WiifMiiWM

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

SIEGE OF DELHI.

INDIA

INDIAN MUTINY

COMPRISING THE

Complete pata^ rf pntoatan;
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAT;
WITS FULL PARTICULARS OP THE RECENT
MUTINY IN INDIA.
ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS,

BY
HENEY FEEDEEICK MALCOLM.

PHILADELPHIA:
J. W. BRADLEY, 48 N. FOURTH STREET.
1858.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
J. W. BRADLEY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in
and for the Eastern District of Pennsvlvania.

BTEKEOTTPED BY GEORGE CHARLES, ) No. 607 Sansom Street,
PRINTED BY KltfG & BAJRD, \ Philadelphia.

PREFACE.

The British Empire in India has recently been brought
to the eve of dissolution by an extensive mutiny of its
native troops. This mutiny has been converted into a
rebellion ; large bodies of natives not in the British service
having joined the mutineers and engaged in active hostil
ities. For more than fourteen months a civil war has
raged in Hindostan ; and scenes of bloodshed and horror
have been enacted in that populous, extensive and beautiful
country, which have scarcely a parallel in history.
These events have attracted attention to India and ex
cited the public curiosity in relation to its condition and
history. To gratify this curiosity the present volume is
published. It comprises a sketch of the Natural History
of the country, and a complete Civil and Military His
tory of the various Eaces and Dynasties which have
ruled it from the most ancient times to the present day.
On account of the paramount interest of the Great Ee
bellion initiated last year and not yet entirely quelled,
(3)

4 PREFACE.
nearly one third of the volume is devoted to that subject,
in relation to which many interesting and thrilling details
are given.
It is needless to remark that this is a subject of con
siderable importance to Americans, on account of the
many intimate relations existing between Great Britain
and this country.

CONTENTS.

Inteodtjctoet Sketch of the Natueal History of Beitish
India  9

THE HINDOO PERIOD.
CHAPTER I.
The Era of Fable and the Early Hindoo Dynasties  45
CHAPTER II.
The Arab and Tartar Invasions, and the Final Settlement of
the Mohammedans in India, a. d. 664-1022  58

THE Jt/LOHA.li/L^i/L'ElISA.T^ PERIOD.
CHAPTER I.
Sultan Mahmoud and his Successors of the Ghaznivide and
Ghorian Dynasties, a. d. 1022-1206  70
CHAPTER II.
From the Establishment of the Kingdom of Delhi to its Con
quest by the Tartars, a. d. 1206-1526  80
CHAPTER III.
From the Reign of Baber to the Deposing of Shah Jehan.
a. d. 1526-1658  90
CHAPTER IV.
From the Proclamation of Aurungzebe to the Fall of the
Tartar Dynasty, a. d. 1659-1765  112
I* (5)

CONTENTS

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.
CHAPTER I.
Early Communication between the Eastern and "Western "World,
with subsequent European Progress, to the Establishment
of British Supremacy in India  136
CHAPTER II.
The Permanent Settlement of the British in India, to the
Death of Hyder Ali  176
CHAPTER III.
From the Accession of Tippoo Saib as Sultan of Mysore to
his Overthrow and Death at the Siege of Seringapatam.
a. d. 1782-1799  r  200
CHAPTER IV.
From the Dismemberment of the Mysorean Kingdom, to the
Termination of the First Mahratta Campaign, a. d. 1799-
1806  221
CHAPTER V.
From the Renewal of Hostilities to the Termination of the
Second Mahratta War. a. d. 1806-1822  236
CHAPTER VI.
The First Burmese War, and the Cession of Assam and the
Tenasserim Provinces to the British Government, a. d.
1822-1827  267
CHAPTER VII.
From the Administration of Lord "William Bentinck to the
Annexation of Scinde and the Pacification of Gwalior.
a. d. 1828-1844  289
CHAPTER VIIL
The "Wars in the Punjab, and the Annexation of the Country
of the Five Rivers to the British Dominions, a. d. 1844-
1849  311

CONTENTS.. 7
CHAPTER IX.
Second Burmese War and Annexation of Pegu and Oude.
a. d. 1851-1856  327
CHAPTER X.
Causes of the Great Rebellion in India, a. d. 1856-1857  333
CHAPTER XI.
Mutinous Conduct of the 19th Regiment of Native Infantry.
1857  345
CHAPTER XII.
The 19th N. I. Regiment Disbanded — Spread of Disaffection—
A new Cause of Offense at Lucknow — Decisive Conduct of
Sir Henry Lawrence  348
CHAPTER XIII.
Mutiny at Meerut; — Revolt of the Troops — Massacre of the
European Officers and Inhabitants — Flight of the Mutineers
to Delhi  354
CHAPTER XIV.
Fall of Delhi  364
CHAPTER XV.
Appearance of Dissatisfaction at Umballah — Mutinous Demon
strations at Ferozepore and Lahore  370
CHAPTER XVI.
Disturbances in Bombay — The Parsees, or Fire- Worshipers at
Baroach — The Rajahs of Gwalior, Putteeala, Jhind, and
Bhurtpore — The North- Western Provinces  378
CHAPTER XVII
The Outbreak at Nusseerabad — Death of Colonel Penny — In
fantry Disarmed at Agra — Anticipated Disturbances at
Bareilly — Revolt of the Native Regiments, and Flight of the
Officers  384
CHAPTER XVIII.
Outbreak at Benares Suppressed by Colonel Neill — Mutiny at
Juanpore and Sultanpore  ,.,....... 399

8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIX.
The Jhansie Mutiny — Seizure of the Star Fort by the 12th
Native Infantry — Appeal to the Loyalty of the Regiment; —
Protestations of Fidelity and Attachment^Murder of Capt.
Dunlop — The Europeans Retire to the Town Fort — Death
of Captain Gordon — The Fort Surrounded by Mutineers —
Unsuccessful Attempts to Escape — Offers of Protection on
Surrender — The Europeans Leave the Fort and are Massacred. 410
CHAPTER XX.
Siege of Lucknow. — Dreadful Disaster at Cawnpore — Treachery
of Nana Sahib — State of Affairs at Delhi — At Calcutta —
Proceedings in England — Successes of General Havelock —
He Relieves Cawnpore. — Mutiny at Dinapore — Conduct of
the Native Chiefs — Disaffection in the Bombay Presidency —
Misconduct of the Governor-General — Havelock Relieves
Lucknow — Battle of Mungarwar- — Assault and Capture of
Delhi  418
CHAPTER XXI.
The Missionaries — Relief of Lucknow — Mutiny at Chittagong
—Operations in Oude  435

CAVES OF ELLORA,

BRITISH INDIA.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH OP THE NATURAL HISTORY OP
BRITISH INDIA
The various countries which now form the three Presidencies
of India, together with those native states which are indepen
dent of, though in close alliance with, the East India Company,
have been at various times known under several denominations.
They have been comprehensively and indiscriminately spoken
of as Hindostan, the East Indies, and the Indian Peninsula;
they are now more correctly termed British India, which term,
of course, excludes such independent states as have been al
luded to.
Extending from Cape Comorin on the south to the Hima
layan range on the north, and from the delta of the Berram-
pootra on the east to the Indus on the west, British India, ex
clusively of the recently annexed province of Pegu, may be
said to include within its limits 1,200,000 square miles of ter
ritory. Of these, the Presidency of Bengal contains 306,012
square miles; Madras, 141,920; Bombay, 64,908; and Scinde
(9)

10 BRITISH INDIA.
and the Punjab about 160,000 square miles ; the remainder being
the extent of the allied states.
The coast-line of British India amounts to about 3200 miles.
Of these 1800 miles are washed by the Indian Ocean, and 1400
miles by the Bay of Bengal.
The extreme length of India from north to south may be
taken as 1800 miles ; its greatest width, along the parallel of
25° N. latitude, is about 1500 miles.
Intersected by vast ranges of lofty mountains, the Indian
peninsula presents a remarkably varied surface of table-land,
delta, and valley ; and extending as it does from 8° 4' N. lat.
to 34° N. lat., with tracts of country sometimes 2500 feet
above the sea-level, it naturally comprises many varieties of
climate and a great range of temperature.
Crossing the peninsula from east to west, between the twen
ty-third and twenty-fifth parallels of north latitude, we find the
Vindya Mountains, a dividing range of a marked character,
and the base of those various districts into which Hindostan
has been divided.
These divisions are four in number : the Deccan, south of
the Vindya Mountains ; and to the north of the range, fhe
Delta of the Ganges, Central India, and the Delta of the Indus.
Some writers add a fifth division, by styling that part of the
Deccan which is south of the river Kishna, Southern India.
The distinguishing feature of the Deccan consists of the lofty
ranges of mountains which skirt it on every side ; they are
named the northern, southern, eastern, and western Ghauts.*
The latter skirt the shores of the Indian Ocean and the Bay
of Bengal at distances varying from one hundred to ten miles ;
those on the eastern coast being the most remote. Their alti
tude varies from 8000 feet downward. On the southern ex
tremity of the western ghauts are the Neilgherry Mountains
stretching eastward, and famed throughout Southern India for
their fine climate and fertile tracts of table-land. On this
* Ghaut, or ghat, is applied by the natives to the many openings or passes
through these ranges j being derived from the Sanscrit gati, a way or path, but
is used by Europeans to designate the mountains themselves.

BRITISH INDIA. 11
range have been established the sanitary stations of Octaca-
mund and Dimhutty, where Europeans enjoy the bracing tem
perature of alpine lands within a few days' journey of Madras.
At the northern extremity of the western range, immediately
opposite Bombay, are the Mahabalipoora Mountains, rising to
a height of 5036 feet, on which the sanitorium of Mahabelesh-
wur has been established for the benefit of that Presidency,
The Aligherry Mountains are an offshoot of the southern
ghauts. In that portion of the Deccan known as Southern India are
several independent states. The King of Travancore and the
Rajah of Cochin are both allies of the Honorable East India
Company, and offer every facility for the prosecution of com
mercial enterprise in their territories.
Deccan proper comprises all that portion of ,the peninsula
which lies between the valley of the Nerbudda on the north,
and the deep pass known as the Gap of Coimbatore, running
from east to west at about 11° N. lat. The greater part by
far of this tract consists of elevated table-land of considerable
fertility, skirted by long ranges of mountains or ghauts, which
stretch coastward until they terminate in plains. This table
land is called by the natives Bfla-ghaut, or the country above
the ghauts, and varies in breadth from 150 to 400 miles. Its
altitude ranges from 900 to 3000 feet.
A considerable portion of the Deccan proper is still ruled
by native princes in alliance with the Company. The kingdom
of Mysore on the south comprises an extent of 30,000 square
miles. It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and its capital is
Serin gapatam.
The territory of the Rajah of Hydrabad comprehends about
110,000 square miles, with a population of 10,000,000. It is
situated in the north of the Bala-ghauts, and is chiefly noted
for its diamond-mines at Golconda.
The Rajah of Berar rules over 3,000,000 subjects, with an
extent of territory of about 65,000 square miles, situated to the
eastward of Golconda.
The state of Satara comprises about 9000 square miles, with

12 BRITISH INDIA.
a population of 500,000. It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and
is situated on the western ghauts. To the south of this prin
cipality are the territories of the Rajah of Colapore ; a small
state, 3000 square miles in extent, under the sway of a Hindoo
prince. The British territories in the Deccan do not exceed 40,000
square miles, part of which are attached to the Presidency of
Bombay, and a portion to that of Madras.
A considerable part of this table-land is highly fertile, and
rich in natural productions ; the ghauts, however, are for the
most part barren ; and it is only where their spurs form broken
valleys that we find extensive forests of lofty timber stretching
down to the plains below.
The belt of low country which extends round the Indian
peninsula, between the ghauts and the sea-coast, is almost en
tirely in the possession of the British. It varies not less in its
width than in its fertility and its population.
On the western side we find to the north the "Concon" ex
tending from the Nerbudda to 15° N. lat. Thence southward
to 12° 3" is the state of Canara, and from that point to Cape
Comorin is the Malabar territory, although the whole extent
of this western sea-board is often erroneously termed the Malabar
coast. This long range of country is irregular in its surface ;
the first few miles from the sea being very flat and sandy, with
no vegetation but topes of palms. Further inland the ground
is broken into hillocks more or less covered with vegetation ;
and gradually elevating themselves, they become at last merged
in the spurs of the ghauts, and crowned with dense jungle and
heavy forests of teak and satin-wood.
Along this line of coast, in addition to Bombay, are the
towns of Mangalore, Canamore, Tellichery, Calicut, Cochin,
Aloppe, and Trevandrum, all of them trading ports, and during
the north-east monsoon, from November to April, enjoying
a considerable traffic with Bombay, Ceylon, the Persian Gulf,
and lately with Europe. Goa is a Portuguese settlement in
15° 30' N. lat, but without any trade worthy of mention.
At the southern extremity of the peninsula is Cape Comorin ;

BRITISH INDIA. 13
and to the eastward of this, in the Gulf of Manaarlies, the small
island of Remisseram, famed for its stupendous Hindoo temple,
to which pilgrims annually flock in great numbers.
On the eastern coast-line we find Madras, the capital of the
Presidency of that name, Negapatam, Vizagapatam, and Pondi-
cherry and Tranquebar, the former a French, the latter a
Danish settlement. This coast is much exposed to the fury of
the south-west monsoon, during which period none of the native
craft are able to venture out. The only harbor along the coast
is that of Coringa, in which vessels of some size may find a
safe refuge.
The Deccan is separated from Central India by the valleys
of the Nerbudda and Tapty, according to some writers : others,
with more propriety, make the Vindya Mountains the natural
boundaries of these two territories. This range extends from
74° to 84° E. long., in a direction nearly due east, following
the valley of the Nerbudda at a distance of a few miles. At
no part do these mountains reach a greater elevation than
2200 feet above the sea-level, and frequently not more than
700 feet. They are crossed in several places by roads of differ
ent character.
Central India assumes pretty nearly the shape of a triangle,
having its base formed by the Vindya Mountains, and its apex
to the southward of Delhi. It consists for the most part of
elevated table-land, freely interspersed with mountain-ridges
and extensive plains, some of which latter are extremely fertile.
Along the range which on the eastward divides this tract from
the delta of the Ganges, are the coal-deposits, which at the
present time furnish large supplies to Calcutta.
Nearly the whole of Central India is governed by native
princes, amongst whom are the Guicowar and Rajpoot chiefs.
A considerable portion of the state of Malwa is under the rule
of Maharajah Scindia; while other tracts are governed by
numerous petty rajahs, amongst whom may be named the
Mahratta princes of Holkar and Nagpore.
On the western side of this portion of India the British
possess a considerable tract of the plain of Gujerat, which is
2

14 BRITISH INDIA.
annexed to the Bombay Presidency. On the eastern side we
find, adjoining, the territories of the Rajpoot princes ; and lying
between the rivers Sone and Ganges, a region which has been
annexed to the residency of Allahabad.
The next natural division is that of the Delta of the Ganges,
which ranges from the mouths of that river to the base of the
Himalayas, a distance in a straight line of about 300 miles, and
varying in breadth from 150 to 180 miles. On the eastern
side it is flanked by the Chittagong district and the valleys of
Assam and Silhet, with the Tiperah hills ; on its western side
it stretches from Balasore in the Bay of Bengal, through Mid
napore and Nagore, to Rajmahal, and thence by the river
Coosie to the Himalayas.
A very considerable portion of this division is incapable of
cultivation ; on the southern side, between the mouths of the
Ganges and the Berrampootra, is a low tract called the Sunder-
abunds, extending about seventy miles inland and fifty miles in
width, covered with swamps and thick jungle, the resort of
every variety of reptile and wild beast. The effect of the rising
of the tides from the sea is such as to preclude any but the
most scanty use of the soil, though recent attempts have been
made with partial success to recover some portion of this
sterile country. To the north of this tract, as far as 25° N.
lat., and chiefly between the branches of the Ganges and the
Berrampootra, the land is subject to an annual inundation
during the early part of the south-west monsoon, when the
country is covered by water to a great depth, some of the rivers
rising as much as thirty feet above their ordinary level. This,
although causing much inconvenience and loss to the inhabit
ants, proves a great fertilizer of the soil ; and except in the
immediate vicinity of the flooded rivers, the entire surface of
these river valleys yields most abundant crops of grain on the
retirement of the waters, which takes place during October.
Beyond the influence of these periodical floods, we find still a
large range of rich fertile land, partly watered by many streams,
and partly irrigated by artificial means : to the north of this,
again, as far as the swamps at the base of the Himalayan range,

BRITISH INDIA. 15
are found numerous tracts of waste land covered with low jungle,
reeds, and rank grass.
Stretching along the lower chain of the Himalayas, is the
Tarai, or the swamp, a rather extensive portion of peaty soil,
through which innumerable springs burst, fed by the mountain
land above. The vast masses of vegetable matter swept down
from the higher lands, and decaying on these swamps through
out the year, render them unfit for human habitation ; and the
scattered population suffer severely from fever in their attempts
to earn a scanty living by felling timber for the supply of the
low country.
The Plain of the Ganges comprehends within it the districts
of Bengal, Behar, Tirhoot, Oude, Rohilcund, and Allahabad.
It is the most populous and fertile portion of British India,
containing a.bout sixty millions of inhabitants, and is entirely
under the dominion of the East India Company.
Calcutta is by far the largest and most wealthy city of this or
any other part of India, containing at the present date about
600,000 inhabitants. The other principal commercial and
political cities are Dacca, Benares, Allahabad, Mirzapore,
Goruckpore, Cawnpore, Furruckabad, Agra, Delhi, Meerut,
and many others, possessing populations varying from thirty to
a hundred and twenty thousand souls.
Between the northern extremities of the Gangetic Plain and
the Plain of the Indus is a flat, sterile country termed the Doab,
ruled over by a few Seikh chieftains in alliance with the
British. The Plain of the Indus is situated on the eastern flank of
that river, and commences from the neighborhood of Attock,
extending southward and westward as far as the debouchure
of the Indus into the sea. It comprehends the Punjab, Scinde,
and other smaller states : a large portion of it south of the
Punjab consists of desert, arid plains ; and even in the more
favorable positions, where the land is watered by the over
flowing of the Indus and its branches, the soil can scarcely be
termed fertile, yielding but indifferent crops of grass and grain.
The Punjab, or the country of the five rivers, forming the

16 BRITISH INDIA.
northern portion of the Plain of the Indus, extends from the
base of the Himalayan range to the confluence of the Chenab
with the Indus. It is the most populous part of this division
of India, and contains several very extensive and densely.
peopled cities : its entire population is believed to be three
millions. Its ancient capital, Umrister, contains 100,000 in
habitants, and has long possessed a valuable trade with many
parts of India. It is situated between the rivers Beas and
Ravee. Lahore, the modern capital, possesses a population
of 80,000. Mooltan, on the Chenab, contains 60,000 inhabit
ants, and possesses some valuable manufactures in silk and
cotton. This country contains some very fertile tracts, especially in
its more northern part, where the supply of water is most
abundant. Toward the south the land is generally less favored,
although there are still some rich valleys between the Ravee
and the Beas, as also in the immediate vicinity of all the five
rivers. These streams are, according to modern nomenclature,
the Sutlej, the Beas, the Ravee, the Chenab, and the Jhelum,
taking them from east to west : the names by which they were
known to the early writers of the west were the Zaradus, the
Hyphasis, the Hydrastes, the Acesines, and the Hydaspes.
These rivers flow from the Himalayas in a south-westerly
direction for about six hundred miles, when, after merging into
the Chenab, their waters finally unite with those of the Indus
at the northern point of the Desert of Scinde.
The Seikhs form the principal inhabitants of this country,
and their chieftains proved themselves formidable enemies to
the British during one of the most severely contested struggles
that have occurred with any eastern power. The Punjab is
now a province of the British empire in India, under a resident.
whose seat is at Lahore.
To the southward of the Punjab is Scinde, until recently a
powerful state governed by Ameers, whose descent was from
chiefs of Beloochistan, but now annexed to the Bombay Presi
dency. It is bounded on the north by Affghanistan, and
Mooltan, on the east by the state of Rajpootna, on the west by

BRITISH INDIA. IT
Beloochistan, and on the south by Cutch and the sea'. By far
the greater portion of Scinde consists of sandy desert known as
the Thnrr, and which extends over nearly the whole of the
country east of the Indus. The desert is covered with long
ridges of low undulating sand-hills, occasionally topped with a
little juugle or rank grass. There are, however, scattered
throughout this Thurr, many oases of considerable fertility,
producing crops of grain and vegetables. Within twenty and
thirty miles of the Indus the fertilizing effects of its periodical
floodings are felt ; and there, as well as far on the western ex
tremity of this province, the soil proves of a more generous
nature. The total population of the country does not exceed
a million souls. Its chief towns are Shikarpore, Sikkur,
Hydrabad, Tatta, and Kurrachee. None of these cities possess
more than 20,000 inhabitants : the last mentioned is situated
on the west mouth of the Indus, has a good harbor, and carries
on a considerable trade, which has much increased since being
in British possession.
The Thurr or Desert is still ruled by petty chiefs, Rajpoot
princes in alliance with the East India Company : these are the
Rajahs of Jessulmere, Marwar, Bikanir, &c. In this part of
Scinde there are several cities, having populations varying from
20,000 to 60,000 souls, and some of them carrying on a con
siderable traffic with the adjoining States.
We have still to notice a portion of the continental territo
ries of the East India Company comprised within the limits of
the Bengal Presidency. Of these the first is the district of
Arracan, stretching from the north-eastern extremity of the
Bay of Bengal to the limits of the late Burmese province of
Pegu. The features of the country, the habits of the people,
and the natural productions, so nearly assimilate to those of
the other fractions of the Burmese territories, that one general
description may well serve for the entire tract.
The provinces of Tenasserim and Pegu, formerly sections of
the Burmese empire, were annexed to the British-Indian empire,
the former in 1826, the latter in 1853, and are now governed
2*

^18 BRITISH INDIA.
by a commissioner and the usual staff of European and native
officials. The Tenasserim provinces, as ceded to the East India Com
pany, comprise an extent of country five hundred miles in
length, and from forty to eighty in breadth, and reaching from
the junction of the Salween and Thoongeen rivers on the north
to the Pak Chan river on the south ; on the west the sea forms
the boundary ; and on the east a chain of lofty mountains
divides this tract of country from the kingdom of Siam. The
seat of government here is Moulmein, situated at the confluence
of these rivers, and no less admirably adapted for the purposes
of trade than as a healthy position for troops.
The country is divided into three provinces, those of Mergni,
Tavoy, and Amherst, in which latter the capital is situated.
The population, although still small compared with the extent
of country, has greatly increased by emigration from the Burman
and Peguan territories since the annexation of these provinces, and
amounts at the present moment to about 160,000 souls. These
numbers are composed indifferently of Burmese, Arracanese,
Peguers, Talamis, Karens, and Toungthoos, with an admixture
of Siamese blood amongst them ; whilst in the towns of Moul
mein and Tavoy are to be found a sprinkling of Chinese, Jews,
Moguls, Moors, Bengalese, &c, more or less occupied in trade.
Amongst the many grades of foreigners, both from Europe
and other parts of Asia, who have at various periods helped to
people Hindostan, we find the British race pre-eminent in in
telligence and power, though not so in numbers. The total of
the residents in India from the British Isles, including the
military, is computed at 75,000 souls.
The Portuguese descendants are far more numerous, amount
ing to about 1,000,000. They are chiefly to be found along
the western coasts and in the chief cities of India.
On the Malabar and Canara coasts we find Arabs in con
siderable numbers, together with Syrian Christians, or Parawas,
and Jews, although not to any great extent.
Parsees, or Ghebirs, are to be met with chiefly at Bombay
and other trading ports on that coast.

i

BRITISH INDIA,

19

iMMSMlll

Throughout various parts of India the descendants of Affghan
races are clearly to be traced to the extent of several millions ;
whilst in Scinde we find a strong blending of the blood of the
Beloochees, the conquerors of that country, with the native
races, as well as undoubtedly pure descendants of the Ameer
tribes. Extending through 23 degrees of latitude, we may expect to
find in British India, a great variety of climate, influenced, more
over, by the great irregnlarities of the surface of the country. We
may thus meet a temperature of 28° on the Himalayan range
or the Neilgherries ; or if we turn to the Cutch country, find
the thermometer, during the dry months, ranging as high as 106°.
The Indian seasons are, strictly speaking, two in number,
and are called the monsoons, viz., the south-west and the
north-east ; and these are felt more or less throughout the
entire length and breadth of Hindostan. But inasmuch as the

BEITISH INDIA.

north-east monsoon is again
divided into the temperate
and hot months, we may in
truth say that there are
three distinct seasons.
The south-west monsoon
usually commences about
the middle of May along
the west coast, but later to
the north and east. It is
ushered in by violent gales
of wind, thunder and light
ning, and heavy falls of
rain, which continue for six
or eight weeks, at the end
of which time the weather
moderates and becomes
close and oppressive, with
heavy clouds and a dull
calm atmosphere. The
thermometer will now range
at about 88° or 90°, until further heavy falls of rain take place,
ushering in the north-east monsoon some time in October. The
weather is now more pleasant, the long-continued rains having
thoroughly cooled the land, and the thermometer will stand at
about 80°. The cool portion of this monsoon extends from
November to January ; though to the north of Calcutta it lasts
into February, and even March. The mornings and evenings
are now remarkably pleasant and cool, not exceeding a tem
perature of 75°, and woolen clothing may at this season be
worn with much comfort by Europeans.
During March, April, and the early part of May, the hot
season prevails throughout India, though of course considerably
modified by position and local circumstances. At this period
the wind, especially upon the Coromaudel or east coast, blows
along shore, and being extremely dry and hot, gives rise to
much sickness, more particularly amongst European residents.

BELOOCHEE.

BRITISH INDIA.

21

HURRICANE AT THE CHANGE OF THE MONSOONS.

The winds, however, not less than the temperature, are
greatly modified by localities ; and thus we find that the south
west monsoon in some places really comes from the south-east;
in like manner we meet with north-westerly breezes during the
prevalence of the north-east monsoon. To the south of Bengal
the winds are more strictly north and south ; whilst in Assam
and Behar they will be found nearly east and west.
The long and lofty ranges of mountains, the elevated table
lands, the gigantic rivers, the deep valleys of Hindostan, all
exert a most sensible influence upon the direction and force of
the prevailing winds.
Thus the south-west monsoon, which along the coasts of
Malabar and Canara commences early in May, does not reach
Delhi before the end of June, and the Punjab until early in
July ; where, as well as in the elevated lands of Cashmere, it
makes its appearance with light fleecy clouds and gentle
showers. The seasons of Bengal are alternately hot, cold and rainy.
The pleasantest and coolest months are the latter part of Feb
ruary, March, and April; though April may sometimes be in-

22 BRITISH INDIA.
eluded with May and June as intensely hot, rendered still more
oppressive by a scorching westerly wind, accompanied by small
and almost invisible grains of sand. People are glad to remain
under the shelter of their houses ; the vegetable world seems at
a stand-still, and nothing remains but barren tracts of soil,
though the air of the distant mountains is fresh and delightful.
The rainy season commences in the upper provinces in April
and May ; in the plains not until June ; it continues incessantly
till the end of July. The rain tends greatly to cool the sultry
atmosphere, although during the months of August and Sep
tember the heat is still intense. The monsoon changes at this
period. In October the cold begins to be felt, and increases
throughout the three following months ; it is frequently extreme
in Bengal and Behar, where the atmosphere is moist and un
healthy, whilst on the mountains ice and snow are often to be
met with.
Perhaps there is no part of Hindostan in which the oppres
siveness of the climate, at certain periods, is so sensibly felt as
at Calcutta and in its vicinity. Here, during the rainy season,
when the monsoon comes across the Sunderabunds, and wafts
with it a dense heated atmosphere deeply impregnated with
vegeto-animal effluvia, the human frame suffers far more than
with a much higher temperature and a pure dry air. The body
feels hot and damp, as though immersed in a vapor-bath ; a
languor and listlessness creep over the frame ; and so far from
night bringing with it any relief, it appears but to aggravate
thef feeling of oppressiveness, and the restless sleeper rises in
the morning wearied and unrefreshed, happy to resort to a
chattie-bath of tepid water to relieve his overloaded skin of
some portion of the heavy coating of perspiration which clogs
its pores.
The mean temperature of Calcutta is, in January 66°, April
86°, July 81°, October 79°, and November 74°. The annual
average fall of rain is here about 60 inches ; the greatest fall
being in the months of May and June, when about 30 inches
will be the quantity. No less than 16 inches have been known
to fall in the space of twenty-four hours.

BRITISH INDIA. 23
At Madras, from its contiguity to the ocean, the monsoon
is not felt nearly so oppressively ; neither are the cool months
so pleasant as in Bengal. The minimum temperature is here
75°, and the maximum 91°, the mean being 84°.
Bombay approaches more nearly to the climate of the elder
Presidency, both the heat and the rain being in excess at the
change of the monsoon. In Cutch the temperature is as high
as 110°, whilst in the elevated mountain tracts, within two
days' journey of Bombay, the thermometer will stand at the
freezing point.
At the sanitarium on the Neilgherries, or the Blue Ghauts,
may be found a climate very nearly approaching that of England,
especially during the prevalence of the north-east monsoon.
Without being so cold as Great Britain, it is far more equable ;
the maximum temperature being only 77°, whilst that of that
country is 90° ; the minimum point is 38° against 11° in En
gland. The number of days on which heavy rain falls on these
hills is 19 against 18 in that country ; whilst the fair days are
237 against 160. The fall of rain on the Neilgherries is 44
inches ; in England it is 23.
At Saharamapore, in lat. 30° N., at an elevation of about
1000 feet, where the government have a botanic garden, the mean
temperature during the cold months of December and January
is 55° and 52°. In May and June, when the hot dry winds
prevail, the mean will be 85° and 90° ; whilst in September
and October the mean will not be more than 79° and 72°.
At this station, although the cool season is more agreeable
and lasting, and the hot weather more endurable than in the
southern districts of India, the climate and vegetation are
nevertheless essentially tropical.
Fifty miles further northward, but at an elevation of 6000 feet
upon the Mussoorri range of the Himalayas, is another botanic
garden, where a climate more closely allied to that of central
Enrope is found. The thermometer there stands at 32° for
several months in the night time ; and the means for December
and January are 42° and 45°. The greatest heat is 80°, during

24 BRITISH INDIA.
the month of June ; and the means of May and June are 66°
and 67°-
Not the least favorite of the hill sanitaria is that of Dhar-
jeeling, situated on the Sikkim Hills, near the Himalayas, on
the north-east frontier of the Bengal Presidency : it is at an
altitude of about 7000 feet above the sea-level, and distant
from Calcutta about 350 miles. There are some excellent
roads in its immediate vicinity, but travelers are compelled to
travel to it from the capital by water and palanquin. The
temperature at this station is pretty equal throughout the day,
with clear dry cold in the winter season, and seldom, even in
the hottest weather, approaching 70° of Fahrenheit. The
average annual fall of rain is 130 inches, the wet season lasting
from four to five months. The scenery around this settlement
is of the most beautiful description, heightened as it is by the
proximity of the snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas. This
sanitarium has been found highly beneficial to invalids when
resorted to in* due season ; though in all chronic cases it does
not, of course, afford that relief which is to be found in a voyage
to sea.
The forms of disease peculiar to the European residents in
most parts of India, are congestive fever, intermittents, hepatic
and other forms of disease, and rheumatism. Apoplexy is not
unfrequent during the prevalence of the cold drying wind of the
north-east monsoon ; and occasionally, especially in Calcutta
and Bombay, we meet with fatal cases of cholera.
A sojourn for a month or two on any of the elevated moun
tain ranges will usually restore the invalid to health, provided
he be not an old resident, or the disease has not assumed the
chronic form, in which case there is little hope for him but in
a return to the bracing climate and cheerful scenes of his native
country. Amongst the natives we find the prevailing diseases to be
cholera, dysentery, fever, skin affections, leprosy, rheumatism,
small-pox, elephantiasis, and beri-beri. The latter is a peculiar
type of dropsy ; and elephantiasis consists in a swelling of the
legs and feet until they assume the shape and almost the size

BRITISH INDIA. 25
of those of the elephant. Neither of these complaints have
ever been known amongst Europeans.
Cholera first made its appearance, in the form of endemic
disease, in 1817, in the district of Nuddeah, and has since that
time seldom been absent from all parts of India.
Foremost among the products of the soil in India may be
mentioned saltpetre, or nitrate of potash, of which vast quanti
ties are annually exported from Calcutta and Bombay. This
useful saline product is found existing in caves, and also in the
waters of stagnant marshes, frequently combined with the
muriate and sulphate of soda. The existence of these salts is
always indicated by the sterility of the adjoining land, which is
incapable of cultivation.
Coal deposits of considerable extent exist in the Bengal
Presidency. The largest of these is in the Damoodah valley,
stretching toward the Hooghly, not many miles from Calcutta ;
and according to recent investigations containing seams forty
and fifty feet in thickness. These beds extend over a space of
thirty miles, between the towns of Nagore and Bancoorah. The
seams rest on metamorphic and crystalline rocks of gneiss and
mica schist, and at one point are covered by a ferruginous
sand, an extension of the alluvium of the plains of the Ganges.
A second set of beds is found in the valley of the river Sone,
to the south of Mirzapore, in the Benares district, but not of
similar extent or quality to the preceding.
This coal is of very fair quality, and the company working
the mines are doing so at a fair profit. In heating power it
has not the properties of English coal, but it is sufficiently
good to be in constant use by the river steamers and such
steam-engines as are employed in factories.
In gems India is exceedingly rich. The diamond-mines of
Golconda have long been world-famed for the extreme beauty
and great value of their yield. There are also valuable mines
at Panna in Bundelcund, where the diamonds are found in a
matrix of red iron-stone, gravel, and clay. The celebrated
Koh-i-noor, shown in the Great Exhibition, no less than others
of immense value in the possession of native princes, testify to
3

26 BRITISH INDIA.
the richness of India in precious stones. The ruby, the emerald,
the sapphire, the turquoise, the opal, the amethyst, and indeed
almost every known gem, are to be found in various parts of
the mountain-ranges and elevated table-lands of Hindostan,
and often of great purity and beauty.
Although we are told in ancient records that the Ophir of
the east yielded the gold of those remote days, there does not
appear to be any trace of the precious metal in India proper.
It is found in the Himalayas in small quantities. Iron is, how
ever, found of good quality, especially in the Madras Presi
dency, where there is a company formed for the smelting and
working the ore. The celebrated blades of Damascus bear
testimony to the quality of Indian steel, and there is will some
of equally fine quality produced.
In the province of Ajmeer there exist some lead mines which
yield at the present day a good quantity of ore ; whilst in the
hills near Nellore, in the peninsula, some very rich specimens
of copper ore have been found, containing as much as 60 per
cent, of the pure metal.
The hilly country of Mewar appears always to have been
known to contain an abundance of mineral riches, and it is not
too much to believe that it was this very source of wealth which
in former times enabled the Ranas of Oodeypoor to oppose
the Emperor of Delhi with such great and continued success.
The most noted of the mines in this district were those of
Jawar, which are believed to have yielded an annual revenue
to the state of £22,000.
The district of Jawar lies about twenty-five miles south of
Oodeypoor, and is situated in an extensive valley, surrounded
by hills overlooking a fertile but desolate plain, covered by the
ruins of former prosperity. Many of these ruins consist of
antique temples, erected on hills 160 feet high, composed entirely
of ashes, the very existence of which, under such circumstances
bears testimony to the remoteness of the period when the mines
were worked.
At the present time no effort is made by the Rana to open
up this source of wealth ; a feeling of jealousy and distrust

BRITISH INDIA. 2t
appearing to exist in his mind as to the consequences of his
doing so, though it seems that some very excellent specimens
of zinc have been covertly obtained from thai neighborhood.
In the Tenasserim and Peguan provinces tin abounds ; in
deed the whole range of the hilly country forming the great ¦
dividing range between these and the Burmese and Siamese
territories may be said to abound in mineral wealth. Nitre,
alum, salt, mercury, lead impregnated with silver, copper in
most of its varieties, the snlphurets, oxyds, and sulphates of
iron, besides rubies, sapphires, tourmalines, and jasper, are all
found in greater or less abundance throughout that range of
country. In the Tenasserim province coal is likewise found,
though it does not appear that any steps have been taken to
turn this natural product to account.
The forests of British India, if not so vast as those of
America, are still of great value for domestic, commercial, and
agricultural purposes : many of the woods grown in the Hima
layan and Deccan forests, as well as those in central and north
western India, possess wonderful strength and durability, not
unfrequently combined with much beauty. By far the greater
portion of these are quite unknown in Europe, and not many
of them are in general use even amongst the Europeans of the
East. In some instances the remoteness of the places of growth
from populous districts proves a great bar to their use, unless
where water-conveyance, the cheapest of all modes of transport
in oriental countries, is to be had.
To attempt an enumeration of even the principal woods of
India would carry this portion of this work far beyond its
limits. The extent of our present knowledge of Indian timber
furnishes us with several thousands of specimens, of many of
which we know little beyond the names. A large portion of
them are fitted but for the most inferior description of work,
many serving only for fuel or for garden-fences. On the other
hand, there are a number of these woods which might well be
used for furniture-work.
The ebony, sattin-wood, and calamander, are more or less
known here for their hardness, beauty of grain, and susceptibility

28 BRITISH INDIA.
of high polish. There are also "blackwood," tamarind- wood,
cedar, sissoo, teak, and saul-wood. The two latter are in most
general use throughout the coasts and southern and central parts
of Hindostan, the first for ship-building, for which it is most
admirably adapted ; the last for house-building and general
engineering purposes. Both of them grow to a vast size, often
measuring nine or ten feet round the trunk. The teak is
chiefly found on the Malabar coast, and in the northern division
of the Madras Presidency; whilst the saul-timber is found
growing in almost every latitude northward of Calcutta.
There are many other woods used for every variety of pur
pose, answering to the oak, elm, and ash, quite unknown ex
cept to native carpenters. Until very recently some of the
finest forests in the Bombay Presidency were in great danger
of utter destruction from the reckless manner in which the
natives of those districts were accustomed to fell the finest
trees for their most ordinary requirements ; until at length the
attention of the authorities was directed to the subject, and
measures were adopted, not only to prevent this destructive
wastefulness in future, but to ensure an extension of plantations
of teak and other useful timber.
In the forests of Martaban, or British Burmah, on the east
side of the Bay of Bengal, are extensive forests of teak and
bamboos, attaining a great size ; but the former wood is
scarcely equal to that grown on the Malabar coast or in Ceylon.
The license-fees for cutting this useful timber yield the Tenas
serim government about 12.000Z. per annum.
Perhaps in none of its vegetable products does India differ
more sensibly from western countries than in its grasses. With
its many varieties of soil and climate, its fertile valleys and
richly clad table-lands, it nowhere possesses the constant and
heavily-yielding pasturages of Europe. That there are many
varieties of grasses, the large number of cattle, sheep, goats,
&c, reared in many parts of India, not less than the numerous
wild animals which inhabit its less frequented districts, bear
ample testimony.
During the cool months and the rainy season there is little

BRITISH INDIA. 29
difficulty in finding pasture for cattle. The principal of the
Indian grasses, and perhaps the most generally diffused, is
the Doob-grass {Synodon daciylon), a creeping plant pos
sessing much nourishing property in its long stems, no less
than in its leaves. This endures the greatest elevation
of temperature, as its roots penetrate far below the surface ;
and . although during the dry monsoon giving no sign of
life, it puts forth its tender leaves on the first approach of
the rains.
A very nourishing grass, possessing a powerful aromatic
odor, is met with on the elevated lands above the ghauts of
the south, as well as in the north-west provinces. So strong
are its aroma and flavor, that the flesh, milk, and butter of the
animals feeding upon it become in time sensibly affected both
in taste and smell.
"Upon the many slopes of the Himalayas there are found
abundance of good nourishing pastures, admirably adapted to
the requirements of cattle and sheep, and upon which many
herds and flocks are reared when the dry season forces them
from the plains below.
Throughout the flat countries, and spread over vast tracts
of indifferent soil, we meet with grasses, or rather herbage, in
sufficient abundance, but generally either coarse and poor, or
rank and distasteful to animals. In swampy or sterile plains
these reedy grasses often fail to tempt even the coarse-feeding
buffalo and rhinoceros ; and it is a common practice amongst
all the Indian villagers, at the end of the dry season, to set fire
to these tracts, on which the long withered herbage readily
ignites, and after the first monsoon showers, furnish a rapid
and abundant supply of young sweet blades.
In some parts of India, especially at the Presidencies, it is
customary to cut grass for hay, as fodder for horses during the
excessively dry months, but latterly artificial grasses have been
introduced for this purpose. The Guinea-grass and Mauritius-
grass are both admirably adapted for feeding cattle.
In plants yielding fibrous materials for cordage or cloth,
India is peculiarly rich; and although many of these remain as
3*

30

BRITISH INDIA.

yet but little' known beyond the places of production, there can
be no doubt but that the time will arrive when the attention
of practical men will be given to them. Some few of these
have already been successfully introduced into Europe, and
become leading articles of commerce, as well as of considerable
value to manufacturers.
Foremost among these latter may be instanced Jute, a species
of Corchorus, growing very freely in the lowlands of Bengal.
Twenty-five years ago this was scarcely known in England ;
yet so rapidly has it sprung into use for cordage, canvass, and
purposes similar to those of flax, that for some time past the con
sumption of it there has amounted to a thousand tons a month.
The China-grass is found abundantly throughout India; and
now that an improved and economical process has been dis
covered for preparing the fibre for market, this too bids fair to
become of great commercial value.
The 'fibre of the cocoa-nut, known as coir, is chiefly pro
duced along the Malabar coast : it is of superior quality to
that from Ceylon. Sunn, Indian hemp, Indian flax, and aloe-
fibre, are also known as articles of export to Europe.
Besides these there are, however, a variety of others found
in great abundance in most parts of Hindostan, and in much
request among the natives, although very coarsely prepared.
Of these may be instanced Toonda-coir {Galotropis gigantea),
TJmbarce {Hybiscus canabinus), Marool {Sanseveira zeylanica),
pine-apple fibre, plantain fibre, &c. &c.
The following table illustrating the breaking-point of some
of the Indian fibres, as compared with English hemp, may not
be without interest ;

English hemp
Aloe . . .
Ejoo . . .
Coir . . .
Indian hemp
Sunn . . .
Broughi paat
Indian flax

Cannabis sati-va

105 lbs

Argave Americana .

110 „

Sagtierus Rumphii .

96 „

Cocos micifera .

87 „

Cannabis sativa . .

• H „

Crotolaria juncea .

68 „

Corchorus olitorius .

68 „

Linum usitatiBsinium

. 39 „

BRITISH INDIA. 31
"Flax has long been cultivated in India, particularly in the
northern provinces, but solely on account of the seed, the lin
seed of commerce, which is shipped in large quantities to various
parts of the world : the manufacture of linseed-oil is carried on
to a small extent in Bengal ; but in no case do we learn that
any account is taken of the fibre of the plant, which, strange as
it may appear, is lost in immense quantities, a portion only of
it being employed for such purposes as thatching houses, feed
ing or littering cattle, &c.
Of far greater value, however, than any of the preceding is
cotton. The species peculiar to the Indian continent, in com
mon with other parts of Asia, as distinguishable from the
American and West Indian descriptions, is, according to Dr.
Royle, the Gossypium Indicum or herbaceum; the Gossypiwm
arbpreum, peculiar to India alone, is unfitted for manufacturing
purposes, and employed solely as a padding for cushions,
pillows, &c, for which, from its silky softness, it is especially
adapted. The former kind appears to have been produced in
and exported from India since the most remote periods ; and
during the present century to have assumed a very important
position amongst the articles shipped from each of the three
Presidencies. Great Britain at the present time takes on an average
90,000,000 lbs. annually. China consumes nearly as much;
whilst the native manufacture for local use cannot be less than
600,000,000 lbs. yearly. This vast quantity will cease to cause
astonishment, when we remember that the hundred millions of
inhabitants of India are accustomed to use cotton for all those
purposes for which hemp, flax, wool, and hair are employed in
European countries. Their finest, lightest dress for the hot
months, as well as their warmer well-padded garments for the
rainy and cool weather, are alike wrought from cotton. The
costly gossamer-web which adorns the rarest beauties of the
barems, and the coarsest rags which envelope the emaciated
form of the meanest outcast, are produced from the same fibres.
The richest trappings and hangings which grace the state
canopy of the nabob, and the rope which terminates the exist-

32 BRITISH INDIA.
ence of the vilest criminal, owe their common origin to the
cotton plant of India.
Extensively as it is employed in manufactures in the East
and West, it is nevertheless deficient in those qualities which
have secured to the cottons of North and South America the
favor of the merchants and manufacturers of Europe, viz.,
length of fibre or staple, and cleanliness. The former is de
pendent on cultivation, the latter on the after preparation.
In commerce, Indian cotton is known under the name of
Surats, Tinnevelley, Bengal, Broach, &c, according to the
locality of its growth or place of shipment. Dr. Royle* gives
three distinct varieties of cotton, all indigenous to Hindostan.
The common description is found scattered more or less
throughout India, reared either as a triennial or annual. It
reaches the height of five or six feet in warm, moist climates ;
the seeds are five in number, clothed with a short grayish
down. In the peninsula there are two distinct species of this
sort, known amongst the natives as Oopum and Kadum. The
first thrives only on the richest black soil, and is an annual,
producing a fine staple; the latter is a triennial plant, and
grows on the poorer red soil, yielding small crops of inferior
quality. Next to these we have the Dacca cotton, as a distinct variety
of the Gossypium Indicum. It differs from the previous in the
plant being more erect, with fewer branches, and tinged with
a reddish hue, whilst the cotton is finer, softer, and longer.
This variety is reared more or less extensively throughout
Bengal, especially in the Dacca district, where it is employed
in the manufacture of the exquisitely fine muslin cloths known
over a great part of the world as Dacca muslins, and whose
delicacy of texture so long defied the imitation of the art-
manufacturers of the West.
A third variety is the Berar cotton, grown in the Berar
country, in the northern provinces of the Madras Presidency,
and in Surat and Broach. This plant attains a greater size
* " The Culturo of Cotton in India,'' p. 139.

BRITISH INDIA. 33
than the preceding, bears" for a longer period, and produces a
fibre of a finer quality than the former. It appears to thrive
best on a light black soil of vegetable composition.
Amongst commercial men the term Surat includes the prod
uce of Surat, Berar, and Broach, with occasionally some from
Dacca ; it comes mostly from Bombay. The Madras cottons
are those shipped from Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, and other
parts of that Presidency ; whilst the Bengals take in the Bun-
delcund, Nagpore, and the far northern provinces.
Examined under a microscope, the staple of these sorts ap
pears to range from seventeen-twentieth^ to one and one-tenth
of an inch in length ; the staple of the celebrated Sea-Island
cotton being usually an inch and a half in length.
The soil in which all these Indian varieties thrive may be
classed under two distinct heads, the black and the red cotton
soil. The former, as its name indicates, is of a black or deep
brown color, of a clayey nature, blended with the red hunker
of the country (a calcareous iron-stone), forming in the rains a
heavy tenacious mass, and drying into solid lumps in the hot
months. An analysis of this gives 74 per cent, of silex, 12
of carbonate of lime, 7| protoxyd of iron, 3 of alumina, 2 of
vegetable matter, and \ salts, with a trace of magnesia.
The red soil of India has been found in some localities
better suited to the growth of cotton than the black earth. It
is a rather coarse yellowish-red soil, commingled with particles
of kunker, silex, felspar, and aluminous earth. It mainly differs
in composition from the preceding in the iron existing in the
state of peroxyd or red oxyd, whilst the carbonate of lime is
found present in greater abundance.*
Analyses of the best cotton-soils of America prove that they
differ from those of India chiefly in the large portions of peaty
matter contained in them ; and there appears to be little doubt
but that this fact, and the peculiarity of the climate of the
American seaboard, sufficiently account for the great superi-
* "Royle's Culture of Cotton," p. 162,

34 BRITISH INDIA.
ority of the cottons of America over those of any other part of
the world.
The medicinal plants, and the various substances yielded by
them, are far from unimportant in an enumeration of the natural
products of British India. There is little doubt, however,
that at present the medical world are very imperfectly acquainted
with the greater portion of the remedies employed, often with
very marked success, by the native practitioners. Many of
these remedies are probably of small value ; but there are, on
the other hand, a number of them which have already proved
valuable auxiliaries to the pharmacopoeia. Senna, rhubarb,
and castor oil, are the leading medicinal exports. In the gum
and resin series, also an important branch of trade to Europe
and America, we find the gums arabic, olibanum, ammoniacum,
assafoetida, benjamin, gamboge, mastic, and shellac.
In dyes India is equally rich. Prominent amongst these is
indigo, one of the most valuable dyeing substances known to
us. Lac-dye, used for dyeing a fine scarlet, safflower, turmeric,
madder, chaya-root, and annotto, are all freely exported to
Europe and elsewhere, as well as some barks for tanning pur
poses. There are, however, many other dyes in use among the
natives, which, although unknown to Europeans, might be
found of some value.
Caoutchouc, or india-rubber, has long been an article of
export to England. Kattemandoo is a vegetable substance,
partaking somewhat of the joint natures of india-rubber and
gutta-percha ; it has only recently been brought into notice,
but will at no distant date form a valuable item of export.
Of starches India boasts of several kinds. Some of its
arrowroot is pronounced by competent judges to be equal to
the best Bermuda. The Cassava starch, sago, and sago-mcal,
are also amongst the useful products of the south of India.
If the seeds and seed-oils to be found in India are not as
important as many other of its products, they are nevertheless
most useful as articles of commerce. Linseed and rapeseed
are shipped in considerable quantities, as well as their oils, and
the oil from the ground-nut and cocoa-nut. The two latter

BRITISH INDIA. 35
are chiefly produced on the east and west coasts of the peninsula.
Sesamum-seed is likewise brought to Europe for crushing;
and the seed of the cotton plant is not only extensively em
ployed in feeding cattle, but a very useful burning oil is ex
tracted from it. Besides the above, the natives produce a great
variety of other oils for burning, cooking, or anointing, un
known out of India. Of these may be enumerated cadju-apple
oil, poonga oil, oil of kossumba, poppy oil, poonseed oil, sim-
boolie oil, karrunj oil, and many others.
There are also several varieties of vegetable butters and
tallows expressed from seeds and plants, and employed in
cooking or in lamps.
The spices for which Hindostan is known, are cinnamon of
second-rate quality, from the northern parts of Bengal ; cassia,
from the Malabar coast, where also are grown ginger, pepper,
and cloves ; cardamums are found generally in the^peninsula,
as are red and green capsicums.
Tobacco, although grown to considerable extent in various
parts of India, is nevertheless of very inferior quality ; that from
Trichinopoly and Madras being coarse and acrid. The best
is probably to be found growing on the banks of the Maha-
muddy and the Godavery.
The great staple of India, rice, is produced in every variety
of soil, at every altitude and in every latitude. To name a
tithe of these would .prove a tedious and useless task, for they
vary with every district in which they grow. The finest of
these, which is the Bengal table rice, is inferior to the Carolina
kind, whilst the great bulk of them would be unmarketable in
Europe, from their poverty of bofly and the slovenly manner in
which they are prepared. The Arracan rice is a grayish
opaque grain, used in England only for manufacturing starch.
Copious irrigation is required for all these varieties ; the
Himalayan and other hill rices alone requiring no such aid,
their elevation, at times as much as 6000 feet, securing them
from the great heat to which the other varieties are exposed.
Maize is freely cultivated, but very far from equal to the
American variety. A number of millets and other fine grains

36 BRI'TISH INDIA.
are also reared in districts where irrigation for rice culture ia
not obtainable, or where the ryots are too poor to obtain rice-
seed, which, indeed, is the case in many of the more remote
districts. The grains most commonly employed for food in
place of rice are called Jowar, Bajra, and Ragi.
In some of the northern provinces wheat is cultivated for
local consumption ; whilst, on the other hand, in the south,
whole districts subsist upon roots and inferior vegetables, with
small portions of rice or some kind of pulse.
In few natural products is India more prolific than in its
fruits. The pine-apple, mango, mangosteen, jambo, tamarind,
&c, are amongst the best known, besides an infinite variety of
smaller fruits partaken by the natives, either dried or in their
curries. To the north, and in the hill-districts, peaches,
grapes, figs, &c, are both abundant and of good quality. In
the south and central parts of Hindostan the fruits and vege
tables in general use amongst the people are melons, gourds,
cucumbers, water-melons, plantains, guavas, jugubes, custard-
apples, and figs. In some of the hill-districts the wild rasp
berry and a species of gooseberry are found in great abundance
and of good quality.
Those who would study" the Flora of Hindostan and the
Himalayas, will do well to consult the able and interesting
works of Roxburgh, Wight, Wallich, &c, on this subject.
It will suffice to mention, in this place, that India, both in its
plains and its lofty table-lands, possesses some of the choicest
flowers in the world, many of them very little known to
Europeans, and possessing perfumes far more powerful than
any in more temperate climates. The oleander, the Persian
rose, the gloriosa superba, the passion-flower, and many other
exquisite plants of great beauty and fragrance, are found wild
in the jungles. The lotus, the water-lily, and other similar
plants, add beauty to every sheet of water ; whilst far up on
the Neilgherries and the Himalayas we find the rhododendron
attaining a size and beauty unknown in the West. The Indian
ferns are also remarkable for their great size and exquisite
5 f runt 11 re.

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(88)

BRITISH INDIA. 39
In few countries are wild animals met with in greater
abundance or of more varied types than in British India.
The elephant has from the earliest period been highly
esteemed for his great utility to man, when caught and broken
into harness or to carry loads upon his back. These animals
exist wild in great numbers through many parts of India, and
whilst in that state commit great injury to crops on the ground.
When tamed, they are the most useful of animals except the
horse, and prove invaluable to an army for the transport of its
heavy baggage.
The camel is scarcely less valuable ; for, though inferior in
strength to the elephant, it is far swifter. For mountain work
it is even more useful ; and the camel-batteries and camel-ex
presses, so frequently employed in the wars in the north-west,
prove the great value of this animal.
In the forests are to be found rhinoceroses, buffaloes, bears,
lions, wolves, foxes, antelopes, deer, wild boars, &c. The
smaller jungles and low underwood are the haunts of tigers,
jackals, leopards, and panthers ; whilst monkeys and apes
abound on every side. The jackal, although occasionally a
troublesome frequenter of poultry -houses, is nevertheless of great
service in removing carrion from the crowded streets of all
large towns and cities, which he does during the night time.
The Indian Tapir is found in the larger rivers of the country.
It has a general resemblance to the South American Tapir,
but differs in color.
The wild goat of Nepaul, although frequenting the highest
peaks of the mountain-ranges, is nevertheless capable of being
domesticated in the warm plains of the low country. It is
remarkably well-shaped, with light graceful limbs and fine ex
pressive head. Its color is slaty gray, mixed with rusty brown
and black.
In the same country is to be found a small red deer, the
flesh of which is highly esteemed.
Perhaps the most highly prized of any animal in the East is
the goat of Cashmere, with the long silky hair of which are
worked the world-famed Cashmere shawls. They thrive best

40

BRITISH INDIA.

INDIAN TAPIR.

on the grassy slopes of the Cashmere hills, but are also reared
with success in Lahore and still further to the south.
The boa, the rattlesnake, the cobra capella, the tic-prolonga,
and many other varieties of snakes, are in great abundance.
Porcupines, armadilloes, ichneumons, guanas, and lizards
exist in vast numbers.
The birds of India are scarcely less beautiful than numerous.
Perhaps the choicest of them all are those of the Himalayan
"pheasant tribe, birds distinguished for their very graceful and
rich plumage. The Himalayan bustard is another bird re
markable for its form and varied color. Peacocks, eagles,
falcons, vultures, kites, cranes, wild geese, wild fowl, snipes,
bustards, parrots and parroquets, the latter in every conceivable
variety, abound in all parts at various seasons.
Crows, and a bird called the Adjutant, are to be seen in all
large towns in thousands, and prove very serviceable in re
moving offal of every description from the streets ; they are
the best, and indeed the only scavengers known in India, and
no one ever attempts to kill these birds.

BRITISH INDIA.

41

The laughing crow is met with in great numbers in the vicinity
of the forests of Hurdwar and Sireenagur, feeding on the wild
fruits of the jungle. These birds are usually seen in flocks of fifty
or a hundred, making a noise resembling loud laughter. The
plumage of the back, wings and side is olive-brown ; on the
tail the brown is that of amber. The head is ornamented with
a crest ofrounded feathers. A black line passes from the beak
across the eyes to the ear-covers, and excepting this the whole
of the head is white, as are also, the throat and breast.*

4*

* " Gould's Birds of Hindostan," plate xviii.

42 BRITISH INDIA.
Amongst the insects, the . locust is of common occurrence,
frequently visiting particular districts in such clouds as to
darken the air. The natives fry these creatures in oil, and eat
them with considerable relish. The leaf-insect, which in shape
and color bears so close a resemblance to a number of leaves
as to render it impossible to detect them on plants ; the stick-
insect, which in like manner wears all the appearance of a heap
of dried sticks ; and the bamboo-insect, shaped precisely as a
small piece of bamboo, are all perfectly harmless ; whilst the
myriads of centipedes, scorpions, ants, musquitoes, and other
creatures, prove extremely obnoxious to Europeans, more
especially to new-comers.
The rivers and bays of India abound with various descrip
tions of fish, some of which have been long known to and much
esteemed by Europeans. A far greater number, however,
although said to be excellent eating by the natives, have never
been met with on any other table. The objection to many
of these latter consists in the great number of small bones con
tained in them ; in spite, however, of this, the natives use them
in a variety of ways, either as curries or stews.
Amongst those known to Europeans are the mango-fish, a
great favorite in Calcutta during the mango season, the Indian
mullet, the sable-fish, the whiting, a species of perch of great
size, the kowall, the rowball, the inkle-fish, the nattoo, the
mountain mullet, a species of sole, several kinds of herring,
the white and black pomfret, and a very excellent salmon.
Most of these are salt-water fish. The rivers are in many
parts of the country infested with alligators.
The animals of the Tenasserim and Peguan provinces differ
in few particulars from those of Hindostan proper. Elephants,
tigers, bears, and panthers abound; whilst several species of
the rhinoceros, the hare, the rabbit, the porcupine, are also to
be met with in considerable numbers. The most interesting
and valuable of all the animals of this region is a hardy and
swift-footed pony, highly esteemed throughout all parts of
India, especially for mountain journeys, where, from their being
so sure-footed, they are invaluable. The sheep and goat are

BRITISH INDIA.

43

rarely met with here ; but buffaloes, oxen, and several varieties
of the deer are plentiful.
In ornithological specimens these provinces are peculiarly
rich ; amongst them may be instanced a peacock of surpassing
beauty, besides partridges, pheasants, wild fowl, quail, pigeons,
and an abundance of water-fowl of great delicacy and flavor.
The edible-nest swallows are also common, and furnish a supply
of nests for the China market, which realizes a considerable
revenue to the local government.
There is nothing to remark in the fishes of Pegu, similar as
they are in every respect to those of the Bay of Bengal. The
only exceptions which claim our notice are the climbing-perch,
which makes its way inland to some distance, and a barbel of
extraordinary beauty, whose scales, when fresh from the water,
glisten in the sunshine like diamonds of the first quality.

ZEBU OB INDIAN OX.

THE CUTTITE MIKAR.

THE HIIDOO PERIOD.

CHAPTER I.

THE ERA OF FABLE AND THE EARLY HINDOO DYNASTIES.

The early history of India, like that of many other countries,
presents little else than a confused series of mythological tales,
full of absurd recitals and chronological inconsistencies. To
place any credit in the writings of the first Hindoo chroniclers,
would be to carry the history of their country to a date long
anterior to the creation of the world. The exploits of Rama,
one of their favorite heroes, are stated by them to have taken
place a million of years since ; whilst one of their records claims
an antiquity of double that extent. The labors of such ori-
(45)

46 BRITISH INDIA.
ental scholars as Colebrooke, Jones, Wilson, Prinsep, &c,
have done little more for Hindoo history than point out the
utter worthlessness of its earliest records. The most that can
be made of that period is a tolerably accurate guess as to the
probable dates of such events as need not be put down as al
together fabulous. From the time of Alexander's invasion of
India, we are enabled to arrive at something more like cer
tainty with regard to Indian events and Hindoo sovereigns ;
| but until Hindostan became known to and finally conquered
by the Mohammedan race, there was at best a most uncer
tain and irregular chain of records, from which the modern
compiler of history can glean but vague and unreliable de
tails. Of late years, the labors of Mr. Prinsep have brought to
light the means of deciphering many ancient inscriptions upon
columns and on the walls of rock-cut temples, which had hith
erto defied the investigations of the learned. These prove to
have been in the Pali dialect ; and, when read by the aid of Mr.
Priusep's key, were found to throw considerable light upon
some portion of Hindoo history, and eventually to enable the
discoverer to fix something like a date of certainty to the reigns
of monarchs which had previously been but ill defined.
Of the great antiquity of the Hindoos there can be no doubt.
Whilst Joseph was ruling under Pharaoh, in Egypt, there were
Hindoo princes who possessed considerable territories, and
could bring large armies into the field. The " Ramayana,"
an Indian epic, although undoubtedly replete with fables and
exaggerations, cannot but be regarded as shadowing forth,
however falsely colored, certain events and exploits which
possessed reality in themselves.
The first mention made of this nation gives as their residence
a tract of country between the rivers Sersooty and Caggar,
distant from Delhi about one hundred miles north-west. It
then bore the name of Bramhaverta, as being the haunt of
gods ; and although it was but about sixty-five miles long by
forty broad, it was the scene of the adventures of the first

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 47
princes, and the residence of the most famous sages.* At no
very distant date from the first records, the Hindoos appear to
have extended their territory, which then seems to have in
cluded the present districts of Oude, Agra, Allahabad, La
hore, and Delhi. The city of Oud, or, as it was then termed,
Ayodha, appears to have been the capital of the kingdom.
There were born, as emanations from Brahma, two princes,
whose descendants were known as the solar and lunar races.
Of these, upward of sixty appear to have lived; but the ac
counts of their exploits are so fabulous, that no use can be
made of them ; and we must therefore pass on to Rama, whose
deeds, as already mentioned, were chronicled in the "Ramayana."
In this oriental epic, we find the most extravagant recitals
and supernatural occurrences detailed with the minuteness of
facts. The hero is Rama, a king of Oude, who, having re
solved on a life of penance for a certain period, retired to a
secluded forest with his wife Sita, a woman of surpassing
beauty and extraordinary accomplishments. During their
residence in this solitary spot, Ravana, the king of Ceylon, and
ruler over a race of demons, chanced to see the beautiful queen,
and became so enamored of her, that he carried her away to
his capital, Lanka.
Rama, roused to activity by this loss, called to his aid Hanu-
man, the pretended monarch of a race of supernatural monkeys ;
and these warriors, with their united followers, are made to
march through the Deccan, cross the Pamben Passage by a
miraculous bridge, and encountering the wicked but mighty
Havana near his city, totally defeated him and his warrior-
demons. Sita was of course released; but the tale ends
gloomily, for Rama, having accidentally killed his brother
Lachmen, threw himself in his grief into a river, and was re
united to the divinity.
Whatever fable and romance there may be in this great Hin
doo poem, it is more than probable that Rama did carry his
arms to the south, and with some degree of success ; the Cey-
* Wilson's preface to "Vishnu Purana," p. 67.

48 BRITISH INDIA.
Ion invasion, however, would appear to belong to a more re
cent period than that named in the " Ramayana." Nothing
can be Stated of the long line of solar princes who succeeded
Rama ; and there is good ground for believing that during that
after period, the seat of government was transferred from Oud
to Canouj.
The contents of the "Maha-Barat," which is the- second
great Indian epic, read far more like history than those of the
"Ramayana." It relates to the great war which arose out
of the claims of two rival branches of the then reigning family
for the district of Hastinapoora, supposed to be a country to
the north-east of Delhi, on the Ganges. Into this quarrel most
of the neighboring princes of India seem to have been drawn ;
and the war appears to have raged with great fury for a long
period, carrying with it the partial ruin of some of the most
flourishing districts of Hindostan. The victors of the Pandu
branch suffered so severely in this violent contest, that for
one or two generations they did not recover their former po
sition. The probable period in which this famous war occurred may
be some time in the fourteenth century before the Christian
era. Of the race of Pandu kings who filled the throne from
this period, we find nothing on record beyond a mere list of
their names ; and even here the loosely compiled annals of those
remote times differ as to whether there were twenty-nine or
sixty-four of them.
Dismissing from our minds all that portion of the " Maha-
Barat" which deals in marvelous occurrences and extraordinary
exploits, we may still glean fronf its pages much matter of a
more solid and reliable tone. There are scattered through it a
great number of useful facts, bearing upon the position of the
several kingdoms and independent states, their social condi
tion, power, and influence, which greatly redeem the general
character of this Iliad of the East. From it we may learn that
there were at least six distinct kingdoms in this part of India.
Greek writers speak of as many as one hundred and eighteen •

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 49
but they probably intended to have written tribes, and not in
dependent states.
Besides the kingdom of Hastinapoora, we' find one very
powerful monarchy mentioned — the sovereignty of Magada.
The king of this country, at the period of the great war, was
Sahadeva ; and from that time until A. D. 436, we find a long
line of kings chronicled in one unbroken succession. It was
in this state that Sakya, or Gotama Buddha, the founder of the
Buddhist religion, was born, somewhere about B. C. 550, during
the reign of Ajata Satru, the thirty-fifth sovereign from Saha
deva. It is the ancient language of this country, Magadi or
Pali, which has ever since been employed in the sacred writings
of this widely-spread religion.
Following this race of monarchs, we find that the fourteenth
of the line was murdered by Chandragupta, who was of the
Sudras, a low caste. It has been successfully shown by Sir
W. Jones and Mr. Prinsep, that this king is the Sandracottus,
or Sandraeoptus, of the Greek historians, whom they represent
as having concluded a treaty with Seleucus, one of Alexander's
successors, about the year 310 b. c.
The third king after Chandragupta, named Asoca, appears
to have been the first who really had any claim to the title pre
viously bestowed on many others, that of lord paramount, or
emperor of India. The mastery obtained by the indefatigable
Prinsep over the old Pali" inscriptions scattered throughout so
many remote parts of India, has, amongst other points, satis
factorily established this one regarding the rule of Asoca, that
his dominion extended from far northward of Delhi, even
southward to Taprobane or Ceylon, and embraced a wide ex
tent of country east and west. It appears from the same in
scription that his government partook of a highly civilized
nature, more advanced than might have been expected; for
many of those ancient writings appear to be edicts for the
establishment of hospitals and dispensaries in distant parts of
his empire, and also for the sinking wells and planting shady
trees along the public highways for the benefit of travelers.*
* Elphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 393.
5

50 BRITISH INDIA.
The Magada kingdom appears to have gradually lost its as
cendency, until, in the fifth century of our era, we find it brought
under subjection to the kings of Canouj, and its territories no
longer recognized as a separate state.
The kingdom of Bengal, although at various periods attain
ing to a considerable degree of power, if we may judge from
inscriptions*^ copper and stone, cannot be awarded the su
premacy in India which has been claimed for it by several Hin
doo writers. We can lay our hands upon very little reliable
data as to the actual position of this state, though the lists of
four distinct dynasties are preserved to this day, and may be
tolerably correct. The last of the Hindoo dynasties, whose
names ended in Sena, was subverted by the Mohammedan in
vaders about a. D. 1203.
Gujerat appears to have had an independent existence at an
early date, though we are without any reliable particulars. In
the middle of the second century of our era, it seems beyond a
doubt that a government existed at Balibi, under a Rajpoot
race of rulers. In a.d. 524 these princes were expelled by an
incursion of Indo-Bactrians from the north, but again held the
reins of power in A. d. 531.
In the eighth century the Balibi rulers appear to have been
succeeded by the Chauras, another tribe of Rajpoots, who
eventually removed their capital to Anhalwara, now Patan,
and in after years attained to considerable power amongst the
native states. This race became extinct in A. d. 931, when
the Rajpoot tribe of Salonka succeeded it, and remained on
the throne until early in the thirteenth century, when they in
their turn were followed by a dynasty who ruled until early in the
conquest of the country by the Mohammedans in a. d. 1297.*
Of the kingdom of Canouj, our information is far from
perfect, though such as has reached us, aided by the decipher
ing of various inscriptions, leads to the belief that this was not
only one of the most ancient, but equalled any other state in
its extent and importance. The splendid ruins of the capital
* Briggs' Ferishta.

