedicated to James, eldest
son of Claud Hamilton, Commendator of Paisley, who had been edu
cated under Jack, along with John Graham, a younger son of the
Marquis of Montrose. The dedication is dated " Ex Sylva, vulgo
dicta, Orientali ,•" i. e. Eastwood. Prefixed and subjoined to the
work are a recommendatory letter by Hadr. Daminan A Bistervelt,
ahd encomiastic verses by the same individual, by Robert Rollock,
Hercules Rollock, Patrick Sharp, Andrew Melville, and Thomas
Craig. From the verses of Robert RoUock, it appears that he had
been the scholar of Jack, whom he calls " praeceptor ille olim meus
Jacchaeus." After mentioning that he left the school of Glasgow
" a. d. v. Kal. Sept. 1574," Jack goes on to say: " Eo ipso anno,
mense Nouembri, non sine singulari numinis providentia, suae gentis
decus, et pietatis et eruditionis nomine, Andreas Melvinus Glascuam
Venit, qui gymnasio praeesset, quern haud dubie in summum suae Ec
clesiae et Reipub. Scoticanae commodum eo miserat Deus. IUe, ver-
sibus meis perlectis, me instanter urgere non destitit, ut operis fron-
tem ad umbiUcum perducerem." Having mentioned the revisal of
his work; by Buchanan, (See Irving's Mem. of Buchanan, p. 238, 2d
edit.) Jack adds: " Ad Buchanani curam accessit et Andrea: Mel
vini, Roberti Pontani, et Hadriani Dammanis opera, quibus eo

NOTES. 479
nomine me devinctissimum confiteor." (Onomasticon Poeticum, De-
dic. Epist.) In 1577, " Thomas Jackseus" was "Quaestor Academiae."
(Annales CoUegii Fac. Art. Glasg.)— Feb. 4, 1578, " Mr. Thomas
Jack vicar of eistwod" signs, as a witness, a tack granted by the
CoUege to John Buchanan of Ballagan. (Ibid.) " Mr. Thomas Jack,
minister of Ruthergten," was among those who opposed the election
of Montgomery to be archbishop of Glasgow. (Records of Privy
Council, April 12, 1582.) " Tho. Jack" was a member of the Gene
ral Assembly, Aug. 1590. (Buik of Universall Kirk, f. 158, b.) He
is mentioned as a minister within the bounds of the Presbytery of
Paisley, in May 1593. (Record of the Presb. of Glasgow.) And
he died in 1596, as appears from the Testament Testamentar of
"Euphame WyUe, relict of umqhill Mr. Thomas Jak minr at
Eastwod." She leaves a legacy to " James Scharp, her oy, sone
to Mr. Patrick Scharp," and constitutes " Mr. Gabriel Maxwell,
her oy," her only executor and intromitter. (Records of Com
missary Court of Edinburgh, Aug. 1, 1608.) In the Dedication of
his Onomasticon, Jack says, " Gabrieiem Maxvellum, nepotem meum,
qui mihi unici filii loco est, ingravescente hae nostra aetate, tuo com-
mendo patrocinio." — Gabriel Maxwell was a minister in the pres
bytery of Paisley, 18th March, 1594. (Records of the Presbytery
of Edinburgh.) And he is mentioned as " Regens et Magister A"
1605," in a List of the Masters of the CoUege of Glasgow. (MS. by
Principal Dunlop, in Advocates Library.)
Note L. p. 367.
Early State of High School of Edinburgh. — This school had the
same dependance on the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, which that of
Glasgow had on the cathedral church. This is established by a very
curious document, a royal charter by James V. dated March 21, 1529,
" Henrico Henrison super officio Magisterii Eruditionis in Schola
GrammaticaUs de Edinburgh." It ratifies and embodies a donation
by George Bishop of Dunkeld, as Abbot of Holyroodhouse, with con
sent of the convent of that monastery. This donation bears, that
" our Louit Clark and Oratour Maister Dauid Vocat principale
Maister and Techour of our Grammar scule of the burgh of Edin
burgh has chosin his louit friende and discipill Maister Hary Henrisoun
to be Comaister with him into the said skule," and to succeed to him af
ter his decease ; " And because we the saidis Abbot and Couent under-
standis ye said Maister Hary is abil and sufficientlie qualyfyit therto,has
made under him gude and perite scolaris now laitUe ye tym that he
was Maister of our scule within our burgh of ye Canongate, Heir-

480 NOTES.
for we, &c. ratifyis and approuis y8 said admissioune of ye said
Maister Hary to be Commaister," &c. and gives and grants him
" pouir and licence to be principale maister of ye said Grammar skule
after ye said Maister Dauid deceiss — wit all and syndrie profitis, &c.
and dischairgis all utheris of ony teching of Gramar Skules within
ye said Burgh,, except ye teching and lering of Lectouris allenerally
under ye panys contenit in ,ye Papis Bullis, grantit to vs yerupon.
And we with. (wiU ?.) ye said Maister Hary Henrysoun heirfore be
ane gude, trew and thankful servitour to ws and our Successouris en
during his lyftyme, and to be at hie solempne festiual tymes with ws
and our successouris at ye mess and ewin sang with his surpUs wpoun
him to doe ws seruice ye tyme yat we sail doe diwine seruice within
our said abbey as efferis.  ye ferd daye of Septemb. ye yeir of God
1524 yeiris." (Ex Diplomatum CoUectione MS. vol. ii. p. 350 : in
Bibl. Jurid. Edin. Jac. V. 4. 23.)
During the disputes between the magistrates and Mr. WilUam Ro
bertson, the right of the Abbot is always taken for granted. April 8,
1562, the town-councU agree to write to Lord James to deal with
Lord Robert, (Abbot of Holyroodhouse,) for removing Mr. W. Ro
bertson from the grammar-school, for granting the office of master
" to sic ane leirnit and qualifeit man as yai can find maist abill yrfore
and for vphalding and sustening ye sd m. & doctouris, as alsua ofye
regentis of ane collage to be biggit ufin yis burgh." (Register of Town
Council, vol. iv. f. 26.) April 11, 1562, Mr. WiUiam Robertson pro
duced " ane gyft grantit be abbot cairneros to vmqle Sr Jhone allane."
(Ib. f. 27.) He afterwards produced a gift to himself " be presenta
tion of the abbat of halierudhous — of ye dait ye x day of Januar lm
vc xlvi yers," to which it was objected by the procurator of the town,
(Oct. 3, 1562.) that it ought to have had the seal of the convent and
the subscription of the Abbot of Cambuskenneth, administrator and
governor of the Abbot of Holyroodhouse, who was then a minor under
fourteen years of age. " The provost, &c. sittand in jugemet as iugeis
ordineris to the persoun of Mr WilUame Robertsoun, haifand consent
of Robert commendator of halierudhous— findis ye said Mr W. vnha-
bill to exerce ye said office of scholemaister within ye said bur1 &
yairfore decerns him to remove," &c. (Reg. ut sup. ff. 44, 45.) This
is a very curious minute. Robertson continued to defend his right,
and on the 6th of May, 1565, the Queen interposed her authority in
his favour. (Ib. ff. 128, 129.) On the 6th of March, 1562, the
council " ordainis ane writing to be maid in maist effectuous manrer
to Mr James Qiihite scottisman in london — to accept upon him ye
mastership of ye hie giamer scole, and becaus yai ar surelie intermit

NOTES. 481
[[he] hes gfeit proffit be his scole in londone, and y' he is ane man of
excellent lerning baith in lating & greik ordanis ane yearlie pensioun
to be given to him of iiijxxU (fourscore pounds) of ye readaest of yair
comounj gude, besyde and abone ye profet yt he sail haue of ye
bairnis." (Ib. f. 60.) July 28, 1568, the treasurer is appointed to
ride to St. Andrews " for Mr thomas buchquhanane to be Maist. of
yair hie scole." (Ib. f. 220.) He entered to the school on the 11th
of February foUowing, and appears to have left it about July, 1570.
(Ib. ff. 294, 260.) It would seem that he acted as assistant to his
uncle during his residence at Stirling. For a pension of £100 was
given to " Mr. Thomas buchannane Maister of ye grammar scole of
StriueUng, quha hes bene in the nowmber of his hienes houshald"
and has bruiked the pension, " thir diuers years bygane. — Penult.
Aug. 1578." (Reg. of Presentation to Benefices, &c. vol. ii. f. 2.)
It appears, from the gift to Henry Henryson, that in 1 525 there
was a grammar school in the Canongate, distinct from that of Edin
burgh, and that both were originally under the patronage of
the abbots of Holyroodhouse. In 1580, " The baiUies counsall
and Kirk of the bur' of the canongait" entered a complaint be
fore the Privy Council, in which they stated that they have " bene
euir cairfull according to thair duteis that thair youth , sould haue
bene instructit and bro* vp in the knowledge of god and gude
Ires And thairfoir hes had grammer sculis ane or ma And that
not onUe sen reformatioun of reUgioun bot also in tyme of papistrie
& past memorie of man, QuhiU that Mr WUliam Robertsoun scule-
master of Edinbur* be sum solistatioun purchest of his hienes in the
moneth of October last the confirmatioun of ane papisticall gift got
ten in vtyme of bUndnes at the abbot of haUeruidhous then being in
minority without consent of the convent And be the same hes stoppit
and dischargit their sculis be the space of ane quartir of ane yeir or
mair last bipast throw the qlk thair haill infantes and children are
dispersit, &c.  The lordis of secreit counsaU ffindis thameselfis not
to be judges competent to the said mater and thairfoir remittis the
samen to be decydit befoir the judges competent thairto as accordis."
(Record of Privy Council, 9th Sept. 1580.)
Note M. p. 372.
Of Alexander Sy™e. — The following grant to Alexander S^me fur
nishes a curious notice as to the teaching of law in Scotland : " Marie
be ye grace of god quene of Scottis &c Forsamekle as it is vnderstand
to oure derrest moder Marie quene drowriare and regent of oure re
alme that ye want and laik of cunning men, raritie and skarsines of
VOL. II. 2 I

482 NOTES.
thame to teche and reid within our realme, hes bene ye occasioun
of ye decay of knawlege and science, within ye samin swa yat yir
mony zeris bigane yah- hes bene few yat applyif yarne or gaif
yair studie to obtene letters And yat florischeing of letters knaw
lege and science nocht aUaneriie to ye plesiijre of ws and • our
successouris, and to oure and yair perpetuate honour and fame
Bot also to the greit decoring of ye countrie and vnteUable proffeit of
oure liegis quhilk sail foUow yairvpoun, gif be authorising of cunning
men all liberaU sciences beis frielie techit floriss and incress, and We
vnderstanding that oure weUbelovite clerk maister Alex. Sym hes
spendit his haiU youtheid past in vertew and science, and having ex
perience of him yat he is habiU to reid, instruct, and teiche Thairfor
&c." grants him a pension of 100 Ub. Scots, during the Queen's plea
sure — " To ye effect yat he sail await upoun our said derrest moder,
and be hir Lectoure and reidare in ye lawis or ony vtheris sciencis,
at oure bur* of Edr or quhair he salbe requirit be our said derrest
moder yairto. And alsua to gife aU vtheris young mene of fresche
and quyk Ingynis occasioun to apply yair hale myndis to studie for
like reward to be hade of ws in tyme cuming, &c. At Ed. Feb. 5,
1555." (Register of Privy Seal, vol. xxviii. fol. 10.)
In 1562, Mr. Alexander Sym was appointed one of the examinators
of the master of the High School of Edinburgh, " in grammar, greik,
and latein/' The foUowing is a Ust of these "men cuning and ex-
perte in the saidis sciences," who may be presumed to have been the
most distinguished for learning in the country : " Maisters George
baquhannane, George Hay, Alexander Sym, David Colass, Johnne
craig minister qf haherudhous, James panter, James Kinponte, Cle
ment litill, Johnne henderson, and Johnne Spottiswood superin tendant
of Lothian." (Register of Town Council, Oct. 3, 1562.) In 1567,
Mr. Alex. Sym was appointed one of the procurators for the Church.
(Cald. ii. 81.) He was alive in 1573, when he was appointed procu
rator, along with Edwart Henderson, for the College of St. Leonard
before the Lords of Counsel. (Pap. of Univ. of St. Andrews.)
Note N. p. 375.
Of Edward Henry son. — Henryson's first work was a translation of
a treatise of Plutarch : " Plutarchi Septem Sapientvm Convivivm,"
published in " Moralivm Opvscvlorvm Plvtarchi Tomus Tertivs —
apvd Graphivm, Lvgdvni 1551." 12mo. The Dedication is inscribed
" D Hvldrico Fuggero Edvardvs Henrisd S. P. D." A copy of this
book, belonging to the University of St. Andrews, has on the title-
page the author's autograph, -" Edward Henryson," with a number

NOTES. 483
of corrections of errors of the press by the same pen. This book
has also the autograph of " G. Hay rvthwen *."
In 1555, Henryson pubhshed a defence of Baro against Govea, on
the subject of the distinction between magistratical and judicial au
thority. " Edvardi Henrysonis Pro Eg. Barone adversus A. Gove-
anvm de Jurisdictione Libri II. ParisUs 1555." 8vo. fol. 80. The
Dedication, " Ad Huldrichum Fu,ggerum Kirchbergi & Vveissen-
homiae dominum," is dated "Biturigibus quarto nonas Octob. An.
do. m. d. liv." He informs Fugger that he had planned the work in
his house — " in Michausa tua," and that he considered all his litera
ry labours as due to him in virtue of the pension which he had from
him — " tibi tui stipendij iure debentur." A copy of this work in the
Advocates Library has the foUowing inscription in the author's hand
writing : " D. Joanni Henrysoni Eduard Henryson author amoris
ergo D.D. postridie Calend. No. 1555."
This work, as weU as Henryson's Commentary on the title of the
Institutes De Testamentis, was repubUshed by Meerman: Novus
Thesaurus Juris Civilis et Canonici, torn. iii. Meerman says the
Comment, de Testamentis ordinandis, was printed at Paris, 1556, in
8vo. In the dedication of it to Michael d'Hopital, dated from Bourges,
" 7 Cal. Jul. 1555," Henryson says, that the second/ year of his
teaching Civil Law in that place was then running. His name, how
ever, does not occur in two published lists of the professors of that
university. (Meerman, Nov. Thes. torn. ui. Praefat. p. vii.)
The foUowing note is written on a blank leaf of Arriani Epictetvs,
Gr. in the Library of Edinburgh CoUege. (A. T. a. 10.) lt is in the
handwriting of Henryson's son. " Fuit hie Doctoris Eduardi henry
sonis liber E quo transtuUt in Unguam latinam Epicteti Enchiridium
et arriani Commentarios de Epicteti dissertationibus in iEdibus Reue-
rendissimi viri Henrici Sancto Claro turn decani Glasguensis postea
Episcnjti Rossensis Eduardi Maecenatis Anno 52 post Millesimum
Quingentissimum. Antequam in pubUcum prodierunt Jacobi Scheggii
Eruditissimi Et Hieronymi volphii .SSUngensis Interpretis optimi
Eruditae Et doctae conuersiones. Mentionem facit Volphius Interpre-
tationis Thomae Naogeorgii quam non videre mihi contigit Ucet sedu-
* George Hay, sometimes called parson of Ruthven, and at other times
parson of Eddilston, was a brother of Andrew Hay, parson of Renfrew,
who filled, for many years, the office of Rector of the University of Glas
gow. (Cald. ii. 618, 619.) An account of his Answer to the Abbot of
Crossraguel has beon given elsewhere. (Life of Knox, ii. 131, 446.) In
April, 1 576, " Certane brether appointit to oversie the booke wrytin be Mr.
George Hay contra Tvrie." (Buik of Univ. Kirk, p. 65.)
2l2

484 NOTES.
lo perquisierim. Cur autem pater suam versionem Henrico Sanclaro
dicatam non Ediderit Secuta Luctuosissima illi Maecenatis mors Et ty-
pographorum Apud nos penuria Et Statim postea tantorum virorum
lucubrationes Editae in Gallia fUere." Some of the statements in this
note are at least dubious. Henry Sinclair, bishop of Ross, did not
die until Jan. 2, 1565. The translation of Arrian by Scheggius was
pubhshed in 1554. Henryson was with Fugger in 1551 ; and it is
not very probable that he was in Scotland during the following year.
— Dempster (Hist. Eccl. Scot. p. 350.) mentions a translation of ano
ther work of Plutarch by Henryson : " Plutarchi Commentarium
Stoicorum Contrarioru. Lugduni, 1555."
In 1563 " Maisteris James Balfour persoun of flisk, Ed. henry-
soun, Clement UttiU aduocatis and robert Maitland," were esta
blished Commissaries of Edinburgh : Balfour had 400 merks,
and the rest 300 merks each, for their " feis yierlie." (Reg. of Privy
Seal, vol. xxxu. fol. 79.) Henryson is known as the editor of the
Scots Acts of Parliament, which appeared in 1566. His name occurs
in a list of advocates, May 22, 1585. (Papers of Hospital of Perth.)
He was dead before March 10, 1591. (Inq. Retorn. Edinburgh, num.
1414.) Several particulars as to his famUy are mentioned in Mait-
land's History of Edinburgh, p. 198. And his talents and his patron
age of science are celebrated by John Rutherfurd. (De Arte Disse-
rendi, Praefat.) Note O. p. 384.
Of Archbishop Adamson. — Dr. Mackenzie is offended at the presby
terian historians for asserting that the Archbishop's name was Patrick
Constance, and that he was a minister of the church of Scotland at the
beginning of the Reformation. (Lives, iii. 365.) That he was caUed
Constyne, Constance, or Constantine, is most unquestionable. Recom
mendatory verses by James Lawson and Robert Pont are prefixed to
" Catechismvs Latino Carmine redditvs — Patricu Adamsoni Scoti
poetae elegantissimi opera — Lekprevik, 1581*." In his verses Pont
says: # This work was first printed at St. Andrews in 1573. (Melvillle's Diary,
pp. 27, 28.) Charters mentions both editions, (Acco. of Scots Divines, p. 2,)
as does also Sibbald. (De Script. Scot. p. 24.) In his dedication of it to the
youngling, the author informs James, that he had composed it with the view
of assisting in his education.

NOTES. 485
Vidit Patricivs cum Constantinus opellae,
Admouitque manum noster Adamsonivs.
The following is the title-page of the first edition of one of Adam-
son's earliest works : " De Papistarvm Svperstiosis Ineptiis Patricij
Adamsonij, Alias Constantini carmen. Matth. 15. Omnis plantatio
&c. Impressum Edinburgi per Robertum Lekprewick. Anno 1564."
(In Bibl. Coll. Edin.) WUson, perhaps thinking the alias discredit
able to his father-in-law, omitted the second name in his edition. It
is unnecessary to produce other proofs. If any of the presbyterian
historians have asserted that the archbishop changed his name, they
are mistaken ; for he inherited both designations from his ancestors.
Dionysius Adamson or Constantine was Town Clerk of Perth toward
the close of the fifteenth century. He is mentioned in thirteen
charters from 1491 to 1500, and is sometimes called Adamson and
sometimes Constantine. (Extracts from Registers of Births, &c. in
Perth, by the Rev. James Scott ; now in the Library of the Advo
cates.) The writer of Vita P. Adamsoni, subjoined to Melvini Musce,
(p. 45,) says the bishop was the son of Patrick Constan, a baker.
Mr. Scott says that Patrick Adamson or Constantine, who was a ma
gistrate of Perth in 1541, and died Oct. 23, 1570, had a daughter
named Violet, and three sons, Patrick, Henry, and James. Violet
married Andrew Simson, master of the grammar school of Perth.
Patrick became archbishop of St. Andrews. Henry was killed on the
street of Perth, April 16, 1558. James held the office of provost of
Perth from 1609 to 1611, and was the father of Mr. Henry Adam
son, the author of the poem entitled Gall's Gabions. (Extracts from
Re3gisters, ut supra.)
In 1558, " Patricius Constyne," of St. Mary's College, was lau
reated. (Rec. of Univ. of S. And.) In 1560, " Mr. Patrik Coustone"
(Constone) was declared by the General Assembly qualified " for
ministring and teaching." (Keith's Hist. p. 498.) Dec. 1562, "Mr.
Patrik Couston (Constance, Buik of Univ. Kirk,) if he be not chosen,
for St. Johnston, for Aberdeen." (Keith, 519.) June, 1564, " Mr.
Patrick Constance minister of Syres desyreing the licence to pass to
franoe and vther countreyes for augmenting of his knowledge for a
tyme, The haiU assemblie in ane voice dissentit yrfra." (Buik of
Univ. Kirk, p. 11.) " Accingenti se ad iter vir Dei Johannes Cnoxus
maledixit, quod tam ampla messe et tanta operariorum penuria gre-
gem deseruisset, ut ea quae sunt mundi qusereret." (Melvini Muss?4
&c, p. 45.)
2 i 2

486 NOTES.
The presbyterian writers say, that Adamson, on his, return po Scot
land, betook himself a second time to the ministry, and that, being
disappointed, of the archbishopric of St. Andrews, he preached a ser
mon, about the time of Douglas's consecration to that See, in which
he told the people, " There aie three sorts of Bishops ; my Lord
Bishop, my Lord's Bishop, and the Lord's Bishop. My Lord Bishop
was in the time of Popery : my Lord's Bishop is now, when my Lord
gets the benefice, and the bishop serves for nothing but to make his
title sure : and the Lord's Bishop is the true minister of the gospel."
Dr. Mackenzie summarily rejects this statement, as inconsistent with
^damson's account of himself, " that he was then at Bruges (Bourges)
in France, nor did he return to Scotland till the year 1573." (Lives,
iii. 365, 366.) The writer of the Ufe of Adamson in the Biographia
Britannica adopts Mackenzie's statement, but blames him for not
exposing more particularly the anachronisms of which the presbyte
rian writers have been guilty ; and having referred to dates and aur
thorities " to put this matter out of dispute," he concludes that the
whole is a scandalous story, fabricated by men who were induced by
" great spleen to write any thing that came into their heads, provided
always the enemies of the Kirk were the objects of their invective."
(Biogr. Brit. vol. i. p. 39, 2d edit.) But it has happened to this
writer as to those who contradict others on a subject on which they
are themselves superficiaUy informed. For, in the first place, Ban-
natyne, who was on the spot, has recorded in his Journal, (p. 323,)
that " Mr. Patrik Cousting (Consting) preached" at St. Andrews on
the Friday before Douglas's consecration ; and James MelvUle says
that he heard the sermon, and has given the words used by the
preacher, as quoted above. (Diary, p. 27.) In the second place, in
spite of the averments and presumptions of the writers referred to, it
is unquestionable that Adamson had left France, and was in Scot
land, when Douglas was appointed to the archbishopric of St. An
drews, aijd even before the death pf HamUton, the former incum
bent. Archbishop Hamilton was executed April 1, 1571; and
Douglas was elected to the bishopric on the 6th, and consecrated on
the 10th day of February, 1572. Now, Mr. Patrick Adamson pre
sented a petition to the General Assembly, which met on the 6th of
, March, 1572, " requesting them to ratify his pension Of 500 merks
out of the parsonage of Glasgow, because he was wiUing to serve in
the ministry." (Cald. ii. 343.) " The Assembly (A0 1571,) broth
erly required Mr. Patrick Adamson to enter again in the ministry."
He apswered that he would advise till next Assembly. (Ibid. ii. 226.)