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 51
of Canouj, to be seen at the present day on the banks of the
Ganges, attest the wealth and magnificence of this people in
their palmy days.
This state bore in remote times the name of Panchala. It
extended from the Banar and Chambol in Ajmir eastward as
far as Nepal, which it included. The princes of Canouj appeal
at various times to have carried their arms into 4he states of
Bengal and Orissa on the east, and as far northward as the
Indus. Little is known of them except what we gather from
the Rajpoot writings and traditions, that the original race was
subverted by a Hindoo dynasty, who subsequently succumbed
before a Rajpoot tribe, who continued to govern Canouj, until
its final conquest in a. d. 1193 by the Mohammedans.
Cashmere may undoubtedly claim equal antiquity with any
of the preceding, though it may well be questioned if the dates
assumed by the local histories be correct. According to the
Cashmerian annals, that country was an independent state
2600 years b. o. There is a very imperfect list of the monarehs
of Cashmere, with a most meagre summary of events. After
the succession of five distinct dynasties, the government was
seized upon by Mahmoud, of Ghazni, in a. d. 1015.
Scinde appears, beyond a doubt, to have been a distinct
kingdom at the period of the " Maha-Barat," though when
Alexander invaded India it was evidently divided into some
petty states ; all, however, independent. Early in the seventh
century it was again united under one government. During
the early part of the next century it was invaded by the Arab
tribes, but subsequently retaken by the Rajpoot tribe of Samera,
A. D. 750, and eventually fell before the rulers of the Ghorian
dynasty in A. d. 1015.
The earliest mention made of the kingdom of Malwar appears
to be about fifty years previous to the death of Buddha. This
state must at one period have been in a highly flourishing con
dition, and to one of its rulers, Vicramaditya, is attributed
almost universal sway over. India. Certainly he extended his
possessions far beyond the ordinary limits of the country,
through the centre and West of India. We have little more

52 BRITISH INDIA.
than a long list of princely names in the " Ayeni Akberi" in
connection with this state, though one of its early rulers,
Rajah Bhoja, would appear, by traditional records, to have
acquired a more than common reputation. It lost its inde
pendence about the year 1231 of our era, when the Moham-
taedan arms swept over the whole of India.
Of the remaining states or principalities we can say little
more than that they comprised Gour, Mithili, Benares, Mewar,
Jesselmere, and Jeipoor ; the three last of which still continue
to exist as independent States.
Leaving Hindostan, and its fragmentary histories, we turn
southward, and find that the Deccan, if it be less involved in
obscurity, is at the same time of far more modern date, and
even less interesting in its details.
There seems to be little doubt but that at one period this
part of India was peopled by others than Hindoos. The
aborigines are said to have been foresters and mountaineers,
leading a wild and lawless life. But this must have been at a
very remote period, for there is abundance of proof that an
advanced state of civilization prevailed previous to the time of
the Greek notices of India.
Through this tract there are not less than five dialects
spoken : the Tamil, the Telngu, the Mahratta, the Canarese,
and the Urya. The Tamil tongue prevails over the whole
district to the south of Madras, on both sides of the peninsula.
Of all these southern states, that of Pandya is the most
ancient, together with the neighboring kingdom of Chola.
They were both founded by men of low origin ; and although
for some generations they made frequent and destructive wars
upon each other, there seems to have been at a later period a
long and cordial understanding between them. Pandya ex
tended not further than the present districts of Tinnevelly
and Madura, its capital being the town of the latter name.
The kingdom of Chola extended over a wider range of
country than the preceding — from Madura to Nandidroog, and
at one time over a portion of Carnata. The twelfth century,
however, saw this state much humbled, and losing some part of

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 53
its independence, until a Mahratta chief being called into aid
the reigning rajah in some troubles, deposed him and assumed
the sovereign power, thus founding the family of Tanjore. The
capital of this state was generally Conjeveram, west of Madras.
The state of Chera, which we find mentioned by Ptolemy,
comprehended Travancore, Coimbatore, part of Malabar, with
some portion of Carnata. It does not appear to have risen to
any consequence, and in the tenth century was overrun by the
troops of the neighboring kings and partitioned amongst
them. Kerala included within its original boundaries Canara an^,
Malabar; but about the commencement of our era these two
districts appear to have become separated ; the former remained
independent until far into the twelfth century, when it became
a tributary of one of the neighboring states. The Malabai
country seems to have been broken up into a number of petty
states, one of which was that of the Zamorins, whose capital
was Calicut, and .where they were found by Vasco di Gama in
the fifteenth century.*
The kingdom of Orissa, although during a long period in a
highly flourishing condition, has left little to tell its history,
beyond the most absurd recitals of native writers, up to A. D.
473, when a more intelligible narrative takes up the thread of
events. We hear of it in the " Maha Barat," and afterward in
connection with the names of Salivahana and Vicramaditya,
who appear to have occupied the country. From A. d. 473
lo A. D. 1131, the government was administered by rajahs of
the Kesari race, under whom many petty wars were entered
upon, until a prince of the house of Ganga Vansa, seized upon
the throne, whose successors were afterward supplanted by a
Rajpoot family of the race of the sun. This dynasty was,
about the middle of the sixteenth century, expelled by a Telinga
chief, and thirty years later Akber annexed the country to the
empire, f '
Powe* -;1 as the Mahrattas became in more modern times,
f 'vfphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 415. -f Asiatic Researches, vol. xv.
5*

64 BRITISH INDIA.
and extensively though their language be spoken, we find far
less of them in historical records than of any other race or
country. Indeed, until the Mohammedan writers mentioned
them, there was nothing to mark their existence beyond some
inscriptions which allude to their capital, Tagara, as a place
of considerable commercial importance, though its site has been
long since lost. This place is also mentioned by Arrian as a
great emporium of the Deccan country, though with a very
vague allusion to its position.
A race of kings of Rajpoot descent ruled over Maharashtra,
as this country was called until the twelfth century, when a
family of Yadus supplanted them.* Toward the end of the
following century a Mohammedan invasion took plaee ; and after
the reigning rajah had for some length of time been tributary
to the Emperor of Delhi, the government was finally subverted
by that power about a.d. 1317. How this people, at a later
period, rose to great military power, and proved one of the
most formidable opponents to and chief destroyers of the Tartar
empire, will be seen in succeeding chapters.
It may be sufficient to notice the Chalukya rajahs of Rajpoot
descent as having ruled over a tract of country bordering on
Carnata and Maharashtra. Another line of these chiefs
governed Calinga, extending from Orissa to Dravira. Their
rule appears to have lasted from the tenth to the twelfth
centuries, at which latter period it yielded to the supremacy
of the kings of Andra, and subsequently to the rajahs of
Cattac.f The Andra kings reigned over a tract of country to the
north-east of Hydrabad early in the Christian era. We possess
little information concerning them, though it is. certain that
toward the end of the thirteenth century they had risen to some
importance and power, and had extended their limits on the
south. In A. D. 1332 the country was overrun by an imperial
army, afterward by the kings of Orissa, and finally became
annexed to the kingdom of Golconda.
* Wilson's Preface to the Maokonzie Papers.
\ Elphinstono's India, vol. i, p. 417.

THE HINDOO PERIOD.

55

ALEXANDER CONQUERING PORUS.

Before closing this sketch of the early history of Hindostan
and the Deccan, it may be well to glance at the view taken of
India by the Greek writers, shortly after that country became
opened to the western nations.
Alexander himself evidently did no more than touch upon
the very outskirts of India. Having checked the advance of
his army on the banks of the Hyphasis, when the eastern world
had but just been glanced at, he bent his steps toward the
south-west, and passed onward between the desert and the
Indus, leaving some few garrisons behind him, and one or two
kings and chiefs allied to his. government. Among these was
the celebrated Porus, whom he first vanquished and wounded
in battle and then received as an ally.
A perusal of the writings of Ptolemy, Arrian, Aristobulus,
and others of the early historians, cannot fail to impress us with
a favorable opinion of their general accuracy, if we consider
how limited the extent of their knowledge must have been, and

56 BRITISH INDIA.
under what disadvantages they must have written. We shall
find that they represent the position and habits of the people,
the state and form of internal government, the religion and
literature of the Hindoos, precisely as we have in later days
found them to be ; and so far from expressing surprise at any
erroneous statements they may have advanced, we should rather
wonder that their mistakes have been so few.
Of the division of society into distinct castes, the Greeks
were perfectly aware, though they have added to the number
of classes through some misconception. They appear to have
been much struck with the absence of slavery in India ; for the
servile state of the Sudra caste would hardly have attracted the
notice of men accustomed to the domestic slavery of Greece
and Rome.
The subdivision of Hindostan into a great number of king
doms and petty states and principalities did not escape the at
tention of the Greeks ; who, however, greatly overstated their
number, calculating them at upward of one hundred.
The forces which the Indian kings were capable of bringing
into the field in those days were doubtless overcharged, but
their composition and arrangement are truly enough described.
Their account of the revenues of the country, and the sources
whence derived, quite agree with our own knowledge of those
matters. In the minute descriptions given of the assessment
of lands and crops, of the irrigation and culture of the soil, of
the duties of the various functionaries of the revenue depart
ment, of the natural products of the earth, of the articles form
ing the commerce of the country — on all these points they re
late that which might equally be written at the present time.
We find the public festivals and royal shows* of the Hindoos
described as they are known to have taken place in much more
recent times. And not less precise and accurate are the early
writers in their account of the dress, the domestic manners, and
social habits of the various classesf composing an Indian com
munity. In speaking of the personal appearance of the Hin-

• Strabo, lib. xr. p. 493. f Arrian's Indica, cap.

xvi.

THE HINDOO PERIOD.

57

doos, both Arrian and Strabo notice the difference between.
the inhabitants of the north and south country. The southern
Indians they describe as swarthy, tall, and handsome, not un
like Ethiopians in some respects ; whilst the denizens of the
northern latitudes are said to be much fairer, and not unlike
the Egyptians.
The weapons employed by the Indian soldiers were, except
ing fire-arms, precisely such as are in use at the present day.
The valor of the Hindoos is always highly spoken of; and they
are described as being far more formidable enemies than any
the Greeks had previously encountered in the East.
That the country was, in the days of Alexander, in a highly
flourishing condition there can be but little doubt, even if we
make some allowance for exaggeration. There were said to
have been 1500 cities, thickly peopled, between two of the
rivers of the Punjab ; and one city is described as being eight
miles long, and 1^ miles broad, surrounded by ditches and ram
parts with 64 gates and 570 towers.

MAIJAir WOMA5.

ARAB ENCAMPMENT.

CHAPTER II.

THE ARAB AND TARTAR INVASIONS, AND THE FINAL SETTLE
MENT OF THE MOHAMMEDANS IN INDIA. — A. D. 664-1022.
The earliest appearance of the Arab armies of the west on
the confines of the Indian territories was in the year 664, during
an expedition of this people into the Afghan country, when,
having penetrated as far as Cabul,* and made its ruler a tribu
tary prince, a portion of their army under Mohalib, a celebrated
Moslem commander, pushed on as far as Mooltan, sacked the
city, and carried away numerous prisoners. Although the
Arabs made several fresh inroads into the Afghan territories at
subsequent dates, it does not appear that the country eastward
of that land possessed any attraction for them, since no further
mention is made of any inroads by this people across the nortW
em waters of the Indus.
We hear, however, of numerous incursions by Arabs into

Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i. p. 4.

(T)8)

i ... j: JESI

H
1Z3<itnH?JORH
OP-l

(60)

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 61
the Scinde country as early as the reign of the Calif Omar ; but
these would appear to have been chiefly of a piratical char
acter, with no other aim than plunder. The seizure of one of
these marauders' vessels, at a subsequent date, in one of the
sea-ports of Scinde, led to the invasion of the country by a
numerous army under Mohammed Casim, the younger son of
Hejaj, the governor of Basra. This juvenile warrior met with
the most complete success, capturing the fortified city of De-
wal,* overthrowing the son of the Rajah of Scinde, and spread
ing terror and carnage as far as the capital itself. Here the
Rajah Daher interposed with a powerful army of fifty thousand
men, and a numerous troop of elephants. Small as was the
force of the Arab general, he had no alternative but to fight ;
and availing himself of a strong position, he waited within it
for the attack of the Hindoos. The great advantage possessed
by the troops of Scinde proved of little avail ; for at an early
period of the engagement, the rajah's elephant, having been
wounded by a fire-ball, rushed from the field of battle, smart
ing with pain, and plunged into the water of the neighboring
river. This untoward circumstance struck dismay into the
Hindoo soldiers, who, dispirited at the absence of their royal
master, began to give way ; and although the rajah soon re
appeared, mounted on his war-charger, the fortune of the day
had been already decided. Finding all his efforts unavailing,
Daher determined not to survive the disgrace of a defeat, and
rushing with a chosen few amongst the thickest of the Arab
horse, fell covered with wounds.
It was in vain that his widow, with more than woman's cour
age, and all a woman's hope, endeavored to rally his broken
forces. She, however, placed the chief city, Brahmanabad, in
a posture of defense, holding it against the victors for some
time ; and when at last all hope had fled, the women and chil
dren of her adherents perished in a huge funeral pile ; and the
small Rajpoot garrison, flinging wide the gates, rushed out,
and met their deaths upon the Arab weapons. Such as re-
* Believed to have,been on the site of the modern Kurrachea
6

62 BRITISH INDIA.
mained within the walls were slaughtered without mercy, and
the younger members of their families carried away into cap
tivity.* Casim, it appears, met with but little opposition from this
time, and found sufficient leisure to settle the administrative
affairs of the newly conquered territory, which he arranged on a
just and politic foundation, appointing many of the old Hindoo
governors who had held office under the late rajah to similar
posts, on the plea that they were best qualified to maintain the
established institutions of the country.
Having arranged much of the internal affairs of the country,
Casim directed his attention further eastward ; and, bent upon
the acquisition of fresh territory, commenced a march toward
the celebrated city of Canouj, on the Ganges. He had marched
as far as Oudipur, when an unlooked-for catastrophe cut short
at once his plan of conquest and his career. Amongst the
captives carried away from Scinde were the two daughters of
Rajah Darhe ; these, on account of their high lineage and great
beauty, were destined for the harem of the Commander of the
Faithful. Arrived at the court of the Calif, they were presented
in due form to the sovereign, who had been curious to witness
the charms of the elder of them, who was indeed surpassingly
beautiful. On being conducted to his presence, she burst into
a flood of tears, and exclaimed that, having been dishonored
by Casim in her own country, she felt that she was not worthy
to appear before the commander of the faithful. The calif,
incensed at this outrage, which thus became an insult to him
self, and smitten moreover by her beauty, ordered that the
offending general should be sewed up in a raw hide and
dispatched in that state to Damascus. This order was of
course carried into effect ; and the body of the late conqueror
of Scinde having arrived at the palace, it was laid before the
princess, who, unable to contain her delight at the sight of it,
declared to the astonished calif that Casim was indeed innocent
* Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iv. p. 409.

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 63
of the charge imputed to him, but that he had brought ruin
and death upon her family, and she was now avenged.*
From this time the Arab arms appear to have made no
progress. All ideas of further conquest seem to have died
with Casim, whose authority was handed over to less ambitious
commanders. The rule of the Mussulmans in Scinde continued
until about a. d. 750, when the Rajpoots uniting their forces
with the Hindoos, made a desperate effort to expel the foreign
ers from their country, in which, after some severe struggles,
they eventually succeeded.
The declension of the Arab sway may be said to have com
menced at this time ; certainly the empire of the califs at no
later period extended over so large an extent of country. The
death of the famed Haroun-al-Raschid was not long afterward
followed by the secession of Khorassan and Transoxana. By
degrees other provinces fell away from the califate ; and at no
distant date the commanders of the faithful were reduced to
puppets in the hands of their Turkish guards, and the disso
lution of their empire was sealed, f
Amongst the many petty dynasties of mixed Turkish and
Mogul descent, which now swept over the northern provinces
of the Arab possessions, were the Samanis, a family of Bokhara
descent, who having firmly established themselves in Khorassan,
ruled over that country for upward of a century. It was
during their sway that the first member of the house of Ghazni,
afterward the founders of the Mohammedan empire in India,
assumed an importance which his descendants turned to good
account. Alptegin, the founder of this new dynasty, was a
Turkish slave in the service of Abdulmelek, fifth prince of the
house of Samani, and in that capacity performed the most
menial offices. Finding that this slave possessed not only great
personal courage, but many natural good qualities, his royal
master, as was then a frequent practice, promoted him to some
important posts, and eventually made him governor of
Khorassan. * "Ayeen Akberry," vol. ii.; Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iv.
f Price, vol. iv., quoted by Elphinstone, vol. i. p. 521.

64 BRITISH INDIA.
Alptegin held this command until the death of his patron,
when, having given offense to his successor, he was forced to
seek safety in flight ; accompanied by a faithful band of adhe
rents, he took refuge amongst the hill tribes around Ghazni,
in the very heart of the mountains of Soliman, where he bid
defiance to his enemies, and secured himself in the sovereignty
of that part of the country. The hill tribes of the vicinity were
nothing loth to receive amongst them one who was both able
and willing to enlist their swords in his service, and provide
them with pay ; and such as did not directly submit to his
sway remained in friendly relation with him. During a period
of fourteen years he appears to have maintained his position
in the Ghaznivide country, supported by a numerous and well-
appointed army, chiefly made up of Mameluke horsemen and
Afghan freebooters.
His death, which occurred in the year 976, placed on his
mountain-throne one who, like himself, had been a slave.
Sibektegin had served Alptegin with fidelity from the day that
he had purchased him from a merchant traveling eastward from
Turkistan, his native country ; and having proved his faithful
ness and ability, he promoted him to the highest office next to
himself. Whether he was named by the dying ruler as his
successor, wanting heirs, does not appear certain, but the
accession of Sibektegin to his master's power, under the cir
cumstances, was the most natural occurrence. He is said,
likewise, to have married a daughter of his late chief, and thus
to have strengthened his hold on the popular feeling of the hill
tribes of Ghazni.*
* "A story is told of Sibektegin, while yet a private soldier, which proves
the humanity of the historian, if not of the hero. One day, in hunting, he suc
ceeded in riding down a fawn ; but when he was carrying off-his prize in
triumph, he observed the dam following his horse, and showing such evident
marks of distress, that he was touched with oompassiou, and at last released
his captive, pleasing himself with the gratitude of the mother, which often
turned back to gaze at him as she went off to the forest with her fawn. That
night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream, told him that God had given
him a kingdom as a reward for his humanity, and enjoined him not to forget
his feelings of meroy when he oame to the exercise of power." — Elpliinstone,
vol. i. p. 526.

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TARTAR GENERAL AND HIS STAFF.

(66)

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 67
Events were now about to occur which speedily called forth
the activity and courage of the new ruler. The Hindoo rajahs
of the country east of the Indus viewed with considerable ap
prehension the establishment of this Mohammedan power so
contiguous to their own country ; and aware of the passion for
aggrandizement manifested on every fitting occasion by this
race, prepared to adopt aggressive measures, with a view of
ridding their neighborhood of such a dangerous rival. Acting
on these feelings, Jeipal, Rajah of Lahore, prepared a large
army, marched across the Indus, and approached the hilly
regions of Ghazni, when he was encountered by Sibektegin. A
fierce storm of wind, rain, and thunder so damped the energy
of the Hindoo troops, unaccustomed to the severe cold of
these climates, that Jeipal found himself under the necessity of
coming to terms with his adversary, and agreed, as the price
of peace and safety, to- pay fifty elephants and a large sum of
money. The elephants were surrendered on the spot, and the
two armies separated, the Hindoos retracing their steps to
their own country.
Once safely within his own territories, Jeipal forgot his
former danger and fears, and refused to complete his engage
ment by withholding the money-payments agreed upon. The
Tartar chief was not likely to submit to this insult, and placing
himself at the head of a numerous force of Turki and Afghan
horse, marched rapidly toward the Indus. Jeipal was prepared
for the coming storm ; he strengthened himself with the powerful
assistance of the rajahs of Delhi, Ajmir, Calingar, and Canouj,
and soon found himself at the head of a hundred thousand
cavalry and a vast number of foot-soldiers. Sibektegin did not
muster a fourth part of this number; but nothing daunted
by the numerical strength of his adversaries, he relied on the
superior strength and discipline of his chosen horsemen.
Events proved the soundness of his judgment. The enormous
masses of Hindoo troops were unequal to the shock of his
Mameluk and Afghan charges, and once having succeeded in
breaking their lines, he found little difficulty in completing
their disorder and final overthrow. Jeipal's huge army fled

68 BRITISH INDIA.
in the utmost disorder, and were closely pursued by Sibektegin
as far as the Indus, up to which point he at once established
his authority, and left a governor with a numerous body of
horse in command of th6 country about Peshawur.
How far Sibektegin might have pushed his conquests cannot
be known, since he was required in another quarter to aid his
neighbors and former masters, the Samanis, in repelling attacks
from some turbulent chiefs of Bokhara. These refractory
tribes were with difficulty reduced to submission ; and the ruler
of Bokhara, to reward the services of Sibektegin and his son
Mahmoud, conferred on the latter the government of Khorassan,
and recognized the father in all his present possessions as far as
the Indus. Matters having been thus settled in the west, Sibek
tegin prepared to return to his government, but on his way
thither was seized with illness and died.
No sooner did Mahmoud find himself firmly established on
the throne, and invested with the new title of sultan, than his
restless and ambitious spirit, long nurtured by the military
exploits and bold daring of his father, sought for some field on
which to establish a new and dazzling reputation.
It is scarcely matter for surprise, that the world-wide repu
tation of India for wealth should have led the young sultan
of a semi-barbarous nation to turn his eyes in that direction.
Added to this, it may fairly be presumed that Mahmoud was
not altogether unmindful of the glory he would acquire by
extending the Moslem faith on the wreck of Hindoo idolatry.
In the year of the Christian era 1001, Mahmoud crossed the
Indus with an army whose chief strength lay in its horse, for
even at that period the Afghan cavalry were nearly always
irresistible in open warfare. Defeating the rajah of Lahore at
Peshawur, and carrying off a vast quantity of treasure, the
sultan returned to Ghazni for a season.
Three other expeditions into the Indian territories followed
at various intervals, in the last of which the conqueror secured
treasure and precious stones, to an amount previously unheard
of, from the sacred shrine in the fortress of Nargacot at the
foot of the Himalayas. To celebrate this achievement, Mah-

THE HINDOO PERIOD. 69
moud gave a triumphal feast, which lasted many days, during
which the rich spoils of the war were exposed to public gaze
upon tables of pure gold, amidst the sounds of martial music.
Victories but served to stimulate this warrior-king to fresh
achievements ; and the glory and treasures which would have
proved to many inducements to after-repose, only whetted the
royal blade of the Ghaznivide sultan for new and mightier
strokes of conquest. The Nargacot exploit was followed after
a year or two by the reduction of the Ghor country, the capture
of Mooltan, an expedition to Tareesa near the Jumna, and two
attacks upon theCashmerian provinces.
In the year 1017 Mahmoud took the boldest step eastward
that, had been made by any foreigner within the Indus. The
victories he had already acquired, seemingly with so much
ease, over the Hindoo rajahs on the north-west frontiers, em
boldened him to attempt something on a more enlarged scale.
Accordingly, we find him assembling an army of 100,000 horse
and 20,000 foot at Peshawur, with which he crossed the river,
and taking his course due east as far as the Jumna, he turned
southward, and arrived at the gates of Canouj before the rajah
had received notice of his approach. After destroying many
temples and razing a number of fortresses, Mahmoud returned
once more to Ghazni laden with the wealth of India.
It was in the year 1022 that the first permanent settlement
of the Moslems east of the Indus took place, by the annexation
of the Punjab to the kingdom of Ghazni ; and from this event
may be dated the rise of the Mohammedan power in India.
Hitherto all the conquests of Mahmoud had been but of a
transitory nature. Renown and plunder appeared to be the
leading objects of his expeditions ; but in this year, during a
march to relieve his ally, the rajah of Canouj, Mahmoud was
refused a passage for his troops through the territories of the
Lahore rajah. This ill-judged step called down upon the
offending Hindoo the vengeance of the Moslem conqueror,
who did not quit the country until he had annexed it to his
own dominions, and by that act laid the foundation of the
Ghaznivide dynasty in India.

MOHAMMED.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD.

CHAPTER I.

SULTAN MAHMOUD AND HIS SUCCESSORS OF THE GHAZNrVTDE
AND GHORIAN DYNASTIES. A. D. 1022-1206.

The reduction of the Lahore territories thus brought the
Mohammedan conqueror within the limits of India ; and having
by this stroke made himself permanently master of the whole
country as far as the Sutlege, reinforced his army of occupation
and strengthened the various garrisons in these districts, he
felt himself at liberty to undertake further conquests.
Two years later we find him entering upon his twelfth and
last expedition in India ; but this time not so much on political
as on religious grounds. The temple of Soninat, situated at
(to)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 71
the extreme southern boundary of Gujerat, was famed for its
sanctity in the eyes of all good Hindoos. Mahmoud determined
to evince the ardor of his zeal for the Prophet, by destroying
this high place of heathen worship ; and it may not be incorrect,
if we surmise that the reputed wealth of the Indian shrine had
some influence in drawing upon it the warlike notice of the
Sultan of Ghazni.
Crossing the desert which separates Scinde from Mooltan, a
distance of 350 miles, in perfect safety, the invading army
found itself in Ajmir. Meeting with no resistance, the sultan
pushed on toward the object of his journey, and soon arrived
before Somnat. The Hindoo defenders of their faith in vain
offered a gallant resistance ; Mahmoud carried all before Him,
and became master of the gorgeous< temple and its vast
treasures. Returning to his capital, the victor appeared for a time dis
posed to remain in quiet ; but fresh opportunities offered
themselves, and once more tempted him to take the field.
His last exploit was the crowning one of his reign : the con
quest of Persia seemed to leave him the most potent prince in
the East ; and certainly there was no power near to disturb
his security. But amidst all this glory the conqueror was cut
off; and almost before his victorious army had had time to
, gather repose from their last exploits, ere their Persian laurels
had lost their first bloom, their leader and sultan was taken
from amongst them — the founder of the Afghan dynasty in
India was no more.
Mahmoud, if not the greatest sovereign the world ever saw
— as maintained by most Mohammedan writers — was assuredly
the most famous of his age. "Uniting in his person many
brilliant and estimable qualities, he possessed but few of the
failings so peculiar to the time in which he lived. To the
character of a great general he added that of a liberal en-
courager of literature and the arts ; and although he was not
wanting in religious zeal, and lost no opportunity of humbling
the power of Hindoo idolatry, he cannot be charged with any
acts of cruelty against his heathen adversaries ; and it is said

72 BRITISH INDIA.
that he never took the life of a Hindoo save in battle or during
the storming of a fortress. This, it must be remembered, is
the character of a prince who lived in an age when imprison
ment and murder were ordinary steps in a royal career.
Perhaps his greatest failing, and one which grew with his
years, was that of avarice. His Indian conquests helped to
fill his treasury to an extent unknown in any previous or future
reign. It is reported, that upon his hearing of the great
wealth of some cotemporary monarch, who had managed to
amass as much as seven measures of jewels, he exclaimed with
great fervor, " Praise be to God, who has given me a hundred
measures. "*
His love of riches was, however, blended with a spirit of
liberality in certain directions. Besides founding a university
in his capital, with a museum and library attached, Mahmoud
set apart a large yearly sum, amounting -to fully 50,000
dollars a year,f for the maintenance of a body of professors
and students, as well as pensions to learned men. Amongst
the literary characters who were attracted to his court by this
patronage, was the poet Ferdousi, who composed an epic
poem of 60,000 couplets, celebrating the exploits of the
Persians previous to the Mohammedan conquests, a work which
occupied his energies during a period of thirty years, and
which has been deservedly admired by Europeans not less than
by Orientals for its many surpassing beauties. Mahmoud,
however, for some cause not quite clear, disappointed the poet
in his promised recompense for this noble production ; and it
is said that Ferdousi died of a broken heart.
Mahmoud was not often wanting in his public duties ; and
it is related of him, that on one occasion a woman went to him
to complain of the death of her son, who had lost his life from
robbers in a remote part of some newly-acquired territories.
The sultan observed that it was impossible that he could enforce
the laws in such a distant corner of his kingdom ; the woman
replied—" Why, then, do you take countries which you cannot
• Elphinstono, vol. i. p. 572. f Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i. p. 60.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD.

Ii

hasaud's armt ok the march.

govern, and for the protection of which you must answer in the
day of judgment ?" Mahmoud felt the justice of the reproof,
and at once gave instructions to afford better protection to his
distant subjects.* ,
Mohammed, who had been nominated by his deceased father
as his successor to the throne of Ghazni, in preference to his
brother Masaud, did not reign many weeks. The more war
like and popular character of the latter gained for him the
suffrages of the people and the army, who proclaimed him
sultan so soon as he made his appearance at the capital from
the province of Ispahan.
The military qualities of the new sovereign were very shortly
in requisition ; for whilst a rebellion broke out in Lahore, the
Seljuks, a warlike and powerful tribe of Tartars on the north

Elphinstone, vol. i. p. 571.

74 BRITISH INDIA.
of the Oxus, threatened his dominions with an invasion on the
west. The troubles in his eastern possessions being quelled,
Masaud marched against his new enemies, who had in the
mean time (a. d. 1034) defeated and killed one of his ablest
generals. A campaign of two years on the western frontiers
of his dominions ended in a decisive battle near Mero, in which
the Seljuks (a. d. 1039) were left complete masters of the field.
The sultan retreated with the shattered remains of his army
to Ghazni, where finding disunion and discontent amongst his
people and army taking a formidable shape, he determined to
retreat beyond the Indus, and seek to recruit his shattered
fortunes in his Indian territories. On his way to Lahore dis
content took the form of mutiny, which ended in his deposition,
and the restoration to power of his brother Mohammed. The
immediate result of this was the death of Masaud, by command
of Ahmed, son of Mohammed, after a turbulent reign of ten
years. The rule of Mohammed was not, however, destined to a long
continuance. The deceased sultan's son, Modud, took imme
diate steps to avenge his father's death. Marching from the
western frontiers with a small body of troops, he made his way
through Ghazni to Lahore ; and meeting Mohammed and his
son at Fattehabad, he attacked and completely routed their
army, making themselves and families prisoners, and eventually
put them to death to secure to himself the undisturbed pos
session of the throne.
The whole attention of the new sultan was for a time directed
to the west, where the movements of the Seljuk invaders were
becoming daily more alarming. Either from the circumstance
of Modud having espoused a daughter of one of the Seljuk
chiefs, or from more important matters engrossing their attention
elsewhere, they appear not to have offered any real opposition
to his regaining possession of Ghazni, which he did in the year
following his accession to power.
Disturbances now occurred in the east (a. d. 1042), caused
no doubt by the absence of the new sultan from his Indian
territories. The Rajah of Delhi made this the occasion of re-

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 75
covering all the cities captured by Masaud on the east of the
Sutlege ; and elated with his first successes, the Hindoo prince
pushed his forces to the very gates of Nargacot, to recover
which holy shrine vast crowds of Indian volunteers flocked to
his standard. The religious zeal of the Hindoos bore down
all opposition ; and despite the strong military position of this
temple-fortress, the shrine fell once more into the hands of its
votaries. Stimulated still further by this new success, and assured by
the absence of the sultan, the rajah called around him the
whole Hindoo population of the Punjab, and proceeded at
once to deliver the country from the Ghaznivide yoke.
Lahore was shortly after (a. d. 1044) invested by the Indian
army ; and the garrison, receiving no succor or supplies during
a siege of seven months, began to be reduced to great ex
tremities. They must soon have yielded before fatigue and
famine ; but determined to make a last desperate effort, they
sallied so vigorously upon the besiegers as completely to dis
perse them and raise the siege.
The remainder of Modiad's reign was occupied in keeping
within bounds the turbulence of his subjects, the disaffection of
his Indian possessions, and the restlessness of his Seljuk neigh
bors. In the midst of these conflicting occupations Modud
expired after a reign of nine years, (a. d. 1049.)
The throne was now occupied by the late sultan's brother,
Abul Hassan, who, however, after a short rule of two years,
gave way to his uncle, Abul Rashid.
This prince was not more fortunate than his predecessor ;
for before the second year of his reign he was beseiged in
Ghazni by a revolted chief, captured, and put to death with all
his family. The successful rebel enjoyed the fruits of his
treason but a month, at the end of which time he was assassi
nated ; and the army sought for some member of the rightful
family to occupy the vacant throne.
The choice at length fell upon a young prince, Farokhsad,
who had passed many years in prison through the jealousy of
previous outlaws. His reign, although it lasted but six years,

16 BRI'TISH INDIA.
may be called a prosperous one compared to those preceding
it. He managed to curb the restless, aggressive spirit of the
Seljuk tribes, and at the same time to preserve order and quiet
within his own dominions, but at last fell by the hand of an
assassin. His successor was his brother Ibrahim, a prince of widely
different tastes and temperament from all who had gone before
him. His desire was peace ; and having conciliated his
troublesome neighbors, the Seljuks, he devoted himself steadily
to the internal affairs of his kingdom. Religion, the adminis
tration of justice, and the encouragement of learned men, ap
pear to have engrossed the chief of his time ; and the only
mention we find of him, in any of the historical records, as
engaged in a military undertaking, was upon some expedition
to the Sutlege, on which occasion he captured several cities
from the Hindoos. Little as there is to record of this monarch
of *i political nature, his reign nevertheless lasted for the un
usual period of forty-one years, and terminated as peacefully
as it had commenced.
The next in succession was Masaud II. (a. d. 1089), who
enjoyed a peaceful reign of twenty-five years, during which
period the greater portion of his attention was devoted to
legislating and improving the condition of his country. Some
expeditions into Hindostan were undertaken by his generals,
but with no great or lasting results.
Arslan, the elder son of the deceased sultan, commenced his
reign with violence, and ended it in his own blood. Having
imprisoned his brothers, their uncle, the Seljuk sultan, marched
against him with a formidable army, defeated him, and placed
one of his brothers, Behram, on the throne. Arslan was pur
sued from the battle-field and slain.
The new sultan (a.d. 1118) appears to have inherited the
love for literature which had distinguished so many of his pre
decessors. Learned men, poets and philosophers, were wel
comed at his court, and treated with the greatest consideration.
The peaceful and prosperous state in which he found the king
dom .greatly favored this, and for a period of neariy thirty

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 77
years allowed him ample opportunity to gratify his tastes. The
peaceful tenor of his long reign was unfortunately broken,
through an act which could scarcely have been expected from
a monarch of such elevated tastes.
Having had a difference with his son-in-law, Kutb-u-din Sur,
prince of Ghor, he contrived first to get him into his power,
and then to kill him. The brother of the murdered prince
lost no time in avenging him, and marching upon Ghazni
with a numerous army, drove out the treacherous Behram.
The defeated monarch, however, found means and opportunity
to fall upon the invader and completely routed his troops,
making himself prisoner, and eventually putting him to a cruel
death. Retribution for this double crime was at hand. Ala-u-din,
another brother of Kutb-u-din, entered the Ghaznivide terri
tories at the head of a small but determined^ body of troops ;
and although in the first instance fortune did not appear to
favor him, he finally succeeded in compelling Behram to fly for
safety to his Indian territories, where he shortly afterward died
from exhaustion and grief.
His son, Khosru, who had shared his' prosperity, had now
(a. d. 1152) to participate in his reverses. The discomfited
army of Ghazni, finding itself deprived of its leader, followed
the son with more than ordinary devotion, and succeeded in
fighting a way to Lahore, where the new monarch found his
Indian subjects ready to receive him with open arms. It does
iot appear that the reign of Khosru was marked by any
oolitical events of consequence. His tastes led him to consult
•;he prudent policy of peace, and to rest contented with the
[ndian limits of his ancestral possessions ; nor do we find that
he suffered any molestation from the new dynasty ruling at
Ghazni. At his death (a. d. 1160) he was succeeded by Khosrn
Malik, who, after a most tranquil reign of twenty-seven years,
was attacked by the Ghor kings, and eventually defeated and
slain. The kingdom of Lahore from this date became a
7*

78 BRITISH INDIA.
portion of the Ghaznivide territory in the hands of the new line
of princes.
Gheias-u-din, the Ghorian sultan of Ghazni and Lahore,
aided by the military talents of his brother, Shahib, had not
long been settled in his new conquest before he began to turn
his attention eastward ; and, like many of his predecessors, to
attempt new conquests on the Indian side of the Sntlege. The
Rajah of Delhi was the first Hindoo potentate attacked ; but so
well was he supported by his followers, that the fierce and war
like forces led against them from the north failed in their efforts ;
and despite the terrible charges of Afghan horse, the troops
of Delhi were left masters of the battle-field ; Shahib, who
commanded the invading forces, escaping with great difficulty
and badly wounded.
Two years later (a. d. 1193) Shahib, burning with a desire
to wipe out the stain upon his military reputation left by his
former defeat, again marched an army of Turks and Afghans
across the frontiers, and encountered Pritwi, the Delhi rajah,
whom he found assembled with a powerful army from many
Indian states to oppose his further progress. Upon this occa
sion the Afghan cavalry decided the result of the day, for
having drawn the Hindoo troops from their line of battle,
Shahib suddenly wheeled round a body of chosen horse, 12,000
strong, and charging the vast mass of troops whilst in broken
columns, succeeded in utterly routing them.* The rajah was
made prisoner, and ultimately put to death whilst in confine
ment. This victory was followed by other conquests. The Rajah
of Canouj was defeated in a pitched battle, and his territories
were at once annexed to the dominions of the victor. Gwalior,
in Bundelcund, as well as several strong positions in Rohil-
cund, were next taken possession of; and in the following
year the Ghaznivide warrior extended his arms still further,
subduing the fine provinces of Oude, Behar, and Bengal.
The death of Gheias-u-din, which took place after a reign of
* " Ferishta," vol. i. pp. 173-177.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD.

79

forty-five years, placed his brother, Shahib-u-din, on the throne.
India, however, saw no further exploits of this successful
warrior. He was engaged in a war with the sultan of Kharism,
which terminated to his disadvantage, and led to the defection
of some portion of his western possessions. A second expe
dition against that country was on the point of being under
taken, when Shahib fell by the hands of assassins after a short
reign of four years. Few soldiers had been more successful or
enterprising than the conqueror of the central provinces of
Hindostan ; even the brilliant achievements of Mahmoud were
unimportant in extent compared to those of the Ghorian sultan,
who had extended the Afghan rule as far as the extreme limits
of the Ganges.
Upon the death of Shahib (a. d. 1206), his nephew, Mah
moud Ghori, was proclaimed sovereign ; but he continued to
rule over no more than Ghor ; and so far abandoned claim to
any further territory as to send the insignia of royalty to the
viceroy of India, Kutb-u-din, then resident at Delhi. Thus
India became an independent power ; and in the person of the
new monarch commenced the line of kings of Delhi.

JENGHI3 KHAN,

CHAPTER II.

FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF DELHI TO ITS
CONQUEST BY THE TARTARS. A. D. 1206-1526.

Kutb-u-din was the first of a line known as the slave-kings
of Delhi, from the fact of their having been originally Tnrki
slaves. The present monarch had been raised to his high
rank through the favor of Shahib, who greatly admired his
many good and shining qualities. He seems to have been a
prudent and just monarch, and to have attached his subjects to
his person by the wisdom and gentleness of his rule, which,
however, lasted for but four years as a king, though he had
governed the state of Delhi as viceroy for fully twenty years.
His son Aram was a weak prince, and was set aside shortly
after his accession for Altamsh, son-in-law of Kutb-u-din, who,
like his predecessor, had been raised from slavery to high
favor. Altamsh was not deficient in military talent and personal
(80)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 81
courage, and found ample occupation during his reign for both
qualities. The Mohammedan power was never so thoroughly
established in any portion of Indian proper, but some rajah or
dependent sovereign found occasion for attempting an assertion
of their territorial rights. In this way Behar, Malwa, and
Gwalior called down upon them the chastisement of Altamsh.
It was during this reign that the celebrated Jenghis Khan
poured his Mogul myriads from the north over a great part of
Asia, and at one time threatened the Indian monarchy with an
invasion. The death of Altamsh at Delhi, brought his son, Rukn-u-
din, to the throne, whence his indolence, indifference, and dis
sipation shortly drove him in favor of his sister Rezia.
The sultana (a. d. 1236) was a woman of more than ordinary
attainments, and seems to have administered the affairs of the
kingdom with wisdom and industry. Her talents, however,
failed to secure her in the possession of the throne. Jealousies
crept in, a party rebelled against her authority, and finally,
after a severe engagement, her troops were defeated, and Rezia
made captive and slain in cold blood.
During the two short reigns of Behram and Masaud which
followed, the most prominent event was the invasion of India
at different points by armies of Moguls, one of which pene
trated as far as Bengal. They were, however, driven back
with considerable loss.
Nasir-u-din Mahmoud (a. d. 1246) was the grandson of
Altamsh. Of studious disposition, he committed the charge
of government and of all military operations to his vizier,
formerly a Tnrki slave of his grandfather, and a man of great
ability. Through his energy several revolts in the remote
Hindoo states were suppressed, and the inroads of the Moguls
on the western frontier effectually checked.
Upon the death of Nasir (a. d. 1266), his vizier, Gheias-u-
din Bulbun, stepped quietly to the throne, where he maintained
himself by a line of rigorous cruelty to all suspected of being
inimical to his interest. His reign, which lasted for a period
of twenty years, was marked by insurrections and invasions, all

82 BRITISH INDIA.
of which he overcame with the same success which had marked
his career whilst vizier.
With his successor, Kai-Kobad, ended the race of the slave-
kings. This monarch ruled but for a brief period ; and at his
death the choice of the people fell upon Jelal-u-din, in whose
person commenced the house of Khilji. His reign, as also
that of his nephew and successor, Allah-u-din, was a constant
succession of plots, intrigues, and murders.
At this period a third Mongolian invasion of India took
place, more formidable than either of the previous. Thanks,
however, to the bravery and experience of his general, Zaffer
Khan, the sultan was victorious, though his success cost him
the life of his heroic commander, who fell covered with wounds.
This victory induced Allah-u-din to turn his arms to the
peninsula of India, where he defeated several of the hitherto
independent rajahs, and compelled them to pay him tribute.
Jealous of the influence and number of the Moguls in his army,
the sultan ordered them to be dismissed his service without
pay, and afterward to be exterminated to the number of fifteen
thousand. The death of Allah (a. d. 1316) was said to have been
hastened by poison administered by his favorite general, Mallek
Kaffir, who thereupon caused the late king's youngest son, an
infant, to be proclaimed. This meeting with the disapproval
of the nobles and army of Delhi, they placed Mubarik, the
eldest son of Allah, on the throne, slew Mallek, and so far re
stored tranquillity. The new sovereign, although he began his
reign with no less an exploit than the conquest of the Malabar
country, quickly abandoned himself to dissipation, and left all
authority in the hands of a low Hindoo, one Mallek Khosru,
who shortly afterward found an opportunity to murder his
master, together with every member of his family.
This treason drew upon him the speedy vengeance of the
nobles, who, with the Rajah of the Deccan, dispersed his adhe
rents, and terminated his power with his life. The race of
Khilji ended with Mubarik, and with his successor commenced
the ru]e pf the bouse of Toghlak,

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 83
There being no member of the royal family left (a. d. 1321),
the choice of the nobles and of the army was naturally directed
toward those chiefs who ranked highest amongst them. Their
selection was Gheias-u-din Toghlak, governor of the Punjab, a
man of high reputation in military and civil affairs, and who
proved himself not unworthy of the popular choice. He
showed both activity and wisdom during his short reign. The
threatened invasion of the Moguls on the north-western frontiers
was effectually checked by a line of defenses thrown up along
the Afghan boundary, whilst on the south he busied himself by
subduing a further portion of the Deccan, and arranging
matters in Bengal and Tirhoot, as well as annexing the
territories of the Rajah of Dacca to his dominions.
Returning from this last expedition, he was killed by the
fall of a bungalow, erected expressly to receive him by his eldest
son, not without strong suspicion of premeditation against the
latter, who, as a consequence of this occurrence, mounted the
throne. Mohammed Toghlak was proclaimed sultan (a. d. 1325)
amidst a great show of ostentatious liberality to all about him.
He was a prince of great ability, and possessed more than
ordinary acquirements ; and few monarchs evinced a greater
desire to patronize men of learning and distinction than did
the new sovereign. His accomplishments, however, did not
counterbalance his terrible crimes ; and, if possible, his talents
served but to add to the violence of his outrageous actions.
An army of Moguls, which found means to enter the Punjab,
was bought off by a large sum of money. . The subjugation of
the remainder of the Deccan was completed, and general good
order was restored throughout the most remote provinces of his
vast dominions.
From this time Mohammed seems to have abandoned him
self to a most extraordinary and violent line of conduct, quite
at variance with the previous reputation he had earned. An
invasion of Persia with a gigantic army — the conquest of
China — were both productive of disastrous consequences to
himself and his people. And added to these freaks were his ex-

84 BRITISH INDIA.
cessive fiscal imposts, and his tampering with the currency,
and terrible cruelty to the inhabitants of many districts.
These excesses produced open rebellion (a. d. 1338) in many
quarters; and during the next thirteen years we read of a
succession of revolts, which seem to have kept the sovereign
constantly employed. Many of these outbreaks were quelled
for a time ; but in several instances the disaffected provinces
defied the power of the tyrant, and maintained their inde
pendence. Amongst these were Bengal, the Carnatic, and
the Malabar territories.
Mohammed is reported to have died of a surfeit of fish at
Tatta, whilst on his way to quell one of the numerous revolts
of that unsettled period, leaving no family behind him.
Firuz Toghlak, the late king's nephew (a. d. 1351), was
raised to the throne in the absence of any direct heirs. His
reign, though not distinguished by any great military exploits,
was yet one of prosperity, and attended with the happiest re
sults to his people. He reversed all the fiscal and monetary
decrees of his uncle, and busied himself more in the execution
of works of public utility and improving the resources of his
dominions, than in seeking to add to their extent.
In the eighty-seventh year of his age, Firuz, from bodily in
firmity, resigned nearly all his power into the hands of his
vizier, who soon began to use his authority against the claims
of the heir-apparent. He failed, however, in his plots ; for
the son persuaded Firuz to banish his minister and invest him
with supreme authority. His dissolute conduct soon disgusted
the nobles ; and eventually he was compelled to fly to the
mountains for safety, and the old king once more resumed the
reins of government.
Upon his death a scene of disorder, struggles, and blood
shed followed. Two grandsons reigned after him in succession,
each for but a few months ; Nasir Toghlak, the banished son
of Firuz, returned and resumed the government during three
years ; after which iiis son, Humayun, assumed the sceptre,
but lived only forty-five days.
Mahmoud Toghlak, the younger brother of the preceding,

TAMERLANE, OR TIMUR BEC.

(86)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 87
was a minor when he ascended the throne, (a. d. 1394.) This
circumstance, added to the previous distracted state of the
kingdom, induced the governors of Gujerat, Malwa, and Juan-
poor, to assert and maintain their independence ; and it was
soon evident that the new sovereign, so far from being able to
turn his attention to them, would find occupation nearer home,
where civil troubles awaited him.
In the midst of these commotions (A. D. 1398) a fresh
calamity descended upon the country, which at once threatened
the speedy dissolution of the empire. Tamerlane, haying
overrun Persia, Georgia, and Mesopotamia, with portions of
Russia and Siberia, at the head of vast hordes of Tartars,
turned his attention to India, and sent forward his grandson,
Pir Mohammed, to prepare the way for the main body of the
invaders. The Tartar general swept the Punjab with his fierce
troops, and after carrying fire and slaughter through the entire
province, took possession of the fortified city of Mooltan.
Tamerlane, meanwhile, had effected a passage across the
dangerous defiles of the mountain-ranges to the north of
Afghanistan, marched for the Indus, which he crossed at
Attok, and thence made for Samana, massacring the inhabit
ants of every town through which he passed.
Reinforced by a junction with the army of his grandson,
Tamerlane marched toward Delhi, where he found the Sultan
Mahmoud prepared to receive him with a large force, aided by
many auxiliaries and a numerous body of elephants. The in
vaders proved superior to the Indians both in numbers and
valor ; and although the sultan did his best to defend his king
dom, the Hindoo army was defeated with immense slaughter.
Mahmoud sought refuge in Gujerat, whilst his broken forces
took shelter within the walls of Delhi, where they made terms
with the Tartar chief, and submitted to his authority as
Emperor of India, which he was then proclaimed.
The capitulation of the city did not save it from the plunder
and violence of the Tartar troops ; who, meeting with some
resistance in their excesses, fell upon the inhabitants, and a

88 BRITISH INDIA.
general massacre ensued: "some streets were rendered im
passable by heaps of dead ; and the gates being forced, the
whole Mogul army gained admittance, and a scene of the
utmost horror ensued."*
Tamerlane quitted Delhi when there seemed nothing further
to be gained by remaining ; and carrying with him an immense
booty and a vast retinue of slaves of all ranks, he marched
through Meerut and up the banks of the Ganges as far as
Hurdwar, thence across Lahore to the Ghazni country by the
route he had followed on entering India.
The Tartar monarch may be said to have found Hindostan
a garden — he left it a desert, a d. 1399. Famine and pesti
lence were the gifts he showered on the inhabitants, whom
he deemed not worthy of slavery in a distant land. Acquisi
tion of territory seemed to be no part of his plan. A fame
such as in those days of bloodshed was deemed worthy of a
despot, he certainly achieved, but with no advantage to him
self beyond the amount of treasure he managed to carry with
him on his way to meet other foes.
After various struggles and some bloodshed in Delhi for the
mastery, Mahmoud at length came forward and reasserted his
claim to the throne. He lived a few years after this ; and was
succeeded by Doulat Khan Lodi, who, after a rule of one year,
gave way to the governor of the Punjab, Khizir Khan ; and
thus ended the Toghlak dynasty of the Afghan race of kings.
Khizir Khan affected to rule in the name and under the
authority of Tamerlane, and by this artifice gave a stability to
his government which it could not otherwise have possessed.
His reign of seven years was followed by that of his son Syed
Mobarik, a just and prudent ruler, who was, however, during
thirteen years, continually embroiled in disturbances.
Seyd Mohammed, his grandson, was placed on the throne
upon the assassination of Seyd Mobarik. He ruled for a brief
period, and was succeeded by his son, Seyd Allah-u-din, who,
• " Ferishta," vol. i.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 89
after reigning for seven years in great weakness, abdicated, and
made way for the fifth or Lodi dynasty.
Behlol Lodi, governor of the Punjab, was descended from an
Afghan family of high character, whose power and influence
had caused the jealousy and persecution of the late dynasty.
The outbreak which drove Seyd Allah from his throne called
Behlol to Delhi ; and although meeting at first with some re
sistance, he soon established himself on a firm footing, and
reigned peacefully and successfully for a period of twenty-
eight years.
His son and successor, Secander Lodi, maintained himself in
his father's possessions with vigor and firmness, managing the
internal affairs of the kingdom with great leniency and pru
dence. He was, however, a bigot, and persecuted the Brah-,
mins with great cruelty. The territories of Behar were re-
annexed to Delhi by Secander, who was not deficient in
military talent. He died at Agra in a. d. 1516.
Ibrahim Lodi, his son, possessed all his father's intolerance,
without any of his good qualities. By a course of cruelty and
oppression he alienated the affections of his people from his
family, and at length drove his nobles to open rebellion.
These called to their aid one who was only too glad to avail
himself of the opportunity of reconquering the old acquisitions
of Tamerlane. Baber, a descendant of the last-named emperor,
and who then reigned supreme in Ghazni, accepted the invita
tion of the governor of Lahore, and passed the Indus at the
head of a small but well-appointed army. After some en
counters in the upper provinces, Baber advanced toward Delhi,
where Ibrahim met him with a large body of troops far superior
in number to his own. The superior tactics of the Tartar
chief, and the valor of his well-disciplined troops, gave them
the advantage over the huge but unwieldy mass of Hindoo
soldiers. The last of the Afghan race of monarchs fell on the
battle-field, leaving Baber in possession of the country, with no
obstacle between himself and the empire.
8*

Svft.fc.-j-^-iSaSt*-

CHAPTER III.
FROM THE REIGN OF BABER TO THE DEPOSING OF SHAH JEHAN.
A. D. 1526-1658.

Descended in a direct line by his father's side from Timur,
the first Tartar scourge of India, Zehir-ed-din, or, as he is
more generally styled, Baber the Tiger, claimed equal con
sanguinity by the maternal line with another great warrior,
Jenghis Khan, the Mogul conqueror. It is from this latter
circumstance, doubtless, that nearly all writers have erroneously
applied the term " Mogul empire" to the rule of this Tartar
dynasty. Contrary to the general expectations of his followers, Baber
determined upon exercising the title by which he was now
known, and as Emperor of India to remain at Delhi, strengthen
his position, and even add to his already extensive territories.
This resolve, although disapproved of in the first instance by
the chiefs of his army, soon found favor in their eyes when
they began to taste the pleasures of an Indian life, and be
came accustomed to the soft enervation of a southern climate.
(90)

BABER.

(91)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 93
The various governors and subordinate rajahs, who had
assumed something of independence during the recent disturb
ances, were not disposed quietly to submit themselves to the
rule of the newly-made emperor, and several of them set him
openly at defiance. To chastise these became his first dnty ;
a task, however, more arduous and dangerous than he had at
first contemplated. The Afghan chiefs and the Hindoo and
Seikh soldiery fought with determined obstinacy, and disputed
every battle with desperate valor. On more than one occasion
Baber, who did not spare himself, was in imminent danger of
falling into the hands of the enemy ; and it was not until the
end of the fourth year of these hard-fought struggles that he
brought the various provinces once more under the dominion
of Delhi.
The emperor was not destined to outlive these successes
long. A life of strange vicissitude and great bodily hardship
had made inroads upon his constitution, not to be shaken off.
He was sensible that his end was drawing near ; and accord
ingly prepared for it by many judicious arrangements relative
to the future government of the country, which he bequeathed
to his son Humayun, and finally expired at the end of the year
1530, having reigned over India five years.
Humayun ascended the throne with the most brilliant pros
pects. The empire appeared to be firmly established ; the
revenues were in a flourishing condition ; and he himself a prince
well calculated to secure the good-will of all those about him.
Of an amiable disposition, with a great taste for literature, and
a considerable share of military reputation, he gave promise of
swaying the destinies of the Indian people to their happiness
and his own glory. But his character proved far from suited
to the spirit of the age in which he lived, and which could
adapt itself to none but an iron rule.
An excursion against Gujerat was followed by one into the
Afghan territories, where, although victorious, he nearly fell a
victim to treachery, and only succeeded in escaping with his
life. Hearing of his reverses, his brothers and some chiefs re
belled against him ; and after one or two attempts to recover

94 BRITISH INDIA.
his authority, he was eventually compelled to seek safety in
the kingdom of Persia, where he was received with great kind
ness, and even promised assistance, by the monarch of that
country. By the aid of this new ally, Humayun was at length enabled
to punish his rebellious relations, and retake a portion, though
a small one, of his former dominions ; and after an absence of
nearly sixteen years re-entered Delhi in triumph. His restora
tion, however, was not long enjoyed by him ; for missing his
footway whilst walking on a terrace of his palace, he fell to
the ground below, and suffered such severe injuries as caused
his death a few days afterward.
Before proceeding to narrate the events which distinguished
the career of Akbar, the successor of the preceding monarch,
it may be well to place before the reader a brief account of the
other Indian states, partly independent and partly owning the
supremacy of the emperors of Delhi, inasmuch as most of these
will figure in the pages which chronicle the deeds of the new
monarch. The empire of Delhi had reached its utmost limits in the
reign of Mohammed Toghlak; but upon the death of that
monarch many provinces of the kingdom threw off their alle
giance, and with but few exceptions maintained their inde
pendence until the reign of Akbar. Of these the most im
portant were, perhaps, the kingdoms of the Deccan, viz.,
Deccan proper, from the ruins of which sprang the kingdoms
of Bijapoor, Ahmednegar, Golconda, and Berar. The king
dom of Gujerat, founded in a. d. 1396, continued independent
until a.d. 1561, when it was conquered by Akbar. It com
prehended pretty nearly the tract of country at present known
as the Gujerat country. The Malwa kingdom lasted from
A. D. 1401 until 1512; whilst that-of Candeish continued intact
from A. D. 1399 to 1599. Besides the preceding were the
Rajpoot states of Scinde, Bundelcund, Gwalior, Oodipoor,
Marwar, Jesalmeer, Jeipoor, and some petty hill tribes in the
western deserts.
The kingdom of Bengal remained independent from A. d.

mm mm

m

iBiiw , f ' 'Hill

HUMAYUN.

(95)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 97
1338 to 1573, governed by Hindoos, whilst Mooltan and a
part of the Punjab were governed partly by Afghan families
and partly by descendants of Tamerlane.
At the time of his accession to the throne, Akbar was little
more than thirteen years of age. His youth and inexperience
were fortunately fully compensated by the wisdom and vigor
of his vizier Behram Khan, his father's general and prime
adviser. This able commander lost no time in putting down
the insurrections which broke out in various parts of the empire
at this time, as was usual upon the death of an Indian monarch ;
and by carrying the young emperor, nothing loath, with him,
he helped to complete the military education which had been
commenced in his father's reign.
The first who brought upon him the chastisement of Akbar
was Hemu, a Hindoo prince who had assumed the title of
Emperor of Delhi. This usurper had collected a powerful
body of troops favorable to his claims and inimical to the
Mohammedan rule, and by their religious zeal was enabled to
make a good stand against the Tartar army. A great battle
was fought at Paniput, in which the Hindoo prince bore a
conspicuous part ; but despite the number and valor of his
devoted followers, victory, which for some time appeared
doubtful, at length declared in favor of the Mohammedan
forces, and Hemu was taken prisoner after being badly wounded
in his howdah. It is related that the captive was brought to
Akbar in his tent, where his minister, Behram, desired him to
give the first blow to the Hindoo, as a signal for his death.
The brave young emperor refused to strike his wounded
prisoner ; upon which the vizier, enraged at his unlooked-for
generosity, struck off the head of the captive with his own
hand. This victory was followed by the complete submission of the
provinces of Delhi and Agra, and shortly afterward by the
pacification of the Punjab. The young emperor had, however,
to deal with another and more dangerous opponent in the
person ,of his prime minister and general, Behram Khan. This
able but violent man, raised by his undoubted ability and past
9

98 BRITISH INDIA.
services to the highest offices and greatest authority, began to
give evidence of a cruel and jealous spirit, in the many deaths
which he caused amongst those about the court, who might in
any degree oppose his authority or wishes. He soon became
not only hated and feared by the nobles of Akbar's court, but
an object of distrust and aversion to the monarch himself, who
at length formally deposed him and sent him on a pilgrimage
to Mecca ; on the road thither he was assassinated by a relative
of one of his former victims.
At this period (a. d. 1560) the dominions of the emperor
included only the Punjab, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Ajmeer, and
Gwalior. A general spirit of insubordination ruled through
most of these provinces, which was no doubt ministered to by
the belief that Akbar's extreme youth rendered opposition to
his authority an easy matter. The emperor soon showed a
determination not only to restrain and punish these refractory
spirits, but also to recover all those portions of the empire
which had fallen from it during the past century, and so make
India but one country under one common head.
Malwas was the first province annexed by Akbar, though
not without some hard fighting and a good deal of subsequent
insubordination on the part of the generals and governors put
in command, against whom the young emperor was compelled
to proceed in person. Other revolts in various parts of the
kingdom followed, which occupied the attention of the monarch
for seven years, at the end of which period he had either slain
or conciliated all his unruly chiefs and opponents.
The Rajpoot princes were the next who drew against them
the arms of Delhi. The strong fort of Chitur, in Oodipoor,
was besieged, and after a gallant resistance captured with all
its treasures ; the rajah was never taken, and the country
managed to hold out against Akbar through his entire reign.
Gujerat was next (a. d. 1572) subdued by Akbar in person,
and annexed to the empire ; after which Bengal was attacked
by one of the imperial generals and finally subdued, though
not without some hard fought battles. Here, too, Akbar had
to contend with rebellious chiefs, who appear to have given

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 99
him more trouble than the original possessors of the country.
By means of great firmness, and judiciously blending with it a
degree of moderation and clemency,? Akbar finally 'succeeded
in quieting all this portion of his dominions,* and firmly
establishing his power throughout the whole of central India.
His attention was next turned to Cashmere, a country situated
on the Himalayas, above the reach of the temperature of
Hindostan, and gifted with fertility and a salubrious climate.
The dissensions of the reigning dynasty, a race of Mohammedan
adventurers, opened a tempting door to the ambitious spirit
of Akbar, who forthwith sent an army, which, forcing the
mountain passes leading to that country, soon compelled the
king and his chiefs to accept the terms offered them, namely,
complete subjection to Akbar's sovereignty. From this period
Cashmere seems to have been the summer residence of the
emperors of Delhi so long as that monarchy lasted.
A war with the Afghans of the north-eastern provinces of
Cabul did not interfere with the quiet government of Hindo
stan, the whole of which was now under the rule of Delhi as
far as the Nerbudda, excepting only a few of the Rajpoot
territories. The Deccan became the scene of Akbar's further conquests
in the year 1596 ; and after two years spent by his generals in
that country, he himself marched to the scene of operations
before Ahmednegar. The war in the peninsula was terminated
by the defeat of the reigning princes and the annexation of a
considerable part of that state to the emperor's dominions.
Leaving the prosecution of further objects (a. d. 1601) in
the hands of his minister, Abul Fazl, Akbar quitted the Deccan
and proceeded to Agra. This was rendered necessary by the
rebellious conduct of his eldest son, Selim, who, instigated by
bad advisers, and under the influence of opium and wine, had
seized upon Allahabad and declared himself king of Oude and
Behar. This rupture was, however, healed shortly afterward :
Selim was declared heir to the throne, admitted at court, and
permitted to wear royal ornaments.
* Stewart's History of Bengal.

100 BRITISH INDIA.
The many years spent by Akbar in warlike operations, the
daring and reckless manner in which he had ever exposed him
self to the dangers and privations of the field and camp, had
not failed to work their effect upon his constitution ; despite
his abstemious habits, he appears to have labored under severe
and frequent ailments during the latter years of his reign, and
in the month of September, 1605, his illness assumed so alarm
ing a form as to leave little doubt what would be the result.*
A combination was attempted on the part of some of the
nobles to set up Selim's son, Khusru, as successor, but it
broke down ; and Selim, who at first had absented himself from
his father, remained by his side during the last days of his
mortal illness, and received from his hands the royal scymeter.
Akbar died after a reign of forty-nine years, passed amidst
almost continued warfare, leaving his kingdom on a firmer
basis than it had been at any previous period. Possessed of
all the military genius so necessary in those times, Akbar was
endowed with many excellent qualities not often combined
with royalty in the East. A lover of science and literature, a
most rigorous dispenser of justice, a practiced financier, a
thorough master of all business details, the late emperor found
time, amidst all his wars, to pursue the peaceful studies of a
philosopher. Tolerant in the extreme to all religious sects,
Akbar frequently held discourses with Brahmins and Christians
upon their creed, and would permit no persecution for differ
ence of opinion. His intimacy with the learned Abul Fazl
and his brother Feizi contributed doubtless to his moderation ;
and to the same cause may be ascribed his own free-thinking
ideas, which, whilst they rendered him a very good sovereign,
made him a very indifferent Mohammedan.
The revenue of the empire was placed upon a sound footing ;
many splendid works of military and ornamental character
were undertaken ; and the whole of his own royal establishment,
although on a vast and magnificent scale, was reduced to the
most systematic order, f In short, no part of his government
* Prico's Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir, p. 70. f "Ayeen Akborry."

JEHAN-GHIR.

.102)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 103
appeared too insignificant in his eyes to deserve its own share
of regular attention.
No opposition was offered to the succession of Selim, who,
was saluted by the title of Jehan-Ghir, or " Conqueror of the
World." But before the end of the first year of his reign, it
became apparent that the peace of the empire was to be dis
turbed by Jehan-Ghir's own son Khosru, who, raising levies,
marched northward and seized on the city of Lahore. His
father followed him at the head of a chosen body of troops ;
and, in an engagement which followed, totally defeated the
rebel army, making many prisoners, amongst whom was the
author of the treason, Khosru, who was loaded with chains
and kept a close prisoner for a year.
About this time (a. d. 1611) the emperor married the widow
of a late governor of Bengal, who became so famed for her un
rivaled beauty and brilliant accomplishments as to receive the
title of Noor-mahal, or " Light of the Harem." This favorite
obtained complete ascendancy over the emperor's mind, but
exercised it with great wisdom, influenced, it is believed, by
the sage councils of her father, a man of high repute. The
emperor resigned to Noor-mahal the direction of his imperial
household ; and by her aid it was managed not only with
magnificent pomp, but with a great regard to economy and
order. The monarch alludes most feelingly to the good influ
ence of his sultana and her family in his autobiography, and
ascribes much of his prosperity to their wise councils and
devoted services.
Some disturbances in Bengal were soon quelled, as was also
a difference with the Rana of Oodipoor, who was forced to sub
mit to the authority of the emperor. Jehan-Ghir's attempts upon
the Deccan were less fortunate, and after an obstinate resistance
his army was forced to quit that country with heavy losses.
At the conclusion of these operations (a. d. 1615), an em
bassador from the British court, Sir T. Roe, reached Ajmeer,
to form a treaty of amity with the emperor, or, as he was then
termed by European writers, " the Great Mogul. " Sir Thomas
remained in the country three years ; and in the account of his

104 BRITISH INDIA.
embassy, written by himself, he has left a very ample descrip
tion of the Delhi court, and the state of the country at that
time. From this it appears that, however rigorous in his outward
bearing, the emperor indulged in free living when in private,
and even in the company of the English embassador. Jehan-
Ghir gave every encouragement to Europeans, and permitted the
free exercise of their religion. It is said also that he wore
figures of Christ and the Virgin at the head of his rosary, and
that two of his nephews embraced Christianity with his full
consent.* The prodigious wealth of the emperor may be judged from the
circumstance related in his memoirs of his presenting the bride
of one of his sons on the evening of her marriage with a pearl
necklace valued at $300,000, and a ruby worth $125,000, with
a yearly maintenance of $150,000. f
The great and unbounded influence of Noor-mahal over the
emperor raised up many enemies to her authority, and amongst
others Korrnn, or, as he was afterward styled, Shah Jehan,
the monarch's third son. Fearing her power as adverse to his
claims, and possibly having advices of some intrigues against
him at- court, the prince threw aside all disguise, and boldly
raised the standard of rebellion by laying siege to Agra. Here
he was defeated with considerable loss, and compelled to seek
his safety in flight ; but nothing daunted by his first failure,
he continued to maintain his struggle for several years with
varied fortune.
An incident at this time had well-nigh changed the whole
course of events, but for the device and boldness of the famed
Noor-mahal. Mohabet Khan, governor of the Punjab, having
incurred the displeasure or jealousy of that favorite, was
ordered to repair to the presence of the emperor, then encamped
on the Hydaspes, to meet certain charges against him. He
set out at the head of a few thousand chosen horse, and per
ceiving that his ruin was intended, resolved to strike a blow
* Sir T. Roe. f Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 105
that should frustrate the plans of his enemies. Being encamped
at no great distance from the royal quarters, he made a forced
march at daybreak, when the bulk of the imperial army had
crossed the river, and finding little opposition, rushed to the
emperor's tent and at once made him prisoner.
Noor-mahal was not likely to remain an idle witness of her
husband's captivity ; and although Mohabet evidently intended
the seizure to serve to secure his own safety, she at once made
an attempt at his rescue by open force. This was frustrated
by the vigilance of Mohabet; but an after effort, carefully
planned and executed, met with better success, and the monarch,
once more found himself safe among his own troops.
A reconciliation with Mohabet then took place, and he was
put at the head of an army to march against Shah Jehan, who
still continued in open revolt in tve south. Instead of attack
ing that prince, the old general came to terms with him, and
their forces united in the Deccan against their mutual enemy
Noor-mahal.* Meanwhile (a.d. 1627) Jehan-Ghir had proceeded to Cash
mere to enjoy the bracing air of that mountain country, and
whilst there was seized with an attack of asthma, from which
he had been previously a sufferer, and which at once assumed
an alarming character. His physicians ordered an immediate
removal to a warmer climate ; and as a last hope he was con
veyed toward Lahore, but expired before he had been many
days on the road, in the sixtieth year of his age and the twenty-
second of his reign.
Noor-mahal in vain attempted to assert the claims of her
favorite, Sheriar, to the throne. No sooner did Shah Jehan
receive tidings of the emperor's death than he marched with
all speed to Agra, accompanied by Mohabet, and there caused
himself to be proclaimed. Sheriar was defeated and slain ;
Noor-mahal retired into private life with a yearly allowance of
a million and a quarter of dollars; and the new sovereign found
himself in quiet possession of the throne.
* Gladwin's Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir.

106 BRITISH INDIA.
The emperor soon gave evidence of his love for splendor
and magnificent buildings by the costly and beautiful public
works he began to erect, and the festivals he held on the anni
versary of his accession, which were marked by a profusion
unknown even in those days of oriental luxury. This first
annual celebration is said to have cost him nearly ten millions
of dollars.
Amidst all this enjoyment, troubles were in preparation in
more than one part of his vast empire. Cabul was invaded by
a strong party of Uzbecs, who, however, were soon driven
back with heavy loss. In the Deccan a formidable opponent
sprung up in the person of Khan Jehan Lodi, an Afghan
general, who had distinguished himself under Jehan-Ghir, but
who proved an unruly and troublesome adherent. He allied
himself with the King of Ahmednagar, and prepared to invade
the Deccan territories of the emperor, who at once took the
field with a powerful armament.
Khan Jehan, unable \o cope with the superior force brought
against him, retired to the most inaccessible districts of the
country, and for a long time evaded the pursuit of the impe
rialists, but was at length compelled to fly to Bijapoor, where
he hoped to receive assistance. Disappointed in this expecta
tion, he- endeavored to reach the northern frontiers, but was
cut off in Bundelcund.
The Deccan was still unsubdued ; and although the war was
prosecuted with unabated vigor for several years, and Ahmed-
nager and the Nizam's territories were soon overrun, Bijapoor
offered a bold and determined resistance, and it was not until
A. d. 1636 that terms were finally settled with the king of that
country, who agreed to pay an annual tribute to the emperor.
In the following year Shah Jehan returned to his capital ; not,
however, to quiet enjoyment, for other occupations awaited
him. Candahar being made over to him by the governor of thaj
country, ShaJ» Jehan seized the opportunity of dissensions
among the chiefs of Balkh to invade that country with an army
chiefly composed of Rajpoots, under the command of Prince

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 107
Morad, his second son. Success attended most of these
operations ; but the inclemency of the seasons and the want of
supplies caused more distress than the arms of their enemies,
and eventually led to the evacuation of the country, after a
lavish expenditure of life and money.
Candahar, the possession of which was disputed by the
Afghan and Persian forces,/ was invaded in three successive
years ; twice by Aurungzebe, the younger of the princes, and
lastly by Dara, the eldest brother; but each time with ill
fortune. During the interval of peace which followed these enter
prises, Shah Jehan found the means of completing the entire
survey of his vast dominions, preparatory to reassessing the
lands for revenue purposes ; this task, it is said, had occupied
his attention for a period of twenty years.*
Other less tranquil occupations awaited the monarch in the
south. The Deccan, which had never been effectually settled,
gave unmistakable signs of approaching disturbances. A
difference between the King of Golconda and his vizier formed
a pretext for the interference of the emperor, who dispatched
Aurungzebe against the king; and the young prince, partly
by artifice, partly by force, managed to seize on Hydrabad ;
and finally to dictate most severe terms to his opponent, the
chief feature of which was the payment of five millions of dollars
in cash into the emperor's treasury.
It was about this period that a race of men but little known»
and only casually mentioned by one of the Mohammedan his
torians, began to attract some small degree of attention in
their immediate neighborhood ; and by degrees so to strengthen
their position in the Deccan, that at a later period they rose to
sufficient importance, not only to affect the destinies of the
Mohammedan rulers of India, but at one time to cause serious
uneasiness to the British government of that country.
The existence of the Mahrattas was noticed by Ferishta as
early as A. D. 1485 ;f but until the period at which we are now
* Duff's History of the Mahrattas, p. 128.
f Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 457.

108 BRITISH INDIA.
arriving, they had not been recognized as a distinct people.
We have no certain data as regards their origin, which they
themselves boasted was from the Rajpoots, and which may
possibly have been the case with one or two of their chief
families. But there was nothing in common between these two
races. Whilst the Mahrattas were in person small and sinewy,
and in their character crafty, persevering, and enduring, the
Rajpoots were of a noble and commanding figure, proud but
open in nature, indolent but brave.
They had located themselves in a tract of mountain country
situated above the high lands of the western ghauts of the
Deccan, in the immediate vicinity of the states of Golconda,
and forming the most inaccessible portion of the Bijapoor
territories. Their chiefs had by degrees established themselves
in the confidence of the local government ; and many of them
were appointed to offices of trust in the villages and districts;
many held inferior commands in the Bijapoor army ; whilst
others were entrusted with the custody of hill forts and revenue
stations. Sevaji, the founder of the Mahratta dynasty in the Deccan,
was born a. d. 1627 ; and at the period of which we are now
treating was, although scarcely eighteen years of age, admitted
by his father, Shahji Boola, to the joint management of his
jagir, or collectorate, at Poona. Whilst in the exercise of
these duties, he found ample opportunities of gratifying his
love of a wandering, romantic life ; and it is even said he not
unfrequently took a part in the depredations of the lawless
tribes who frequented the hilly country in the vicinity. Certain
it is that he found means to win over the attachment of large
parties of the Mahratta soldiers, who were doubtless struck by
the bold daring of their young chief, and only too ready to
connect themselves with any enterprise calculated to lead to
their enrichment and independence, however desperate it might
appear. Having collected around him a party of his most trusty fol
lowers, he contrived by dint of stratagem to obtain possession
of one or two hill forts, and eventually to seize on the revenues

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 109
of his father's jagir. This success emboldened Sevaji so far as
to lead him to open revolt against the authority of the king of
Bijapoor. The whole of the hill forts of the ghauts, and next
the northern Concan, fell into his hands ; and the treasure of
which he became possessed by these exploits enabled him to
augment his forces and place them on a footing of respecta
bility. Matters were in this state with the young Mahratta chief
when Aurungzebe invaded Golconda ; and Sevaji, profiting by
the opportunity thus afforded him by the prospect of a tedious
war, ventured to enter the imperial territories ; and attacking
the town of Juner when unprepared for defense, obtained pos
session of it, and carried off considerable booty.* This daring
act was subsequently overlooked, if not forgiven, by Aurung
zebe, who was just then called away by his father's illness to
take part in proceedings of a more important nature than the
chastisement of a lawless freebooter; and Sevaji thus found
himself at liberty to carry out his plans of aggrandizement at
the expense of the Bijapoor sovereign.
In the year following the Golconda affair (a. d. 1657) an
expedition against Bijapoor, although successful, was brought
to a sudden termination in consequence of the dangerous illness
of the emperor at Agra. The eldest prince and heir to the
throne, Dara Shako, was with his father, and had long wielded
the powers of the crown ; but so soon as intelligence of the
sovereign's danger reached the younger sons, Morad and
Aurungzebe, they instantly made common cause, and set out
together for the capital at the head of 35,000 horse. Dara
opposed them with an army greatly superior in numbers, but
not so in discipline and valor. In the battle which followed,
one day's march from Agra, all the princes distinguished them
selves in a manner worthy of a nobler cause. Dara was, how
ever, defeated, and fled in the direction of Delhi with 2000
followers. The immediate consequences of this decisive en
gagement were the imprisonment of Morad in the strong fort
* Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 466.
10

110 BRITISH INDIA.
of Gwalior, the confinement of Shah Jehan to his palace at
Agra, and the proclamation of Aurungzebe as emperor. The
deposed monarch lived for fully seven years after this event in
indifferent health, and possibly not loath to be savei the
labors of government, though he would doubtless have pre
ferred that his eldest and favorite son Dara should have held
the reins of power.
Thus ended the rule of Shah Jehan, a prince who had reigned
thirty years, the greater part of which was spent in wars and
various military expeditions. Whatever fault is to be found
with him before he came to the throne, his after conduct merits
unqualified praise as regards his duty to his subjects, and his
liberality accompanied by wise economy. The revenues of his
kingdom must have been enormous ; for with all his profuse
expenditure in gorgeous spectacles and public works, not less
than his many costly wars, he managed to accumulate in his
treasury a sum in coin amounting to one hundred and twenty
millions of dollars, besides a vast heap of jewels and gold orna
ments and vessels. His famous peacock-throne is said to have
cost thirty-two and a half millions of dollars, and was one
blazing mass of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires,
representing the plumage of a peacock in its natural colors.
The city of Delhi was rebuilt by him in a style of surpassing
splendor and of great extent. But the most celebrated work
of this monarch was unquestionably the Taj Mahal, a magnifi
cent mausoleum of white marble and mosaic work at Agra, the
delicacy and richness of which has ever drawn forth the admi
ration of all beholders.* The beautiful mosaic work so pro
fusely and elaborately scattered over this sepulchre is believed
to have been the work of Italian artists.
Judged by the standard of Asiatic sovereigns in his days,
Shah Jehan must be awarded a high rank amongst the rulers
of the East, whether we regard him in his military or civil
capacity. Both European travelers and Oriental historians
agree in one general commendation of his character as a war-
* Taj Mahal is a corruption of Mumtaj Mahal, the name of Shah-Jehan's
quuon, whoso sopnlchre it forms. — Elphinstone's India.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD.

Ill

rior, a ruler, and a lawgiver. At no time had the Tartar em
pire in India been more frequently and seriously threatened by
external enemies ; and yet it would be difficult to point to a
period when those dominions were more consolidated, more
secure within themselves, or when the revenues were more
thriving, or the laws more promptly and equitably administered.
It is no small praise to tell of this monarch, that although the
magnificence of his public festivals, the (Splendor of his daily
court, and the lavish outlay he incurred in vast public under
takings, were such as had scarcely had a parallel in the reigns
of any of his race, they were followed by no harsh or unusual
exactions from his subjects, who were, on the whole, more
lightly burdened than any of their ancestors.

SIB WILLIAM J0KE8.

*^^z*

CHAPTER IV.
FROM THE PROCLAMATION OF AURUNGZEBE TO THE FALL OF
THE TARTAR DYNASTY. A. D. 1659-1765.
On his assumption of the imperial dignity, Aurungzebe took
the title of Alamghir, by which he is still known amongst
Asiatics, although his former name continues to be used by
Europeans. The new emperor did not find himself in quiet possession of
his father's throne. Dara, his elder brother, although a fugitive
in Lahore, had still many adherents amongst the Hindoo chiefs
and Rajpoots, the more so as it was known that he was favored
by his father. Another adversary came forward in the person
of Soliman, Dara's son, who, aided by Rajah Jei Sing and
Dilir Khan, marched to meet Aurungzebe at the head of a
strong force. Treachery, however, overcame the young prince,
and he soon afterward found himself a prisoner in the hands
of a petty chief.
The emperor's pursuit of Dara, who now moved toward
Scinde, was diverted by news of the advance of another of the
royal brothers, Shuja, who, as governor of Bengal, had found
means to raise a considerable force of cavalry and artillery, and
was then marching toward Allahabad to dispute his brother's
(112)

''»%¦¦>>';¦>;/:,¦//.¦''>¦'

AURUNGZEBE.

10*

(113)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 115
supremacy. The" two armies met at no great distance from
this city ; and after lying close to each other for some days, a
decisive engagement followed, in which Shuja was defeated
with the total loss of his army.
It was in vain that the unsuccessful prince endeavored to re
trieve his fortunes by further struggles in his own province.
The imperial army under Prince Sultan drove him from post
to post, until at length, being hard pressed at Dacca, he fled
with a few followers to the Rajah of Arracan, in whose terri
tories he appears afterward to have lost his life.*
The after career of Dara and his family was one of successive
defeats, desertions by adherents, and flights from province to
province, ending in his capture and ultimate death at Delhi.
It was during these reverses that the traveler Bernier en
countered the fugitive prince and his family near Ahmedabad,
and spent some days with them, as related by himself in his
published travels.
Not long after this occurrence, Aurungzebe, under various
pretenses, contrived to dispatch his brother Morad and his
son, as also the two sons of Dara, all of whom had been im
prisoned by him in fortresses in Gwalior.
Freed from all claimants to his usurped throne, the monarch
looked around him for the means of employing his large army,
and the energies of his vizier Meer Jumla, who might, if re
maining idle, be tempted to projects inimical to the peace of
the empire.
The rich country of Assam offered a tempting bait to his
ambition ; and thither the old general was dispatched at the
head of an army whose strength defied all opposition. In a
few months the country was overrun, and the capital in the
hands of the invading army ; and it appeared to the mind of
Aurungzebe that it would require but his instructions to
enable his victorious troops to march forward and obtain pos
session of the Celestial Empire.
Before these ambitious plans could be attempted, the winter
* Elphinstons's India, vol. ii. p. 449.

116 BRITISH INDIA.
season began. The troops, cut off all supplies by the artifices
of the natives, and exposed to the rigors of an unusually severe
monsoon, began to suffer from want of food and proper shelter.
Unaccustomed to such rigorous weather as they found them
selves exposed to in an enemy's country, many fell victims to
disease ; and finally the army, which had defied the utmost
efforts of powerful antagonists, was driven back to its own
territories by the attacks of the elements. The commander,
Meer Jumla, died before reaching Dacca, a victim to the
rigorous season and the unceasing hardships he had endured
for many months.
About this period Aurungzebe was attacked with an illness
of such a severe character as at one time to place his life in
great jeopardy. This was the signal for many intrigues
amongst his chief adherents, some of whom looked to Shah
Jehan, the deposed monarch, who still lingered out his days in
regal confinement; others brought forward the claims of Akber,
third son of Aurungzebe, who was already a great favorite
amongst the army.* But the emperor, having notice of these
designs, ordered steps to be taken which effectually prevented
them from being carried into execution. He soon afterward
rallied, and sought repose and renovated health in the cool
valleys of Cashmere.
Whilst absent on the northern frontiers of his dominions,
events were occurring in the Deccan which were destined at no
remote period to afford full occupation for his activity and
talents. Sevaji, the Mahratta chief, from some cause not ex
plained, had thought fit to break the alliance he had formed
with the emperor, and commenced a series of attacks upon the
forts in the vicinity of Aurangabad, besides ravaging the towns
in the plains. This drew upon him the chastisement of the
imperial viceroy of the Deccan, who, notwithstanding the
daring opposition and unflinching valor of the Mahratta troops,
contrived to drive them back to their own fortresses.
A successful raid into Surat, when that town was completely
* Bernier.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 117
sacked by the troops of Sevaji, and shortly afterward the as
sumption by that chief of the title of rajah, and the act of coin
ing money bearing his own effigy, were the means of bringing
against this troublesome vassal a greatly increased force of im
perialists under the command of Rajah Jei Sing. Sevaji, shut
up in his hill-forts and closely besieged by the royal army,
found himself compelled to make submission to the emperor,
abandon the greater part of his fortified posts, and hold the
remainder under the authority of that monarch.
For a time the Mahratta chief served in the Delhi army
against his old opponents of Bijapoor, and earned high com
mendation from Aurungzebe ; but subsequently, on Sevaji pre
senting himself at the court of the emperor by invitation, his
reception was so cold and even humiliating, that he deter
mined on breaking with his superior ; and having found means
to elude the close surveillance kept over him at Delhi, effected
his escape to his own territories by means of careful disguises.
In this year (a. D. 1666) died Shah Jehan, after an imprison
ment of seven years in the citadel-palace of Agra, during which
time he appears to have remained master of his own acts within
the limits prescribed to him.
Fortune seemed to smile on the emperor in all his under
takings up to this period. Little Thibet on the north, and
Chittagong on the east, were added to his dominions, and
neighboring potentates courted his friendship and alliance.
The Deccan, however, continued to baffle the efforts of every
commander sent against it ; and Sevaji, once more among his
old followers, proved as formidable a foe as he had before been
useful as an ally. He did not rely on his arms alone, but suc
ceeded so far with presents to the imperial general, as in the
end to prevail on the emperor to grant him peace on most
favorable terms.
Bijapoor and Golconda, both wearied of protracted struggles,
were too glad to purchase a respite at the hands of the Mah
ratta by a large payment of money ; and Sevaji, left thtfs in
qniet possession of his territories and hill-forts, turned his sole

118 BRITISH INDIA.
attention to strengthening his position and regulating the in
ternal affairs of his little kingdom.
This tranquillity proved but a temporary lull, and two years
after the conclusion of the late hostilities, Aurungzebe broke
the treaty by an open attempt to seize the person of Sevaji.
This led to the recovery by the Mahrattas of many important
posts from the emperor, and also their overrunning the states
of Surat and Candeish.
Although the imperial army far outnumbered that of the
Mahratta chief, the wamt of unanimity amongst them, the
daring attacks of Sevaji, and the vaccillating conduct and con
tinued jealousy of Aurungzebe in regard to his various generals,
contributed to procrastinate the war in the Deccan until his
attention was called to another quarter.
A war had been carried on for some time with one or two
of the Afghan tribes under the direction of a son of the cele
brated Meer Jumla. The success which at first attended the
imperial arms was finally converted into severe defeats ; and
just at this time, a. d. 1672, the emperor determined to attend
personally to the prosecution of the war.
His presence in the north appeared to serve his cause but
little, and after several campaigns of more than doubtful results,
he returned to Delhi, having come to some sort of arrangement
with the refractory tribes.
The attachment of his Hindoo subjects was severely tried
after his return from the north-west provinces by a variety of
edicts and regulations of an extremely harsh and oppressive
character. Amongst other orders, he determined that none but Moham
medans should be employed in any office of trust under the
government. Various taxes were increased that bore especially
on the cultivators of the soil; and the most obnoxious of all
imposts, the jezzia, or poll-tax on infidels, was ^instituted,
much to the dissatisfaction of all classes save the Moham
medans. These and some personal disputes led the Rajpoots of western
Rajpootana to combine against the authority of the emperor,

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 119
and we accordingly find a considerable army sent against
them. Peace was temporarily made, but finally broken, and a
still larger force detached against #ie Rajpoots. Fire and
sword were carried through their territories, and their families
made prisoners, but in vain. The brave Rajpoots defended
their hill-fortresses with unflinching obstinacy; and being after
ward joined by Prince Akbar with a strong body of his ad
herents, they hazarded a meeting with the royal army in the
plains. Treachery, however, was employed against them, and
finding themselves exposed by this means to far superior
numbers, they fled from the field ; Akbar and the Rajpoot
Rana sought refuge in the Deccan with the Mahrattas. Other
Rajpoot chiefs, however, remained to dispute the possession
of their territories with the imperial troops ; and though they
did not succeed in driving them out, they so continually
harassed and cut them up as to keep them in a constant state
of alarm.
Once more the emperor turned his arms toward the Deccan,
and a variety of encounters took place, most usually to the
advantage of the Mahrattas. Sevaji had just at this time made
an incursion on the southern states of the peninsula, and had
succeeded in annexing a considerable part of the Mysore Jagir
to his territories. Continued invasions of the imperialists
called him again to the' north, and he was engaged in repelling
their attacks when a sudden illness carried him off in the fifty-
third year of his age. (a. D. 1680.)
Sambaji succeeded to his father's authority, but to none of
his good qualities, and almost the first days of his rule were
disgraced by acts of wanton cruelty to some members of his
family. The conduct of the new chief toward his subjects was not
less impolitic than it was cruel to his relations. New taxes
were levied, the revenues of the country were squandered, his
father's chief advisers were neglected, and most of his troops
were left greatly in arrears of pay.
These grounds of complaint, added to the appearance of the
fugitive Akbar in the Mahratta territories, induced some of the

120 BRITISH INDIA.
most disaffected to make overtures to that prince to give the
sanction of his name to the pretensions of a half-brother of
Sambaji, one Rajah Ram. The plot was, however, discovered
and frustrated ; and Sambaji, to find employment for his people,
led them against 'the Abyssinians of Jingera, and engaged
soon afterward in hostilities with the Portuguese, who had
settled on the same coast.
A more formidable enemy, however, now (a.d. 1683) made
his appearance in the person of the emperor, who, having
settled his affairs with the Rajpoots, found leisure to turn his
attention once more to the Deccan.
The two following years did little to bring matters to a set
tlement, though causing great suffering and loss on both sides.
Sambaji ravaged part of Gujerat, whilst the imperial forces
were engaged in the south ; and although he found himself un
able to cope with the large force brought against himself and
his allies, he contrived by a continued succession of sorties from
his mountain fortresses, to cut off the supplies and embarrass
the movements of the invading army.
These efforts did not prevent the imperial forces from laying
close seige to the capital of Bijapoor, which eventually capitu
lated, and being dismantled, was never afterward capable of
affording shelter to troops. The subjugation of the kingdom
of Golconda followed ; and shortly afterward the Rajah of the
Mahrattas fell into the power of the emperor, and was beheaded
in prison.
The country was, however, as far from being subdued as
ever. Sambaji's brother assumed the command of the Mah
ratta forces, who, following the practice of previous campaigns,
harassed the enemy in every possible way without exposing
themselves to any serious danger. Larger armies were brought
into the field, and endeavored by attacking the foe on various
sides to distract their attention and weaken their resistance.
But the nature of the country was against these vast bodies of
troops, whose supplies had to be collected from a great dis
tance and at a heavy expense. It was in vain that Aurung
zebe with untiring perseverance took the field himself, and

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 121
personally superintended the siege of some of the most im
portant strongholds of the Mahrattas. It seemed a fruitless
task to capture fort after fort and city after city, whilst the
enemy lurked as bold and as unsubdued as ever amongst their
hills and thickets. _
More than ten years were thus spent by the emperor, at the
end of which time his prospects appeared less hopeful than
when he commenced. The heavy drain upon his resources
caused by this most costly warfare, and the defalcation of some
portions of his territorial revenues, gave him much uneasiness,
and before long embarrassed his movements. His troops began
to clamor for their arrears of pay, which it was not in his
power to give them ; angry expostulation and many defections
were the consequence ; and to crown all; a very severe fall of
rain flooded his encampments, and caused the loss of much of
his stores and baggage, and of some thousands of his troops.
Hard pressed on all sides and in all ways, the emperor would
now have gladly listened to any terms for an accommodation
of matters ; but the Mahrattas, conscious of the growing weak
ness of their-opponents, were so unreasonable in their expecta
tions, that Aurungzebe felt himself compelled to break off all
negotiations. Finding it impossible any longer to maintain
his large force in such a country and under so many seriou3
disadvantages, and himself being worn out by fatigue and
annoyed by financial embarrassments, he at length ordered a
retreat to Ahmednagar, and considered himself fortunate in
arriving safely within that city, with the loss of a considerable
portion of his once proud and invincible army.*
It soon became evident that the days of Aurungzebe were
numbered. He seems, indeed, to have felt a strong persuasion
that his end was not remote, from the day that he entered this
his last earthly resting-place ; and his letters, many of which
are still extant, serve to show the state of his body and mind.
Ever suspicious of all about him, his jealousy seemed in
creased as the prospect of his death drew near ; and his utmost
* Duff's History of the Mahrattas, vol. i. p. 409.
11

122 BRITISH INDIA.
efforts were employed to foil any possible plotting on the part
of his sons. In his last moments he dictated several letters to
these princes, whom he had studiously kept at a distance from
him, which, whilst they contain much useful admonition and
advice for the future, show not less his own remorse for the
past.* He drew up a will a short time previous to his death,
in which he expressed a wish that his sons should divide the
empire amongst them ; the eldest, Moazzim, taking the north
ern, and Azim the southern districts ; whilst the youngest,
Cambakhsh, was to have the kingdoms of Golconda and Bija
poor. This appears to have been his last act. He soon after
ward expired, amidst many pangs of remorse and great terror
of the future, in the fiftieth year of his reign and the eighty-
ninth of his life.
Thus departed one of the greatest and least happy of the
Tartar monarchs who had ruled in the East. Possessing
bodily and mental faculties inferior to none of his predecessors,
and superior to most of them, he was yet singularly unfortunate
in his own personal career, not less than in his rule over his
many subjects and his undertakings against foreign and tribu
tary states. The hollow hypocrisy of his nature, and his nar
row-minded policy, did far more to estrange the hearts of his
friends and a great portion of his subjects, than any acts of open
cruelty or decided oppression, f
It was during the reign of this monarch that the British
East India Company's servants, by the determination with
which, on several occasions, they attacked and defeated the
Portuguese, and other enemies of the empire, first laid the
foundation of their political power, which at no very distant
date was destined to spread, and at length overshadow the
Tartar dynasty.
Confined within the limits of the old native towns of Cal
cutta, Madras, and Surat, with the island of Bombay, the
English traders acting for the East India Company had
scarcely attracted the attention of any eastern government.
* Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 519. -j- Ibid. vol. ii. p. 552.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 123
The embassies which had been at various times dispatched from
Britain to the court of Delhi had been received with marks of
favor bordering upon patronage ; and there appeared no jealousy
on the part of any of the sovereigns with regard to the unos
tentatious establishments of these European factors.
British influence in the East had far more to fear from the
power and jealousy of the Dutch, who had not long succeeded
in wresting from the Portuguese a great part of their possessions
and trade in the eastern seas ; and who seemed determined, if
possible, to close the commerce of India against their British
competitors. Nor were these the only obstacles to the prog
ress and prosperity of the Company. Internal mismanagement,
and incompetency and tyranny on the part of one or two of the
governors of their settlements, tended to prostrate the energies
of those who served them faithfully, and at one time jeopardized
the very existence of the association.
The rash conduct of Sir John Child, governor of Bombay,
brought against that small settlement the arms of Aurungzebe,
who would unquestionably have reduced the place, but for the
timely death of the incompetent commander, upon which the
emperor agreed to a treaty on very moderate terms.
At the period of which we are now detailing the events
(a. D. 1707), a new chartered Company was established in
London for th ( purpose of trading to the East, and before long
the two had merged in one body, much to the advantage of
both. The Court of Directors became better constituted as a
governing body, their powers were more clearly defined, and
new vigor and life seemed infused into all branches of their
service, which before long bore fruitful results in the operations
carried on with the distant settlements.
But to return to the affairs of the empire. The injunctions
of Aurungzebe regarding the succession were altogether un
heeded by his sons. Whilst Moazzim was proclaimed emperor
of all India at Cabul, under the title of Bahadur Shah, his
brother Azim took the same step at Agra, whither he returned
so soon as he received tidings of his father's death. Both of
these made preparations to assert their claims to the throne by

124 BRITISH INDIA.
force of arms. A battle was the consequence, in which Azim
and his two sons fell, leaving Behadur Shah in possession of
the field and the crown.
Prince Cambakhsh, the youngest of the two brothers, being
indisposed to admit the claims of the new emperor, was attacked
near Hyderabad, his army utterly routed, and himself mortally
wounded. This event left Behadur without a rival, and he at
once gave his attention to the troubles of the Deccan, where
the succession to the command of the Mahrattas was being dis
puted by the nephew and the guardians of the infant son of the
late rajah. These disputes were shortly afterward arranged,
as were also the imperial differences with the Rajpoots, who
now gladly accepted the overtures of the sovereign.
Bahadur Shah was well disposed to conclude these matters,
as the Seikhs were giving his governors in the north more
occupation than they could well undertake ; and he accordingly
marched to the Punjab, resolved to put down the rebellious
outbreak with a strong and determined hand. He was not
long in forcing these rude warriors within their own territories,
and eventually succeeded in capturing their strongest forts,
and scattering their forces with considerable loss.
Returning to Lahore after this undertaking, Behadur Shah
died after a short illness, in the seventy-first year of his age,
having reigned five years. *
No sooner had the emperor breathed his last, than his four
sons strove for the mastery. Battles were fought, negotia
tions were set on foot, and every artifice and effort employed to
strengthen the cause of the various claimants; but in the end
Jehander Shah, the eldest, succeeded in defeating his brothers,
and for the time securing possession of the throne.
The contemptible character of this monarch (a. d. 1712)
soon estranged the affections of the nobility and the people
from him ; and there is every reason to believe that open re
volt would have been the result, but for an event which at that
moment took place. This was the appearance of a rival candi
date for the crown, in the person of Farokhsir, the emperor's
nephew, who assembled an army at Allahabad, repelled one or

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 125
two detachments sent against him, and finally routed the troops
of Jehander near Agra so completely, that the monarch was
forced to fly to Delhi in disguise. He was there seized by his
late vizier, and delivered up to Farokhsir, who, in putting the
fallen sovereign to death, meted the same end to his traitorous
minister. The empire had gained but little by the change of sovereigns.
Farokhsir was not less contemptible than his predecessor,
though with the additional vices of cruelty and jealousy. He
intrigued to secure the death of Hosen Ali, one of his most
able and active supporters, whom he had found himself com
pelled against his will to make commander-in-chief of his forces.
The plot failed, and the intended victim of his master's jealousy
proceeded on his expedition against the Mahrattas in the
Deccan. The reputation of this general suffered in the campaigns
which ensued. The Mahrattas followed up their old tactics
with so much perseverance, as in the end to baffle the ntmost
endeavors of Hosen Ali to bring them to a decisive engage
ment ; and he was eventually glad to compromise matters by
several concessions', which, however, Farokhsir, refused to
ratify. This led to a misunderstanding between the monarch and his
general, and subsequently to a difference with the vizier, the
brother of the latter. Farokhsir, with all the desire, but none
of the determination needed to rid himself of these powerful
and able men, began to plot against them, though in such an
unskillful and undecided manner as served but to expose his
own imbecility and fears ; and at the same time thoroughly
to disgust and alienate those who would have seconded his
views.* The immediate result of these weak and futile attempts on
the part of the emperor was the march of Hosen Ali to the
capital at the head of an army devoted to his service. After
Borne treating with the weak-minded sovereign, and a rising
of the inhabitants of the city against Hosen's followers, the
* Elphinstone, vol. i p. 581.
11*

126 BRITISH INDIA.
brothers formally took possession of the citadel, seized the
person of the emperor, and quietly put him to death after an
inglorious reign of six years.
Upon the deposition of Farokhsir, two young princes of the
royal family were successively elevated to the throne, each of
them living but a few months. Subsequently the vizier and his
brother raised to the imperial dignity another prince named
Roushu Akhter, who was declared emperor under the title of
Mohammed Shah.
From the commencement of this reign (a.d. 1719) there
were not wanting unmistakable signs of the approaching de
cline and fall of the Tartar dynasty in India. The overbearing
conduct of -the vizier and his brother, coupled with the disgust
created by the knowledge of the means by which Farokhsir
had met his death, tended to estrange the minds of the people
from the ruling powers, who, besides, gave evidence of their
own weakness by continued disagreements.*
Insurrections took place at Allahabad, and other large
cities, as well as in the southern division of the Punjab, which
occupied the imperial forces for some time.
It was during the rule of this monarch that an embassy was
dispatched from Calcutta to the court at Delhi, by the Com
pany's servants, with the view of obtaining some further grants
of territory and greater privileges than they then enjoyed. The
emperor received the British officials with some show of favor ;
but through the secret influence of his vizier, who was also
governor of Bengal, and extremely jealous of the European
settlers, matters appeared for some time likely to result far
from satisfactorily to the embassy. Fortunately for the En
glish, the emperor was seized with a dangerous illness, which
baffled the skill of the royal physicians; and in the hour of need
recourse was had to the aid of the medical officer attached to
the embassy, who succeeded in restoring his imperial patient
to health in a short period. This led to a concession of all the
demands of the British, who returned to Calcutta well satisfied
with the results of their journey to Delhi.
* Elphinstone, vol. ii. p. 584.

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 127
Amongst other turbulent proceedings which agitated the
empire, was the conduct of Asof Jah, governor of Malwa, who,
under various pretenses, managed to raise a considerable body
of troops, at the head of which he marched toward the Deccan,
and encountering detachments of the royal army, routed them,
and established himself, by the co-operation of the Mahrattas,
in possession of a large tract of that country.
To oppose this formidable chief, Hosen Ali marched toward
the south, taking care that the emperor accompanied him, in
order to prevent plots during his absence. Mohammed, dis
gusted with the state of servitude under which he lived under
the rule of the brothers, and eager to be rid of them, fell into
a plan for the assassination of Hosen,-which took place not far
from the royal tent. This led to the revolt of Abdallah, the
vizier, who was, however, soon afterward defeated and made
prisoner, surviving his reverses but a short time.
These occurrences were followed by the appointment of
Asof Jah to the viziership. This austere and ambitious man,
however willing he may have been to aid in the government
of the empire, was soon disgusted with the frivolous life of
Mohammed and the little regard paid to himself. At the end
of the first year of his tenure of office he threw up the vizier
ship and withdrew to the Deccan, where it at once became
apparent that his design was to render himself independent of
the imperial authority.
Establishing himself at Hydrabad (a. d. 1723), Asof took
immediate steps to secure the possession of the states around
him, and at the same time to turn the Mahratta power to his
own advantage by directing against the empire the arms of
that restless people. Saho was at this time the dominant
rajah of the tribe ; whilst another claimant, Samba, held him
self prepared for any opportunity which might offer of asserting
his rights, real or pretended. By playing one of these against
the other, Asof contrived to strengthen his own hands, and at
last induced Saho to agree to a treaty, by which he undertook
to invade the imperial territories.
At this period (a. d. 1731) we first hear mentioned the names

128 BRITISH INDIA.
of Holkar and Sindia, afterward so famous in eastern history.
The ancestors of these noted chiefs were, at the time of which
we are now treating, the former a shepherd, on the Nira, south
of Poonah, the latter, though of a good family near Sattara, in
such reduced circumstances as to be serving as the domestic of
a Mahratta general.
The events of the succeeding half dozen years (a. d. 1737)
may be comprised in a few sentences, no occurrences being of
sufficient importance to deserve separate notice. On all sides
the Mahrattas continued to make encroachments, adding to
their territories as occasion offered, seldom with any real oppo
sition, never with any that was effectual. The empire was
yearly becoming weaker, and required but some sudden or
violent shock to cause its total dismemberment.
Meanwhile the possessions and influence of the European
settlers throughout India had been gradully extending. The
French had appeared on the scene, and their naval force, under
the command of the brave Labourdonnais, acted so effectually
against the fleet of the British, as for a time to cripple most
seriously the operations of the latter. Peace being restored be
tween the two nations, they still continued their operations
against various native states on one pretext or the other. The
governor of Madras took up the cause of a deposed rajah of
Tanjore, and marched a body of troops into those territories to
assert his rights, without, however, carrying out any real or
permanent object. It was during these operations that the since
renowned Clive, then a young lieutenant, took the field for the
first time, and in his earliest action gave evidence of that cool
.valor and sound judgment which before long earned for him a
world-wide reputation.
The troubles of the Deccan (a. d. 1739) and the frivolities
of his own court, had so occupied the attention of the emperor
that no heed had been given to the movement of the ambitious
monarch of Persia, Nadir Shah, who having left his kingdom
at the head of a brave and well-disciplined army, conquered a
great part of the Afghan territories, and was already turning
his attention to India, where he well knew a sure victory and

NADIR SHAH.

(129)

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 131
rich booty awaited him. He did not wait long for the pretext
necessary to give a shadow of justification for crossing the
Indus, which he did at the close of the year 1738. Mohammed
Shah, roused by this intelligence, collected a force but ill cal
culated to oppose the veteran army of the invader, though
aided by the questionable presence of the Nizam of the Deccan.
Early in the following year a battle was fought at Carnal,
which resulted in the defeat of the imperial army and the sub
mission of Mohammed Shah. The emperor was treated with
great consideration, and permitted to reside unguarded in his
own quarters. The two monarchs afterward proceeded in
company to Delhi, where they resided under the same roof.*
The stay of the Persian monarch at the Indian capital,
though brief, was marked by rapacity and bloodshed. A tumult
having arisen in the city, the pretext was afforded the Persian
troops of an indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants, which
lasted for a whole day, the loss of life during which time has
been variously estimated at from 30,000 to 150,000.
This was followed by a general plunder of the city, from the
royal treasury down to the most humble dwelling ; when an in
credible amount of coin and jewelry of various sorts appears to
have been brought together and appropriated by the Persian
king as payment for the cost of this most unwelcome visit.
The value of the gold and silver coin thus carried away is
said to have been forty-five millions of dollars, f whilst the gold
and silver plate and jewels amounted to quite as much more.
Besides a great number of the finest horses, elephants, and
camels, Nadir Shah carried with him several hundreds of the
most skillful artisans and workers in the precious metals.
Nadir Shah at length took his departure from the capital of
India, after a sojourn of fifty-three days, the memory of which
outlived the perpetrators of the atrocities committed therein.
Before quitting Delhi, the king of Persia seated Mohammed
npon his throne, and with his own hands placed the diadem
upon the brow of the reinstated emperor, at the same time en-
* Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 627. f Scott, vol. ii. p. 212,

132 BRITISH INDIA.
joining the strictest obedience to him from the nobles and
chiefs assembled about them to -witness and partake in the
ceremony. Freed from the dreaded presence of these powerful invaders,
the emperor had full opportunity to observe and deplore, with
out the power of remedying the misery which threatened him.
With scarcely the shadow of an army, an exhausted treasury,
a devastated country, cities in ruins, and surrounded by many
and designing enemies, the prospect for the future was indeed
dispiriting. The nabobship of the Carnatic being at this time (a.d.1740)
the subject of contention between two rival candidates, the aid
of the Mahratta army was called in by one, which very shortly
settled the question for the moment, and resulted in the im
prisonment of the defeated candidate. This interference was
looked upon with a jealous eye by Asof, or, as he was then more
generally styled, the Nizam al Moolk, who finally used his in
fluence to bestow the rank of nabob of the Carnatic upon one
of his own connection. The French commandant of Pondi-
cherry, anxious to obtain a footing with some of the native
chiefs, used his interest and some money to obtain the libera
tion of Chanda Sahib, the deposed nabob, who no sooner
found himself at liberty than he commenced raising troops and
sacking such towns and forts as he found uprotected.
From this date to the year 1748 the troubles in the state of
Arcot continued to occupy the attention of the nizam, who
died at that period, at the great age of one hundred years.
This event, as was almost always the case in eastern govern
ments, led to contentions in the family as to his successor, in
which both the English and French took an interest, according
as their own advantage might be best served.
From the time of the departure of Nadir Shah from Delhi
but few events had occurred within the then prostrate empire.
The sole exception to this quiescent state of things, were the
rise of the Rohillas, an Afghan tribe inhabiting a mountain
tract near Onde, and an invasion of India by an Afghan chief,
Ahmed Shah Durani. The former was put down by the em-

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 133
peror in person ; the latter was repelled by the imperial forces
at Sirhind under Prince Ahmed, though not without a severe
contest. Immediately after this battle, the prince was called off to
Delhi, by intelligence of his father's dangerous illness, which
ended fatally a month later. Mohammed Shah had reigned
twenty-nine years. There was no opposition raised to the
succession of his son, who was accordingly proclaimed emperor
under the title of Ahmed Shah.
One of the new monarch's earliest efforts was directed against
the Rohillas, who still continued to be troublesome neighbors.
The vizier, Safder Jang, was sent against them, but was re
pulsed ; and finally, driven to extremity, was forced to the
humiliating expedient of seeking the aid of the two Mahratta
chiefs, Holkar and Sindia. With the aid of these useful aux
iliaries, the vizier obtained a decisive advantage over the
Rohillas, and succeeded in driving them from their strongholds
to the foot of the Himalayas, when they were glad to sue for
peace on any terms.*
A more formidable enemy appeared next in the person of
the Afghan king, who once more marched into the Punjab,
seized upon Lahore and other principal cities, and finished by
demanding that the emperor should regularly cede to him the
possession of the entire country. Too weak to refuse, and
fearing another invasion of India, Ahmed Shah at once con
sented to the terms proposed, and was only too glad to buy off
on such terms an enemy of this formidable character.
Dissensions at the court followed closely upon these external
troubles. The assassination of a favorite eunuch of the em
peror by his vizier, led to an open rupture, and eventually to
the expulsion of the offending minister. His successor, how
ever, proved not more acceptable to the monarch, who com
menced plotting against his life ; and upon the discovery of
these intrigues, open war was declared between the emperor
and his subject. The latter proved victorious ; and obtaining
* Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 660.

134 BRITISH INDIA.
possession of the monarch's person, he caused his eyes to bo
put out, and a young prince of the same family to be proclaimed
in his stead as Alamghir II.
The new emperor evinced (a. d. 1754) as little cordiality toward
the vizier, Ghazi-u-din, who had placed him on the throne, as
had his predecessor. It was evident that the minister intended
to rule with an iron hand, whilst his royal master should look
on and sanction his acts. The rigorous severity of his govern
ment soon caused an open mutiny, which had nearly cost him
his life. Nor was this the sole result of his conduct. Having
treacherously seized on Lahore and other cities in the Punjab,
contrary to the treaty lately entered into with Ahmed Shah of
Afghanistan, that king agaia crossed the Indus, marched to
Delhi, and meeting this time with no opposition, took pos
session of the capital, and abandoned it to slaughter and
plunder. •
Having no intention of retaining possession of Delhi, the
Afghan king contented himself with securing such treasures as
had escaped Nadir Shah, and then retreated across the Indus ;
having meanwhile left a Rohilla chief in command of the
capital, as a check upon the tyrannical power of Ghazi-u-din
over the emperor. The ambitious minister once more had re
course to his old friends the Mahrattas, to second his efforts at
supremacy. By the aid of that power, he eventually succeeded
in wresting the Punjab from the hands of the Afghan monarch,
took forcible possession of Delhi, and having made the un
fortunate and helpless Alamghir prisoner, put him to death.
Shah Alum, the heir to the throne, owed his safety at this
moment to his absence from the capital. Ahmed Shah Durani
of Afghanistan was not long in taking revenge for the occu
pation of the Punjab. He prepared a formidable body of
troops for a further invasion of the empire, crossed the Indus
at a time when armies seldom take the field ; and marching
southward, encountered the Mahratta forces in the plains of
Paniput, near the Jumna, under Sedasheo Bhao. The forces
of the latter comprised about 100,000 cavalry and 15,000 in
fantry, many of whom were sepoys, besides a large park of

THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 135
artillery and a liberal supply of rockets. The Durani brought
against this army about 50,000 horse, composed of Persians
and Afghans, with 30,000 infantry, partly of Rohilla and
partly Indian soldiers, but ill trained.*
After facing each other for some time, during which the
Mahrattas suffered much from want of supplies, an engagement
took place, when after a terrible slaughter on both sides, the
Durani's army was victorious. The survivors of the Mahrattas
fled from the field ; but were so hotly pursued, that but very
few of them escaped to tell the tale of their disasters. The
power of this people was so effectually broken by this battle,
in which most of their chiefs fell, that many years elapsed be
fore they were in a position to exercise any influence in Indian
affairs. The invading army having thus effectually broken up the
last remnants of the empire, retired beyond the Indus, and
appeared no more on the eastern side of that river.
The history of the Tartar dynasty may now be said to have
closed ; as the remaining events which occurred in the various
provinces and states of India comprising that once powerful
empire belong so entirely to the history of the British power in
the East, as to render it necessary to link them together. The
fugitive Shah Alum subsequently obtained possession of the
capital of his ancestors ; but being without the power to re
tain it, he fell into the hands of a Rohilla chief, who deprived
him of sight, and afterward gave him into the power of Sindia,
one of the Mahratta chiefs, who retained him in close confine
ment at Delhi until that city was taken by the British forces
in 1803. Shah Alum and his son, Akbar Shah, both died
pensioners on the bounty of the East India Company ; and with.
the last of these princes ended the race of the Tartar monarchs
of India. * Duff's History of the Mahrattas, vol. ii. p. 212.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

CHAPTER I.

EARLY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN
WORLD, WITH SUBSEQUENT EUROPEAN PROGRESS, TO THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY IN INDIA.
The earliest records which we possess of commercial inter
course between the inhabitants of India and those of countries
to the west of Arabia relate to the Jewish kingdom, (b.o.1014.)
History informs us that Solomon drew large and frequent sup
plies of spices and cotton goods from the southern and eastern
parts of Asia ; and even in his time the Phoenicians were said
to have been long in possession of the bulk of the Indian trade,
which was chiefly carried on by way of the Red Sea and the
Persian Gulf. An overland communication appears to have
existed through Persia and Arabia ; but with this double in
tercourse, the western nations remained in deepest ignorance
of the country and the people that lay toward the rising sun.
All that Europe knew of India prior to the expedition of the
(136)

(138)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 139
Macedonian monarch was through its gold, its pearls, its spices,
and its rich cloths. But the length of time occupied in the
voyage, the circuitous route by which these goods were con
veyed, and the many hands through which they passed, rendered
it highly improbable that .any but the most wild and fanciful
pictures of the East ever reached those who consumed the pro
ducts brought from those distant lands.
It was reserved for Alexander the Great (b. c. 331) to
achieve, amongst other things, the opening of this hidden
region, although he himself visited but its confines on the west.
Unlike the progress of those northern conquerors who came
after him, carrying fire and sword and scattering death and
ruin about their footsteps, the Macedonian carried with him
the softening influence of civilization. Of the knowledge of
India, which flowed westward consequent upon the invasion of
Alexander, we have already treated at the conclusion of our
first historical section.
The early death of the conqueror destroyed any plans he may
have formed for opening up a trade with, or settling an empire
in Hindostan ; and for nearly three centuries the commerce be
tween the eastern and western worlds was conducted by the
Egyptian and Arab merchants, by way of the Red Sea, the
Nile, and the Mediterranean ; the ports being then Berenice,
Coptos, and Alexandria.
There were, however, two other routes by which a small
portion of the traffic with the East was carried on. One of
these lay through Persia and the upper part of Arabia to the
Syrian cities ; a desert and difficult route, but one of great
antiquity. The only halting-place on this dreary road was the
famed city of Tadmor, or Palmyra, so called from the abund
ance of palm-trees which flourished around its walls. This
regal city owed its prosperity to the commerce which passed
through it ; and which, in the course of time, raked the state
to a degree of importance and power that exposed it to the
jealousy of imperial Rome. A war ensued, in which its brave
and noble-minded queen, Zenobia, was captured, her city

140 BRITISH INDIA.
destroyed, and with it the overland traffic of the desert, which
had existed since the days of Abraham.
The second route was by way of the Indus upward, across
the rocky passes of the Hindoo Cush, and so on to the river
Oseus and the Caspian Sea, whence the merchandise was con
veyed, by other land and water conveyance, to the cities of the
north and north-west. Even in the present day we find this a
route of some importance, serving as the means of carrying on
a trade between India, Persia, and Russia, which is of more
real value to the latter country than is perhaps generally known
in Europe or America. The richest silks, the finest muslins,
the most costly shawls, the rarest drugs and spices, are bought
up by Russian dealers, and transported by this tedious route
to the cities of the great Czar.
With the Palmyra route the carrying-trade of Egypt with
the East suffered equally from the ravages and conquests of the
Roman emperors, though not so permanently. We read that
during the reign of the emperor Claudius, one of the kings of
Ceylon, then famed for its spices and pearls, dispatched an
embassador to the Roman court, loaded with many costly gifts.
At a later period still, the Chinese were visited by an emissary
from the great ruler of the western world.
With the decline of the Roman empire the trade with India
rallied, and gathered something of its olden strength. The
two events, however, which most sensibly contributed to the
reopening of this commerce, were the removal of the seat of
imperial government from Rome to Constantinople, and at a
later period the invasions of the Saraceas.
Not less enterprising than brave, the Saracenic conquerors
of the East were active in forming commercial depots, and
opening a trade wherever Nature favored their designs. By
them the city of Bussorah was built on a spot peculiarly adapted
for navigation ; and before long the Euphrates and the Tigris
swarmed with the mercantile marine of this new and energetic
race. The genius, however, of the Saracens, was not such as
to fit them to become civilizers and traders. They possessed
too much of the military fire of conquerors to sit down and open

m

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mm

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AN ORIENTAL CARAVAN ON THE MARCH.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 143
out the many commercial advantages which lay before them ;
it sufficed them to have shown the path.
The Turkish rulers of Syria, who followed upon the ruins of
the Saracenic dynasty, cared as little for the great prize of
eastern commerce as had their predecessors ; and were content
that Constantinople should be the centre of the traffic, which
they allowed quietly to pass into the hands of the Genoese.
This was but a moiety of the eastern trade. The Arabs, as
hardy and venturesome at sea as on land, had resuscitated the
traffic through Egypt ; and by dint of many explorations along
the coast, they boldly sailed from the ports on the Red Sea,
through the Straits of Babelmandel, and stretching eastward,
reached in due time the coasts of Malab'ar. It is believed that
the mariner's compass was introduced into Europe by these
enterprising navigators. This portion of the commerce of
India passed into the hands of the Venetians in Egypt, and
rapidly raised their republic to an importance and power which
has seldom been equalled by any other modern state of similar
extent. Such was the position of oriental commerce, when an event
occurred which led to mighty results, and changed the whole
course of affairs. Christopher Columbus, in searching for the
East, found a new world in the West ; and at no great distance
of time, Bartholomew Diaz (a. d. 1486) stumbled upon a road
to the East round the " Cape of Storms," so called by him in
token of the disastrous weather he there experienced.
The Portuguese monarch, in whose service Diaz had sailed,
was naturally elated at the importance of this discovery ; for it
was easy to see, that by means of this new passage to India,
the trade carried on by the Italians, at a great hazard and cost,
would rapidly fall into the hands of their western neighbors.
Maritime affairs were in those days (a. d. 1498) carried on
in a very different fashion to the business of present times ;
and, anxious as the court of Lisbon was to profit by the for
tunate discovery, it was not until eleven years afterward, that
a large and well-appointed fleet sailed for India under the
command of Vasco de Gama. The Cape of Good Hope, as it

144

BRITISH INDIA.

COLUMBUS.

was now rechristened, was safely doubled ; and at the end of
the tenth month from their departure, the ships composing this
first Portuguese fleet of India anchored in the roads of Calicut
on the Malabar coast. A valuable cargo of the precious things
of the East recompensed the enterprising navigators for all
their toils and dangers ; and the king of Portugal had the
proud satisfaction of witnessing the spoils of Indian commerce
piled at his feet ; whilst the merchants of Italy and Egypt
looked on in undisguised alarm. It was soon demonstrated
that the monopoly of the eastern seas was at an end. It was
in vain that Venitian merchants leagued with Egyptian Mame
lukes to fit out a powerful squadron, and endeavor to annihilate
the fleets of the Portuguese. The latter proved more than a
match for their assailants, and remained masters of the Indian
waters. Soon after this the power of the Venitian state be
came cripled, and at last annihilated, so that the merchants of
that country ceased to hold any influence amongst other powers.
Egypt, too, passed into new hands ; and although the Turkish

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 145
successors of the Mameluke rulers would gladly have weakened
the power of the Portuguese, they lacked the skill and enter
prise to do any mischief in that direction.
The merchants of Lisbon had, however, other opponents to
encounter — opponents possessing both daring and skill. The
Moorish traders — half merchants, half buccaneers — had to this
period held possession of the Indian seas without opposition ;
and long habitude had impressed them with the feeling that in
them rested the sole right to navigate and traffic on the waters
of the East. It was not to be expected that these people
would quietly see any interlopers trenching on their vested in
terests ; nor was it long before the subjects of King Emmanuel
found this to their cost.
The Portuguese monarch was not ignorant of the opposition
which his attempt to open a trade with the natives of India
would meet with from the Moors. Every care was taken to
render the armaments which followed the first expedition as
strong and efficient as was possible. A fleet of thirteen sail
of all sizes, well manned, and carrying out upward of a thou
sand soldiers, was dispatched from Lisbon, for the purpose of
extending the commercial operations already so favorably com
menced by Vasco de Gama, but under command of another
officer, one Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. This commander had
orders to open commercial negotiations with the Zamorin of
Calicut, with the view of obtaining permission to form a settle
ment for trading purposes within his territories.
It was during this voyage to India that Cabral accidentally
discovered the Brazils, having been driven near the South
American coast by stress of weather. Arrived at Calicut, the
Portuguese commander found little difficulty in persuading the
prince of the country to accede to such proposals as he made.
A treaty of commerce was entered into ; and the new comers
very shortly found themselves established within the boundary
of the city.
The Moors,, from their long intercourse with the natives of
India, had naturally great influence with the Zamorin, who
may have looked upon the Portuguese with eyes not more
13

146 BRITISH INDIA.
favorable than the former. They contrived in a very short time
to work upon the fears and jealousy of this prince to such an
extent, as to induce him, with their co-operation, to attack the
European factory, and kill the whole of the residents therein.
Cabral was not slow to avenge this cruel treachery.* Bring
ing his entire force to bear upon the city, he found little
difficulty in burning or sinking the greater part of the Moorish
vessels at anchor under its walls, and reducing the place to a
heap of ruins. The Zamorin, upon this, was glad to purchase
safety at the expense of several new concessions to the victors ;
and a treaty far more favorable to the latter was concluded
upon the spot.
This decisive blow at the power of the ruler of Calicut was
shortly afterward productive of the best results to the* Portu
guese. Impressed with the courage and success of the new
comers, many of the petty sovereigns of the adjacent states
sought their friendship, entered into amicable treaties with
Cabral on behalf of his sovereign, and allowed factories to be
established at various points where the localities presented
favorable opportunities for opening a trading intercourse with
the interior of the country.
Having so far established the supremacy of the Portuguese^.
flag upon the Malabar coast, Cabral prepared to return to
Europe with a fleet freighted with the rare and costly products
of the East, and not a little experience of oriental affairs, at
that time shrouded in the greatest mystery. *
Arrived at Lisbon, this successful commander was received
with the utmost favor and distinction by his royal master, upon
whom the precious freightage of the ships, and the boundless
prospect for the future, made no slight impression, The wealth
of India brought thus, as it were, to the very threshold of
Europe, was well calculated to arouse the energies of a nation,
at that period deeply imbued with a chivalric spirit of enter
prise and discovery. The rich display of spices, silks, precious
stones, and gums, were but types of the boundless mines of
wealth to be opened in that far-off land of rich promise. The
envied power and riches of the merchant-princes of Venice

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

147

VASCO DE OAMA.

might now be their own destiny. The East lay, as it were,
prostrate at their feet; and it required but an outstretched
,hand to seize the- willing prize.
The king, Emmanuel, was not tardy in turning the informa
tion brought by Cabral, as well as the enthusiasm created in
the minds of the people, to full account. A fleet of twenty
sail, all good ships and royally found, was immediately equipped,
and the command of the armament given to Vasco de Gama,
who, from his former experience, was well fitted for this dis
tinction. The monarch had no reason to regret the selection
he had made. De Gama rapidly placed matters on a sounder
and more thriving footing than they had hitherto been, by
cultivating the friendly acquaintance of all those native princes
who appeared willing and able to further his views. With the
Zamorin of Calicut he was less careful to keep up an inter
course, being thoroughly convinced of the duplicity of bis
character, and of his prejudice against Europeans. This

148 BRITISH INDIA.
slighting of his importance led the prince to take aggressive
steps ; he dispatched his fleet to attack the ships of De Gama;
but although they were far superior in numbers, it was in vain
to contend against the superior skill and courage of the Portu
guese ; and the result was, that the Zamorin was compelled to
see his adversaries successful in all their undertakings.
Shortly afterward the Portuguese commander, having ful
filled his mission in the East, took his departure for Europe,
leaving a small fleet, and sufficient forces to protect their
factories, under the direction of one Loche. This officer, how
ever, proved unequal to the task ; and instead of guarding the
trading settlements and the territories of such native princes as
had favored his countrymen, he proceeded in various directions
in quest of adventure and riches, and thus excited the enmity
of the powerful ruler of Calicut. The immediate result of this
conduct was the attack and capture of Cochin, a friendly state,
by the Zamorin. The return of the fleet to the Malabar coast,
the death of the unqualified commander, and the final appoint
ment of Albuquerque to the post of captain-general of the
Portuguese forces in India, were the means of restoring matters
to their original footing. The king of Cochin, with the aid
of his European allies, defeated the numerous troops of the
Zamorin, and recovered from that chief possession of his city.
It was fortunate for the Portuguese that they possessed such
an able commander as Albuquerque ; for all that valor, judg
ment, and decision could effect, was needed to preserve their
power and influence among the native states. The promulga
tion of a papal bull, couched in the arrogant and dictatorial
tone peculiar to those insolent documents ; and assigning to the
king of Portugal the possession and sovereignty of the whole
of India, so far from serving the cause of the interlopers, tended
to jeopardize their very existence in that part of the globe. It
was found an exceedingly difficult task to persuade the be
nighted denizens of the eastern world, that any Christian
dignitary, however exalted his earthly station might be, pos
sessed any right to bestow their territories, their possessions,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

149

AXBUQUEEQUE.

and themselves upon any band of adventurers, who chose to set
up a claim to such lavish gifts.
The attempts made under cloak of this Catholic document
brought down upon the heads of the Portuguese the enmity
and hostility of every race they came in contact with ; and be
fore long they found themselves in the unpleasant predicament
of carrying on their barter at the cannon's mouth. Their
factors were compelled to go about armed to the teeth ; every
bale of goods was bought at the cost of blood ; each entry in
their books was made under the protection of drawn swords.
The indomitable energy and perseverance, no less than the
prudence and foresight of Albuquerque, saved the Portuguese
from the imminent danger which at this period (a. d. 1511)
threatened their possessions in the East. A series of bold en
terprises, crowned in every case with undoubted success, served
13*

150 BRITISH INDIA.
to reinstate thejr name and reputation upon the old footing ;
and before two years had passed, this excellent commander had
the satisfaction of beholding the neighboring rajahs and princes
eager to ally themselves and open trading treaties with him.
Goa was taken possession of, and strongly fortified. The
island of Malacca was conquered and ' garrisoned ; and, in
short, at every point along the eastern and western coasts of
the Indian peninsula, where there appeared an opportunity for
commercial intercourse, there Albuquerque planted the flag of
his sovereign and built a factory. Not content with his icon-
quests in India, the Portuguese commander opened communi
cations with China, and freighted several ships for that remote
country. By a series of wise and liberal enactments, he gave such en
couragement »to trade and navigation, that soon his ports were
crowded with vessels of merchants from every eastern state,
anxious to transact business where they could do so in the
greatest security and to the most advantage.
Having thns fairly established the Portuguese empire in
India, Albuquerque might have extended his influence still
further, had he not been cut off by death in the height of his
successes, after a brilliant rule of five years. His loss was
felt not less keenly by the natives of India than by his coun
trymen. Far and wide the influence of his name had been felt
for good ; and wherever it was known, regret, deep and uni
versal, was expressed for the death of one so good and tal
ented. His successor, Soarez, was opposed to him in nature and
reputation ; and in proportion as his conduct departed from
that steady and unflinching course pursued by Albuquerque,
so did the prosperity of the Portuguese settlements suffer in
their transactions with the native dealers. Self-interest was
the dominant feeling with the new commander ; and as his ex
ample was not long in being followed by those under his au
thority, it became a struggle amongst the whole body of mili
tary to enrich themselves as rapidly as possible, without regard
to the public service, Or the means used to attain their ends.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 151
Corruption and oppression ruled rampant at all the stations ;
justice was forgotten amidst the general scramble for wealth ;
and it soon became evident, that before very long the position
of Portuguese affairs in India would be in no better condition
than they were previous to the government of Albuquerque.
Fortunately for their reputation, the authorities at Lisbon
gathered tidings of the existing state of things in the East, and
recalled Soarez whilst there was still something to be saved ;
although the successor appointed, Sequera, did nothing to re
trieve the confusion into which matters had fallen. The power
of the Portuguese was at that period at an extremely low ebb ;
and there is little doubt but that, had the native princes made
any combined and well-directed attack upon them, they could
hardly have helped proving completely successful. As it was,
however, the old-established reputation of the Portuguese
arms served to keep them safe at that time from any plots.
At length a change was wrought in the councils of the court
at Lisbon by the decease of King Emmanuel. The veteran
Vaseo de Gama, under the title of Count di Vidigueyra, was
appointed to the sole command, as captain-general of the In
dian empire, and sailed once more for the scene of his former
exploits, at the head of a well-appointed civil and military
staff. Unfortunately, the old commander lived but three
months after his arrival in India ; yet in that brief space of
time, he managed, by dint of activity and boldness, to correct
many of the abuses existing, and to put down the swarms of
pirates and robbers who infested both sea and land, equally
with the numerous peculators in high places.
His death was followed by a long series of disgraceful strug
gles among the Portuguese leaders for the supreme command ;
and when at length a superior officer was sent out from Lisbon
to assume the chief authority, it was not without difficulty that
he asserted his office, and dispatched one of the principal mis-
doers under arrest to Europe.
The good offices of Nunio were needed to endeavor to place
Portuguese affairs upon a better footing. Vet it seemed a
hopeless task, so widened had been the breach between the Eu-

152 BRITISH INDIA.
ropeans and the various rajahs. To add to his difficulties, he
involved himself in a war with the Emperor of Delhi, taking np
the cause of the Sultan of Gujerat. Subsequently, the emperor
having been worsted, the sultan and his allies came to an open
rupture, and war was declared, which led to a protracted strug
gle between the two powers, and gave occasion to the emperor
to avenge his defeat by sending reinforcements to aid his coun
trymen against the Europeans. The valor and discipline of
the Portuguese troops proved, in the end, too much for the
hordes of rude soldiers brought against them ; and thus the
danger was averted, and at the same time the singular bravery
and skill displayed by the garrisons of the factories so influ
enced the feelings of the many petty rulers in the vicinity, that
those who had before been ready to declare against the Portu
guese, and waited for the moment to do so, now professed the
most devoted attachment to them, and sought their friendship
by every means.
Stephen de Gama, the son of the veteran of that name, al
though in every way qualified for the important post, was not
permitted to hold the reins of government in the East long
enough to effect any beneficial improvements ; whilst the noto
rious conduct of his successor, De Souza, went far, by cruelty,
oppression, and religious persecutions, to ruin the Portuguese
character and influence in that part of the world. So infamous
was the conduct of this sanguinary and haughty man, that the
Sultan of Gujerat once more declared war upon the oppressors
of India ; and with the assistance of numerous reinforcements
from the court of Delhi, he laid close siege to a fortified town,
and pressed it so severely, that it must have fallen into his
hands but for the timely arrival from Lisbon of De Souza's
successor, De Castro, a man of very different stamp, who re
lieved the garrison of the besieged city, defeated the besieging
army with great slaughter, and finally carried the war so vigor
ously and successfully into the heart of the enemy's country, as
to induce the sovereigns of the Deccan and Gujerat gladly to
sue for peace on terms proposed by himself.
The successful general followed up these exploits by a course

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 153
of wise and conciliatory measures, calculated to remove the
evil impression left by his several predecessors. In this he
finally succeeded ; enemies were made friendly ; peaceful trade
took the place of warfare and persecution ; religious toleration
was the order of the day; and before a' year had elapsed,
prosperity once more smiled upon the Portuguese settlements.
Their ports were crowded with shipping ; their factories teemed
with produce and merchandise ; and on all sides were heard
the busy sounds of industry. At no period of their Indian
history could it be said that the Portuguese had attained any
greater degree of prosperity than they enjoyed under the wise
administration of De Castro.
The establishment of Jesuit institutions in the East by the
monk Francis Xavier must not be omitted, as it forms an im
portant epoch in the history of those colonies, and at no dis
tant date exerted a sensible influence upon the course of events.
Of limited capacity in ecclesiastical matters, he compensated
for religious deficiencies by energy and untiring zeal ; and not
particularly exacting in the degree of sincerity of his followers,
contrived, in an incredible short space of time, to convert vast
numbers of heathen to a nominal Christianity. The new faith,
in his skillful and enterprising hands, assumed a degree of
elasticity and pliability which moulded it to the temperament
of any of the Hindoo or Moslem races ; and as Xavier looked
more to the number than the faith of his disciples, he was met
on all sides with open arms.
To the zeal of a religions apostle he added the enterprise of
a politician, and carefully played into the hands of the civil
government ; not making himself a party to any of the corrupt
malpractices of those times, but rather setting himself in oppo
sition to the misdoers. At the death of De Castro, however,
the old leaven of corruption, which had during his rule lain
dormant amongSt the civil and military servants of the Indo-
Portuguese government, showed itself in undisguised colors.
It was in vain that the Jesuit exerted his strongest influence
to avert the evil effects of this state of things ; equally useless
was it to represent the misconduct of the officials to the court

154 BRITISH INDIA.
at Lisbon. The evil-doers had powerful friends at home ; and at
that distance, with the then tardy and uncertain means of com
munication between remote parts of the globe, it was not to be
wondered at that justice was long ere it found a response in
the royal mind which then ruled the destinies of Portugal.
During the rule of the various governors who followed De
Castro, little occurred worthy of record, save events which
shock humanity, and cause us to blush for the deeds committed
under the cloak of religion. Jesuitism had, unfortunately for
India, brought in its train the institution of that infernal
machine of evil passions and fanatical bigotry, the Inquisition,
the archetype of Roman Catholicism. This devilish engine
was set to work at Goa, and made to do the bidding of priestly
intolerance and lay enmities ; and when, by the death of Don
Sebastian, the crown of Portugal fell into the hands of Philip
of Spain, the work of wickedness received a stimulus that
wrought it up to the highest pitch of cruelty.
The enormity of the crimes perpetrated within those fearful
walls, the terror which the name of a priest of Christ inspired
in the breast of every Christian and heathen dweller in those
devoted colonies, spread a sad and heavy gloom over the land
that but a few short years previously had reveled in the sun
shine of happy, peaceful industry. The records of these terrible
times are far too sad to be long dwelt upon. It is enough to
know that such things were, and leave the dark vail unlifted.
As evil has ever been known to work out good, so these
persecutions and religious slaughters ied in the end to favorable
results. A cry for vengeance arose from the priestly shambles
of the Inquisition. It went forth over that devoted land from
shore to shore, and found an echo in many a heart — sympathy
in many a home. Insurrections, revolts, massacres, and burn
ings were to be met with far and near. Armed with another
Papal bull, the Portuguese Christians deluged the country
with blood ; but in vain. Even the native converts joined the
standard of the Hindoo and the Moslem, whose practice, if not
their creed, was more merciful and tolerant than that of the
civilized crusaders from the western world.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 155
And now another people appeared on the bloody stage ; a
race of persevering, industrious merchants, who, by their
cautious and humane policy, founded an empire in the East
more durable, because more merciful, more kindly, than that of
the intolerant Portuguese.
The Dutch (a. d. 1509) having gathered some information
respecting the trade and possessions of the Portuguese in India,
and lured by the prospect of a share of those costly spoils, fitted
out a fleet of merchantmen under the direction of an East India
Company, and dispatched it laden with goods and merchandise
for barter, and well armed. The advent of this first armament
from Holland was the dawn of salvation to India ; and from
that time may be dated the decline and ruin of the Indo-Portu-
guese empire.
It was in vain that the governor of Goa, alarmed by the ap
pearance of these formidable rivals on the eastern waters, en
deavored to excite the natives of India against the Dutch. He
soon found that, so far from the new-comers being regarded
with fear or jealousy, they were looked upon with favorable
eyes by the princes who ruled upon the Malabar and Coro-
mandel coasts ; and that these people began to count upon the
assistance of the Hollanders as a foil to the oppressions of the
Portuguese. Equally in vain was it to endeavor to repel the
intruders by force of arms ; they would gladly have found a
pretext for a quarrel ; but the wary policy of the Dutch dis
appointed them in this, and the latter were, moreover, too well
armed to be easily taken by surprise.
Following closely in the steps of these, came the English,
seeking their share of the wealth of these fabled regions. The
fame of the Indian name, the marvelous tales told of the won
ders and boundless riches of the land of the sun, had made
their way across British waters, and found ready listeners
amongst the merchants of London. Previous to this period,
the English had received the uncertain and illassorted ship
ments of Indian goods through the Venitians, who, enjoying a
monopoly at that period, had imposed such terms on their
traffic as seemed best to them. Subsequent negotiations with

156

BRITISH INDIA.

QUEEN ELIZABETH.

the Sultan of Turkey had enabled the British to trade to greater
advantage by sending their ships direct to the ports of that
country, and purchasing such eastern goods as they required
direct from those merchants who imported them by the way of
Persia. The opportunity, however, which was now presented,
of being able to share in the lucrative commerce of India by a
more direct and profitable means, was too tempting to be thrown
away ; and incited by the news of the entire success of the Hol
landers in obtaining a large share of the spice trade of the
East, at that time the most valuable traffic, and furthermore
emboldened by the reports of several English travelers and ad
venturers who had visited various parts of India and forwarded
home copious results of their observations, it was at length de
termined to follow the example of the Dutch, and form an En
glish East India Company.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 15t
It was in the year 1600, that a number of London merchants
formed themselves into an association for trading purposes,
with a capital of £369,891 ; and applying to the sovereign
(Queen Elizabeth) for a charter, they were finally incorporated
under the designation of " The Governor and Company of Mer
chants of London trading to the East Indies." The charter
of incorporation thus obtained named the first twenty-four di
rectors, and the chairman, Thomas Smythe ; but the power of
nominating their successors was vested in the subscribers to
the stock of the Company, which was by shares of £50 each.
The following are the terms in which the powers of this new
Company were defined : " To traffic and use the trade of mer
chandise by sea, in and by such ways and passages already dis
covered, or hereafter to be discovered, as they should esteem
and take to be fittest, unto and from the East Indies, uqto the
countries and ports of Asia and Africa, and unto and from all
the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, rivers, and places of
Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them, beyond the Cape
of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, where any trade or
traffic may be used ; to or from every of them, in such order,
manner, form, liberty, and condition, as they themselves should
from time to time determine."
Amongst other stipulations inserted in this original docu
ment was a proviso, by the cautious Elizabeth, to the effect
that if within the time allotted to the corporation by the char
ter, it should in any way appear to her majesty that the privi
leges and immunities of the Company worked detrimentally to
the welfare of the trading or other portions of the community,
then, by giving two years' notice, it would be lawful for the
crown to cancel the entire deed of incorporation. On the other
hand, if the course of events went to show that the Company
arried on their operations in a right and public-spirited manner,
then her majesty agreed to renew the said charter, and at the
same time strengthen the powers and privileges of the Com
pany in many ways, as might appear unto her and her advisers
most conducive to the general good.
The first English fleet which was dispatched to India (a. d.
14

158 BRITISH INDIA. -
1601) consisted of five ships, under the command of Captain
Lancaster. These anchored in the roads of Achen in June of
the following year ; and one of the first acts of the commodore
was to form a commercial treaty with the prince of the country.
Having bartered some of the merchandise for such articles as
the place furnished, Lancaster made sail for Java, to complete
the homeward lading with spices, gums, silks, saltpetre, &c. ;
and finally, after arranging another treaty with the king of Ban
tam, he returned home, well freighted with a valuable cargo.
This and similar successful voyages (a. d. 1605) by the fleets
of the English Company, did not fail to arouse the jealousy of
not only the Portuguese, but the Dutch, who had by this time
established many factories and settlements along the Indian
coasts, and upon some of the islands of the Eastern seas.
Malacca was taken possession of by them ; and from that point
they made several efforts to open a trading communication
with other countries to the eastward. Although cordially de
testing each other, the merchants of these two nations at once
agreed upon a mutual course of action as regarded the new
interlopers upon the Indian seas. They united to thwart and
damage, by every means in their power, the traffic of the En
glish ; and at length this secret opposition was flung aside, and
exchanged for a more open hostility. Fleets were sent out to
cut off the British merchantmen, by both the Portuguese and
Dutch ; and so determined was the opposition, that it was
eventually deemed necessary for the English East India Com
pany to dispatch much larger ships well armed with heavy
cannon. The result of this decision was, that when next the
Portuguese fleet made an attack upon the English vessels,
which they did in the neighborhood of Surat, they experienced
a terrible defeat, amounting almost to annihilation. A sec
ond engagement led to precisely similar results ; and it then be
came evident to the native princes and sovereigns of India, no
less than to the Portuguese and Dutch, that on the seas no
power that could be brought to bear upon them was sufficient
to master the English, and that in their hands must remain the
dominion of the Indian waters.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 159
The like desire, which had in years past animated the petty
and superior rulers of those countries to court a friendly alli
ance with the Portuguese, was now (a. d. 1632) manifested by
them toward the British, whom they considered as perfectly
invincible. Advantage was taken of the favorable impression thus created*,
by dispatching embassies from the British settlements to seve
ral of the native potentates, especially to the Emperor of Delhi,
by whom Sir Thomas Roe was most warmly received. By
these means, permission was gained for the formation of several
new and important settlements, with factories for purposes of
trade ; so that, indirectly, the very opposition of the Portu
guese had proved the means of the advancement of their new
rivals. The rule of the Portuguese in India was now rapidly on the
decline ; the Dutch were sensibly on the ascendant in many
places where the former had ruled paramount ; and it became
evident that in future the struggle, if there should continue to
be any, would be between the Dutch and the English. Nego
tiations were entered upon in Europe with a view to prevent
any further acts of hostility between the subjects of two powers
at amity with each other, but with little effect. The Dutch
East India Company relied so confidently upon the strength
of their position in the various trading countries of India, that
they regarded any amicable arrangements as weak concessions
on their part, and accordingly threw every obstacle in the way
of an arrangement. The weakness and vanity of James I., and
the troubles during the greater part of the reign of Charles,
favored the desired procrastination of the Dutch merchants,
and left the English company to their own resources.
The active mind and energetic character of Cromwell (a. d.
1654) viewed matters in a far different light; and he at once
perceived the importance of fully protecting the eastern com
merce of England ; and having, in the war which he waged
with Holland, completely beaten that people where they had
believed themselves the most powerful, he felt himself in a posi
tion to dictate his own terms in reference to Indian matters ;

160 BRITISH INDIA.
accordingly, in April, 1654, a formal treaty was concluded, in
which the rights and privileges of the British East India Com
pany were fully and honorably maintained.
From the weak and profligate Charles II. (a. d. 1669) little
was to be expected ; and the only advantage the British com
pany derived during his reign was the cession to them of the
island of Bombay, which had formed part of the dowry the
monarch had received from Portugal on the occasion of his
marriage with a princess of that country.
During the reign of James II. the Company might have
strengthened their position with the utmost ease ; for that
prince, whatever were his other faults, did not possess that of
inattention to the commercial interests of his subjects. He
readily conceded them all the privileges they sought, and was
prepared to forward their views in any manner that might have
been desirable ; but, with all these advantages, the Company
suffered much from the incapacity or dishonesty of their own
servants ; and so great was this evil in the case of the governor
of Bombay, Sir John Child, that the Emperor of Delhi deemed
it necessary to proceed to open hostility with the English, and
was only prevented from sacking that town by the timely death
of the unpopular governor.
The early part of the reign of William and Mary saw little
improvement in the management of the affairs of the Company,
or in their prospects in the East. The outcry against the mis
direction of these affairs became loud and general ; and it was
only by heavy and frequent bribes in influential quarters that
the directors contrived to maintain their position. At length
a new East India Association was formed, which, after some
years of bitter animosity, became fused in the old one (a. d.
1708) ; and eventually the two obtained a new charter, which,
amongst other concessions, granted to the Company the privi
lege of holding courts of session and appeal, as also a mayor's
court, at each of the three Presidencies, then created, of Madras,
Bombay, and Calcutta.
By slow but sure steps (a. d. 1715) the servants of the Com
pany advanced their superiors' interests ; and it was so far a

CLIVE.

(162)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 163
*
fortunate circumstance for them that, upon the decease of the
then Emperor of Delhi, Aurungzebe, many dissensions and
cabals took place, which enabled them to work out their own
particular views. Another embassy was undertaken from
Calcutta to the court of Delhi ; and although many difficulties
and delays intervened, the objects of the mission were eventually
gained, much to the annoyance of the Viceroy of Bengal, who
cordially hated the English, and who would gladly have denied
them the possession of a foot of land within the imperial terri
tories. The commerce between France and India attained about
this time such an importance as to excite the envy of the En
glish ; and when at length there was a declaration of war be
tween the two countries, a fleet was equipped for the purpose
of capturing Pondicherry. This expedition failed through the
incapacity of the English commander and the valor and skill
of the French Admiral Labourdonnais, who, in his turn,
attacked and reduced Madras, a. d. 1747. A second naval
expedition against Pondicherry was attended with as little
success as the first ; and Boscawen, the English admiral, was
forced to a humiliating retreat. These, and the failure of an
expedition against Tanjore, served for a time to dim the lustre
of the British arms in the East. Major Lawrence undertook a
second expedition against Tanjore, in aid of the dethroned
rajah ; and on this occasion the English, though with little
permanent advantage, came off victorious. These operations
were shared in by one who was afterward destined to play an
important part in Indian warfare. The name of Clive is in
separable from the history of British influence in the East, and
ranks second to none other in its world-wide fame. At this
time Clive was a young lieutenant in one of the regiments en
gaged uson this occasion ; and his abilities and sound judg
ment were at once perceived by Major Lawrence, who did not
fail to turn them to account.
The peace of the Indian peninsula was at this period greatly
disturbed by repeated disputes .between the nabobs of the
Carnatic and the Nizam al Mulk, viceroy of the Deccan, The

164 BRITISH INDIA.
treachery, the cruelties, the bloodshed which arose out of this
struggle are scarcely to be paralleled in any country out of the
East. At length, after a long series of crimes and treacheries,
the nabobship of the Carnatic was assumed by Chanda Sahib,
formerly the minister of that state. The death of Nizam al
Mulk followed soon after; and disputes arising between his
son and grandson, Nazir Jing and Murzafa Jing, respecting*
the succession, Chanda Sahib, noted not less for his cowardice
than for his ambition, formed an alliance with the latter ; they
were soon joined by the French, and for a time victory declared
in their favor ; but so elated were they with their success, that
instead of ensuring at once the power that now lay so easily
within their grasp, they repaired to Arcot and Pondicherry,
where they spent their time in pompous display ; and thus
afforded time to their enemies, who, being joined by Mohammed
Ali, governor of • Trichinopoly, and a detachment of English
troops under Major Lawrence, came upon them unawares, and
gained an easy victory. Murzafa Jing was flung into prison,
whilst Chanda Sahib escaped with difficulty to Pondicherry.
Nazir Jing was shortly after shot in an engagement with the
French, who captured the important fortress of Gingee. Mur
zafa was now released, and raised to the dignity of Viceroy of
the Deccan ; he did not, however, long enjoy his power, but
was murdered by a party of the Patan troops ; and Salabat
Jing, son of Nizam al Mulk, was nominated by the French to
succeed him.
The military energies of the English, which had suffered
severely since the departure of Major Lawrence from India,
were now retrieved by Clive, who requested and gained per
mission to attack Arcot, in order to divert the attention of
Chanda Sahib, who was then engaged in the siege of Trichi
nopoly. Arrived at Arcot, Clive, in spite of the/most in
clement weather, at once made himself master of the town and
citadel. But more memorable by far than the capture of the
place was the defense made by this young officer when besieged.
With but 200 Europeans and 300 sepoys, Clive withstood the
attacks of fully 9000 of the nabob's troops, and 150 French

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 165
«
soldiers. Breaches were made in the walls; but so bravely
and effectively were they defended by the little band within,
that the nabob's army finally fell back from the struggle ; and,
in spite of overwhelming numbers, retreated precipitately, after
a siege of nearly two months. Not content with this, Clive,
on being reinforced by a small detachment from Madras, pur
sued the retreating foe, and scattered the retiring host with
terrible slaughter.
This siege terminated hostilities for a brief period ; but be
fore Clive had been many weeks at Madras, the French again
took the field and threatened Arcot, though without effect.
More serious work was before the English commanders. The
siege of Trichinopoly had to be raised ; and this was performed
by Lawrence and Clive in conjunction with the forces of the
rajahs of Mysore and Tanjore. The French troops, although
greatly strengthened by those of Chanda Sahib, were unequal
to the contest. D'Auteuil, a French general coming to the
relief of M. Law, was made prisoner ; and eventually the latter
was forced to capitulate, whilst the unfortunate Chanda Sahib,
falling into the hands of the Rajah of Tanjore, was sacrificed to
the hatred of his enemies. This obstacle being removed, Mo
hammed Ali was declared nabob of the Carnatic.
Although in many respects the fortune of the French in the
Indian peninsular appeared more than desperate, there were
other circumstances which favored them. M. Bussy possessed
great influence at the court of the viceroy of the Deccan. He
had risen to importance in the estimation of Salabat Jing by
the advice and assistance he had rendered him, not only in his
promotion to the vice-royalty, but in the subsequent govern
ment of that country. The friendly aid of the French general
was eventually rewarded by the gift of the governorship of the
tract of country known as the Northern Circars — a large, popu
lous, and thriving district, and in many ways calculated to
strengthen the influence of the French in the peninsular.
The raising of the siege of Trichinopoly, narrated above-, was
followed by a series of incessant attacks and petty warfare be
tween the troops on either side, with but little advantage re-

166 BRITISH INDIA.
suiting to either party ; whilst the expenses of the French and
English companies' establishments were necessarily much aug
mented by the constant hostilities carried on. A few years of
this heavy drain upon their resources, induced both to consider
that the policy of their respective commanders was not the one
best calculated to further their substantial interests.
The governments of the two countries being then at peace, it
appeared a monstrous anomaly that their subjects in India
should continue to wage war upon each other with so little
pretext ; and in the end, the consideration of this state of
things led to an understanding betwen the French and English
East India companies. It was arranged that M. Dupleix, the
French governor-general, should be recalled, and that various
concessions should be made on either side, though mostly in
favor of the British. To render the cause of the French still
more unsatisfactory, M. Bussy about this time gave offense to
his friend and patron, the viceroy, who removed him from his
government, flung off the friendship of the French people, and
sought the acquaintance and friendly aid of their opponents,
the British.
Clive, who had visited England to recruit his health during
recent events, reached India once more in June, 1756, and as
sumed the command of Madras. At this time events were oc
curring in the northern presidency, which shortly called forth
the activity and enterprise of the young commander.
Suraj-al-Dowlah, who had succeeded his uncle, Alverdi
Khan, as viceroy of Bengal, was a cruel and rapacious tyrant.
Not content with possessing himself of all the treasures which
his relation had accumulated during a series of years, he deter
mined to seize on the English factory and property at Calcutta;
which, from the extensive commerce carried on, he imagined
must be of great value.
He marched suddenly upon Calcutta with a large force ; and
despite the gallant resistance of the little band who garrisoned
the British factory, he took possession of the place, and gave
up the town to pillage. Such of ^he English residents as were
able, sought shelter in the few ships at anchor in the river ;

SURAJ-AL-DOWLAH AND HIS SONS.