NOTES. 487
" In the tenth Session (of the Assembly which met March 1, 1570.)
Mr. Patrick Adamson shewing that he was appointed % advice of
the brethren then convened at Edin7. to await on Court, and preach
to my lord Regent's Grace, and for that purpose was modified to him
500 merks he year, and had served 3 months upon his own expences :
therefore requested the brethren to appoint when he should receive
payment ofhis stipend pro rato, wch was done." (Ib. ii. 165,) But
the following document puts the matter beyond aU doubt. " Gift
of ane yeiriie pensioun of the soume of fyve hundreth merkis money
of this realme — to Maister Patrik Adamsoun — from the personage of
Glasgow &c. 25 day of August 1570." (Register of Benefices dis-
ponit sen the entres of the Noble and Michtie lord Matthew erle of
levinax, lord derneUe, to the office of Regentrie, fol. 2.)
These authorities would have outweighed the testimony of Adam
son himself, though he had asserted the contrary. But he has done
no such thing. His words are : " Scripsi quidem in Gallia ih ipso
belli furore" (Dedic. in Catechis.) ; meaning the civil war which raged
in 1567, and 1568. Misunderstanding this, his son-in-law has said,
" dum Martyrii Parisiensis rabiis conflagraret ;" and Thomas Mur
ray, proceeding on this mistake, adds, " in medio belli civiUs quo
Gallia anno 1572 conflagrauit, incendio." (Praefat. et Carm. ante
Jobum.) In this way carelessness creates blunders, and blunders,
acting on prejudice and spleen, produce calumny. I have entered
into this examination, not on account of the importance of the facts
to which it immediately relates, (although truth is preferable to error
in all things,) but because it affords a specimen of the ease with
which the common charges of falsification which writers of a certain
description have brought against Knox, Buchanan, Calderwood, and
other presbyterian historians, may be refuted.
It would seem that Adamson had some connexion with the Uni
versity of St. Andrews, while he was minister of Ceres. At least,
the preface to his poem, De Papistarum Ineptiis, is dated, " Sanc-
tiandreae 4. caleiidas Septembris. Anno 1564. Ex paedagogio." Among
the works ascribed to him is a eucharistical poem to Queen Elizabeth
fpr the liberation of Scotland from civil war. (Graii Oratio de IUustr.
Scot. Script, p. xxxii. Mackenzie's Lives, vol. i. Charters. Sibbald.)
He was probably the author of the Latin translation of the Scots Con
fession of Faith, pubhshed by Lekprevik, " Andreapoli Anno Do.
m.d.lxxii." Subjoined to it are a specimen of his paraphrase of Job,
and an epitaph by him on Walter MU1 the martyr. This is the
epitaph inserted in Spotswood's History, p. 97. Among the Cottonian

488 NOTES,.
MSS. are two epitaphs^' per Patricia Constantino Scotum ;" one on
Bishop Jewel, and another on the Duke of Guise. (Cahg. B. 5. 58.)
' Note P. p. 388.
, «K! • ' ' ., .-.'I.,.. >• K- C '
-Of John Davidson, Principal ofthe College qf Glasgow.-. — Charters,
in his account of Scottish Divines, and Wodrow, in his Life of John
Davidson, havejconfounded the Principal with the person who is the
subject of the succeeding not^*. The latter (who became minister
of .Libberton, preached for some time in Edinburgh, and died minis
ter, of, Prestonpans,) was a student of St. Leonard's College, in the
University of St. Andrews, from 1567 to 1570. The former had been
at the head of the College of Glasgow many years before that period.
" Die xxiv° octobris anno 1556. Incorporati sub praescripto Rectore —
Mag7 Joannes Dauidson vicarius de alness." The same year he
was chosen one of the four intrants for electing the Rector. And on
the 25th of Oct. 1557, he is styled "principaUs regens pedagogu
Glasguen." (Annal. Univ. Glas.) In 1559, "Mag. Johanes Dauid-
soun principalis regens pedagogii seu universitatis Glasguen" signs
two deeds relating to the College rents; and in 1560 another is sub
scribed by " Mr Johne Dauidsoun principall regent of ye paedagog of
Glasgow." . I have not been able to ascertain at what time he died,
but believe his name occurs for the last time in the recprds of the
university about the year 1 572.
The foUowing is the title of a book pubhshed by him : " Ane
Answer to the Traptiue, set furth in the zeir of God, 1558, be Maister
Qumline,kennedy,Commendatarof CrosragueU,forthe estabhsching of
ane Christiane mannis conscience (as he alledgis) the Forth and strenth
of his Papistrie, and all vthers of his Sect, as appearis weU be his
Epistle direct to the Protestantes, and Prentit in the last part of this
Buik. Maid be Maister Johne Dauidsone, Maister of the Paedagog
pf Glasgw. Colloss. 2. Bewarre &c. Imprentit at Edinburgh by
Robert Lekprewik. Cum priuilegio. 1563." 4to. 34 leaves. The
running title is: "The Confutatione of M. Q. Ken. Papisticall
Councels;" -
After an address " To the Beneuolent Reader" is a dedication " To
the maist Noble apd vertuous Lorde Alexander, Earle of Glencar7

* There was a third person of this name who was alive at the same time.
Mr. John Davidsone was minister of Hamilton in 1567, (Keith p. 575,) in
1578, (Melville's Diary, p. '43,) and in 1589. (Cald. iv. 139.)

NOTES. 489
den." Having praised the exertions of his Lordship in the Refor
mation of religion, and stated that this answer was undertaken at his
desire, the author goes on to say : " And because this buik of M. Q.
contenit so many absurditeis, quhilk wald haue consumit great tyme,
to haue confutit thaim aU, It chancit weill, that ane lytic space be
fore the beginning of the reformation of the rehgion, he excerptit
furth of this hale Buik, ane Schort tractiue, contening the hale ma
ter of his Buik, as the Coppy bearis that he send me, to present to
James Betoune, Archebischop of Glasgw (quha was my gude Maister
and liberal freind, quhowbeit for religione we are now seperatit in
ane part, as mony fathers and sonnes is, in thir our dayis) to quhom
I pray God, send the treuth and knawledge of his worde : that may
vnit vs in Spirit and mynde againe together, that hes seperatit
vs (as apperis) in our warldly kyndenes." At the end of the book is
an answer to " Maister Quintine kennedeis Epistle to the Brethren
Protestantes," in which Davidson reminds the Abbot he had sent
him his Sehort Tractive, " to haue bene presentit in that troublus
tyme to James Betoune archebischope of Glasgo, our gude Lorde
and Maister, to haue had his Judgement and mynde of zour said buik,
before that tyme laitly Prentit : quhilk for that present tyme, we
approuit baith to be gude and godly, bot sen syne, I finding the
Scriptures sa weiU oppinnit, be the ordinarie meanis, quhareby God
communicatis vnto men, the vnderstanding of his Scripturs, that I
eould nocht be langer of zouropinione, without I wald haue mantenit,
as ane shameles man, that thing quhilk had nother .ground of Scrip
ture, gude reasone, nor approbatione of the Ancient Doctours. Quhare-
fore, for the brotherly luife I beare to all men in Christe, and for the
auld Parisiane kyndnes, that was betuix vs *, to bryng zour L. and
the people of this countrie, fra the errour and blyndnes that this
lytle buik of zours, hes haldin zow and thaim baith in. Be sindrie
Scripturs and reasonis I haue trauellit, vsing me heirin, efter the
commone maner of Reasoning, without dispyte, or reproche, and on
the maist gentile maner I could, I haue schawin zow, quhow ze
haue far ouersene zour self in this buik, of the quhilk, in my hart
trewly I am sorie. Praying zour L. heirfore, gi£ ze finde the Rea-
* A commission by the Bishop of Aberdeen was executed at Paris, Sept.
13, 1552: " coram his testibus — Magistris Joanne Davidson vicario de Nyg,w
&c. (Keith's Scot. Bishops, p. 71.) But I cannot assert that this is th<e
individual who was afterwards principal of Glasgow College.

490 NOTES.
jsonis I bring in aganis zours, to haue evacuat the reasonis of zour
buik in oily sorte : vhdierstand my labours not to be, that I desyre
zour L. (quha iexcedis me far in vnderstanding, and in all kynde of
subtile reasoning) to acknowledge zour self to be ouercum be me, bot
lat the veritie beare away the victorie fra vs baith."
The following notice is bestowed on Davidson's book by Ninian
Winget. " Of this mater I heir of a buke set furth be an honorable
cofessour of ye trew catholik fayth M. Quintine keiinedie, a work
comendit be sindry cunning men als weil of Ingland as of Scotland;
And also laitUe I heif sein certane clatteris & I wate nocht quhatj
nameit cotumeliousHe in hie contempt of ye kirk of God, A confufa^
tioiin ofye said M. Quintinis Papistical counselis. Put out be ane of
our windfalUn brether, laitUe snapperit in the cummerance of Caluin.
M. Johne Dauidsone, Quha for his parte of the new padzeane of his
desperat brethir, wald be haldi a Dauidsone so doughtie, yat with a
puft of his mouth he micht be iudgeit to cleik fra ye counselis, als
weil general as wtheris, al auctoritie : in yat he dar be sa temerarious
as to call yame papistical : yat is, as he intendis contumeliousUe be
yat terme, dissaitful, wickit, leing ad erroneous. And sua impudent-
lie dar he affirme few Godly couselis to hef bene othir, sen Syluestris
days or afore : — zit he thinkis nocht al yat venum aneuch : bot af-
firmis als that yai hef bene few guid pastouris in ye kirk sen ye said
Syluester. O ingentem confidentiam ! My toung treulie, Madame,
failzeis me to express ye zele yat a faythful Christiane suld haif, for
the house of God, aganis yir schatfteles learis, aganis ye foUe, yea ye
phrenesie of yir proud pestilent protestantis, euery day deseeding a
step feryer to yair maister in hel." (Epistle Dedicatory " To ye
maist Catholik, Noble, and Gratious Souerane Marie Quene of
SCottis," prefixed to " Vincentivs Lirenensis of the natioun of GaUis,
for the antiqUitie and veritie Of the cathoUk fayth, aganis ye prophane
houatiotiis of all haereseis, A richt goldin buke writtih in Latin about
Xi. C. zeiris passit, and neulie translatit in Scottis be Niniane Win-
zet a catholik Preist— Antverpise Ex officina ^gidu Diest, 1 Decemb.
1563.") As a number of books in favour of the Rpman CathoUc Religion
were about this time translated into the Scottish language, so the
Reformers procured the translation of the most useful writings of
foreign protestants. One of these appeared under the following
title : " Ane Breif Gathering of the Halie Signes, Sacrifices and Sa-
cramentis Institutit of God sen the Creation of the warlde. And pf
the trew originall of the sacrifice of the Masse. Translatit out of

NOTES. 491
Frenche into Scottis be ane Faithful Brother. Math. 15. Euerie plant
&c. Imprerttit at Edinbvrgh be Robert Lekprevik. m. ». lxv." 4to.
46 leaves. Judging from internal evidence, I would be disposed to
conclude that the epistle of " The Translatovr tb this Reader" was
written by John Knox. " I finding the commoditie of sume zoung
men weUl acquentit with ye French toung quhais labouris releuit me
mekle in yis behalf : I haue causit yis Utle Bvike bp set furthe in
our Scottis toung to mak ye treuth knawin to all our countrie men,
yat hes not ye knawledge of ye vther leid and yat it may be partely
ane answer to Winzets Questious, quhU ye compleit answer be pre
pared for ye rest." — It appears from the following entry that a pension
was for some time assigned to an individual whom the General As
sembly employed to translate foreign books.
" And of the soume of ane hundereth thretty thre pundis sex
schiUingis aucht pennies pait be ye comptare to WiUiame stewart
Translator of ye werkis and buikis as is tho1 necess7 be ye kirk to be
translatit for edificatioun of ye people Conforme to the appointment
of ye said buke of modificatioun jc xxxiij li vj s viij d."
(Accompt CoU. General of the Thridds of Benefices for the year
1651.) — Another entry in nearly the same terms is made in the ac
compt for 1562.
Note Q. p. 394.
Of Davidson's Memorial qf Kinyeancleuch. — The foUowing is the
title of this rare poem : " A Memorial of the Ufe & death of two
worthye Christians, Robert Campbel of the Kinyeancleugh,, and his
wife EUzabeth Campbel. In EngUsh Meter. Edinbvrgh. Printed
by Robert Walde-graue Printer to the King's Maiestie. 1595. Cum
privilegio RegaU." Black letter, C in eights. The running title is :
" A MemoriaU of the life of two worthie Christians." The dedica
tion " To his loving sister in Christ, Elizabeth Campbel of Kin-
yeanclevch," is dated ''"From Edinburgh the 24. of May. 1595.
Your assured Friend in Christ 1. D." — " Finding this Uttle Treatise
(Sister, dearlie beloued in Christ) of late yeares amongst my other
Papers, which I made about twentie yeares and one agoe, Imme-
diatUe after the death of your godUe Parentes of good memory, with
whome I was most dearlie acquainted in Christ, by reason of the
troble I suffered in those daies for the good cause, wherein God made
them chiefe comforters vnto me till death separated vs. As I vewe<$
it over, and reade it before some godly persones of late, they were

492 NOTES.
most instant with me, that I woulde suffer it to come to light, to the
Stirring vp pf the zeale of God's people among vSj which now be-
ginneth almost to be quenched in aU estates none excepted. Sq that
the saying of the worthie servaunt of God John Knox, (among many
other his fore-speakings) proueth true, that is ; " That as the gospel
entred among vs and was receiued with fervencie and heat : so he fear-
fd it should decoy and lose the former bewtie, through coldnes, and loth*
somnesse, howbeit (as he saide many times) it should not be vtterlie
overthrown in Scotland, tU the coming of the Lord Iesus to iudgment,
in spite qf Sathan <Sf malice of all his slaues"— Elizabeth was the
heiress of the two worthie Christians, " after the death of their onely
Sonne, Nathaniel,"
I have already given an extract from this Poem. (See above, vol. i,
p. 419.) After mentioning that poets in aU ages had celebrated those
who excelled in any " vertuous deid," or deed which appeared tp
them " like vertue," the author says : —
So we finde deeds of vassalage,
Set foorth by Poets in aU age,
Even of Gray-Steill, wha Ust to hike,
Their is set foorth a meikle buke, ^
Yea for to make it did them gude
Of that rank Rouer Robene Hude :
Of Robene Hude and Uttie lohne,
With sic Uke Outlawes many one :
As Clim of the Clewgh and Cliddislie,
Because of their fine archerie.
f if * * *
Then to beginne but proces more.
We haue had worthie men before,
Of all degries these fyftene yeers,
As the gude Regent with his feeres :
John Knox that valyant Conquerour,
That stood in many stalward stour ;
For Christ his maister and his word,
And many moe I might record :
Some yet aliue, some also past,
Erie Aexander is not last, ,
Of Glencarne, but these I passe by*
Because their deeds are alreddy

NOTES. 493
By sundrie Poets put in write,
Quhilk now I neid not to recite.
Kinyeancleugh's zealous and active exertions at the commencement
of the Reformation are commemorated thus :
Sa priuatelie in his lodgeing,
He had baith prayers and preaching :
To teU his freinds he na whit dred,
How they had lang bene bUndUns led :
By shaueUng Papists, Monks and Friers,
And be the Paipe these many yeares :
When some Barrones, neere hand him by,
And Noble men he did espie,
Of auld who had the truth profest,
To them he quickUe him addrest :
And in exhorting was not slak,
What consultation they would tak,
How orderUe they might suppresse ,
In their owne bounds that Idole messe :
In place thereof syne preaching plant,
To quhilk some noble men did grant.
*****
Quhilk they did soone performe in deede
And made them to the wark with speede ;
And had some preaching publictlie,
Where people came maist frequentUe :
Whiles among woods in banks and brais,
Whiles in kirkyards beside their fais :
Thir Novells through the Countrie ran,
Quhilk stirred vp baith wife and man.
*****
When they puld down the Friers of Air,
Speir at the Friers gif he was thair :
The Lard of Carncle yet in Kyle,
Quha was not sleipand al this while, y
And Robert wer made messengers,
Send from the rest to warne the Friers
Out of those places to deludge, )#
Howbeit the Carls began to grudge : _, . J

494 NOTES.
Either with good wUl or with ill,
The keyes they gave thir twa vntiU :
After their gudes they had out tane,
So greater harme the Friers had nane :
Far vnlike to their crueltie,
In their massacring boutcherie.
* * * * »
Then Robert like a busie Bie,
Did ride the post in all Countrie :
Baith North and Sowth, baith East and West,
To aU that the gude cause profest :
Through Angus, Fyfe, and Lawthaine,
Late iournies had he many ane :
By night he would passe forth of Kyle,
And slip in shortly to Argyle :
Syne to Strafherne and to aU parts,
Where he knew godly zealous harts,
Exhorting them for to be stoute.
And of the matter haue no doubt :
For although, said he, we be few,
Having our God we are anew.
Davidson praises Kinyeancleugh's lady for encouraging him in
these disinterested expeditions, instead of grudging, as some wives did,
the expense which he incurred. In describing the ungracious recep
tion which the husband of one of these thrifty dames received at his
home-coming, the poet informs us of the arrival in Scotland of a sin
gular female colony, whose race, it is to be hoped, is now extinct
among us ; although, perhaps, some acute and keen-set antiquary
may be able still to track them, and, stoically fearless of " a re-
begeaster," to point out some descendants of these Norwe3gian
Amazons. He might look as they tell the tail,
When he came hame for euill cooled kaill :
Ze haue sa meikle gear to spend
Ze trow never it wiU haue end :
This will make you fuU bare there ben,
Lat see (sayes she) what other men,
So oft ryding a field ye finde,
Leauing thair owne labour behinde.