(168)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

169

KONUMEHT ERECTED TO COMMEMORATE THE VICTIMS OF THE ' ' BL ACE-HOLE. "

but one hundred and forty-six fell into the hands of the tyrant,
who ordered them to be confined until the following morning.
The unfortunate prisoners were forced into a miserable, badly-
ventilated cell, known as the "Black-Hole," and kept there
during one of the most sultry nights of an oppressive season.
In vain the wretched men supplicated for air and water; im
mense sums were offered to their guards for a change of prison.
The soldiers outside could or would do nothing, and seemed to
enjoy their sufferings, which, as night drew on, became intense.
It was in vain they tried to force the door. Madness came on
many ; numbers fell fainting on the ground, and were tit once
tirampled to death. Others fought for a place near the small
hole which served as a window, and died in the madness of the
struggle. When the door of this horrible prison was flung open in the
15

170 BRITISH INDIA.
morning, a shocking sight presented itself. Of the one hundred
and forty-six who, on the previous evening, were forced within
its walls, but twenty-three remained alive, and those so ghastly,
so exhausted, as to look like spectres.
This tragedy brought speedy retribution upon the head of
Suraj. Clive took the command of such forces as could be
spared from Madras, and making his way rapidly to Calcutta,
found small difficulty in possessing himself of that town. This
was followed up by the capture of Hooghly, further up the
river ; and eventually, by the decision and rapidity of his move
ments, Clive compelled the viceroy to sue for peace.
It became evident, however, that Suraj did not intend to re
main long on friendly terms with the English ; for, upon their
marching to besiege Chandenagore, a French settlement, the
viceroy thwarted them by every means in his power.
Clive determined that the nabob should be deposed, as a
treacherous and dangerous enemy ; and this resolve was
strengthened, and aided by events which at that time occurred
in Bengal.
Mir Jaffier, who had married the sister of Alverdi Khan,
plotted against Suraj ; and having secured the co-operation of
the English, found no difficulty in inducing Clive to take the
field. On the 22d June, 1757, the British commander took up
his position in i&e Grove of Plassy. Clive's forces amounted
to about three tiH -^and men, one third of whom were Euro
peans ; those of the sil^hdar consisted of fifty thousand foot
and eighteen thousand horse; but, notwithstanding this dis
parity of numbers, the battle terminated in favor of the En
glish, and Suraj fled from the field. Finding himself without a
friend on whom to rely, he sought to escape in disguise ; but,
being recognized by an enemy, he was delivered up and placed*
in the custody of the son of Mir Jaffier, who ordered him to be
assassinated. Mir Jaffier being called upon to defray the expenses that
had been incurred, it was discovered that the late subahdar's
treasures were inadequate to meet the demand. After some
tedious negotiations, it was agreed that one half of the money

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 171
should be paid immediately, and the remainder in three equal
payments in three years.
About this time Major Coote was sent to expel the French
from Behar ; in which enterprise he succeeded, and an amicable
arrangement was entered" into with the governor of the prov
ince. '
Whilst the above events occurred in the north, affairs were
not less complicated in the south. War was again raging be
tween France and England, and a fleet was daily expected with
reinforcements for the French in Pondicherry. Captain Cal-
liaud, the governor of Trichinopoly, was ordered by the Coun
cil of Madras to reduce Madura, and Tinevelly, which he at
once undertook ; he was, however, soon recalled to Trichi
nopoly, which had been besieged by the French during his
absence. He contrived by forced marches to effect a junction
with his garrison ; and the French, disheartened by his success
ful daring, marched back to Pondicherry on the following day.
The enemy having been reinforced by troops from Europe
under the command of the Count Lally, that general laid siege
to Fort St. David, and finally captured it on June 1st, 1758.
Bussy had meanwhile established the French arms in the Dec-
can. Having forced the Nizam and his Omrahs to submit to
his terms, he proceeded to the Northern Circars for the pur
pose of collecting the revenues of these provinces. Lally, de
termined, if possible, to strike a blow that should at once over
throw the supremacy of the British in India, and supply his
exhausted treasury with means, ordered Bassy to join him with
the whole of his forces. The harsh conduct of the French
general toward all classes had rendered him most unpopular
in his camp and in the native states, so that when he laid siege
• to Tanjore, he found but little cordiality or co-operation. His
attempts against this city were rendered fruitless by the arrival
of an English fleet in the vicinity, and relief afforded to the
garrison by the governor of Trichinopoly ; the result was the
retreat of Lally to Carical.
The siege of Madras ended with no better success to the
French arms. Lally retreated from the trenches ; and shortly

172 BRITISH INDIA.
afterward, in an engagement with the English under Coote,
before Wandewash, suffered a complete defeat; Bussy being
captured with most of the artillery and baggage. Coote
steadily pursued his victorious career ; Arcot, Timery, Devi-
Cotah, Trincomalee, Pennacoil, Alamparva, Carical, Valdore,
Cillambaram, and Cuddalore, all surrendered to the British
troops. Meanwhile, at Moorshedabad, Clive received intelligence o^
the engagement between the English and French fleets on the
Coromandel coast, and the investment of Fort St. David, upon
which he hastened to Calcutta, critical affairs requiring his
presence. On his arrival, he found instructions from England
constituting a council of ten, and appointing four governors to
manage the affairs of India. Clive's name was omitted ; but
the administration invited him to accept the office of president,
by which they anticipated fresh, instructions, that were for
warded upon the intelligence of the battle of Plassy reaching
England. Mir Jaffier, his son Meeran, and Nuncomar, a Hindoo, hav
ing combined to destroy Dooloob Ram, the Dewan of the Vice
roy, Clive was obliged to protect him in Calcutta. Active
measures on behalf of the injured minister were prevented by
the misfortunes of the English in the Carnatic, Fort St. David
being taken, and Madras threatened with a siege. He re
solved not to send troops to Madras, but entered upon a diver
sion favorable to that presidency, and of infinite service to
Bengal. Rajah Anunderaz, dissatisfied with the conditions on which
Bussy had invested him with power, on the departure of this
officer attacked and captured the French settlement of Viziga-
patam, and made an offer to the Madras government to'sur- ,
render his capture, provided a body of troops were furnished
him to aid in subjugating the Circars. The executive of Mad
ras being apprehensive of Lally's progress, declined a distant en
terprise ; and the rajah addressed himself to Clive, who, in oppo
sition to the entire council, concluded a treaty with Anunderaz,
and dispatched Colonel Forde with a large force to aid him.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 173
Forde's operations were retarded both by want of money and
supplies ; but being joined by the rajah, he advanced against
the French under M. Conflans, who with superior force held a
strong position at Rajamundri. Forde ordered an immediate
attack ; and although deserted by Anunderaz, defeated the
French, captured their camp, and drove them from Rajamundri.
The rajah's penuriousness prevented Forde from taking imme
diate advantage of his success ; and when the English, after a
vexatious delay, began to advance, M. Conflans retired into
the fort of Masulipatam. Forde, upon reaching it, summoned
the garrison to surrender, but was treated with ridicule, the
defenders being more numerous than the besiegers, with an
army of observation in the field ; while Salabat Jing was on his
march to support them with the army of the Deccan, and a
reinforcement expected from Pondicherry. Though his troops
were in a mutiny for their pay, and his ammunition short, Forde
commenced a siege on the 25th of March, and maintained it
vigorously until the 6th of April, 1759, when his engineers re
ported but two days' ammunition in store ; at the same time
intelligence reached him that the army of observation was
effecting a junction with the advancing forces of the Deccan ;
whereon he resolved to storm the fort. As hot a fire as possible
was ordered during the day, and the troops to be under arms
at ten at night. Forde divided his little army into three di
visions, and at midnight led them under the walls. The assail
ants gained the palisades of the ditch without discovery, when
a heavy fire was opened on them ; but they advanced deter
minedly until the ramparts were possessed, when separating to
the right and left, they stormed with success bastion after bas
tion. Surprised, terrified, and panic-struck, the firing coming
from'every direction, the French force surrendered at discretion
as morning broke upon the scene.
The effect of this gallant achievement was great and imme
diate. Salabat Jing entered into a treaty with Forde, ceding
Masulipatam to the English, and consenting to banish the
French from his dominions forever. The Pondicherry rein-
15*

174 BRITISH INDIA.
forcement arrived too late to be of any service, and returned
after enduring great privations.
Bengal was threatened at this time with a fresh danger.
Alumgir II., dissatisfied with Mir Jaffier, invested his son with
the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the prince
collected an army to assume his rights. Ramnarain, the ruler
of Berar, joining Mir Jaffier and the English, closed the gates
of Patna upon the prince, who besieged the place ; upon which
Clive hastened to its assistance. But before his arrival, the
prince's allies had quarreled with one another, reducing him to
eo much distress, that he wrote to Clive requesting money for
his subsistence, and promising to withdraw from the province.
The terms were acceded to, and the danger removed. Mir
Jaffier was so grateful for his deliverance, that he made Clive
a chief Omrah of the empire, and bestowed upon him a jaghire
or estate round Calcutta worth 150,000 dollars a year.
Clive, upon returning to Calcutta, was joined by Forde in
time for another emergency. Though peace existed between
England and Holland, the Dutch, jealous of the English prog
ress in Bengal, fitted out a fleet at Batavia, to counterpoise
tyie English in that province, consisting of seven ships, manned
by 700 Europeans and 800 Malays. Entering the Hooghly,
they landed their forces a few miles from Calcutta, to march
to their settlement at Chinsura. Forde was ordered to inter
cept their progress, which he did with so much success, that
fourteen only reached their destination, the remainder being
either slain or captured. The seven Dutch ships surrendered
to the Company's vessels ; and the Dutch, in order to avoid
being totally expelled from Bengal, were compelled to pay the
expenses of the war.
In the Madras Presidency the tide of fortune flowed still in
favor of the British. The French had retreated to Pondi
cherry, where, in May, 1760, they found themselves completely
hemmed in by the English. After sustaining a siege of eight
months, the fort and town capitulated, upon which their re
maining settlements fell an easy prey to the victors.
From this date the destiny of the French in India was

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

175

sealed. Bussy had been killed some time previously in an en
gagement. Lally returned to Europe ; and on his arrival in
France, was put on his trial for treason by the French parlia
ment. Defense was in vain ; he was condemned, and put to
death by the hands of the common hangman. With him ex
pired the French East India Company ; and though some few
isolated attempts were afterward made to resuscitate that body,
they never again took any part in Indian affairs.
The disappearance of the French, the impotency of the
Dutch, and the subjugation or disunion of the native powers,
promised to secure to the English undisturbed possession of
India. Clive, having placed matters on a firm basis, took the
opportunity of this political calm once more to visit his na
tive country, full of honors and years, leaving the British
power both feared arid respected throughout those vast do
minions.* * The authorities consulted in' this and the following chapters of the his
torical section, have been Mill's History, Auhir's Rise and Progress of the
British Empire in the Bast ; and files of the Bombay Times, Calcutta English
man, and Friend of India.

DCVtStUX !»,

CHAPTER II.
FROM THE PERMANENT SETTLEMENT OP THE BRITISH IN INDIA,
TO THE DEATH OE HYDER ALI.

The departure of Clive for England left the command of the
army to Colonel Calliaud, who, though not wanting in energy
and ability, had neither the prestige nor the military genius
of Clive.
The emperor's son again made an attempt upon the power
of Mir Jaffier, and thus kept Calliaud and his forces on the
alert. Before long, however, another revolution took place at
Delhi. The emperor was murdered, and his son invested with
the dangerous title, under the name of Shah Alum.
The supremacy which Orientals ever attach to the royal
name, added to the direct influence of his vizier, the nabob of
Oude, soon added large and seasonable reinforcements to his
army, so that he found himself in a formidable position for
(176)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 177
warlike operations, and accordingly marched with Ms large
army upon Patna.
Arrived before that important town, Ramnarain, in opposi
tion to his councilors, attacked him, but was signally defeated,
and the detachment of English stationed there were cut to
pieces. Calliaud immediately advanced to save Patna, and
upon coming up with the imperialists, attacked them and
gained a complete victory. The emperor, having been rein
forced by M. Law and his body of French troops, subsequently
stormed Patna a second time, and was repulsed with great
difficulty. A third assault was anticipated ; but fortunately a
strong reinforcement reached Patna under Captain Knox, who,
upon finding how affairs stood, without allowing his troops
time for refreshment, ordered an attack upon the imperial camp
during the hour of the afternoon's repose, when he surprised
and drove his enemies from their position, to which they never
returned. This gallant affair was speedily followed by the advance of
the Naib of Poorania with 12,000 men and thirty pieces of
cannon upon Patna. Knox, whose forces amounted only to
200 Europeans, one battalion of Sepoys, 300 irregular horse,
and five pieces of ordnance, determined to cross the river and
encounter the Naib, in which he was supported by a friendly
rajah with 300 men. His intent was a night surprise of the enemy's
camp ; but through a mistake of his guide this was frustrated.
In the morning, the Naib's army advanced and literally sur
rounded Knox, who, however, defeated him in every quarter, drove
him from the field, and followed him with destruction until in-
capaciated by fatigue, when Calliaud took the retreating Naib
off his hand and pursued him vigorously for several days.
Upon Clive's departure for England, the Court of Directors
appointed Mr. Vansittart to the head of the executive — a pro
ceeding alike injurious to the government, and offensive to the
remainder of the council ; it having been the usage to nominate
the senior member of the council for the appointment. Such
a deviation, even in favor of a talented individual, would neces
sarily engender much unfriendly feeling; but in the case of

178 BRITISH INDIA.
Vansittart, whose only statesmanlike recommendation was a
grave demeanor, it was highly offensive, and produced very
violent dissensions in the Calcutta council, which often termi
nated most disgracefully. Vansittart found the treasury empty,
the troops at Patna in mutiny for pay, Mir Jaffier's allowance
to his auxiliaries in arrear, with little prospect of his paying
either that or his large balance to the Company.
Instead of advising with his council, he arranged his plans
with a secret committee, and determined to depose Mir Jaffier,
and substitute in his stead his son-in-law, Mir Casim ; for which
purpose he proceeded with some troops to Moorshedabad.
Mir Jaffier naturally opposed this unjust arrangement as long
as a probable chance of success remained, when, scorning an
empty title, he retired to Calcutta on a pension.
Mir Casim's elevation was for a stipulated payment, the
English undertaking to supply him with troops for the collec
tion of his revenues. These payments, with the expenses of
subduing some rebellious chiefs aided by the Mahrattas, ex
hausted his finances, which he determined to recruit by plun
dering Ramnarain, the Hindoo governor of Berar ; and to for
ward his views, charged the governor, who had been a faithful
ally of the English, with various offenses, which Mr. Vansittart,
in defiance of the caution afforded him both by Major Carnac
and Colonel Coote, listened to. The result is easily foreseen :
Ramnarain was seized by Mir Casim, plundered, and eventu
ally put to death with great barbarity.
Vansittart's government daily diminished in popularity ; and
all confidence in the English was destroyed when the natives
learned the sacrifice of Ramnarain, who had so steadily sup
ported the English interest ; while it was generally promul
gated among the Europeans that the partiality to Mir Casim
was the effect of corruption. Vansittart's principal supporters
in the council were at this period recalled in consequence of
their having presumed to censure the proceedings of the Court
of Directors, which left him in a minority ; and Ellis, the most
determined of his opponents, was appointed resident at Patna.
He treated Mir Casim without the least deference, seized his

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 179
officers for interfering with the transit of goods, and forcibly
took possession of a quantity of nitre which had been pur
chased for the viceroy's use. In these acts Ellis was sup
ported by the entire of the Company's servants. The seizure
of his officers induced Mir Casim to abolish all transit-duties
in his dominions ; but it will hardly be credited at this time,
that peculation was then so rife in the council of Calcutta, that
this abolition of duties was declared an act of hostility against
the India Company, and threats of war were made unless the
edict was canceled ; a proposition which Mir Casim took no
heed of, and both parties prepared to solve the dispute by
force. The viceroy, knowing that Mr. Ellis, the resident at Patna,
intended seizing that city, stopped some boats laden with mus
kets for the troops ; and it was with considerable difficulty that
Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, who had been instructed to remon
strate with him, could obtain his sanction to allow the boats
to pass. He eventually granted Amyatt permission to return
to Calcutta, holding Hay as a hostage. Upon learning Am-
yatt's departure, Ellis intemperately took the city by a night
attack. Mir Casim, enraged at this outrage, dispatched a
body to overtake and bring back Mr. Amyatt, who resisted,
and was, with several attendants, slain. This seizure of Patna
did not long remain unpunished ; the troops dispersed in search
of plunder ; and the governor, who retreated but a few miles,
receiving a reinforcement from Mongheer, returned, and again
possessed himself of the city, when the English surrendered and
were sent prisoners to Mongheer.
Upon intelligence of these events reaching Calcutta, the
council determined that no proposals should be received from
Mir Casim, and that Mir Jaffier should again be invested with the
power he had been deprived of; and, on the 2d of July, 1763,
the English army opened the campaign. The first engagement
was with the van of the viceroy's army, near Moorshedabad,
which terminated unfavorably to him, when the Indian troops
retreated upon Gheriah, where Mir Casim joined them with all
his. forces. He was again attacked on the 2d of August, and

180 BRITISH INDIA.
totally routed after four hours' hard fighting, losing all his
cannon, baggage, and one hundred and fifty boats laden with
provisions. After this last engagement, he retreated with his forces to
Oodiva, where, among the hills, he entrenched his army with
so much judgment, that his adversaries were kept at bay for a
month ; but, on the 5th of September, a sudden and successful
assault was made, which compelled Mir Casim to fall back
upon Mongheer, then his capital ; which place, with its garrison
of two thousand men, shortly after surrendered to the English
arms. Increased rage and cruelty attended each defeat of the
viceroy : at Gheriah he executed the unfortunate Ramnarain
and several nobles ; at Oodiva, two of the Sets of Moorshe
dabad ; while at Mongheer the whole of his European prisoners
were slaughtered at his command, with the single exception of
a Dr. Fullerton, whose professional services and skill proved
his safeguard.
On the 6th of November Patna fell by storm, when Mir
Casim, considering his position irretrievable, fled to Oude, and
requested the protection of its nabob, which was granted. For
some time the English remained upon the confines of Oude,
anticipating that the nabob would surrender Mir Casim ; but
in this they were disappointed, the nabob feeling somewhat
confident in his position, owing to the insubordination which
at that time prevailed in the English forces. This mutinous
spirit prompted Sumroo, one of Mir Casim's chiefs, to attack
the English near Patna, when he was repulsed with dreadful
slaughter. Unfortunately the illness of Carnac procrastinated
the war until the arrival of Major Hector Monro with a detach
ment from Bombay.
The mutinous spirit that existed in the army under Carnac
prevailed more strongly upon Monro assuming the command.
An entire battalion of sepoys, with arms and accoutrements,
deserted to the enemy, but were overtaken and brought back ;
twenty-four of the principal offenders were sentenced to be
blown from the mouths of cannon, and the whole army ordered
to witness the execution of the sentence. Four of the unfortu-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 181,
nate men having been executed, the officers of the sepoys waited
on the major, and stated that their men would not permit any
more to be sacrificed. A command to load the field-pieces
with grape, and for the Europeans to form in line, with the
guns at proper intervals, was Monro's reply ; at the same time
he ordered the sepoy officers to return, and command their men
to ground their arms ; and declared that if a single man stirred
from his position, he would order his guns to be immediately
opened upon them. This firmness intimidated the mutineers,
and the execution was completed.
Monro's spirit effected a great improvement in the army ;
after which he matched against the Nabob of Oude, and de
stroyed his forces near Buxar ; the Emperor Shah Alum upon
this sought the friendship of the English, and concluded a
peace, which gave the latter supreme power in Bengal. Mir
Casim fled to the Rohillas, the Nabob of Oude being no longer
able to afford him shelter.
The finances at Calcutta at this period were in a wretched
state ; and Mir Jaffier, being totally unable to liquidate the
Company's claims, independent of those demanded from him
by private individuals for losses both real and imaginary, sunk
under his embarrassments in January, 1765.
The council invested the second son of Mir Jaffier with the
viceroyalty, and installed Rez-Khan his prime minister, which
was by no means agreeable to the new ruler ; nor were these
arbitrary proceedings supported by Vansittart, who, upon their
adoption, resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Spencer.
The Company's servants in India had hitherto been little
controlled by the proprietary at home ; but the latter, alarmed
at the recommencement of hostilities in India, with a mutinous
army and exhausted treasury, petitioned the Directors that
Clive, who had been created a peer, should be appointed to the
head of affairs, he being the only man who could extricate
them from their difficulties. This was far from palatable to
the Directory, Clive having, previous to leaving India, treated
their authority with contempt, and sued them for the rental of
his jaghire. But, after a warm discussion among the directors,
16

182 BRITISH INDIA.
his appointment was carried by thirteen against eleven votes.
Upon this he demanded, and was invested with, the authority
of commander-in-chief, president, and governor of Bengal, and,
with a committee of four nominated by the Directory, empow
ered to act without consulting or being subject to the control
of the council.
The capture of Pondicherry raised Mohammed Ali, who was
the creature of the English, to the sovereignty of the Carnatic ;
and the nabob soon felt that it was for their, not his own plea
sure and profit, he reigned. In a short time, however, the ad
ministration of the revenues of the Carnatic was determined
upon. The nabob, although unwilling, could offer no opposi
tion, and was therefore compelled to submit.
The custom of receiving or rather extorting presents, and
the abuse of private trade, which had become great evils, were
two things -Clive immediately investigated, believing them
fraught with danger to the Company, and pernicious to its
servants. As a remedy for the first, he compelled both the
civil and military servants of the Company to sign a declara
tion that they would not accept presents from the native princes
under any pretext whatever. With the abuses in trade he .
found it more difficult to grapple ; feeling that some sort of
emolument was due to the Company's servants, their salaries
being miserable and inadequate, he created a monopoly in salt,
betel-nut, and tobacco, for the benefit of the supejbr servants,
the profits to be apportioned to their respective grades. Though
no statesman would now be found to defend such a proceeding,
he acted upon the principle, that the Company was a monopoly,
and that the servants were merely adopting the practices of
their masters.
The Nabob of Oude having placed himself at the mercy of the
English, submitted to the terms of their dictation, by which he
retained his dominions, excepting Korah and Allahabad.
These were transferred to the emperor, who, in consideration,
promised not to interfere with his vassal, Bulwant Sing, Rajah
of Benares, for having joined with and rendered the English
good service during the war. Understanding well the abuses,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 183
under the name of free trade, that the Company's officers had
perpetrated in Bengal, Orissa, and Behar, the emperor refused
to negotiate upon the subject, and trade was not mentioned in
the treaty ; but he was compelled to forego all arrears of revenue
due from the Bengal province, and to cede to the Company the
dewanee, or the right of collecting the revenue in Bengal,
Behar, and Orissa, on condition of receiving twenty-six lacs of
rupees annually.
To cover the heavy expenses which service in the field neces
sitates in India, the Company made an extra allowance to their
officers, termed batta ; and upon the army marching to aid
Mir Jaffier, he promised the officers double batta. But when
the revenues of Bengal reverted to the Company, this was a
charge that could be ill supported. Clive determined to
remedy the evil, and issued an order to the effect that double
batta should cease on the 1st of January, 1766, excepting in
some few instances.
Hereupon the officers determined, unless the double batta
was restored, to resign their commissions simultaneously upon
a certain day. Clive, having good information of what was
proceeding, sent expresses to Calcutta and Madras for fresh
officers, and arrested the principal conspirators. Many of the
leaders, among others, General Sir R. Fletcher, were tried and
dismissed the service. Fletcher, however, through family in
terest, was reinstated, and subsequently appointed to the com
mand of the forces at Madras. Clive would doubtless have
more severely punished the promoters of this conspiracy, but it
was considered uncertain at this period whether the Company
had the power to enforce capital punishment upon Europeans.
Clive's health at length failing him, he resigned his command
and returned to England in the end of January, 1767, leaving
affairs in the hands of the select committee, at the head of
which was Mr. Verelst.
The most extravagant expectations took possession of the
proprietors of Indian stock, in consequence of Clive's acquisi
tions. Overlooking the vast outlay involved by his conquest,
and the incidental expenses of upholding them, they outvoted

184 BRITISH INDIA.
the Directory, and declared the dividends should be increased
to twelve and a half per cent. This could not be effected with
out borrowing at an enormous interest ; and the interposition
of the ministry and parliament was solicited, which, much to
the chagrin of both parties, canvassed the policy of allowing a
trading company to exercise imperial power over a great and
extending dominion. During the peaceful administrations of
Mr. Verelst and Mr. Cartier, the revenues scarcely defrayed
the expenses of government ; notwithstanding which, the delu
sion as to the riches of India continued to prevail, although it
was at the time well known that an expedition to depose the
Ghoorka, and reinstate the Rajah of Nepaul, who had been de
throned by him, was abandoned in consequence of the want of
funds, all the resources at control being required to arrest the
impending dangers which threatened Madras.
The control of the Carnatic, obtained by the capture of Pon
dicherry, involved the English in all the political intrigues of
the Deccan ; and in their endeavor to obtain quiet possession
of the Circars, they had to encounter the most hazardous war
they had yet experienced in India.
Salabat Jing, subahdah of the Deccan, had not miscalculated
when he reckoned that the departure of the French under Bussy
would jeopardize his safety : he was assassinated by the con
federates of his brother, Nizam Ali, who determined to main
tain his viceroyalty in the Deccan, and to re-establish his
authority over the Carnatic. He invaded and laid desolate
the country ; but made a precipitate retreat upon the advance
of the English. When the Emperor Shah Alum ceded the
Northern Circars to the English, the Deccan was esteemed a
part of the viceroyalty ; but this Nizam Ali would not admit,
and resisted all attempts to take possession of it, until the En
glish stipulated to pay him an annual tribute, and to assist him
when necessary with troops ; an undertaking which soon
brought them into collision with Hyder Ali, the governor of
Mysore. While the French and English were fighting in the Carnatic,
Hyder had risen from a subordinate rank to the command of

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 185
the army of Mysore ; and by subjugating the Nairs of Malabar,
and taking possession of several stnall tracts of land in Southern
India, established a principality for himself. According to
their treaty with the Nizam, the English joined him in invading
Hyder Ali's territory, when that faithless auxiliary made peace
with Hyder, and turned his arms against the English, whom
he intended betraying to Hyder ; but Colonel Smith, discover
ing his treachery, retreated to Trincomalee, having previously
engaged the combined forces of these native princes. The
Nizam, finding in several subsequent actions, that the English
were invariably victorious, became alarmed, broke his treaty
with Hyder, and again addressed the Presidency of Madras,
who, elated with the prospect of territorial aggrandizement,
and presuming Mysore to be easily subjugated, bestowed its
sovereignty upon Mohammed Ali ; at the same time Colonel
Smith, an experienced officer, was superseded in the command
of the forces by the appointment of Colonel Wood, who was
wholly destitute of knowledge in Indian warfare. This Hyder
soon discovered, and defeated Wood, capturing Ihe whole of
his baggage. Subsequently, feigning to retreat, Hyder drew
him from Madras ; then, by forced marches, his son Tippoo, at
the head of 6000 horse, appeared suddenly at the suburbs of
the English capital. All was terror and confusion, amidst
which Hyder was enabled to dictate terms of peace, which were
agreed to.
Shah Alum, impatient of restoration to the throne of Delhi,
unavailingly urged the English to yield their promised assist
ance. His prayer being disregarded, he formed an alliance
with the Mahrattas ; and by their aid easily reached his capital,
rewarding his auxiliaries with the plunder of the country of the
Rohillas. The emperor joined them in an attack upon Zabita
Khan, whom, having deprived of the government of Delhi, he
regarded with suspicion. Unable to withstand the imperialists
and the Mahrattas combined, he was, after a spirited defense,
defeated ; and his country, then in a most flourishing condition,
was, despite the emperor's wishes, laid waste by the Mahrattas.
The remainder of the Rohilla chiefs being alarmed, sought
16*

186 BRITISH INDIA.
their old enemy, the subahdar of Oude, engaging to pay him
thirty lacs of rupees upon his driving the common enemy from
their country. At this period the Mahrattas quarreled with
the emperor, and returned to Delhi, making him virtually a
prisoner, and extorted from him the districts of Korah and
Allahabad, after which they repaired to the Ganges, which
they prepared to cross. The subahdar of Oude, though ur
gently pressed, never afforded any assistance to the Rohillas;
yet, when the Mahrattas retreated, he demanded the payment
of the thirty lacs as stipulated.
The subahdar and Warren Hastings, who had now succeeded
Cartier as governor-general, met at Benares in September,
1773, and signed a treaty, by which the Emperor of Delhi and
the Rohillas were sold to the subahdar. When Shah Alum
joined the Mahrattas, the English held his conduct a justifica
tion for stopping the Bengal tribute. Hastings now went fur
ther. The districts of Korah and Allahabad he sold to the
subahdar for fifty lacs of rupees ; and for an additional forty
lacs, and the expenses of the troops employed, he agreed to as
sist in the extermination of the innocent and peacable Rohillas.
Upon the subahdah demanding assistance, Colonel Champion,
with a brigade, was dispatched to join in the invasion, which
ended in the total defeat of the Rohillas, and the fall of their
general, Hafiz Rahmet Khan. The atrocities of this victory
are almost unequaled ; but the terras of the treaty were ful
filled, and the conquered country, excepting a small tract, was
assigned to the ruler of Oude.
The three commissioners from England who had been dis
patched to enforce the new constitution which parliament had
framed, arrived on the 19th of October, 1774 ; they, with Hast
ings and Barwell, were to form the executive. The first sub
ject discussed was the Rohilla war, which the three newly-
arrived councilors censured with undisguised severity. They
likewise complained that the correspondence of Mr. Middleton,
the political agent at Oude, was withheld. They then voted
the agent's recall, the withdrawal from the subahdah of the
forces, and immediate payment for their services. Snja-ed-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 187
Dowla dying at this time, the council insisted that his son and
successor should be held to his engagements, deliver the coun
try of the zemindar of Benares to the Company, and augment
the pay of the European brigade. Hastings ineffectually op
posed these measures, the councilors being supported by the
home authority.
Although in other parts, the Company had largely increased
their territory, but little augmentation appeared in Western
India. Bassein and Salsette, commanding the Bombay harbor,
were Portuguese settlements until 1750. A dispute among the
Mahrattas respecting the succession of the post of Peishwa,
presented a favorable opportunity for the interference of the
Bombay authorities, who supported the claims of the Ragonat
Ras, and stipulated that Bassein and Salsette should be ceded
for this assistance. These terms were agreed to, and the En
glish garrisoned both places. An army was now sent to place
Poonah, the Mahratta capital, in Ragonat's possession ; but
orders arrived from the supreme council of Calcutta, disapprov
ing the Bombay policy, and commanding the abandonment of
Ragonat. Upon which the English restored Bassein, with
some territory in Gujerat, but retained Salsette and its tribu
tary islands. Shortly after this mandate from Calcutta, dis
patches from the Court of Directors arrived, highly approving
the policy of the Bombay Presidency, which naturally tended
to increase the existing confusion and jealousy.
At this period the integrity of Warren Hastings was seri
ously impeached ; charges of peculation and corruption, which
he vainly endeavored to suppress, were brought against him.
The most important charge was that made by the Rajah Nun-
comar, who proved that his son Goordass, and Munny Begum,
had paid for certain offices they held. The council, upon this
evidence, ordered Hastings to refund the money ; but he re
fused to acknowledge their authority, and returned no reply to
their order.
Nuncomar was, with others, indicted for conspiracy; but the
attempt failed. He was afterward, however, indicted for per
jury at the instance of an obscure native, and tried before the

188 BRITISH INDIA.
Supreme Court by a jury of Englishmen, when he was convicted
and hanged. Perjury was not capital by any existing law;
and there now remains no doubt that the law was most shame
fully perverted, in order to get rid of a person objectionable to
certain official parties.
The death of one of the members of the council gave Hast
ings a majority ; but he had authorized a Mr. Maclean to con
vey to the Court of Directors his resignation, which was ac
cepted, and Mr. Wheeler named his successor. General Clav-
ering, being senior member of the council, was empowered to
officiate until Mr. Wheeler's arrival. Hastings, upon recon
sideration, refused to carry out his resignation, disavowing Mr.
Maclean's proceedings, and insisted upon being recognized as
governor, threatening an appeal to arms. Eventually, how
ever, the matter was referred to the courts of law, which pro
nounced for Hastings, who immediately proceeded to, reverse
all the former acts of council, a step highly disapproved by
the Court of Directors ; but to that Hastings paid no atten
tion. The Supreme Council having, by their interference, involved
the authorities of Poonah and the Bengal government, it was
proposed, in order to conciliate the Mahrattas, to give up
Rajonat. Hastings, however, who recently censured the Bom
bay policy, now warmly advocated it, and ordered six battal
ions of sepoys, one company of artillery, and a corps of cav
alry, under the command of Colonel Leslie, to act in concert
with the Bombay army, entrusted to Colonel Egerton, for the
purpose of restoring Rajonat as Peishwa.
The results of these expeditions were disgraceful to a degree.
Egerton was worsted by the Mahrattas, retreated, and eventu
ally entered into a most humiliating treaty for the safety of his
forces. Leslie's hesitation and negotiations carried on with
different chiefs led to the suspicion of dishonorable motives ;
and the council, finding their orders disregarded, deprived him
of his command, and appointed Colonel Goddard in his stead,
who advanced into the interior of the Mahratta country, hoping
to ioin the Bengal army, when he learned the disgraceful treaty

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 189
of Egerton, and, refusing to acknowledge it, led his array to
Surat, where Rajonat, having escaped from Poonah, joined
him. Goddard, having command of the army, took the field in
January, 1780, and' shortly possessed himself of Dubhoy and
Ahmedabad. The Mahrattas, by simulated overtures for
peace and prolonged discussions, tried to overreach him by diplo
macy ; but their efforts were futile, for on the morning of April
the 3d he surprised both Scindiah and Holkar in their camp,
routing their forces without loss on his side.
Sir Eyre Coote, who, by Clavering's death, was appointed a
member of the Supreme Council, arrived in Bengal as a treaty
was concluded with Rana, a Hindoo prince, whose territory
was on the Jumna, between Oude and Scindiah's country.
This prince was shortly after invaded by the Mahrattas, whom
he could not resist. But a small force, under Captain Pop-
ham, was sent to the Rana, and expelled the Mahrattas from
Gohud, driving them into their own country. This victory
was succeeded by the capture of the fort of Gwalior, believed
by the native princes to be impregnable. It was garrisoned
by a thousand picked soldiers ; nevertheless Popham, on the
3d of August, carried it by escalade ; and by this act struck so
much terror into the Mahratta ranks, that they deserted the
surrounding country.
This war occasioned fresh quarrels between Hastings and
Francis, who mutually accused each other of falsehood and
fraud. Their differences resulted in a duel, in which Francis
was wounded ; and it being evident that they could no longer
act together, Francis returned to England.
The position of the Company in the Carnatic was becoming
somewhat critical. The imbecility of the nabob compelling
the Madras government to employ British forces to protect
the country, they accordingly insisted that he should defray
their expenses. The inadequacy of his revenue compelled him
to borrow at exorbitant interest ; and his embarrassments in
creased in proportion to the exactions of the lenders. At this
period, July, 17 TO, Admiral Sir John Lindsay reached Madras,

190 BRITISH INDIA.
armed with authority from the home government ; and, acting
in direct opposition to the Court of Directors and Madras ex
ecutive, recognized the nabob as an independent sovereign, and
openly espoused his cause.
By virtue of the stipulation entered into between Hyder and
the English in 1769, to afford mutual support, he applied for
assistance in an insurrection against the peishwa, but was re
fused. Again, in 1770, when the Mahrattas invaded Mysore,
he demanded effectual support, offering three lacs of rupees to
defray the expenses. Circumstances determined the English to
avoid compliance until compelled ; they therefore evaded his
demands, while the nabob, being stimulated by the Mahrattas,
was anxious to form an alliance with them. The nabob's views
were supported by Lindsay, and opposed by the council ; which
ended in the recall of Lindsay, and the promotion in his stead
of Sir Robert Harland, who also supported the alliance be
tween the nabob and the Mahrattas, but met with decided op
position at Madras. A peace was eventually concluded between
the Mahrattas and Hyder, unfavorable to the latter, who ac
cordingly vented his anger against the English for their deser
tion of him.
Little as the authorities were inclined to favor the alliance
of the nabob with the Mahrattas, they were not disinclined to
support him against the Rajah of Tanjore, who, having attacked
the polygars, or chiefs, of the Marawar districts, was ordered
to desist by the nabob from offering violence to his vassals.
The rajah was obdurate ; when an army, under General Smith
at Trichiuopoly, was ordered to combine with the Carnatic
forces, commanded by Omrah-al-Omrah, the nabob's son, and
advance on Tanjore, the capital. This they invested, and
made every preparation for an attack, having effected a breach ;
but at the last moment, to the indignation of the English au
thorities, Omrah-al-Omrah informed Smith that he had con
cluded a treaty with the rajah, and hostilities had ceased.
Well knowing this arrangement could not be permanent, the
English left their forces in the nabob's service, and retained
the frontier town of Tanjore.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 191
The nabob instantly demanded English assistance to subdue
the very polygars upon whose behalf he had declared war with
the Rajah of Tanjore ; and the government, without demur,
joined in the expedition, which ended in the defeat of the
Marawars. When this petty war was concluded, the nabob,
upon the pretext that the late treaty had not been maintained,
determined to attack Tanjore again ; which he did on the 20th
of August, 1773, and captured it on the 16th of the following
December, taking the rajah and his family prisoners.
The Court of Directors highly disapproved of this step, and
sent out Lord Pigot, with orders to restore him, which he ef
fected despite all opposition ; but was eventually arrested and
placed in confinement by the majority of the council, and after
eight months died in imprisonment.
The government of Madras, on Pigot's death, was adminis-
¦ tered by Sir Thomas Rumbold, Mr. Whitehall, and Sir Hector
Munro. Rumbold's first measure was to adopt new arrange
ments in the collection of the revenues of the Northern Circars,
which, it was asserted, was for the corrupt gain of himself and
his supporters ; this would appear to have been verified, as
large sums were brought into Madras which never reached the
treasury. It was agreed, in 1776, with the Nizam, that his brother,
Salabat Jing, should retain the Circar of Guntur for life, or so
long as the subahdar remained in friendship with the Company.
But when it was found that Salabat Jing had enlisted a French
force, a negotiation was set on foot, by which, for an annual
sum, he ceded Guntur to the Company, and engaged to dismiss
the French on receiving an English force, under General Har
per, to protect his country. The French passed from Salabat
Jing into his brother the Nizam's service, who was jealous of
this alliance with the English, and indignant at the refusal of
the Madras council to pay the stipulated tribute for the posses
sion of the Northern Circars. The Supreme Council at Cal
cutta remonstrated against the impolicy of the Madras pro
ceedings, to wMch Rumbold replied in no measured terms ;
and, in order further to show his defiance, granted a lease of

192 BRITISH INDIA.
Guntur to the nabob of Arcot for ten years. At length the
Court of Directors, aroused to a sense of the true state of af
fairs, dismissed Rumbold and one of his advisers from their
service, and two others from their seats in the council ; severely
reprimanding Sir Hector Munro, the commander of the forces,
for his share in the late proceedings.
Rumbold had, however, been guilty of faults of omission as
well as of commission, some of which subsequently proved
sources of great calamity. Hyder, who had really great cause
of complaint against the Madras government, formed an alli
ance with the French ; and the governor of Pondicherry fur
nished him with arms, ammunition, and stores of every descrip
tion from the French settlement of Mahe on the Malabar coast.
Rumbold was informed of this, but took no notice ; and while
he treated Hyder with contempt, allowed the military estab
lishment at Madras to fall into miserable inefficiency.
Intelligence being received at Bengal, in July, 1778, that
war had broken out between England and France, it was deter
mined to capture the French settlements in India. Chander-
nagore, Carical, and Masulipatam surrendered at once. Pondi
cherry capitulated after a vigorous defense, the garrison march
ing out with the honors of war. The defenses and fortifications
were then destroyed. The small fort and settlement of Mahe
was the sole spot left to the French in India ; this place Hyder
had previously threatened in the event of its being invaded to
revenge upon the Carnatic ; but despite this, and the defeats
the British forces had formerly sustained in the Mahratta coun
try, the government of Madras persevered, and Mahe was
taken on the 19th of March, 1779, by Colonel Braithwaite,
who, when ordered to join General Goddard at Surat, the fol
lowing November, destroyed the fort. Before Braithwaite
had commenced his march for Surat, the chief of Tellicherry
sought his assistance to avert the hostility of Hyder, who was
offended in consequence of the former harboring a Nair chief
who had displeased the ruler of Mysore ; whereupon Braith
waite moved his forces toward Tellicherry.
The political atmosphere had for some time been getting

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 193
more and more disturbed ; and at length, in November, 1799,
the Nabob of the Carnatic gave the Madras executive warning
that Hyder, the Nizam, and the Mahrattas had united in a .
determination to expel the English from India. The only
heed taken was in the following June, when Colonel Baillie,
who then commanded the forces protecting Salabat Jing, was
ordered to cross the Kistna in the event of disturbances in the
Carnatic. On the 21st of July, Hyder crossed the frontier
with an army of 100,000 men, and upward of 100 pieces of
artillery, well manned ; he was counseled by M. Lally, the
commander of the French force, a gentleman skilled in his pro
fession, and of high integrity. The English forces comprised
6000 infantry, and 100 cavalry, to which the nabob's irregular
horse and a few pieces of cannon were additions ; while the
people were disaffected at the miserable and divided govern
ment of the Company and the Nabob.
To add to existing perplexities, Munro was reluctant to
command, and wished Lord Macleod, who had just arrived, to
assume the management ; but Macleod declined risking his
reputation in executing Munro's plans, doubting their judicious
ness. /At length Monro, after ordering Baillie to join him at
Conjeveram, marched from St. Thomas' Mount, persisting in
encumbering himself with heavy artillery, although he had no
fortifications to attack, and it was difficult to find cattle to
carry his provisions.
Arcot was besieged by Hyder, and Munro felt anxious for a
junction with Baillie's force, in order to relieve the place ; but
on the 31st of August, he learnt that Baillie was stopped by
the swelling of a river a few miles north of Trepossore, and the
same day that Hyder was moving on Conjeveram, having left
Arcot. At Perambaucam, fifteen miles from the main army,
Baillie was attacked by Tippoo Saib, Hyder's son, with a very
superior force, which was repulsed by the English ; but Baillie
was so weakened, that, instead of advancing, he urgently re
quested Monro to push on with the main body to relieve him.
Monroe, however, sent a detachment under Colonel Fletcher to
join Baillie, who, believing further reinforcements would arrive
17

194 BRITISH INDIA.
left his position on the 9th of September, and, despite the
vicinity of Tippoo's forces, continued his march during the
night. In the morning, intelligence was brought into camp
that Hyder, with all his strength, was advancing upon him.
What courage and discipline could do, Baillie's gallant band
accomplished ; and with the slightest assistance from Monroe,
Hyder would have been defeated. As it was, left to himself,
and losing two of his tumbrils by an explosion, Baillie found
his forces reduced to 400 men, and at length exhibited a flag
of truce. No sooner had they laid down their arms, quarter
having been promised upon immediate surrender, than Hyder's
troops rushed upon them, and would have murdered the whole,
had not M. Lally and the French officers boldly and generously
interferred, by which the lives of 200 men were saved. This
disaster compelled Monro to retreat upon Madras, which he
reached on the 13th of September.
The council now began to regret the corrupt practices and
indifference it had previously exhibited ; while its thorough des
titution of supplies and military appliances had no tendency
to diminish the uneasiness of the authorities. But the governor-
general, acting up to the exigencies of the occasion, pnoposed
that fifteen lacs of rupees and a large detachment of European
infantry and artillery should be sent to Madras ; that Sir Eyre
Coote should command the army, and alone expend the money
transmitted ; and that the governor of Fort St. George should
be suspended.
These orders were reluctantly obeyed by the Madras Coun
cil. On the 7th of November, Sir Eyre Coote took his seat in
the Madras Council, and produced the decree deposing the
governor, which was supported by the majority. Arcot having
been captured, Coote proceeded to protect Vellore and Wande-
wash, both being closely besieged and gallantly defended.
Wandewash was abandoned upon the English approaching,
who could not pursue their advantage. The arrival of a French
fleet compelled them to march on Pondicherry, where the
French inhabitants, hoping to recover their former position in
India, had enlisted troops and collected stores. Coote speedily

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 195
disarmed the inhabitants, removed the stores, destroyed the
boats, and marched on Cuddalore ; then threatened by Hyder,
whom he endeavored to draw into an action, failing in which, he
moved his army on to Trichinopoly, and on his way unsuccess
fully attacked the fortified pagoda of Chillingbram. His fail
ure encouraged Hyder to risk a battle, which terminated, after
six hours' desperate fighting, in the complete defeat of the
Mysore army.
Coote, being now joined by a body of Sepoys from Bengal,
marched upon the enemy, who were strongly posted ; when
Hyder's army nearly suffered a total route, which he had tact
enough to declare a drawn battle, and marched toward Vellore.
Coote followed, and once more defeated him, having surprised
him in his camp. Hyder's cavalry were nearly all sacrificed in
his anxiety to save his guns. After this engagement, Coote
returned to Madras, having lost nearly one third of his forces
in his severe engagements with Hyder.
England and Holland being now at war, Lord Macartney,
who had just arrived at Madras as governor, resolved on at
tacking the Dutch settlements in India, and commenced with
Puficat and Sadras, both of which places surrendered on the
first summons. He then determined to attack Negapatam ;
but here Coote's jealousy developed itself. He would neither
march himself nor spare any of his troops ; upon which Lord
Macartney collected the remainder of the forces in the Presi
dency, and gave the command to Munro, who displayed great
energy and ability, and compelled the governor, in less than
three weeks, to surrender. From thence a detachment was
sent which took possession of Trincomalee, in Ceylon.
The capture of Negapatam had no tendency to allay Coote's
feelings ; and Lord Macartney experienced great difficulty in
maintaining a semblance of good feeling while negotiating
with the nabob. But the intelligence of the loss of Chittore,
and the consequent exposure of Vellore, effected more than
either remonstrance or supplication. Coote took the field,
though so ill that he was obliged to be carried in a palanquin,

196 BRITISH INDIA.
and would not return until an apoplectie fit compelled him to
quit the camp.
The Madras detachment occupied Tellicherry after the cap
ture of Mahe, closely besieged by the Nairs, but was relieved
by Major Abingdon, who arrivedwith a force from Bombay.
The fortress was shortly afterward invested by a general of
Hyder's, and Major Abingdon applied. to Bombay for assist
ance, upon which he was ordered to evacuate the fort ; but
upon a second application, was supplied with a considerable
force. Abingdon now resolved to act on the offensive. In
the night of the 7th of January, 1782, he made a vigorous
sally and attacked the enemy's camp, throwing it into such dis
order, that they fled in every direction, leaving their wounded
leader a prisoner in the hands of the British. After destroy
ing the enemy's works and improving the fortifications of Telli
cherry, he marched against and captured Calicut, garrisoning
it with English troops.
During the preceding events, a secret expedition was planned
and fitted out in England for offensive operations against the
Cape of Good Hope and in the Indian seas. The designs and
destinations of this armament were discovered by M. de Suff-
rein, the French commander, who followed the English with
his squadron to the Cape de Verd Islands, where, in Praya
Bay, he attacked them, but was beaten off. The English,
nevertheless, required so much refitting, Suffrein having made
the Cape previous to them, that he strengthened and improved
its fortifications, so as to render the contemplated attack
abortive. Commodore Johnstone, who commanded the English squad
ron, having captured a number of Dutch East-Indiamen in
Saldanha Bay, returned home with his prizes, leaving a portion
of his armament to proceed to India, with the troops on board.
At this period General Meadows and Colonel Fullarton, with
the strength of the army, sailed in search of Admiral Hughes
on the Coromandel coast, while the remainder, under Colonel
Mackenzie, sailed for Bombay. The latter learnt upon his
arrival that Madras was in danger. He accordingly joined

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 197
Abington at Calicut, and entering Hyder's territory, was suc
cessful in creating a diversion.
M. de Suffrein, having reinforced his fleet at the Isle of
France, made for the Coromandel coast ; from whence, after an
indecisive action with Admiral Hughes, he retreated, and
landed an army of 3000 men under M. Bussy at Porto Novo.
These auxiliaries Tippoo hastened to join, he having just
destroyed Colonel Braithwaite's force at Tanjore. Braithwaite,
whose little band consisted of 100 Europeans, 1500 Sepoys,
and 300 cavalry, was encamped near the banks of the Cole-
roon, in fancied security. But Tippo, with 10,000 cavalry, the
like amount of infantry, 400 Europeans, and 20 pieces of can
non, surrounded him when least expected. For twenty-six
hours Braithwaite fought and repulsed Tippoo ; but when M.
Lally, with his Europeans advanced, the Sepoys were dis
heartened, fell into confusion, and victory declared against the
English commander, who was made prisoner with the whole
of his force.
With the French reinforcement, Tippoo's designs became
more enlarged ; and on the 3rd of April, Cuddalore, an excel
lent military and maritime station for the. French, surrendered
to him. Had the king's officers deigned to receive orders and
advice from the Company's servants, this loss would have been
prevented ; and upon several other occasions the like cause
was seriously prejudicial to the public service.
Disputes with the civil authorities, and absence of proper
supplies, kept Coote in cantonments until the 17th of April.
His first object was the protection of Parmacoil ; but on reach
ing Caranjoly, he learned its surrender. He then attempted to
surprise Arnes, Hyder's principal depot ; but Tippoo removed
the treasure while Hyder engaged the English with a distant
cannonade, and Coote fell back upon Madras.
During his preparations to join the French fleet, and in re
taking Negapatam, Hyder amused Coote by pretending to
negotiate. And it most fortunately happened that, as Suffrein
was making for that place, Sir Edward Hughes fell in with and
brought him to action. The engagement was most severe, and
17*

198 BRITISH INDIA.
victory was declaring against the French, when a sudden shift
of wind enabled Suffrein to bear off for Cuddalore, where' he
quickly repaired his vessels, and again put to sea.
When the news of this action reached Madras, Lord Ma
cartney pressed Sir E. Hughes, as both Negapatam and Trin-
comalee were threatened, to put to sea and protect them ; but
disinclination to receive orders from a Company's servant made
the admiral obstinate, and he put to sea when more convenient
to himself, on the 20th of August, three weeks after Suffrein
had sailed from Cuddalore. The result may be anticipated.
Trincomalee had surrendered three days before his arrival.
Eager to avenge this loss, he immediately engaged the French
fleet with an inferior force, and obtained a victory, but did not
know how to profit by it. He disabled one of the French
ships, and two others were so crippled that it took them ten
days to get into harbor ; but Hughes made no attempt to cap
ture them, and returned to Madras.
The monsoon coming on, Hughes determined to leave the
coast of Coromandel and seek shelter in Bombay, notwithstand
ing Negapatam was attacked, and Bickerton on his way to
join him with five sail of the line. Four days after Hughes's
departure, Bickerton was in the Madras roads, when, ascertain
ing the admiral's movements, he followed him to Bombay.
Sir Eyre Coote at the same time resigned the command of the
army to General Stuart, a man as obstinate as himself, but of
far inferior ability. Within a short period of his resignation,
Coote was again attacked with illness, under which he sank
in a few days.
The governments of Bengal and Bombay having declared
war against the Mahrattas, Goddard besieged Bassein, and
sent Colonel Hartley to secure for the British the revenues of
the Concan, and cover the besieging army. Hartley drove the
Mahrattas from the Concan, taking a position near the Bhore
ghaut ; thence he retreated on Doogaur before a host of the
enemy. On the 10th and 11th of December, an army of 20,000
Mahrattas attacked him. The result proved a complete vie-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 199
tory for the British, the Mahratta general being among the
slain. Bassein having surrendered, Goddard advanced on Poonah,
whence he soon returned, the Mahrattas following him and
ravaging the country as he descended the ghauts. On the
Bengal side, Popham had been superseded by Colonel Carnac,
whose position was so critical, that he resolved, as a last re
source, to attack Scindiah's camp by night. The stratagem
succeeded perfectly ; the enemy fled in every direction, most of
their guns, elephants, and a quantity of ammunition, being left
to the conquerors. Colonel Muir, who was Carnac's senior,
then took the command ; shortly after which Scindiah, whose
resources were exhausted, entered into a negotiation with
him, and a treaty was concluded at Salbye, on the 17th of
May, 1782.
Reinforcements having been supplied to Colonel Mackenzie
at Calicut, he opened the campaign in September, and took
several forts ; but the capture of Palagatcherry .was essential
to perfect his success. This was, however, impossible without
artillery, which he had been compelled to leave behind, wanting
draught cattle ; upon which Colonel Macleod, who had been
dispatched by Coote to take the command, retired to a camp
a few miles distant, until his battering train should arrive.
Through the negligence of the officer who conducted the re
treat, the baggage, stores, and ammunition were placed in the
rear. This did not escape the enemy, who, when the main
body had passed a narrow defile, made a sudden attack, and
carried off the provision and greater portion of the ammunition.
The sea-coast was now the only retreat the English could make.
Tippoo hastened after, and overtook them with 20,000 men ;
but, as they retreated, they fought until Panrani was occupied
by them. Here they with difficulty maintained their ground,
and were anticipating a second attack, when Tippoo's army
was seen in full retreat, and in a few hours not one of his forces
remained. The death of Hyder had reached Tippoo secretly,
and caused the sadden movement, leaving the English fouce at
full liberty.

TIPPOO BATB.
CHAPTER III.
PROM THE ACCESSION OP TIPPOO SAIB AS SULTAN OP MYSORE
TO HIS OVERTHROW AND DEATH AT THE SIEGE OP SERINGA-
PATAM. A. D. 1782-1799.

The enemy in vain endeavored to keep secret the death of
the old monarch. Lord Macartney was not long in ascertain
ing the nature of the intelligence Which had so promptly with
drawn Tippoo from the field ; and fully aware of the confusion
which invariably arises in all native states on an occurrence of
this kind, wished to profit by the opportunity thus presented
to him, and urged General Stuart to attack the Mysorean army,
which he rightly judged would be easily overthrown in the
absence of their leader. Stuart, however, either did not credit
the report of Hyder's death, or disliking to expose himself and
his troops at a time of year not usually one of action in that
country, delayed operations until the season had changed ; and
(200)"

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 201
it was consequently February, in 1783, before he was in mo
tion. Stuart having thus lost this opportunity, withdrew the
garrisons from Wandewash and Caranjoly, and blew up both
forts ; then marching to Vallore, he heard that Tippoo was re
treating from the Carnatic, and had ordered the evacuation of
Arcot. The necessity of establishing his hereditary authority, and
repelling a formidable invasion of the Sikhs, obliged Tippoo to
visit the western side of India. The English army, after his
sudden departure, divided ; the sepoys marching by land to ¦
Tellicherry, while the Europeans proceeded by 6ea to Merjee,
where they were joined by General Matthews with a consider
able army, who passed the ghauts, took Bidnore and Ananpore,
and compelled Mangalore to capitulate.
The treasure found at these places Matthews refused to ap
ply in payment of the arrears due to the army, which Colonel
Macleod, Colonel Mackenzie, and Major Shaw quitted, to com
plain to the authorities at Bombay, who superseded Matthews,
and appointed Macleod in his stead. Returning by sea, these
officers fell in with a Mahratta fleet ; and, ignorant of the
treaty recently made, an engagement ensued, in which Macleod
was wounded and made prisoner, Mackenzie mortally wounded,
and Shaw killed.
The army of Matthews being most injudiciously dispersed in
small detachments, gave Tippoo an opportunity for concen
trating his forces. % Suddenly attacking Bidnore, he forced it
to capitulate after a gallant resistance. Matthews, who com
manded the garrison, previous to surrendering, distributed the
treasures in his possession among his soldiers, which Tippoo
held to be a breach of the terms of capitulation, and made it a
pretext for the imprisonment of Matthews, who was subse
quently assassinated ; his companions in arms were likewise
subjected to long and rigorous confinement. After this action
Tippoo invested Mangalore, a sea-port to which he attached
great importance.
The Madras army being inactive, Suffrein landed Bussy with
a reinforcement at Cuddalore ; during which time Lord Ma-

202 BRITISH INDIA.
cartney in vain remonstrated with General Stuart against the
impolicy of allowing the French to occupy a post so important.
After several weeks, Stuart marched, but with so much reluc
tance, that he put his men over three miles a day only. In
the mean time the fleet, which had been augmented, returned
to Madras, and was sent to assist in the recapture of Cudda
lore. By the time Stuart arrived at Cuddalore, the French
had erected several fortified points, which he attacked with
partial success, but made no attempt to improve his victory.
Affairs at sea were managed still worse. The English and
French fleets engaged off Cuddalore. Suffrein was thoroughly
defeated, but remained to repair, while the victorious admiral
sailed for Madras, which afforded Suffrein the opportunity of
landing men from his fleet to reinforce Bussy, who attacked the
English, but unsuccessfully. Bussy, undaunted, prepared for
another attack, when intelligence arrived that peace was estab
lished between France and England. A cessation of hostilities
was agreed upon, and Tippoo was invited by Bussy to join in
the treaty ; the French soldiers in his service being at the same
time recalled. The same messenger that brought intelligence
of peace brought orders for General Stuart to appear before
the governor and council of Madras, a summons he reluctantly
obeyed : it was resolved he should be dismissed the Company's
service. To this sentence he refused to submit, and was sup
ported by Sir John Burgoyne ; but Lord Macartney arrrested
Stuart, and sent him in a few days to England.
These errors and disgraces were retrieved by Colonel Ful-
larton, who commanded in the southern districts. In tho
height of a victorious career, Stuart stopped and ordered him
to join at Cuddalore ; while marching, he learnt of the armis
tice, and also of Tippoo's demonstration against Mangalore,
and without further orders, he pushed on to Seringapatam. In
his way he captured Palagateherry and Coimbatore ; but re
ceived orders, on the 28th of November, to cease all offensive
operations, and evacuate the places he had captured.
Fullarton well knew Tippoo's treacherous nature, and de
layed executing the orders he had received ; which foresight

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 203
was amply verified by his receiving directions on the 26th of
the ensuing January, to renew' the war. Tippoo would not
listen to peace until the reduction of Mangalore, which he had
besieged upward of twelve months. A force was sent to re
lieve the place under Macleod, who, instead of doing so, ne-.
gotiated with Tippoo to be allowed to supply the garrison
with provisions : the result of these delays was, that Campbell
was obliged to capitulate, marching to Tellicherry with all the
honors of war.
A treaty of peace, embracing a mutual restitution of all cap
tured places, was signed on March 11th, 1784, and ratified by
the Supreme Council at Calcutta during Hastings' absence,
who wished subsequently to introduce modifications, which
Lord Macartney honorably rejected.
From the uncertain way in which the act of parliament was
drawn up which created the Supreme Court, consisting of one
chief and three puisne judges, a conflict ensued between it and
the council, virtually involving the Company's right to the
provinces acquired. The civil jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court compassed all claims of the Company against British
subjects, and of British subjects against the natives, presuming
the parties disputing acquiesced in appealing to its decision.
In criminal cases it extended to all British subjects and ser
vants of the Company ; but the act did not define what con
stituted a British subject, and the judges classed, not only all
the subjects of the Oompany, but even subjects of the native
princes over whom the Company exercised any influence, as
coming within its jurisdiction. The effects of this interpreta
tion were not long before they manifested themselves. Writs
were issued against the Zemindars by individuals for ordinary
debts, upon which the defendants were ordered to appear at
Calcutta ; if they neglected, they were arrested, or if, upon
their arrival, they were unable to procure bail, they were car
ried off to prison, where they remained pending the litigation
of the suit. It had been the usage in India, in collecting the
revenue, to exercise summary jurisdiction in cases of disputed
payments, which power was vested in the provincial councils

204 BRITISH INDIA.
called Dewannee Adaulut, with which the Supreme Court soon
interfered ; and when any summary process was enforced, the
defendant was encouraged to take out a writ of habeas corpus
in the Supreme Court, when the judges took bail for the ap
pearance of the parties, and liberated them. More than this,
the Company had reserved to the Nabob of Bengal the admin
istration of all civil cases. The Supreme Court, however, did
not heed this reservation, and disputed its enforcement. Where
upon Mr. Hastings instituted a new court, the Sudder Dewannee
Adaulut, and placed Sir Elijah Impey at the head of it. The
office and emoluments being held during the pleasure of the
governor and council, it was presumed that Impey would no
longer support the pretensions of the Supreme Court against
the Dewannee Adaulut, and would effect a reconciliation be
tween the antagonistic courts. But the House of Commons
censured these proceedings ; and Impey was recalled to an
swer several criminal charges.
Hastings made some important alterations in the finance
department. A revenue board was formed at the Presidency
to superintend the collection and lease the revenues to the
Zemindars. He then made a tour to the upper provinces;
and, as the government was pressed in its finances, determined
to obtain assistance from the Rajah of Benares and the Nabob
of Oude.
The Rajah of Benares, Cheyt Sing, paid a tribute upon re
ceiving protection of the Company ; and an addition was de
manded, which the rajah paid, stipulating that after the year it
was not to be redemanded. It was, however, again demanded,
and remonstrated against ; when an army was sent to enforce
it, with £2000 besides, for the payment of the troops employed.
The same proceeding was repeated the third year, with an
additional fine of £10,000, although the rajah's agent had pre
sented the governor-general with two lacs of rupees. Hastings,
having determined on his line of proceeding, upon reaching
Benares, refused Cheyt Sing an audience, and had him arrested
as a defaulter ; when the population broke into the palace and
cut down the larger portion of Sepoys and their officers having

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 205
custody of the rajah. The latter, in the confusion, escaped to
the opposite bank of the river. Hastings, who was compara
tively Wanting both in men and money, escaped to Chunar.
Cheyt Sing, when all his offers of submission had been re
jected, raised a few troops, who, after encountering a severe
defeat from the British troops, disbanded themselves ; and the
unfortunate rajah fled to Bundelcund, leaving his wife and
treasure in the Bejygur fort, which was soon taken, and Cheyt
Sing formally deposed. A grandson of the late rajah, Bulwant
Sing, being declared the ruler of Benares, the tribute was raised
to forty lacs, and the administration of the laws was placed
under the control of the Company.
Hastings next directed his attention to the Nabob of Oude,
whose tribute was in arrear £1,400,000, the payment of which
he intended to enforce. Previous, however, to any hostile dis
play, he appointed a fresh resident, named Middleton, at Luck
now, in direct opposition to the wishes of the Directory.
Hastings instructed this official to proceed in his demands,
although knowing the nabob's revenues had been eaten up in
the support of the English forces he had been compelled to
maintain. Middletonj however, was to look to another quarter
for the deficiency. At this period there were resident at
Lucknow, in possession of large revenues, two native princesses
er begums, the mothers of the late and present nabobs, to
whom Suja-ad-Dowla had bequeathed the larger portion of his
treasure. These princesses, it was suggested by the nabob,
were far richer than they should be, and were fair objects of
plunder, under the plea that they had endeavored to excite re^
bellion in favor of Cheyt Sing. They were accordingly stripped
of their revenues forthwith, through the instrumentality of the
nabob, who, having invested their palaces, crowned his pro
ceedings by putting the chief and confidential attendants in
irons, and threatening to keep them without food until the
treasures of the princesses were yielded up. By means of this
violence half-a-million was extorted, which sum failed to pro
cure the release of the unfortunate captives for some months ;
indeed, not until it was manifest that the begums would surren-
18

206 BRITISH INDIA.
der nothing further, were their attendants liberated. Hastings'
share in these proceedings was rewarded by a present of
£100,000 from the nabob, which he asked the Company's per
mission to accept as a reward for his services.
The sums of money thus obtained — whatever may be thought
of their source — were undoubtedly the means of saving the
Carnatic, and probably of preserving the British empire in the
East. The sinews of war thus fortunately supplied, enabled the
campaign in the Carnatic to be pushed on with renewed vigor,
and finally ended in the complete overthrow of all their enemies
in that quarter — a consummation that no doubt soothed the
great man's mind during after annoyances and persecutions.
Having thus consolidated the British power in India, and
having, during the two years of peace which followed the wars
in the Carnatic, placed the revenues and general administra
tion of the country in a sounder and more efficient state, the
governor-general tended his resignation, and in the early part
of 1785 embarked for England. Seldom, if ever, has any man
quitted the shores of India so universally admired and beloved
as did Warren Hastings. Military men, civilians, and natives,
all united by one common consent in regretting the departure
of the man who, after a thirty years' residence and fourteen
years' rule, had endeared himself to all sections of the com
munity. The East India Company having received formal intimation
that their charter would expire in three years from the 25th of
March, 1780, great interest was excited regarding the princi
ple of its renewal. The political events and charges of pecula
tion and oppression laid against the Company's servants in no
wise favorably influenced either the public or parliamentary
feeling ; while Lord North, the minister, held it as the law of
the constitution, that acquired territory belonged solely to the
crown. This was spiritedly opposed by the Company; and
Lord North, whose administration was extinct in 1782, prom
ised an extension of the charter, with this one further condi
tion, that all dispatches received by the directors from their

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

207

GEOBOE III.

servants in India, should be open to the inspection of the
minister. The Marquis of Rockingham, a known antagonist to the
East India Board, succeeded North ; but his death shortly
afterward placed the Earl of Shelburne, since the Marquis of
Lansdowne, at the head of affairs. Fox, who was greatly hurt
at being passed over, left the cabinet, and joined North in the
opposition which defeated the Shelburne administration ; and,
to the annoyance of George III., brought about the celebrated
Coalition Ministry. Fox soon introduced a bill for the better
government of India, which proposed vesting the patronage of
the directory and proprietary in seven commissioners appointed
by the legislature ; and also proposed measures for affording a
more creditable local government to India. Calumny and interest
represented his efforts as a means of personal aggrandizement, the
seven commissioners being represented as ready instruments in
his hands for ruling India. The House of Commons, whose

208 BRITISH INDIA.
select committees had made valuable reports upon India, were
uninfluenced, and passed the bill by large majorities. Its fate
was different in the House of Lords ; for there the king, acting
most unconstitutionally, authorized Lord Temple to state that
he should personally regard every man as his enemy who sup
ported the bill ; which was consequently thrown out by a ma
jority of eight, the numbers on' division being eighty-seven
against seventy-nine.
Shortly after, Pitt, as prime minister, introduced and carried
his India bill, and established the Board of Control, composed
of six privy councilors chosen by the king ; whose powers, as
their title implies, authorize them to check and control the
most important functions of the Company.
Upon the departure of Hastings, the senior member of
Council, Mr. Macpherson undertook the government, which
he conducted with great ability, and much to the satisfaction
of the Directors.
After some delay in the nomination of a successor to Hastings,
the Court of Directors appointed Lord Cornwallis to the vacant
office ; and that nobleman arrived in Calcutta and assumed the
reins of government in September, 1786, taking at the same
time the command of the forces in India.
Promising as were the appearances of the political horizon
at this juncture, the new governor-general soon found it as
difficult to maintain peace as had his predecessor. The first
symptom of approaching troubles was by an act of Tippoo,
Sultan of Mysore, who on some pretense invaded the dominions
of the Rajah of Travancore, an ally of the English, and suc
ceeded in introducing a portion of his army within the in
trenched lines of the rajah's fortifications. The resolute daring
of a small body of Nairs, however, turned the fortune of the
day ; and Tippoo had the mortification of beholding his numer
ous troops flying before a mere handful of Hindoo warriors.
The sultan himself had some difficulty in escaping with his life,
so hotly was he pursued by the resolute band of Nairs.
Tippoo endeavored to persuade Lord Cornwallis that it was
an unauthorized attack of his troops ; his lordship, knowing

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

209

LORD COBNWALLIS.

his adversary's character, negotiated treaties with the Nizam
and the Mahrattas at Poonah, to control the restlessness of
Tippoo, who meanwhile renewed his assault upon the lines of
Travancore, which he carried on the 7th of May, 1790, razed
them, and desolated the country. This attack was met by the
advance of General Meadows with the Madras army on Coim-
batore, and thence to the interior of the Mysore country; while
General Abercrombie with the Bombay army descended by the
Malabar coast on Tippoo's territory. The campaign was
terminated in Tippoo's favor, Meadows having ineffectually en
deavored to draw him into a general engagement, which he
dexterously avoided, and captured several depots well supplied
with stores and provisions.
The necessary arrangements having been completed, Corn
wallis personally opened the second campaign, and reached
the pass of Mooglee before his enemy could offer any resist
ance. On the 5th of March, 1791, the English arrived before
18*