NOTES. 495
This and farre mair had oft bene told.
Be many wiues, yea that we hold
Not of the worst in all the land,
I speak not of that balefuU band :
That Sathan hes sent heir away,
With the black fleete of Norroway :
Of whome ane with her Tygers tong,
Had able met him with a rong :
And reaked him a rebegeastor,
CaUing him many warlds weastor.
Kinyeancleugh, accompanied by Davidson, who was then under
concealment, had gone to Rusko, a seat of the Laird of Lochinvar,
where he sickened, and died on the 22d of April, 1574. His wife
died in the month of June following. Davidson praises his protec
tor's piety, charity, lenity to his tenants, and his wisdom and integ
rity in settling private differences, on which account he was employ
ed by rich and poor, both of the popish and protestant persuasion.
Note R. p. 397.
Bishop Reid's Legacy for building a College in Edinburgh. — The
following are the facts respecting this legacy, of which Maitland
(Hist, of Edin. p. 356,) has given an incorrect statement. Robert Reid,
Bishop of Orkney and Zetland, (who died in 1558,) " be his testament
and latt7 wiU left the sowme of aucht thousand merkis money of this
realme — for hying of the landis and yairdis lyand in the said burgh
(of Edinburgh) qlkis sumtyme pertenit to vmqle S7 Johnne ramsay of
balmane And for founding of ane college for exercise of learnig thair-
into, be the aduise counsale and discretioun of vmqIe Maister Abraham
creightoun prouest of dunglas, Maister James MakgiU of rankeloure
nether clerk of the registre, and Vmqle Maister thomas makealzeane
of cliftonhall." As the money had not been applied according to the
wUl of the disponer, and " all the three persons to whose discretion
the accomplishing of the work was committed" were dead, the legacy
was considered as having faUen to the king ; and the town councU,
in 1582, supplicated the privy council, that his Majesty's right in the
matter should be conveyed to them, and that they might have full
power to pursue Walter abbot of Kinloss, " ane of the executors tes-
tamentares of the said vmqle Robert bishop of Orkney," and others
indebted for the said sum. This supplication was granted by the

496 NOTES.
privy councU, on the town council giving security that they would
apply the money recovered to the support of a college. (Record of
Privy Council, April 11, 1582.) On the 6th of July, 1593, the
town council had recovered the money in the hands of the abbot of
Kinloss, which amounted to 4000 merks. (Record of Town Council,
vol. ix. f. 207.) There does not appear to have been any ground
for the charge brought against the Regent Morton of having seized
on the legacy, as stated in Gordon's Geneal. Hist, of Earldom of Suth
erland, p. 176, and in Keith's Scot. Bishops, p. 134.
Note S. p. 404.
Resort of Foreign Students to Scotland. — The reputation of the
University of St. Andrews had extended to France in the year 1586,
in consequence of which the father of the celebrated Andrew Rivet
purposed sending him to study at it. (Dauberi Oratio Funebris, sig.
* * 2. prefix. Riveti Oper. torn, ui.) But the troubles of Scotland
discouraged foreign students from visiting it between 1584 and 1586.
The reader must not consider the foUowing list as containing all the
foreigners who studied at St. Andrews. After the year 1579, the
names of those who entered the New College (which was then appro
priated to the study of theology) are not usually recorded in the
books of the University. A separate list of them appears to have
been kept; but during Melville's principaUty, from 1580 to 1607,
the original Ust has been lost, and there remains only an imperfect
copy of it, apparently taken by Robert Howie, his successor. Blanks
are frequently left in it, and sometimes only a part of the name is
given. During the time that Howie was principal, the list, which is
in his handwriting, may be considered as complete. The following
names are collected from different records of the University. I have
not included the names of students from England and Ireland. The
greater part of the foreigners attended the University during several
years ; but, for the sake of brevity, their names are not repeated.
List of Foreign Students at St. Andrews.
An. 1588.
Isaie ChevaUier *.
Gulielmus Oustaeus.

* This individual was made A.M. in 1592, under the designation of
" Isaias Chevalerius, Francus Rupellensis."

NOTES. 497
1591.
Jacobus Maceus, GaUus.
Petrus Thubinus, GaUus. 1594.
Joannes Burdigallaeus.
Claudius Heraldus, Niortensis GaUus.
Georgius Rincoius, natione GaUus RupeUencis.
Isaacus CuvUlus, natione GaUus Sammaxantinus.
Daniel Couppeus, natione GaUus Andegavensis.
Daniel Chanelus, natione GaUus Rupellensis.
Joannes Vignams, GaUus Nannetensis.
1595.
Andreas Swendlus, NobiUs Danus.
Petrus Gombaldus.
Petrus Chevaltus.
Joannes Guivinellus.
Antonius Massonus.
Joannes Raymondus.
[[Christophorus Johannides, Danus *.[]
1596.
Joannes Doucherus.
Jacobus Tholoscus.
Petrus Menancellus.
Goddaeus, Belga. GaUus. GaUus. 1597.
Georgius RoueUus.
Jacobus Weland.
* This name does not occur in the Records, but it is added on the autho
rity of the following printed Thesis : " De Preedestinatione, sive De Cavsis
Salvtis et Damnationis JEtemse Disputatio, in qua preside D. Ahduxa
Melvino, Sacrar. Literarvm Professore, et rectore Academies Regis An-
dreana) in Scotia, Deo volente, Chkistofhorvs Johannides Danvs re.
spondebit. Edinburgi Excudebat Robeitvs Waldegraue Typographus Re
gius. 1595."
VOL. II. 2 K

498 NOTES. 1598.
Jacobus Rouellus.
Gerhardus Kreuterus, Germanus Hassus Herffendensis.
1599.
Jacobus Cokstochius, (Kosteckj) Polonus.
Samuel Leonardus Rasseski, Polonus.
Joan. Casimirus Francisci Junii F Heidelbergensis
Germanus.
Daniel Demetrius, Franckendalensis.
Joannes Schesessius.
Raphael CdUnus. 1600.
Joannes Valace, Belga.
Tobias Merbeckius, Belga *.
Gulielmus TeeUingius.
Samuel Gerobulus R. 1601.
Johannes Quada a Ravesteyn.
Isaacus MassUius.
Petrus a Scharlahen.
Jobus Danche, Dordracenus.
Andreas MichaeU.
GuiUelmus Latinus. 1603 t.
Albertus LothoffeU, Regiomontanus Borussus.
Christianus Hoffmeister, Regiomontanus Borussus.
Hugo Trajanus. 1604.
Joannes Gascus. 1606.
Johannes Bochardus, Belga.

* gee Ames Typ. Ant. p. 1521.
+ The register of the New College from 1603 to 1607 is almost a blank.

NOTES. 499
Jonas Charisius Severinus, Haffniensis Danus.
Petrus Petrejus, Hiennius Danus.
Johannes Rhodius, Danus. 1607.
Michael Parisius, GaUus, commendatus Collegio ab Ecclesia
Diepens.
Martinus Claudius, Danus.
[[ Claudius, Danus.[]
[[[Andreas PauUe *.[] 1609.
Ericus Julius, NobiUs Danus.
Petrus Magnus, Danus.
Andreas Claudius, Danus.
Magnus Martini, Danus.
David Bariandus. 1610.
Francisco a Parisus, I talus NeapoUtanus.
Dauid Barjon, GaUus Aquitanus.
Andreas Andreae, Danus.
From 1610 to 1616, only one new foreign name occurs. From
1616 to 1633, there is a considerable number of them, including a
NeapoUtan. Foreign Students at Glasgow.
1585 1- ¦*¦
Isaac5 Mazerius, GaUus. 1589.
Jeremias Barbseus, Celta.
* In the Testament of Walter Ramsay, ceconomus of St. Salvator's Col
lege, who deceased 12 Sept. 1611, are the following articles among " dettis
awand to the deid." — " It. be Martine Claudii Dutchman for Mmself &
his twa brether 40 lib. 6 s. 8 d.
It. be Andron Paulie Dutchman as rest of his buird 9 lib."
t During this year Melville was at Glasgow. See vol. i. p. 269.
2K2

500 NOTES. 1590.
Petrus Buybertus, Celta.
Honoratus Guibivit, Celta.
Josua Buybertus, Celta. 1593.
Johannes Riuetus, Celta.
Jacobus Choquetus, Celta.
Salomon Cailhaudus, Celta.
Renatus Pasquivius, Celta.
Joannes Blackivian, Celta. 1595.
Petrus Baalus, Celta.
Jacobus TnireUus, Celta.
Theodorus Thyrellus, Celta.
Renatus Osseus, Celta.
Carolus Ossoeus, Celta.
Gulielmus Riuetus, Celta. 1598.
Petrus Pagodus, Celta.
Petrus Verngodus, Celta.
No other foreign names occur in the Records, unless in 1622 — 1624,
when Cameron was principal of the University.
Foreign Students at Edinburgh.
An. 1592.
GuUelmus Oustaeus, minister verbi.
Daniel Plata;us, GaUus provincia.
Gabriel Bounerin, GaUus. 1595.
Thomas Maserius, GaUus. 1597.
Joannes OUvarius, GaUus.

NOTES. 501
J. Baldoynus, GaUus.
[[Mr. Molt *.[] 1598.
Joannes Argerius, GaUus.
Petrus Balloynus, GaUus.
Honorius Argerius, GaUus.
Stephanus Baldoynus. 1600.
Joachimus Dubouchel, GaUus.
Theodorus Du Bouizet, GaUus.
Joannes Wardin, Xanctoniensis. 1614.
Petrus Cosselius, GaUus Diepensis.
1629.
Joannes Fabritius, Genevensis.
Note T. p. 409.
Parochial Schools. — The Record of the " Synod of that part of the
Diocie of St. Andrews qlk lyeth benorth Forth" contains a report of
the visitation of parishes in the years 1611 and 1613. This report
affords, perhaps, one of the best means of ascertaining the exact state
of schools within a short time before the first legislative enactment on
this subject. It must be recollected, however, in any inferences that
maybe drawn from it, that the visitation by no means extended to all
the parishes within the bounds of the Transforthian division of the
diocese of St. Andrews.
The parishes of Tannadice, Perth, Fettercairn, Straybrock, Falk
land, Forgound, Ebdie or Newburgh, Innerkillor, Barrie or Pan-
bryde, Kinfaunds, Kinnaird, Inchture andBenvie, Mains and Strick-
martine, Bruntisland, Inneraretie and Mathie, and Errol, were pro
vided with schools. Those of Rascobie, Ferry of port on Craig, St.
Vigeans, Kilspindie and Rait, Liff, Logie and Innergowrie, Muirhous,

* Mons. jEolt writes a letter from Edinburgh, April 5, 1597, to Mons.
Tuile, minister at Mouchap, recommending Robert Boyd of Trochrig. He
speaks of several of his countrymen having gone to study at Glasgow.

502 NOTES.
and Manifuith, were destitute of schools. Thus the parishes which
had schools were more than double in number to those which wanted
them. Where they were wanting, the visitors ordered them to be set
up, and where the provision for the master was defective, they made
arrangements for remedying the evU. The following are extracts.
" Forgound, August 14, 1611. — The skole entertained, and for the
better provision of it thair is ordained that Uk pleuch in the paroche
sail pay to the skolemaister xiijs. iiijd. and Uk bairne of the paroche
saU pay vis. viijd. in the quarter. Strangers that are of ane uther
paroche saU pay xx. or xxxs. as the maister can procuir : As it is
agried in uther congregationis." This was " the common ordor." —
" Straybrok, July 1, 1611. It is ordenit w' comon consent that the
parochineris saU give among them aU for the maintenance of the
scoole and scoolmaister yeirUe fyftie merkis, and the minister saU
give iuj Ubs." — " AprU, 1613. — It is reported that as yet yr cannot
be had ane .grammer scole in Bruntisland, the counceU of the
toune being slaw y7in and contenting ymselfis w* ane q° teiches
y7 bairnes to reid and wreite. Forsameikle as it was anes concludit
in ane visitetione that ane grammer scole salbe had w'in that bruche
and it is most necess7 that it be so, y7fore it is ordained that letters
be raysed upon the act of visita°n." I do not know on what autho
rity these letters were raised unless it were the 7th act of the parlia
ment 1593. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 16.) The visitors tried the quali
fications of the teachers. " Perth, Apr. 18, 1611. — Mr Patrik Mak-
gregor scolem7 found to have passed his course of philosophy in St
Leonard's CoUege — approved."
There is frequent reference to the trial and inspection of school
masters in all the registers of the church courts. " Andrew disching-
ton schoolm7 of Dunbar. The act of the last synodall assembly giv
ing the presbyterie commission to try Andro dischingtoun school
master of Dunbar not only in his habiUty to traveU in the ministry
but also to teache ane .grammer schoole being presentit to the presby
terie the brethren ordainit him to cum heir yis day aucht dayes and
for beginning of his tryaU to teache ane piece of the first booke of the
georgyckes of Virgill at the beginning yrof to try quhither he be able
to teache ane grammer schoole or not." (Rec. of Presb. of Hadding
ton, Sept. 4, 1594.) — " It wes ordanit be the presbyterie that the
haill schoolm78 w'in yair bounds sould be chargit to compeir befoir
thame that thay my* not only knaw how yai wer abul to instruct the
yow' Bot also charge thame to keip the exercise that yai my1 be

NOTES. 508
the better frequented with the heids of reUgioun," (Ibid. June 2,
1596.) The foUowing extracts from the Record of the Kirk Session of
Anstruther Wester convey curious information both as to the customs
of the times, and as to the zeal with which the education of the youth
was urged. " Oct. 26, 159.5. Anent the complent given in by Henrie
Cuningham doctor in the schooll the Session thinks meit, that all
the yowth in the toun be caused com to the schooll to be teached. and
that, sic as are puir shall be furnished vpone the comone expenses
and gif ony puir refuiss to com to schoU, help of sic thing as thay
neid and requir shaU be refused to them. And as for sic as are able to
sustein their barnes at the schooll & do their dewitie to the teacher for
them, thay shall be commandit to put them to the school that they
may be brought vp in the feir of God and vertue. qlk if thay refuse
to do, thay shall be caUit before the session & admonished of ther
dewetie and if efter admonition they mend not then farther ordb7
shall be taken w* them at the discretion of the session And the ma
gistrates & counsale shall be desyred to tak fra them the quarter pay
ments for ther child and ane dewetie efter ther discretion for the
dayes meat as it shaU co - abovt vnto them, whidder they put ther
bairnes to the schooll or not.". — " 18 of November. Anent the puirs
it is thoght meit that a visitation shall be, and that sic help shall be
maid to them that ar altogether vnable that may not traveU to seik to
them selfs and the yowng shall get na almess bot on condition that'
tliay com to the schooll, qlk sa mony as d6es shall be helpit, and the-
manner of ther help shall be thay shall haif thrie hours granted to *
them everie day throw the town to seik ther meat, ane hour in the
morning fra nyn to ten, at midday fra twell to ane, and at nyght fra
sax hours furth and the peiple are to be desyred to be helpful to sic
as will give themself to any vertue, and as for others to deall lyardly w*
them to dryve them to seik efter vertue." — " Apr. 18, 1596. Euerie
man within the town that hes bairnes suld put • his bairnes to the<
schoolle and for everie bairne suld giv ten sh. in the quar
ter and be fred of given meat bot at y7 owning plesure." — " Sept 7,
1600. Item anent the schooll agreid w' henrie Cunyngham that the
pure of the town shall be put to the [[[school[[| and sa many of them as
has ingyne and he takes paines upone shall giv fyv sh. in the quarter
qlk the session sail pay, he shall try out the bairnes they sail be
broght befoir the session be the elders of the quarters the session saU
enterthem to the scoll and try their perfiting & sa caus recompens
according to his paines & ther p7fiting and as for vther yt are not able
1

504 NOTES. ,
to p7fit yl thay may reid or wret, whidder it be for want of ingyn or
tym to await on, sic saU be caused to learn the Lordes prayer the
comades & belev the heades of the catechisme yl ar demanded on the
examination to the communion q* traveU also the session wiU acknow
ledge and recompense and as for the standing yearUe dewetie referes
that to the counseU of the town to tak ordo7 w'." (Record, ut sup.)
Note U. p. 413.
Alexander Hume. — Three persons of this name studied in St. Mary's
CoUege, St. Andrews : one of them was laureated in 1571, another
in 1572, and the third was made bachelor of arts in 1574.
1. Mr. Alexander Hume, Minister qf Dunbar. — He continued in
this situation from the year 1582 to 1601. " Mr. Alexander Home,
minister, presented to the personage of Dunbar, vacand be demission
of Mr. Andro Symsoun, Sept. 13, 1582." (Reg. of Presentations,
vol. ii. f. 77.) " Mr. James Home, minister, resident at the kirk of
Dunbar, presented to the personage of the same be demission of Mr.
Alex. Home, May 21, 1601." (Reg. Sec. Sig. Ub. lxxu. f. 56.) The
latter appears to have retained his designation. " Mr. Alex. Home,
persone of Dunbar," and " Mr. James Home, minister at Dunbar,"
are witnesses to a deed, May 27, 1605. (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, vol. cix.)
" Mr. Alexander Home of Hound wood, sum tyme person of Dunbar,"
died in December, 1623. (Testament in Rec. of Commissary Court
of Edin.) He appears to have been a half-brother of Sir George Home
of Broxmouth. (Test, of Janet Gibson, Lady Broxmouth, ibid. Dec.
1, 1589.)
% Mr. Alexander Hume, Minister of Logie. — He was the author
of " Hymnes or Sacred Songs," and is mentioned as " sone to umq,e
Pat. Home of Polwart." (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, vol. cxix. May 28,
1606.) " Mr. Alex. Home, min7 at Logie, and Marioun Duncan-
sone, dochter of Jon Duncansone, minister to the kingis Matie, his
spous." (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, vol. cvu. May 30, 1605.) He was
admitted minister of Logie in August, 1597; and died on the 4th of
December, 1609. (Record of the Presbytery of Dunblane.) " Mr.
Alex7 Home, minister at Logie, beside StirUng, — has left ane admo-
nitione in write behinde him to the Kirk of Scotland, wherein he
affirms that the bishops who were then fast risinge up hes left the
sincere ministers," &c. (Row's Hist. pp. 94, 96.)
3. Mr. Alexander Hume, the Grammarian.— He, I am inclined to
think, was the author of all the books which appeared under the
name of Alexander Hume, with the exception of the Hymns. He

NOTES. 505
has given an accounted himself in the preface to his Grammatica
Nova. To his Treatise on the Lord's Supper is prefixed an Epistle
" to Mr. John Hamilton, his olde regent." He was incorporated at
Oxford, Jan. 26, 1580, as " M.A. of St. Andrews, Scotland." (Wood's
Fasti, by Bliss, 217.) Could he be the author of Humii Theses,
Marpurgi, 1591 ? He was principal master of the High School of
Edinburgh, from 1596 to 1606, when he went to Prestonpans. He
had left the latter place in 1615, and appears to have become master
of the grammar school of Dunbar. Charters, (Acco. of Scot. Writers,
p. 3,) and Sibbald, (De Script. Scot. p. 3,) call him schoolmaster of
Dunbar. " Mr. Alexander Home, schoolmaster of Dunbar," is a
witness to a deed, June 24, 1623 ; (Gen. Reg. of Deeds, vol. cccxli.)
and to another; Nov. 27, 1627. (Ibid. vol. cccxcix.)
His Grammar is entitled, " Grammatica nova in usum juventutis
Scoticae ad methodum revocata. Ab Alexandro Hvmeo, ex antiqua et
Nobili Gente Humeorum, artium Magistro. Et auctoritate senatus,
omnibus Regni Scholis imperata. Edinburgi — 1612." 12mo. (Copy
in the Library of the High School of Edinburgh.) The words here
printed in Italics are not in the common copies. The author had
previously published Latin Rudiments. (Gram. Part. ii. p. 25.)
The tract entitled Bellum Grammaticale was not composed, but only
revised by Hume. It is a humorous tragi-comedy, in which the
different parts of speech are arrayed on opposite sides, in a contest
concerning the respective claims of the noun and verb to priority.
It is probable that it was acted by the boys in schools. He left be
hind him, in MS. a compend of Buchanan's History (in Bibl. Jurid.
Edin.) and a grammatical tract, probably in defence of bis own gram
mar. (Ruddimanni Bibl. Rom. p. 61. Sibbald, De Script. Scot.
p. 3.) His Grammar was appointed to be used in all schools, both
by the Privy CouncU and ParUament. (Grammat. Part. ii. Ad Leet.
Comp. Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 157, 374. Act. Seer. Concil. Feb. 1610
— Oct. 1612. Minute Book of Processes before the Privy Council,
Sept. 1611, and July, 1612.) Hume, in a letter to MelviUe, Dec. 6,
1612, gives an account of the opposition which his work had en
countered. (Melvini Epistolae, p. 309.) Casaubon, in a letter to
Hume, denies having prepossessed the King against his Grammar,
but does not conceal his disapprobation of it. (Casauboni Epistolse,
ab Almeloveen, epist. 878.) That learned man represents it as an imi
tation of Ramus. Hume expressly aUows that Ramus had not suc
ceeded in Grammar. (Grammat. Part. i. Ad Led.)