210 BRITISH INDIA.
Bangalore. Colonel Floyd, on the next morning, with a strong
detachment, unexpectedly fell in with Tippoo's army, and
rashly ordered an immediate attack ; which would probably
have been successful, had not a severe wound prevented him
from directing the operations. The retreat was covered by
Major Gowdie, who with a few guns effectually checked the
pursuit. Cornwallis, on the night of the 21st of March, though
the sultan and his army were in sight of the town, attacked
and captured Bangalore, when a terrible slaughter ensued,
upward of 1000 of the besieged falling during the storming.
The possession of Bangalore did not produce the advantages
anticipated ; there were scarcely any provisions, stores, or
draught cattle ; and the Nizam's contingent was worthless.
But the governor-general, undaunted, advanced upon Seringa-
patam, having previously ordered an invasion of Mysore on the
Malabar side by the Bombay army. Tippoo was defeated ;
but the want of supplies and increasing sickness compelled
Cornwallis to retreat, with the loss of his battering train and
stores. The Mahrattas joined his lordship a few days after
this loss, well supplied with draught cattle and provisions;
but the season was too advanced for active operations, and
the army retreated to Bangalore.
The third campaign having been well prepared for, was
opened with spirit, detachments securing the hill-forts which
protected the passes into the Mysore country. Amongst the
captures was the celebrated Savendroog, which, from its
natural position and artificial advantages, appeared impreg
nable ; but was taken by storm on the 21st of December ; and
Octadroog, a fortress almost as strong, fell a few days later.
A detachment under the command of Captain Little, sent
to aid the Mahrattas, obtained great advantages over the
enemy ; his allies, however, instead of assisting, proved an in
cumbrance. With 700 men he attacked a strongly-fortified
camp of the Mysorean army, consisting of 10,000 men, whom
he routed, capturing their guns and stores. After this fell the
fortress of Lemoga, opening a portion of Tippoo's territory
till then free from the ravages of the war. The Mahrattas,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 211
instead of advancing to support General Abercrombie, who
reached the top of the ghauts on the Malabar side, made a
miserable attempt on Prednore, for the sake of plunder, thus
interfering with the plan of the campaign, and causing the fall
of Coimbatore before the Mysore army. The capitulation
being flagrantly violated, Lord Cornwallis refused to listen to
Tippoo's solicitations for peace.
On the 5th of February, 1792, reinforcements from Hydera
bad having arrived, the governor-general advanced to lay siege
to Seringapatam. On the 6th, in the evening, the troops
having been dismissed from parade, were ordered to fall in
again with their arms and ammunition. By eight all was com
pleted for a surprise on Tippoo's fortified camp, the army ad
vancing in three columns. Tippoo's army, which consisted of
50,000 infantry and 6000 cavalry, under his own command,
were routed ; and their assailants, after storming several bat
teries, obtained a defensible position before the dawn of morn
ing. At daybreak hostilities were more fiercely renewed, the
fortress opening a destructive fire on the redoubts captured by
the English, and vigorous attempts were made to recover their
lost positions; but Tippoo's soldiery were beaten in every
direction, and the battle terminated on the. evening of the 7th;
535 men were killed and wounded upon the English side ; but
the adverse army suffered to the extent of upward of 4000.
General Abercrombie joined Lord Cornwallis nine days after
with an augmentation of 2000 Europeans and 4000 native
troops. On the 24th, Tippoo yielded to his fate, and most reluctantly
signed a treaty, by which he bound himself to give up one-
half of his territories to his conquerors, pay three crores and
two lacs of rupees as the expenses of the war, and to surrender
two of his sons as hostages for the performance of these stipu
lations. Tippoo evinced great disinclination to complete his promises,
notwithstanding his sons were in the English camp. The in
dependence of the Rajah of Coorg was most objectionable to
him ; and it was not until he found preparations were being

212 BRITISH INDIA.
made for a renewed attack, that he submitted on the 1 9th of
March, when his hostages delivered in the definitive treaty.
Upon the conclusion of this treaty, Lord Cornwallis took pos
session of all the French settlements in India, the revolution
in France having brought on a war with England and that
country. The charter of the East India Company met with but little
opposition or discussion when renewed in 1793. At this
period Sir John Shore, a civil servant of the Company, was
appointed successor to Lord Cornwallis ; whose financial and
judicial measures, especially the Permanent Settlement, had
proved far from advantageous to those whom he really intended
to benefit ; hence Shore's appointment, who was well acquainted
with the financial administration of India.
The treaty between the English, the Mahrattas, and the
Nizam did not provide for the possibility of disagreement
among the contracting parties, which soon afterward occurred.
The Mahrattas were desirous of grasping the spoils of the
Nizam, and at the same time apprehensive of the increasing
power of the English. Their chief, Scindia, openly expressed
his dissatisfaction, and at the same time made no hesitation in
asserting that Tippoo should be strengthened as a necessary
opposing power to the English. His death, shortly afterward,
prevented this formidable combination from taking place ;
upon which the Nizam, believing the court of Poonah to be in
a state of confusion, hastily invaded the Mahratta territory,
but was encountered by a body of troops near Kurdla, where
an action took place, from which the Nizam and his officers
fled, leaving his army to suffer a total rout. The Nizam shel
tered himself in the fort of Kurdla for two days ; at the end
of which time he submitted to his enemies' conditions. The
Company refused upon this occasion to allow the British in
the Nizam's service to join him ; and upon his return he dis
missed them, and appointed a French officer to discipline his
troops. This gave the English great uneasiness ; and not less
so from the fact of the attempt of some French officers to

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 213
escape from Madras, and the desertion of several sepoys from
the Madras to the French service.
Sir John Shore, desirous of effecting a reconciliation with
Tippoo, immediately the terms of the treaty were fulfilled, de
livered up his sons with due honors. But the sultan, as re
vengeful as proud, declined to meet Shore's advances, treating
the officer who accompanied his sons with great coolness, and
refusing a second interview with him.
The extravagance and incapacity of the nabob had produced
lamentable effects in Oude, to which a disputed accession upon
his death added considerably ; his brother claiming the throne,
asserting the nabob's reputed children to be the offspring of
others. The governor-general, until visiting Lucknow, favored
the pretension of young Vizir Ali ; but whilst there he ob
tained such information, that he confirmed the claims of Sadat
Ali, the late nabob's brother, who was proclaimed on the 21st
of January, 1798.
In the Carnatic, affairs were not more promising than those
of Oude. Lord Hobart, governor of Madras, endeavored to
prevail upon the nabob to renounce his authority; but the
governor-general refusing to allow any intimidation, all his en
deavors on this point failed. But if unsuccessful with the
nabob, Lord Hobart proved otherwise with the Dutch; for
immediately on receiving the news of the outbreak of war be
tween England and Holland, he took possession of Ceylon,
Malacca, Banda, and Amboyna, all Dutch settlements, with
scarcely a struggle. Shortly after, he was superseded by Lord
Clive as governor of Madras ; and Sir John Shore being
elevated to the peerage as Lord Teignmouth, sailed for En
gland, having resigned the governor-generalship.
The affairs of India were now placed under the control of
Lord Mornington, who assumed the office of governor-general
on the 17th of May, 1798. Shortly after his arrival, he re
ceived the copy of a proclamation, issued by the French gov
ernor of the Mauritius, certifying that Tippoo Sultan had sent
two officers to propose an offensive and defensive alliance with
the French ; and soliciting soldiers to drive the English out of

214 BRITISH INDIA. 4
Southern India. The document also requested the citizens to
enlist, for which Tippoo would pay handsomely. This was at
first considered a forgery ; but, upon its proving genuine, no
alternative appeared to be left, and accordingly war was de
clared against Tippoo.
General Harris, the governor of Madras, could not respond
with promptitude to the orders of Lord Mornington, owing to
the embarrassed state of the finances of his presidency, as well
as to the opposition offered to the war by several of the lead
ing men of the government. Little activity prevailed, there
fore, until the arrival of Lord Clive. At this critical period
fortune favored the English in a direction in which they had
very little reason to look for it. The French soldiery, whom
the Nizam had engaged when he dismissed the English troops,
were disbanded, and in such a state of insubordination and dis
satisfaction, that their officers gladly entered the English lines
for protection ; the place of these rebellious troops being again
occupied by the British battalions formerly, in the Nizam's
service. In November a remonstrance was forwarded by the gover
nor-general to the sultan ; and he immediately afterward pro
ceeded to Madras, where all arrangements were completed for
the campaign. Generals Harris and Stuart commanded the
armies of the Carnatic and Bombay ; and the latter was or
dered to join Harris as he advanced on Seringapatam. On
the 6th of March General Harris had invaded Tippoo's coun
try, taking a few hill-forts. The Nizam's troops were at this
time commanded by the Hon. Col. Arthur Wellesley, subse
quently Duke of Wellington, just entering upon his military
career. Tippoo gave out reports that the Bombay army was
the first contemplated object of his attack ; but meanwhile he
marched 200 miles in an opposite direction to intercept Col.
Montressor at Sedasser, who had three battalions of sepoys
under him. Acoident frustrated his intentions ; for, on the
evening of the 5th of March, the Rajah of Coorg, who had been
entertaining Montressor and his English officers, conducted"
them to the heights of Sedasser for the purpose of viewing the

COL. WELLESLET, AFTERWARD DUKE OF WELLINGTON. (215.)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 217
Mysore country, when, to their astonishment, in the plain be
low, they discerned Tippoo's encampment. Montressor took
every precaution time and place would allow for defense, and
sustained Tippoo's attack the next morning most gallantly.
In the afternoon general Stuart arrived and relieved him from
his perilous position. Tippoo having exhausted himself in the
effort to prevent the junction, his troops became disheartened,
and fled in every direction, throwing down their muskets,
swords, and turbans, and inded every thing that impeded their
flight. Tippoo neglected several favorable opportunities for attack
ing the army of the Carnatic, but at length changed his plans,
and determined upon engaging at Mallavely. The plan of
attack was, for three hundred picked men, under the command
of Tippoo's councilor, Poorniah, to charge and break the right
wing of the English ; upon which Tippoo was to pour his en
tire cavalry upon the weakened part, and cut through the
army, and thus, by dividing, destroy it. But Poorniah's de
tachment was discovered in time ; and the Scotch brigade, or
dered to receive the attack, were strictly enjoined to withhold
their fire until the enemy were close upon them. Scarcely had
they formed, when the three hundred men rushed from the
jungle ; steadily obeying their orders, the Scotch, with na
tional coolness, waited the word to fire, which Harris timed
so judiciously, as to lay forty men and horses on the ground
at the first discharge. Harris then advanced his right wing ;
but Tippoo's soldiers, discouraged by the failure of the first
onset, retreated rapidly; of which advantage could not be
taken, owing to the want of means for transporting the artillery
and stores.
The left wing, under Wellesley, was even more successful.
Tippoo's troops, thrown into confusion by the close and steady
fire he maintained, were charged at an opportune moment with
great slaughter and the loss of six of their standards. The
comparative losses in this battle were, on the English side,
sixty-six men killed, wounded/ and missing ; while Tippoo
suffered to the extent of two thousand.
19

218 BRITISH INDIA.
Harris now prepared to cross the Cavary, near Soosilly, if
practicable, and attack Seringapatam on the west side, in order
to facilitate the junction of the Bombay army, and obtain the
requisite supply of grain expected through the western passes.
This /movement, unexpected by Tippoo, filled him with alarm.
On the 5th of April the English army were before Seringa
patam. In the evening, Colonels Shaw and Wellesley were or
dered to attack a watercourse and tope, or clump of trees,
forming an outpost of the enemy; through some confusion,
owing to the darkness of the night, Wellesley was unsuccessful,
barely escaping with life ; and, by some mischance, was too
late the next morning to take the command for a renewed
assault upon the post, which was then carried in twenty
minutes. The siege steadily advanced, several breaches having been
made, until the day of assault, the 4th of May. At one o'clock
in the day, the usual Indian hour of repose, Syed Goff har, Tip
poo's best general, sent word to the sultan that an attack was
about to be made ; but Tippoo's faith in astrological predic
tions overweighing the general's warning, he refused to listen
to the message ; and while Syed was deliberating upon the an
swer, he was killed by a cannon shot. At half-past one Gen
eral Baird stepped from the trenches, sword in hand, and gate
the orders to advance. In seven minutes the English colors
were planted and floating at the summit of the breach. The
storming divisions, as they ascended, wheeled to the right and
left, fighting along the northern and southern ramparts, every
inch of which was bravely defended by the Mysoreans. Thou
sands fell ; and the slaughter terminated only when the two
storming parties met on the eastern rampart. Tippoo's palace
alone remained to be captured, the surrender of which was
withheld in consequence of the uncertainty of its master's fate.
He had fallen in the thickest and hottest of the fight,' shot in
three places by musket bfllls. It was late in the evening before
Tippoo's body was discovered ; and on the ensuing day it was
placed in the tomp of Hyder Ali, the highest military honors
being paid to the deceased sultan. Tippoo's family were im

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

219

DEATH OF TIPPOO SATE.

mediately taken under the protection of the English, and
treated with every respect dne to their exalted station.
Thus fell one of the most cruel and implacable enemies the
British had ever encountered in India. His love of war ap
peared to have its origin in the misery and ruin it carried in
its train. An enemy to the human race, he seemed to take
especial pleasure in exercising his ferocity updn such English
prisoners as fell into his power. Death by the sword was con
sidered a fortunate termination to their existence, even when
safety had been guaranteed by capitulation; and many were

220

BRITISH INDIA.

the cold-blooded atrocities revealed when his death unloosed
the tongues of his oppressed people.
His name signifies a tiger ; and so attached was Tippoo to
these savage animals, types of his own ferocious character, that
he kept numbers of them about his palace, and often made them
his executioners. One of his favorite toys is still to be seen,
though sadly disarranged, in the East India Company's museum
in Leadenhall street, London. It consists of the figure of a
tiger in the act of tearing a European to pieces ; on turning a
handle, some mechanism in the inside moves the jaws and limbs
of the animal, and at the same time emits sounds intended to
represent the growls of the tiger mingled with the groans of
the dying man.

CIKOASSIANS.

CHAPTER IV.
FROM THE DISMEMBERMENT OP THE MYSOREAN KINGDOM, TO
THE TERMINATION OF THE FIRST MAHRATTA CAMPAIGN.
A. D. 1799-1806

The death of the tyrant Tippoo was followed by the occupa
tion of the numerous strongholds of the Mysorean country,
which at once fell into the possession of the British com
mander. Colonel Wellesley was appointed governor of Mysore, and
assumed charge of Seringapatam, much to the annoyance of
General Baird, who, as his senior in years and service, had
calculated on the post. How far the relationship of the young
commander to the governor-general may have exercised an in
fluence in this arrangement is little to the purpose, since it
afforded Wellesley an opportunity for displaying those admin
istrative and military talents which were at a future period
destined so greatly to distinguish him. He succeeded most
completely in restoring order and security throughout his gov
ernment, and earned for himself at once the approval of his
superiors, and the respect and attachment of the natives of the
country. 19* (221)

222 BRITISH INDIA.
The governor-general, in the distribution of the late sultan's
territory, determined that his family should be no participators
in it ; he nevertheless apportioned them an extremely liberal
annuity, with a residence in the fo^t of Vellore. That part of
Mysore approximating to the former capital was createu a
principality for the Hindoo rajahs who had been deposed by
Hyder Ali. The Nizam had several rich districts, whilst the
English kept Seringapatam and the mountain passes and forts.
A small portion was set apart for the Mahrattas as allies, al
though their forces had not joined during the war.
Lord Mornington being now comparatively unfettered, di
rected an expedition against the Isle of France, which had for
years been the rendezvous of several buccaneering vessels, the
captains of which had openly carried on attacks upon British
commerce. The island being deemed also a very favorable
point for assembling an enemy's fleet, its tenure was held to be
indispensable. Colonel Wellesley was accordingly commanded
to prepare an armament for the capture of the place ; and Ad
miral Rainier, who commanded in the Indian Ocean, was or
dered to Trincomalee to co-operate in the attack. This order
the admiral refused to execute or join in such an expedition with
out instructions' from England. Whatever the admiral's mo
tives, the results were most disastrous ; for these privateers con
tinued, during the • subsequent wars, to levy tribute upon the
commerce of the Indian seas with impunity.
Being foiled in this, the governor-general projected an attack
on Batavia with the forces at Ceylon ; but orders from England
directed him to send a body of troops into Egypt to expel the
French ; and thus, for a time, the attack upon the Dutch set
tlement was delayed. The troops at Ceylon were accordingly
dispatched to Bombay, and joined by some native infanty in
readiness for foreign service. The combined body was com
manded by Baird, and sent by the Red Sea to Egypt ; but the
French had capitulated before its arrival, and it therefore took
no share in the honors of the campaign.
The nizam being unable to protect himself without <fie
British contingent in his service and the governor-general ap-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 223
prehensive that the Mahrattas would invade his country, ar
rangements were entered into between them that certain dis
tricts should be assigned to the English for the maintenance
of his auxiliaries. This wal" rendered necessary by the incon
sistencies and jealousy of the nizam's court, some portions of
whom endeavored to persuade him to dismiss these forces, and
rely upon his own enlistments. The acquisition of new terri
tory was in opposition to the act under which the Company
held their authority ; but the prudence of the policy pursued
prevented any objection to this infringement. Indeed, the
court of Hyderabad presented such a scene of corruption, im
becility, and profligacy, that, had the nizam surrendered all his
power and dominion, little opposition would have been offered,
even by the greatest opponents to the East India Company.
During, and indeed for some time previous to the war with
Tippoo, Shah Zeman, the Afghan sovereign, had threatened
an invasion of India, which enterprise Tippoo urged him to
undertake, persuading him that the attempt would be joined
by all the Mohammedans in India. Tippoo's advice so well
reconciled itself to Shah Zeman's wishes, that he invaded the
Punjab in 1795 ; but a rebellion at home compelled him, in less
than a fortnight, to recross the Indus. His second attempt
was in January, 1797, when he advanced to Lahore, and, by
mediation, made a successful impression upon the Sikhs and
their chieftains. These people were originally a quiet, inoffen- '
sive sect, having a mixed creed of Mohammedan and Hindoo
tenets, but had become a warlike and . independent people,
owing to the cruel persecutions inflicted upon them by the
emperors of Delhi. The efforts of Shah Zeman to conciliate
the Sikhs were, however, opposed by the Mohammedan
priests following his army, and the licentiousness of the army
itself, which he could not suppress ; despite these, however, he
continued to hold the Punjab, and prepared for an attack upon
Delhi. The occupation of Lahore by the Afghans, produced
a sensation throughout India. The weakness of the Mahrattas,
ami the incapacity of the nabob's government, predisposed the
populace to revolt ; and the Rohilla chiefs, ready to avenge

224 BRITISH INDIA.
the harshness suffered at the hands of Warren Hastings, were
soon in arms. It required v but the further advance of Shah
Zeman to have matured these elements of discord, which would
probably have gone far to have annihilated the power of the
British in India.
His brother, Prince Mohammed, having headed a rebellion,
Shah Zeman was again compelled to return in the summer of
1797, threatening another and early invasion. He returned to
Lahore in the ensuing year ; but the Persians attacking his do
minions, he was forced to quit India in order to protect his
own territory. This presenting an extremely favorable oppor
tunity, the governor-general sent an embassy to the Shah of
Persia, and negotiated an offensive and defensive alliance ;
which, however, was of little use, for Shah Zeman, in 1801,
was dethroned and imprisoned by his brother.
The affairs of Oude, under Lord Teignmonth's arrangement,
had proved most unsatisfactory. The nabob being irregular in
the payment of his subsidies, his army harassed the people
much more effectually than it could protect them against an
enemy ; while his civil government was a mass of corruption.
These circumstances induced the Marquis of Wellesley, formerly
Lord Mornington, to correct the abuses existing in Oude ; to
which he was also prompted by the irruption of Shah Zeman,
the effect of whose occupation of Lahore was not lost sight of.
Another circumstance determined a prompt line of action.
Vizir Ali, after his deposition, was permitted by Sir John
Shore to reside at Benares ; but this place being considered
too close to his former sovereignty, it was determined to re
move him to Calcutta : to this he objected. On the 14th of
January, 1799, he called on and complained in very indiscreet
language to the resident, Mr. Cherry ; while the latter was re
monstrating with him, the vizir started from the ground and
struck him with his sword, upon which his companions rushed
on and murdered the unfortunate gentleman. Four other En
glishmen were similarly butchered ; but a fifth so effectually de
fended himself, that assistance arrived, upon which Ali and his
fellow assassins fled from the spot. Vizir Ali immediately col-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 225
lected a body of adventurers, who speedily deserted him upon
some slight reverses. He then sought the protection of a Raj
poot chieftain, who surrendered him to the British.
Colonel Scott was now dispatched to the Nabob of Oude,
with instructions authorizing him to demand the immediate
dismissal of the nabob's native troops, and their replacement
by a British army, retaining such as were acquainted with the
mode of collecting the taxes. The nabob delayed as long as
possible, when he declared his desire to resign the sovereignty ;
which the governor-general hesitated upon, unless made in
favor of the Company. It soon became apparent that delay
was his object, upou which Wellesley adopted measures that
forced compliance ; and upon the nabob asserting his inability
to defray the expenses of the English troops, the transfer of
the civil and military government of his country was demanded,
his court and family being provided for by the Company;
while he was also informed that so much territory as would
afford a revenue to defray the subsidy agreed upon with Lord
Teignmouth, must be yielded absolutely to the English.
Every delay that his ingenuity could devise he adopted, until
he heard that troops were actually advancing upon him, when
he reluctantly consented. Wellesley proceeded with the same
promptitude with which he had commenced. On the day the
treaty was signed, he issued a commission for the provisional
government of the country, nominating the Hon. Mr. Henry
Wellesley the head of the commission.
These proceedings were unpalatable to the Court of Direc
tors, and Wellesley's policy, is was rumored, was to secure
family appointments ; that of Mr. H. Wellesley was particu
larly censured, as he did not belong to the class of Company's
servants to which, by aot of parliament, such appointments
were confined, "^he Board of Directors thereupon ordered his
immediate removal ; but the Board of Control refused to sanc
tion it, remarking that the appointment was temporary, and
hence not within the restrictions. Pending these dissensions,
Mr. Wellesley concluded a treaty with the nabob of Furruca-
bad, having similar stipulations to those of Oude ; but Rajah

226, BRITISH INDVA.
Rajwunt Sing refusing to acknowledge the treaty, his two fort
resses, Pridgeghur and Sansu, were besieged and captured.
There were also some refractory Zemindars, who had gained by
the misrule in the Doab, whom it was necessary to coerce ;
which being accomplished, and having thus established tran
quillity, Mr. Wellesley voluntarily resigned his commission.
The East India government, never wasting opportunities nor
wanting pretexts, now discovered that Surat was shamefully
misgoverned. This, and the nonpayment of the tribute, formed a
good justification for annexing it to the Company's territories ;
which plea was further strengthened by the constant difficulties
arising out of the right of succession. The Nabob of Surat,
like many other vassals of the Delhi empire, when strong
enough, became virtually independent, and rendered his suc
cession hereditary. But disputes having arisen respecting the
inheritance, the British interfered and exercised their authority.
A subsequent dispute upon the same subject, in 1789, afforded
a further opportunity for the Company, and the nabob was
treated similarly to the ruler of Oude, being compelled to sur
render the civil and military government of his dominions to
the English, receiving in lieu a pension, and with it protection.
But the chout, or tribute, he had agreed to pay to the Mahrat
tas, was not so easily settled. The Guicowar prince declared
his readiness to relinquish his portion of the tribute to the
Company, but the Peishwa was not so yielding.
In Tanjore, like circumstances produced similar results. The
late rajah, Zuljajce, on his death-bed, had appointed his
adopted son, Sarbojee, his successor ; but the English govern
ment decreed in favor of Zuljajee's brother, Amar Sing. Sar
bojee was compelled to fly to Madras in consequence of Amar's
tyranny, and was subsequently declared rajah on the condition
that he would cede the civil and military government of his
kingdom to the English.
The position of the Nabob of Arcot had caused great in
conveniences between his government and that of Madras. His
revenues were nearly all absorbed or mortgaged, and conse
quently fell into arrears. After the capture of Seringapatam,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 22T
records of treacherous correspondence were discovered amongst
the sultan's papers, involving the late Nabob Wallrjah, as well
as the present Omdah-al-Omrah with Tippoo. Omdah died
while preparations were being made for taking possession of
the civil and military administration of the Carnatic. He was
succeeded by his reputed son, Ali Hassein, with whom Lord
Clive personally negotiated, and received his assent to the pro
posed terms, which he, however, subsequently rejected ; upon
which his lordship deposed him, and gave the throne to his
cousin, Azim-ed-Dowlah. Ali remonstrated, and expressed
his willingness to abide by Clive's previous decision ; both
alike were disregarded, and death soon after terminating his
career, as well as that of the Rajah of Tanjore, the governments
of the latter country and of the Carnatic were established with
out further difficulty.
Lord Wellesley was equally desirous of maintaining the same
relations with the Mahrattas, their troops being little better
than banditti, living rather on plunder than pay, while the
maintenance of such forces hourly jeopardized the peace of
India. On the other hand, an auxiliary disciplined army
would protect the native princes from their continual appre
hensions of insurrection, and restrain their habits of rapine and
extortion. Negotiations were commenced with the Peishwa,
who was legally the Mahratta sovereign, though only in name,
for both Holkar and Scindia, who held their feudatories by
military tenure, rejected his supremacy ; the latter indeed so
controlled the Peishwa Bajee Rao, that Lord Wellesley im
agined he would readily accept the offer of British troops to
rid himself of this insolent chief. Fortune seemed to favor
the governor-general's intentions, Holkar's family, who had
for nearly a century been acknowledged in the northern states,
having established their virtual independence, and an extent
of country scarcely inferior to that of the Peishwa, were at
discord upon the right of succession, which afforded Scindia
an excuse for interfering, who declared Cashee Rao sovereign,
and put Mulhar Rao, his brother, to death, retaining a pos
thumous son of the latter for the fidelity of his uncle, Jesswunt

228 BRITISH INDIA.
Rao, an illegitimate son of the late Holkar, escaped from
Scindia, and shortly appeared at the head of a body of adven
turers ; but was defeated near Indore, on the 14th of October,
1801, losing his artillery and baggage.
In the ensuing year he again appeared with a better dis
ciplined and more numerous army, and marched against the
united forces of the Peishwa and Scindia near Poonah. After
a severe engagement, Scindia's cavalry gave way, and a decisive
victory was obtained by Holkar. The Peishwa left his palace
with an intention of taking part in the engagement, but being
alarmed, he retreated to wait the result ; upon ascertaining it,
he fled to the fort of Senginh, previously sending to Colonel
Close, the British resident, the outlines of a treaty, binding
himself to maintain six battalions of sepoys, and yield twenty-
five lacs of rupees of his revenues for their maintenance. The
day following his victory Holkar requested an interview with
the resident. Colonel Close at once proceeded to his tent,
where he found him suffering from a spear wound in the body,
and a sabre cut on the head. He expressed great anxiety for
the mediation of the resident, with a view of arranging matters
with the Peishwa and Scindia. Holkar's propositions had no
effect upon the Peishwa's fears, who fled in an English ship to
Bassein. The Guicowar having previously declared his readiness to
yield his share of the chout levied on Surat, further to secure
the British alliance, yielded the Chourassy district. His death,
in September, 1800, produced great disturbances; for his son
was perfectly imbecile, and unfit to control the intrigues of the
court of Baroda. These intrigues speedily brought on a war
between the late prime minister Nowjee Apajee and an ille
gitimate brother of the deceased Guicowar; but the English
siding with the minister, and furnishing troops, victory declared
in his favor. Nowjee being unfettered, pursued his economical
reforms by dismissing the Arab mercenaries ; but this body re
fused to disband, demanding enormous arrears ; afterward
mutinying, they seized Baroda and imprisoned the Guicowar.
The English immediately invested" Baroda, which surrendered

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 229
in ten days. Contrary to capitulation, many of the mutineers
joined the rebel Kanhojee ; but were pursued, and ultimately,
with the latter, driven from Gujerat.
Bajee Rao's flight to Bassein, Holkar treated as an abdica
tion, and with other Mahratta chiefs proclaimed Amrut Rao
Peishwa ; upon which the most violent excesses commenced ;
the ministers of the late prince were tortured to reveal his
treasures ; and every presumed wealthy person in Poonah was
seized and terrified into the delivery of his property. When
these atrocities began, Colonel Close proceeded to Bassein,
and concluded a treaty with Bajee Rao, by which the Peishwa
agreed to accept an English force, providing for its subsistence,
to exclude from his territories Europeans of whatsover country
hostile to the English, to relinquish his claims on Surat, and
submit all points between him and the Guicowar to the arbi
tration of the English.
This treaty was no sooner executed than Bajee Rao began
intriguing with Scindia and Raghajee Bhouslay, Rajah of Berar,
to frustrate the execution of it, in which these chiefs willingly
assisted, as its operation would have overthrown the influence
they possessed in the Mahratta states. The governor-general
promptly restored the Peishwa, and Amrut Rao, subsequent to
his deposition having deserved it, was awarded a liberal
pension and a residence at Benares.
The governor-general, after restoring Bajee Rao, endeavored
to obtain the acknowledgment of the Bassein, treaty by the
Mahratta chieftains ; Raghajee Bhouslay, however, offered
every opposition, and endeavored to unito Scindia and Holkar
to defeat the English policy, which end they fancied might be
obtained by procrastination. But General Wellesley, who was
invested with the joint powers of political agent and com
mander of the army of the Deccan, felt little inclined to submit
to evasions, and without circumlocution insisted that the troops
of Raghajee should retire to Boxar, and Scindia's to Hindos
tan. This proposition admitted of no escape, and greatly dis
concerted the Mahratta princes ; and being thus forced to deter-
20

230 BRITISH INDIA.
mine at once, they refused, which was of course regarded as a
declaration of war.
Scindia had a numerous army in the northern Mahrattas,
disciplined and officered by several French officers, against
whom General Lake was directed to act, while General Wel
lesley and Colonel Stephenson commanded in the Deccan.
Wellesley's first operation was against the reputed impregnable
fort of Ahmednuggar, which withstood his attack but four
days. He then pursued the Mahrattas, who avoided an en
gagement ; but being determined to bring them to a decisive
action, on the 21st of September, 1803, he marched in one
direction, ordering Stephenson to take another, so that their
forces might again unite on the 24th, when he fancied the
Mahrattas would, from his apparently small army, be drawn
into action. But, on the 23d, intelligence reached him that
the Mahrattas, fifty thousand strong, with a hundred pieces of
artillery, were encamped close at hand ; he at once decided to
attack them, without waiting for Stephenson's reinforcement,
although his force was only four thousand five hundred men
strong. This engagement was the celebrated battle of Assaye,
and began with a terrible discharge of canister, grape, and
round shot from the Mahrattas, which told with fearful effect
upon the English ranks, which were entirely destitute of
artillery ; nevertheless, the English troops undauntedly advanced,
when a body of Mahratta horse charged the 74th. A counter
charge of the 19th Light Dragoons and 4th Madras horse was
ordered, and executed with such irresistible effect, that the
enemy's advanced line fell back upon the rear, and the British
and native infantry rushing upon them with impetuosity, drove
both into the Juab. As the enemy attempted to reform on the
opposite side of the river, the British cavalry again dashed
amongst them, and completely sealed the fate of the Mahrattas,
ninety-eight pieces of cannon being captured. The loss was
severe on the British side, one-third of the troops being wounded
or killed. Stephenson did not join until the evening of the
24th, when he pursued the fugitives, but unsuccessfully ; he,
however, reduced the city of Burhampore and the fort of

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 231
Asseeghur, while a portion of the Gujerat forces took Baroach
and other fortresses.
During these proceedings, General Lake, who held powers
in Hindostan similar to those of Wellesley in the Deccan, ad
vanced from Cawnpore against Scindia's northern army, under
M. Perron. The campaign opened with the storming and
capture of Alijurh ; but, as a set-off, Shekoabad was surprised
by some Mahratta cavalry, commanded by a French officer,
and the garrison compelled to capitulate, the detachment Lake
sent to their relief arriving too late.
Information reaching M. Perron that Scindia intended
•superseding him, he addressed a letter to General Lake, re
questing permission to pass, with his family, property, and
officers of his suite, through the Company's territories to
Lucknow, which was immediately conceded by the governor-
general. After capturing Alijurh, Lake advanced upon Delhi, where
his advanced guard suddenly encountered a destructive can
nonade, M. Louis Bourquin, next in command to Perron,
having cleverly ambuscaded his guns in long grass. The
Mahratta position was too strong to draw them from it. Lake,
therefore, commanded the cavalry to retire, which the enemy
mistook for a retreat, and rushed after them. The cavalry
retired in close order, until it reached the advancing column,
when opening from the centre, the British infantry passed to
the front. The battalions advanced under a destructive fire
from the enemy's guns until within a hundred yards, when they
fired a volley, and charged with the bayonet. Scindia's in
fantry abandoned their guns and fled. The English broke
into open columns of companies, and the cavalry charging
through them, the slaughter was dreadful. After this victory
Delhi was taken immediate possession of, and Shah Alum
delivered from Mahratta captivity.
Lake then marched against Agra, which was a prey to the
greatest anarchy. Before the war the garrison was commanded
by English officers, who were confined, upon the outbreak of
hostilities, by their own men. Seven battalions of Scindiah's

232 BRITISH INDIA.
infantry encamped upon the glacis ; but the garrison were
afraid to admit them, lest they should plunder the treasury,
which they wished to keep for themselves. These battalions
were defeated by Lake with the loss of twenty-six guns ; after
which the garrison liberated their officers and capitulated, being
allowed to retire with their private property.
The forces sent by Scindia from the Deccan, reinforced by
the remnants of Bourquin's army, were General Lake's next
pursuit : he came up with them on the 1st of November at sun
rise, and fancying they were in retreat, sent his cavalry to turn
them. But the Mahrattas occupied a strong position, with
seventy-five pieces of cannon chained together, to resist cavalry,
in their front. The cavalry were forced back, and the infantry
&nd guns came forward. In the attack Scindia's cavalry proved
most cowardly ; but the battalions disciplined by the French
fought with desperate determination. Refusing to surrender,
they died with their weapons in their hands. This battle of
Laswarre destroyed Scindia's power in Northern India; at
the same time Kuttack and Bundelcund were subdued.
The rapidity with which the enemy moved in the Deccan
harassed Wellesley much ; but at length, on the 20th of Novem
ber, he routed them at Argoam, and there captured Gawel-
gush, which led to proposals for peace. The Rajah of Berar
was the first to capitulate, yielding a large amount of territory
to the English and their allies, and all claims against the Ni
zam ; agreeing also that no European should be admitted into
his dominions unless permitted by the British ; accredited min
isters were to reside at the respective courts, the rajah receiv
ing a resident at Nagpore. Scindia succumbed to similar
terms, but was compelled to sacrifice much more territory and
power than his ally.
Pending these hostilities, Holkar at Malwa was plundering
friend and foe, incredulous of the British achievements. When
too late, he determined to make an effort for the independence
of the Mahrattas, and sent to Scindia, pressing him to break
the recently-signed treaty ; which fact the latter immediately
made known to the British. Lake believing Holkar amicably

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 233
disposed, invited him to send officers to negotiate a treaty.
Upon their arrival, their terms were found so preposterous they
were forthwith dismissed ; and the governor-general being made
acquainted with their demands, ordered Generals Wellesley and
Lake to march upon Holkar's territories, Scindia professing
the greatest willingness to co-operate.
Colonel Monson was sent to act in concert with Colonel
Murray, and attack Holkar's territory on the Gujerat side.
Monson advanced with spirit, but retreated upon hearing that
Holkar, with a large force, was marching against him. It was
an injudicious movement, and deplorably conducted, while a
want of confidence existed between the colonel and his army :
the officers and men desired an engagement, Monson sought
shelter under a fortress. The forts on the line of his retreat
pronounced against the English ; and the troops, weary and
starving, broke through all discipline, and fled in parties to
Agra. This panic increased both Holkar's reputation and his
army. Lake took the field to reclaim these misfortunes ; but failing
to bring the Mahrattas to an engagement, wasted his time at
Mutha, which afforded Holkar the opportunity of attempting
the surprise of Delhi, and securing the emperor,' which he
nearly accomplished. Lake then marched to relieve the capi
tal ; but Holkar, five days before, had joined the Rajah of Bhurt-
pore, who had broken his treaty with the English. General
Frazer then undertook the pursuit, and came up with the
enemy's infantry near Deeg fortress, on the 13th of November,
and drove them from their first line of guns, but fell mortally
wounded at the second, when Colonel Monson assumed the
command, and captured eighty-seven pieces of cannon ; among
them were fourteen he had lost in his retreat. Four days
later, at Furruckabad, Lake routed Holkar, slaughtering three
thousand of his men. Deeg was then invested, and stormed
in ten days. The power of Holkar now seemed destroyed, his
territory reduced, his forts and capital possessed by the En
glish. Bhurtpore alone remained to shelter him. This place
of refuge Lake attacked on January 2d, 1805, and then, as on
20*

234 BRITISH INDIA.
subsequent occasions, with great valor, though but little en
gineering skill. The siege being converted into a blockade,
the rajah sued for peace, which was accorded him on favorable
terms, renewed hostilities being anticipated with Scindia, who
had advanced toward Bhurtpore, when Holkar joined him, and
was still hovering about the neighborhood, and harassing the
English outposts.
The policy of Lord Wellesley had been that of stripping the
native princes of military, and leaving them civil power only ;
which gave the East India Company entire control over the
foreign relations of these rulers. Bf the treaties with the
Peishwa and the Nizam, the governor-general not only pro
tected the frontiers of both, but secured tranquillity in the '
southern parts of the peninsula. This prevented Scindia from
levying tribute on the more feeble states, while Holkar moved
about at the head of a mere rabble. Necessarily such import
ant results occasioned vast expenditure ; but the diminished
cost of governing, and the growing revenues of the conquered
states promised an ample return.
From July of this year (1805), when Lord Cornwallis suc
ceeded the Marquis of Wellesley as governor-general, hostilities
continued between the troops of Scindia and Holkar and those
of General Lake. Driven from the Bhurtpore territories, the
Mahratta chieftains fled toward the north-west frontier, where
they appear to have expected some countenance.
Lake, having conferred with the governor-general, pushed
on toward the Sutlej in pursuit of his troublesome opponents,
satisfied that the only prospect of continued peace in that quar
ter lay in the utter overthrow of their power. Undismayed by
the perils and trials of a long and harassing journey through
countries then but little known, the British commander halted
not until, having crossed the boundary-line of Alexander's con
quests, he encamped his troops on the banks of the Hyphasis
(the Beas), where, upward of two thousand years before, the
veterans of the Macedonian conqueror had pitched their tents.
The snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas, the green hills and
valleys of the countrv of the five rivers, the noble stream whose

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 235
waters fell into the Indus at some distance below — all these
were before their eyes, whilst, at the distance of a few miles,
and within his reach, lay Holkar, the object of this long and
toilsome march.
To have dashed at him and thus have finished the struggle,
would have been the policy of Lake ; but a controlling power
was at hand. Sir George Barlow had succeeded as acting
governor-general, in the room of Cornwallis, who died but a
few months after his arrival in the country ; and the policy of
this civilian was to purchase peace and security at all hazards,
at all cost. With the instructions which at this juncture
reached him, Lake, however unwilling, bad no alternative but
to consent to a peace, the preliminaries of which were arranged
in December ; and the treaty was finally ratified in the month
of January, 1806.
By the terms of this agreement the British reinstated Holkar
in all his possessions, broke off their alliance with the Rajah
of Jeypoor, and other Hindoo chiefs to the westward of the
Jumna, and finally marched back to Delhi. The peace policy
of Sir George Barlow, however it may have served a present
purpose, did not satisfy those who, like Lord Lake, viewed
matters in India with reference to the future as well as the
present ; and no one who was really competent to form an
opinion, believed for a moment that this disgraceful treaty
would be observed one moment beyond the time which it might
serve the purpose of the Mahratta chieftains. And so it indeed
proved, as the following chapter will demonstrate.

A GHOORKA WARRIOR.

CHAPTER V.

FROM THE RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES TO THE TERMINATION OP
THE SECOND MAHRATTA WAR. A. D. 1806-1822.

The new policy of the supreme government was not long in
producing its fruits, as might have been anticipated ; and first
we find matters in the Deccan promising a crisis.
Mir Allum, the prime minister of the Nizam, had, by his
attachment to the English, lost the confidence and regard of
his master ; and intrigues were at this time discovered at
Hyderabad for his removal and the disruption of the alliance
with the British. This conspiracy calling for decisive steps,
orders were forwarded to the resident and commander of the
troops, by means of which it was frustrated.
It was at this period that the Court of Directors, in order
to mortify Lord Wellesley, urged the governor-general to
modify the treaty of Bassein; which proceeding Sir George
(236)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 237
Barlow, with more than ordinary courage and determination,
opposed most strenuously, and declined carrying out.
Upon the restoration of the Mahratta chief Holkar, he in
timated that, from pure necessity, he must at once disband so
many as twenty thousand of his cavalry ; whereupon, large
arrears being due to them, a mutiny ensued, which was only
quieted by placing Holkar's nephew in their hands as a hostage.
Having thus the heir to the throne in their possession, the
troops once more mutinied, but were subdued, and their arrears
paid ; while the innocent object of their revolt was sacrificed
by his uncle. Shortly after, Holkar became insane, and so re
mained until his death on the 20th October, 1811.
On his thus becoming incapacitated, the regency was divided
between Toolze Rye, one of his concubines, and Ameer Khan,
who administered for Mulhar Rao Holkar, about four years
old, the son of Jeswunt Rao. This imbecile government
swayed between two parties, the Mahrattas and the Patans,
whose respective ascendancy was the signal for the renewal of
the most sanguinary atrocities.
Lord Minto was appointed governor-general, and arrived in
India in July, 1807. He was a statesman of ability, hated
precedents, and judged invariably for himself. He soon found
that Wellesley had adopted a firm, but right policy, the very
reverse of Cornwallis and Barlow, whose imbecility was near
proving most fatal to British ascendancy in India. There ex
isted in the Deccan at this period a body of freebooters called
Pindarries, who hired themselves indiscriminately to the best
paymaster.' Upon the defeat of the Mahrattas, these people,
left to their own resources, wandered through the country, and
pillaged every place that was too weak to oppose them. Sub
sequent to the last treaty, they were confined in their ravages
to Malwa, Rajpootna, and Berar; a few ventured into the
dominions of Peishwa and Nizam, but so long as they left the
inhabitants at peace they were not molested.
The policy of non-interference adopted by Sir G. Barlow
had not only exposed the Rajpoot states to great danger, but
thrown the Sikh chieftains into considerable consternation ;

238 BRITISH INDIA.
they were apprehensive that this apparent withdrawal of British
assistance might lead to their subjugation by Runjeet Singh,
whose recently established throne in the Punjab hourly in
creased in strength. The abandonment of the Rajah of Jey-
pore, and the employment by Scindia of Rao Ghatkia as
minister, who had previously planned the attack on the British
residency, at length induced the Directory to express their dis
satisfaction with Barlow's policy ; at the same time they wished
to avoid a further extension of political supremacy.
The Nizam's court had been an exception to Barlow's
tactics, he having been compelled to support the minister Sheer
Alum ; upon whose death an arrangement was effected between
the Nizam and the governor-general to divide the office, ap
pointing the Nizam's favorite, Moneer-al-Mulk, minister ; while
Chand-u-lal, a supporter of the British, performed the duties
of deewan. The Brahmins of the Carnatic, the sect of Chand-
u-lal, are frequently men of good education, with enlarged com
mercial knowledge, while the Mohammedan Omrahs, to which
Moneer-al-Mulk belonged, are the very reverse. Chand-u-lal
at once discerned the difficulties and danger of his position,
and that his tenure of office rested upon the supremacy of the
British at Hyderabad ; he therefore exerted himself to establish
the Marquis of Wellesley's military reform, and organized an
army commanded by English officers. In return for which he
was supported by British influence against his enemies, and
allowed to administer the government without interference.
The result of this was, that the Nizam fell into a state of
melancholy despondency, while the deewan and his relatives
flourished at the expense of British reputation ; and Lord
Minto found that, without overstepping his instructions, a
remedy was almost hopeless ; matters were therefore allowed
to remain as they stood, during his administration.
Upon Bajee Rao being reinstated by the treaty of Bassein,
he did not hesitate to declare that revenge was his motive for
allying himself with the English ; he was of a most profligate
character, chosing his favorites aud ministers from those who
gratified his lusts or his cruelties ; and through their agency

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 239
maintained a correspondence with those who were most opposed
to the English. General Wellesley well knew the character
of Bajee Rao, and urged a speedy settlement of the relations
between the Peishwa and southern chiefs, who, though nomi
nally subjects, obeyed the Peishwa only when he was strong
enough to enforce obedience. The terms of settlement pro
posed by the resident at Poonah for adjusting these differences
were, the oblivion of past injuries, the abandonment of all
money claims, the guarantee of the lands granted for support
ing a certain number of soldiers for the Peishwa, attendance
with the whole of their forces when required, and of a third
portion under command of a relation at all times. Upon ad
hering to these stipulations, the British guaranteed the personal
safety of the chiefs and their relations. Upon which, Lord
Minto sent to Madras, Mysore, and the Deccan, to have an
adequate force to compel the submission of any refractory
chief. At first neither the Peishwa nor the Jaghiredars, or chief
tains, were willing to submit to English dictation ; but the
presence of a powerful force quieted dissatisfaction, and the
feudatories accompanied the Peishwa to Poonah; and under
the mediation of the resident, came to an arrangement, which
greatly increased the Peishwa's power and resources.
Upon the insanity of Jeswunt Rao incapacitating him from
exercising authority, Ameer Khan declared himself regent;
and quitting Indore, headed a body of Pindarries, and began
plundering the people. His next act was to threaten Berar,
under the pretense that the rajah owed Holkar large sums of
money. Upon this Lord Minto at once abandoned the old
policy of non-interference ; and tendering the rajah British
protection, Ameer Khan was subsequently driven into his own
dominions with heavy loss.
Early in the year 1808 it was rumored that Napoleon was
again endeavoring to establish French influence in India ; and,
moreover, that his embassadors in Persia had been received
with great marks of distinction by Futteh Ali Shah, the reign
ing monarch, who had concluded with them a treaty most

240 BRITISH INDIA.
inimical to British interests. When this intelligence reached
London and Calcutta, missions were sent from each to the
court of Persia ; but without any privity or concert. Lord
Minto dispatched Captain Malcolm; but his advance on
Teheran was stopped by the King of Persia, who at the same
time insisted that he should negotiate with his son, the Viceroy
of Shiran. To this Malcolm refused to accede, as unbecoming
the dignity of the country he represented ; and, after embody
ing his sentiments in a memorial to the court, he sailed for
Calcutta. The embassador from the British court, Sir Harford
Jones, was a most incompetent person, who seemed only anxious
to show his independence of the Calcutta council. At the
time of which we are writing, it was the custom with England
to subsidize all her allies ; in other words, to pay them for
protecting themselves ; and a treaty was signed in 1809, by
which Great Britain bound herself to pay a yearly sum of
£100,000, while the King of Persia was at war with Russia;
and in addition supply 16,000 stand of arms and twenty field-
pieces, together with artillerymen and officers to instruct the
Persians ; for which Persia agreed to oppose any attempt of
the French to invade the Company's Indian territory.
A similar impression respecting French influence originated
a mission to the court of Cabul, governed at that time by
Shuja-al-Mulk. An alliance was concluded with this poten
tate, who was, however, shortly after driven from the throne,
and pensioned by the British.
It has been before remarked that the Marquis of Wellesley's
judicious plans for the occupation of the French and Dutch
possessions in the Indian seas were frustrated by Admiral
Rainer. For several years the weakness of the French fleet
precluded them from doing more than annoy ; but in the winter
of 1808, a number of French frigates sailed from various ports
in France and Holland, and reaching the Indian seas in the
ensuing spring, committed great injury upon commerce. Still
more serious results being apprehended, Lord Minto announced
his intention of reducing the islands which sheltered them, de
priving the French vessels of any port of refuge. The reduction

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 241
of Bourbon and the Mauritius was effected with but little diffi
culty; but Java was considered an' affair of considerable im
portance. The command was given to Sir Samuel Auchmuty,
under whom the governor-general served as a volunteer. On
the 4th of August, 1811, the whole of the troops were disem
barked in twenty-four hours without an accident, and marched
against the Dutch at Cornellis, who were protected by a series
of batteries mounting 300 guns. On the 26th orders for as
sault were issued, which terminated in the storm of the Dutch
camp, and surrender of 5000 prisoners of war. But Jansen,
the Dutch governor, refused to submit ; and it was not until
garrison after garrison capitulated, that he surrendered the
island on the 16th of September.
The principle of non-interference prevented Lord Minto
from checking the tyranny of the Nabob of Oude toward his
subjects ; but he secured the allegiance of Travancore and
Bundelcund, and restored tranquillity, to which they had long
been strangers. The same absurd policy prevented him from
chastising the Pindarries, who, having increased in audacity,
at length plundered Mirzapore, committing, as usual, all sorts
of excesses. The apprehension of a Mahratta war, which Lord
Minto knew would be displeasing to the Directory, deterred
him from punishing these lawless freebooters.
The tranquillity of the Company's possessions was now dis
turbed by the Ghoorkas, a warlike race on the north-eastern
frontier, who, taking advantage of the disputes and distress of
their neighbors, extended their sway through the entire prov
ince of Nepaul, and thence to the plains inhabited by the de
pendent rajahs, committing great excesses at Gurruckpore and
Sarun. These were-at first regarded as individual and unpre
meditated acts ; but at length their frequency compelled Lord
Minto to address the Ghoorka rajah in determined language,
demanding redress and threatening retaliation. But his lord
ship's recall threw the duty of curbing these marauders upon
his successor. We might here, if space allowed, allude to the
vast benefits both the European and Indian community in the
peninsula had enjoyed through the sagacity, discretion, and even
21

242 BRITISH INDIA.
temper of this really great man, whose doctrines, in the words
of Sir John Malcolm, were " to conciliate and carry his supe
riors along with him ; but not from the apprehension of re
sponsibility ; for wherever the exigency of the case required a
departure from this general rule, he was prompt and decided."
The arrival of the Marquis of Hastings as governor-general
took place on October 13th, 1813. His appointment was
hailed with great satisfaction ; having proved himself an able
diplomatist and brave soldier on many occasions, he was justly
esteemed the most suited to the exigencies of the times ; more
particularly so, as it was now well known that neutral policy
was rapidly declining in favor with the authorities in England,
and that determined measures were to be taken to repress the
insolence and violence of treacherous allies and open enemies.
In the following December, the Rajah of Nepaul sent a
reply to Lord Minto's dispatch. It was couched in servile and
evasive terms, and led to the appointment of commissioners on
both sides to discuss the various points at issue. After re
peated interviews, the English commissioners reported that it
was useless longer to protract their powers, it being evident
that the Nepaulese, who were adepts in dissimulation, nego
tiated merely to gain time ; upon which the governor-general
dismissed the Ghoorka commissioners, with instructions to
their rajah to confine himself to his own territory, if he wished
to avoid punishment. At the same time the chief was ordered
to restore certain lands belonging to the British government
which he had seized ; and that in the event of his not complying,
troops would at once occupy them. This notice being disre
garded, the magistrate at Gurruckpore, Sir Roger Martin,
took possession of Turall, and the villages near Sarun were
also occupied without resistance. The rainy season now
setting in, the charge of these places was left to native officers,
and the troops withdrawn ; upon which the Nepaulese, who
had been watching their opportunity, attacked the civil officers
and police, who were completely defenseless ; and after mur
dering the superior officer, they killed eighteen, and wounded
six, of the police establishment. This outrage was committed

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 243
in the presence of the Nepaulese commander-in-chief, who
offered neither restraint to the assassins nor assistance to the
victims. Immediate representations were made to the rajah,
who, instead of offering reparation, justified the outrages which
his troops had committed ; upon which the Marquis of Hastings
prepared for war, the means of defraying which, had it not
been for the Nabob of Oude, who lent the governor-general
large sums of money at lower rates of interest than the market
prices, must have been found by the national government, the
Bengal treasury being completely empty.
The Pindarries, like the Ghoorkas, it was known, were only
waiting the opportunity to renew their predatory excursions ;
and the Marquis of Hastings forcibly represented to the execu
tive in England the urgency of its sanction to a series of deter
mined proceedings, to avoid the impending danger. With the
view of strengthening the British power, the governor-general
had commenced a defensive treaty with the Rajah of Berar, who,
however, after a protracted correspondence, declined acceding
to it ; and, breaking through the existing treaty of 1814, joined
Scindia in the attempt to subjugate the nabob of Bhopaul,
who had long maintained himself against the Hindoo princes.
The friendship invariably shown by the nabob, particularly
in the Mahratta war, induced the British to join him, as well
as Govina Rao, the prince of Sagur, in offensive and defensive
treaties, by which means were furnished for watching the Mah
ratta princes, Runjeet Sing and Ameer Khan, leader of the
Pindarries. Scindia, who pretended that the Rajah of Bhopaul
was one of his vassals, became greatly enraged at this alliance,
and threatened retaliation ; upon which a body of troops was
marched on Bundelcund, while another force, under the Nizam,
advanced to Elichipore, the capital of Berar ; and the governor-
general then gave his undivided attention to the coming war
in Nepaul.
The frontier of Nepaul consists of mountain ridges, extend
ing 600 miles from east to west ; and it was determined to
penetrate it by four armies marching simultaneously. General
Ochterlony, with 6000 sepoys, was ordered from Loodiana

244 BRITISH INDIA.
through the hill-passes overlooking the Sutlej ; General Gilles
pie, from the Doab to the west of the Jumna, and so on to
Nahir; General Wood, through Bootwal to Palpa; and
General Morley, with the main body, was ordered to force the
Gunduck passes and march direct on Katmandu, the Ghoorka
capital. General Gillespie crossed the frontier on the 22d of October,
1814, and captured Dera without opposition ; while Balbhadur
Sing, to whom the defense of the town had been entrusted, re
treated to a steep and well-fortified hill called Nalapanee.
Gillespie, who miscalculated the strength of the position, de
termined to carry it by assault, but had scarcely reached the
wall when he was killed by a musket-ball, and his troops fled
to their lines, leaving many comrades behind. Colonel Mow
bray, with the remainder, retreated on Dara until he obtained
a train of heavy artillery ; then advancing, after two days'
firing, he effected a breach, when an assault was attempted ;
but the Ghoorkas drove back the storming party with great
loss. This so disheartened the sepoys that they would not re
new the attack ; and Mowbray compelled the garrison to sur
render by bombardment, after it had been reduced from 600 to
70 inhabitants.
General Martindell, Gillespie's successor, having joined the
camp, marched against Nahir, which the Ghoorkas evacuated,
retiring to Jythuck, a fortress built on a ridge 4000 feet above
the adjacent plain. The general, having reconnoitered, re
solved to turn it on both flanks, concealing his intentions by
an attack in front; but, most unfortunately, the grenadiers
leading the southern column, underrating their adversaries,
rashly attacked a stockade well flanked with rocks, and were
received with a heavy and well-directed fire from all sides, and
driven back upon the sepoys, who had not formed into line so
as to support them. The Ghoorkas, perceiving their advantage,
dashed forward, driving the British before them to the confines
of their camp ; after which, General Martindell retreated to
Nahir. General Ochterlony, with the army of the Sutlej, was as con-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 245
spicuous for caution as Martindell for rashness. He was op
posed by Ameerah Sing, the most experienced and courageous
of the Ghoorka leaders, whose generalship was well and suc
cessfully tested. By a series of maneuvers the general obtained
possession of post after post, until the entire country between
Plassea and Belarpore submitted to him.
General Wood, on the other hand, was most unfortunate ;
while passing through the Sal forest, his troops came upon an
unexpected and well-appointed stockade, which opened a fear
fully destructive fire ; but Colonel Hardyman, of the 17th
Royal regiment, turned both flanks of the Ghoorkas, and was
rapidly securing the victory, when the general, disheartened by
the surprise, to the astonishment and indignation of the entire
force, sounded a retreat. This was a type of Wood's campaign,
timidity and injudiciousness invariably betraying the incapacity
of the commander.
The fourth army, under General Morley, was quite as dis
creditably commanded as that under Wood. Dividing his
forces, he posted three large detachments twenty miles distant
from each other ; and was panic-struck when two of them were
cut off by the enemy. Upon learning this, he suddenly left the
camp, and fled to Calcutta. His successor, General George
Wood, was a cautious but timid man ; and the consequence
was, that the remainder of the campaign was passed in dis
graceful idleness.
The effect of this disastrous campaign naturally induced a
feeling of confidence amongst the enemies of the British in
India. In the Peishwa and Scindia there was a marked altera
tion ; while Runjeet and Ameer Khan showed they were ready,
and only wanted the opportunity to act. But the Marquis of
Hastings was nothing daunted ; and having ascertained that
Kumaoon, in the north of Nepaul, was destitute of troops, he
determined, as he could not spare any of his army, to send an
irregular force ; for which purpose he appointed Lieut. Colonel
Gardiner and Captain Hearsay, formerly in the Mahratta ser
vice, to enlist a force among the Patans of Rohilcund.
A considerable number of men were thus collected and

246 BRITISH INDIA. ,
divided between Gardiner and Hearsay. The latter blockaded
Koolulgurt ; and while in this position, the enemy advanced to
relieve the place, and forced him into an engagement, in which
he was wounded, captured, and sent to Almora by his con
queror, Hasta-Dal. Gardiner, understanding well the mode
of Patan warfare, submitted to their ways, but proceeded
nevertheless with skill and caution, and advanced to Almora
shortly after Hearsay's defeat, where he was joined by Colonel
Nicholls with a small train of artillery and 2000 regular in
fantry. Hasta-Dal attempted to relieve Almora, but was de
feated, and fell in the skirmish ; which so disheartened the
Ghoorkas, that they surrendered the place, and with it the
prisoner Hearsay.
Notwithstanding repeated orders from Calcutta, General
Martindell remained comparatively inactive ; and when he did
move, he had neither plan nor object in view. He wasted the
season before Jythuck ; now trying an active siege, but want
ing courage to push it boldly ; then a blockade, without cutting
off the enemy's communications. His only success was in
wasting men and money, and destroying British reputation in
India. General Ochterlony, however, prepared to follow up his ad
vantages, while the Ghoorkas retired before him to a formidable
position, consisting of a mountain-ridge of elevated peaks, all
but two of which were stockaded, and further protected by the
redoubts of Maloun and Seringhar. The two unprotected
peaks Ochterlony seized, being confident their attempted re
covery would bring on a decisive battle. And so it proved.
The Ghoorkas attacked the British with desperation for two
hours, when they were driven back with the loss of their com
mander and one-third of their force. Ameera Sing would
have continued to resist, but was deserted by the other chiefs ;
eventually he procured safety for himself and followers by sur
rendering to the British the country west of Kalee, as well as
the fortress of Jythuck.
Proposals having been made for peace, the English insisted
on stipulations to which the Nepaulese refused to accede ; and
21*

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 247
Ochterlony was ordered to take command of the main army.
In February, 1816, he penetrated into the forests which protect
the frontier of Nepaul, and soon reached the fortifications
guarding the chief pass through the hills. A brief inspection
satisfied him of the inutility of attempting to capture the stock
ades by assault, and that he must adopt other plans. Upon
further inspection of the locality he discovered a narrow water
course, which was forthwith entered by a column of- troops,
headed by Ochterlony. After imminent danger and privation,
the summit was attained, and the enemy abandoned their in-
trenchments as useless. The Ghoorkas now brought their
whole force to bear upon a post occupied by the English at
Makwanpore, but were completely defeated; and Colonels
Kelley and O'Halloran having obtained another victory, the
Rajah of Nepaul solicited peace upon the terms he had recently
rejected. During this war, the Ghoorkas, nominally subjects
of the Celestial empire, had applied in that quarter for assist
ance ; upon which the Chinese assembled an army, but pro
crastinated marching until the war had terminated. Upon
learning, however, the origin of the war, they pronounced the
Ghoorkas well-deserving punishment, and unhesitatingly left
them to their fate. The governor-general was not inclined to
act with oppressiveness, nor encumber himself with useless
possessions; he therefore limited the Ghoorkas to Nepaul
proper, without disturbing their ancient dominions.
The British reverses at the commencement of the war gave
rise to fresh Mahratta intrigues. Scindia, who headed the
confederacy, had established a permanent camp, protected by
the fort of Gwalior, which had become a flourishing town in a
few years, the increase of which contributed largely to his pride,
as proof of his growing power. He not only intrigued with
the Peishwa at Poona, and Holkar at Indore, but entered into
alliance with the Rajah of Berar, and obtained promised assist
ance, upon emergency, from Runjeet Sing and the Rajpoot
rajahs ; and even sought to win the RajaH of Mysore. This
combination during the Nepaulese war, had it been brought
into operation, would assuredly have seriously affected the

248 BRITISH INDIA.
British authority ; but the mutual jealousy of the Mahrattas,
and knowledge of each other's treachery, combined with sus
picion of their allies, required too much time to organize with
effect such a confederacy, during which peace was concluded
with the Ghoorkas, and the British concentrated their attention
upon central India.
During this period of uncertainty and anxiety, the residents
at Poonah and Nagpore were Messrs. Elphinstone and Jenkins,
diplomatists of unrivaled ability, possessed of enlarged experi
ence, great decision, and intimately acquainted with the re
lations between the native states. The position of the resident
at Poonah was one of much difficulty, arising out of the treaty
of alliance signed between the Peishwa and the British. The
Marquis of Wellesley at the time knew that necessity only had
induced the Peishwa to contract the alliance, and foresaw that
jealousy would rankle in the native prince's mind, and a period
arrive when he would display his hostility. This view was a
correct one ; the state of the Peishwa's affairs being now much
improved, and the various Mahratta states tendering him their
support, he became desirous of canceling his engagement with
the British. He was likewise much dissatisfied with various
decisions of the English governors in their capacities of arbi
trators between himself and his vassals, conceiving that in-
tererest, not right, had been the foundation of them. Another
great source of annoyance was compelling him to renounce his
supremacy over Kolapore and Sawant Waree, on the coast of
the Northern Concan ; these states fitted out small piratical
vessels, and had been the scourge of the western seas for years.
In 1812, Lord Minto obliged them to succumb to his power,
taking possession of their principal ports, and preventing their
maritime depredations, the loss of which was the ground of
offense to the Peishwa. It is almost unnecessary to remark,
that, like most Asiatic princes, Bajee Rao was equally ambitions
and timid, fond of intriguing, and swayed by alternate desires
and fears. Mr. Elphinstone, by combining discretion with
decision, held hint in restraint, until his inclinations being in

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 249
flamed by a profligate minister, he dashed on through crimi
nality and treachery to his eventual destruction.
Upon the death of the Rajah of Nagpore, in 1816, his son,
Pursajee Bhonslah, who was blind, paralyzed, and idiotic, suc
ceeded him, when two factions divided the court ; the resident
secretly supported Appa Sahib, the next heir, securing him to
the British interest. This was a blow to the Mahratta con
federacy ; for though Appa proved treacherous, his timely
withdrawal from that union was considered of the greatest im
portance to the British.
The most depraved minister of the Peishwa was Trimbuckjee
Danglia, who commenced life as a runner, then became a spy,
and after passing through a variety of degrading offices became
the Peishwa's favorite, with the command of the artillery, and
rank of prime minister. These steps were rewards for pander
ing to his master's licentiousness and innumerable daring crimes.
Trimbuckjee shared in the Mahratta hatred to Europeans, whose
presence, he believed, prevented the Peishwa's supremacy ; it
was therefore a studied policy with him to join any attempt to
expel or reduce the British power ; he accordingly instigated
Bajee Rao to renew his claims upon the Nizam and Guicowar,
seizing the estates of the principal landholders, whose revenues
enriched Ms treasury. By this audacious step he collected five
millions sterling previous to the commencement of hostilities.
The claims against the Nizam and Guicowar Mr. Elphinstone
knew were pretenses urged for the purpose of keeping open the
communications between the courts of Poonah, Baroda, and
Hyderabad. He therefore strove for an arrangement ; but
was thwarted by the Peishwa and his minister. The Guicowar
was also anxious for a settlement between the Peishwa and
himself ; he accbrdingly sent a representative to Poonah, with
power to conclude a treaty, who, after wasting twelve months,
resolved to return and leave the arbitration to the British
government. This would have foiled the plans of the Peishwa
and Trimbuckjee, who accordingly made every exertion to con
ciliate the envoy's favor and arrest his return. Gungadhar
Shastre, a Brahmin of repute, the Guicowar's representative,

250 BRITISH INDIA.
was excessively vain, and readily duped by the professed re
spect Trimbuckjee paid to his abilities, to whom he proposed
resigning his office, that the Peishwa might secure more able
services. Mr. Elphinstone having guaranteed the Shastre's
safety, finding negotiations dormant, proposed his return ; to
his surprise the envoy refused ; when it transpired that a mar
riage was negotiating between the Shastre's son and Bajee
Rao's sister-in-law. The Guicowar refusing to cede some
territory, the marriage was broken off. The refusal of the
Shastre to permit his wife to visit the palace proved another
offense in the Peishwa's eyes.
These differences soon produced a quarrel between the
Peishwa and the Shastre. Trimbuckjee therefore determined,
as he was too deeply committed to extricate himself, to alter
his policy, and resolved upon assassination. The Shastre being
invited to accompany Bajee Rao on a pilgrimage to the temple
of Binderpore, Mr. Elphinstone proceeded with them as far as
Nafik, where he was induced to remain while his companions went
forward. The night after their arrival, the Shastre, instigated
by Trimbuckjee, joined the Peishwa in some ceremonies of
much sanctity, receiving in return the warmest assurances of
friendship and esteem. Immediately, however, on quitting the
temple, the unfortunate Shastre was almost hewn to pieces by
hired assassins. The murder of an envoy, whose safety the
British had guaranteed, excited universal indignation ; and the
sanctity of the spot, and the character of the victim, afforded
additional ground of condemnation. The strict inquiry Mr.
Elphinstone enforced, fixed the guilt upon the Peishwa and his
minister. Hereupon Bajee Rao was informed that he might
attribute the culpability to the actual perpetrators, but that his
crafty and guilty minister must be surrendered to the British
authorities. The Peishwa hesitating, a British force was
quickly assembled at Poonah ; upon which he delivered Trim
buckjee to the resident, having obtained a promise that his life
would be spared. Accordingly the minister was confined in
the Tannah fort," on Salsette island, where he admitted his

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 251
participation in the murder, in obedience to the Peishwa's
instructions. Tannah, being entirely garrisoned by Europeans, Trimbuck
jee was enabled, by some native servants, to correspond with
his friends ; a horsekeeper, who passed his place of confinement
daily, being his chief agent. This man carelessly sung, in the
peculiar Mahratta recitative style, his information ; while the
sentries, ignorant of the language, were incompetent to detect
the plot, even had they had any suspicion. All being ready,
Trimbuckjee made an excuse for quitting his rooms, dressed
himself as a servant, reached an embrasure, and lowered him
self into the ditch by a rope which one of his accomplices had
secured to a gun. He had friends ready outside ; and long
ere his flight was discovered he was safe from pursuit. The
Peishwa disclaimed acquaintance with Trimbuckjee's escape ;
but Mr. Elphinstone ascertained that he not only supplied him
with money to raise troops, but had given him an audience.
A remarkable display of duplicity ensued. Trimbuckjee dis
ciplined large numbers of Mahrattas and Pindarries, whose ex
istence the Peishwa denied ; and when his falsehood became
transparent, he repudiated their actions and threatened them
as insurgents. Eventually he placed a price on Trimbuckjee's
head, and forfeited the estates of his principal coadjutors.
It is here necessary, before entering upon the results of the
events just recorded, to review other portions of the Indian
possessions. The reputation gained by the British from the
issue of the Nepaulese war was augmented in the ensuing year
by the capture of Hatrass, a fort belonging to a tributary of
the Company named Diaram, who, relying upon its position
and reputed impregnability, became contumacious, and deter
mined the authorities upon his chastisement. The military
depot at Cawnpore furnished a large train of artillery, which,
in a few hours, effected a breach in the walls, and the principal
magazine exploding, finished the demolition of this invulner
able fort, unaccompanied with loss to the besiegers. The affair
effected a sensible impression upon the refractory chiefs in
Hindostan Proper.

252 BRITISH INDIA.
The Pindarries, however, increased in numbers and daring
proportionately with the success of the British arms. Upon
the destruction" of Hatrass, a large body entered and desolated
a portion of the Madras territory ; and* in the following season,
despite the exertions of the British, ravaged the Deccan. The
governor-general, convinced that eventually these audacious pro
ceedings would be noticed and ordered to be suppressed by the
authorities in England, merely acted on the defensive, waiting
events, and watching the growing treachery of the Mahrattas,
at the same time making every preparation for a war, which he
saw was inevitable.
This course received the sanction of the national executive,
who became at last convinced that Cornwallis and Barlow had
-erred in their policy of non-interference ; and upon the renewal
of the charter in 1813, orders were dispatched to place Jeypore
under British protection when opportunity favored. Upon the
termination of the Nepaulese war, the capital of Jeypore being
threatened by Ameer Khan and the Pindarries, overtures of an
alliance with the prince were made ; but these advances were
received with indifference, owing, it subsequently appeared, to
a supposition entertained by the Jeypore prince that Ameer
Khan would abandon his plans under the impression that Brit
ish protection could be secured at pleasure ; upon which the
governor-general abandoned any further negotiations until he
adopted the line of action he had in view.
The Peishwa, though professing the most perfect amity to
ward the English, was known by the resident to be in league
with Trimbuckjee, and fostering a rebellion nominally against his
own dominions. He was manifestly preparing for war; his
treasures were removed from Poonah, his forts repaired and
garrisoned, and he levied troops from all quarters. Upon this
the governor in council declared that Bajee Rao had broken
his treaty with the English, and should be forced to render
satisfaction for his past, together with security for his future
conduct. His principal forts being at the time in the hands of
the British, he had no choice between war or concession ; he
reluctantly adopted the latter alternative, and a treaty was

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 253
signed on the 18th of June, 1817, in which he abandoned his
pretensions to be considered as the head of the Mahratta chiefs,
giving up a quantity of territory and the fortress of Ahmednag-
gar to the British.
As a sequence to the foregoing treaty, a supplementary one
was executed in the following November with the Guicowar, in
which the claims of the Peishwa upon him were commuted by
the payment of four lacs of rupees annually ; the British receiv
ing, as their share of the agreement, the city of Ahmedabad,
the capital of Gujerat, a place of considerable political and
commercial importance.
The Marquis of Hastings, being now comparatively unfet
tered, proceeded to execute his plans against the Pindarries.
He resolved on pushing forward unexpectedly several corps to
occupy certain positions, so that the enemy were prevented
from concentrating their forces. The success of this plan he
considered rested upon secrecy and celerity. The first effort
of his policy, which, greatly influenced the succeeding war, was
directed against Scindia, to whom both the Pindarries and
Mahrattas looked for support. Two corps, one under the
governor-general, the other under Major-General Dorkin, so
effectually isolated him, that he was forced either to fight or
treat. The latter, placed as he was, he knew was his only al
ternative, though repugnant to his sentiments ; and thus early
in the war, the promoter and supporter of opposition to the
British rule was detached from his associates.
The treaty was to the effect that Scindia should use his best
exertions to annihilate the Pindarries, and furnish a contingent
to act with the British, under the direction of a British officer ;
for the complete efficiency of which, as well as the pay of the
troops, he was to resign for three years his claim against the
Company ; that the sums paid as pensions to his family and
ministers shonld be appropriated to the payment of the cavalry
he was to furnish ; and it was further agreed that the rest of
his army should occupy posts assigned by the English, who
alone could order their removal. A further stipulation ad
mitted the British to garrison the forts of Asseerghur and
22

254

BRITISH INDIA.