506 NOTES.

Note V. p. 414.
Improvements on the High School of Edinburgh. — The following
minutes, of Town Council contain the earliest regulations for this se
minary that I have observed.
" July 21, 1598. The samin day the forme and ordour of thair
Grammer schole being presentit and red before thame They ratifyet
and approve the samin And ordanis it to be registrat in thair CounsaU
buiks quhairof the tenor followis.
" The opinioun CounsaU and advyse of the rycht honorabill Mr.
John prestoun of barnis ane of the Senators of the College of Justice
M's Jhone scherp Thomas Craig John Nicolsoun John Russell Wil
Uam Oliphant & James Donaldsoun advocates Mr. Robert Rollock
principall of the colledge of Ed7 Henry Nesbit provost Alex. Peirsoun
James Nesbit baillies of Ed7 WilUam Napier deyne of gild of the
saymn M7S Walter balcamquill James Balfour and WilUam Watsoun
ministers at Ed7 Mr William Scott writter convenit in the said col
ledge 26 Dec. 1597 for provyding of Maisters to the Grammer schole-
of Ed7 as foUows:
" In primis Thay think best and expedient that thair be foure
lernet and godlie men appointit regents to teache the Grammer schole
of Ed7 in aU time cumming be foure severall classes in manner fol
lowing. " The first clas and regent thairof sail teache the first and secund'
rudiments of Dumbar with the Colloques of Corderius And on Son-
day Catechesis palatinatus. The secund regent saU teache the rules
of the first part of Pelisso with Cicerois familiar epistiUes And to mak
sum version thryse in the oulk And to teache thame on sonday the
foresaid Catechise laitlie sett owt in latine * with ouid de tristibus. The
third regent sail teache the secund part of Pelisso with the supplement
of Erasmus Sintaxis Terence The Metamorphosis of. Guide with
buquhannanis psalms on Sonday.
" The ferd sail teache the third part of Pelisso with Buquhannanis
Prosodia, Taleus figures & rhetorick figure Constructions Thome.
Linacri VirgeUus Salustius Cesaris Commentaria & florus Ouidij
epistole and the heroick psalmes of Buquhannane on Sonday.
" Ilkane of the foresaids four regentis sail teache thair clas in
severall howssis and to this effect the hie schole saU be devydit in
four howssis be thre parpennis.
* " The Catechesis laitlie sett out in latin verse." (Minute of Oct. 19,
1598, fol. 206, b.)

NOTES. 507
" Item to the effect thair may be the better harmonye betwix the
saidis four regentis in their procedour and teacheing and that thai
may the bettir answer for their dewtie dischairges simpliciter maisters
or others persons quhatsumevir of teacheing of ony rudiments or ony
uther buik of latine in ony of thair lecture schoUs Swa that the first
regent may be the mair answerabUl in grunding and instructing thame
in Rudiments.
" It is alwayis provydit in favoures of the lecture scholis That
nane sail be resauet in the said first clas bot he quha can reid first
perfectlie Inglis with sum writt and the said first regent saU nawayes
be sufferit to teache any the first a b c in reding_.
" Item the said ferd regent sail be principaU of the said schole and
regentis and have the owersicht of thame all viz he sail sie and ani
madvert that every ane of the regents keip thair awin houres maner
and forme of teacheing presentlie sett doune and that thai and ilkane
of thame continualUe awaitt all the day lang upoun the schole in
teaching & exemining thair bayrnis And that all the saids regents the
principaU as weU as the other thrie infireouris ilkane of thame teache
thair awin class and that ilkane of thame use correction upoun thair
awin disciples except in greit & notorious falts aU the foure to be
assembUt in ane hous and have the principaU regent to puneis the
same. " Item the Regent of Humanitie erectet in the coUege sail teache
zearlie ye Rhetorick of Cassander The oraciounis of Cicero And sail
caus his schoUers owlklie mak schort declamatiouns.
" Item he sail teache Horace Juvenall Plautus The greik gram
mer with certane greik authores And as the bayrnis learnis ane Ora-
cioun of Cicero he sail caus thame every ane of thame severally de^
clame the samyn publictlie in the schole.
" Convenit in the Counsale hous 9 Jan7iJ 1597 Be directioun of the
kirk and Counsell zisderday The provost James Nesbit Alex7 Peir-
soun baillies with Mr. Walter balcanqull & Mr. William Watsoun
ministers Mr. James Donaldson & Mr. WilUam Scott Agreyes that
the persones following Mr. George Haisting sail be the first regent
Laurence Pacok secund Mr. Jhoun Balfour thrid & Mr. Alex. Home
ferd and principaU & saU gif ane pruif of their teacheing quhUl mer-
tymes next allanerUe And to begin at Candilmas next And to publeis
aucht dayes before be proclamatioun throw the town the provisioun
of the Grammer schole with sufficient maisters That the bayrnis may
convene. " Hes thocht guid to mak the feyis and quarter payments of the

508 NOTES.
saids regents in this maner viz The first & secund regents sail haif
quarterlie ilkane threttein schilling four penneis The thrid fyfteen
schillings and the ferd and principaU twenty shiUings.
" Thair feyis the first and secund ilk ane twenty pund The thrid
fourty merks and the principal! twa hunder merks The samin day
the foresaids provests baillies and CounsaU dischairges all masters
regents and teachers of bayrnis in thair Grammer schole of -aU craving
& resaving of any bleyis sylver of their barynis and scholers As alswa
of any bent sylver exceptand four penneis at ane tyme allanerlie."
(Register of Town Council of Edinburgh, vol. x. fol. 193, b.)
The following minute shews that the Town Couhcil were on the
eve of destroying an institution which has done them so much honour.
It is probable that the bad humour of some foolish individual had
hurried them into the rash resolution, which is never afterwards al
luded to in the minutes. " September 2nd, 1601. The sam day
aftet lang deliberatioun fynds guid yat yair hie schole be brocht
to ye awld ordo7 of ane maister and ane schole And to alter and dis
charge the last forme of four maisters & fo7 scholes In respect yat ye
said maisters keippet nocht ye ordo7 gevin yame Qrby many inconve-
nients hes followet And ordanis Thomas fyscheares & Patrk Sande-
lands to report ye sam to ye foure Sessiouns of ye kirk That forder
ordo7 may be tane wl the said schole." (Ibid. vol. xi. f. 55.)
" Nov. 9, 1614. The quhilk day the Pro vest baiUies &c. Ordanis
in all tyme cuming Mr Johnne Rea m7 of thair hie scoole To keip
and observe the reullis and ordouris following In teiching the schol-
lers ofthe samine Imprimis that the Rudimentaris be all under ane
doctor And that Dumbar Rudiments be onlie teached as maist ap
proved & ressavit in the cuntrie the first pairt whairof is ane intro
duction to the first pairt of the Dispauteris grammer and the uther
part serveing as ane introductioun to the secund pairt of Despauter
And that thair be conjoynit thairwith the vocables of Stanisburgius
for practise of declyning dicta sapientum and the distiches .of Cato,
As for praxis to the wther pairt of the rudimentis.
" That the secund classe learn Despauters first pairt and conjoyne
thairwith Corderius Minora Colloquia Erasmi The select epistles of
Cicero Collectit be Sturmius And quhowson thay enter into the
thrid buik of the first pairt That thai be exerceisit in theamis and
versionis alternis.
" That the third classe learne Despauters secund pairt and thair
with the familiar epistles of Cicero his treatise de Senectute or de
Amicitia and that Terence be ever ane of their lessones And gif it

NOTES. 509
be fund gude to gif thame sum ingress in poesie for interpretatioun
as of Ovides epistles or his tristis As also to hald tham exerceisit in
theamis and epistles.
" And that the ford classe learne the third and fourt pairtis of
Despauter with some fables of Ovid his metamorphose or Vir»gUl ad-
joyning thairwith Quintus Curtius or Cesaris Commenteris And gif
thai be mair capable Suetonius And that thair exercises be in ver-
siounis making of Theamis braking and making of versis as thair
spirits servis thame.
" And that the hie classe learne the Rhetorique some of Cicero
his Oratiounes or de Oratore or de Claris Oratoribus Salust Plautus
Horace Juvenale Persius And that thai be exercised in Oratiounis
Compositiounis vevsiouns and in verse quhois gift serves thaim And
that prose and verse be taught alternative And to teitche the greik
gramer Lyesiod and Theogius. (Hesiod and Theognis ¥ )
" And that thair be repetitiouns and disputes everie oulk siclyk
tuyse pubUct examinatiounis y eirlie in presence of the ministeris and
magistratis The first to be in the begining of May and the uther the
twentie day of October quhen the hie classe passis to the CoUege
And that nane be sufferit to assend in the schoole or pas to the Col
lege bot quha efter examination ar Judgit worthie." (Ibid. vol. xu.
fol. 167, b.) Note W. P. 414.
Grammar School qf Prestonpans. — The following is the account of
Hume's admission to this school : — " At hadintoun ye 25 of Junij
1606. The q^day Mr Jonker minister of ye panis producit yeprentat°ne
of Mr Alex7 hoorne to be schoolm7 of ye Schoole of ye panis foundit
be Mr J° Dayedsone for instructioune of the youth in hebrew greek
and latine subscryvet be yais to quhome Mr Jon davedsone gave
power to noiat ye man ap prentafne ye prebrie aUowit and ordenit ye
moderator & clerk to subscrive ye samine in y7 names ap yay ded.
As also ordeanit y' ye said kirk of ye panis suld be visited vpon ye
eight day of Julij next to come for admissione of ye said Mr Alex7
to ye said office The visitors wer appoyntit Mr Ard Oswald Mr Robert
Wallace Mr George greir Mr andro blackball & Mr andro Maghye to
teach."—" At Saltprestoun, July 8, 1606. The haiU parischoners
being poisit how yay lyckit of ye said Mr Alex7 w* vniforme consent
being particularly inqwyrit schew y7 guid lycking of him and yr will-
ingnes to accept and receiv him to ye said office Q7upon ye said Mr
Alex7 wes admittit to ye said office & in token of yc approba°ne both

510 NOTES.
of visitors & of ye parischones p7nt both ye ane and ye vother tuik ye
said Mr Alex7 be ye hand & ye haill magistratis gentlenien and re-
manet parischoners p7nt faithfullie p7misit to cocurre for ye furtherace
of ye work y' yit restis to be done to ye said schoole as also to keipt
ye said Mr Alex7 and his scholleris skaithlis finallie for farther au
thorizing of ye said (sic) it wes thought meitt y4 ye haill visitors &
parichones p7nt suld enter ye said Mr Alex7 into ye said schoole & y7
heir him teache q* also wes doone." (Rec. of Presb. of Hadding
ton.) The Parliament in the course of that year, erected " in ane pa
roche kirk," the kirk builded " be the labouris paynis and expenss
of umqle Mr Johne dauidsoun" and ratefied the school founded and
doted by him " for teaching of Latin grek and Hebrew toungis."
(Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 302.)
In a charter, .granted Nov. 19, 1615, by John Hamilton of Preston,
as superior of the lands on which the kirk and school were buUt, it is
narrated, that the late Mr. John Davidson had deserved highly of
the whole church and commonwealth, and particularly of the parish
of Saltpreston, " he having preached for many years in this parish
without any fee or reward, buUt at his own expence a splendid
church, furnished with a large clock, a manse, garden, and other
pertinents, with an acre of arable land for a glebe to the minister ;
and having resolved (as appears from his testament) to sell his whole
patrimonial inheritance, consisting of valuable houses and lands in
DunfermUne, and to devote the whole produce to the support pf the
Church and ministry of the said parish, which purpose he would have
carried into execution if he had not been prevented by death." It
then goes on to state : " Dictus quondam Magister Joannes Daued-
soun Aream quondam vulgo vocat. harlaw hiU," &c. " On an area
which he purchased from me he finished an excellent house to serve
as a school for the education of the youth of the parish in good let
ters, sciences, and virtue, [[a dweUing-house for the master is after
wards specified] and to furnish a stipend for the master of the school
he bequeathed aU his moveables, to wit, his household furniture, his
clothes, his library, consisting of a large collection 6f books of all
kinds, his bills and obligations for debts owing him, and all the money
in his possession, with the exception of certain legacies to his friends."
(Charter of Mortification, among the Papers of the Kirk Session of
Prestonpans.) It appears from this document that Davidson was a native of Dun-

NOTES. 511
ferrnUne. " Mag1 Joannes Dalzel" was master of the grammar
school, when this charter was granted, and continued to hold that
situation in 1623. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol. cccclxvi. 17 July,
1633.) Note X. p. 433.
Of Welwood' s Experiments. — The patent was granted to him and
John Geddy. " Knawing alsua that the advancement of curious and
quick spreittis yat heirtofoir hes be their singulare ingyne inventit —
ony perfyct art or deuise — is gretelie to be helpit, fauourd and sup-
portit — thairfor vnderstanding yat his hienes belouit clerkis Mr. Wm
Walwode and Mr. Johne geddy — hes be yair awin singular moyen
naturaU industrie curious Ingynis and knawledge in sciences Inventit
— an easie perfite and suddane way of eleuatioun of watteris out of coiU
pottis sinkis and vtheris low places, heirtofoir neuir hard or at the
Uest neuir put in practize within this his hienes realme, &c. Gevand
license &c." Nov. 13, 1577. (Record of Privy Seal, vol. xUv.
f. 116.) The book in which he explains his plan is entitled, " GviUelmi
Velvod de Aqva in altum per fistulas plumbeas facile exprimenda
apologia demonstratiua. Edinburgi apud Alexandrum Arbuthne-
tum, Typographum Regium, 1582." Six leaves in 4to. The dedi
cation is dated" AndreapoU pridie nonas Nouembris 1582." Prefix
ed to it is a copy of verses by Melville. If Welwood had persevered
in his experiments he might have accidentaUy made the discovery
which afterwards occurred to Galileo. He proposed to produce the
effect by means of a leaden pipe bent into a syphon and extended on
the exterior so<as to discharge the water at a point below the surface
of the weU. Having shut up the two extremities of the pipe, he in
troduces water into both its legs, by an aperture at the upper point
or elbow of the syphon, tiU they are completely full ; and then clos
ing this aperture with great exactness, and opening both ends of the
syphon, he maintains that the water will flow out of the exterior or
longer leg, as long as there is any in the weU. It cannot, he argues,
flow out of the short leg, for it has no head or difference of level to
give it the power of issuing in that direction : It cannot flow out of both
legs at the same time ; for then it behoved it to separate somewhere
in the middle, which, according to him, is impossible, as nature ab
hors a vacuum : Therefore, it must flow out of the well by the longer
leg. The well is supposed to be 45 cubits deep ; for our author was

512 NOTES.
not possessed of the important fact that water wiU not rise to a height
above 33 feet. In other respects the principles of his demonstration
are not more unscientifical than those which GalUeo would have em
ployed sixty years after the time of Welwood.
In the year 1598, the parliament granted to two individuals the sole
right of making certain " pompis for raising and forceingof wateris —
furth of mynes," &c. (Act. Pari. Scot. iv. 176.)

APPENDIX,
CONSISTING OF ORIGINAL PAPERS.

No. I. [[Orig. Brit. Mus. Lansdowne MSS. num. 15, 24.[]
Letter from George Buchanan to Sir Thomas Randolph.
To his singular freynd M. Randolph maister of postes
to the queines g. of Ingland. In london.
I resauit twa pair of lettres of you sens my latter wryting to you.
wyth the fyrst I ressavit Marianus Scotus, of quhylk I thank you
greatly, and specialy that your ingles men are fund Uars in thair cro-
nicles aUegyng on hym sic thyngs as he never said. I haif beyne
vexit wyth seiknes al the tyme sens, and geif I had decessit ye suld
haif losit both thankis and recompens, now I most neid thank you
bot geif wear brekks vp of thys foly laitly done on the border, than I
wyl hald the recompense as IngUs geir. bot gif peace foUowis and
nother ye die seik of mariage or of the twa symptomes following on
mariage quhylks ar jalozie and cuccaldry, and the gut cary not me
away, I most other find sum way to pay or ceis kyndnes or eUis geif-
ing vp kyndnes pay zou w' evil wordis, and geif thys fasson of deal
ing pleasit me I haif reddy occasion to be angry wyth you that haif
wissit me to be ane kentys man, quylk in a maner is ane centaur half
man, half beast, and yit for ane certaine consideration I wyl pas
over that iniury, imputyng it erar to your new foly than to aid wis
dome, for geif ye had beinejn your ryt wyt ye being anis escapit the
tempesteous stormes and naufrage of mariage had never enterit agane
in the samyng dangeris. for I can not take you for ane Stoik philo
sopher, having ane head inexpugnable w4 the frenetyk tormetis of Ja-
lorie,. or ane cairless \jnargin, skeptik] hart that taks cuccaldris as
thyng indifferent." In this caise I most neidis praefer the rude Scottis
VOL.11. 2L

514 APPENDIX.
wyt of capitaine Cocburne to your ingUs solomonical sapience, quhylk
wery of ane wyfe deUuerit hir to the queyne againe, bot you deUuerit
of any wyfe castis your self in the samyn nette, et ferre potes domi'
nam saluis tot restibus ul/am. and so capitaine cockburne is in better
case than you for his seiknes is in the feitte and zouris in the heid.
I pray you geif I be out of purpose thynk not that I suld be maryit,
bot rather consider your awyn dangerouse estait of the quhylk the
spoking has thus troubUt my braine and put me so far out of the
way. As to my occupation at this present tyme, I am besy w' our
story of Scotland to purge it of sum Inglis lyis and Scottis vanite, as
to maister knoks his historie is in hys freindis handis, and thai ar in
cosultation to mitigat sum part the acerbite of certaine wordis and
sum taintis quhair in he has foUowit to much su of your inglis writ-
aris as M. hal et suppilatorem eius Graf tone &c. As to M. Beza I fear
yt eUd quhylk has put me from verses making sal deUure him sone a
Scabie poetica, quhylk war ane great pitye for he is ane of the most
singular poetes that has beine thys lang tyme. as to your great pra-
syng gevin to me in your lfe geif ye scorne not I thank you of luif and
kyndnes towart me bot I am sorie of your corrupt iugement. heir I
wald say mony iniuries to you war not yat my gut comandis me to
cesse and I wyl als spair mater to my nixt writings. FairweaU and
god keip you. at SterUng the Sext of august
Be youris at al power
G. Buchanan.

, No. II. [[Cotton MSS. CaUg. C.rii. ll.[]
Extract of a Letter from Henry Woddrington to Secretary Walsingham.
1582, Man 26.
Upon Wednesday evening the xxiii3 of this instant Mr John Dury
preached in the Cathedrall church of Edenbroughe where diuers noble
men were present the effect therof tending to the reproof of the bishop
of Glasco as playnly tearmyng him an apostate and maynsworne tray
tor to god and his churche And that even as the scribes and pharises
could fynd none so mete to betray Christ as one of his owne schoUers &
disciples even so this duke with the rest of his faction can not fynd so
mete an instrument to subuert the religion planted in Scotland as one
of their owne nombre, one of their owne brethrine, and one nour
ished amonge their owne bowels.- And lykewise he touched

APPENDIX. 515
the present sent by the duke of Guyse to the k. in this maner of
speaches. I pray you what should move Guyse thatbluddy'p'secutor, y' ene
my vnto aU treuth, that piUer of the pope to send this present, by
one of his trustiest servants vnto o7 k. ? not for any love no. no. his
pretence is knowen. And I beseach the lord the church of Scotland
feale y4 not ouersone. The k. matie was perswaded not to receave y'
for why ? what amytie or freindshipp can we looke for at his hands
who hath bene the bluddiest persecutor of the professors of the trothe
in aU france neither was any notable murder or havock of gods, but
he was at that in person. And yet for aU this the duke and Arrain
will nedes haue o7 king to take a present from him.
If god did threaten the captivitie and spoyle of Herusalem because
that there king Hesekia did receave a Ire and present from the king
of Babylon, shall we think to be free cfimytting the Uke or rather
worse .? And because you my Us wch both doe see me and even at this
p7nt heares me I say because you shall not be hereafter excusable I
teU you that thou with teares. I feale such confusion to ensewe, y*
I feare me, wiU be the subuersion and ruyne of the preaching of gods
Evangile here in the church of Scotland. I am the more playne wth
you because I knowe their is some of yow in the same action wth the
jest. I knowe I shalbe called to an accompt for thes words here
spoken, but let them doe with this carkasse of myne what they wiU
for I knowe my sowle is in the hands of the lorde and therefore I wiU
speake & that to yo7 condemnaon vnlesse you spedely returne.
And then in his prayers made he prayd vnto the Lord either to
convert or confound ye duke.
The sermon was very longe, godly, and plaine, to the great comfort
and reioice of the most nombre that herd yt, or doe here; of yt. And
for thes points wch I am enformed of I thought yt convenyent to sig-
nifie the same vnto yo7 honor.