A RAJPOOT.

Hindia during the war, as pledges for his fidelity; and the
eighth article dispossessed him of the absolute control of the
Rajpoot States. i
This treaty, so adverse to Scindia's inclinations, was op
posed in its execution by every sort of pretext : his contingent
was with difficulty obtained, and Asseerghur not delivered up,
the governor, it was stated, refusing to comply with his instruc
tions. The British eventually besieged and captured the fort,
when a letter was discovered from Scinda directing the gover
nor to comply with any and every command of the Peishwa.
This letter Scindia endeavored to palliate upon the plea of the
long-established friendship between their families, an extenua-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 255
tion Lord Hastings admitted ; but as a penalty for so gross a «
violation, he demanded the absolute cession of Asseerghur,
which in the British keeping placed an effectual check upon
the freebooters and robbers who had hovered about it, while
under the Mahratta government, it being a sure refuge for
them. The main attack against the Pindarries was now arranged.
Situated as they were in Malwa and the valley of the Nerbudda,
the armies of Bengal, Gujerat, and the Deccan, moved simulta
neously toward them. The army of the Deccan, numbering
fifty-three thousand men, under Sir Thomas Hislop, formed the
centre, being supported by the Bengal army, twenty-four thou
sand strong, on one side, and the Gujerat army, nearly as for
midable, on the other; while the entire force of the enemy
scarcely numbered thirty thousand, and from the jealousy of
their chiefs, Cheetor, Kurrur Khan, and Nasil Mohammed, were
destitute of all unity of action. Favorable as circumstances
thus appeared, events at Poonab entirely altered the campaign,
and brought the Company into a war with the Peishwa.
An impression prevailing that the treaty which Bajee Rao
had signed at Poonah was intended to be infringed, the resi
dent declined attending him when he paid his next annual
visit of devotion to the temple of Pundesore. This was done
with a view to restore the confidence between the British gov
ernment and the Peishwa, while he, under pretense of meeting
this concession, dismissed a body of his cavalry ; but it was as
certained that each officer had seven months' pay in advance,
with orders to be vigilant and ready, and when summoned, to
bring as many volunteers as possible.
Instead of returning to Poonah, the Peishwa proceeded to
Maholy, near Satara, a place invested with great sanctity by
the Hindoos. While there, he was waited on by Sir John
Malcolm, political agent to the governor-general, who had been
visiting and instructing the different residents respecting the
proceedings against the Pindarries. Sir John, usually held to
be an able diplomatist, was completely duped by the profes
sions of the Peishwa, and returned to Poonah, satisfied that by

256 BRITISH INDIA.
encouraging his desire to augment his forces, and treating him
with confidence, the British would find an able ally. The resi
dent, Mr. Elphinstone, differed entirely from Sir John's views,
but was overruled, and the hill-forts, which were held for the
performance of the treaty, were delivered up to the Peishwa,
while General Smith's force, placed so as to intimidate
Poonah, was marched to the frontiers of Candeish, leaving
scarcely any protection for the residency. The Peishwa re
turned to Poonah in September, after having matured his
plans against the English at Maholy. The Mahratta chiefs,
however, before uniting with him, doubting his resolution,
compelled him to swear that he would be guided by the ad
vice of Bappoo Gokla, a general who had their entire confi
dence. The Peishwa did not neglect Malcolm's absurd recommenda
tion to recruit his army ; upon that point his exertions were
unceasing ; neither did he omit storing and repairing his forts,
or manning his fleet. Trimbuckjee Danglia likewise contributed
his assistance by engaging the Bhuls, Ramoosies, and various
predatory tribes ; while constant dispatches passed to Nagpore
and the encampments of Scindia, Holkar, and Ameer Khan.
The assassination of the resident and disaffection of the troops
were personally undertaken by the Peishwa.
The fidelity of the sepoys had never been suspected ; but
the reports from every quarter, together with the largeness of
the offered bribes, and a still more important fact, that several
of their families were in the Peishwa's power, and suffering
from his vindictiveness, at length created some apprehension.
But to the honor of these gallant men, neither domestic con
siderations, nor the rewards held out, had any influence on
them. All attempts were ineffectual ; some indignantly spurned
the offers, while others appeared to accept them, for the pur
pose of learning the nature of the intrigues, and then divulged
them to their officers. If there was this principle of honor
exhibited on the British side ; on the Peishwa's, it would not
b,e doing justice to a brave soldier if we omitted stating that
Bappoo Gokla would not for a moment listen to or sanction the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 257
assassination of Mr. Elphinstone ; on the contrary, he imme
diately sent word to the resident to apprize him of his danger.
That gentleman, knowing that a European regiment was
marching to support him, and aware of the indecision of Bajee
Rao, entertained hopes that his courage might fail at the last
moment. The forces in cantonments being badly posted, Mr. Elphin
stone moved them to Khirkee village, which had been pointed
out by General Smith, in the event of a rupture. This with
drawal the Mahrattas attributed to fear, and the abandoned
cantonments were immediately plundered. Parties of horse
at the same time advanced on the British lines, while the lan
guage of the Peishwa's ministers became most offensive and in
sulting. On the 3d of November, Mr. Elphinstone deeming
longer delay inimical to the Company's interest, ordered the light
battalion and a body of auxiliary horse to march on Poonah,
when the Peishwa resolved at once to commence hostilities.
The only portion of the Mahratta army visible was the in
fantry assembling on the tops of the surrounding heights.
Ascending one of these, it was perceived that a mass of cavalry
covered nearly the whole of the plain below, toward the city ;
while endless bodies were pouring in from every quarter. Mr.
Elphinstone, discovering the attempt the infantry were making
to cut him off from the camp, retired with his family to Kirk-
hee, exposed to the Mahratta fire from the opposite side of the
river ; at the same time ordering Lieut. -Colonel Burr to attack
the Peishwa's forces, and Major Ford to support him with the
irregulars. The Mahrattas, surprised at this movement from
troops they had fancied disheartened, hesitated ; Gokla, how
ever, encouraged his men to advance, using praises, taunts,
and implorations, as best suited his purpose ; but the Peishwa,
after the troops had advanced, sent word to Gokla not to fire
the first gun. The general, seeing the messenger, and guessing
his errand, instantly opened a nine-gun battery, detaching a
corps of rocket-camels to the right, and advancing his cavalry
upon both flanks, nearly surrounded the British ; but the
rapidity of the cavalry movement left the infantry in the rear,

258 BRITISH INDIA.
with the exception of a battalion under a Portuguese named
De Pinto, who had taken a shorter route, and concealed his
men amongst the low jungle. De Pinto formed with great
steadiness, but was suddenly charged by the English sepoys,
who, in their impetuosity, became detached from the rest of
the troops. Gokla, to take advantage of this, led forward six
thousand cavalry, but was perceived by Colonel Burr, who in
stantly stopped the pursuit of De Pinto's routed force, and
ordered the sepoys to reserve their fire. In front of the British
left, and unknown to either party, was a deep swamp, into
which the Mahratta horse dashed with such impetuosity that
those behind rode over their sinking companions in front. The
sepoys poured their reserved fire into them with terrible effect ;
whilst the few who reached the sepoys' bayonets were dispatched
with ease. A company of Europeans now advancing in sup
port, the Mahrattas fled in a body, leaving the English victors
over a body ten times their number, with the loss of but eighty-
three in killed and wounded.
Upon the declaration of hostilities, Bajee Rao gave vent to
his sanguinary and vindictive disposition. The residency was
plundered and burnt ; the families of the soldiery that fell into
his hands, beaten, robbed, and many mutilated ; the crops de
stroyed, trees torn up, and even the graves violated. An en
gineer officer, surveying, was killed. Two brothers named
Vaughan, one a captain in the Madras army, were captured
whilst traveling near Poonah, and hanged ; but Gokla termi
nated these atrocities, Mr. Elphinstone representing to him that
a severe retaliation would follow the continuance of such acts.
The communications from Poonah having ceased, General
Smith, suspecting something amiss, prepared to return, and
was followed and harassed by parties of the Mahratta light
horse. On the 1 3th of November the two detachments effected
a junction, marched toward the camp of Bajee Rao, who, after
a sharp engagement, fled to Sattara, leaving his capital to the
mercy of the English. Possession was at once taken of it, and
further reinforcements having arrived, General Smith started
in pursuit of the Peishwa.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 259
At Naffpore very similar occurrences had taken place. Not
withstanding that Appah Sahib was chiefly indebted to the
English for his elevation, he soon exhibited his ingratitude, by
entering into secret correspondence with the Peishwa. This,
although a violation of his treaty, the English government did
not notice, the resident considering it would be impolitic to
betray any suspicion respecting the rajah's integrity, his com
munications being frank and unreserved. Mr. Jenkins did
not, however, trust to demeanor only ; the increase of the Nag
pore army, and the growing correspondence with the court of
Poonah, spoke more plainly than the rajah's professions. But
it was hoped that Bajee Rao's defeat would have had its influ
ence upon the rajah ; still the worst was prepared for, and
instant reinforcements demanded. In a short time suspicions
were confirmed, news being brought of an intended attack
upon the residency and cantonments, which the movements of
the rajah's army tended to confirm, and defensive measures
were at once taken. Colonel Scott with his brigade forthwith
occupied the residency and neighboring heights. The British
force, about 1500 strong, were here attacked, on the night of
the 26th of November, by an army numbering 18,000 men, and
again on the following day, when, after many hours' severe
fighting, the enemy were repulsed with great loss.
The defeat of his army, added to the appearance of reinforce
ments, destroyed the hopes of Appah Sahib, who sought to
make his peace with the British, declaring the late attack had
been made without his cognizance. He was ordered to draw
off his troops from the vicinity before any reply would be made,
with wMch he instantly complied, but still continued to vacillate
in his conduct. General Doveton having now arrived with his
army in support of the resident, the following terms were offered
the rajah : viz., to deliver up his ordnance and military stores,
disband his Arab mercenaries at once, and his own troops
afterward ; that the British should occupy Nagpore, and him
self reside at the residency as a hostage. He was still left
with the nominal sovereignty and functions, against the wish
of the governor-general, who acceded to the representations

260 [BRITISH INDIA.
of Mr. Jenkins ; and the latter, after many evasions, and a
further struggle with the Arab troops, brought the rajah to
accede to the British terms.
The Marquis of Hastings ordered the embodiment in a treaty
of the provisional engagements with Appah Sahib ; but before
final instructions reached Nagpore, a fresh revolution had burst
forth. The cession of the forts of Berar was refused by the
governors. This, it was suspected, and soon confirmed, was
at the instigation of the rajah ; while correspondence between
the rajah, his troops, and former ministers, clearly demon
strating renewed hostility, was detected. The murder, like
wise, of his predecessor, was clearly brought home to him.
These offenses, great as they were, would not have induced Mr.
Jenkins to have adopted extraordinary measures ; but informa
tion of the rajah's intended escape reaching him, he ordered a
detachment to occupy the palace and capture the rajah, who
was placed in confinement at the residency until ordered to be
sent, strongly escorted, into Hindostan. But while on his way
to Benares, appointed as his residence, by pretending illness
and bribiug his guards, he escaped. The officer in charge
visited the rajah at the usual hour at night, found him ap
parently asleep in bed, the attendants requesting him not to
disturb their master, repose being essential to his enfeebled
condition ; this was acceded to, and a hasty glance failing to
detect a pillow as a substitute for the invalid, the officer de
parted, Appah Sahib at the time being miles away. His
escort, it subsequently appeared, were his own soldiery, whom
he had been allowed to select, the authorities not wishing, upon
his leaving his kingdom, to irritate his feelings by a denial.
Appah fled to the Mahedo hills, and thence to Asseerghur,
where he joined Cheeto, the leader of the Pindarries.
General Smith, who pursued the flying Peishwa, had a
harassing chase through the ghauts ; and getting too far to
the north, Bajee Rao returned and threatened to retake
Poonah. Upon which Colonel Burr ordered to his assistance
the Serum detachment, which marched under the command of
Captain Stanjitoii, It consisted of one battalion of native in-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 261
fantry, three hundred irregular horse, and two six-pounders
manned by twenty-four Europeans. A night-march brought
them to the hills overlooking Konjaum, where Captain Staunton
suddenly found himself confronting the Peishwa's army twenty-
five thousand strong.
An engagement ensued, which, incredible as it may appear,
terminated in favor of the British ; men and officers gallantly
supporting the reputation of the English. The feats of daring
performed this day were never excelled in Indian warfare ;
while, on the side of the enemy, acts of barbarity which were
intended to intimidate, produced a contrary effect, and added
to the desperate valor displayed on the part of the English.
The Peishwa, his general Lokla, and Trimbuckjee Danglia
witnessed the engagement with dismay, and when night came
on made a rapid retreat. The Peishwa was pursued ; but, as
usual, without success.
Sattara was then attacked by General Smith, and capitu
lated ; after which a proclamation was issued deposing the
Peishwa ; aud, with the exception of a small portion retained
for the Rajah of Sattara, his territories were declared forfeited
to the Company. Regulations were also issued for equitably
adjusting the rental and taxation of the country.
Bajee Rao, who had retreated to Sholapore, being joined by
a body of horse, moved westward. General Smith, discovering
the enemy's tactics, pursued with cavalry and horse-artillery,
and came upon the Mahrattas suddenly. In the engagement
which ensued, Gokla was cut down by a dragoon, and the
Mahrattas fled, leaving their baggage an<T several elephants,
and their captive hostage, the Rajah of Sattara. Bajee Rao
now moved on Nagpore ; but finding the dissimulation of the
rajah of that country had been punished, he returned to the
northern confines.
The Marquis of Hastings having resolved upon the extermi
nation of the Pindarries, Sir John Malcolm and Colonel
Adams, acting with General Marshall, drove them from their
strongholds ; upon which Wasil Mohammed and Kharrum
Khan united their forces and proceeded to Gwalior, whither

262 BRITISH INDIA.
they were invited by Scindia. Cheeto took to the northwest,
trusting to Holkar for support.
These movements being known, the governor-general sent a
strong force to cut off the enemy before reaching Gwalior,
bringing one division close on Scindia's camp. The Pindar
ries, failing in their object of entering Gwalior, took flight into
Mewar. One body, however, ravaged the Deccan, and entered
the Carnatic, where they were destroyed or dispersed before
the ensuing February ; and Cheeto, pursued by Malcolm,
sought refuge in Holkar's encampment.
On the 21st of December the English sighted the enemy's
entrenchments. Holkar's army was strongly posted near
Mahedpore, the river Supra covering his left, and a deep ra
vine protecting his right flank, with a strong display of artillery
in front, amounting to seventy guns, well manned by the Pa-
tans. The British, while fording the Supra, suffered severely
from the enemy's guns ; and each regiment, in order to escape
the slaughter, was ordered, after taking its position on the
other side of the river, to lie on the ground. At length, the
whole having crossed, the signal was given, when they ad
vanced rapidly to the charge, carrying all before them. Hol
kar's lines were broken, his guns captured, and a complete
though bloody victory was obtained. A large amount of mili
tary stores was left on the field by the enemy, in addition to
the whole of their artillery.
After this engagement the British forces marched to Mundi-
nore, where envoys met them, deputed by young Holkar, to
treat for peace, which was granted more favorably for him than
he might have anticipated. The victory over Holkar rendered
Scindia perfectly submissive : he could not, however, control
his feudatories, one of whom sheltered Cheeto and his Pindar
ries. This was immediately noticed, and General Brown sent
to resent his contumacious behavior. A more efficient man
for the service could not have been selected ; he acted with
such promptitude, that Juswunt Rao's camp was surprised, his
town stormed, all his guns captured, and another prince sub
stituted for him over the district he governed.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 263
Cheeto now fled with his Pindarries to the northwest dis
tricts ; and the pursuit was then handed over to the Gujerat
division, by whose efforts he was at length surprised, and his
army dispersed by a small detachment from the fort of Hindia.
Escaping with a few followers, he sought protection from the
Nabob of Bhopal, who, however, rejected his overtures. Thus
situated, he was compelled to join Appah Sahib, also a fugi
tive, but who was unable to afford him an effectual shelter ;
and having left this, his last hope, he wandered friendless
through the fastnesses, and finally fell by an attack from a
tiger. The Pindarries were now prostrated ; destitute of leaders
and homes, their position had become desperate, and eventu
ally such as remained of them settled down to agricultural
pursuits. On his return to Madras, Sir Thomas Hislop proceeded to
possess himself of the various forts yielded by Scindia and
Holkar. Matters proceeded peaceably until the advance guard
approached the fort of Talnier, when a fire was opened from
the walls. This unprovoked assault and rupture of the treaty
by which Taluier was ceeded to the English, occasioned much
surprise. General Hislop not being desirous of having recourse
to severe measures, sent a message to the governor, informing
him of the stipulations, and that in the event of any further
opposition, he would be treated as a rebel. Instead of this
message producing the effect intended, the reply was of a hos
tile character ; upon which a six-pounder and two howitzers
were ordered at once to play on the gateway of the fort. The
enemy briskly replied, and opened a spirited fire upon the be
sieging force. The British guns were found too small to do
much damage to the walls, and it was at length decided to
carry the gate by assault. A storming party was ordered to
advance ; upon which a flag of truce was exhibited on the
walls, and the commander shortly after appeared, and declared
his readiness to surrender the fort according to the stipulations
acceded to, time being allowed to make the requisite prepa
rations. To this the British general replied that the surrender
must be immediate and unconditional, and directed his reply

264 BRITISH INDIA.
to be made known to the adverse troops. Great reluctance
being shown to convey this message, the storming party were
led on, passing through the dilapidated walls, and advanced to
the last gate without opposition. On arriving there, a small
gate was opened, through which Major Gordon, with a few sup
porters, entered ; a short conference ensued, the enemy closing
round Gordon, who was thus completely entrapped, and with
his party barbarously murdered.
This treachery being made known, the English soldiery at
tacked the place with desperation, to avenge their murdered
comrades. The pioneers soon forced an entrance ; and the be
sieged, to the number of one hundred and fifty, were destroyed.
Some few hid themselves in haystacks ; but being discovered,
the stacks were fired, and the fugitives, in attempting to escape
from the flames, were shot like dogs by the infuriated soldiers.
Two Arab boys and an old woman, who had secreted them
selves in a well, were the only survivors of this fearful assault.
The Killidan and Arab commanders of the fort, Sir Thomas
Hislop hung as rebels. Their execution was strongly remon
strated against by several of the officers, both of them at the
period of Gordon's murder being prisoners in the keeping of
the British. Hislop's line of action proved correct, and en
sured the peaceful surrender of the other fortresses. The keys
of Chandore Galna and Unktunky were sent into the British
camp, and immediately occupied. All that was now wanting
to terminate the war was the capture of Bajee Rao and Appah
Sahib. The Peishwa moved about with a daily decreasing army,
and at last was surprised and defeated by Colonel Adams, who
crowned his victory by the capture of Chandah fort. Bajee
Rao now made proposals to Mr. Elphinstone ; but as they im
plied the possession of authority, he was informed that nothing
short of unconditional submission would be listened to. Deeply
mortified, he retreated with about 8000 men to a strong hill-
post, whence he sent agents to Sir John Malcolm, the nearest
of his adversaries, to treat for a surrender. Malcolm, coveting
the honor of being considered the terminater of the war, en-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 265
tered into negotiations at once ; the terms of which were his
surrender to Sir John, the abdication of his throne, and the
passing the remainder of his life within the British territoryi
the Company allowing him £80,000 a year, and the retention
of his private treasures. These concessions were reluctantly
confirmed by the governor-general, who considered them
greatly disproportioned to the condition of the Peishwa ; and
condemned Malcolm in strong terms for his injudiciousness.
Trimbuckjee Danglia did not long remain free after his mas
ter's surrender ; and being captured, remained a prisoner for
life. Appah Sahib was for some time blockaded among the hills ;
but at length made his escape to Asseerghur, which was then
invested by General Doveton, supported by Malcolm with the
Malwa contingent, and a strong force of artillery.
Asseerghur, after an obstinate defense, surrendered on the
9th of April, 1819 ; but Appah Saib had fled previously to its
capture, and was not to be heard of. Fort after fort was now
surrendered, and the governor-general commenced his plans
for managing the captured territory. The possessors of prop
erty were treated with every consideration, and the law little
changed in its enforcement ; but an increased vigilance was
needed in the criminal courts to suppress the organized bodies
of murderers and robbers that infested the country. By these
means a great change in the condition of the natives was ef
fected, which on the whole gave much satisfaction. At Bar-
cilly in Rohilcund, however, some resistance was made. A
tax was there levied to defray the cost of the police ; unpopu
lar in itself, it was rendered still more so by its mode of col
lection. The head of the police, a man hated for his audacity
and severity, was appointed by the magistrate to collect the
tax. In consequence of the offensiveness of the tax, several
meetings were held, and a petition against it presented by the
mufti to the magistrate. The petition was unnoticed ; and
popular discontent was aggravated by a female being wounded
by the police while distraining for the tax.
These occurrences led to a collision with the people, which
23

266 BRITISH INDIA.
was attended with bloodshed, and left behind a strong feeling
of discontent.
With the fall of Asseerghur ended the Mahratta war, famous
alike for the many engagements which had taken place, and
the difficulties presented by the nature of the country in which
they occurred. The loss of the British in killed, wounded, and
invalided, was considerable ; and amongst other enemies which
the British troops had to encounter during this harassing cam
paign, not the least was the cholera, which made its first ap
pearance in the south of Bengal during the rainy season of
1817. Thence it made its way westward to the English camp,
where it committed great havoc, especially among the troops
of the governor-general in Bundelkund, where about a tenth
of the entire number were carried off. Europeans and natives
were alike attacked, though not with equally fatal effects, the
more poorly clad and fed suffering the most. Since that time
the disease has scarcely ever been absent from some part of the
Indian territories.
Early in 1822, the Marquis of Hastings, having resigned the
high office he had filled during nine years, returned to England,
leaving India, as several of his predecessors had done, in an
apparent state of tranquillity. A review of his active administra
tion will show that it had been attended with the most striking
and brilliant events. The aggressions of the Mahrattas and
Pindarries had been put an end to, and the power of those
daring and restless people completely broken ; whilst Scindia
alone remanied of all the disturbers of the public peace, almost
powerless, and no longer feared as a dangerous adversary.
The Company's name and reputation had been extended by
the addition of large, territories ; and on all sides the revenues
and trade had increased, and the people appeared to be con
tented and prospering.

CHAPTER VI.
THE FTRST BURMESE WAR, AND THE CESSION OP ASSAM AND
THE TENASSERIM PROVINCES TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.
A. D. 1822-1827.

If the Marquis of Hastings had the honor of terminating
successfully one of the many important struggles in which the
British forces had been engaged with native powers, he enjoyed
the credit of having bequeathed to his successor a war as
tedious and harassing, if not as brilliant, as any in which that
government had ever been involved. Before proceeding to
detail the events of the first Burmese war, it will be necessary,
in order to preserve this historical narrative in its integrity, to
advert in the first place to the nomination of Earl Amherst as
governor-general, mainly through ministerial influence ; which
was successfally urged against the superior claims of Lord
(267)

268 BRITISH INDIA.
William Bentinck, who had previously distinguished himself as
governor of Madras.
The temporary administration of Mr. Adams, pending the
arrival of this latter nobleman, was rendered notorious by the
exercise of a power which had hitherto not been used, though
vested in the supreme government. To the censorship of the
press of India was added the discretion of banishing any re
fractory or troublesome editor from the Company's territories.
This despotic control was exercised by Mr. Adams against the
editor of the Calcutta Journal, who, upon publishing some
stringent remarks upon the acts of the executive, received
notice to quit the country within a few days. This tyrannical
proceeding, involving as it did the ruin of an individual, called
forth some severe strictures in England, but was nevertheless
supported and approved by the supreme government.
It was at this period, also, that the negotiations among the
European powers, relative to the various Dutch settlements in
the East, captured during the war, were brought to a final
issue by the British authorities ceding to Holland the islands
of Sumatra and Bencoolen, the former retaining possession of
Malacca and Singapore. This last, under the auspices of Sir
Stamford Raffles, was destined to rise to an importance as a
commercial settlement unknown to any other of our eastern
possessions ; and at the present time may be considered the
heart of the Indian seas.
Another event occurred, during the short administration of
Mr. Adams, most disastrous to many of the European com
munity of India. The commercial firm of Palmer and Com
pany had for a series of years, and with the private cognizance
of the Marquis of Hastings, contracted for loans of money to
the Nizam of the Deccan, amounting in the aggregate to
£700,000 ; and, as security for repayment of the balances, they
had received a lien on the revenues of the Nizam. Such trans
actions were contrary to the laws of the Company, which re
served to itself alone the right of entering upon monetary
transactions with native powers. Some difficulties having
arisen between the contracting parties, the entire affair came

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 269
under the notice of the supreme government ; whereupon the
acting governor-general declared Palmer and Company, had
throughout acted illegally, and could not recover from the
Nizam. The effect of this was to cause the immediate insol
vency of this wealthy firm, to the serious injury of great num
bers of the service, who had employed them as their bankers.
Whilst the British had been engaged in the extension of
their territories on the west and north-west of India, the Bur
mese had been scarcely less actively employed in the enlarge
ment of their dominions on the east. In this way the frontiers
of the two powers approached each other, until the occupation
of Assam, Arracan and Cachar, finally rendered them near
neighbors. On the part of the Company there was little to
hope for by -any aggression in the direction of Burmah ; whilst,
on the other hand, the eclat of successes over the inhabitants
of the subjugated provinces led the advisers of the 'golden-
footed sovereign of Ava to indulge in dreams of further and
more noble acquisition to the westward.
Matters might have remained undisturbed for a long period,
but for an occurrence which took place on the confines of the
south-east territories. In order to render this affair intelligible,
it will be first necessary to refer to events which had occurred
on our Burman frontier during the previous thirty years.
It was in 1798 that as many as 30,000 of the Mugs, a race
inhabiting a part of Arracan, fled from the oppression of their
Burmese masters, and sought refuge within the British district
of Chittagong. An asylum* was not refused them, and they
settled down in villages and towns to various pursuits. Many
attempts were subsequently made by the Burmese authorities
to persuade the resident at Chittagong to deliver up the fugi
tives ; but without avail. An embassy was afterward dispatched
by the Court of Ava to Calcutta, but without inducing any
change in the policy of the supreme government. In 1802,
and again in 1809, embassies were sent to the governor-general
by the Burmese sovereign, having the same subject in view,
always with apparent friendly results, but still leaving the
matter rankling in the mind of the latter potentate. In 1818
23*

270 BRITISH INDIA.
it appeared probable that a rupture would ere long take place
between the two powers. The governor-general, however, had
no desire for a war which held out such small prospect of gain
or renown ; and assumed a conciliatory tone in all negotia
tions. This demeanor was not unnaturally construed into
weakness by the barbarian monarch ; and his tone and demands
became more assuming as that of the other evinced a more
friendly disposition. On the arrival of Lord Amherst in India,
a lull in Burmese agitation had taken place ; and it might have
been imagined by ordinary spectators that the threatening
storm would pass over. Suddenly, however, it burst upon
the British territories in a night-attack by the Burmese troops
upon the island of Shahporee, at the entrance of the Tek Nauf,
or arm of the sea dividing Chittagong from Arracan. It had
been usual to keep a small guard on duty to protect the island
from any marauders ; but an attack from the Burmese not
having been anticipated, the small force was overcome, and
the island formally occupied by the Burmese. The governor
of Arracan, when called upon to explain this invasion, im
pudently announced the annexation of it by his government ;
and that, moreover, unless the acknowledged right of the
Burmese to the island was admitted, the sovereign of Burmah
would invade the British territories. This violent act was
shortly followed by the imprisonment of the commander and
several of the crew of the Company's cruiser Sophia. Other
open acts of hostility were committed ; and finally large bodies
of troops from Assam and Munnipore crossed the frontiers,
and, plundering the villages, established themselves within a
few miles of Sylhet by means of their usual defenses, bamboo
stockades. From this position they were driven with con
siderable loss, as also from several other stockaded posts on
the eastern frontier, though not always without loss on the side
of the British. These operations occurred during January and
February of the year 1824 ; and when a more imposing force
under the command of- Colonel Innes was preparing to march
against the invaders, intelligence was received of a numerous
army of the Burmese having penetrated the British territories

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 271
on the Arracan side, led on by Maha Bandoola, the favorite
general of the sovereign of Ava, who, it was stated, was so
confident of success, that he carried with him golden fetters, in
which the governor-general was to be led captive to the pres
ence of his royal master.
Hostilities being no longer doubtful, Lord Amherst pro
claimed war in due form, by issuing a manifesto declaring the
Burmese public enemies, stating the various causes of com
plaint against them, and interdicting all British subjects,
European and native, from holding intercourse with them.
This proclamation also stated, that the " deliberate silence of
the Conrt of Ava, as well as the combination and extent of
the operations undertaken by its officers, leave it no longer
doubtful that the acts and declarations of the subordinate au
thorities are fully sanctioned by their sovereign. The governor-
general in council therefore, for the safety of the subjects and
security of our (the Company's) districts, already seriously
alarmed and injured by the approach of the Burmese armies,
has felt himself imperatively called on to anticipate the threat
ened invasion. The national honor no less obviously requires
that atonement should be had for wrongs so wantonly inflicted
and so insolently maintained ; and the national interests equally
demand that we should seek, by an appeal to arms, that security
against future aggression which the arrogance and grasping
spirit of the Burmese government have denied to friendly re ¦
monstrance and expostulation."
The ignorance of the authorities upon the geography and
resources of the Burmese territories caused some hesitation in
adopting a plan of action. It was intended at one time to
march on Ava through Arracan, a subsidiary force moving
simultaneously from Cachar; but on inquiry this plan was
abandoned, the unhealthiness of Arracan being considered in
surmountable. It was then resolved that Madras and Bengal
should provide an army which should capture Rangoon, the
principal Burmese sea-port at the mouth of the river Irrawaddy.
The seizure of this place, it was believed, would intimidate the
king, and induce him to sue fors peace ; if otherwise, it was re-

272 BRITISH INDIA.
solved to establish a depot of ammunition and military stores
at Rangoon, to seize the boats and ascend the river to the
capital, a distance of six hundred miles. Port Cornwallis, a
harbor in the Andaman Islands, was the place of rendezvous to
which the Bengal division was conveyed in April, to be followed
in May by the Madras force. The united forces were com
manded by Sir Archibald Campbell, who had served with great
distinction in the Spanish campaigns, but knew little either of
India wars or discipline. Commodore Grant commanded the
naval part of the expedition, consisting of the Liffy, Lame,
Sophia, Slaney, with several cruisers, and a small steam-vessel.
The 10th of May found the squadron anchored within the
bar of the Irrawaddy, to the great consternation of the Burmese
authorities ; and as the night advanced watch-fires were lighted
in every direction along the shores. The British resolved at
once to make for Rangoon, trusting by the great consternation
evinced, that the place would surrender, and afford at once,
cattle, boats, and boatmen, all of which the expedition was
destitute of. Accordingly, arrangements having been speedily
made, the fleet sailed up the river on the ensuing morning. At
noon the Liffy anchored in front of the king's battery at Ran
goon, the remainder of the vessels taking position in her rear.
These arrangements were effected without the slightest inter
ruption, the enemy appearing completely intimidated. The
Burmese authorities, however, at length succeeded in persuading
their mercenaries to open a cannonade upon the ships, to which
the Liffy replied, quickly driving the troops from their guns,
and leaving the town deserted by both soldiers and inhabitants.
The complete evacuation of Rangoon was at first viewed
with suspicion, it being apprehended that it was intended as a
ruse. It soon, however, transpired that upon the arrival of
the British becoming known, the governor, aware of the de
fenseless nature of the place, had ordered the inhabitants to be
driven into the thick jungle of the interior, drafting the males
into the army, and retaining their wives and children as
hostages for their fidelity. This appears to have been a cus
tomary practice with the Burman government. The position

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 273
of the victors was now one of considerable anxiety ; for, desti
tute Of supplies, and without the means of traveling either by
land or water, it was evident that during the approaching mon
soon the hovels of Rangoon were to be their quarters, with an
uncertain supply of provisions, and but a remote prospect of
reinforcements from Calcutta.
It was known previous to the capture of Rangoon, that there
were a few British and American residents in the town, whose
absence afforded considerable anxiety to the captors. It sub
sequently appeared that they were seized and confined, and
after repeated examinations by the governor were condemned
to death. In this condition the prisoners remained several
hours, when a 32-pound shot from the Liffy struck the place
in which the chiefs were assembled, upon which they hurried
off with their prisoners some miles into the interior. An ad
vanced guard of the British fortunately followed in their track,
and so alarmed the Burmese escort that they fled in great haste,
leaving their prisoners behind them, who were thus liberated.
The possession of the Golden Dagon Pagoda, about two and a
half miles from Rangoon, was Sir A. Campbell's first care. The
approach to it on the southern face was through a row of
mango, cocoa-nut, and other beautiful trees leading from the
town, and shading a good road, at each side of which were
monasteries of great antiquity, and richly carved with curious
images and ornaments; whilst here and there appeared huge
images of griffins and other hideous monsters, guarding the
entrance to different pagodas; at the end of this road rose
abruptly the eminence on which stood the golden Dagon.
The removal of the inhabitants from Rangoon was but the
prelude to the desolation of the country, in the hope that
famine would drive the British from the place. This would,
doubtless, have been good policy, had humanity accompanied
the perpetration ; but the evils that it was intended to inflict
upon the invaders, fell with tenfold severity upon the poor in
habitants, who were as little cared for as though they neither
belonged to the country nor were worthy of a moment's con
sideration to those who directed the war.

274 BRITISH INDIA.
The Burmese, who formed a cordon round the British, re
solved, while they harassed them, to avoid an engagement.
They were concealed in their impenetrable forests, and carried
their measures into effect without the slightest chance of ob
servation, whilst with their adversaries all was doubt and un
certainty. Their scouts came in without intelligence, and the
natives previously removed from the vicinity, all means of com
munication were destroyed. The English commander had been
induced to suppose that the occupation of Rangoon would in
stantly have produced its effect upon the Court of Ava ; and
that the demands of the governor-general would have been im-»:
mediately complied with; but the present aspect of affairs led
him to doubt the accuracy of these conclusions. Even the
rising of the inhabitants of Pegu against the yoke of the
Burmese, which he was informed might be safely relied upon,
had not been manifested by the slightest movement.
The Court of Ava had been both expecting and preparing
for war, but not in the quarter in which it appeared. After
the insolent message sent to Chittagong, respecting the re
tention of the island of Shaporee, preparations upon an ex
tensive scale were made for invading Chittagong from Arracan;
and reports were circulated that, in the event of the British re
fusing to give up all claims to the island, an army of thirty
thousand men would invade Bengal, and march directly upon
Calcutta. Upon the arrival of the British at Pegu, active
preparations were made to expel them. Every town and
village contributed its quota of armed men to its respective
chief, and the Irrawaddy was covered with boats conveying
troops to the main army assembled at Hengawaddy. At the
end of May, strengthened in numbers, they approached the
British, and began stockading themselves in the jungle, to
which Sir A. Campbell offered no opposition, trusting for an
opportunity to impress a lesson upon the Court of Ava. A
stockade having been thrown up at a short distance from his
pickets, the general headed a reconnoitering party, it being re
ported the governor of Shudauny was there stationed with a
large force to harass the English, and prevent the inhabitants

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 275
from quitting the jungle. The stockades being incomplete,
were abandoned as the troops advanced, who found unfinished
works in every direction, demonstrating that this movement
had not been anticipated by the enemy.
A sudden tempest falling as the British passed from the
jungle into the adjoining rice-fields, compelled them to advance
on the villages without their field-pieces. As the huts were
approached, it was discovered that they were protected by two
stockades of considerable strength, well mounted, and guarded
by troops, who uttered loud shouts of defiance. The rain
**which had prevented the guns from being brought forward,
had also rendered the muskets of the British comparatively
useless ; and as they could not return the enemy's fire, which
was well maintained, no time was lost in attacking them.
Three companies rushed gallantly forward under the command
of General Campbell, and forced their way through the stock
ade, killing or driving out the Burmese, who refused to give or
take quarter.
The irrepressible valor of the English, which thus foiled the
dogged determination of the Burmese, impressed the latter
with a respect for the courage of their adversaries they had not
before felt ; and anxious, moreover, to gain time, they en
deavored to practice upon the patience of their invaders by
strong professions of friendship and desire for peace ; but Sir
A. Campbell was not so. easily duped, and did not for one
moment delay his preparations for attacking Kemmendine, a
war-station up the river, which the enemy were daily strength
ening. On the 9th of June it was announced that two officers
of rank from the enemy were solicitous to confer with the
general. Permission was given, and two war-boats appeared,
from whence the deputies landed, and were escorted to the
house of the British commissioners. Assuming an easy
familiarity, it was soon discovered that they were either un
willing or not authorized to treat, and their object was
simply to delay affairs ; and upon their requesting a suspension
of hostilities for a few days, it was at once refused.. At 2
o'clock on the following morning, the British advanced on

276 BRITISH INDIA.
Kemmendine by a road parallel to the river, and at no great
distance from it. The advancing column was soon checked by
a formidable stockade, flanked on three sides by the jungle, and
fourteen feet high in front, protected by cross-bars and pali
sades driven diagonally into the earth. Two eighteen-pounders
having reached the spot, and opened a fire upon the defenses,
a gap was soon made, and an assault at once ordered. In a
few minutes the British found themselves in complete possession
of the position, after a loss of 200 men on the part of the
enemy. At the rear of the fort the gilt umbrella, sword, and
spear of the Burmese commander were found, the umbrella'
much shattered by a shower of grape ; and the body of the
chief was found a few yards further in the jungle. He had
apparently received his death-wound where the emblems of
command were dropped, and had probably been carried off by
his attendants, until their own safety rendered it expedient to
leave their burden behind them. The chief was said to, be
recognized as the elder deputy of the day before, whose pacific
tone had so much amused the English commissioner.
The Kemmendine stockade was reached the same day at 5
p.m., and was found by General Campbell to be much- more
formidable than he had anticipated. He therefore postponed
his attack until the ensuing day. As morning broke, the
mortar batteries were opened, and told with such effect,
that the attacking columns were marched forward, and the
position captured without resistance ; the Burmese having re
treated to avoid the destruction the shells of the English were
making in theii crowded stockade. This victory, although it
had the effect of striking terror into the enemy's soldiers, had
little influence upon the Court of Ava, which continued to
authorize the military chiefs to lay the country waste, in order
effectually to render the British dependent for their resources
upon India.
About the end of the following June it was known that
Sykia Woongee, a minister of state, had received the imperial
order to drive the British into the sea. To enforce this com
mand, a large body of the enemy emerged from the jungle

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 277
early in July, and advancing in a parallel to their front, attacked
the British position near Rangoon, where a regiment of sepoys
being advanced and supported by two guns, the Burmese com
mander ordered a retreat ; when the news of this action reached
Ava, he was dismissed with disgrace, and the second minister
of state, Soomba Wongee, appointed to the command of the
army in his stead.
The new commander occupied a very strong post at Kumme-
root with his force, about five miles from the Dagon pagoda,
r and had likewise fortified a commanding point of the river
above Kemmendine, where he not only prevented the naviga
tion of the river, but constructed fire-rafts to destroy the Brit
ish vessels of war. Both positions General Campbell attacked
simultaneously, leading the column against the river position
in person, whilst he left the advance on Kummeroot to General
M'Bean. Campbell found his undertaking really formidable ; the
stockades on both sides of the river being not only admirably
posted and strongly constructed, but well found with guns and
men. A naval force under Captain Marry at, consisting of a
brig and three cruisers, were ordered to clear the obstructions
on the river. These soon silenced the Burmese artillery ; and
a breach having been effected, the storming party crossed the
river and carried the stockade with little loss. General
M'Bean, approaching Kummeroot, found himself completely
surrounded by well-constructed stockades, garrisoned by large
bodies of troops, who watched his advance with great contempt.
De%titute of guns, he determined on an immediate assault upon
their principal stronghold, consisting of three stockades, one
within the other ; the last was Soomba Wongee's head-quar
ters. The Burmese general was taking his forenoon meal when
the report of the British advance was made to him ; but, satis
fied with his position and the valor of his troops, he merely
commanded his officers to their post, with orders to " drive the
audacious strangers away. "
He was not allowed to finish his repast in quiet ; the rapidly-
approaching volleys of musketry announced the forcing of his
24

278 BRITISH INDIA.
outer line. Hastening to the scene of conflict, he found his
men crowded together in the centre stockade, upon which the
British fire was pouring with terrible effect. Panic-stricken
and confined, all attempts of their leader to get them into order
were unavailing. At length Soomba Wongee fell, and the
Burmese troops fled, leaving 800 dead in the stockades ; while
the jungle and neighboring villages were filled with the wounded
and the dying.
Although General Campbell had captured ten stockades,
covered by thirty guns, and well garrisoned, he was unable to
take advantage of the panic his successes had created, by
marching upon the capital. He determined, therefore, to act
against the maritime province' of Tenasserim. The principal
places offered little opposition ; several excellent harbors were
secured ; and, what was all-important, a salubrious country
discovered for the troops, whom the pestilential air of Rangoon
had seriously affected.
The king of Ava, surprised at the audacity of an insignifi
cant number of men, and unable to understand their success,
dispatched his two brothers to superintend the war. These
were accompanied by numbers of astrologers, who were to
foretell the periods most favorable for success. They were
likewise attended by a body of warriors termed the " Invulner-
ables." The distinguishing features of this ludicrous and pan
tomimic force consisted in the short cut of their hair, and pe
culiar method of tatooing, the figures of elephants, lions, and
tigers being elaborately and somewhat abundantly displayed
all over their persons. Gold, silver, and precious stones w%re
also inserted in their arms, introduced under the skin when
young. They are considered by their countrymen to be in
vulnerable ; and, to judge from the absurd exposure of their
persons to the fire of an enemy, they are either impressed with
the same opinion, or find it necessary to show a marked con
tempt for danger, in support of their pretensions.
The English commander had ascertained that the princes
were warned by the astrologers to wait for the first lucky
moon ; and as this was not very near, he determined not to lie

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 279
idle, and forthwith attacked several posts which had prevented
provisions being brought to Rangoon. One of these, Syriam,
a fort originally erected by the Portuguese, had been recently
repaired and strongly stockaded. Against this place a strong
party in boats was sent, and it was captured, notwithstanding
the advantages in favor of the besieged ; the Burmese retreated
to the pagoda, leaving eight guns and a quantity of ammuni
tion behind them. From the fort the English advanced to the
pagoda, which was also carried without loss.
The astrologers, it was ascertained, had at length discov
ered the favored time for attacking the British, viz., at mid
night on the 30th of August. Sir A. Campbell, having made
his preparations, was in readiness to receive them. The In-
vulnerables boldly rushed up the road leading to the great
pagoda, uttering threats and imprecations against the impious
strangers who defiled the place with their presence. The En
glish remained perfectly quiet until the multitude approached
the gateway, when the guns were opened with discharges of
grape, whilst the musketry poured in rapid volleys among
them. The Invulnerables, astonished at the carnage, fled to
the jungle, leaving the dead and dying in every direction.
This success General Campbell determined to improve by
driving the enemy from all their posts near Rangoon. Major
Evans was accordingly dispatched with three hundred men to
ascend the Lyne River, and Colonel Smith, with the light di
vision, on the road to Pegu. Colonel Smith having cleared
several stockades, learned that a large body of the enemy, with
cavalry, elephants, and guns, were in a fortified pagoda at
Kytloo. As his men were all sepoys, he sent to General Camp
bell for a European reinforcement. His request was refused,
with what appeared to Colonel Smith an imputation on his
motives. Conceiving that his courage was doubted, he re
solved to hazard an attack, which proved unsuccessful ; and,
after severe loss in killed and wounded, he was compelled to
order a retreat, the gallantry of the officers being unsupported
by their men, who were alarmed at the superior physical
strength of the Burmese

280 BRITISH INDIA.
The Burmese had in the meantime commenced preparations
in Arracan for invading Bengal. Maha Bandoola, their com
mander, with a powerful force, marched on Ramoo, and attacked
a small body of British stationed there. These, after a gallant
resistance, were overwhelmed and nearly all destroyed or cap
tured. The intelligence of this catastrophe reaching the com
manding officer, who was marching to their relief, he made for
Chittagong, considering that would be the next place upon
which the enemy's power would be directed. The Burmese,
however, never attempted to turn their advantage to account ;
and before Bandoola entered upon fresh aggressions, he was
recalled to defend his country. This affair produced most
painful impressions throughout Bengal. The peasantry fled
from the invisible Burmese, as they were called ; and the native
merchants of Calcutta were dissuaded with difficulty from re
moving their families and property from that city. These
alarms were fostered by the Peishwa and other Mahratta
princes at Benares, as was subsequently ascertained.
By the end of the rainy season, the British in Rangoon had
formed far more favorable opinions of their position. Great
improvements were visible in the health of the troops, and
hopes of an early advance were entertained. Five hundred
Mugh boatmen from Chittagong were brought in and em
ployed in preparing boats for the river service ; a reinforce
ment also had arrived, consisting of two British regiments, some
native infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and a troop of horse-
artillery. Added to these, transports with draught cattle began
to arrive ; all of which tended to impart fresh spirit to the men,
who were busily preparing for their advance, when the approach
of Maha Bandoola and his force was announced. He was the
best general in the Burmese service, and commanded the largest
army they had ever sent into the field.
The enemy's approach was learned by means of an inter
cepted letter from Bandoola to the ex-governor of Martaban,
stating that he had left Prome at the head of an army well
disciplined and supplied, either to capture or drive the English
from Rangoon.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 281
On the 30th of November, the Burmese assembled in the
forest in front of the Shoe-dagon pagoda. Their lines, extend
ing from above Kemmendine in a semicircular direction to the
•village of Puzendown, were easily traced by the smoke from
their watch-fires. As night set in, the hum of voices from this
multitude ceased, and in its place was heard the sound of heavy
columns marching to the very edge of the jungle which formed
the English barrier. The greatest alertness was displayed by
the British, a furious assault on the pagoda being momentarily
expected ; but day broke without their expectations being
realized. Scarcely had the day dawned when hostilities com
menced with a heavy fire of musketry at Kemmendine, the re
duction of that place being preliminary to any general attack.
The firing was long and animated ; and from the commanding
situation at the great pagoda, though nearly two miles from
the scene of action, the troops posted there could distinctly
hear the yells and shouts of the infuriated assailants, occasion
ally returned by the hearty cheer of the British seamen, as they
poured in their heavy broadsides upon the resolute and perse
vering masses.
In the afternoon several Burmese divisions were discerned
marching toward the Dallas River ; and later in the day dense
bodies issued from the forest, about a mile from the east front
of the pagoda, taking position on the river at Puzendown, al
ready strongly occupied by cavalry and infantry. These formed
the left wing of the Burmese army. The centre was posted in
the forest, and defied all conjecture as to its strength or posi
tion. In a few hours the British were completely surrounded,
with the narrow channel of the Rangoon River alone unoccupied
in their rear. The line of circumvallation taken up by the
enemy extended a considerable distance, and, being divided by
the river, weakened Maha Bandoola's means of assailing the
British on any particular point ; but the celerity, order, and
regularity with which the different corps took up their stations
reflected much credit on the Burmese general.
In the afternoon a sortie was made to ascertain the disposi
tion of the Burmese ; and as they were entirely unprepared for
24*

282 BRITISH INDIA.
this movement, they were forced from their earth-mounds, or
coverings, which they had rapidly thrown up, with severe loss,
leaving a great quantity of arms and tools in the trenches. But
in the evening the Burmese returned to these works, and began
fresh excavations. Soon after sunset the enemy's activity was
again evinced by a fierce attack on Kemmendine, the country
being simultaneously illumined by the flames of their tremen
dous fire-rafts, set adrift in the river to destroy the British
shipping at Rangoon. These rafts the sailors secured and
towed ashore, where they were consumed, whilst the attack on
Kemmendine by land was also repelled.
For three or four days Sir A. Campbell allowed the enemy
to advance their outposts until within fifty yards of his lines ;
when, ascertaining that they had brought all their ammunition
and stores from the jungle into their entrenchments, he resolved
on a decisive attack. Two bodies under Majors Sale and
Walker were ordered to advance, while a number of armed
boats under Captain Chads proceeded to Puzendown Creek,
and opened a fire upon the enemy's entrenchments. Walker's
column was stoutly opposed ; but advancing, it drove the Bur
mese from their trenches at the bayonet's point, though with
the loss of its leader. Sale's column met with less resistance,
forcing the centre with ease, and then uniting with Walker's
troops, it ended in driving the enemy from all parts into the
jungle, leaving the earth strewed with the dead and wounded.
The whole of their guns, tools, and other stores were at the
same time captured.
Still undaunted, Bandoola persevered in his attempts, his
troops laboring to make good their approaches to the great
pagoda. On the morning of the 7th, four attacking columns
from the British lines once more forced their entrenchments,
and again the Burmese were compelled to retreat into the
forest in their rear. In the evening a detachment from Ran
goon attacked the position at Dalla, which had enabled the
enemy to keep Kemmendine in a state of siege. The attempt
was successful ; and the Burmese were driven from their line

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 283
of circumvallation, with the loss of the remainder of their guns,
ammunition, and stores.
These reverses caused hundreds of Bandoola's troops to
desert, while he was personally fearful that his tyrannical sov
ereign would wreak his vengeance upon him for his losses.
He therefore determined to maintain his position if possible.
Four miles in the rear he had an army of reserve busied in
stockading and strengthening a position near the village of
Kokein, where considerable reinforcements were ordered to
join him ; and finding he could still face the enemy wi%.
twenty-five thousand men, he resolved to risk another action,
should the English again attack him. With the view of assist
ing his operations, he bribed several of the inhabitants to set
fire to Rangoon in various places, hoping that in the confu
sion some favorable opportunity might present itself to advance
his schemes. Th'e fire was, however, soon extinguished, and
on the 15th the English advanced to the attack on Kokein at
three different positions. As long as the troops were advanc
ing, the enemy maintained a heavy fire ; but no sooner had the
advanced column penetrated the works, than the enemy fled in
every direction, and the entrenchments were carried with little
loss to the assailants, but great sacrifice to their adversaries.
It was estimated that from the 1st to the 15th of December,
six thousand Burmese were slain, while the total on the Brit
ish side, killed and wounded, did not amount to six hundred,
officers and men.
Notwithstanding the repeated' defeats of Bandoola, it was
evident that the war would be indefinitely protracted unless the
interior of the country was penetrated. Accordingly, Sir A.
Campbell resolved to march on Prome, while General Cotton
proceeded thither with another division in boats ; Sale being
ordered, at the same time, to reduce Bassein. The march was
commenced on the 11th of February, 1825 ; and on the even
ing of the 25th of the ensuing month, Sir A. Campbell reached
a village from which Bandoola's position at Donoobew was
visible. The general continued to advance, without much op
position, until the 25th, and halted within cannon shot of the

284 BRITISH INDIA.
enemy's stockades. On the morning of the 27th the flotilla
was seen in full sail, and, after an unsuccessful attack by the
Burmese, captured or reduced every thing opposed to it.
Bandoola having been killed by a shell, the troops refused
to obey any other commander, and deserted Donoobew, which
was immediately occupied by the besiegers, who forthwith pre
pared to march on Prome, which, in its turn, was abandoned
as the British advanced. The court of Ava defeated, but not
disheartened, once more tried to organize a fresh army, and
raised levies from every part of the kingdom. This heteroge
neous force was commanded on the right division by Sudda
Woon ; the prime minister, Kee Woongee, commanded the
centre ; while the left wing, under Maha Nemiow, followed a
route about ten miles from the centre. On the 10th of No
vember, Maha Nemiow occupied Wattygoon, sixteen miles from
Prome, whither Colonel M'Dowal was sent to dispossess them ;
but the Burmese, learning his advance, marched to meet him.
In the engagement which followed, M'Dowal was shot, which
so dispirited his sepoys as to cause them to retreat. The Bur
mese, elated with this trifling advantage, resolved to retake
Prome. The English having completed their arrangements, on
the first of December, two columns, respectively headed by
Generals Sir A. Campbell and Cotton, marched against Ne
miow. The engagement that followed was obstinately con
tested by the enemy, and terminated in the death of the Bur
mese general, and the total annihilation of his army. Na-
paadu was next assaulted, and was carried at the bayonet's
point, with great slaughter amongst its defenders.
On the 5th of December, the remaining division of the Bur
mese army under Sudda Woon was attacked and defeated, the
troops flying in consternation to the woods for protection.
General Campbell, with the view of ending the war, began his
march on the enemy's capital early in December. After the
capture of several stockades, and some slight skirmishes, Pata-
nagoh was reached, when offers of negotiation were renewed,
and a meeting to agree upon the terms of a treaty was ap
pointed for the first of January, 1826. It was, however, dis-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 285
covered that the Burmese were dissimulating ; and consequently,
upon the armistice expiring, notice was given that hostilities
would be renewed on the 18th. It was now evident that the
Burmese cause was hopeless : all exertions upon the part of
the officers were useless; the soldiers, too dispirited to offer
any defense, were driven from their entrenchments, leaving the
whole of their artillery and stores. Prince Memiaboo and his
1 defeated army retreated as quickly as possible, closely pressed
by the British.
On the 25th the army was again on its march through a
country desolated by fury and fanaticism. On the 31st two
Burmese of rank arrived, with full authority for negotiating a
treaty ; and General Campbell refusing to waive one point of
his former demands, was assured they would be yielded. But
no entreaty prevailed on him to arrest the progress of his
army ; he, however, agreed not to pass Pagham Mew for twelve
days. Notwithstanding the assurances of these envoys, Campbell,
as he proceeded onward, ascertained that hostilities were to
be renewed. The king, instigated by a warrior of low origin,
believed his boast, that with thirty thousand men he could an
nihilate the rebellious strangers. A fresh levy was accordingly
made, and the force honored with the title of " Retrievers of
the king's glory." The British army, weakened by the absence
of two brigades, did not muster two thousand men ; neverthe
less, Campbell determinedly pushed on to Pagham Mew.
Clearing the jungle, he debouched on the Burmese army, six
teen thousand strong ; regardless of their position and numbers,
the British dashed into their centre, which was speedily over
thrown, and the wings with great difficulty reached the second
line of redoubts under the walls of Pagham Mew. No time
was allowed for rallying ; the English troops rushed into the
Burmese entrenchments and within the city, and thus secured
the victory. This was the most sanguinary defeat the Bur
mese had yet experienced. Severe as had been their former
engagements this was still more so ; but thirteen hundred men,

286 BRITISH INDIA.
with their boastful leader, returned to Ava out of all that nu
merous host.
The army was still kept marching until it arrived at Ganda-
boo, forty-five miles from the capital, when the Burmese mon
arch, completely humbled and disheartened, sent envoys to
conclude peace upon any terms, which were at length arranged,
and the treaty signed and sealed at Gandaboo on the 24th.
By this act, the king of Ava renounced his claim to the sover
eignty over Assam, Cachar, and Jylna ; declared Munzipore
an independent kingdom ; acknowledged the mountains of Ar
racan as the boundary between his territory and the Company's,
and yielded the whole of Tenasserim to the British. He fur
ther agreed to pay, in four payments, a crore of rupees, not to
punish any of his subjects who had assisted the English during
the war, to include the King of Siam in the amnesty, and to
grant to British vessels visiting his ports the same privileges
enjoyed by his own ships. The English, on their part, under
took to fall back on Rangoon at once, to leave the country
entirely upon the payment of the second instalment of the crore
of rupees, and to return all prisoners with as little delay as pos
sible. On the 5th of March, Sir A. Campbell gave the order for
returning to Rangoon, which he reached without any casualties.
The whole of the troops did not, however, return by this route ;
a body of sepoys, conducted by native guides, were directed to
cross the country to Arracan, where they arrived without much
trouble. Ava was thns proved to be accessible, upon any
future occasion, by land as well as by water.
During the hostile operations against the Burmese in 1825, the
attention of the Bengal executive "was called to affairs at Bhurt
pore, where Durgoon Sal, immediately upon the rajah's death,
usurped the throne rightfully belonging to Bulwunt Sing, a
minor, whose interests the British had promised to protect;
upon which the guardians' of the prince fled with him to Cal
cutta, and prayed the assistance of the governor-general. Lord
Lake's failure at Bhurtpore had created a strong party there
inimical to the British ; and it had been wished for some time,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 287
upon political grounds, to destroy this influence. A favorable
opportunity for so doing now presented itself, and it was deter
mined to destroy the hallucination that Bhurtpore was impreg
nable. Lord Combermere happening to arrive in India at
this juncture, assumed the command of the army ; and on the
10th of December, at the head of twenty thousand men, sup
ported by a hundred pieces of artillery, appeared before the
walls. Unwilling that the females and children should en
counter the horrors of such an assault as must ensue, he ad
dressed a letter to Durgoon Sal, on the 21st, urging him to
send them out of the fort, and offering safe conduct to them,
and further gave twenty-four hours for the execution of his
humane desires ; he afterward further extended the time twelve
hours, though without any result.
On the 23d, besieging operations commenced, the north-east
angle being selected as the point d'appui, the British at the
same time possessing themselves of Kudum Kundee, a village,
and completing their first parallel eight hundred yards from
the fort. The remainder of the month was employed in con
structing and repairing batteries and making preparations for
the general assault, a heavy and destructive fire being sustained
by the town during the whole time. At length, on the 3d of
January, 1826, the artillery began to breach the curtains.
The tough mud-walls were, however, much more effective than
masonry ; and, as the batteries produced but little effect, recourse
was had to mining. On the 16th two mines were driven, and
sprung successfully, previous mines had proved ineffective, or
were rendered abortive by the besieged; and an excellent
breach in the walls being reported, the 18th was fixed on for
the assault. Early in the morning, the troops forming the
storming-party reached the advanced trenches without being
discovered ; while General Nicholls and General Reynells, at
the head of their brigades, were respectively to mount the left
and right breaches, the explosion of the mine being the signal
for attack. The explosion took place at eight o'clock in the
morning, carrying away the entire salient angle and a great
portion of the stone cavalier in the rear. The troops imme-

288 BRITISH INDIA.
diately advanced with great order and determination ; and
shortly, notwithstanding the fury of the besieged, carried the
breaches, and in two hours the whole rampart environing the
town and the gates of the citadel were in the hands of the be
siegers ; very shortly afterward the citadel itself was captured.
General Hugh, who had been specially appointed to prevent
the enemy's escape, so judiciously disposed his men that Dur-
goon Sal, his wife, and two sons, were, with a strong body of
horse, made prisoners in their attempt to force a passage
through the 8th Light Cavalry.
It was estimated that not less than four thousand of the be
sieged fell in this assault, and scarcely a man escaped through
Hugh's cordon of cavalry. The whole of the military stores
and ammunition being captured, the political and military
power of Bhurtpore was annihilated, and the fortifications
demolished, by Lord Combermere's order, on the 6th of Feb
ruary. All the remaining fortresses belonging to the rajah
surrendered, and the rajah himself was reinstated ; after which
Lord Combermere broke up the camp, and returned to Cal
cutta on the 20th of February.
This gallant assault merited, and received, the thanks of
Parliament and the East India Company ; and what was still
more gratifying, the prize-money which the king presented to
the Company was ordered by the Court of Directors to be dis
tributed among the troops.
In 1827, the whole of British India being in a state of tran
quillity, Lord Amherst proceeded to the upper provinces, and
visited Delhi, expressly to arrange the relations of the British
government with the nominal king of that country ; his nego
tiations were ended by setting aside the shadow of sovereignty
which had nominally attached to the last descendant of the
Mogul. At the end of March Lord Amherst embarked for
England in his Majesty's ship Herald, leaving the Hon. Mr.
Bayley to administer the government of India pending the
arrival of his successor.

JRHHK

VMS*

w

lliliBBlllls

CHAPTER VII.
FROM THE ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK TO
THE ANNEXATION OF SCINDE AND THE * PACIFICATION OF
GWALIOR. A. D. 1828-1844

The administration of Lord William Bentinck, who suc
ceeded Earl Amherst, was, unlike that of any of his prede
cessors, marked by no warlike demonstrations. The inroads
of hordes of hill-tribes, the punishment and dethronement of
the petty Rajah of Coorg, and some other arrangements with
various tributary powers, were not sufficient to disturb the
general tranquillity which now pervaded India, and which it
was his lordship's fortune to turn to profitable account. The
state of the services received the governor-general's earnest
attention ; and many reforms were introduced into their various
branches, which, however unpalatable to the members, were
calculated greatly to improve their efficiency. Many con
cessions were also made to the natives of India ; not the least
valuable of which was an enactment freeing seceders from the
25 (289)

290 BRITISH INDIA.
Hindoo or Mohammedan faith within the Bengal Presidency
from the penalties which had, under the old native laws,
attached to such an act, viz., the forfeiture of their personal
and family property.
Educational and other public institutions received his lord
ship's warmest support ; and to this day the name of Bentinck
is gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of. British India.
Two projects of national importance were at this time under
taken ; of one of which the ultimate benefits can scarcely be
over-estimated — the opening of communications between British
India and the countries west of the Indus as far as the Caspian
Sea, and the establishment of an overland steam communication
between England and India.
The former of these projects had for its objects the extension
of British commerce, and the ascertaining the feasibility of a
Russian invasion from that quarter. This important and
dangerous task was confided to Lieutenant, afterward Sir
Alexander Burnes, who gathered and published some valuable
information respecting the political condition, the commercial
relations, and the geographical features of the countries lying
between the Indus and the Caspian Sea. No commercial ad
vantages have as yet sprung from his labors, with the ex
ception of the complete navigation of the Indus by steamers ;
whilst, as regards political occurrences, the only result has been
the disastrous Afghan campaign, which may truly be traced
to this exploration.
Of far greater magnitude and solid advantage to Indo-British
commerce was the rapid and safe communication, first com
menced during Lord W. Bentinck's administration, between
India and Great Britain, by way of the Red Sea, Egypt and
the Mediterranean. To Lieutenant Waghorn belongs all the
merit of having conceived and thoroughly carried out this
scheme in the teeth of all the constituted authorities of India,
at home and abroad. Thanks to the enlightened man who at
this time ruled India, Waghorn's efforts were rightly estimated,
and in the end completely carried out, to the lasting advantage

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 291
of every interest connected with the British possessions in the
East. The navigation of the Ganges by steam-vessels was, during
this peaceful administration, set on foot with the most complete
success; and has since, under a completer system, afforded
great facilities to the internal traffic of the Bengal Presidency.
In the year 1833, the discussions in Parliament on the re
newal of the East India Company's charter led to some great
and important changes in the functions of this powerful body.
The principal of these changes may be placed under the fol
lowing heads : The Company retained its political rights, and,
in conjunction with the Board of Control, gave its entire
attention to the government of India. It ceased to be a com
mercial body, gave up its monopoly of the Chinese trade, and
abandoned that of India ; the trade to both countries was de
clared to be free to every British subject. British subjects
were permitted to settle in any part of the Indian territories.
The shareholders were guaranteed a fixed dividend upon their
capital of £6,000,000 ; and a sinking-fund was set aside for the
purpose of redeeming the Company's stock at the end of fifty
years, if deemed necessary. With these leading provisos, the
charter was renewed for a further term of twenty years, expiring
in the year 1853.
Lord William Bentinck resigned the administration of Indian
affairs early in 1835, owing to the failure of his health ; and in
the month of March set sail for England, regretted by the
native and a large portion of the European community.
The advent of Lord Auckland as governor-general of India
was destined to prove a momentous epoch in the Anglo-Indian
annals. On this appointment being made known, the public
were somewhat at a loss to guess what peculiar quality of his
lordship had formed the justification of the act. None knew
what his administrative ability might amount to ; and all who
took the trouble to form any opinion on the subject, were
unanimous that the name of Auckland could, by no human pos
sibility, become distinguished in the connection with the gov-

292 BRITISH INDIA.
ernment of the vast territories, over which it was decided that
he should hold an almost uncontrolled sway. But these cavil
lers were mistaken ; they knew not their man. Before these
sceptics in the achievements of an Auckland were three years
older, they had the strongest possible reasons for according to
his lordship a distinction and a notoriety as world-wide, and as
indelible, as any achieved by a Clive or a Wellington. It was
Lord Auckland's destiny to place the British arms in a posi
tion that they had never previously occupied on the continent
of India; to carve out for the British forces a career as disas
trous as its origin was unjustifiable and unworthy; to peril the
position of the English in the East ; to sacrifice an army of
brave men ; and finally, to clothe half the nation in mourning,
and to overwhelm the other half with shame and indignation.
On the arrival of this amicably-disposed nobleman in Cal
cutta, he found India rife with rumors of Russian diplomacy
and Russian intrigue. Every political occurrence of the day
was set down to autocratic influence ; every foreign traveler
in moustaches, was believed to be a diplomete or officer of
engineers from St. Petersburg ; and every Arab or Beloochee
trader who crossed the western frontier, was transformed by
these political genii of the Company's service into a Russian
spy- Shah Soojah, the imbecile ruler of Afghanistan, had been
expelled that country, in the ordinary Eastern style, to make
room for one far better able to rule such a turbulent people as
were his subjects ; and the deposed chief appeared well satis
fied to find himself with his head on his shoulders, eating the
Company's " salt" within the walls of the British fortress of
Loodianah, one of the northwest frontier stations.
The Punjab, or "Country of the Five Rivers," which formed
the barrier between the Company's territories and the turbulent
Afghans, was at that time under the sway of Runjeet Singh, a
chief whose valor and indomitable energy and activity had won
for him the title of the " Lion of the Punjab." Between this
chief and the Afghan rulers a constant succession of hostilities

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 293
took place, with varying results, though most frequently in
favor of the. "Lion."*
The mission of Captain, afterward Sir Alexander Burnes,
to Cabul, in 1837, although apparently successful at the time,
bore no fruit ; and it soon became evident that the ruler of
that country, with many promises on his lips, cared as little
for the friendship and commerce of the English, as for their
hostility."}" Another party of diplomatists, military and civil, was dis
patched to Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, with the view
of forming a treaty with Runjeet Sing. So far as the signa
tures to a parchment were concerned, every thing was attained
that had been hoped for ; and the governor-general, who was
already planning, at the instigation of others, the chastise
ment of Dost Mohammed, the restoration of the imbecile Shah
Soojah, and the defeat of the so-much-dreaded Russian in
fluence in that quarter, flattered himself that Lahore would
prove a safe and accessible road by which to reach the walls of
Cabool. In October, 1838, war with the Dost was proclaimed from
the cool retirement of Simla ; and so determined were the
abettors of this ill-advised scheme, that before the close of the
year, the Bengal and Bombay armies were at the appointed
rendezvous, Shikapore in Scinde. These forces amounted to
15,000 men, with a reserve of 4000 at Ferozepore, and a native
contingent, provided by Shar Soojah, but paid by the English,
amounting to 6000.
The British troops encountered disasters from the outset.
The cholera, want of a sufficient means of transport, jealousy
and heart-burnings amongst the commanders, and lastly, tho
* The Sikh rnler appears to have been keenly alive to the process of ab
sorption of native states by the English, although he felt it to be his policy
to remain on friendly terms with so powerful a neighbor. It is related of him
that in a conversation with a Company's officer, he pointed to a large map of
India before him, on which the British territories were denned by a narrow
red band, and exclaimed : " When Runjeet dies, Company's red line swallow
up all Punjab country."
¦f Alexander Burnes' Travels in Afghanistan, Ac.
25*

294 BRITISH INDIA,
trying season during the greater part of the march, all con
tributed to impart a prestige of no cheering character to the
commencement of the campaign.
Sir John Keane, appointed to the command-in-chief of the
army of the Indus, was seconded by officers as brave and ener
getic as any in the service. Among them were Major-General
Nott, Sir W. Cotton, Brigadier Sale, and Colonel Dennie.
The arrangements for the supply of the commissariat were,
however, of the worst possible kind ; and added to this was the
enormous number of camp-followers, amounting to nearly
100,000 ; these had to be provided for amidst strange and un
friendly countries, upou a march of extraordinary length and
of great physical difficulties.* It was not surprising, therefore,
that these circumstances, added to the want of unanimity in
action amongst the divisions of the army, should have placed
the invaders in a difficult and perilous position.
On the 6th of March, the Bengal column under Sir John
Keane and Sir Willoughby Cotton, reached the foot of the
mountains of Western Afghanistan, scarcely on the threshold
of their journey ; yet even then their provisions ran short, and
the allowance of the troops was reduced to one-half. The
dangerous and difficult passage of the Bolan Pass, seventy
miles in length, was effected after much suffering ; and when
the troops reached Quettah, on the 4th of April, so reduced
were they in all their supplies, that the camp-followers were
under the necessity of feeding on roots, skins of beasts, &c.
Thence to Candahar the sufferings of the soldiers and fol
lowers were very great ; and when they reached that city on the
4th of May, the latter dwindled down to 20,000. The expectation
that supplies would be there obtained, was doomed to disap
pointment. The army found itself as badly fed as ever ; and,
in order not to exhaust completely the miserable means of the
commissariat, a move onward toward Ghuznee was at once de
cided upon, although the distance was fully 230 miles, and the
army wanted most of the requisites for a long journey.
* Buist's Outline of the Operations of the British Troops in Scindia and
Afghanistan.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 295
On the 21st of July the British troops encamped under the
walls of GJbuznee, which were found to be far stronger than
had been anticipated. Hesitation would have been ruinous ;
and the choice lay between making a dash at this stronghold,
and a timely retreat to the starting point. Fortunately for
the besiegers, it was discovered that one of the gates of the
town had not been built up with masonry, and accordingly
this was blown in with gunpowder during the night, the breach
thus effected being at once taken advantage of by a storming
party, seconded by all the troops available for an assault of the
kind. The town was quickly captured ; and, in spite of some
desperate resistance from the Afghan garrison, the citadel fell
within a few hours. The loss of the British in killed and
wounded was but trifling ; that of the besieged amounted to
1000 slain and 3000 wounded and captured.
The fall of this stronghold of the Afghans was fortunate in
many respects ; for it not only afforded the troops much that
was needed, but struck terror into the hearts of the enemy, and
at once opened the road to Cabool. The army was not al
lowed a long halt ; Colonel Wade, who was moving onward
from Peshawur, fought his way through the Kyber Pass, and
seized Jellalabad, driving before him Akbar Khan, the second
son of the Dost, and capturing a large supply of arms, ammu
nition, and horses. On the 30th of July, the main body of the
army, with Sir John Keane, Shah Soojah, and Mr. McNagh-
ten, marched toward the capital ; from which, as they ap
proached, Dost Mohammed fled with a chosen body of horse
men, making his way to the west, beyond the reach of regular
troops. Deserted by their ruler and every chieftain of any conse
quence, the inhabitants of Cabool had little choice left them
but to open their gates to the advancing columns of the British,
who entered the Afghan capital, with Shah Soojah at their
head, in all the pomp and circumstance of victory. There were
none to oppose the placing the English nominee on the throne ;
and this was accordingly done ; though it does not appear to
have occurred to any of the actors how they were to manage to

296 BRITISH INDIA.
keep him there without the presence of an overwhelming mili
tary force.
Thus far the game had proceeded smoothly enough ; despite
the privations of the troops, every thing had succumbed to
them ; and if the miserable arrangements of a most defective
commissariat had not involved the army in utter confusion, it
was owing rather. to good fortune than to any other con
tingency. The commander-in-chief hastened from the scene of his
hollow exploits ; and scarcely resting at the seat of govern
ment, took his way home, to show himself to the British public
as the conqueror of Afghanistan, receiving, as the fruit of his
splendid achievement, a title and a pension ; the greatest ex
ploit of the entire campaign having been the blowing open of
a wooden door with a few bags of gunpowder.
The bulk of the troops followed their retreating commander;
a small force being left behind in various positions, scarcely
any of which were tenable against an enemy. Sir Alexander
Burnes and Sir William MacNaghten were left at Cabool in 'a
political capacity, with a garrison under the command of
Major-general Elphinstone and General Sale, badly housed,
and still worse provided with a commissariat. So miserably,
indeed, was this department conducted, that it was frequently
only by dint of hard bribing, that any provisions could be pro
cured from the neighboring country.
Matters remained tranquil through the first winter; which,
in that country, proved a most severe season for the Company's
troops, both European and native. The spring ushered in a
foretaste of what was in store for the British. Dost Mohammed
was known to be at no great distance from Cabool, raising the
people, and inciting them to vengeance on the unbelieving in
vaders of their country. Akbar Khan, his " fighting" son, was
everywhere leading large bodies of Afghan troops against the
British outposts ; cutting off supplies, and harassing the troops
in every possible manner.
In the summer of this year (1840) some sharp encounters
with the enemy took place, much to his discomfiture ; the rude

¦ THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 297
courage and brute energy of his wild troops being quite unable
to cope with the disciplined bravery of English regiments.
After many desperate engagements, Dost Mohammed sur
rendered himself a prisoner to the British envoy, Sir W. Mac
Naghten ; and was, before the end of the year, sent beyond
the frontier. A pension of £30,000 a year was allowed him,
and a residence for himself and his num'erous family alloted
at Mussoorie, on the north-western frontier, where he quietly
remained, awaiting the course of events.
They were not very long in casting their shadows on the
foreground. Akbar Khan had been no party to his father's
submission ; and so far from contemplating a similar course,
omitted no opportunity of falling upon any British force which
came in his way. Month after month witnessed the same sys
tem of desultory warfare ; always to the damage of the British,
and seldom to that of the enemy, who were completely masters
of this art of campaigning.
Beyond this system of petty and vexatious warfare, and the
evidently growing dislike of the people to British influence and
presence in the country, there was little to disturb the course
of events at Cabool. At the same time there were not wanting
those who could see below the surface of things, and who
prophesied the approaching storm. Hints, warnings, and ad
vice were alike thrown away upon the British envoy, who ap
peared to discredit all that did not coincide with his own pre
viously formed opinions.*
This strange infatuation clung to him up to the last moment ;
and when the 2d of November, 1841, ushered in a general
rising of the people of Cabool, he was still unpersuaded of any
real danger, and expressed a belief that "it would all blow
over." It did blow over ; but it swept with it the existence
of the whole English force. From that fatal morning the,
record of events in Afghanistan is a sad and terrible recital,
uncheered by but one single bright and stirring deed — the
gallant and apparently hopeless defense of Jellalabad by its
small and ill-provided garrison.
* The Military Operations at Cabool, &e., by Lieutenant Vincent Eyre.

298 BRITISH INDIA.
The massacre of Burnes, and every officer, woman, and child
found with him in the city, was followed by the seizure of the
commissariat, and the gathering of numerous bodies of Afghans
within and about the walls. The energy and faculties of both
officers and men seemed to have been completely paralyzed by
the suddenness, rather than the greatness of the danger ; and
in this manner many valuable days were suffered to pass, adding
to the confidence and numbers of the enemy ; and in proportion
dispiriting the British troops. Resistance did not form a part
of the tactics adopted by this most unfortunate body of- men,
who preferred trusting to negotiations with men who were
proverbial for their utter faithlessness, rather than to their own
energy. Toward the end of November, Akbar Khan arrived in
Cabool with a chosen body of horse ; and from that day mat
ters drew rapidly to a crisis. Conferences were held between
the chief and the British envoy, which resulted in an arrange
ment that the British should immediately evacuate Afghan
istan, being guaranteed a safe passage to India and supplies
of provisions. Dost Mohammed was to be permitted to return
to his country, Shah Soojah to retire within British territories,
and perpetual friendship to be firmly established between the
two powers.
The troops began to prepare for their humiliating march on
the 14th December ; and on the 23d, as the remainder of the
forces joined the main body, Sir W. MacNaghten was invited
to a final conference with the Afghan chief, and during a short
interview was killed by a pistol-shot, as some have declared,
fired by the hand of Akbar Khan.
The retreat of the English forces, amounting to 4500 men,
and some 12,000 of camp-followers, took place, as arranged,
on the 6th of January ; but no sooner had they cleared the
walls of Cabool, than parties of Afghans harassed their rear
and picked off the stragglers day and night. The horrors of
that humiliating retreat were heightened by the severity of the
season and the difficulties of the country. First the wounded,
and then the ladies and children, were given up to the Afghans

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 299
as the only hope of saving them ; finally, abandoning all fur
ther hope, the soldiers and camp-followers gave themselves to
despair, and either lay down to die in the snow, or fell in the
rear, and were dispatched by Afghan bullets. From straggling
shots the work of death proceeded until it became wholesale
slaughter ; and before many days had elapsed, of all that host
of twenty-six thousand souls but one Englishman, Dr. Brydon,
and a few sepoys and followers, escaped with the terrible
tidings to Jellalabad, where the gallant Sale held his position
with the courage and determination of a hero.
Meanwhile Candahar was held by General Nott and a strong
body of troops ; Ghuznee was kept possession of by Colonel
Palmer and a mere handful of sepoys ; whilst Shah Soojah
contrived to make good his position in Cabool itself, despite
the presence of Akbar Khan and the treachery or feebleness of
nearly every Afghan chieftain.
Determined, if possible, to obtain possession of the fortress
of Jellalabad, Akbar Khan invested it with an army strong in
numbers, but deficient in every requisite for conducting a siege.
With the old crumbling walls of the fort tottering at every dis
charge of cannon, with wide gaps in their defenses, which any
other enemy would have known how to avail himself of, Sale
and his gallant little party not only bid the besiegers bold
defiance, but sallied out for forage, and did no small mischief
in the Afghan camp.
Whilst the above was transpiring, and when the English
captives, ladies, officers, and children, were dragging on a mis
erable existence in Afghan dungeons, General Pollock was
making his way with a relief across the Punjab ; and at the
same moment, the instigators of all these disasters were issuing
instructions for the withdrawal of the British troops- from
Cabool, leaving the prisoners of course to their fate.
The winter of 1841 brought no hope for the pent-up gar
risons of the captives in Afghanistan. The troops of Akbar
continued to press hard upon every fort in the possession of
the English; and though Jellalabad and Candahar held out
gallantly, Palmer was compelled to evacuate Ghuznee, when,

300 BRITISH INDIA.
as was usually the case, nearly every man, woman, and child
of the garrison was butchered as they marched out under the
capitulation. Palmer was reserved for torture and imprison
ment, with one or two of his officers.
At length brighter days dawned upon the army of the Indus.
The nervous and imbecile Auckland was replaced by Lord
Ellenborough, a man of other mettle, who, though pestered by
the fears and phantasies of the incompetent Council of Calcutta,
acted on the impulsive feeling of doing that which alone could re
trieve the tarnished reputation of the army, and rescue the British
captives by means alone consistent with the national honor.
The word was given, and heard but to be joyfully obeyed. No
second bidding was needed. Pollock continued to move for
ward with his troops to the relief of the gallant band in Jel
lalabad. The Afghans, under Akbar Khan, opposed the pas
sage of the Kyber Pass in vain ; driven from every point by
the bayonet, the enemy fled before the British troops, and from
the moment of emerging from that dangerous mountain-gorge
the British forces met with no further resistance. The army
of the Khan had melted away like snow before the noonday
sun. On the 1 6th April, the troops of Pollock and Sale met under
the tottering walls of Jellalabad, with what delight to all
parties may be readily imagined. But all felt that the time
was too precious to be wasted in mere rejoicings or congratu
lations. Both generals knew well the critical position of the
remainder of our pent-up forces, the revengeful, impetuous
temper of Akbar, and the imminent danger of the prisoners,
among whom were the wife and daughter of Sale ; and they
felt that if any decisive blow was to be struck,, it must be
achieved at once, with the eclat of Pollock's recent victories
still fresh in the minds of the enemy and their own troops.
Had their own impulses only been consulted, Cabool would
have been in their hands within a week ; but unfortunately a
reference was yet to be made to the supreme government.
It was thus the middle of August before a combined move
ment was made by the three generals, Nott, Pollock, and Sale,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 301
from Candahar and Jellalabad. The former moved out with
seven thousand troops ; and defeating one of the Afghan chiefs,
who attempted to intercept his march, razed the walls and
fortifications of Ghuznee, the scene of so much treachery and
disaster to the British. On the other side, the combined forces
of Pollock and Sale did not proceed without force ; but in
every case in which opposition was offered, victory declared for
them. Indeed, every sword that was drawn, every shot that
was fired, told in honor of the British, and served but to render
the cause of the Afghans more desperate.
The final struggle for the mastery took place at the Khoord
Cabool Pass, a most difficult and commanding position, where
the enemy mustered in considerable numbers ; but to oppose in
vain. Nothing could now restrain the British troops, who
seemed eager for the fray, and driving the foe before them from
every defile and mountain-path, sealed the fate of that short
and glorious campaign.
On the 15th of September, the forces of Pollock and Sale
arrived at Cabool, where they found, as expected, that numer
ous changes had taken place. Revolutions and savage con
flicts had succeeded each other with rapidity. The chiefs had
been divided among themselves in the support of the two
rulers, and eventually the assassination of Shah Soojah had to
a degree paved the way to something bearing the semblance
of amity. No sooner did the news of the junction of the British
forces at Jellalabad reach the ears of Akbar, than he prepared
for flight, making arrangements at the same time for carrying
his numerous prisoners with him into the wilds of Toorkhistan.
On the notification of the advance of the generals toward the
capital, the Afghan chief put his plans into execution ; and
whilst he hurried off his own treasures and family toward the
northwest, and himself hastened to watch the steps of the
British, the English captives, to the number of one hundred
and twenty -two, were dispatched in charge of an Afghan khan,
toward Bameen, where they were detained for upward of a
week, awaiting further instructions from Akbar. The orders
of the latter had been to kill all the sick, wounded, or feeble, so
2fi

302 BRITISH INDIA.
as to prevent any delay in their march ; but although the khan
showed little regard for his charge, he hesitated to carry into
execution these barbarous instructions.*
Fortunately for the prisoners, this chief was easily swayed
by interest. Avarice was his ruling passion ; and the officers
in his custody were not long in ascertaining that a bribe suffi
ciently liberal would induce their jailer to open the doors of
their prison-house. The result of their negotiations was, that
£2000 were to be paid down to the khan and a pension settled
on him ; for which he was to fling off allegiance to Akbar,
and maintain the party in the fort against all enemies until
relief could be obtained. The position of independence taken
up by the old khan and his followers and British companions,
soon drew around them some of the neighboring chiefs, who
doubtless were aware of the present aspect of affairs at Cabool,
and were able to make a shrewd guess at the probable course
of events. These people guaranteed support and aid to the
English party ; and at length, when news was brought to the
latter of the successes of Pollock and the dispersion of Akbar's
forces, they moved boldly and rejoicingly from their prison-
fort, and turned their steps in the direction of Cabool. Their
party was, however, but a small one ; and they were not with
out apprehensions lest Akbar might still be hovering about to
intercept any relief sent to them, the more so as some report
reached them that a strong body of Afghan horse was follow
ing in their steps to hurry them off to the banks of the Oxus.
On the first evening of their bivouacking, they received de
cided intelligence of the complete successes of the various
bodies of British troops, and of the dispersion of the Afghans
and their chief Akbar. The glad intelligence was confirmed
during that night by the arrival, in their little camp, of a native
trooper, bearing a letter from Sir Richard Shakespeare, inform
ing them of his near approach to their assistance with a strong
body of Kussilbash horse. Before daylight the little party set
forward on their way to meet their deliverers with beating
* Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan : Lieutenant V. Eyre.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD,
mm

303

hearts ; and at noon, whilst resting under the shade of a ruined
fort, they were gladdened by the approach of Sir Richard and
his cavalry, mustering six hundred.
Fears were, however, still entertained that an attempt at
rescue might be made by the desperate Akbar, especially as a
dangerous pass had to be traversed on their road to the capi
tal. Accordingly, a messenger was dispatched to General Pol
lock, requesting instant reinforcement; whilst on their part
every available means were used to push on their way, with
but little rest or desire for halting. On the 20th they encoun
tered an officer who had ridden on in advance of the approach-

304 BRITISH INDIA
ing relief; and from him they gathered the joyful intelligence
that General Sale's brigade was but a mile or two in the rear.
The happiness of this day may be imagined. The long-lost
wife and daughter were restored in safety to the man who had
so gallantly maintained the honor of his country within the
little fort of Jellalabad ; and many a missing one was met that
day by friends|or anxious relatives.* It was indeed a joyful
meeting, and gladly did the whole party set forward to retrace
their steps to the camp outside the city of Cabool. This they
reached by sunset on the 21st, the British artillery rending the
air with the glad echoes of their thundering welcome.
The remainder of this eventful history may be soon told. By
a proclamation issued at Simla, the governor-general declared,
that having retrieved the disasters of the past, and taught the
Afghans a lesson not likely to be soon forgotten, the British
army should now evacuate that country and retire to Feroze-
pore. After a short period employed in interring the thou
sands of skeletons of our slaughtered countrymen that literally
strewed the scenes of the massacres of Cabool ; and after
effectually demolishing the citadel, the walls, the Bala Hissur,
and every building of any strength in the capital, the army of
the Indus set out on its homeward march upon the 12th of
October. At Ferozepore the troops were received by the governor-
general and his staff, and many and hearty were the congratu
lations given and received upon this happy termination to a
sad and fatal campaign, f Rejoicings and festivities wound up
that which had begun in rashness and infatuation, and con
summated in disgrace, bloodshed, and imprisonment. Heavy
as was the retribution that descended on the actors in the
Afghan tragedy, the remembrance of the errors and disasters
of the expedition will live long and sadly in the recollection
of the British in India.
For a time it appeared as though peace was firmly established
on the Indian continent ; but to those who could see below the
* Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan : Eyre. f Lady Sale's Journal.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 305
surface of things, the tranquillity was but a deceptive lull, a
calm ushering in the tempest that was soon to burst forth in
another quarter. >.
The treacherous conduct of the Ameers of Scinde during the
Afghan campaign was not mended on the return of the army
from that country, the Ameers judging that the army would
not have retired so soon unless it had met with further reverses.
The evacuation of Afghanistan was looked upon by them as a
virtual defeat; and it soon became pretty evident that their
feelings toward the British were not improved, nor their dispo
sition more friendly, in consequence of that impression. Grave
doubts have been since entertained by many with regard to the
propriety and justice of the Company's operations in the Scinde
country ; but there appears to be no question, that whilst the
rulers of that territory entertained the hostile feelings toward the
British which they did, no security could for a moment exist for
the tranquillity of the state, and that sooner or later the events
which were then brought about must of necessity have occurred.
Cautions, warnings, and every friendly means were employed
toward the Ameers, to induce an amicable disposition, or at
any rate a peaceful line of conduct ; but all these means seem
to have been employed in vain ; and when it was evident that
but one course must be adopted, Lord Ellenborough was not
slow to order its execution.
The Ameers had, during the entire winter season of 1842,
been busily engaged in gathering their forces and taking up a
menacing position; whilst the veteran Sir Charles Napier
strengthened his own attitude, and made every disposition for
acting so soon as the proper moment should arrive. That
moment occurred in the early part of February. The British
residency at Hyderabad was attacked with great fury by a large
and desperate body of the Ameers' troops; and it was not
without difficulty that the English officials were enabled to
make good their retreat and join their friends within the camp
at a short distance from the city.
Sir Charles, with his small but well-disciplined band of 2100
of all arms, moved across the Indus and approached the enemy's
26*

306 BRITISH INDIA.
position, which was a remarkably strong one, near the village
of Meeanee. Their forces amounted to fully 30,000 infantry
and 5000 horse, with a train of 15 guns well served on the
European system. A stronger position than that occupied by
their main body could scarcely be coiiceived. A natural ravine
of considerable depth protected them in front, whilst their
flanks were well sheltered by extensive forests and broken
ground. Formidable as their entrenchment appeared, the
British general did not for a moment hesitate about the attack ;
but on the morning of the 17th of February gave the signal for
the assault.
Moving rapidly forward from their open position on the
plain, the English and sepoy regiments advanced gallantly
toward the thickly guarded ravine, behind which bristled
myriads of glittering weapons. Cheering each other on, re
gardless of the storm which swept their ranks from the Scinde
artillery, they plunged into the dangerous ravine, and rushing
up the opposite bank, which they strewed with their dead and
wounded, made for the top of the embankment, where the
enemy stood matchlock in hand to receive them. The gallant
22d, an Irish regiment, led the way ; and quick as thought
were on the summit of the entrenchment, behind which they found
awaiting them, a glittering forest of steel and a barrier of buck
lers, vast masses of Beloochee swordsmen, whose numbers and
savage shouts must have struck dismay into the hearts of any
but such as were opposed to them. Shout for shout was given,
cheer for cheer, and lowering the queen of weapons — the bay
oneted musket — the little handful of heroes rushed upon the
vast force opposed to them.
The conflict was long and bloody. Valor could but do its
utmost ; and the sweeping discharges from the thickly, well-
planted Scinde artillery on their flank told fearfully upon the
courageous band who strove against this mighty host. For
every score of Beloochees who fell before the British bayonet
an English soldier was swept away by the murderous dis
charge of grape ; and although each gap was gallantly filled
up from the rear, their numbers went on thinning hour after

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 307
hour, whilst the multitude opposed to them seemed to be as
numerous as ever, so little was the havoc amidst their ranks
perceptible.* Victory seemed about to declare against the small band of
assailants ; the greater part of their officers were killed or dis
abled ; and the sepoys, without a leader, more than once made
a retrograde movement. At this critical juncture a charge was
ordered to be made on the enemy's right by the small body of
horse under Colonel Pattle, which had the effect of at once de
ciding the fate of the day. The British cavalry did their duty
nobly ; and the Beloochees finding themselves in danger on
their flank, began to move slowly but defiantly from the field.
Resistance was no longer thought of; and the British guns in
their turn swept all before them, whilst cavalry and infantry
carried on the work of destruction until nature became ex
hausted, and they could do no more.
On the following day Sir Charles summoned the Ameers,
who had remained safely within the fortifications of Hyderabad,
to surrender their persons and their authority into 'his hands
without delay, in default of which he threatened to storm the
city. The mandate was obeyed by the entrance within his
camp of six of these chiefs, who proceeded to lay at the feet of
the British general their swords and insignia of royalty. " Their
misfortunes," said Sir Charles in his dispatches, " were of their
own creating ; but as they were great, I gave them back their
swords ;" and doubtless he knew full well the utter uselessness
of those weapons to men who looked on from their fortified
walls whilst the brave but mercenary troops of Beloochistan
were fighting their battle. One other action, that of Dubba,
and the power of the Ameers was forever annihilated ; and
when one or two turbulent bands of marauders had been swept
from the country, the British flag waved supreme to the borders
of Beloochistan.
The immediate consequence of these decisive victories was
the annexation of Scinde to the territories of the Company. In
* Major-General W. E. P.- Napier's Conquest of Scinde.

808 BRITISH INDIA.
a proclamation dated on the 5th of March, 1843, from Agra,
the governor-general announced that the conquered territories
had become part of the Company's eastern dominions. On
the 15th of the same month, Major-General Sir Charles Napier
was appointed governor of this province ; and a declaration
was made relative to the manumission of all slaves within the
boundaries of Scinde, the free passage of the Indus to the com
merce of the world, and the abolition of all transit-duties.
Scarcely had this proclamation been made generally known,
when troubles, though of far less magnitude, awaited the
government in another direction, and nearer home. The in
dependent Mahratta state of Gwalior had been for a long
period the scene of great confusion and strife, giving ample
employment to the British resident at its court, under whose
protection the reigning family held their authority. The de
cease of the last rajah, and the consequent regency of his widow
during the minority of his successor, opened the door to end
less intrigues and difficulties. Ministers of pacific views, and
favorable to the English policy, were rudely set aside by the
widow for others of questionable character, and holding
opinions directly opposite. Plots, conspiracies, and insurrec
tions split the country from one end to the other ; until, deter
mined that such an unquiet and dangerous neighbor could not
be permitted, the governor-general ordered a force to enter
the maharajah's territories, in order to assert his just authority,
and give security to his person and power.
This army was conducted by Sir Hugh Gough, accompanied
by Lord Ellenborough, and moved from Agra in the early part
of December; whilst a second division, under Major-General
Grey, advanced from Bundelcund. The first and main division
crossed the Kohuree river on the 29th December, and took up
a position not far from the village of Maharajpoor, where the
Mahratta army lay strongly encamped, mustering fully eighteen
thousand men, a strong body of cavalry, and a hundred guns.
The British troops amounted to fourteen thousand men, with
forty pieces of artillery.
The attack was commenced by Major-General Littler's

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 309
column charging full upon the enemy's front. The advanc
ing regiments were received with a furious and deadly cannon
ade, which sensibly thinned their ranks, whilst the Mahratta
troops gave them a warm reception from their matchlocks.
Nothing, however, could stem the torrent that swept up to the
mouths of the enemy's cannons, bayoneting their gunners and
driving all before them. Flinging away their matchlocks,- the
Mahrattas fled to the village, where, sword in hand, they made
a desperate stand, but in vain. The small but dashing brigade
of cavalry, under General Valiant, charged Maharajpoor in
the rear, cut up the flanks of the enemy, and effectually sealed
the fate of the now defeated and flying Mahratta force.
The loss of the enemy in this hard-fought battle was believed
to have been from three to four thousand in killed and wounded,
besides all their cannon and stores. The victory, however, was
not purchased without cost on the side of the British. Upward
of one hundred killed, of whom seven were officers', and nearly
seven hundred in the hospitals, told of the severity of the
conflict.* Whilst the roar of the hundred and forty opposing guns at
Maharajpoor sent forth their deadly echoes, almost within
sound of them another struggle was maintained, equally de
cisive, though less fatal. General Grey's column, moving
toward the capital from Bundelkund, encountered a strong
Mahratta force at Punniar, but twelve miles distant from their
destination. The action was sharp but brief. The enemy
stood no more than the first charge of the British infantry, and
fled to the heights, whence they were driven at the point of the
bayonet, and finally scattered through the country.
The two armies united beneath the walls of Gwalior, where,
having no alternative, the Durbar immediately made every
submission to the terms imposed by the British. It was stipu
lated that Gwalior should in future be protected by a British
subsidiary force, paid from the revenues of the country ; that
an English officer and garrison should hold possession of the
* Sir Hugh Gough's dispatch.

310

BRITISH INDIA.

fort of Gwalior ; and that the state should pay all the expenses
of the war.
Thus ended the brief but glorious military career of Lord
Ellenborough, who, during the short tenure of his office, had
accomplished more than any other man for the pacification of
India ; and when, through intrigues and jealousies, he was
shortly after recalled by the Court of Directors, his departure
was deeply regretted by all who wished well to good govern
ment and the security of the British Eastern possessions.

RUNJEET SING.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE WARS IN THE PUNJAB, AND THE ANNEXATION OF THE
COUNTRY OP THE FIVE RIVERS TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS.
— A. D. 1844-1849.
On the arrival of Sir Henry Hardinge in India as governor-
general, in the summer of 1844, he found the vast territories
under the British rule in the most profound peace. This able
and indefatigable man had ample leisure to make himself master
of very many details of government, which he was not slow to
discover needed much reform. He did his best to bring about
a better and more friendly feeling between the services ; he
furthered the claims of the native army to many privileges ; he
promoted a stricter discipline amongst the troops generally ;
he aided in the organization of railway companies in India ;
and, in short, did all that lay in his power, during so short
a period, to promote the welfare of many sections of the
community. But the course of Indian events was not long destined for
this pacification. One more storm of war and bloodshed was
(311)

312 BRITISH INDIA.
gathering" in the north ; another fierce struggle was about
to overwhelm a vast tract of fruitful and populous country in
its calamities and its sufferings ; and Sir Henry, peacefully as
he may have been disposed, could not avoid the career that
was awaiting him.
The decease of Runjeet Sing, the Lion of Lahore, in 1839,
had paved the way to an infinity of intrigues, plots, and counter
plots at and around the capital of the Punjab. The death of
the "Lion," soon followed by that of the grandson, not without
suspicion of design ; the struggles for the viziership ; the in
trigues of the ranee, or queen-mother ; and the subsequent
assassinations of rival chiefs which took place at Cabool, bore
testimony to the absence of any controlling power in the state.
Indeed, the only parties who appeared to be endowed with any
faculty for directing the course of events were two French
officers, promoted to the rank of generals by Runjeet Sing,
and who had brought the army of the Punjab into a state of
high efficiency, more especially its ordnance department.
The young maharajah, Dhulup Sing, a child of four years,
and his mother, although nominally at the head of affairs, were
really in the hands of the Sikh soldiery ; these, clamoring for
their arrears of pay, and anxious for some occupation which
might bring with it a chance of spoil, sought to be led against
their English neighbors, whom they considered their enemies.
How far this feeling may have been fostered by the French
officers, who, it was known, always possessed great influence
amongst them, it is not easy to judge. This hostile passion
was kept up, until at length the ranee became a party, unwill
ingly, to a demonstration in the direction of the Sutlej.
Ghoolab Singh, brother to the late vizier of the " Lion," was
pressed in vain, first, to accept the dangerous office of vizier ;
secondly, to join the war-party against the British. It would have
been equally dangerous to have openly opposed the movement ;
Ghoolab therefore contented himself with taking no part in the
preparations, and under various pretenses absenting himself
from the scene of military activity. When at last the war had
actually begun, and he could no longer avoid acting in some

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 313
way, he prudently declined any command in the army, prefer
ring to remain at the head of his own immediate followers,
ready for any special service that might present itself*
The preparations which were now being made at Lahore for
the passage of the Sutlej could not be kept a secret; and long
before the public had any idea of what was going on, the
governor-general had expeditiously but quietly concentrated
thirty-two thousand men and sixty-eight guns in and about
Ferozepore, Doodianah, and Umballa. In the early part of
December, the intelligence forwarded to head-quarters respect
ing the warlike preparations in the Punjab were of such a
definite and unmistakable character, that Sir H. Hardinge at
once made his way to the camp at Umballa, though without at
that time having any belief in the intention of the Sikh army
to invade the British territories in considerable numbers. From
Umballa the governor-general proceeded onward to Loodi-
anah, inspecting the various cantonments^ and generally making
himself acquainted with the actual position of affairs.
On the 7th and 8th of December, intelligence was received
by the governor-general from Lahore, of such a nature as at
once to induce him to issue instructions to the commander-in-
chief to move up the whole of his force from Umballa, Meerut,
and other minor posts. On the 9th, a portion of the Sikh
army had approached to within a few miles of Ferozepore ;
whilst further advance along the river-line showed that the
most active preparations w&e being carried on for hostile pur
poses. By the 12th of December the whole of the Umballa
and reserve forces were in full march toward the appointed
rendezvous ; and at the same time orders were issued to Briga
dier Wheeler, at Loodianah, to be prepared to move up with
bis force of five thousand men and twelve guns at a moment's
notice. During this day more preeise information was received
as to the Sikh movements ; and on the following morning in
telligence was brought in that the enemy had crossed the Sutlej,
* Macgregor's History of the Sikhs.
27

314 BRITISH INDIA.
and were concentrating in great force on the left bank of the
river.* Affairs having arrived at this point, the governor-general
issued a proclamation, setting forth the unprovoked nature of
the Sikh invasion, declaring the territories on the left of the
Sutlej annexed to the British possessions, and calling upon all
friendly and well-disposed natives to aid in the restoration of
peace, and at the same time cautioning all evil-doers as to the
consequences of their acts.
Brigadier Wheeler was immediately ordered up with his force
of four thousand five hundred men and twenty-one guns to
cover Bussean, where a large depot of stores for the army had
been collected ; and by the afternoon of the 14th he was in
position before that place. Two days later, the main column
from Umballa, under the commander-in-chief, arrived at the
same spot. At that moment, the Sikhs were completing the
passage of the Sutlej with their heavy artillery and trains ; and
on the 17th their main body, consisting of twenty-five thousand
regulars and eighty-eight guns, under the command of Lai
Singh, moved into position at the village of Forozshah ; whilst
another force of twenty-three thousand men and sixty-seven
guns encamped opposite Ferozepore. The Sikhs commenced
throwing up earth-works around their camps, and preparing
for a vigorous contest. The governor-general and commander-
in-chief pushed on with their main column toward Ferozepore ;
and at mid-day halted at the village of Moodkee, where they
snatched some hasty rest and a little refreshment, after a long
and harassing march.
The repose of the troops was soon broken by intelligence
that at no greater distance than three miles a large body of the
enemy were encamped, chiefly cavalry, with twenty-two guns.
The troops were immediately called to arms, placed in position,
and moved forward to meet the enemy.
The cavalry, under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier,
were advanced rapidly to the front, and occupying the open
* Dispatch from Sir H. Hardinge to Secret Committee.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 315
plain gave good cover to the infantry whilst forming. The
horse-artillery speedily followed, flanking the cavalry. In a
short time the Sikh artillery, Which was well secured behind
a quantity of low jungle, opened a brisk and rather telling
fire upon the advancing columns, which was replied to with
great spirit by the British horse-artillery and the light field-
batteries, which had by this time moved up. These directed
such a steady and judicious fire, that the enemy were for a
time shaken, and, seizing the opportune moment, the com
mander-in-chief ordered a cavalry charge upon the left flank of
the Sikhs, whilst a similar one was directed upon their right.
Both of these succeeded to admiration ; the charges of the
British horse sweeping every thing before them, up to the very
guns, and nothing but the irregularity of the ground and the
dense cover of the jungle saved the enemy from far heavier
loss. In the meantime, the infantry was moved on to the charge,
covered by the vigorous fire of the horse-artillery, brought
close to the low jungle in front of their lines. Sir H. Smith,
Sir John M'Caskill, and General Gilbert led on the troops in
echellon of lines, and pouring in upon their close ranks a mur
derous fire, soon taught the enemy the efficacy of the British
musket. From position to position the Sikhs were driven ;
and so often as they stood, the bayonet was resorted to with
fatal and unerring effect.
The day was thus won from the enemy ; and making the
best of their way from the field, with the loss of great numbers
of their troops and seventeen of their guns, they sought shelter
within their camp at Ferozshah. * The slaughter was only
stayed by the weariness of the troops and the spreading dark
ness, for the last two hours of the conflict had been carried on
by a dim and uncertain light. When the British moved back
to their camp at Moodkee it was midnight.
The loss on the side of the British was severe for the duration
of the struggle, the chief execution having been from the Sikh
artillery. The number of killed was sixteen officers and two
hundred men ; that of the wounded, forty-eight officers and six

316 BRITISH INDIA.
hundred men ; and this was out of a force of twelve thousand
rank and file. Amongst those who fell at this time, deeply re
gretted, was General Sir Robert Sale, the hero of Jellalabad,
who fell with his left thigh shattered by grape-shot.
This victory was at once followed up by preparations for
further efforts ; for it was well known that the enemy would not
long remain mactive under their late severe discomfiture. Some
heavy artillery was brought up from the rear, escorted by
several fresh regiments. Sir John Littler was ordered up from
Ferozepore with all his available force, in order to effect a
junction with the main body, and, in concert with them, to
attack the Sikh entrenched lines.
Accordingly Sir John moved off with one-half of his force,
amounting to five thousand five hundred, together with twenty-
one guns, leaving the remainder in Ferozepore, to maintain
that post and watch the movements of Tej Singh and his army
encamped against it. This was early on the 21st ; by eleven
o'clock on that day the main body had advanced from Moodkee
and taken up a position opposite the entrenched camp of the
Sikh army, which contained a total force of thirty-five thousand
soldiers and eighty-eight guns, whilst that of the British com
prised less than eighteen thousand rank and file and sixty-five
guns. The Sikh lines were about a mile in length and half a mile
in breadth, strongly placed, and ready to receive an enemy
from whatever quarter he might advance. The ground in front
of the army was flat, and interspersed with low jungle. The
three divisions of the British army having been placed in line,
the artillery was stationed in the centre, with the exception of
three troops of horse-artillery, placed on each flank, and in
support. The reserve, under Sir Harry Smith, with the cavalry,
formed the second line.
The engagement was commenced by the British artillery
advancing and pouring in rapid and well-directed charges upon
the Sikh lines until within three hundred yards, when the guns
were unlimbered, and a further heavy and continuous discharge
kept up, until the word was given for the infantry to charge

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 317
and seize the Sikh guns, which continued to be served with
murderous effect. This heavy and bloody task was performed
with matchless courage and rapidity, and the enemy's artillery
in the centre was for the time silenced. On the left, Littler's
brigade had done wonders ; but the storm of grape and shot
which fell amidst them caused them to stagger, and make a
retrograde movement, which was, however, supported by a
portion of the reserve under Sir Harry Smith. The centre and
right divisions, under Generals Wallace and Gilbert, were suc
cessful at every point ; and the battle seemed to be won, when
unfortunately night fell so suddenly as not only to prevent the
decisive blow being struck, but to cause not a little confusion
and danger from the extreme proximity of friends and foes.
In this critical position, the main body of the troops were
withdrawn to a few hnndred yards from the Sikh camp, where
they rested during the remainder of the night under arms.
About midnight, however, some of the Sikh guns, which had
not been taken possession of, were brought to bear upon the
British column as they lay on the ground, doing considerable
execution. The governor-general mounted his horse, and
calling on the 80th Regiment and a portion of the first Bengal
Europeans, led them against the annoying guns, which were
carried at a charge, and spiked.
That night was one of intense anxiety to the commanders ;
their loss had been most severe ; they were within a few hundred
yards of an enemy still formidable, with a heavy reserve under
Tej Singh, no doubt on its way up from Ferozepore ; whilst
Littler's and Sir H. Smith's divisions had been compelled to
retire from the left, and nothing was known as to their position.
The spirit of the troops was, however, admirable ; and weary
and harassed as they were by long marching and hard fighting,
all seemed animated with but one spirit: — a determination to
finish the work so gloriously begun, and drive the enemy be
yond the Sutlej. At early dawn this portion of the army was
put under arms, deployed into line, and led on at once against
the Sikh entrenchments, without waiting for the other divisions.
A few volleys, a round or two of grape, and the bayonet did
27*

318 BRITISH INDIA.
the rest most effectually. The troops having secured the whole
of the seventy-six guns opposed to them, now wheeled rapidly
round, swept past the village of Ferozshah, and in this way
cleared the entire length of the enemy's works, who retired
upon their reserve, which at that moment appeared in sight.
The remaining divisions of the army now effected a junction
with the centre and right ; and thus reinforced, ill provided as
they were with ammunition, the British commanders would
have had no hesitation in advancing against their new enemy,
had there been any disposition shown to await an attack. But
such was not the intention of the Sikh generals ; disheartened
and alarmed, the discomfited troops of Ferozshah communi
cated to their comrades the panic which they themselves felt,
and at once moving off with a few flourishes of their remaining
artillery, made for the banks of the Sutlej, which river they
quickly left behind them.
To follow up this decisive victory, as inclination would have
prompted, was rendered impossible by the want of cavalry and
ammunition, nearly the whole of the latter having been ex
hausted during the recent engagements ; and the commander-
in-chief was therefore fain to content himself with seeing the
enemy fairly across the river, and await reinforcements from the
rear. That day and several following were fully occupied with the
care of the wounded, numbering upward of seventeen hundred.
Ferozepore was converted into a hospital, until the sick could
be conveyed to a place of greater security ; and during the
time of their sojourn there, the governor-general was most un
remitting in his personal inspection of their comforts. The
British loss in killed was heavy ; 694 were found dead in the
field ; and of the wounded 595 died in the hospitals, or were
disabled from further service.
The same cause which had compelled Sir Hugh Gough to
allow Tej Singh to recross the Sutlej unmolested, prevented
him from marching on Lahore, and finishing the war under its
walls. Nearly two months were spent in waiting for the arrival
of a battering train, and reinforcements of both infantry and

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 319
cavalry ; during which period the Sikhs, recovering from the
first shock of their disaster at Ferozepore, commenced prepara
tions for the defense of their territories on an extensive scale,
and with considerable skill. Throwing a bridge of boats across
the Sutlej, the enemy took up a position of much strength on
its left bank, and at once commenced forming entrenchments
of great extent and solidity, under the superintendence of a
French officer of engineers. At the same time a strong body
of Sikhs, numbering about 15,000 men and fifty-six guns,
crossed the river in the immediate neighborhood of Loodianah,
and took up a position at the village of Aliwal.
As soon as the commander-in-chief was strengthened by the
fresh troops ordered up, he dispatched Sir H. Smith with »
force of 7,000 men and 24 guns to relieve Loodianah, threat
ened as it was by the advance of the enemy in its vicinity. The
object was speedily and most completely effected. Sir Harry,
although harassed in his march by many rear and flank attacks,
during some of which he lost much of his baggage, pushed on
with determination for the main body of the enemy, which he
knew was not far distant.
On the 27th of January the British troops found themselves
opposed to the Sikh forces under Runjoor Singh, now rein
forced by 4000 more regular troops and twelve field-pieces.
On the morning of the 28th, Sir Harry Smith, having with him
by that time nearly 10,000 men, advanced to the attack with his
entire line, warmly- received by the enemy's artillery. After a
brief cannonade and a cavalry charge, the iufantry moved up in
gallant style ; and though opposed with a well-served artillery
force, swept all before them. The village of Aliwal, the
enemy's chief position, was carried at the point of the bayonet ;
the British cannon cut up the heavy masses of Sikh troops ;
and the 16th Lancers, by their brilliant charges, completed
the triumph of the day by capturing every gun opposed to
them, and driving the foe, with terrible slaughter, across the
river. The total discomfiture of this body of the enemy left the
British generals at liberty to direct their full attention to the

320 BRITISH INDIA.
works carrying on by the Sikhs at Sobraon, which were 'rapidly
assuming an importance that promised to render them truly
formidable. But the much-needed heavy artillery had not yet
reached the camp ; and without it, operations against the
enemy's works would have been deemed most injudicious. On
the 8th of February, Sir Harry Smith joined the main army
with his forces ; and on the following day the long-expected
heavy guns reached the camp. Not a moment was lost after
the receipt of this much-needed arm of war. On the morning
of the 10th, long before daybreak, the troops moved out of
camp, and marched to the position assigned them, opposite the
enemy's works. The British troops numbered somewhat above
16,000 rank and file, with 99 guns ; the Sikh force consisted
of 34,000 men within the entrenchments, and 20,000 of reserved
troops, with seventy pieces of artillery.
The enemy's position was a most formidable one, and had
cost them much labor during several months. It was, indeed,
considered by them as perfectly impregnable tp any force that
could be brought against it ; and when it is considered how
strong was the army posted within those massive fortifications,
behind three lines of trenches, and how ably their artillery was
served, the victory of the small British force which carried
those vaunted works must be allowed to have been no ordinary
achievement. From six until past eight o'clock the artillery maintained an
incessant roar of destruction, aided by that fatal weapon the
rocket. At nine the command was issued for the troops to
move forward to the attack ; and supported on either flank by
troops of horse-artillery, the infantry advanced to test the
vaunted strength of the Sikh fortifications. They were received
by a tremendous fire from cannon, muskets, and camel-guns ;
and so murderous was the discharge from the entrenchments,
and so completely exposed were the advancing troops, that it ap
peared impossible that any body of men could stand such havoc.
If there was any halting or indecision under this fearful fire, it
was but momentary ; the charge was renewed, and in a few more
short minutes the advanced troops of the column were within the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 321
fatal works. Other divisions of the army met with an equally
desperate resistance on either wing, and in more than one place
the attacking column was forced back several times, again and
again returning to the charge with undaunted valor. At
length line after line was entered at the bayonet's point ; and
to make victory still more decisive, a gallant charge of cavalry
under Major-general Thackwall followed up the blow, silenced
the Sikh guns, and drove the retreating mass over their bridge
of boats and into the river. Great was the slaughter of the
flying foe by the light field-pieces of the British ; hundreds
were cut to pieces by the horse-artillery in crossing the Sutlej,
and many more drowned in the confusion.
The fruits of this victory were 67 guns, 200 camel-swivels,
and a great number of standards. But these trophies were
purchased at a cost of 320 killed and 2063 wounded, including
many valuable officers, amongst others, the veteran Sir Robert
Dick. This decisive battle was at once followed up by a movement
on Lahore ; and although endeavors were made by Ghoolab
Singh to divert the governor-general from his resolution, the
troops proceeded on their way, and encamped beneath the city
walls. There a treaty was drawn up and formally executed,
by which the whole expense of the war, amounting to a million
and a half sterling, was undertaken to be paid by the Lahore
government. The guns taken by the Company's troops were
to be retained, and all those which had ever been pointed
against them were to be delivered up ; whilst the Sikh troops
and their leaders were to receive instant dismissal. Subse
quently it was arranged that a strong garrison was to be left in
Lahore by the British, for the protection of the inhabitants and
the security of the Maharajah's authority ; and in accordance
with this, Sir John Littler was left there with 10,000 men.
Thus terminated the first Punjab war, having occupied but
sixty days, and beheld the complete dispersion of the Sikh
forces. Upward of 200 pieces of their best artillery had fallen
into the hands of the British; and of 100,000 fighting men,
not 30,000 remained together. The cost of the war had been

322 BRITISH INDIA.
defrayed by the vanquished ; and, on the whole, the campaign
appeared to have been not only the most decisive, but the most
important in its results of any that the British forces in India
had been engaged in.
At the close of 1848, the Earl of Dalhousie assumed the
supreme government of India. On his arrival he found the
most apparently profound tranquillity reigning ; and there
seemed for the time every probability of his rule being one of
an entirely pacific nature. But, as with his predecessor, it
soon became evident that he was destined to heighten the repu
tation of the British arms, and to extend their triumphs and
their possessions.
The first indication of trouble came from Mooltan, the capi
tal of a petty state situated between the Indus and the Sutlej.
Moolraj, its governor, first showed signs of unfriendly feeling,
and eventually assumed a hostile attitude by the assassination
of the British assistant political resident, Mr. Vans Agnew,
and Lieutenant Anderson of the Bombay army. This treach
ery brought forward Lieutenant Edwardes and a party of Sikh
horse, who, being reinforced by Colonel Cortlande's troops and,
some pieces of light artillery, and further aided by the auxiliary
forces of the Khan of Bhawulpore, attacked and defeated
Moolraj on two several occasions with considerable slaughter.
The chief then fell back upon Mooltan, to which the troops
under Cortlande and Edwardes would have at once laid siege,
had they been provided with the necessary guns ; they were
compelled, therefore, to sit before it and keep up a simple
blockade until the 18th of August, when they were opportunely
reinforced by General Whish with two regiments of native in
fantry, one of horse, and a troop of horse-artillery. Other
forces arrived at nearly the same time from Ferozepore with
that which was most needed, a battering train of considerable
weight, and further horse-artillery and light horse. With
these various reinforcements the besieging army amounted to
28,000 men, of whom about 6000 were British, and the opera
tions were accordingly pushed forward with vigor. Early in
September several successful attacks were made on the enemy's

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 323
outworks, and one or two sallies of the garrison repulsed with
considerable loss to them ; but the aspect of affairs was sud
denly changed by a large party of the Sikh allies under Shere
Singh going over to the enemy. This compelled the British
to abandon their operations, and retire to a strong position at
a short distance from Mooltan.
The defection of the Sikhs had been doubtless brought about
by the intelligence that Chutter Singh had collected a body of
insurgents in the Hazerah district, and made an attempt upon
the fort of Attock. Foiled in this, the chief pushed * rapidly
forward to Peshawur, where, the British force being greatly
reduced in numbers, the resident, Major Lawrence, and his
lady, were compelled to fly to Kohat and put themselves under
the protection of the khan of that place. They were, however,
given up to Chatter Singh, together with Lieutenant Borrie.
Another Sikh war now became inevitable. The forces under
Chutter Singh and Shere Singh united ; other chiefs flocked to
their standards, and they were not long in mustering an army
of 30,000 troops eager for plunder, or any prospect of employ
ment, as preferable to a state of peace. The enemy now took
a position at Ramnugger, near Wuzeerabad, having the
Chenab flowing in their front, and strongly flanked by artillery.
Reinforcements having reached the British army at Feroze
pore, the commander-in-chief, Lord Gough, moved forward to
Saharum on the 21st of November, and prepared at once for
action. At two o'clock on the following morning the troops
moved forward in the most perfect silence and with as much
order as though on parade. Arrived at Ramnugger, the troops
were placed in position, whilst the horse-artillery pushed on in
advance toward the enemy's lines, which were then distinctly
visible, and commenced a sharp fire upon them. This seemed
to make but little impression ; and the heavy guns of the Sikhs
beginning to return the cannonade, it became apparent that
these two branches of the armies were most unequally matched.
The enemy determined to act vigorously and on the offen
sive, pushing across the river a strong body of their best cavalry
under the fire of their heavy batteries. These were imme-

324 BRITISH INDIA.
diately charged by the 5th Light Cavalry and the 14th
Dragoons, and driven back to the entrenchments, though not
without heavy loss being sustained by these two regiments,
especially in officers. Amongst others who fell from the heavy
cannonade the troops were exposed to were General Cureton,
Colonel Havelock, and Captain Fitzgerald.
At length, after sustaining a furious fire from the British
guns, and giving way to the infantry charges in several places,
Shere Singh thought it prudent to abandon his camp and
works, and rapidly withdrew toward the Jhelum in tolerably
good order.
Preparations were now made by Lord Gough to follow up
this victory by advancing in the direction of Lahore, and
driving the enemy before him. Whilst this was being carried
into execution, events of a stirring nature were enacting before
Mooltan, which was once more standing a siege from the
British under General Whish ; and fresh troops having arrived
from the south, the siege was carried on with the utmost vigor,
as Moolraj soon found to his cost. The cannonade kept up by
the Bombay artillery was incessant and destructive. Wall
after wall crumbled before the fury of the battering train. The
suburbs were taken, the powder-magazine in the fort blown up,
breaches in the fortifications effected, and at last, in spite of
desperate sorties and counter-works, the town was stormed,
and the British colors planted on its walls on the 2d of
January. The citadel still held out, and the courageous Moolraj ap
peared bent on no surrender so long as a wall was left stand
ing. By the 21st the huge works of the fortress were under
mined and several practicable breaches opened in them, so that
orders were given for the troops to be in readiness for storming
the citadel at daybreak. The chieftain, however, saved them
any further trouble by appearing at the gate of his fort as the
troops were forming for the attack ; and proceeding straight to
the general's tent, he there handed up his sword.
The fort having been garrisoned, the army moved off to join
the camp of the governor-general ; and, to prevent any accident,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 325
Moolraj was conducted with them. This junction was effected
too late for the Mooltan troops to share in the dangers of the
battle of Chillianwallah, to which we must now return.
The preparations for marching on Lahore having been com
pleted, the commander-in-chief proceeded, in the early part of
January, toward the Chenab, where, as expected, he found the
Sikhs strongly entrenched. On the 10th, Lord Gough moved
his troops forward, with the view, in the first instance, of at
once attacking the enemy. This resolve, however, appears
from some cause to have been abandoned ; and the evening
was allowed to draw on without any further demonstration
being made on the side of the British. The Sikhs had, how
ever, evidently made every preparation, and were bent upon an
engagement. Throwing some flying artilley toward the centre
of the British, they brought out a few of their heavy guns, which
at once silenced the others, but were in their turn responded to
by a tremendous cannonade of heavy guns from a quarter much
nearer than had been anticipated. Under cover of some low
but dense jungle, the Sikhs had planted their artillery in a
commanding and safe position ; and the advantage of the
ground was fully proved by the terrible havoc their guns com
mitted in the ranks of the British army.
To charge in the face of a murderous storm of grape and
shell was the only alternative known to British troops ; and,
as had been the result at Ferozshah and other places, the
bayonet and the spur wrested from the enemy their ruinous and
fatal guns, and earned a dear-bought victory. This furious
engagement lasted until after nightfall ; and on the morrow,
when the troops were mustered and their loss ascertained, it
was found that the killed amounted to 26 officers and 731
men ; whilst in wounded the numbers were 66 officers and
1446 men.
Great as was the loss on the English side, the carnage
amongst the Sikhs must have been far more terrible. Never
theless, they did not yet think of submission ; but, being joined
by a strong body of Afghan horse, prepared with undaunted
determination to renew the struggle for supremacy.
28

326 BRITISH INDIA.
Reinforced during the early part of February by the Mooltan
troops, Lord Gough made every disposition for striking another
and, if possible, a more decisive blow at the Sikh power in the
Punjab. It was evident that nothing short of utter and com
plete overthrow, a perfect annihilation of their military power,
could by any possibility restore tranquillity to that country or
give security to the neighboring states for the future ; and on
this impression the commander-in-chief at once prepared to
act. The Sikh army had again strongly entrenched themselves in
a most favorable position, within a few miles of the town of
Gujerat. Hither Lord Gough marched his recruited forces,
and on the 21st of February commenced a furious and most
effective cannonade on the enemy's lines. Shere Singh was
at this time at the head of 60,000 men and 59 guns of heavy
calibre ; but nothing could withstand the deadly fire of the
British artillerymen. For three hours this arm of the force
did its work ; and by the end of that time it was quite apparent
that the Sikh troops were not only thinned, but making a
retrograde movement. The whole force of the British infantry
and cavalry were then let loose upon the enemy, and, relieving
the heavy guns from further service, the bayonet, lance, and
sword accomplished the remainder of the bloody task.
A more complete and effectual overthrow had never been
given to the enemy ;* that they felt it to be so was manifested
by the surrender shortly afterward of Cutter Singh, Shere
Singh, and the other Sikh leaders who had escaped the bullets.
The Afghans fled across the Indus ; the Sikh forces were dis
banded ; and the Punjab was declared annexed to the British
territories in India.
Moolraj was placed upon his trial for the murder of Mr.
Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, found guilty, and had
his, sentence of death commuted to imprisonment for life.
* Punjab Blue Book: Dispatch of Lord Gough.

CHAPTER IX.
SECOND BURMESE WAR AND ANNEXATION OF PEGU AND OUBE. —
A. D. 1851-1856.

The profound tranquillity that reigned throughout the
Eastern possessions of Great Britain at the commencement of
1851, can scarcely be said to have been even ruffled by the
occasional forays of the hill tribes beyond Peshawur. But the
calm was deceitful, and of brief duration. In the course of
that year the governor of Rangoon so far forgot the duties of
his position as to subject certain British merchant-captains— to
spoliation and insult. Lord Dalhousie was not the man to
overlook an outrage committed on a British subject, and ac
cordingly demanded instant and ample reparation. He was
unfortunate, however, in his choice of a negotiator, for Com
modore Lambert to whom that duty was entrusted, was a bold
* (327)

328 BRITISH INDIA.
sailor rather than a skillful diplomatist. More experienced in
maneuvering a man-of-war than in writing protocols, that
gallant officer somewhat exceeded his authority by instituting
a blockade, and seizing one of the King of Ava's ships, which
happened to be lying off Rangoon. This hasty and ill-con
sidered step led to an open rupture, though the governor-
general made one more effort to avert hostilities by cofinning
his demands to a written apology from the new governor of
Rangoon, the payment of £990 as compensation for the wrongs
inflicted upon the original complainants, and the honorable re
ception of a British resident, or envoy, at the Burmese court.
These demands having been rejected, war was openly declared,
and an expedition fitted out under the command of General
Godwin, who had served in the former war under Sir Archibald
Campbell. '
Actual operations did not commence before the 2d of April,
1852. On the previous day the Burmese fired on a flag of
truce sent in to ascertain the final intentions of their sovereign.
On this, General Godwin opened the campaign by the capture
of Martaban, a place of no further importance than that it was
opposite to Moulmein. This success was followed up by the
storming of the White House stockade on the 12th, and the
reduction of the outworks of Rangoon. On the following day
the great Shoa Dagon Pagoda was carried by assault, and the
city became the prize of the victors. A period of inactivity
then ensued, and it must be admitted that the British general
on no occasion exhibited any exuberant energy ; but on the
19th May the important town of Bassein, situated about sixty
miles up one of the three navigable branches of the Irrawaddy,
was taken after a feeble resistance. A few days later the
Burmese made an ineffectual attempt to recover Martaban, but
were repulsed with considerable loss. On the 3d of June
General Godwin dispatched an insignificant force in a steamer
to take possession of Pegu, formerly the capital of an inde
pendent kingdom. The enemy fled at the first onslaught, and
the British troops, having marched through the streets in
triumph, re-embarked in their steamer and returned to Rangoon.
An equally absurd and fruitless expedition was sent against-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 329
Prome about a month afterward, with precisely similar results ;
the enemy returning, on the evacuation of the place, to
strengthen its fortifications and increase its means of defense.
It was not until the middle of September that the British
general fairly roused himself to strike a decisive blow. A
force of 5000 men was then placed on board a steam flotilla,
and on the 9th of October anchored off Prome. That same
evening the enemy's guns were silenced, and his stockades
carried at the point of the bayonet, and on the following morn
ing the victors a second time found themselves in possession of
that city. Although it was known that the Burmese were
posted in considerable force only a few miles distant, the
general made no effort to dislodge them, but, leaving a garrison
in Prome, retraced his steps to Rangoon. After again slum
bering for a while he accompanied a force, about the middle of
November, under Brigadier M'Neill, to effect the second
capture of Pegu. This time the Burmese made a stout resist
ance, and inflicted some loss. A feeble garrison having been
left to occupy the place, the enemy came down in great num
bers and invested it on all sides. A reinforcement of English
sailors and sepoys under Captain Loch, R. N., and Major
Minchin, was hastily dispatched to the relief of the beleaguered
fort, but were attacked in a jungle and repulsed with great
slaughter. On this, a larger force took the field under General
' Godwin in person, and driving the Burmese before them in
every encounter, arrived in time to rescue Major Hill and his
heroic little band from their perilous position. This was the
last military operation of the second Burmese war. On the
20th of December, 1852, the governor-general, acting under
instructions from the president of the Board of Control, trans
mitted through the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors,
declared the province of Pegu an integral portion of the British
icrritories. Bodies of armed marauders, indeed, continued for
awhile to harass the new possessions of the British, but the
judicious distribution of the regular troops in support of a local
police force, soon succeeded in repressing their depredations
and compelling them to respect the frontier.
28*

330 BRITISH INDIA.
Satisfied of their -inability to cope with the British forces,
the Burmese deposed their bellicose monarch and placed his
brother on the throne. The new king sued for peace, which
was readily granted, and friendly relations were once more
restored with the Court of Ava. That tranquillity will be of
long duration in that quarter, it would be hazardous to predict;
but it is at least certain that the renewal of hostilities will never
be sought by the British government, though the result would
inevitably be the absorption of the entire Burmese empire.
In the meantime the province of Pegu is experiencing the
blessings of a firm and equitable administration. The rivers
and creeks are being swept clear of the swarms of pirates that
infest them. Rangoon is being rebuilt on a regular plan, a
new port has been opened, and new roads constructed. Com
merce and industry are receiving large developments, and the
inhabitants, assured of protection, are being daily augmented
by immigrants from the adjacent countries. Thus was a second
kingdom added to the British empire during Lord Dalhousie's
viceroyalty, and yet a third kingdom was to be annexed before
he laid down the power he so long and so ably wielded.
In violation of the most solemn engagements, the kings of
Oude had for many years abetted and encouraged the existence
of a most iniquitous administration of justice throughout their
dominions. No man was safe unless he could protect himself.
No man was secure from spoliation unless too powerful to be
attacked, or too poor to be noticed. The revenue was farmed
out to the highest bidders, or to the most influential friends of
the minister ; and these farmers of the revenue were permitted
to employ the king's troops to assist them in collecting the
taxes. The distribution of these taxes was arbitrary. A
certain amount had to be gathered in to insure a profit, and it
could only be obtained by violence and extortion. The power
ful land owners armed their retainers, gave battle to the chuck-
lidars (or farmers of revenue), and not unfrequently worsted
them. The burden of taxation, therefore, fell upon those who
were unable to oppose force to force. It may thence be easily
imagined that the whole country groaned under the most

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 331
frightful amount of oppression that modern times have ever
witnessed. In vain did each successive governor-general re
monstrate, and threaten to put into force the treaties which
authorized the assumption of the administration in the event
of habitual malversation. Their warnings were unheeded ; and,
encouraged by impunity, Wajid Ally, the last King of Oude,
far exceeded the worst malpractices of the worst of his prede
cessors. To permit the longer existence of such glaring mis
government was equivalent to becoming an accessory. The
British government, therefore, decided on authorizing Lord
Dalhousie to dethrone a monarch who had proved himself so
utterly incapable and unworthy to be entrusted with power,
and to assume the functions of government. Accordingly, on
the 7th of February, 1856, Major-General Outram exchanged
the office of resident at the Court of Lucknow for that of chief
commissioner of Oude. The transfer of the government to the
British authorities was effected without the slightest tumult or
opposition, and a few days afterward the king took his de
parture for Calcutta. There his ex-majesty remained, while
his mother, the queen-dowager, proceeded to England to prose
cute the suit for the recovery of his kingdom. A wiser and
more just system of administration was, meanwhile, introduced
into the state, but sufficient lapse of time was not allowed to
judge of its adaptability, before circumstances occurred to sub
vert the new order of things, and to substitute anarchy for a
well-regulated government.
Some minor states were also annexed, owing to the failure
of male issue. It was an ancient, and almost a religious,
custom of the Hindoos to adopt a son when legitimate offspring
was wanting ; but this could only be done with the sanction
of the paramount power. In the cases of Nagpore, Sattara,
and Jhansi, this preliminary condition was omitted, and conse
quently those fine districts fell into the British dominions. The
province of Behar was further ceded by his highness the Nizam,
for the permanent maintenance of the Hyderabad contingent,
and for the payment of certain debts which he had incurred.
But these, after all, were not the most lasting illustrations
of Lord Dalhousie's administration. He was even more dis-

332 BRITISH INDIA.
tinguished in peace than in war. It was owing to his enlight
ened liberality that a uniform low rate of postage was intro
duced throughout the vast empire subject to his control. Up
ward of 4000 miles of electric telegraph wires were also laid
down, and a promising inauguration celebreted of the different
lines of Indian railways. One line of 120 miles was opened
from Calcutta to Raneegunge, on the high road to Peshawur ;
a second line of fifty-one miles was in working order between
Bombay and Wasindra ; and a third line of fifty miles in the
Madras presidency, though not thrown open to the public,
was traversed by the governor-general. But the crowning
glory of this brilliant administration was the opening of
the main stream of the Ganges Canal on the 8th April, 1854.
The main irrigation line of this stupendous work extends over
525 miles in length, measuring, in its greatest depth, ten feet,
and in its extreme breadth, 170 feet. When the branches are
completed, the total length will be about 900 miles, irrigating
an area of 1,470,000 acres. Great improvements were intro
duced also into every department of the government, with the
object of simplifying its details, and centralizing its action. In
brief, after eight years of triumph in war, and the more bene
ficial exercise of an enlightened statesmanship, Lord Dalhousie
handed over to his successor, Viscount Canning, in the spring
of 1856, an immense empire in the enjoyment of external peace
and internal contentment and prosperity.
Before concluding this chapter it is necessary to allude to
the change that was made in 1853 with regard to the Com
pany's charter. According to the new system, the number of
directors chosen by the proprietors was reduced to twelve, in
addition to whom six are appointed by the crown, who must have
resided at least ten years in India. The civil patronage of the
Court was at the same time taken from them, and nominations
to the Indian civil service thrown open to competition. The
college of Fort William was at once abolished, and a date
assigned for the abolition of the college at Haileybury. The
local government of Bengal was also committed to the hands
of a lieutenant-governor, and the Legislative Council separated
from the Supreme Council with advantage to ooth.

CHAPTER X.

CAUSES OP THE GREAT REBELLION IN INDIA. — A. D. 1856-1857.

Secured from all apprehension of foreign enemies, and ruling
an apparently prosperous and happy people, Lord Canning
entered upon the government of India with fairer prospects
than any governor-general .since the first conquest of that
country. Not many months, however, elapsed before a naval
and military expedition was on its way from Bombay to
Bushire, and war was publicly declared against the Shah-in-
Shah. After two or three slight actions, in which the Persians
were immediately put to flight, the king of kings was con
strained to sue for peace and to accept the easy conditions
which were imposed upon him. The British troops were then
recalled to India, and arrived only in time to encounter the
most imminent peril that has ever menaced the Eastern empire
of Britain. (333)

334 BRITISH INDIA.
It had long been notorious that the Mohammedans of Upper
India were discontented with their subordinate position, and
that their idle and sensual habits rendered them insolent and
fractious. This feeling of unquiet was not a little imbittered
by the decision arrived at with regard to the titular dignity of
King of Delhi. The Court of Directors had authorized Lord
Dalhousie, on the death of the heir-apparent in 1849, to
" terminate the dynasty of Tiniour, whenever the reigning king
should die." But as these instructions had been issued with
great reluctance, the governor-general had recourse to a com
promise, and agreed to recognize the king's grandson as heir-
apparent, on condition that he quitted the fortress at Delhi for
the royal palace at the Kootub. The royal family had no
choice but to submit, though the humiliation to which they
were about to be subjected rankled in their bosoms and in those
of the Delhi Mohammedans generally. They were too sensible,
however, of their weakness, to attempt any opposition to the
powerful British government, until an opportunity presented
itself in a quarter where, perhaps, it was least expected.
From the time when Lord Hastings created the Nawab of
Oude an independent king, and freed him from his allegiance
to his rightful suzerain, the King of Delhi, there had been a
feud between those two houses, inflamed by their difference in
religious matters — the one being a bigoted Soonnee, the other
as fanatical a Sheeah. But the dethronement of Wajid Ally
Shah, and the annexation of his kingdom, gave deep offense to
a large portion of the Bengal army, who were natives of Oude,
and drew together in one common cause the Mohammedans of
both sects. Still, it was clear that from their numerical in
feriority, the Mohammedans alone could not hope to break the
English yoke from off their necks, so long as the Hindoo
soldiery remained true to their salt. Unfortunately, circum
stances occurred to remove this obstacle.
The germ of the late native army of Beugal sprang into
vitality exactly a hundred years ago. In the month of January,
1757, when the atrocity of the Black Hole at Calcutta had been
avenged by the defeat and signal punishment of Surajah Dowlah,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 335
and the authority of the English government had been firmly
established by Lord Clive, the first battalion of Bengal sepoys
was raised, and officered from a detachment that had accom
panied him from Madras. The establishment of the new force
consisted of one European captain, with lieutenant and ensigns
who acted as field-officers ; a native commander and adjutant,
one subahdar (captain), and three jemadars (subalterns), to
each of the ten companies. The company consisted of five
havildars (sergeants), four naiks (corporals), two tomtoms
(drummers), one trumpeter, and seventy sepoys ; and each
company was distinguished by a color, bearing the device or
badge of recognizance of its subahdar. Upon such a foundation,
and with such a slender European establishment for its nucleus,
the vast military superstructure represented by the late native
armies of Bengal had been progressively raised and perfected,
by leaders who guided those armies from triumph to triumph,
until the victor flag of England floated in proud supremacy
over the strongholds of the most powerful of the native sover
eigns of India.
The religion prevalent among the sepoys of the Bengal army,
must necessarily be referred to in connection with events that
have rendered it a prominent feature in their history. Brah-
minism and Mohammedanism have both their head-quarters
within the extensive provinces of Bengal — the former among
the fertile plains and settled populations of the provinces along
the course of the sacred Ganges ; the latter in the higher portions
of the country in which the Moslem invader originally estab
lished his empire ; but neither faith has ever pervaded the
whole of India. In the presidencies of Madras and Bombay,
the older worships of the aboriginal or immigrant populations
exist to this time, and are adhered to by more than sixteen
millions of people. The consequence is, that the native armies
of those presidencies are comparatively but little affected by re
ligious questions ; while that of Bengal, recruited for the most
part from the very cradle of Brahminism, and principally com
posed of its two superior castes, has demanded, and obtained,

336 BRITISH INDIA.
a consideration for religious scruples, which gradually had im
paired its discipline, and, ultimately, has led to its destruction.
The Brahmin sepoy, springing from a class which regards
the profession of a soldier as only second in honor to that of a
priest, occupies a position infinitely superior in pay, and all
material comforts, to the native cultivator or the mechanic. In
the field and in cantonment, he has been treated by his English
employers, not merely on a par with, but, in many points, with
superior consideration to that accorded to the European soldier
in the same service. Indulged with regular furloughs to visit
the shrines of his deities or the home of his family ; entitled, as
of unquestioned right, to a decoration for meritorious service ;
rising by seniority to preferment ; and, finally, assured of a
competent provision on retirement — no private soldier in the
world enjoyed the advantages of his profession to the same ex
tent, or with so few of its discomforts, as the Bengal sepoy.
It is true, that through years of arduous struggle and well-
fought campaigns, he has evinced his sense of the advantages
of his position, by faithful service and a noble emulation of
European heroism. But great as the loyalty — signal as the
valor of the native armies of India has been since their first
organization and submission to British rule, instances of mutiny
and desertion have not been wanting in their history. Occa
sionally, a question of pay or provisions has supplied the motive
for insubordination ; but the most frequent and formidable
ground of discontent has been that which presents itself at the
present crisis, namely, a suspicion of meditated interference
with the inviolable immunities of their faith and the privileges
of their caste. Notwithstanding this, however, for part of the
last century the confidence of the Anglo-Indian government in
the loyalty of its native troops has been implicit ; and it was
but natural, therefore, that as territory became progressively
acquired, and necessity arose for an augmentatiou of troops for
its protection, that the native element should be largely ab
sorbed in the consolidation of military strength. The result
has followed, that, by degrees, the single battalion of Clive, in
1757, had swollen and spread over the country until, at the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 337
commencement of 1857, it was represented, in the presidency
of Bengal alone, by an armament of upward of 150,000 men,
divided into seventy-four regiments of foot, and eleven of light
cavalry ; four troops of horse-artillery, and two battalions, of
six companies each, of foot artillery ; this force being further
augmented by irregular troops, to the extent of twenty-three
regiments of cavalry, seven battalions of Sikh infantry, and
upward of twenty other corps of various arms. This vast
military establishment was again increased by the contingents
of several native states, raised for local service in Assam, the
Punjab, Nagpore, and Oude. The whole European force
acting with, and to a great extent looked up to as giving a
tone to the military spirit of this vast mass of heterogeneous
material, as regards races and creeds, consisted, in January,
1857, of thirteen regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, be
longing to the English government ; and three regiments of in
fantry, three brigades of horse, and six battalions of foot artil
lery, in the service of the East India Company. This force
was distributed in about a hundred military stations, over a
tract of country stretching from the mouth of the Ganges to
Affghanistan, and from the Himalayas to Nagpore ; equaling in
extent, and greatly exceeding in the numerical amount of its
population, the united territories of France, Austria and
Prussia. An unfortunate recognition of the privileges of caste, by the
Anglo-Indian government, at the commencement of its triumphs,
has, doubtless, in a very great degree, encouraged the isolated
pride and religious prejudices of the high-caste sepoys, of whom
the bulk of the Bengalese army consisted ; and a dread of in
terfering with the visible mysteries of their idolatrous faith, has
led from time to time to concessions and indulgences that were
at last looked upon as the rightful privileges of their order, to
the serious obstruction of military duty, and the lax enforce
ment of proper discipline. The inconvenience resulting from
this state of the Bengal army, at length rendered it expedient
that a stop should be put to further concessions, and that, in
some minor instances, the privileges already enjoyed should be
29

338 BRITISH INDIA.
curtailed, if not entirely withdrawn ; thus, the d§,k letters of
sepoys, that had hitherto passed free of postage-tax, became
chargeable. Tolls were exacted when they traveled, although
formerly they had been exempt from the imposition of them ;
and they were deprived of the privilege they had enjoyed of
purchasing their provisions in the markets at a lower price
than other consumers. The sepoys had also been granted
the right to choose whether they would, or would not, go
beyond sea on active service ; and this most inconvenient and
dangerous discretionary power was sought to be withdrawn.
Promotion among them, which had gone by seniority, without
reference to merit or ability, and which, moreover, was in a great
degree subject to the dictation of the men themselves, was also
to be henceforth in the hands of the military authorities only.
The pride of caste, which had been absurdly encouraged, for the
purpose of conciliating the people and recruiting the ranks of
the army, it was now found necessary in some measure to dis
courage ; the preponderance of Hindoos in the army having
become so great, that in some of the regiments of 1000 men,
from six to seven hundred were Brahmins, combining the
priestly with the military character, and exercising peculiar in
fluences over the minds of their comrades of inferior caste.
The European officers attached to the native regiments, had
seen their power to control, by the enforcement of discipline,
gradually reduced, until even trivial questions connected with
regimental duty, could only be settled by a reference to head
quarters, or to the supreme council at the seat of government.
Officers in charge of companies had little, if any, power to
punish or reward their own men ; and the colonel had as little
power to promote, or punish, in the regiment under his com
mand, and, consequently, was without that summary and
effective control over his men that the efficiency of military dis
cipline requires ; besides these disadvantages, not more than
two or three of the whole staff of European officers attached to
each native regiment, were able to speak or understand the
language of the men they commanded ; who were necessarily
accustomed to look to their native officers of the same or higher

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 339
caste than themselves for direction and guidance, while their
European officers were regarded with indifference, and obeyed
only mechanically. These several causes operating together,
through a period of some years' duration, and being strength
ened by the adverse influence of the agents of the Dhurma
Sobha, a Hindoo association, established at Calcutta for the
avowed purpose of defending the religious customs of Brah-
minism from encroachments by the government, had at length
rendered the sepoy arrogant, self-sufficient, and independent of
his officers ; and the evil has been encouraged, and the men
petted, until, as in the case of spoiled children whom parental
authority lacked nerve or resolution to correct, the mischief
grew into a settled habit, and its eradication from the system
became a work of great difficulty and of danger. There can
be no doubt, also, that a species of fanaticism was largely aux
iliary in working up the real, or assumed, grievances of the
native troops to the dangerous magnitude they had acquired.
It has been remarked by a high military authority in India,
" that in the Bengal army there is a constant studying of many
castes, which the European appears to think as much of, and to
esteem as high as do the natives themselves ; and the sepoys,
instead of looking on the European officers as superior beings, .
are compelled to consider them as bad Hindoos 1 Instead of
being taught to pride themselves on their soldiership and dis
cipline, the sepoys are trained to pride themselves on their ab
surdities of caste, and think that their power and value are
best shown by refusing to obey any orders which they please to
say do not accord with their religious prejudices. It is a grave
mistake to suppose that religious feelings have any real influ-
3nce on these occasions ; it is a mistake, which would be ridicu
lous if its consequences were not so serious ; but it is certain
that the Bengal sepoy is a stickler for his imaginary rights of
caste for the sake of increased power ; he knows well that
Government never intend any insult to his creed, however ab
surd it may be ; but he knows that, by crying out about his
caste, he keeps the power in his hands, saves himself from
many of the hardships of service, and makes his officers afraid

340 ' BRITISH INDIA.
of him. This is proved by what takes place in the armies of
India. In the army of Bombay, even a Purwarree may, "and
does often, rise to the rank of subahdar by his own merit ; in
Bengal such a man would not even be admitted into the ranks,
for fear of his contaminating those fine gentlemen the Brah
mins ; yet, in the Bombay array, the Brahmin (father, brother,
, or son may be, of him of Bengal) stands shoulder to shoulder
in the ranks — nay, sleeps in the same tent with his Purwarree
fellow-soldier, and dreams not of any objection to the arrange
ment. If this subject be mentioned to a Bombay Brahmin
sepoy — as it is, sometimes, by Bengal officers — the ready
answer is, ' What do I care ? Is he not the soldier of the
state V The reply speaks volumes, and shows a state of affairs
which the officers of the Bengal army cannot conceive."
Of this privilege of caste, the late General Sir Charles Napier
has expressed the following deprecatory opinion in his dis
patches to the home government. He says — "The most im
portant thing which I reckon injurious to the Indian army, is
the immense influence given to caste; instead of being dis
couraged, it has been encouraged in the Bengal army. In the
Bombay army it is discouraged ; and that army is in better
order than the army of Bengal, in which the Brahmins have
been leaders in every mutiny." Connecting the fact, as stated
by Sir Charles Napier, with subsequent transactions, we may
not greatly err in attributing ,much of the mischief that has
occurred in India to the baneful and mysterious influences of
this peculiar distinction, and the absurd and frequently mis
chievous privileges claimed by those who enjoy it.
Among other notions inculcated by the Brahminical theology,
is a belief that certain things are so innately impure, as to
defile those who taste or handle them ; and the consequence of
any such defilement is a loss of caste ; the most fearful and
humiliating infliction that can be imposed upon a worshiper of
Brahma. It was affirmed to be in connection with a dread of
such defilement, and its consequences, that the earliest symptoms
of the existing mutiny were manifested.
At Dumdum, an artillery station about eight miles from

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 341
Calcutta, a depot had been established for the instruction of
native troops in the use of the Enfield rifle, the cartridge for
which is made with a different material from that used in pre
paring the case of the ordinary cartridge, and is required to be
greased. To touch or taste the fat of animals, is, to the
Hindoo, defilement, and loss of caste is the inevitable conse
quence. The offender becomes an outcast, and disinheritance
follows ; for the Brahminical law says, " No outcast can inherit
property." This is, however, a British as well as a Hindoo
law ; for it was enacted by the 21st George III., cap. 70,
" That inheritance in the case of Gentoos (Hindoos) shall be
determined by the laws and usages of Gentoos." Another
effect of the forbidden act is excommunication, such as formerly
was practiced among Christians, but carried to a point of in
finitely greater severity. The intercourse of a sepoy so cir
cumstanced, even with his wife or family, is visited, according
to Hindoo law, by mutilation and death. The stain inflicted
is, in some cases, capable of being removed from the family of
the offender by a series of penances, that are crowned by pass
ing over a burning mass of red-hot charcoal, nine yards square,
and twenty-nine inches deep, vehemently fanned during the
operation ; and this purgation can be accomplished on one day
of the year only.
In the month of January, 1857, a workman of the lowest
caste (a sudra attached to the magazine at Dumdum), asked a
Brahmin sepoy of the 2d grenadiers to give him water from
his "lotha" (a small brass pot for drinking from) ; the sepoy
refused the favor, on the ground of his superior caste, and be
cause his " lotha" would ba defiled by the touch of the sudra ;
the latter, incensed by the refusal, observed, that "the pride
of caste would soon be brought low ; for the sepoy would
presently have to bite cartridges covered with the fat of cows
and pig3 !" — the former animal being an object of special vene
ration ; the latter of abhorrence and hatred. The Brahmin
soldier reported the language of the sudra to his high-caste
comrades in the barrack, by whom it was listened to with dis
gust and indignation, and the alarm quickly spread through
29*

342 BRITISH INDIA.
the depot. Intelligence of the occurrence having reached the
ears of the officer in command, the native troops were paraded,
and asked if they had any complaint to make ? Upon this,
the whole of the non-commissioned officers, and the larger
portion of the men, stepped to the front, and stated their ob
jection to the new cartridge ; respectfully suggesting the use of
a substitute in the making-up, that would not interfere with
the peculiarities of their religion, and render them liable to the
depriviation of caste. The appeal of the men, thus urged, was
listened to by the colonel in command of the depot, and imme
diately reported to head-quarters ; and upon the representation
of General Hearsay, then commanding the presidency division
— who'remarked, that "though totally groundless, it would be
most difficult to eradicate the impression from the minds of the
native soldiers, who are always suspiciously disposed when any
change of this sort affecting themselves is introduced" — the
required concession was promptly made by order of govern
ment. The colonel was also authorized to procure from the
bazaar unobjectionable ingredients for greasing the cartridges,
and the men were to be permitted to make them up themselves
in their quarters, that they might be satisfied there was no
desire to interfere with their prejudices.
Contemporaneously with these transactions, a singular, and,
at the time, incomprehensible, incident occurred at Cawnpore,
a town in the north-western division of the presidency of
Bengal, which occasioned much surmise, and no inconsiderable
degree of apprehension. It was reported to the authorities,
that the chowkeydars, or village policemen, were speeding
from Cawnpore through the villages and towns of the peninsula,
distributing on their way a symbol, of the origin of which no
European could at the time form an intelligible idea, or con
jecture the purpose. The manner of effecting this siugular move
ment — which later events have shown to be somewhat analogous
to that of the Fire-cross of the Highland clans of Scotland
in earlier times— was as follows : — One of the chowkeydars of
Cawnpore ran to another in Futteghur, the next village, and
placing in his hands two chvpatties (small unleavened cakes

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 343
about the size of a gingerbread-nut, and similar in composition
to the ordinary food of the poorer classes), directed him to make
ten more of the same kind, and give two of them to each of the
five nearest chowkeydars, with instructions to perform the same
service. He was obeyed ; and in a few hours the whole country
was in a state of excitement, through these policemen running
from village to village with their cakes. The wave spread
over the provinces with a velocity of speed never yet equaled
by the bearers of government dispatches. The English officials
in the districts through which this extraordinary and mysterious
operation progressed with the rapidity of light, were bewild
ered ; some of the messengers were arrested, and themselves
and the cakes examined by the magistrates and superior police,
who looked at, handled, and tasted the latter, but could arrive
at no satisfactory conclusions respecting them. The chowkey
dars professed to be ignorant of the source whence they
originated, or of the object in view by their transmission and
distribution over the country, which they believed to be by the
order of government. The magistrates thereupon reported the
occurrence as a strange but harmless affair ; and no further
notice was taken by those in authority, nor does it appear that
any subsequent effort was made to discover the object of the
parties with whom the movement originated. The circumstance
occasioned much conversation ; but no one appeared capable
of elucidating the mystery in which it was involved. Some
thought it might be a superstitious act of Hindoo faith to pro
pitiate Vishnu (the preserver), that the deity might be induced
to avert the cholera ; others, who, more penetrating than their
neighbors, ventured to suggest the possibility of a plot against
the government, were laughed at for their apprehensions ; and
at last the novelty lost its attraction as a topic for conversation,
and the fact was for a time forgotten.
Another incident had then recently occurred, that, viewed in
possible connection with the above mysterious affair, might
reasonably have generated suspicion of impending evil. It
had been made known to the government, that early in January,
an incendiary address, written in Hindostani, was placarded at

344 BRITISH INDIA.
Madras, calling upon "all true believers to rise against the
English infidels, and drive them from India. It declared that
the English had now abandoned all principles of justice, and were
bent on appropriating the possessions of the Mohammedans,
and that there was but one way of resisting their encroach
ments — a holy war 1 He who fell in such war would be vene
rated as a martyr. He that held back would be execrated as
an infidel and a heretic." As a proof that the smouldering
fires of the volcano were not yet apparent to the authorities,
the Indian journals of January and February describe the whole
country at that time as "profoundly tranquil."
On the 17th of the same month, the tranquillity into which
Oude had subsided since its annexation, was broken in upon in
consequence of a Maulavi, named Sekunder Shah, arriving
with some armed followers at Lucknow, and preaching war
against the infidels ; at the same time distributing proclama
tions calling upon the faithful, and even the Hindoos, to arise,
or be forever fallen. The Maulavi and his people were arrested
after a conflict, in which Lieutenant Thomas of the 22d regi
ment of native infantry, and four sepoys, were wounded ; and
three persons were killed, and five wounded, belonging to the
seditious preacher, himself being among the latter.
Whatever may have been the positive, long cherished, but
hidden grievance of the native soldiers, it is more than possible
that the alleged insult offered by the greased cartridges, and
the dread of conversion to Christianity, gave the main impulse
that roused the discontented spirit of the troops into mis
chievous activity. On the 6th of February, 1857, a jemadar
(lieutenant) of the 34th regiment of native infantry, stationed
at Barrackpore, disclosed to his colonel some proceedings in
which he had taken part on the preceding night, and which
afforded ample ground for believing that the sepoys contem
plated an outbreak — during which they intended to kill the
European officers at the station, and, after plundering it, to
destroy the place, and retire toward Delhi. The communica
tion was duly reported to the general commanding the district,
but no serious notice appears to have been taken of it at the
time.