No. III. [[Orig. Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 3.[]
Letter cf Andrew Melville to T. Savile and G. Carleton.
Doctissimis adolescentibus et amicis integerrimis D. Th.
Savile et G. Carletono Oxoniensibus. Oxonium.
Humanitas erga me vestra incredibiUs, et amor in vos meus singu-
2L2

516 APPENDIX.
laris flagitaban t a me iamdiu literas : easq ad singulos vestrum pras-
cipuas potius, quam utrunq communes. Verum nee antea quidquam
ad vos Uterarum dedj, iis de causis, quas faciUus est vobis existimare
quam mihi scribere : et nunc demu, cum a me vt scribam impetro,
non ausim disiungere epistola, quos tot interiores liters-, tanta raorum
simiUtudo bonorum, tam praeclara honestissimarum artium studia arc-
tioribus amicitiae vinculis coniungunt : nee distrahi patitur anteactae
vitae iucundissima consuetudo. Quare vos, pro vestram istam vete-
rem, et nuperam hanc inter nos amicitiam oro atq obtestor, vt prae-
teritam cessationem meam mihi pro vestra humanitate condonetis : et
has vnas ad vtrunq Uteras, binarum aut etiam plurum, ad singulos
vestrum loco esse patiamini : Nee me propterea non virum bonum esse
putetis, si vobis videar duos parietes de eadem fideUa dealbare : Quan-
quam pictorum mos est ; tamen finitimus pictori poeta nee pigmen-
torum arcuhs liberatior, quam Uberior audendi licentia. Verum haec
parcius : ne dum me excuso, de Carletoni aut arte aut gloria detra-
ham. Cuius spiritu in poesi nihil generosius, nihil ecloga dulcius,
nihil cultius aut argutius epigrammate : adeo vt, si omnia hoc modo.
scripserit, non solum sequales omnes superare, sed etiam cum omni
antiquitate certare videatur. De munere Uterario, qua me re de facie
quidem antea ignotum vterque vestrum affecistis, habeo gratiaro;
Vt caetera omittam humanitatis officia, turn ab vniversa fere academia.
in nos homines ignotos profecta, turn a vobis in me praecipue coUata.
Ita viuam vt nihil usquam viderem in omni vita splendidius aut mag-
nificentius vestra academia : nihU gravius praeceptoribus aut discipuUs
humaniusi nihil vobis duobus aut amabUius aut amantius : Jbrtunati
ambo : si quid mea carmina possunt, etc. Immo tua Carletone potius,
quse plurimu atque adeo omnia possunt ad te et aUos a inortalitatis et
obUvionis iniuria vindicandos. Ad quam mirifica in pangendis versi-
bus feUcitatem accedit incredibiUs rerum mathematicarum scientia.
Diuinum, Sauile, ingenium, et eruditio tanta, quantam in istam aeta-
tem credere nunquam putauj. Quid multa ? /mxtr u\imi rxmi &*.*¦>
4aZ.vvor£gev ly af&lgu Qativov eurr^BV tgsifius <V aifa^os, &C. Verum de VObis
aUas et apud alios. Quod reliquum est, suauissime idemq doctissime
Sauile, expectatione promissi tui fretus humanitate tua, moneor, vt
admoneam te, non vt flagitem : quid est ? fortasse inquis. ManiUana
tua, vel, si mauis, ScaUgerana, Uceat mihi per te (vel tuo potius be-
neficio concedatur) ex interuaUo regustata. Superiora tua in me be-
neficia hae etiam accessione (mihi crede) non parum cumulabis. Sa-
lutem a me et fratribus toti Academia? et nominathn vestro coUegii

APPENDIX. 517
prefecto cseterisq amicis cpmmunibus. Valete •> »»gi«p. Raptim Lon
dini. 15 Dccemb. 1584. Vestri Studiosissimus And: Melvinus.

No. IV. [[Orig. Harl. MSS. num. 7004. 2.]
Archbishop Adamson to Archbishop Whitgift.
Pleis your grace imediatle after my retourninge in Scotland the king
his maieste held his parUamet where besides many loveable actis his
hienes hath restored in integru the estate of Bishops and hath con-
tramandet the scignoreis presbitereis not only be good reasoun of
Scripture and antiquite, bot Uk way is in respect his hienes had Uvele
experience, that they wer gret instrumetis of unquietnes and rebel-
Uoun be there populare disordo7. I doubt not your G. hathe beene
sufficietUe enformed of the late attemptatis moved be some of o7 no
bilitie whervnto many ministeris being prive and their seignoreis and
therefore not able to abyde the triaU of the law are fugitive in Eng
land where they pretext as I am certeynle enformed, the caus of re-
Ugioun albeit it be of an vndoubted truth, that they have no other
caus bot there practizinge counseUinge and aUowing of the last sedi
tious factis and the refusinge of the lawfuU authoritie of there ordi-
nareis the Bishops, wherevnto notwithstanding the godle and quiet
spirites w'in the realme hathe wilUngle aggreit and subscryved The
quhilk I have thoght most necessare to advertez your grace vpon
whose shoulderis the care of the spirituaU estate dothe chefle repose,
that your grace may be moste assured, that the king his maiestie o7
master his entention is with the sincerite of the word qlk his hienes
in his heart dothe reverence, to conforme sik an police as may be an
example to other comounwealthis, as I did show yo7 g. in particulare
conferee at yo7 awin hous of Lambeth, I am assured divers misre-
portis wilbe made vnto yo7 G. of the banishment of so many minis
teris bot your g. shaU beleve that there is never one banished, nether
have they abiddin that notable sentence of Johnne Chrisostoine, Ego
ex hoc throno non discedam nisi imperatoria vi coactus, for they are
fugitive onele vpon their awin guiltines Swa that I am moste assured
if her maieste be your g. shalbe sufficientUe enformed of the truthe,
her hienes wiU not suffer sik slaunderous persounes vnder pretext of
religioun to abyde in her countrey to infecte the estate of Englande
»L 3

518 APPENDIX.
w' their seditious practises qlk they have bene about to estabUssin
this countrey And for my awn parte your g. may assure her hienes
albeit her m. hathe bene otherwayis enformed at my being in Eng
land, that after my small credite and habiUte I shaU endevo7 my self
to the preserva°un of the true reUgioun professit in the whole yle and
comoun quietnes and mutuall amite of her m. and o7 master In the
qlk poynte if her m. had further employed me at that tyme I could
have done what laye in me, But your g. knawis in what ielose my
doings wer, albeit I protest afore god I ment nothing bot in sincerite
of heart, wishing next o7 master best prosperitie to her hienes for the
conservation of the truth in this ysland be there Concorde. I shaU
not forgeit yo7 g. gaUoway naig, in testimonie of mutuaU favor, when
any opportunit comodite shall present the self be any sufficiet berar,
wishing heartle your g. welfare and to assist ws with your 1. prayer,
help and gudwill at her hienes hande in maynteininge of this goode
work against the pretended seignoreis, the end whereof tendis to evert
monarcheis and destroy the scepto7 of princes and to confounde the
whole estate and iurisdictioun of the kirk qlk I should be verie sore
after so longe continewance of tyme to see decaye in our dayis, Nostra
secordia et ignauia qui ad clavum sedemus. It wilbe your g. pleasor
to salute my lorde bishope of London in my name and my lorde arch
bishop of york his grace for the goode entertenement I resaved at his
house, thanking her hienes most humble therfore, committis your
g. to the protectioun of god froine S' Andross the 16 of Junij 1584
Yo7 gracis verie lovinge and assured
brother symmyste and cooperare
in the lord his vyneyard
Patrick, Archbischop of S' Sanctandross.
To my lorde his grace of Canterburie geove these.
No. V. [[Cotton MSS. CaUg. C. viii. 54, 63, 78.[]
Extracts qf Letters from WiUiam Davison to Secretary Walsingham,
concerning the Administration qf Arran.
Edinb. June 15, 1584.
— — Upon a lfe written to the Magistrats of this towne by Mr.
Ja: Lawson signifyinge the causes of his withdrawinge himself from
his charge the k. had caused an answere to be drawen & sent bether
to the said Magistrats & Burgesses to be subsigned by them charginge

APPENDIX. 519
Mr. Ja: and his fellowministers w* hereticaU and seditious doctrine,
w"1 other things verie hard in their reproche wch beinge presented
vnto them and redd in open counseU the Provost who hathe ben here
tofore condempned as a man to plyable to the hard commandments
of this courte suddenhe brake forth into an cxclamac on desireinge to
lyve no longer as one that hadd alreadie seen too much of the miseryes
to come vppon his country and immediateUe beinge readie to swonne
in the counsell was conveiged home extreamlie sick and now Ueth verie
hardUe and not like to escape. Notwithstanding both he and the rest
thought it good to deput certen of their companie to repaire vnto the
k: w411 their humble excuse and petition that thei might not be forced
against their consciences to slaunder thos against whos integritie of
Uef and soundnes of doctrine thei cold never take exception, but in
fine the p7sons and If e are retorned with flatt charge to subscribe it
in the forme it is or aunswer the contempt at their p7iUs. The Secre
tary Mateland beinge appointed to see it don and to take the names of
soche as shall refuse the same.
At St. Androwes the Bushopp hathe in the meantyme played his
part so weU in the pursute of good men as that both the professo7'
and students in the CoUedge of Theologie haue abandoned the place
and wthdrawen themselves for ther suerties where thei can find safeest
refuge. Edinb. July, 1584.
—Mr. James Skeene, the Jesuit of whome I haue heretofore ad-
uertised your hono7 had as I credibly learne previe access [[[to a con[]
ference with 40 * at St. Androwes It is assured me that [Tie hath[]
secrett comission both from 20 and others. & hath desyred sorely
for the home coming of diuers of his fellow Jesuitts wch he hathe thus
farr obteyned that they shaU be ouirseen and not troubled by his
Mate or his lawes so they wiU tak their hazard against the popular
fury, & with this caution that they be not ouirhasty therein till mat
ters be better settled wch trafficque wth him & others of his sorte
doth wonderfully increase the fear & suspicion of this k. desertion
or careles accompt of religion. — Your honor may have some ghess of
o7 good natures in Court by their sorrow for the murther of the poor
pr. of orenge wch 40 hath openly confessed to be such an end as he
deserued. & is generaUy aUowed and reioyced at amongst the most
* It appears from another letter of Davison, (Cal. C. viii. 78.) that 40
is the cipher for the King of Scotland.

520 APPENDIX.
part of our poUitiques theare. Having written thus farr this letter
being vnclosed tiU this morning by occasion of some expected aduyse
from a friend or two I have in the mean tyme vnderstood that Mr.
John Howeson minister of Paslay is apprehended & to pass on assyse
the xxnth of this p7nt at Perth, for inveighing against the late acts
of p'Uament & course taken against religion for w1* he is lyk to be
executed. And the whole Regents & others of the CoUege of Glas-
cow for the same opinion sumoned super inquirendis so as yow may
see we are afrayd of nothing les [[than that[] the world should be ig
norant what mark we shoote at. • Edinb. Aug. 16, 1584.
" On thursday p7clam9on was made here that aU ministers should
giue vpp the rentaUs of their benefices into the exchequer to th'end
that none hereafter receave any p7fitt of their Uvings but such only
as shaU submit themselues and subscrybe to their new framed poUicy.
Mr. Andrew Hay who wth diuers others hath absolutely refused yt
is comaunded to dep7t the country w^in xx dayes w*n speciali inhi
bition not to repayre into Ingland or Ireland whose ayre they hold as
contagious and for the same cause the vniversity of Glascow is by the
Bishopps diligence made vtterly vacant the coUedge was lockt vpp,
the students dismissed, & the Regents and M7S commytted, the lyk
curtesie being exercised towards them of St. Androwes and Abir-
deene as if theis bishopps thought their glory and surety to stand in
bringing in ignorance and confusion into the schooles & by the same
degrees corruption & Atheisme into the church wherein their lab1
hath great appearance of effect, if this course be longe continewed.
The B. of St. Androwes hath addressed one Mr. Archibald Har-
bishoune into England asweU to caU home some of his countrymen
wth vs & of his own humor to occupy the roomes of honestc men as
for some other purposes with the fr. ambassador. — There is little ap
pearance that the Bishopps here can longer brooke their newe empyre
w01 quiet either in respect to thr cause or th7 p7sons wch are gneaUy con-
dempned. At St. Androwes there was the last week an alarm given
to the Bishopp by certain of the students remayning there & others
to the number of xx or xxx p7sons euery man with his harquebuzt
who bestowed the most prt of the night in shooting against the wyn-
dowes both of the CasteU where the B. laye and of his house in the
towne leaving a testimony behind them of their good meaning to
wards him. On the morrow the Bishopp thinking to haue gotten
tryaU of this fact caused the few students of the colledge wch were

APPENDIX. 521
remaning to be conveened in the public schooles making very dili
gent inquisicon of the former nights disorder but found nothing save
that such as were suspect and examined though they denyed their
presence confessed they wished the Bishopp so well as it was not
so sclender a revenge as that could satisfie them for the pubUque hurt
he had done, and willed him to remember how fatall that sea had
been to his predecessours & to looke for no better.

No. VI. [[Orig. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 34.[]
Extract of a Letter from Mr. D. Andersone to certain Ministers in
Scotland, conveying information respecting Scotch Papists in Ger
many. From Auspurgh in high Almanie the 27 of AprU 1596.
Right worshipfull and deare bretheren in Christ — I foreseeing the
storme imminent and hearing of the pernicious intentions of the ene
mies, haue not desisted till I came to the knowledge, (yf not of aU)
yet of the most part of ther intentions actions & purposes, by using
the help of good Christians, abhorrers of idolatrie, men secrete, fayth-
fuU and prudent. At Rome Tirie the Jesuit, and Archibald Ha
mUton the apostat with great instance and manifold supplications
have solUcited the pope Clement the 8, and College of Cardinals to
erect a Seminarie ther for the education in Romish impietie of such
youngUns, as by their direction doe come from Scotland ; who after
wards being made masse priests and Jesuits may be sent into Scot
land for the propagation of popish rehgion with the ruine ofthe pre
sent estate of that realme: but nothing as yet is determined ; not
withstanding they are in hope that ther petition shall take effect,
seeing Gregorie the 13 buUded three seminaries in Rome for strangers,
one for the English, another for the Dutche, and the third for the
Mauretanians or Africanes : but the matter is not so hottiie prose
cuted now as it was before, by reason of HamUtons death, who de
parted at Rome the 30 of Januarie 1596. LesUe bishop of Rosse,
John Hamilton popish priest and Ligeur ; WiUiam Chrichton and
James Gordon Jesuits, who remayne most commonUe in Brusels (ex
cept Gordon, who is most commonlie with Huntlie, and Arole, either
at Leids with the bishop of Golen, or at Namur in the companie of
Spaniards) are verie busie with Albert CardinaU of Austria, presentlie

522 APPENDIX.
Lieutenant for the Spanish King in the Netherlands, for obtaining
of sum aide to assist Huntlie and Arole with their complices in Scot
land for the extermination of all the professors of the true reformed
reUgion in that realme ; I heare that Walter Lyndesay for the fur
therance of ther matters is sent unto the King of Spaine ; but I hope
in God, that they shall come short of ther expectations ; seeing the
Spaniard hath more yrnes in the fyre than he can weU handle, and
more mightie princes in Christendome justUe his enemies, than he
with aU his forces is able to resist. The Spanish concile also taxeth
the foresaid Earles of the breach of ther promise, who in the yeare
1592, (when the Spaniard concluded to aid the papists in Scotland
with 20000 men) after the recete of great summes of Spanish gold,
not only then but at diverse other tymes, obUshed themselves to take
armes with aU possible dUigence agaynst all those of the reformed re
ligion in Scotland, and also to advance the King of Spayns practizes
not only ther, but also in England and Ireland, to the uttermost of
ther power ; which nevertheless according to promise they have not
performed. But they to excuse themselves, first aUedge the reveUng
of ther intentions, secondlie that Robert Bruce (a principal trafficker
in those treasonable affayres) deUvered not those summes of money
unto them which were promised, partlie for the hyring of soul-
diours ; and partlie for the .gratifying of gentlemen Romish Catho-
Ukes, and Clannes, to make them the more prompt and courageous
in the Spanish service : for which cause Brusse is straitlie imprison
ed ; and sharply accused by the forenamed Earles. In high Germa-
nie the Scotish Papists have some abbayes prsesently in possession;
as at Reusburgh in Bavaria, the abbots name is James Whyte borne
neere aberdene : the prior is caUed James Winhiet (Ninian Win-
niets nephew Whits prffdecessour) ; monkes ther, LessUe cosin to
LessUe the bishop ; Darnpull ; James Bog, John Bogs sone one of
his majesties porters ; two novices are gone from thence to Rome, the
one his name is Wddard borne in Edinburgh, he studied in prage
with the Jesuits : the other is one Lermonth borne neere Sanctan-
drosse the laird of Darsies brother sone. Ther is also another popish
priest sent to Rome by the Scottish abbots as I suppose, to obtaine a
Ucense of the pope that some of them may return into Scotland, to
traffick ther with the papists and to bring some number of young
boyes with them into Germanie (but more hereafter of this purpose.)
The popish priest that is sent to Rome is called Adame Sympson
borne in Edinburgh, he was long a servant in Newbattle, afterward
in france he served Archibald Hamilton the apostat, and from him

APPENDIX. 523
he went with the Earle of Westmorland into Spadne ; lastlie he serv
ed George Carr, Trafficker for the Spaniards in Scotland. In the
yeare of God 1594 and 1595 he said masse sometymes in the Lord
Herise hous ; sometymes in Arols hous, and in the young lord of
Bonitons hous called Wodd: he came last out of Scotland in the
companie of Huntlie; he is a verie craftie, cruel, and pestiferous
papist, but unlearned. The second Scottish abbey in Germanie is at
Wirtzburg in Frankland ; the abbot ther is Richard Wrwin borne
about Dumfrisse, he was sometymes servant to the old Lord Herise,
and attended at Santandrosse in the old coUege on his sone Edward
MaxweU now abbot of Dundrennen and lard of Lamington : he was
sent from Parise by the popish bishop of Glasgow to Winiet abbot of
Reusburg, and ther made a monke; he is a drunken, ignorant, sub till
and malicious feUow. , The prior at Wirtzburg is called frances Ha-
' mUton of the hous of Stanhouse, as he sayeth, but I rather thinke
that he is one of the HamUtons of Santandrosse ; he was sometymes
at pont mison in Loraine, and afterwards studied under the Jesuits at
Wirtzburg and Reusburg ; ther is not a' more blasphemous cruel and
vtragious enemie against the gospel of Christ of our nation then this
HamUton ; but withaU a proud unlearned bodie : The third Scotish-
man at Wirtzburgh his name is John Stuard borne about Glasgow a
boy of 18 years of age ; more monkes Scotishmen they have not, be
cause none of our nation that feareth God will enter into so infamous
and idolatrous a societie. The third Scottish abbey is at Erfurd in
the land of Thuringia, the abbots name is John Walker, borne I
think about Disert in Fyfe; he is aU alone for want of Scottish
papists. The Scottish papists of the foresaid places have had a meet
ing at Wirtzburg the 19 of April 1596 according to the direction of
the pops legat in Germanie, and the bishop of Wirtzburgh, called
Julius Extar (one of the greatest enemies that the gospel of our Sa
viour hath in Germanie) for the electing of some of these Scottish
papists to send into Scotland this yeare, and that for two causes
cheiflie ; first, that they may learne the whole state and condition of
the countrey, and consult with the papists ther, what is to be done
for the subversion of the present state of rehgion in Scotland ; se-
condUe to make a choice of chUdrene between the age of 12 and 18
years to be broght into Germanie, partUe for the furnishing of their
abbays, not only which praesentUe they possesse, but also of those
places which they are in hope to obtaine at the pops and Emperours
hands ; the abbayes are there, one in Vienna, two at Colen, one at
Newstat, one at Ments, and another at Wormes: and partUe that

524 APPENDIX.
these younglings may be educated with the Jesuits to be sent after
wards into Scotland for the effecting of ther purposes : the bishop of
Wirtzburg hath promised to maintain at his charges threescore of these
yong boyes, the Bishop of Saltzburg fortie, and the bishop of Reusburg
twentie tiU they be able to be made masse priests, Jesuits or monkes:
It is thoUght that either Wrwin or Hamilton shall be sent this sum
mer into Scotland for that purpose. The lard of Lethington called
Metalen departed from the Earles at Lieds about the 20 of August
1595 towards Rome, in all his journey he had long and serious con
ferences with the Jesuits: Gordon and Crichton Scots Jesuits and
one called Holt an EngUsh Jesuit gave him letters of recommendation
to aU those places, as also a direction to receave of the Jesuits at
everie neede three hundreth crownes for the better expedition of his
affaires : what letters he had to the pope, coUege of Cardinals or the
Spanish Ambassadour at Rome, either from enemies at home or
abroad I know- not : your wisdomes may judge that his going so long
and tedious a journey was not for smaU trifles. WhUes he remayned
in Scotland in the Lord Herise his father in laws house he had great
inteUigence with many popish priests both EngUsh and Scottish but
namely with one Sicill an EngUsh priest that lurketh most commonUe
in the Lord Herises hous or in the borders not farr from thence : they
use commonUe the help of a poore craftie knave, unsuspected of any
man because of his outward simplicitie, in cary ing and recarying of let
ters between the papists of England and Scotland whose surname is
Horsburgh, he hanteth in Dumfrisse and those quarters. Places most
dangerous in Scotland are the Southwest and Northeast where Gods,
the kings, and whole realms enemies are receaved, harboured and in-
terteyned. In Scotland prffisentiie (yf they be • not of late departed
out of the land) there are Jesuits, Mackwhinry, Mirton, Abercromie
and ane Murdoch, spies for the Spaniard, and notorious traitors to
God, his church, the kings majestie, and the whole land. There is
also in Germanie one named Archibald Anderson who is my half
brother by the flesh a professor of the Greke tongue in the Jesuits
CoUedge at Grats in the countrey of Stiria, whom I soght to reduce
from that papisticaU bondage; but he knowing of my coming to
Cramaw in Bohemia where then he remayned was suddenUe trans
ported from thence by the Jesuits to Vienna.

APPENDIX. 625
No. VII. [[Orig. in Bibl. Jurid. M. 6. 9. num. 32.[]
Letter from John, Earl of Gowrie *¦
To my beloved brother M. Jhone Malcome Minister
at Perth.
'EiAoyjjrw larta ro ovo^a rou 6$o-J be aioiw..
Beloved brother
Having taken occasione to wret to Scotland wald not omitt my
deutie to you in visiting you with this letter, that therby ye my* vn-
derstand of my present estate quhilk continues as of before, praising
God from my hairt that of the riche abundance of his gude grace and
mere mercie hes maid the beames and Ucht of his countenance to
shine upon me most fauorably to be ane guide to conduct me saiflie
per hunc Avernum quherin mony here (quorum oculi densa caligine
et nebulis obfuscati sunt) o miserum spectaculum 1 are drouned in his
justice. I meane not all, absit; for I am acquainted with diuers heir
qifi etiam inter has paludes stigias hes neuer boued ther kne to Baal :
quhat ane maruell is this and quha can beleue it ; and yet it is cer-
tanly true, glorificetur igitur Deus in opribus suis ac eo magis quo sunt
mirabiliora et **,»* *m (pm>m. There was ane notable exemple of
constancie not long ago in ane Silesian minister of some threscore
yeares and mair quha efter he hes beine deteined in prisone abo^t
nyne yeares and the Jesuites had trauaUed with him to recant bot
persaiffing that thei could prevaile nothing at his handis caused bring
him to the fyre lyke bludie dogges quhere efter he had maid ane ex
ceUent discours andliarang to the people shauing them the grat honor
he was caUit to in suffering for Christis sake and exhorting them to.
conuersione abode most patientlie without ony shrinking all tor-
mentis magnifeing Godis holy name and praying that ther sinnes myt
be forgiuen them. Efter he wes bront not being yet satisfied of the
crueltie that thei had usit against him quhen he wes liuing did cast
ane gret heap of stones vpon his ashes multo smviores quam erant
JucUei adversus Stephanum. Ther were vtheris quha for feare of
death ett that same tyme maid filthie apostacie fra the true Reliigione
to that damnable Idolatrie and at that instant that ane of them be-
gane to deny Christ in making defectione there isshued blude out of
* This is the nobleman who is so well known, in consequence of his name
having been given to that much contested and dark affair — the Gowrie
Conspiracy.

526 APPENDIX.
his nose in suche gret abundance that all did see him thout he sould
haue dyed presentlie this wes ane visibiU signe of the hand of God
that chopped on him quha hed done suche ane viUanie aganist his
conscience for to purchase his owen lyffe quhilk he wes not worthee to
bruik by the loss of his soule. Bot these renegates not the les es
caped not ther awin punishment for they aU were send ad triremes,
ubi non vnius horoe spatib vitam finituri sed morientes semper nee tamen
morientur. LaitUe efter these thingis ane certane IngUshe man being
moved on zele to cast ther sacra hostia (as thei most falsUe calUs it)
out of the priestis handis that wes careing it in processione to the
grand, and to stramp on it with his fete wes apprehendit and denudit
of his clothes therefter ane hude putt on his heade quheron wes
painted the deuiUs image and some with bleasis quha brunt him con
tinually in the backe and brest as he walked fordwart bot he in the
meane tyme wes occupiet in shauing the people hou thei were scham-
fuUie- abused be there miscent Iddolers quha wer leading them to
there auin damnatidne. In end he spake with suche ane vehemencie
that the' enymies caused knett his toung fearing some uprore tp enseu
if he had gottin ony forder. Ubertie to speke so he wes brot to the
place of executione quhere Ufting vp ,his eyis to heauen and on his
knees kissing the chaine he wes bund with, they caused first cut of
his hand for. the fact he had committed, with it and nixt burne him
quicke. All thir thingis were done: in Rome that mother of all vyce
and hoorishe synagog of deuUs. I am sbry.that my absence wiU not
permitt me to kyth my mynd and gudwill in' helping. to sett furth
Godis glorie ther cui totus ex animo incumberem bot quhen at his gude
pleasure I returne sail with his grace indeuore my self to amend
quhatsomeuer is omitted for laike of my presence^ I thank you most
hartfully of your remembrance of me in your prayeris desyring you
earnestlie to contineu according to the loue ye cary to the salvatione
of my soule. Thus remembering my very loving commendationis
to yourselff with the haiU ny'bouris of the toune Committis you
with them all to the protectione of the Omnipotent.
At Padoua the 28 of Nouember 1595. Youris alwayis affectionat
Gowkye.
I dout not bot ye haue hard long since of the Papes benedictione
given to the king of France quhilk hes turned to ane maledic-
tione. No vther neuis occurris heir for the present, bot now
againe laitly ther is some IhgUshmen put in the hous of in-
quisitione in Rome.

APPENDIX. 527
No. VIII. [[Melvini Epistolte MSS. p. 29.[]
Melvinus ad Senatum Anglicanum.
Artaxerxes cognomen to memoriosus in veterem Judeorum ecclesiam
ab exiUo reducem Persarum Monarcha beneficentissimus, Legem de
cultu divino et reUgione moderanda sanxit divinitus in haec verba :
Quidquid est de sententia Dei ccelestis perficitur diligenter in domo
Dei ccelestis : ut non sit fervens ira in regnum regem et filios ejus.
Hanc ego legem cum similibus sacrae scripturae locis non negligentis-
sime comparatam, multo antequam AngUam hae vice cogitassem,
saepe mecum et diu multumque pro muneris mihi divinitus mandati
ratione, meditatus, tertio abbinc anno, Septembri mense vergente in
sede Hamptoniana jussus sacris interesse, tam spectator quam audi
tor insolens, pro re nata carmen breve et Dramaticum, Regise maje-
stati, invocato numine, recitandum feci. Cujus exemplum inscio me
descriptum et depravatum et mutilum postea Novembri praecipite,
mihi coram ampUssimo senatu criminis loco objectum : et anni inse-
quentis adulto vere denuo exacerbatum fuit. In hae causa dicenda
sine fuco et faUaciis more majorum, et meis versicoUs a criminis atro-
citate cujus affinis non essem Ubere vindicandis, si quid mihi tam ne-
cessario tempore meo, minus decore pro hujus gentis indole et regni
moribus respondenti humanitus excidit, quod quemquam mortalium
jure offenderit, nedum Senatum ampUssimum, ut ejus ego sive erro-
ris sive rusticitatis pcenam biennali carcere adhuc luo : ita veniam
supplex primum a Deo patre indulgentissimo, deinde a Britanniarum
Rege Clementissimo, denique ab ampUssimo Senatus singulari aequa-
nimitatc, etiam atque etiam peto.
No. IX. [[Orig. in Arch. Eccles. Scotic. vol. xxvui. num. 6.[[]
Letter from Andrew MelviUe to Sir James Sempill
of Beltrees.
My dewtie humbUe remembered Please yo7 w. being prevented by
yo7 undeserved kindness, I am emboldened to aske your counsel and
good advice at this tyme. I heare that the Duke of Bullon hath re
quested his Ma. by letters and by my Lord Wotton Ambassadour, in
my favour, and that his Ma. is not unwilling to shew me some gra-
1

528 APPENDIX.
cious favour. Therfor I thought it my dewtie to offer my humble
service unto the Prince Highnes as a naturaU subject. And if bash-
fulnes wold suffer me to speak the truth, one come of those whome
his royell progenitors hath acknowledged not only faithfuU servants
but also friendly kinsfolk. So that naturaU affection should command
me reverently to hono7 and faithfuUy to serve his Ma. and progeny,
namely his highnes whome the Lord advanceth to succeed in the
royaU throne, which is established by two ground pillars Justice and
RelUgion, whereof the last hath been my caUing and exerceis these
36 years at the least in my owne native countrie, except so much as
England hath broken off the course of my ordinarie traveles. I was
transported thirtie yeers ago by the advice & authoritie both of gene
raU Assembly and three estats at his Ma. command from Glasco
(where six yeers the Lord had blessed my labours in letters & relU-
gion to the comfort of the church & honour of the countrie) unto
St. Androis for reforming of the Universitie, and erecting a coUedge
of Divinitie for the profession of learned tongues & Theologie against
the Seminaries of Rems and Rome : wherein I was placed by Com-
missionars both of Church and CounseU, authorized with his Ma.
commission in most solemn manner. And I for my part, in modestie
to utter the truth, I dare not say but I have been faithfuU in my
great weaknes notwithstanding mighty opposition : but these four yeers
bypast and more I have been withholden from ye doing of my dewtie
to my countrie and church of God therein, as is notoriously knowen,
to my great regrate. Now Reason and Conscience bind me to this
obUgation of my calUng and discharge of my dewtie, if so it wold
please his Ma. And I feare the necessitie of that holy work wold
crave help, that the fontaines of Learning and RelUgion be not dryed
up in our barren country. And my old age doth no less crave, if not
rest from travel, at the least an honest retreat from warefare within
my own garison and corsgard, with hope of buriaU with my ances
tors. In the meanetyme I offer my humble service unto the Prince
his highnes, if your w. think.it expedient, with the advise of my two
intire and speciaU friends Sir James Fowlarton and Mr. Thomas
Murray, to whom these presents will make my heartie eomendations.
So talcing my leave I recomend you S7 to the grace of God tUl a joy
ful meeting at his good pleasour. YoIS in ye Lord to be commandit
An. Meivine.
London Tower this first
ef December 1610.

APPENDIX. 529
No. X. [[Bibl. Jurid. Edin. M. 6. 9. num. 42.[]
Letter from Andrew Melville to Robert Durie at Leyden.
Right reverend and dearly beloved father in the Lord Jesus, your
last letter was full of kyndly stuffe, and so was very sweet to me,
namely your owne godly and constant resolution, quhareunto adscribe
me socium in utrumque tuum paratum, ad * * * aut manendum, ar-
bitratu nostri CfxSsunii x*i tvytmttrtv. Tecum ego viuere amem, etiam
dbeam ego libens. Receave fra this bearar, your sone Johne, his ora
tion with thanks, and great hope he shall be a good instrument after
our departing. We have heard nothing farther of Scotts or Inglish
newes, but only the returning of Mr. Digbie ambassadar from Spaine
who be now adjoyned to the secret counsall for his faithfull service.
So that we look to hear shortly of the L. Somerset & his la. and vyers
their complices. We expect the returning of our duke aud prince from
Parise this weeke at the farrest, the peace being ratified from the
parliament of Parise. From Mr. Johne Forbess neuer a word haue
We yet receaved, and so remaine we in suspence : only the ministrie
of FUssing as you wrait appears to say sumthing, whereof I gather
litle comfort or gratious answer from the monarche, Lord be merci-
full to his chosen and faithfull servants, quibus vbi desinet humanum
ibi incipit diuinum auxilium. In uno Christo sunt omnia ad bene
beateque viuendum. Ipsa est lux, via, Veritas et vita. Ab ipso est
Paracletus, xai -raoxy.Xiiiri:, xxi ro a-xgafivhim rus ayx-rms. I thank you for
Roseus and Godartius. things goes not euill as we haue heard. Bot
we cannot bot feare the act from the state to the classes, howbeit we
know not as yet the contents thereof. I thank you also for Mr. Ro
bert Bruce that constant confessor and almost martyr of our Lord
Jesus. The Lord [[[keep'] him and his for ever. I never remember
him and his w'out comfort and heart lift up to God And so doe I
when I remember or hears or speaks of any of you all that suffers for
Christ and his church. Faine wold I heare good things from Mr.
WiUiam Scotte, Mr- Johne Carmichell & Mr. Johne Dykes whom I
hope the Lord hath not left destitute of his good spirit, but that they
shine as burning lamps in the mids of that confused darkness. Mr.
Patrick Symsone triumphes, whose ecclesiastick history I heare be
cum furth bot not cum to our hands, quam ego pretio duplicato redi-
mam. I cannot tell whats becum of Mr. Jas. Carmichells labours,
or whether he be yet aUue. Mr. Johne Davidsone left sum nots be-
VOL. II. 2 M

530 APPENDIX.
hind of our tyme, and so did Mr. Johne Jonstoun. I speak nothing
of my cousing. I wold all were safe to mak out a true narratioun to
the posterity. I left with my lufing and faithful gossep your father
in law Mr. Knox's letters. I wish them to be furthcuming. Mak
my hartly commendations to him & his, and learne what you can of
all. Let the bishops be mowdewarps, we will lay our treasure in
the heavins quher they be sure. Fed niche nearer to St. Androis nor
Darisie could not [[saue] their fed sowe from the graue. My collect,
grauell and gutte be messengers (bot not importune) to spoyle my
patience, bot to exercise my faith. My health is better nor I wold
looke for in this age, praised be the true mediator. To whose glory
it may serue, to the benefitt of his church. My cummer and all the
bairns be locked wp in my heart, whom I recommend with you to
the grace of our heavenly Father in the bowels of the Lord Jesus.
This in great haist, with commendations to aU friends thair.
Tuus ut suus, An. Meluill.
Sedani 24 Maij 1616.

INDEX.

A
Aiiot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury, preaches before the General
Assembly in Scotland, ii. 239, 240.
Abercrombie, Giles, the mother of Melville, i. 3.
Adamson, John, ii. 317, 462.
 , Patrick, his conduct respecting the Book of Policy, i. 142 — 145.
His designs counteracted by Melville, i. 218, 222. Author of the King's
Declaration, i. 229. Of a reply to Lawson, i. 233. His treatment of
the banished Ministers' wives, i. 237. Inflames the King against Mel
ville, i. 267. His unpopularity, i. 268, 270, 273. Tried and excom
municated by the Synod of Fife, i. 271. He excommunicates the Mel-
villes, i. 272. His excommunication removed, i. 276, 277. Deposed
by the General Assembly* i. 312 — 314. Deserted by the King, i. 315.
Relieved by Melville, ib. His recantation and death, i. 316 — 318. Fur
ther particulars of, ii. 462, 463, 484—488. His letter to Archbishop
Whitgift, ii. 517.
Aie, or Adamson, John, i. 438.
Alexander, Sir William, (Earl of Stirling,) ii. 438, 439.
Anderson, D. a letter from, ii. 521.
 , James, minister of Collace, i. 346.
 , Thomas, Melville's preceptor at Montrose, i. 6.
Andrews, Dr. Bishop of Chichester, his sermon, ii. 153.
Angus, Archibald, Earl of, i. 231, 236. His disinterestedness, i. 244.
 -, Popish Earl of, i. 352, 353, 355, 356.
Annand, John, Principal of St. Leonard's, ii. 468.
Anne, of Denmark, queen of James VI. Melville's poem on the corona
tion of, i. 301 — 303, 462—465. Her displeasure at Gowrie's death, ii.
87. She procures a relaxation of Melville's confinement, ii. 96.
Arbuthnot, Alexander, Principal of King's College, Aberdeen, co-operates
with Melville in establishing presbytery, i. 138, 153. Appointed along
with Melville to a council at Magdeburgh, i. 146. Consults with Mel
viUe about the reformation of the universities, i. 158. His call to St.
2 M 2

532 INDEX.
Andrews, i. 189, 452. Death of, i. 194. Letter from, i. 453. Ac
count of, ii. 375 — 379. Extracts from his poems, ii. 378.
Arbuthnot, Alexander, a printer, Bible published by, i. 448 — 450.
Arminius, Jacobus, writes to Melville, ii. 200. Character of, ii. 201.
Arran, James Stewart, Earl of, i. 172. Melville's reply to his menace, i.
183. Removed from the King, i. 185. Again received at Court, i. 195.
His conduct on Melville's trial, i. 202. His violence, L 224—226, 238.
Flies on the return of the banished lords, i. 240. His corrupt influence
on the King, i. 257— -259. His. return and professions, i. 348 — 350.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, ii. 167.
Athelmer, John, ii. 467.
Atkinson, Thomas, answers a poem of Melville, ii. 105.
Ayton, Sir Robert, ii. 439, 441. B
Balcanquhull, Walter, minister of Edinburgh, flies to England, i. 224.
Preaches in London, i. 235. Disputes in the pulpit with King James,
i. 263. Again retires to England, and is outlawed, ii. 6.
Baldwin, Francis, Melville attends his lectures on civil law at Paris, i. 27.
Balfour, James, minister of Edinburgh, ii. 6, 80. Called up to London,
ii. 136. Confinement and death, ii. 183.
 , James, of Burley, i. 334. Broil between Melville and, i. 379.
Balmerino, James Elphinston, Lord, ii. 70, 120, 476.
Bamford, James, a nonconformist, offers a sum of money to the Scotch mi
nisters at London, ii. 184.
Bancroft, Dr. Richard, Archbishop of Canterbury, writes against the church
of Scotland, i. 305 — 310. Melville's attack upon, ii. 159. Book against
King James's succession by, ib. Interview between the Scotch ministers
and, ii. 169.
Banner-man, Robert, ii,! 471—472.
Barlow, Dr. Bishop of Lincoln, sermon by, ii. 153. Melville's attack on,
ii. 160.
Bartas, Guillaume, du, a French poet, visits Scotland, i, 286. Hears
Melville lecture, i. 288—290.
Bassandyne, Bassenden, Thomas, his will quoted, i. 86, 161. Bible print
ed by, i. 448.
Beaton, Cardinal David, i. 438 ; ii. 469, 471.
,  , James, Archbishop of Glasgow, i. 56 ; ii. 71.
.  , James, Archbishop of St. Andrews, ii. 341, 469 — 471.
Benedict XIII. Pope, founds the University of St. Andrews, ii. 338.
Bertram, Cornelius, Melville studies Oriental languages under, i. 33.
Beza, Theodore, Melville's introduction to, i.-32. Character of, i. 35  37.
Melville's intimacy with, i. 38. Account of a suppressed political tract

INDEX. 533
by, i. 50, 427—430. Recommendation of Melville by, i. 53. Treatise
on Episcopacy by, i. 152, 456. Melville's epistolary correspondence
with, i. 153, 154, 431.
Bisset, James, one of the founders of the University of St. Andrews, i. 465.
Bizzarus, Petrus, an Italian, verses on MelviUe by, i. 16, 17.
Black; David, minister at St. Andrews, i. 338. Defended by MelviHe
against Burley, i. 378—380. His trial and declinature, i. 395 — 400.
His removal from St. Andrews, and death, ii. 34 — 36. Vindicated
against Spotswood, ii. 453, 453.
Blackburn, Bishop, Peter, teaches in Glasgow College under Melville, i.
70, 73. Melville appointed to examine his answer to Gordon the Je
suit, i. 264. His dream, i. 440. A benefactor to the Library of Glas
gow, i. 444. His presbyterial exercise, i. 446, 447. Appointed Bishop
of Aberdeen, ii. 63, 64.
Blackhall, Andrew, tried as reus ambitus, i. 468, 469.
Boderie, M. de la, the French ambassador, his account of Melville's appear
ance before the English Privy Council, ii. 173 — 175. His interview
with the King about Melville, ii. 263 — 265.
Bonnefoy, Edmond, the civilian, i. 44.
Bothwell, Earl of, makes public satisfaction in the church, i. 300. Mini
sters aspersed as favouring, i. 363 — 367. General Assembly warn the
people against him, i. 372.
Bouillon, Duke of, procures Melville's release from the Tower, and invites
him to Sedan, ii. 262, 271. His care of the University of Sedan, ii.
379. Melville's poem on the Marriage of his Daughter, ii. 310.
Boyd, Archbishop James, urges Melville's settlement in Glasgow, i. 63.
Defence of Melville's behaviour to, i. 137 — 142. A benefactor to the
Library ofthe College of Glasgow, i. 444.
 , Mark Alexander, anecdote of, i. 80.
 , Principal Robert, of Trochrig, i. 78. His testimony to the friend
ship between his father and Melville, i. 142. His eulogium on Mel
ville, ii. 320, 321. Character of his writings, ii. 426.
Broughton, Hugh, called to the University of St. Andrews, i. 332.
Brown, Gilbert, a priest, treatment of, ii. 122.
 , Robert, the independent, visits Scotland, i. 236, 307.
Bruce, Robert, minister of Edinburgh, i. 299. His favour with the King,
i. 300. Crowns Queen Anne, i. 301. Vindicates his loyalty, i. 364,
373. Minute of his election as minister of St. Andrews, i. 467, 468.
His exertions to repress a tumult, i. 407—410. Is denounced rebel,
ii. 6. His letter to Lord Hamilton vitiated, ii, 7. His banishment
and harsh treatment on account of the Gowrie conspiracy, ii. 79  84.
His constancy, ii. 293, 297, 529. Character of his sermons, 432—424.
2 M3

534 INDEX.
Buchanan, George, Melville's early acquaintance with, i. 14, 15. Appoint
ed with Melville to examine A dam son's poem, i, 63. Death and cha
racter of, i. 191, 192. Account of the last interview between Melville
and, i. 193. His conduct as preceptor to the king, i. 253 — 257. His
letter to Randolph, ii, 513.
, Thomas, nephew to the poet, i. 64. Made provost of Kirk-
heugh and minister of Ceres, i. 168. Teaches divinity at St. Andrews,
i. 228, Altercation between Melville and, i. 343. His defence of the
rights ofthe church, ii. 19. Gained over by the king, ii. 20. Interrupts
Melville in the synod of Fife, ii. 40. Argues for the ministers' vote in
parliament, ii. 45. His death, ii, 67. His teaching in the High School
of Edinburgh, and at Stirling, ii. 366, 367.
Buckridge, Dr. preaches to the Scotch ministers at Hampton Court, ii. 153.
Budeeus, Gulielmus, recommends the founding of the Royal Trilingual Col-
lege at Paris, i. 19.
Bunch, Duncan, books presented to the University of Glasgow by, i. 436.
Burlie, Lord, ii. 134.
Burnet, Alexander, a follower of Wickliffe, i. 420.

Caldcleugh, John, rencontre between Melville and, i. 169. Deprived of
his professorship at St. Andrews, i, 330 — 332. The occasion of a riot
against Melville, i. 333, 473.
Cameron, Principal John, Melville visited in the Tower by, ii. 258. Cha
racter of, ii. 425, 426.
Campbell, Alexander, Bishop of Brechin, Melville returns from Geneva with,
i. 52 — 54. Incidents in the journey, 54 — 56.
, Robert, of Kinyeancleugh, poem to the memory of, i. 419 ; ii.
394, 491—495.
Capel, (Capellus) Aaron, minister of the French church, London, a friend
of Melville, ii. 262, 275, 280.
Capellus, Jacobus, professor at Sedan, ii. 258, 280. Intimacy between
Melville and, ii. 281.
 , Ludovicus, ii. 280, 426.
Carleton, George, Bishop of Chichester, i. 231. Melville's letter to, ii.
515.
Carmichael, James, minister of Haddington, i. 229, 261 ; ii. 162, 286, 412,
431, 529. , John, minister of Kilconquhar, reasons against the ministers'
vote in Parliament, ii. 45. Called up te Londpn, ii. 136. His constancy,
ii. 286, 529.
Carpentaria, Jacobus, Melville attends his lectures at Paris, i. 24, 25.

INDEX. 535
Carpentarius, Petrus, his apology for the massacre at Paris, i. 50.
Carsewcll, John, Bishop of the Isles, his Gaelic prayer-book, ii. 91.
' Casaubon, Isaac, writes to Melville, ii. 99, 100. Visits him in the Tower,
ii. 258—260.
Cassilis, Earl of, applies to the king in behalf of Melville, ii. 273.
Castol, M. minister of the French church in London, Melville writes to, i.
220.
Charpentier. See Carpentarius, Petrus.
Charton, Nicholas, i. 25.
Chevalier, (Cevalerius) Rodolphe, professor of Hebrew at Geneva, i. 33.
Christison, William, minister of Dundee, i. 3.
Cinq Arbres. See Quinquarboreus.
Cockburne, James, specimen of his poetry, ii. 437, 438.
Collace, (Colless) William, regent at St. Andrews, i. 59, 422, 431. His
mode of teaching, ii. 347.
Colt, Adam, minister of Musselburgh, called up to London, ii. 136.
Colville, John, minister of Kilbride, i. 76.
Corvell, Richard, an early teacher at St. Andrews, ii. 465.
Cowper, John, imprisoned for not praying for Queen Mary, i. 283.
 , William, Bishop of Galloway, ii. 208, 297. Anecdote of, ii. 238.
Character of his writings, ii. 429.
Craig, John, i. 46. Nominated to reason against Episcopacy, 1. 113.
Draws up the National Covenant, i. 174. His bold reply to Arran, i.
225. His compliance, 1. 226, 247. His death, ii. 69, 70.
Craig, Sir Thomas, i. 297; ii. 84. Character of his writings, ii. 431, 441.
Employed in drawing up Regulations for the High School of Edinburgh,
ii. 506.
Cranston, Michael, his concern in the tumult of Edinburgh, i. 408. Re
ceived into favour by the king, ii. 4.
-, William, principal of St. Salvator's, ii. 345.
Crawfurd, Alexander, master ofthe Grammar School of Glasgow, ii. 478.
_—  , Archibald, rector of the University of Glasgow, i. 444.
 , Archibald, master of the Grammar School of Glasgow, ii. 478.
Craw, Paul, a martyr, i. 420.
CrosUy, Mr. offers money to the Scotch ministers at London, ii. 184.
Culros, Lady, character of .her poem, ii. 437.
Cunninghame, Alexander, assaults James Melville, i. 81. His submission,
i. 82—84, 441.
 , David, subdean of Glasgow, intimate with Melville, i. 132;
Suspected by him, i. 143. Is made chaplain to the Regent, and Bishop
¦ of Aberdeen, i. 145. Baptizes Prince Henry, i. 377.
— — — — , Henry, schoolmaster of Anstruther, ii. 503.

536 INDEX.

Dahin, Jean, professor at Paris, i. 25.
Dalglksh, Nicol, minister of St. Cuthbert's, condemned to die, i. 224. No
minated to the principality of King's College, Aberdeen, i. 454.
Dam-man, Sir Adrian, i. 411, 464, 465; ii. 478.
Danee, or Danaeus, Lambert, i. 41, 430.
Davidson, John, principal of the College of Glasgow, i. 65 ; ii. 388, 488.
 , John, minister at Libberton and Prestonpans, intimates Mont
gomery's excommunication, i. 180. Preaches at London, i. 235. His
replies to Bancroft, i. 309 ; ii. 159. His activity in the renewing of the
Covenant, i. 382 — 385. Extracts from a poem by, i. 419 ; ii. 491 — 495.
Warns Iiis brethren against episcopacy, ii. 41. Opposes, the king's
measures in the Assembly at Dundee, ii. 44 — 46. Prosecuted for this,
ii. 47. His death, character, and writings, ii. 109 — 111, 529. Pro
cess against him for a poem on pluralities, ii. 388 — 390. Extracts from
it, ii. 391 — 393. Grammar school founded by, ii. 414, 509.
Davison, William, English ambassador, extracts from letters of, ii. 518.
Dischington, Andrew, schoolmaster at Dunbar, ii. 502.
Donaldson, Walter, principal at Sedan, ii. 280.
Douglas, George, bishop of Murray, i. 1 0(5.
 , John, Provost of St. Mary's College, and Archbishop of St. An
drews, his kindness to Melville, i. 13. Melville intended as his succes
sor, i. 62, 145. Sits as an elder in the kirk session, i. 336. His presen
tation to the provostship, ii. 472.
Downham, Dr. Melville's answer to his sermon, ii. 206, 464.
Drummond, Sir Edward, studies under Melville, i. 71.
 , William, of Hawthornden, lines by, ii. 427, 439.
Dunbar, Earl of, disgraceful methods by which he procured the condemna
tion of six ministers, ii. 119, 120. Advises Melville and his brethren to
goto London, ii. 136. Commissioner to the Assembly which restores
episcopacy, ii. 247 — 250. Melville's denunciation against, ii. 254. De
ceitful treatment of James Melville by, ii. 256.
Duncan, Andrew, minister of Crail, i. 171. Found guilty of treason, iL
119. Banished to France, ii. 122. Professor in the College of Rochelle,
ii. 292. Returns to Scotland, ii. 295. His Grammar, ii. 412.
 , John Andrew, an early protestant, account of, i. 420.
 1 — , Dr. Mark, professor at Saumur, i. 421, 422; ii. 441.
, Mark, {De Cerisantes,) i. 421.
Duncanson, John, principal of St. Leonard's, and minister to the King, iL
345, 504.
 — , Thomas, schoolmaster at Stirling, ii. 367.

INDEX. 537
Dury, John, minister at Edinburgh, his motion against episcopacy support
ed by Melville, i. 110, 133. Accompanies Melville to St, Andrews, i.
164. Banished from Edinburgh, i. 181. James Melville married to a
daughter of, i. 328. His death, ii. 69. Account of a sermon by, ii. 514,
515.
Dury, John, a student at Sedan, ii. 303, 529.
 , Robert, minister of Anstruther, i. 328. Preaches in the Island of
Lewis, ii. 91. Found guilty of treason, ii. 119. Banished to France,
ii. 122. Minister at Leyden, ii. 292. Melville's letters to, ii. 302, 306—
308, 529. His death, ii. 309.
Duretus, Melville attends his lectures at Paris, i. 24.
Dwne, an early teacher at Glasgow, ii. 477.
Dykes, John, assistant minister at Anstruther, ii. 75, 229, 231, 233, 241,

E
EgUsham, Dr. answers Melville's epigram, ii. 157, 158.
Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor of England, his advice to Melville, ii. 161, 177.
Elphinstone, Bishop, i. 437 ; ii. 363.
Erasmus, i. 19.
Errol, Earl of, i. 352, 356.
Erskine, Adam, i. 252.
, Sir Alexander, of Gogar, i. 252.
 , David, i. 252.
 , John, of Dun, a pupil of Melville's brother, i. 10. Studies under
Melanchthon, i. 11. His death, i. 345. Verses on, i. 347.

Paye, Antoine de la, i. 430.
Ferguson, David, minister of Dunfermline, his address to the Synod of
Fife, i. 385; ii. 41. His death, and writings, ii. 67.
Ferme, Charles, principal of the College of Fraserburgh, ii. 400.
Forbes, John, minister of Alford, ii. 114. Moderator of the Assembly at
Aberdeen, ii. 116. Found guilty of treason, ii. 120. Banished to
France, ii. 122. Settles in Holland, ii. 292. Letter to James Melville
by, ii. 294 — 296. His fruitless journey to England, ii. 308. His death,
ii. 310. , Bishop Patrick, of Corse, accompanies Melville to London, i. 229.
His writings, i. 429.
Forcatellns, Melville attends his lectures at Paris, i. 24.
Forester, Andrew, i. 468.

538 INDEX.
France, Queen Regent of, opposes Melville's going to Sedan, ii. 263 — 265.
Francis I. of France, founds the Royal Trilingual College at Paris, L 19. ,
Fraser, Sir Alexander, of Phillorth, founds a College at Fraserburgh, ii.
399.
Fngger, Ulrich, a patron of learning in Germany, i. 40 ; ii. 483.
Fullerton, Sir James, his early education, i. 71 ; ii. 407. Establishes a
school at Dublin, ii. 405—408. Acquaints Melville with the death ofhis
nephew James, ii. 298. His friendship to Melville, iL 269, 408.
G
Galloway, Patrick, i. 394, 451.
Geddy, John, transcribes Buchanan's History, i. 223. Patent to, ii. 511.
Gibson, James, minister of Pencaitland, imprisoned for a sermon, i. 265,
266, 477, 478.
Gilbert, Michael, opposition to his settlement at North Berwick, L 469,
470.
Gillespie, George, regent at St. Andrews, i. 431.
Gladstanes, George, gained- over by the court, ii. 20. Made minister of St.
Andrews, ii. 35. Bishop of Caithness, ii. 64. Archbishop of St. An
drews, ii. 111. His hostility to Melville, ii. 93, 113, 191, 211. Extracts
from his letters to the King, ii. 18, 132, 137, 192, 282. Goes to Lon
don, iL 140. His perfidy, ii. 252. His anxiety to have doctors of divi
nity cieated, ii. 313 — 316.
Glammis, Chancellor, his death and character, i. 151. His correspondence
With Beza, i, 152. . (
 , Master of, i. 231. hil , ,,.
Glasgow, John, Bishop of, books presented to the University by, L. 435.
Gomes, Don Jan de Medina, a Spanish commander, interview between him
and James Melville, i. 293—297.
Gordon, Alexander, Bishop of Galloway, i. 97 ; ii. 139.
— — , of Earlston, i. 419.
 , James, a Jesuit, his dispute with the King, i. 264.
 , Dr. John, Dean of Salisbury, ii. 138—140, 154, 157. ..
Goulart, Simon, i. 431.
Gowrie, Countess of, Arran's inhuman behaviour to, i. 238. . . ¦'",
.' • , John, Earl of, ministers prosecuted for not believing the conspira-
, cy of, ii. 79, 81. Letter from, ii. 525.
Graham, of Fintry, apprehended and executed, i. 353, 355.
Gray, WiUiam, minister at Logie, Montrose, i. 416.
Groslot, Jerom, Sieur de l'lsle, i. 254.
Guynd, David, ii. 471.
Gyll, John, ii. 465.

INDEX. 539

H
Haddiston. James of, ii. 341.
Halyburton, Colonel James, i. 57.
Hamilton, Archibald, i. 382; ii. 473.
 , James, afterwards Earl of Clanbrissel, ii. 405 — 407.
 , John, ii. 473, 504.
 , Lord, conversations between .King James and, i. 357, 461.
Bruce's letter to, ii. 7, 8.
-——  , Patrick, not the first who introduced the reformed opinions into

Scotland, i. 8.
-, Robert, minister of St. Andrews, and provost of St. Mary's, i.

167, 186 ; ii. 473.
 , Sir Thomas, Lord Advocate, ii. 120, 146 — 148.

Hay, Alexander, clerk to the privy council, waits on Melville on the part
of the Regent, i. 57. Receives him at London, i. 138. Reads a charge
to him, ii. 148. Presents a copy of verses by Melville to the King, iii
202. , Andrew, urges Melville's settlement in the College of Glasgow, i. 63.
Dissents against Melville's removal, i. 160. Banished, i. 227. Presses
MelviUe to resume his situation in Glasgow, i. 269. Further particulars
of, ii. 222, 483.
— — , Archibald, ii. 471.
— — , Edmund, i. 26. His friendship to Smeton, ii. 380, 381.
i - , George, nominated to dispute in favour of episcopacy, i. 1 13, 137. To
go to Magdeburgh, i. 146. Further particulars of, 222, 483. '
Henry, Prince, Melville's poem on the birth of, i. 376, 377. Offers his
services to, ii. 269. Death of, ii. 291.
Henryson, Edward, a civilian, ii. 374, 375, 482 — 484.
Hepburn, John, founds St. Leonard's College, ii. 468.
Herbert, George, the poet, his panegyric on King James, ii. 74. His an
swer to Melville, ii. 104. A poem by, ii. 464.
Heriot, Andrew, excites a tumult against Melville, i. 78, 79.
Herries, Lord, i. 79.
Honter, John, his Cosmographia, i. 68.
Hooker, Richard, his high respect for Calvin, i. 129. His embarrassment
in explaining Jerom, i. 445. His opinion of Ramus, ii. 418.
Hotioman, Francis, the civilian, i. 28. Melville attends his lectures, i.
44, 45. His Franco-Gallia, i. 49, 429.
Howie, Robert, succeeds Melville at St. Andrews, ii."191. Account of,
ii. 193—196. 3

540 INDEX.
Howieson, John, rude treatment of, L 179. Imprisoned, i. 324, Found*
a school, ii. 414. His writings, ii. 429.
Burne, Alexander, minister of Dunbar, ii. 504.
 , Alexander, minister of Logie, author of Hymns, ii, 437, 504.
M Alexander, the grammarian, master of the High School of Edin
burgh, ii. 411  414, 507. His Grammar, ii. 412, 505. Master of the
grammar school of Prestonpans, ii. 414, 509 ; and of Dunbar, iL 505.
 , David, of Godscroft, writings of, ii. 107, 435—437, 442, 464. Mel
ville's high opinion of, ii. 288, 297.
 , Lord, excommunicated, i. 356. Melville refuses to absolve, i. 369.
Hunter, Andrew, excommunicates Archbishop Adamson, i. 272. Deposed
for joining Bothwell, i. 371, 372.
Huntly, Countess of, i. 394.
 , Earl of, i. 311, 313, 352, 356, 357, 362, 388, 407 ; ii. 400.
I
Invcrtylc, Lord, educated along with King James, i. 254.

Jack, Thomas, master of the grammar school of Glasgow, i. 444; ii. 365,
478, 479.
James I. of Scotland, patronises the University of St. Andrews, ii. 466.
James VI. of Scotland, Melville introduced to, i. 64. His early assump
tion of the government, I. 149. Changes on his administration, i. 185,
195. His feelings as to the death of the Prince of Orange, i. 239. Re
ceives the banished nobles into favour, i. 240. His altercation with the
ministers of the church, i. 248. His education and character, i.
351 — 262. His poesy, i. 261, 286. Disputes with Balcanquhall, L
263. With a Jesuit, i. 264. Confines Melville beyond the Tay, i. 280,
459. Restores him, i. 282. His conduct respecting his mother's exe
cution, i. 283 — 286. His visit to the University of St. Andrews, i.
288 — 290. His conduct at the time of the Spanish Armada, i. 291, 292.
Thanks Melville, i. 302. His eulogium on the church of Scotland, i.
303, 304. His interviews with Melville, i. 311, 360, 374, 379, 389,
390 — 393 ; ii. 22, 58, 59. Reasons of his favour for the popish lords,
i. 362. His conduct respecting the tumult in Edinburgh, i. 408, 410;
ii. 2 — 6. His questions to the General Assembly, ii. 8. Corrupts the
ministers of the church, ii. 13, 17 — 20. Interrupts Wallace in the pul
pit, ii. 25. Prohibits Melville from sitting in the Assembly, ii. 43.
Takes an active part in the debates of the General Assembly, ii. 65.
His embassy to the Pope, ii. 70. Law of free monarchies, ii. T2, 73. Ba-

INDEX. 541
silicon Doron, ii. 74—79. His treatment of Robert Bruce, ii. 80 — 84.
Threatens the Lords of Session, ii. 83. His holiday, ii. 85. Renews
his vow, ii. 88. Confines Melville within his college, ii. 93. His Ac
cession, ii. 95. His treatment of the English Puritans, ii. 105 — 107.
His severity to the ministers who kept the Assembly at Aberdeen, ii.
121. Calls Melville and others to London, ii. 136. His interviews with
them, ii. 141 — 147. His writings against the Pope, ii. 208, 209. Re
leases Melville from the Tower, ii. 263. His character of him to the
French ambassador, ii. 264.
Jerom, Iiis testimony to the identity of bishops and presbyters, i. Ill, 445.
Jonston, Arthur, the poet, ii. 333, 334, 441, 476.
 , John, professor of divinity at St. Andrews, i. 331. Charged to
leave Dundee, ii. 44. Coi-responds with Du Plessis, iL 101. His en
comium on Melville, and death, ii. 284, 288. His Latin Poems, ii. 441,
463, 530.

Keith, George. See Marischal, Earl.
s  , William, a brother to the former, killed at Geneva, i. 431.
Kennedy, Bishop James, founds St. Salvator's College, ii. 341, 466.
Ker, Sir Andrew, accompanies Melville to St. Andrews, L 163.
 , George, seized as a conspirator, i. 251, 355; ii. 523.
Kilconquhar, minister of, letter to the King, i. 401, 402.
King, Dr. Dean of Christ's Church, his sermon, ii. 153, 154.
Knox, Andrew, Bishop of the Isles, studies under Melville, i. 71, 351.
 , John, the Reformer, i. 11, 38, 48, 59, 107 ; ii. 393, 428, 530.

Languet, Herbert, L 50, 428, 4*7.
Laurieston, Laird of, suspected of antedating a proclamation against the
Assembly at Aberdeen, ii. 115. Charged with this by Melville, ii. 144.
Law, James, Bishop of Orkney, ii. 164.
Lawrie, Blaise, professor at Glasgow, i. 69.
Lawson, James, minister of Edinburgh, a fellow-student of Melville, i. 13,
423. Appointed with Melville to examine a poem by Adamson, i. 63.
Nominated to reason against episcopacy, i. 113. Accompanies Melville
to St. Andrews, i. 164. Flees to England, L 224. His death and char
acter, L 232—235.
Learmont, James, publishes a placard against Melville, i. 190.
 , of Dairsie, Melville's opposition to, i. 334.
Lectius, James, the civilian, a pupil of Melville, i. 43.
Leirmont, William, L 472.

542 INDEX.
Lekprevick, Robert, privilege to print books, i. 447. Imprisoned, ii. 390.
Lennox, Esme Stewart, Duke of, arrives in Scotland, and becomes a fa
vourite of the King, i. 171. Attempts to restore episcopacy, i. 173—178.
Incensed at Melville, i. 183. Compelled to leave the kingdom, i. 185.
Designs and conduct of, L 450 — 452.
Lennox, Earl of, son to the former, i. 363, 373 ; ii. 175, 289.
Liddel, Dr. Duncan, his medical works, iL 435.
Lindores, Lawrence, ii. 465, 466.
Lindsay, David, minister at Leith, nominated to reason in favour of epis
copacy, i. 113. Imprisoned by Arran, i. 334. Reproved by Melville,
ii. 56. Made Bishop of Ross, ii. 63, 64.
 , John, Melville's poem on, i. 54, 430.
—  , John, of Balcarras, secretary of state, ii. 34, 68, 218.
 , Lord, i. 408.
Lipsius, Justus, his high opinion of Melville's Stephaniskion, i. 322.
Livingston, Lady, i. 394.
Lochinvar, Laird of, ii. 495.
Logie, Gavin, ii. 468.
 , Thomas, ii. 467.
Lowe, Dr. Peter, his medical works, ii. 434.
M
Macgill, David,, of Cranston Riddell, ii. 47.
, Sir James, of Cranston Riddell, his widow, banished from Edin
burgh by Arran, i. 238. Patrick Adamson tutor to his son, ii. 384.
Maitland, John, Lord Thirlestane, secretary and chancellor, his sagacity,
i. 242. His influence in establishing Presbytery, i. 298 — 300, 324.
Visited by Melville on his death-bed, i. 381.
 , Sir Richard, of Lethington, L 385.
 , Thomas, a fellow-student of Melville, i. 13, 422. His political
principles and writings, ii. 385 — 387.
Makghe, Andrew, copy of his call to Gullane, i. 470, 471,
Makgregor, Patrick, schoolmaster of Perth, ii. 502.
Malcolm,, Jolm, i. 171; ii. 463.
Mmid/erston, William, i.,437.
Mar, Countess of, tutrix of James VL '• 252.
 , the Regent, i. 51, 94, 99, 100, 253.
 , Ear! of, i. 331, 354, 362, 380 ; ii. 175, 289.
Marischal, College in Aberdeen, ii. 401, 402.
 , George, Earl of, ii.. 401, 475,
Marsh, Dr. his testimony to the identity of bishops and presbyters, .v 111.
Marsilliers, Pierre de, teaches Melville Greek at Montrose, i. 11, 12.
Martial, Richard, ii. 472.

INDEX. 543
Martine, James, Principal of St. Salvator's College, ii. 473, 474.
Mary, Queen of Scots, differences between the King and the ministers
about praying for, i. 282 — 285. Melville's verses on, ii. 286. Her grant
to the College of Glasgow, i. 436.
Maxwell, Gabriel, ii. 479.
, John, a poet, his panegyric on King James, ii. 154, 155.
 , John, son of Lord Herries, L 78.
Mclissus, Paulus, a German poet and friend of Melville, i. 41, 42.
Melville, family of, i. 2, 413 — 415.
 , Melville of Baldovy, family of, i. 3, 415, 416.
 , David, a brother of Melville, i. 4.
, David, Principal of Glasgow and St. Andrews, i. 438.
 , Sir James, Melville's reply to his advice, i, 182.
 , James, nephew to Melville, education of, i. 59— 62, 416 — 418,
431, 433. His flattering account of the young king's acquirements, i.
€4. Made a professor at Glasgow, i. 69. His character of his uncle, i.
74, 75. Assaulted by two students, i. 80 — 84. Made professor of
Oriental languages at St. Andrews, i. 164. Preaches, L 187. Obliged
to fly to England, i. 227, 338. Prosecutes Bishop Adamson, i. 270.
His interview with an admiral of the Spanish Armada, i. 293 — 297. Be
comes minister at Anstruther and at Kilrenny, i. 327. His disinterest
edness, i. 328—330. Vindicated from a calumny, i. 365 — 369. A fa- •
vourite at court, i. 368. Accompanies the king in his expedition against
the popish lords, i. 375, 376. Loses the king's favour, i. 380, 381.-
Warns his brethren of the intention to restore episcopacy, ii. 40. His
account of an eclipse, ii. 42. Refuses to keep the anniversary of the
Gowrie conspiracy, ii. 86. His reasons of protest against episcopacy,
ii. 129 — 131. Called up to London, ii. 136. His public appearances
there, ii. 142, 145, 148. Refused access to his uncle in the Tower, ii.
175. Confined at Newcastle, ii. 182. Refuses a contribution from the
Nonconformists in London, ii. 183 — 185. His attentions to his uncle
during his imprisonment, ii. 186, 198, 218. Extracts from letters by
Melville to, ii. 198, 204—206, 211, 212, 215, 217, 219, 221, 224, 227,
-232, 234, 242, 257, 365, 270, 271, 374, 385, 288, 297. Extracts from
letters to Melville by, ii. 211, 214, 218, 226, 329, 245, 256, 367, 281,-
283, 384 His letter to Patrick Symson, ii. 306—308. Corresponds-u
with his uncle about his second marriage, ii. 223, 233. Refuses a bishop
ric, ii. 234. Is removed to Berwick, ii. 255, 250. Forbes's letter to,
ii. 294—296. His death and character, ii. 298 — 302. His writings, ii.
455 — 461.
 , John, of Dysart, uncle to Melville, i. 2 ; ii. 287.
 , John, brother to Melville, minister of Crail, i. 3, 4.

544 INDEX.
Melville, Patrick, a nephew of Melville, teaches Hebrew at Glasgow, i. 71.
At St. Andrews, i. 330. His ingratitude to his uncle, ii. 189.
, Richard, the father of Melville, lolled at Pinkie, L 3, 4.
, Richard, brother to Melville, L 3. His dutiful conduct to him,
i. 5. Travels with Erskine of Dun, i. 10. An acquaintance of George
Wishart, i. 11. His treatment of his son, i. 60. His death, i. 64, 236.
, Robert, brother to Melville, i. 4.
Roger, brother to Melville, L 2. Accompanies him in his flight

into England, i. 205.
— — . , Sir Robert, his advice to Melville, i. 196.
 , Thomas, brother to Melville, i. 3.
 , Walter, brother to Melville, i. 3.
-, William. See Tungland.

Mercerus, (Mercier) Joannes, Melville studies Hebrew under, i. 22.
Milne, Andrew, an early teacher, i. 417.
Monberneau, M. an emissary of Guise, L 258, 450, 453.
Moncrief, Gilbert, i. 252 ; ii. 379.
Montgomery, Robert, made archbishop of Glasgow, by Lennox, i. 176.
Prosecuted by Melville, ibid. Excommunicated, i. 180. Submits, and
is restored, i. 312, 313.
, the poet, L 144; ii. 437.
Montrose, Robert de, ii. 466.
Monypenny, David de, i. 475 ; ii. 452.
Morton, the Regent, wishes Melville for his domestic teacher, i. 57. His
character, i. 94, 95. His jealousy of the General Assembly, i. 107. His
queries to them, i. 116. His displeasure at Melville, i. 136. Intends
the bishopric of St. Andrews for Melville, i. 145. Nominates him to a
council at Magdeburgh, L 146. Interview between them, i. 147 — 149.
Resigns the Regency, i. 149. Prosecutes Davidson for his poem, ii. 388,
389.
Morton, William Douglas, Earl of, his character, ii. 134.
Moulin, Joachim du, a French refugee, i. 280.
, Pierre du, entertains Melville at Paris, ii. 378.
Murray, Sir David, specimen of his poetry, ii. 439.
— — , Sir Gideon, studies under Melville, i. 71.
 , the Regent, studies under Ramus, i. 24. Defended by Melville,
L312. . , Earl of, son to the former, public indignation at his murder by
Huntly, i. 311, 323, 324.
 , John, minister of Leith, ii. 255, 288.
, Sir Patrick, employed to gain over ministers to the court, iL 13,
17. Endeavours to intimidate Melville, ii. 21. Deputed to the Synod
; of Fife, ii. 39.

INDEX. 545
Murray, Sir William, i. 254.
¦ i , Thomas, tutor to Prince Charles, a friend of Melville, ii.' 269,
528. N
Nairn, Duncan, studies under Melville, i. 71.
Napier, John, of Merchiston, his discoveries, ii. 433, 434.
Newton, Sir Adam, studies under Melville, i. 71.
Nicolson, James, minister of Meigle, gained over by the court, ii. 18, 19.
His distress of mind and death, ii. 165, 166.
Nisbet, Murdoch, i. 419. O
Ogilvy, Lord, i. 56.
Overall, Dr. Dean of St. Paul's, Melville committed prisoner to, ii. 161,
166.

Palingenius, Marcellus, an Italian poet, a favourite of James Melville, i.
16 ; ii. 287, 460.
Paschasius, Hamelius, Melville studies mathematics at Paris under, i. 24.
Perrot, Charles, i. 431.
Pinauld, M. i. 431.
Piscator, John, ii. 101, 290.
Plessis, Philip Mornay, Sieur du, corresponds with Melville, ii. 100, 304.
His striking remark to Henry IV. of France, ii. 200.
Pol-wart, Andrew, accompanies Melville home from Geneva, i, 53  56.
His connexion with the College of Glasgow, i. 441. Co-operates with
Melville in church politics, i. 137 — 140.
Pont, Robert, minister of St. Cuthbert's, declines the judgment of the privy
councU, in the name of the church, i. 177. Called to St. Andrews, i.
187. Protests against certain acts of parliament, and flees into England,
i. 224. Assists David Black in Bis defence, i. 400. Asserts the free
dom of the Assembly, ii. 21. A Lord of Session, ii. 39. Speaks for
the ministers' vote in parliament, ii. 45. His writings, L 448, 465 ; ii.
428, 433, 478, 484.
 , Timothy, son to the former, ii. 428.
 , Zachary, another son of the former, marries a daughter of Knox, ii.
428.
Portus, Franciscus, a native of Candia, Melville studies Greek at Geneva
VOL. II. 2 N

546 INDEX.
under, i. 34. Anecdote of, i. 35. His defence of French protestants
against Charpentier,. i. 50, 51.
Primrose, Gilbert, commissioned to procure Melville to the College of
Rochelle, ii. 199.

Quinquarboreus, (Cinq Arbres) Joannes, Melville studies Hebrew at Paris
under, i. 22, 23. R
Bainolds, Dr. John, professor at Oxford, Melville's encomium on, i. 232.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, a fellow-prisoner of Melville in the Tower, ii. 213,
261.
Ramsay, Alexander, i. 14.
¦ - - ', William, i. 371, 372.
Ramus, Petrus, Melville attends his lectures, i. 23, 24. Influence of his
philosophical system, ii. 415 — 419. Melville introduces it into Scot
land, ii. 419—421.
Randolph, Sir Thomas, i. 15. Letter of Buchanan to, ii. 513.
Reid, Robert, Bishop of Orkney and Zetland, his legacy for a college in
Edinburgh, ii. 397, 495. His provision for education in Orkney, ii.
398.
Resby, John, i. 420.
Rivet, Dr. Andrew, ii. 496.
Robertson, John, professor at St. Andrews under Melville, i. 164, 330. His
presentation to be principal of the New College, L 268, 458.
 , Dr. William, remarks on his history, i. 8, 207.
 , William, master of the Grammar School of Edinburgh, ii. 366,
480.
Rollock, Hercules, master of the High School of Edinburgh, i. 464 ; ii.
409 — 411. Character of his Latin poems, ii. 441.
 , Robert, principal of the College of Edinburgh. When a regent
he attends Melville's lectures at St. Andrews, i. 166. Concurs with the
court in abridging the rights of professors of divinity, ii. 31, 451, 452.
His death and character, ii. 68. His writings, ii. 421 — 423.
Ross, a preacher, censured by the General Assembly for speaking irreve
rently ofthe King, i. 371.
Row, Jolm, minister of Perth, studies law, i. 46. Nominated to reason in
favour of episcopacy, i. 113. His change of sentiments on that subject,
i. 137. His death and writings, i. 161.
2

INDEX. 547
Rutherfurd, John, minister of Kilconquhar, i. 399.
 , John, principal of St. Salvator's College, ii. 367—371, 389.
His death, ii. 474.

Sage, Bishop John, his character of Melville, ii. 330.
Salignacus, Joannes, professor of Hebrew at Paris, i. 24, 25.
Salisbury, Earl of, his message to Melville, ii. 171—173. Silenced by him,
ii. 174.
Saville, Thomas, Melville's intimacy with, i. 231. Melville's letter to, ii.
515.
Savoy, the Duchess of, relieves the French protestant refugees, i. 43.
Scaliger, Joseph, becomes acquainted with Melville at Geneva, i. 43. His
panegyric on Melville's poetry, i. 302 ; ii. 462. Melville laments his
death, ii. 221, 331.
 , Julius Csesar, Epigrams by Melville on, i. 43. Scotland visited
by, ii. 434.
Scheves, John, ii. 465.
Scot, William, minister of Cupar, called up to London along with Melville,
ii. 136. His debate with the Lord Advocate, ii. 146. Interview with
Bancroft, ii. 169 — 171. Constancy, ii. 286.
 , Sir William, Director of the Chancery, ii. 422, 423.
Scrimger, Henry, professor of civil law at Geneva, account of, i. 38—40.
Melville's intimacy with, L 41. Buchanan's correspondence with, i. 41,
51. His writings and library, i. 425 — 427.
Seaton, Alexander, Earl of Dunfermline, Prior of Pluscarden, President of
the Court of Session, and Lord Chancellor, challenged by Melville, i.
374. Favours the popish lords, i. 388, 389.' His moderation, ii. 115.
His professions of regard for James Melville and his uncle, ii. 211, 312.
His saying concerning the bishops, ii. 282.
Sempill, Sir James, of Beltrees, his friendsliip for Melville, i.,75; ii. 198.
Melville's gratitude to, ii. 270. Writings by, ii. 270, 319. Melville's
letter to, ii. 527.
Scrres, (Serranus) Jean de, i. 431.
Seymour, Sir William, Melville's verses to, ii. 361, 262. ,
Sliarp, John, minister of Kilmany, fdund guilty of treason and banished, ii.
1 19, 120, 122. Made professor of divinity at Die in France, ii. 292.
 , Patrick, master of the grammar school of Glasgow, testimony to
Melville's literature by, i. 72. Made Principal of Glasgow College, i.
269. His writings and family, ii. 425, 478, 479.
Sibbald, George, receives Melville at Paris, ii. 277, 278.
Skeen, James, a Jesuit, favoured by the court, i. 237 ; ii. 519.

548 INDEX.
Skene, Sir John, Clerk-Register, a regent at St. Andrews, ii. 373, 374.
Writings of, ii. 430, 431.
 , William, commissary and professor of law at St. Andrews, L 318 ; ii.
373, 374, 474.
Smeton, Thomas, minister of Paisley, succeeds Melville as Principal at
Glasgow, i. 158 — 162. Proposed for Minister of St. Andrews, i. 189,
452. His death, i. 194. Account of his life and writings, ii. 379—
383.
Smith, John, professor at Sedan, ii. 280.
 , Dr. Richard, ii. 472.
Snape, an English nonconformist, offers a sum of money to the Scottish
ministers at London, ii. 184.
Spotswood, John, the superintendent, condemns the civil places of church
men, L 128.
.  , John, archbishop of Glasgow and of St. Andrews, studies under
Melville, i. 71. Remarks on his history, i. 84, 115, 126—134, 137,
139—142, 217, 277, 279, 283, 284, 302, 342—344, 359, 397; ii. 7, 26
— 29, 47, 64, 79, 306, 452, 453. His injustice to Melville and his
nephew, i. 142, 369. Opposes the absolution of Bishop Adamson, i.
277. His letter to the Presbytery of Haddington, i. 469, 470. His con
duct relating to the tumult in Edinburgh, ii. 7, 8. Corrupted by the pro
mise of a bishopric, ii. 20. His acknowledgment of the duplicity of his
friends, ii. 64. Violates his promises, ii. 65, 252. Intrusted with a
petition for a General Assembly, ii. 114. Present at the conferences in
London, ii. 140. His professions of friendship for Melville, ii. 202, 210,
274,309. Extracts from his letters, ii. 210, 248,282,312. Promises
to retire from public life, ii. 210. Made a Lord of Session, ii. 244. In
terferes with the Burghs, ii. 282. Character of his History, ii. 430.
Stephani, (Stevenson,) William, iL 465.
Stephens, Henry, a friend of Melville, i. 41.
Stewart, Lady Arabella, Melville's verses on, ii. 261, 262.
 , Alexander, archbishop of St. Andrews, ii. 468, 469.
 , Esme, Lord d'Aubigne. See Lennox.
, Captain James. See Arran.
 , Thomas, archdeacon, one of the founders of the University of St.
Andrews, ii. 465.
— — , Walter, Lord Blantyre, i. 254.
-,- William, the accuser of Melville, i. 201, 203.

Stirling, Earl of. See Alexander, Sir William.
Strachan, Alexander, minister of Creigh, condemned for treason and banish
ed, ii. 119, 122. His death, ii. 292.
Slraiton, Alexander. See Lauriston.
Syme, Alexander, reader on law to the queen regent, i. 373, 481, 482.

INDEX. 549
Sympson, Adam, a popish priest, ii. 522.
Symsofi, Abraham, minister of Norham, ii. 425.
 , Alexander, minister at Merton, ii. 424.
 , Andrew, teacher at Perth, and minister at Dunbar, ii. 384, 413,
425, 485.
-, Archibald, minister of Dalkeith, account of King James's edu

cation by, i. 257. His character of Melville, ii. 320. His writings,
ii. 425, 437.
-, Patrick, minister of Stirling, protest against episcopacy drawn

up by, ii. 128, 129. James Melville's letter to, ii. 206—208. Pro
motes a contribution for Melville when in the Tower, ii. 272, 273. His
constancy, ii. 297. Studies Hebrew in his old age, ii. 424. His history
of the church, ii. 427, 428. His death, ii. 529.
 , William, his work on Hebrew accentuation, ii. 424, 425.

Talceus, (Talon,) Audomarus, his Rhetorica taught by Melville, i. 67.
Tilenus, Daniel, joint professor of divinity with Melville at Sedan, ii. 280,
281. His character, ii. 390. Embraces Arminianism, and leaves Se
dan, ii. 304, 305. Attacks the Scottish Presbyterians, ii. 318, 319.
Tungland, William Melville, Lord, i. 287 ; ii. 47.

Vaudemont, Prince de, his opinion of the English service, ii. 156, 15T.
Vaultrollier, a printer, brought to Scotland, i. 157, 447.
W
Wade, Sir William, governor ofthe Tower, indulgent to Melville, ii. 261.
Walker, John, abbot of a Scotch monastery at Erfurt, ii. 525.
Wallace, Robert, minister at St. Andrews, i. 338, 475. Interrupted in the
pulpit by the King, ii. 25. Removed from St. Andrews, ii. 34. Admit
ted minister of Tranent, ib. Called up to London, ii. 136, 161. Mel
ville's friendship for, ii. 286. His critical studies, ii. 425.
Walsingham, Secretary, Melville's interview with, i. 229. Davison's letters
to, ii. 518—521.
Wan, Martin, suppresses a teacher at Glasgow, ii. 477, 478.
Wardlaw, Bishop Henry, ii. 465.
Watson, William, minister of Burntisland, called up to London by the
King, ii. 136.

550 INDEX.
Weehclius, Andreas, a printer, L' 157,. 447.
Weems,, David, minister at Glasgow, i. 140.
Welch, John, minister at Ayr, found guilty of treason and banished, ii.
119, 123. His reply to Gilbert Brown, ii. 123. Minister of Jonsack
in France, ii. 292.
Welwood, William, professor of mathematics in St. Andrews, i. 167,
456, 475. Deprived of his situation as professor of law, ii. 32. Writes
to MelviUe in France, ii. 291, 297. His writings, ii. 432, 433, 511,
5l2._
White, James, a teacher in London, ii. 480.
¦ , James, Abbot of Reusburgh, ii. 522.
Whitgift, Archbishop, Adamson's communications with, i. 220, 229. His
letter to, ii. 517.
Whittaker, Dr. William, professor at Cambridge, i. 232.
Wicliffe, John, the influence of his opinions in Scotland, i. 8—10, 418 —
421.
Willcie, James, principal at St. Andrews, L 77, 332, 455, 467.
¦  , Robert, successor to the former, i. 271, 370, 456, 468. His friend
ship for Melville, ii. 190, 283.
Wilson, Thomas, his testimony to MelviUe's erudition, i. 165-
Winram, John, i. 102, 104, 190.
Winzet, Ninian, ii. 490, 491, 522.
Wishart, George, the martyr, i. 11.
Woddrington, Henry, i. 270. His letter to Walsingham, u. 514.
Wrwin, Richard, abbot of a Scotch monastery at Wurtzburg, ii. 523.

Young, Alexander, principal of St. Leonard's College, i. 468.
 , Alexander, son to Sir Peter, i. 51.
— — , Sir Peter, tutor to King James, i. 355. Counteracts Buchanan in
his education, i. 256, 257.
Youngson, Robert, minister of Clatt, anecdote of, ii. 118, 119.

Zouch, Dr. his opinion of Melville's treatment at London, ii. 175. His
character of him, ii. 330, 331.
Zwill, (Yule) Robert, i. 475; ii. 452.
FINIS.

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