CHAPTER XI.
MUTINOUS CONDUCT OP THE 19TH REGIMENT OP NATIVE
INFANTRY. — 1857.

On the 24th of February, a detachment of the 34th native
infantry arrived at the station of Berhampore, in the district of
Moorshedabad, and about 100 miles from Calcutta, en route,
and, on their dismissal from parade, the men were entertained
by the sepoys of the 19th regiment, who naturally sought in
telligence of their comrades at Barrackpore. The 34th were
not slow to communicate all they knew or surmised, and re
peated to their eager and excited hosts the intelligence re
specting the cartridges — the animal fat — the alleged determi
nation of the government to deprive the Brahmin sepoys of the
privileges belonging to their caste, and to destroy the religion
of Brahma, with many other assumed grievances of the canton
ments. Nothing was omitted by the narrators that could tend
(345)

346 BRITISH INDIA.
to exasperate the feelings of their auditory, and the pernicious
effect of their eloquence will be shown in subsequent proceedings.
On the following day (the 25th), Lieutenant-colonel Mitchell,
commanding the 19th regiment, ordered a parade with blank
cartridge for the next morning. The cartridges were directed
to be given out that evening ; but when the native sergeants
proceeded to distribute them, they were peremptorily rejected
by the sepoys. The 19th irregular cavalry was then ordered
to parade on the spot, with a view to intimidate the refractory
men, and the guns of the station were placed in position to
command the native lines. After a short delay, in which sullen
defiance and culpable irresolution were exhibited on either side,
the men were dismissed to their quarters ; but between eleven
and twelve o'clock, the sepoys of the 19th regiment made a
rush upon the bells of arms (little houses in which their weapons
were kept), and possessing themselves of their muskets and
ammunition, carried them into their lines. When, on the
following morning, the European officers reached the parade-
ground, they found the men in undress, but armed and formed
in line. As they approached, the sepoys shouted tumultuously,
and threatened violence if they came near them. The cavalry
and artillery were again paraded, and the mutineers were com
manded to lay down their arms. Another pause ensued, and
the native officers, after conferring with the men, informed
Colonel Mitchell that they would not lay down their arms until
the whole of the cavalry and artillery were withdrawn. This
dangerous concession to open and undisguised mutiny was un
fortunately made by the colonel ; and then, but not till then, the
refractory sepoys submitted to the command of their officers.
It is possible that this unmilitary compliance with the
demands of a mutinous soldiery, when the means for enforcing
submission and preserving authority were at hand, may have
encouraged, if it did not hasten, the explosion that followed
throughout the presidency. The colonel, perhaps, dreaded the
responsibility of a conflict between armed men in the same
service, and may have had no desire to witness the destruction
of his own regiment.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. .347
Upon the receipt of this intelligence at Barrackpore, great
agitation became visible among the sepoys of the various regi
ments at the station, and more especially it was remarked
among those of the 2d and 34th regiments. The men obeyed
orders with sullen and threatening indifference, which they took
no pains to conceal ; nightly meetings for conference took place
in their lines, when the conduct of the 19th sepoys was dis
cussed and openly applauded. Those meetings were reported
to the general commanding the district, but they were not fur
ther noticed or prevented.
The elements of mischief were now at work in another
quarter. The 1st regiment of Madras native infantry, recently
arrived from Burmah, and subsequently engaged in the Kimedy
campaign, was in cantonment at Vizianagram, a town in the
Madras presidency ; and, on the 28th of February, the men
were under orders to march to Kurnool without their families.
One and all, while on parade, decidedly refused ; and when re
monstrated with by their colonel, raised shouts of derision and
defiance. As there was no force at hand to compel obedience,
the colonel was obliged to submit to the mutinous spirit of the
men without attempting to make a single arrest. The regi
ment, however, quietly left on the 3d of March ; but, in the
meantime, its destination had been changed to Secunderabad —
another unfortunate concession to military insubordination.
At length, on the 23d of March, it was announced in garrison
orders, that government had resolved to punish the men of the
19th regiment for their mutinous conduct at Berhampore, and
the regiment was ordered to march to Barrackpore preparatory
to its being disbanded. The sentence was severe enough to be
sensibly felt by those on whom it fell ; as, by disbanding the
regiment, every native officer lost his position, and every sepoy
his pension for service ; and as recruits for the Bengal army
are not accepted after a certain age, many of the men who had
attained it, and were of high caste, were deprived of the means
of procuring a future livelihood.

CHAPTER XII.
THE 19TH N. I. REGIMENT DISBANDED — SPREAD OF DISAFFECTION
— A NEW CAUSE OF OFFENSE AT LUCKNOW — DECISIVE CON
DUCT OP SHt HENRY LAWRENCE.

At daybreak on the morning of the 31st of March, the whole
of the European force in cantonment at Barrackpore, assembled
on the parade-ground. The two regiments of the Queen, with
the artillery and cavalry, occupied one side of the area, the
native regiments being drawn up on the other side. The 19th,
which during the night had been halted outside the canton
ment, was then marched into the vacant space between the
forces. After a short interval of impressive silence, the major-
general, surrounded by his staff, advanced to the front of the
delinquent corps, and read aloud the order for disbanding
them. Up to this moment it was felt to be very doubtful if the re
fractory corps would quietly submit to the degradation it had
brought upon itself ; or whether a shout of defiance, and some
mutinous effort, would not compel the general to open fire upon
the regiment. Fortunately for themselves, perhaps otherwise
for the country, the men listened to the sentence with silent
(348)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 349
attention ; and when the general had concluded his painful
duty, two of the native officers, in the name of the regiment,
asked his permission to again petition the governor-general for
forgiveness, offering to serve in any part of the globe, so that
the regiment might be retained in the Company's service. They
were told the time for petitioning had passed ; that nothing
now remained for them but unconditional submission, and to
lay down their arms and disperse. The formidable prepara
tions made to enforce obedience, left the repentant mutineers no
alternative between instant compliance or total annihilation.
The instinctive terror felt of old by the Hindoo races when
opposed to European resolution, revived ; and, without attempt
ing further remonstrance, the entire corps grounded arms and
retired several paces, their officers actually shedding tears of
grief or rage during the degrading ceremonial. No further
humiliation was offered ; both officers and men were allowed to
retain their clothing ; and, after a short delay, the whole were
escorted by a detachment of cavalry to Chinsurah, at which
place they were ordered to disperse, bearing from thence the
germs of treason and revolt, to be presently scattered over the
whole presidency.
At this time no lack of vigor or of moderation had been
exhibited on the. part of the government. Every possible effort
was made to remove the unfounded and unreasonable suspicion
of the sepoys ; and if indeed there had been some error at first,
in allowing cartridges to arrive from England, greased with a
composition of which the materials could not be positively
defined by the troops, the mistake was rectified before a single
native could be really affected by it. The matter was carefully
and clearly explained by General Hearsay and the commanding
officers of the several regiments ; and the general orders issued
on the occasion of each disbandment, and read at the head of
every regiment, troop, and company in the service, contained
the most explicit assurances of protection and regard.
The mutinous spirit thus promptly suppressed at Barrack
pore and Berhampore, was supposed in the early part of the
month of April, to have received an effectual check ; the fate
30

350 BRITISH INDIA.,
of the 19th regiment appeared to have disheartened men who,
by the dignity of caste, had no choice for the means of subsist
ence but to remain soldiers. The men of the 34th, although
sullen and careless, appeared to be without energy, thoroughly
dispirited, and unwilling to risk the chances of further quarrel
with their European officers. Some sepoys of the 36th native
infantry, who had taunted the pupils in the Umballah school of
exercise, were put under arrest, and ordered for trial by court-
martial, without exciting any visible feeling among their com
rades ; and several regiments, suspected of being undecided be
tween duty or revolt, had by this time ranged themselves under
the banners of discipline and loyalty, and remained passive.
Thus every thing connected with the native troops appeared to
be in an improving and satisfactory state, when suddenly, and
simultaneously, symptoms of discontent burst out with fearful
earnestness at several stations of the Bengal presidency. At
Agra, numerous incendiary fires heralded the approach of
greater calamities. At Sealkote, inflammatory letters from the
sepoys at Barrackpore were intercepted ; and at Umballah, the
conflagrations became so frequent and destructive, that a re
ward of 1000 rupees was offered by the government for the dis
covery of the incendiaries.
Toward the end of April, indications of disaffection and
revolt became apparent at Lucknow, the capital of Oude, which
speedily assumed a formidable aspect. The grievance of the
obnoxious cartridges had of course been adopted by the sepoys
stationed there ; and, in addition, they had adopted a private
wrong, which was especially their own. The European surgeon
of the 34th regiment, in cantonment at Lucknow, had inad
vertently tasted a bottle of medicine before handing it over to
a sick Brahmin soldier. The act was immediately construed
into a flagrant violation of the privileges of caste, and a pre
meditated attempt to break down its distinctive barrier ; and
the sepoys of this ill-conditioned regiment forthwith revenged
the insult by burning down the doctor's bungalow. They also
began to hold nightly meetings, and conflagrations were of
frequent occurrence. Sir Henry Lawrence, the British resident

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 351
at Oude, was fortunately upon the spot at the time, and took
effective means to trample out the smouldering fire. He
applied, by electric telegraph, to the governor-general in
council for enlarged authority. " I want," said he, " unlimited
powers ; I will not abuse them ;" and in a few seconds he re
ceived the desired grant. Thus armed, he prepared to put
down any attempt at insurrection the instant it should become
apparent. On the 3d of May, a letter addressed by the men of the 7th
Oude irregular infantry to the sepoys of the 48th regiment,
was brought to his notice under the following circumstances.
The writer, in the name of the 7th regiment, said — " We are
ready to obey the directions of our brothers of the 48th in the
matter of the cartridges, and to resist either actively or pas
sively." This communication was handed to a Brahmin sepoy
of the 48th, for the purpose of being read to his comrades ; but
the man being " true to his salt," and an exception to his class,
at once made known its purport to his havildar, who, in his
turn, reported it to his subahdar ; and these having consulted
together, it was decided to bring the matter to the notice of
the commissioner, and the letter was accordingly placed in his
hands. In the course of the same or the preceding day, some
men of the 7th had displayed an offensive temper ; and among
other outrageous acts of insubordination, four of them had
forced their way into the quarters of the adjutant of the regi
ment (Lieutenant Mecham), and ordered him to prepare for
death. They informed him that, personally, they had no
quarrel with him, but that " he was a Feringhee, and must die !"
The adjutant was at the moment without any means of defense ;
his visitors were armed to the teeth ; and resistance being use
less, the unfortunate officer resolved to meet his fate calmly and
with dignity. The mutineers having paused, that he might
speak to them, he said — " Men ! it is true that I am unarmed,
and you can kill me ; but that will do you no good. You
will not ultimately prevail in this matter ; another adjutant
will be appointed in my place, and you will be subject to the
same treatment you have received from me. Why, then, should

352 BRITISH INDIA.
you desire to destroy me ?" The expostulation had a fortunate
and unexpected effect upon the intruders, who turned and left
the place without further attempting to molest the astonished
officer. Information of this mutinous outrage having been forwarded
to Sir Henry Lawrence in the course of the same evening, he,
without a moment's unnecessary delay, ordered out her majesty's
32d foot, the 13th, 48th, and 71st, native infantry, the 7th
cavalry, and a battery of eight guns, manned by Europeans,
and proceeded to the lines of the mutineers, about seven miles
from the city. Darkness had set in before he arrived, and his
movement had been so sudden, that the men of the 7th regi
ment were completely taken by surprise. Within five minutes
after his troops had reached the parade-ground, the bugler was
ordered to sound the assembly ; and the men, on making their
appearance, were commanded to form in front of their lines.
In the presence of a force so overwhelming they saw they had
no choice but to obey. The infantry and cavalry then formed
on either side of them — the guns, within grape distance, being
ranged in front ; and with this energetic demonstration before
them, the 7th, completely baffled, awaited their doom, whatever
it might be. They were simply ordered to lay down their arms,
and they obeyed without a moment's hesitation. At this
juncture the port-fires of the artillery were lighted ; a sudden
panic seized the whole regiment ; the men shouted as if frantic,
" Do not fire ! Do not fire !" and, breaking from the ranks,
rushed into their lines for shelter or concealment. So far the
object of Sir Henry Lawrence had been accomplished without
bloodshed ; the ringleaders, and many of their most active
followers, were discovered and put under arrest the same night,
and the remainder of the regiment was relieved from duty and
confined to its lines pending further measures.
Having thus promptly succeeded in quelling the first open
attempt to excite mutiny among the troops at Lucknow by the
agency of the 7th regiment, Sir Henry Lawrence endeavored
to remove the dissatisfaction that prevailed among the native
regiments, by explanation and conciliatory treatment.

CHAPTER XIII.
MUTINY AT MEERUT — REVOLT OF THE TROOPS — MASSACRE OP
THE EUROPEAN OFFICERS AND INHABITANTS — FLIGHT OF THE
MUTINEERS TO DELHI.

While the transactions we have narrated were in progress
through other parts of the presidency, a cloud had been gather
ing over Meerut, an important military station situate in the
Doab, nearly equidistant from the Gauges and the Jumna, and
about thirty-two miles from Delhi. Little suspicion was yet
entertained of the tempest about to burst, in torrents of blood,
over the streets of the populous capital of an important dis
trict ; but, as it afterward appeared, the native troops, like
those quartered at Barrackpore and other places already named,
had become deeply impressed by a sense of grievance in con
nection with the objectionable cartridges, and they had also a
supplemental imaginary wrong to excite the more credulous
among them. A rumor had been privately circulated amongst
the Brahmin sepoys, that the government designed to deprive
them of the privileges of caste, by having the bones of bullocks,
(353)

354 BRITISH INDIA.
ground and mixed with flour, sold in the markets, so that the
Hindoo, by inadvertently partaking of food with which a portion
of the substance of the forbidden animal was combined, would
become polluted and outcast, and thus be compelled to embrace
Christianity. The hostile influence of this impression at length
became visible to the European inhabitants ; and General
Hewitt, commanding the forces at Meerut, attempted, through
the instrumentality of the officers of the different corps, to
combat these notions, and to efface the mischievous impression.
The remonstrances and arguments employed were, however,
listened to with sullen impatience ; and it soon became evident
that some deep-seated feeling, hostile to the Company's govern
ment, was operating upon the impulsive temperament of the
entire native army, which merely waited for favorable oppor
tunity, and slight provocation, to burst into active revolt. In
the early part of May, the Bombay Times represented the
whole district from Calcutta to Lahore, as " either in open
mutiny, or upon the verge of it. " The preconcerted arrange
ment, as subsequently disclosed, appears to have warranted
such an opinion ; as it had been planned that a rising should
take place simultaneously at Meerut, Lahore, and other cities
of the Punjab. The revolted troops were then to fall back on
Delhi, and make it their head-quarters, and the base of future
operations in the Mogul empire ; which was to be there pro
claimed and established, by the extermination of the whole
European army and population throughout India.
The circumstances that immediately preceded the military
outbreak at Meerut were as follows : — Some refractory temper
having been exhibited by several men of the 3d native cavalry,
in reference to the obnoxious cartridges, it was considered
proper, by the officers in command at the station, to test the
discipline of- the regiment ; and with this view, a parade was
ordered on the 6th of May, at which the cartridges were served
out to the men. Out of ninety sowars on parade, only five
would receive, or even submit to touch them. Anxious to con
ciliate, rather than push matters hastily to an extreme point,
the havildars were ordered to offer them a second time to the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 355
eighty-five men, who again peremptorily refused to receive
them ; and their insubordinate conduct being reported to the
general in command, the whole of the refractory soldiers were
by his orders placed under arrest, and were subsequently tried
by a court-martial composed of native officers, by whom the
delinquents were severally sentenced to periods of imprisonment
varying from six to ten years. The eighty-five prisoners were
then placed in charge of a guard of European soldiers, com
posed of two companies of the 60th rifles, and twenty-five men
of the carabineers, and were thus conducted to their lines.
A general punishment parade was ordered at daybreak on
the morning of Saturday, the 9th of May, and at that time all
the troops at the cantonment, with the exception of the stand
ing guards, were paraded on the ground of the 60th rifles ; that
battalion, with the carabineers, the 3d light cavalry, the 11th
and 20th regiments of native infantry, a light field battery, and
a troop of horse-artillery, being present under arms. Upon
the arrival of General Hewitt and his staff, the carabineers,
horse-artillery, and rifles, were ordered to load; and having
performed this significant military operation, the eighty-five
prisoners were marched to the ground under escort, the Euro
pean regiments and the guns of the artillery being disposed so
that the slightest effort to get up a mutinous outbreak would
have been followed by their inevitable destruction. The
prisoners were in uniform when marched on to the ground ;
but as soon as their respective sentences had been read in the
hearing of the assembled troops, they were ordered to take off
their military clothing and accoutrements ; and the armorers
and smiths of the horse-artillery being in readiness with the
necessary implements, irons were riveted upon the legs of each
individual, and, finally, they were marched off the parade, and
escorted to the gaol, about two miles from the cantonment.
During the progress of this scene, so humiliating to the char
acter of the regiment to which the men belonged, the officers
and men of the 3d cavalry present, appeared intensely, though
silently, to feel the degradation of their comrades ; they sat
mounted, with swords drawn and sloped, but allowed no out-

356 BRITISH INDIA.
ward indication of the fires of revenge and hatred that were
scorching their hearts, and consuming whatever had existed of
human feeling within them, to appear. The sepoy regiments,
evidently intimidated by the preparations that had been made
to crush any mutinous demonstration on the ground, marched
sullenly to their lines.
Up to this date no suspicion of a general rising of the native
troops had been entertained either by the officers in canton
ment or by the European residents at Meerut, the discontent
of the native troops and their connections in the bazaars and
town having merely shown itself by incendiary fires in the lines,
scarcely a night passing without one or more conflagrations,
and the partial and abortive attempt at mutiny already noticed.
All was therefore in comparative repose until the evening of
Sunday, the 10th of May, when a movement commenced among
the native troops, which, in its results, showed that a plan of
wholesale and indiscriminate massacre had been arranged, and
was then about to be carried into effect, the intent of the con
spirators being to surround, during church-time, the whole of
the European population, civil as well as military ; which,
thus surprised, unarmed, and defenseless, was to be destroyed,
without exception or regard to age, sex, or station. To the
successful accomplishment of this diabolical scheme there was
but one obstacle — namely, the want of unanimity among the
chief actors in the proposed tragedy. The 11th native in
fantry had less thirst for European blood than either the 3d
cavalry or the 20th regiment. The moment for decisive action
approached; and the 11th still holding out against a massacre,
the men of the 20th, excited by rage and disappointment, at
length fired several shots at the sepoys of the 11th, who, being
either intimidated by the fury of their comrades, or probably
not sincerely unwilling to join in the sanguinary work proposed
to them, now joined the rebellious movement ; and the men of
the three regiments, thus united, rushed together into the
parade-ground, with shouts and execrations against the Euro
peans generally, and at once began their task of unrelenting
slaughter. Unfortunately, at this critical moment, General

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 357
Hewitt, in charge of the troops at the cantonment, seems to
have shown much indecision as to the means to be adopted
to arrest the first steps of the rebellious and murderous out
break. In the meantime the work of destruction was rapidly ap
proaching consummation. The moment the alarm had reached
Colonel Finnis, commanding the 11th regiment, that officer
rode to the parade-ground, and endeavored, by haranguing the
men, to induce them to return to their duty as soldiers ; he ex
horted them by their former good character and the confidence
that had always Jbeen deservedly reposed in their loyalty and
obedience, to remain true to their colors, and to avoid the stain
that a useless attempt at mutiny would indelibly inflict upon the
regiment. He appealed to them as their colonel and their
friend ; but the reply to his remonstrance was a shot from a
sepoy of the 20th regiment, which struck him in the back as he
uttered his last sentence. A volley from the muskets of the
tumultuous rabble instantly followed this signal, and the colonel
fell from his horse, riddled by bullets. Observing the fate of
Colonel Finnis, and being utterly unprepared to resist the fury
of the mutineers, the other officers withdrew from the parade-
ground, and sought protection in the lines of the rifles and 6th
dragoons, their longer continuance upon the scene being useless
as well as personally hazardous. Throughout this scene, the
men of the 11th regiment were not so murderously disposed as
those of the 3d and 20th, since, if their desire had been to
massacre their officers, they had ample opportunity to accom
plish their purpose while the colonel was addressing them ; and
it may be observed also in their favor, that they offered no im
pediment to the escape of their officers after the colonel had
fallen. During this lamentable scene on the parade-ground, a strong
party of the 3d regiment had mounted and rode off to the gaol,
where some eighty-five of their comrades had been conducted
in irons the previous day, in accordance with a sentence of
court-martial. Meeting with no attempt at resistance on the
part of the burkandazes (gaol guards), the liberation of the

358 BRITISH INDIA.
troopers was speedily accomplished, as well as that of about
1,200 other individuals, then in confinement for sundry crimes
and offenses. The yet fettered sowars, exasperated by the dis
grace they had been subjected to, added greatly to the frenzied
excitement of their comrades, who escorted them back to their
lines in the cantonments, followed by a tumultuous rabble from
the gaol, yelling and shouting, and vociferating savage denun
ciations of vengeance upon all Europeans. The first object of
the rescuers, on returning to the cantonment, was to free their
comrades from the irons riveted upon them ; the next, to join
their brother mutineers of the 20th regiment in the frightful
carnage that had already commenced, and in which the soldiers
of the 3d regiment spared neither sex nor age. The men of
the 20th regiment were equally busy at the like sanguinary
pastime, and the murders committed by them were as numerous
and unprovoked as those of the 3d ; although, if it be possible
to make a distinction in the character of such atrocities, the
acts of the 20th were not signalized by the unspeakable brutali
ties that marked the pitiless vengeance of the 3d. The 11th
regiment, as before observed, seemed at first to enter with re
luctance into the reckless outrages of the other troops ; but at
length they also became excited by the fury of their companions
in the mutiny, and exhibited a like avidity for the shedding of
European blood. By this time darkness had set in ; and the
fires that had been conveyed to every house and building,
officers' bungalows, public edifices, the mess-houses of the troops
and, in short, every structure between the native lines and
Meerut, began to proclaim their ascendancy over the fragile
materials by which they were fed. On all sides great pinnacles
of waving flame, of all hues and degree of intensity, shot up
high into the darkness ; huge volumes of smoke came rolling
on in the sultry atmosphere ; and the cracking and roar of the
extending conflagration, the frantic yells of the mutinous sepoys,
and the shouts and shrieks of the multitude gathered to witness
the progress of the revolt, and share in the plunder (many of
whom fell from the random shots of the soldiers), all combined,
on that dark and awful night, to present a scene of horrors it

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 359
would be impossible to exaggerate in attempting to describe.
Every living thing within reach was attacked at once, as the
furious mobs of sepoys and plunderers rushed from place to
place, uttering cries of revenge on the Europeans, mingled
with shouts of exultation at their easily-acquired triumph over
unsuspecting and defenseless victims.
The official details of the occurrenee at Meerut on the 10th
of May, as given by General Hewitt, are very meagre, and do
not at all explain the reason why no European guard was
placed over the gaol or the native lines, although the men
were well known to be disaffected. Neither do they afford in
formation why the brigadier did not advance in pursuit of the
fugitives with even a portion of his force. Promptitude on
the part of General Hewitt, in following up and attacking the
mutineers the next morning, would have struck a mortal blow
at the revolt, and would, in all probability, have saved Delhi
from massacre and plunder.
It is due to the men of the 11th to say, that they left Meerut
without touching their officers, so that the deaths in that regi
ment must be attributed to the mutineers of other corps. Many
other persons unconnected with the army, also fell before the
rage of the mutineers who had carefully prearranged their out
break. At the very commencement, all possibility of telegraphic
communication with Delhi was cut off. They also had the
precaution to keep possession of the road to the capital, as
some movements made by the cavalry in that direction, were
rendered unsuccessful by the advantges of time and position
the rebels secured by their unmolested flight.
It will be observed, that the first movement of the 3d and
20th regiments commenced between four and five o'clock in the
afternoon, and that the lines of the European cavalry ranged
off from the centre of the cantonment, and consequently were
within two miles and a-half of the extreme limits (inclusive) of
the lines of the three mutinous regiments ; and were certainly
not more than four miles and a-half from the town of Meerut ;
but, notwithstanding the proximity of the 6th dragoons and
the other European troops, night had set in before they were

360 BRITISH INDIA.
on the parade-ground in service order ; and then, as far as the
6th dragoons were concerned, according to various letters we
have seen, began the system of marching and countermarching
that ended in their doing nothing. The 60th rifles and horse-
artillery were first upon the scene of outrage ; the dragoons
(probably fearful of blowing their horses by too much haste)
leisurely followed ; but long before they reached the native
lines, the mutineers had exhausted their fury, and, sated with
blood and carnage, had begun to retire in the direction of
Delhi. Their rear was already disappearing in the gloom,
when it was discovered by the 60th rifles and the horse-artillery,
who fired a few volleys into a wood in which the fugitives had
sought cover. It was now quite dark, and beyond the wood
no search was made or pursuit attempted ; the rifles and artil
lery therefore retraced their steps to the cantonment, and, on
the parade-ground of the late 11th regiment, met the 6th
dragoons, returning from their useless ride. The mutineers,
thus left free to choose their accommodation for the night, en
camped unmolested within six miles of Meerut. The European
troops bivouacked upon the scene of devastation and slaughter
they had not prevented by timely interposition ; and the re
mainder of the night of the 10th of May was occupied in de
vising plans for the future safety of the smoking ruins of
Meerut, and of the portion that yet survived of its European
population. The horrors of that dreadful night could scarcely have been
surpassed, though, unfortunately, they were too closely paral
leled by subsequent , atrocities in other places. The mutinous
and infuriated soidiers had, it is true, withdrawn from the scene
of their outrages ; but the liberated prisoners from the gaol,
and the rabble of the town, continued their ravages almost
without a check. The first act of Major-general Hewitt, after
the return of the troops from their tardy, and consequently in
effective pursuit, was to post European sentries in different
parts of Meerut ; and the constant fire of their rifles showed
that the measure, late as it was adopted, was necessary. To
many of the surviving Europeans, the night of the 1 0th of

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

361

May, 1S57, was one of agonizing suspense; to some it was a
night in which the desolated heart was numbed by the intensity
of its hopeless grief. Husbands had missed their wives, wives
had been torn away from their husbands ; infants had been
wrenched from their mothers' arms to be butchered before their
eyes ; and children had been compelled to witness the expiring
agonies of their murdered parents, and even to drink their
blood! It is quite clear that no attempt was made, even on the
following morning-, to pursue and attack the fugitive mutineers,
who were consequently allowed to advance upon Delhi without
hindrance — an advantage that enabled them the more effectively
to perpetrate the atrocities we have yet to record.

CHAPTER XIV.

PALL OF DELHI.

Resuming the details of an outbreak that was destined, in its
results, to involve the partial destruction of the capital of the
ancient monarchs of Hindostan, and to destroy the last relics
of a once mighty dynasty,' we find, that after a short interval
of rest from the fatigue and excitement of the previous night,
the mutinous troops, at an early hour, commenced their flight
toward Delhi, and by a forced march of considerably more
than thirty miles, arrived within sight of its towers shortly after
eight o'clock on the morning of Monday, May the 11th. .The
city was at this time garrisoned wholly by native troops, con
sisting of^ the 38th, 54th, and 74th regiments of infantry, and a
battery of native artillery. The arsenal in the interior of the
city contained 900,000 cartridges, two complete siege-trains, a
large number of field guns, and some 8000 or 10,000 muskets.
A powder-magazine, which had been removed, at the request
of the inhabitatants, from the city to the cantonments, at this
time contained not less than 10,000 barrels — a formidable
supply for the purposes of rebellious soldiers.
(362)

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THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 365
On the arrival of the mutineers from Meerut, they found no
difficulty in fraternizing with the troops which were stationed
at Delhi. Several of the officers were killed while attempting
to prevent the sepoys under their command from taking a part
in the rebellion, and the whole native force in Delhi were soon
engaged in murdering the European residents.
Some sepoys of the 38th and 74th regiments, on duty at the
magazine guard and at the Calcutta gate, threw open the
latter, and rushed forward to welcome the mutineers, a portion
of whom entered the city, and at once commenced the work of
destruction. They first set on fire the bungalows in Durya
Gunge, cutting down the European inhabitants as they tried to
escape from the flames ; they then plundered and destroyed the
dispensary building near the fort, and murdered Chimmum
Lall, the native doctor ; then seeing the commissioner driving
past, on his way to the palace, they dashed after him, over
took, and struck him down, but not before he had shot one of
his pursuers ; in revenge for which they afterward cut off his
head, and carried it about in triumph.
Whilst this party of the mutineers was thus employed, others
had proceeded to the river-gate of the palace, from whence
communication was speedily opened with the attendants of the
king ; and the occurrence at Meerut was made known, with
the desire of the soldiers that his majesty should ascend the
throne. After a short parley the troopers were, by order of
the king, admitted within the gates. It was some time, how
ever, after the arrival of the mutineers at the palace before the
king yielded to their clamor that he should suffer himself to be
proclaimed emperor. It was represented to him that the
whole of Hindostan had risen to shake off the yoke of the
English ; that Calcutta and other chief towns were already in
possession of the native armies ; and that it was only for his
majesty to unfurl the sacred standard of the empire, and the
warlike millions of India would range themselves beneath it, and
re-establish the independent throne of the Moguls, driving the
English tyrants into the sea, or feeding the vultures with their
carcasses. Two troops of artillery, that had deserted from
31*

366 ' BRITISH INDIA.
Meerut in the confusion of the previous night, had now ariived,
and entering the city by the Calcutta gate, fired a royal salute
of twenty-one guns in front of the palace. This incident de
cided the future of the ill-starred descendant of the royal house
of Timour ; he yielded ; and the soldiers, exulting in their
triumph over his scruples, and feeling they had now a rallying
point under any emergency, rushed through the palace gates
into the streets of the city, to put a climax to the work of
treachery and rebellion.
The first person who fell a sacrifice to the fury of the soldiers
upon their entry into the palace, was the commandant of the
guard of the titular king, Captain Douglas. The next victims
of their barbarity were the Rev. Mr. Jennings, the English
chaplain to the Residency, and his daughter, an amiable young
lady of nineteen, who were seized while on their way to seek
the king's protection. They were hurried into the presence of
the puppet sovereign ; and to the demand of the troopers,
"What shall we do with them?" the king is reported to have
replied, "What you like ; I give them to you." History must
draw a vail over the sufferings of these unfortunate martyrs.
Meanwhile the people of the city were gathering for mis
chief; and as the day advanced, the Goojurs ,of the villages
around Delhi became aware of the chances for plunder, and
were ready for action. Pillage and murder now ravaged the
streets ; every house in which a European was believed to have
resided was searched, and ransacked from foundation to roof.
The purpose of the soldiers was massacre; that of the rabble
which followed in their train, and added to the horror of their
outrages, was plunder. Arming themselves with the national
hatred of Europeans as a pretext, the bud-mashes and rioters
broke into the houses of the rich native inhabitants, the shops
of the citizens, and the public stables. Many of the shop
keepers fell victims to the fury of the rabble, merely for asking
payment for their goods. While a portion of the mutinous
soldiers and rabble were thus occupied, others spread through
the streets in search of the European and Christian inhabitants,
whom they butchered without mercy. One of their first objects,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 36T|
after glutting their hatred against the Feringhees, was to obtain
possession of the treasure deposited in the Delhi bank, and to
murder the manager in charge — a Mr. Beresford, whose wife
and five children fell a sacrifice to their barbarity, by having
their throats severed, and mangled with broken glass. They
next plundered the government treasuries, destroyed the church,
and utterly demolished the premises of the Delhi Gazette,
throwing the presses into the river, and melting the type into
slugs. The compositors attempted to escape in the disguise
of natives ; but, on being recognized, were literally hacked to
pieces. The fate of the unfortunate Europeans who had been unable
to leave the city previous to the outbreak of the populace, was
most deplorable ; no mercy or consideration was shown to age
or sex. Delicate women, mothers and daughters, were stripped
of their clothing, violated, turned naked into the streets, beaten
with canes, pelted with filth, and abandoned to the beastly
lusts of the blood-stained rabble, until death or madness de
prived them of all consciousness of their unutterable misery.
A few Europeans, with arms, took refuge in a mosque ; as they
were without water or food, they at last determined to give
themselves up ; and, calling to the subahdar in charge of a
native guard before the door, they asked for water, and that he
should pledge his oath to take them alive to the king. The
oath was given, and the Europeans came from their asylum.
The mutineers placed water before them, and said, " Lay down
your arms, and then you get water." They obeyed; and the
soldiers instantly surrounded them ; they gave no water, but
seized the whole party, consisting of eleven children, eight
ladies, and eight gentlemen, whom they marched off immediately
to the cattle-sheds, placed them in a row,-and shot them. One
lady entreated of the murderers to give her child some water,
although they killed herself. A sepoy, in reply to the mother's
appeal, snatched the child from her arms, and dashed its brains
ont on the pavement before her face ! The demoniac fury of
the excited multitude had no bounds ; and in a few hours after
sunrise of Monday the 11th of May, the interior of Delhi was

368 BRITISH INDIA.
a pandemonium, that fiends might have shuddered to con
template. Upon the first alarm reaching Sir Theopbilus Metcalf, the
political agent, he immediately proceeded to the magazine,
situated within the walls, near the Calcutta gate, and gave
directions for two guns to be placed on the bridge of boats
over the Jumna, for the purpose of preventing further approach
to the city in that direction ; but the movement on this point
had already been anticipated by the mutineers, who had taken
possession of it, and were then in considerable force on the
Delhi side of the river. Foiled in this object, the attention of
Sir Theophilus and the officer in charge of the ordnance stores
(Lieutenant Willoughby), was directed to the defenses of the
magazine, which, at the time, contained an unusually large
quantity of ammunition and military stores. The gates were
immediately closed and barricaded, two six-pounder guns,
double-charged with grape, were placed in a position to com
mand the gates in case they should be forced by the rebellious
sepoys ; other guns of larger calibre were also double-charged,
and placed in position to act upon various parts of the maga
zine buildings ; and a train having been laid communicating
with the interior, and given in charge to a trustworthy non
commissioned officer, arms were distributed among the native
servants of the establishment ; and the little garrison of seven
Europeans awaited in silence the attack they had so much
reason to expect.
After a brief interval, during which the ferocity of the
mutineers had been partially sated by rapine and murder, a
summons was transmitted from the palace, demanding, in the
king's name, the surrender of the magazine. Of this message
no notice was taken by its defenders, and ladders were there
upon brought from the palace for the purpose of taking it by
escalade. Already the mutinous troops swarmed upon the
walls ; the rifles of the gallant defenders sped their unerring
bolts, and thinned their ranks. In the midst of the unequal
conflict, the whole of the native servants of the magazine and
ordnance departments contrived to scramble up the sheds and

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 369
buildings against the outer wall, and, descending by the ladders,
joined the ranks of the assailants. The attack was persevered
in, although continued rounds of grape swept them from the
walls only to be replaced by others. At length, the bullets of
the enemy began to tell upon the little garrison, two out of the
seven being wounded ; and Lieutenant Willoughby felt that
the moment had approached in which the defense of the maga
zine and its important contents must be consummated by the
destruction of the whole. The walls were again crowned by
the exasperated sepoys ; the outer court of the building was
already filled by the advancing enemy ; when a preconcerted
signal was given. A few seconds had scarcely elapsed before
a dull, heavy report boomed above the din of the city and the
shouts of its maddened people ; the ground vibrated, and a
huge volume of smoke ascending in the air, spread like a pall
over the palace of the Moguls, and announced, amidst the
groans and shrieks of its ferocious and mangled assailants, that
the great magazine of Delhi, with its vast accumulations of
powder and military stores, had been blown into the air. The
gallant Willoughby happily escaped the effects of the explosion
with merely a severe scorching ; but it was believed that from
1,500 to 2,000 of the mutineers and town rabble were blown
up with the magazine, or were crushed by the falling and
scattered ruins. Exasperated by the disappointment occasioned
by the destruction of the stores, the sowars rushed to the palace,
and demanded of the king that the Europeans who had received
his assurance of protection should be given up to them. The
demand was acceded to ; and the unfortunate victims of royal
perfidy and insatiable revenge were murdered in cold blood by
the remorseless soldiers, who, in reply to their appeals for
mercy, pointed to their legs and pretended to show the marks
of the irons that had been put upon them on the Saturday pre
vious to the outbreak at Meerut.

CHAPTER XV.
APPEARANCE OF DISSATISFACTION AT UMBALLAH. — MUTINOUS
DEMONSTRATIONS AT FEROZEPORE AND LAHORE.

Turning for a moment from the head-quarters of rebellion,
as established at Delhi, we now proceed to trace the progress
of the outbreak in other districts of British India, and to de
scribe the steps taken to arrest the further spread of the dis
order that ravaged the country.
From the beginning of January it had gradually become
manifest that an unquiet and discontented feeling was gaining
strength among the troops in several stations of the Bengal
presidency, and the attention of Government was repeatedly in
vited to the subject ; but the measures adopted at Barrackpore
and other places, were thought to have effectually checked the
mischievous impulse ; and so little was its revival anticipated,
that the commander-in-chief, General Anson, sought a tempo
rary relaxation from the duties of his onerous position in a
sporting tour, that occasionally took him to a distance from
any telegraphic communication. Upon his return in March,
his excellency visited the school of musketry at Umballah, and
from thence proceeded to Simla, where he purposed to remain
during the season. Meantime the old difficulty about the
(370)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 373
greased cartridges recurred, and notwithstanding the attempts
of the officers at conciliation, the discontent of the sepoys was
manifested by incendiary fires, of which not less than fifteen oc
curred between the 26th of March and the 1st of May, by which
military depots, arms, ammunition and supplies for the army
to an immense amount, were destroyed, in and near Umballah.
It had by this time become evident, that independent of the
mutinous demonstrations at Meerut and Delhi, the seeds of
disaffection and revolt were germinating, and rapidly attaining
maturity, in other districts of the presidency ; and a succession
of disturbances in places far distant from each other, but
evidently moved by the same impulsive cause, afforded ample
proof that the most energetic measures would be required to
preserve the integrity of British power in India. It was in
vain that the suspicions and fears of the credulous and excitable
sepoys had been alternately met with explanation and conces
sion, by positive indulgence or by rigorous punishment ; the
evil yet existed in its full strength ; and the efforts as yet made
to eradicate it, only served to lessen the prestige of a govern
ment that could tamely concede the high principle of absolute
command, and accept from its troops a conditional service in
lieu of unhesitating and implicit obedience. Circumstances
had enabled the Mohammedan and Hindoo elements embodied
in the mass of the native armies of British India, to put the
screw of their prejudices and assumed privileges upon the im
pressible nature of the government ; and the ravages at Meerut
and Delhi were but the early results of an inflnence that, by
timely caution, might have been altogether prevented.
At Ferozepore — situate also in the north-west province, on
the left bank of the Sutlej, distant about 175 miles from Lahore,
and 1,181 from Calcutta — a new source of disquietude had
now arisen to embarrass the authorities. In the early part of
May the garrison at this place consisted of the 45th and 57th
regiments of native infantry, the 10th native light cavalry, and
her majesty's 61st foot. On the night of the 12th a detach
ment of the 57th regiment was on guard duty at the magazine,
which was situated within the lines of a fortification near the
32

374 BRITISH INDIA.
town, and at a short distance from the cantonment. In conse
quence of some suspicion as to the loyalty of the native troops
at the station, a company of her majesty's 61st regiment was
told off for the relief on the following morning. No oppor
tunity was afforded for discussion or inquiry among the troops,
respecting the sudden alteration of the roster for the day ; and
the new guard, in due course, was marched to the post assigned
to it. Upon the arrival of the relief, the two guards remained
together, while orders were carried into effect for the immediate
removal of the women and children, and of the unarmed Chris
tian population, to the magazine fort for safety. During this
operation the 10th light cavalry and the two native regiments
of infantry were paraded at the cantonment, and the 45th was
ordered to march to the Suddur Bazaar, situated at some dis
tance, and in an opposite direction from the fortifications. The
regiment marched out in obedience to orders ; but as soon as
it had reached the entrance to the bazaar, the men halted of
their own accord, and, facing about, immediately proceeded at
quick-step toward the magazine. Having reached the north
west bastion of the fortifications, they managed to communicate
with some men of the 57th regiment, yet within the walls ; and
the latter proceeded to throw out ropes, and put over ladders
to assist them in scaling the fortifications. By these aids the
moat was crossed, and the outer defenses carried by the muti
neers, who numbered about 3000. Having succeeded thus far
without difficulty, they next attempted to force the inner gate
leading to the depot for ordnance stores ; but here they wero
met by Colonel Redmond, and five men of the 61st regiment, .
who fired a volley, and killed six of the assailants — the colonel
being in return shot in the thigh and disabled. Repulsed at
this point, the mutineers endeavored to obtain access to the
interior of the fort by another gate ; but again they were driven
back with loss, and being dispirited by their failures, they com
menced a precipitate retreat over the walls they had just scaled,
many of them falling in the attempt by the butt-ends of the
muskets of the 61st. In the midst of this affair a reinforcement
of two companies of the Queen's regiment, with two guns.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 375
under the command of Lieutenant Angelo, arrived at the maga
zine ; and the guard of the 57th, which had been standing
quietly in front of the European relief, while the struggle with
their mutinous comrades was proceeding in another part of the
fortification, now began to exhibit symptoms of defiance by
loading their muskets. Lieutenant Angelo had his two guns
charged with grape, and turned their muzzles upon the com
pany, which was then immediately disarmed by her majesty's
61st, and turned out the intrenchment. The 45th native in
fantry retreated toward the Ice-pits, and carrying their dead
with them, left the bodies at the Mussulman graveyard, adjoin
ing that of the Europeans. The remainder of the day was
passed in comparative quiet ; but as soon as night had thrown
her vail of darkness over the scene of the morning's struggle,
about 200 of the mutineers returned to the cantonment, and in
gangs took lighted torches and set fire to the church, chapel,
two vacant hospitals, her majesty's 61st mess-houses, Captains
Salmon, Harvey, Woodcock, Cotton, and Bloomfield's bunga
lows, and several others. They were not even molested in
committing this incendiarism except at the chapel, where a
young lad, the son of Mr. Hughes, a merchant, shot one of
of them ; every one seemed panic-stricken. The next day, the
14th, the mutineers began to plunder some of the officers'
houses, when a party of her majesty's 61st and 10th light
cavalry drove them out, and shot some of them; Lieutenant
Prendergast and the serjeant-major of the cavalry were both
fired upon, and as the magazines of the 45th and 57th native
infantry were in danger of falling into the hands of the muti
neers, the artillery brought their guns to bear upon the build
ings, which were blown up by a couple of shots fired into them.
On the same day the 57th native infantry were disarmed, and
the mutineers of the 45th, to the number of two hundred, sent
in the colors of their regiment, and surrendered their arms and
themselves. By this time a suspicion existed among the Europeans at
Lahore, that the fidelity of the troops in the cantonment at
Mean-mere, consisting of the 16th, 26th, and 40th regiments

376 BRITISH INDIA.
of native infantry, and the 8th light cavalry, could no longer
be relied on ; and, as a matter of prudent caution, Brigadier
Corbett, the officer in command, with the concurrence of Sir
John Lawrence, determined upon disarming them. It for
tunately happened at the time that the queen's 81st regiment,
and two battalions of English artillery, were also in canton
ment, and afforded the means for carrying such determination
into effect without difficulty. These regiments, it was known,
were merely awaiting a favorable opportunity to break out into
open revolt ; but they lost the chance by delay, and the cool but
decisive arrangements of Sir John Lawrence. A ball had been
announced at the station for some weeks, and the patrons of it
were now desirous that the elite of the European residents
should attend as if nothing had occurred at Delhi, or other
places, to occasion alarm. This appearance of ignorance de
ceived the ringleaders of the intended revolt, and induced
them 'to make their final arrangements with more leisure than
was compatible with success. Dancing was kept up with great
zest and spirit until an early hour of Thursday, the 14th of
May ; but when the native regiments marched at daybreak to
the parade-ground, intending to commence the insurrectionary
movement, they were panic-stricken by the preparations made
to receive them. The European artillery had taken a position
immediately in front, and the 81st regiment was formed in line
in rear of the guns ; the latter were charged with grape before
they were brought on the ground ; and the 81st received the
order to load. Tne order for disarming the native troops was
then read by Brigadier Corbett ; and, at its conclusion, he
commanded the sepoys to pile their arms, and the cavalry to
throw their swords on the ground, and retire to the rear of the
infantry. To the great astonishment of the Europeans, the
order was obeyed without hesitation or remonstrance ; and the
arms being collected were placed in wagons, and escorted by a
detachment of the 81st regiment to the fort at Lahore. The
men of the native corps were then dismissed from parade, and
almost immediately left the station, without committing any
outrage, but dispersing in various directions about the country.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 377
It was at length found to be necessary that some plan should
be adopted to check the spirit of insubordination that had be
come apparent; in many districts of the Punjab ; and for this
purpose a council of war, composed of Major-general Reid,
Brigadiers Chamberlayne and Cotton, and Colonels Edwards and
Nicholson, was held at Peshawur on the 13th of May. After
due consideration of the state of the country, it was arranged, that
the troops scattered about the hills should be concentrated in
Jhelum, the central point of the Punjab. In. accordance with
this resolution, the 27th foot from the hills at Nowshera, the
the 24th foot (British regulars), from Rawul Pindee, one Euro
pean troop of horse-artillery from Peshawur, the guide corps
from Murdan, 16th irregular cavalry from Rawul Pindee, the
native Kumaon battalion from the same place, the 1st Punjab
infantry from Bunnoo, a wing of the 2d Punjab cavalry from
Kohat, and half a company of sappers from Attock, were
ordered to concentrate at Jhelum, from whence the Punjab
could be secured. These measures were taken just in time ;
for the 24th, 27th, and 51st native infantry, and 5th light
cavalry, were all disaffected, and gradually showed a spirit so
dangerous, that on the 29th of May the four regiments were
disarmed without offering resistance. A party was at the same
time sent, under Lieutenant-colonel Nicholson, to disarm the
55th native infantry, in garrison at Murdan, a fort in the centre
of the Peshawur valley. The corps resisted ; a fight ensued ;
and the sepoys lost about 200 men, killed and prisoners, the
remnant making good a retreat to the hills, where they were
pursued and scattered by Major Vaughan with his mountain
train.

CHAPTER XVI.
DISTURBANCES IN BOMBAY — THE PARSEES, OR FIRE- WORSHIPERS
AT BAROACH — THE RAJAHS OF GWALIOR, PUTTEEALA, JHIND,
AND BHURTPORE — THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES.

While the fires of rebellion were thus spreading over the
presidency of Bengal, that of Bombay was not at this period
entirely free from disquietude, although the cause of it did not
appear to be connected with any of the grievances that con
vulsed the sister presidency. In Bombay and several of the
principal towns bordering upon the Gulf of Cambay, large
numbers of a singular people, called Parsees (descended from
the Guebres, or Fire-worshipers of Persia), had located them
selves after their expulsion from that country by the Moham
medans. They are described, at the present time, as an active,
intelligent, and loyal body of men, contributing greatly to the
commercial prosperity of the settlement in which they are
resident. The mercantile property and wealth of Bombay are
principally in their hands, as it is usual for every European
house to have one or more Parsee partners, who supply a large
portion of the capital. In personal appearance they are taller,
(37^)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 379
better formed, more athletic, and, as a race, have handsomer
features than the Hindoos generally.
The outbreak we are about to describe occurred at Vaejul-
pore, the Parsee suburb of Baroach, on the morning of the 12th
of May, when, without any previous indication of bad feeling,
about half the Mussulman population of the place, and as many
more of the same faith as could be gathered from the neigh
boring villages, assembled with arms at a shrine called Bawa
Rahan, about a mile from the city ; and, after a brief consulta
tion, marched into the Parsee quarters, and immediately com
menced a ferocious and indiscriminate attack upon the defense
less inhabitants. They struck down and mutilated every
Parsee that came in their way, pulled down and plundered the
dwellings and warehouses belonging to them, and perpetrated
the most outrageously indecent attacks upon women. During
the tumult, one unfortunate individual in particular became an
object of their vengeance ; they chased him from house to
house as he sought refuge, and at length dragged him from his
last place of shelter, strangled, and then inflicted innumerable
wounds on him with all sorts, of weapons, even after he had
expired. They also murdered the high-priest of the Parsees
in the fire-temple, which, together with the Tower of Silence
(tomb adjacent), the fanatical Mohammedans desecrated in a
manner most offensive to the feelings of the Parsees. The
deputy-magistrate being one of that people, very narrowly
escaped being stoned and stabbed. As soon as the chief
magistrate and superintendent were informed of the tumult at
Vaejulpore, they repaired to the scene of disturbance, but were
insulted, and even roughly handled. . At length it was found
necessary to send for a detachment of sepoys, for the purpose
of restoring order ; but these also were rudely assailed, on their
arrival, by the infuriated populace ; and as they were not
allowed to fire in their own defense, the ravages of the mob
continued until a large amount of property had been destroyed,
and several valuable lives were sacrificed.
Returning to the progress of the sepoy mutiny, we may
observe, that the recently annexed kingdom of Oude (which,

380 BRITISH INDIA.
under the administration of Lord Dalhousie, had been reduced
to a political grade subordinate to the presidency of Bengal)
was at this time considered perfectly safe under the vigorous
supervision of Sir Henry Lawrence, notwithstanding an abortive
mutinous attempt of the 7th Oude irregular infantry on the
3d of May, which had been promptly met and effectually
crushed. The principal native chiefs were yet faithful ; and no
occasion had been given to doubt the sincerity of their alle
giance. Scindia, the Rajah of Gwalior was the first to tender
assistance to the government after the affair at Meerut, by
offering to the lieutenant-governor at Agra, through the
political agent, the services of the whole or any part of his
troops. This offer was partly accepted ; and the maharajah's
body-guard, composed of horse artillery and cavalry, together
with a detail of picked infantry, was immediately detached to
await the disposal of the lieutenant-governor; and but for a
serious indisposition at the time, the rajah would himself
have headed his troops on the service. The rajahs of Bhurt
pore, Jhind, and Putteeala, also promptly dispatched their
contingents to the aid of the English authorities.
Such instances of fidelity present honorable exceptions to
the general conduct of the native princes at the commencement
of disturbances that have since involved many of them in ruin.
Our attention must now be directed to events connected
with the city of Agra — capital of the Anglo-Indian province
of the same name, and seat of the lieutenant-governor of the
North- Western Provinces. This important station is situated
on the right bank of the river Jumna, in lat. 27° 12' N., and
long. 78° 6' E. Its distance from Delhi is 13"0 miles; and
from Calcutta about 839 miles.
On the 13th of May a general parade was held of the troops
in cantonment at Agra, when the lieutenant-governor of the
North-Western Provinces (Mr. Colvin) addressed them, as
suring them, if they had any cause of dissatisfaction, and
wished to leave the Company's service, they might say so, and
they should be allowed to depart peacefully. The men replied,
in a body, that they were satisfied and happy, and had no wish

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 381
to leave so good a service. The lieutenant-governor then
addressed the European troops, telling them to consider the
native soldiers as brothers, and to be as kind to them as pos
sible. These harangues were favorably listened to by the
whole of the force present, and both natives and Europeans
cheered the lieutenant-governor as he left the ground under the
usual salute.
The local authorities appear to have acted with judgment
and firmness at the crisis presented to them ; and the lieutenant-
governor of the North- Western Provinces proved equal to the
emergency by at once proclaiming martial law in the districts
of Meerut, Moozuffernugger, Boolundshuhur, and the Delhi
territory east of the river Jumna.
It might have been expected that the effect of this measure
would have been seen in the improved condition of the district ;
but such was not the case ; and after a very short period of
comparative quiet, abundant demonstration was afforded of the
fact, that the snake of revolt in that portion of British India
had been merely scotched — not killed.
Up to the middle of May, however, affairs had continued
tolerably satisfactory at Agra ; and the state of the surrounding
districts was such as afforded no extraordinary cause for
apprehension. The 9th regiment of native infantry, whose good conduct
had been favorably noticed at Etawah, had its head-quarters at
Allygurh, with detachments at Mynpoorie, Etawah, and Boo
lundshuhur. ¦ *• At the last-named place, an emissary of the
mutineers from Delhi had been detected while endeavoring to
tamper with the loyalty of the men ; some of whom, who were
yet untainted by a mutinous spirit, became indignant at his in
trusion, and repudiated the doctrine he was disseminating
among their comrades. Finding their remonstrances of no
avail, they at length seized the traitor, and conveyed him a
prisoner to the officer in charge of the detachment, who for
warded him to Allygurh, where he was tried by court-martial,
and, upon the evidence of the soldiers from Boolundshuhur,
was convicted, and sentenced to be hanged. The three men

382 BRITISH INDIA.
who, in the execution of their duty, had been thus instrumental
in arresting the career of a traitor, stood alone in their loyalty,
the remainder of the detachment having taken an opposite
view of their duty as soldiers ; and upon hearing the result of
the proceedings at Allygurh, the whole of them deserted their
post, and joined the head-quarters of the regiment, bitterly
upbraiding their comrades for the part they had taken against
a Brahmin sepoy. The morning of Thursday, the 21st of
May, was appointed for the execution of the rebel from Delhi,
and the regiment paraded in the usual manner for carrying the
sentence into effect in the presence of the Whole corps. The
proceeding had gone on without any appearance of disorder
on the part of the men, until the hangman had performed his
duty, and the body of the traitor hung suspended from the
gallows, when one of the Boolundshuhur sepoys rushed forward,
and declared aloud to his comrades, " that they had destroyed
a martyr to the cause of their religion, since the Company's
government had determined on sacrificing caste throughout
India 1" The men listened, awed into silence by the frightful
denunciations of the sepoy ; they then conversed together —
wavered, and finally broke from their ranks with frantic and
threatening shouts, declaring their intention to march at once
for Delhi, in the name of "Deen and the King." Some of the
better disposed men gathered round the European officers, and
assured them, that although they could not prevent the dis
persion of the regiment, they would protect them, and take
care no harm should befall them ; and they kept their promise ;
but the remainder of the regiment, after plundering and partly
burning the station, marched off for Delhi, taking with them
their comrades from Boolundshuhur and Etawah, which latter
place they also plundered.
On the evening of the 23d of May, intelligence of these
events reached the station of Mynpoorie, a town about fifty
miles south-west of Agra, where another detachment, consisting
of two companies of the 9th native infantry, had been posted,
and the men did not hesitate to follow in the steps of their mu
tinous comrades. Unlike them, however, their conduct was not

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.

383

marked by outrage ; and owing to the judicious behavior of an
officer with the detachment, Lieutenant De Kantzow, who tem
perately reasoned with them upon the folly of their conduct,
they were induced to leave the place without inflicting any in
jury, or offering any insult to the Europeans. The latter, on
the departure of the sepoys, formed a volunteer corps among
themselves, for the purpose of protecting the treasury and the
property of the inhabitants.

jcira bahadoosi, pbisce 07 nepaul.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE OUTBREAK AT NUSSEERABAD — DEATH OP COLONEL PENNY —
INFANTRY DISARMED AT AGRA — ANTICIPATED DISTURBANCES
AT BAREILLY — REVOLT OF THE NATIVE REGIMENTS, AND
FLIGHT OF THE OFFICERS.

Notwithstanding the favorable aspect of affairs, as under
stood and acted upon at this period in Calcutta, the poison of dis
affection was still operating with deadly effect and ceaseless activ
ity upon the native army, at the various stations throughout the
presidency ; and the unfortunate result was next manifest at the
cantonment of Nusseerabad, a town in the upper province, sit
uate about twelve miles to the south-east of Ajmeer. This can
tonment had been drained of infantry and guns for the Persian
war ; but the 1st Bombay lancers had remained ; and, shortly
after, the 15th Bengal native infantry from Meerut, the 30th
from Agra, and the 2d company of the 7th battalion Bengal
artillery, were added to supply the deficiency of troops at the
station. Matters proceeded quietly at this place until the after
noon of the 28th of May, when the horses of the Bombay troop,
with a portion of the men, had gone to water. As soon as
they were out of the cantonment, the light company of the 15th
native infantry, by a sudden and unexpected movement, took
(384)

the European period. 385
possession of the artillery, and, being joined by the remainder
of the regiment, turned the guns upon the lines occupied by the
cavalry. For some hours the 30th regiment and the artillery
men remained passive : they refused to act against the mutineers ;
but they took no part in their proceedings, and protected their
officers from insult. At length, as the evening advanced, the
whole of them yielded to persuasion, and threw themselves into
the movement commenced by the mutineers of the 15th regi
ment. The lancers, who numbered 250 men, finding the crisis
had arrived for deciding the mastery, unhesitatingly charged
the rebellious mass in the hope to recover the guns. Driven
back for a moment, they rallied, and again and again advanced
upon the bayonets of the mutineers ; and, though ultimately
repulsed by the overwhelming numbers of their opponents, cov
ered themselves with glory, and inflicted severe loss upon the
enemy. In this affair, Captain Spottiswoode and Cornet New
berry, of the lancers, were killed; and Captain Hardy and
Lieutenant F. Lock severely wounded. The officer command
ing the regiment, Colonel Penny, died the followingnight from
the effects of a fall from his horse during a charge. Further
attempt to regain the guns being useless, the lancers retired
from the cantonment, taking with them the European officers
and families belonging to the revolted regiments, whom they
safely escorted, first to Ajmeer, and, subsequently, to the camp
of Colonel Dixon at Beawur. The mutineers remained in pos
session of the station until midnight of the 28th, when, after
plundering the treasury, and firing some bungalows, they march
ed off in the direction of Delhi, with their arms and ammuni
tion. It appears they were not long in making their way to the
capital, although their passage was greatly impeded by the guns
they had carried off, and which they were finally compelled to
abandon in the deep sandy plains on their route. Captain Nix
on, who held Muttra on the Jumna, having received intelligence
of the mutiny and desertion, determined to intercept the rebel
force on its way to Delhi, with the Bhurtpore contingent under
his command. His troops advanced for three marches, and then
they also mutinied, forcing Captain Nixon and Captain Munbee
m

386 BRITISH INDIA.
to flee for their lives into Bhurtpore. An attempt to bring the
Malwa contingent against the mutinous sepoys on their way
from Nusseerabad was attended with similar results ; and the
two regiments, with the artillerymen belonging to the abandon
ed guns, were thus enabled to swell the ranks of the rebel army
at Delhi.
After the departure of the mutinous troops, on the night of
the 28th of May, Nusseerabad appears to have escaped further
annoyance. An attempt at insurrection at Agra, on the 30th of May,
was promptly put down, and two regiments, the 44th and 67th
of sepoy infantry, were disarmed and disbanded on the next day.
The disbanded troops went off and joined the rebels at Delhi.
Meantime some rumors of danger had prevailed at Bareilly.
On Sunday, May 31st, the day opened upon the cantonment at
Bareilly peacefully, and nothing seemed moving to disturb the
usual arrangements of the day. Divine service was performed
at the church, and there was a large and serious attendance of
worshipers. The native officers reported all quiet and satis
factory, and assured the colonel commanding that the men were
"never in better heart." The form of examining and closing
muster-rolls and pay accounts was carefully and deliberately
gone through ; leave-rolls were prepared and countersigned ;
and the whole routine of a Sunday in cantonment regularly ob
served ; and so cleverly was the mischief vailed, that not one
regimental officer had the slightest suspicion that it was so near
consummation. Precisely as the clock struck the hour of eleven, a gun was
fired, and a loud and long-continued yell from the lines broke
the repose of the Christian sabbath. The men rushed to the
bells of arms, and began to fire indiscriminately among the
officers' houses. Some of the well-disposed hastened to their
officers, and besought them to fly, and by no means to approach
the parade, where the mutineers were then assembling. Mean
while, others were running frantically in every direction, firing
at every thing and everybody that came in their way ; and before
several of the officers knew what had really occurred, their houses

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 387
were surrounded, and themselves had become targets for their
own men.
While these incidents were progressing, repeated discharges
of musketry and artillery announced to the inhabitants of Bareilly
that rebellion had arrived at their own thresholds. Soon after
the commencement of the outbreak, the gaol was attacked by
the mutinous soldiers and budmashes of the town, and nearly
3,000 prisoners, of all grades, were let loose upon society.
Many of these individuals began to plunder the shops, and
maltreated all who offered to resist them. Irritated at this, the
townspeople took up arms, and, after a little time, a regular
fight ensued between the Hindoos and the Mohammedans, in
which the latter were victorious, and at once took the command
of the place, under the leadership of Buktawur Khan, a subah
dar of artillery, who assumed the rank of general ; and, having
harangued the people on their duties to the government about
to be established, paraded the streets in a brigadier's carriage,
followed by a numerous, if not a brilliant staff. One of the na
tive judges in the Company's service, named Khan Bahadoor
Khan, a descendant from a Rohilla chief ( Hafiz Rehmut ), and
notorious for his abject servility to the Europeans generally, had
now the audacity to cause himself to be proclaimed King of
Rohilcund ; and inaugurated his reign by a series of cowardly
murders, perpetrated upon the unfortunate English residents who
had not succeeded in making their escape.
At Seetapore (a military station in the territory of the Gwa
lior rajah), awing of the 41st native infantry, the 9th and 10th
Oude irregular infantry, and the 2d regiment of Oude military
police, comprising altogether about 3,000 men, were in canton
ments ; and, up to the beginning of June, nothing had occurred
in the behavior of the troops to excite apprehension of their
loyalty, although, as it subsequently proved, a mischievous in
fluence had for some time been actively employed to seduce them
from their allegiance. During the morning of Tuesday, the 2d
of June, a sepoy orderly communicated to Lieutenant-colonel
Birch, of the 41st regiment, that the men were disaffected, and
that a mutinous outbreak was at hand ; but that they had re-

388 BRITISH INDIA.
solved not to injure their officers if the latter would leave the
cantonment and town quietly. By some extraordinary fatuity
this timely information was disregarded, and no preparations
were made in anticipation of the possible revolt, beyond order
ing the European officers attached to the native regiments to
remain with their respective companies. On the 3d, the out
break commenced by the men of the 41st regiment assembling
on parade with their arms and ammunition, and thence proceed
ing to the residenee of their colonel ; who, on refusing to de
liver over to them the treasure under his charge, they immedi
ately shot, with one of their three lieutenants and the sergeant-
major. The men of the 9th irregulars had not been idle spec
tators of the movement of their rebellious comrades, and they
also broke into open mutiny ; emulating the former in their
work of blood by shooting their commanding officer, doctor, and
sergeant-major. While these events were in progress, the 1 Oth
regiment was marched out to protect the civilians, having the
military police drawn up on the left of their position for the
same object. After a very brief interval of inaction, the men
of the police force suddenly mutinied, and commenced firing
upon the civiliaus who happened to be gazing at the unusual
military demonstration. For some minutes the 10th exhibited
a disposition to stand true to their duty and their colors ; but
upon the approach of the 9th and 41st regiments, they also left
their ranks and joined the mutinous host. The men of the 10th
did not, however, imitate the others in wreaking their vengeance
upon their officers ; one of whom, Lieutenant and Adjutant
Burnes, describing the events of the morning, says — " I was
standing in front of the centre of the left wing, exhorting the
men to be faithful to their salt, and to the colors they had so
lately and so sacredly sworn to defend. They listened with the
utmost respect, and evinced no signs whatever of disobedience
until the 41st and 9th came within eighty yards ; when the light
company broke their ranks, and seizing me, took me to the rear,
begging of me to run and save myself, as they wished me no
harm. Seeing my commanding officer and second in command
going away, I followed with a heavy heart, little caring what

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 389
became of me, and not taking much notice of the volleys the
troops were treating us to." — The disorder now became gen
eral ; a portion of the rebellious soldiery had already com
menced shooting the inhabitants and plundering the town,
while others had taken possession of the treasury, and were now
occupied in firing the bungalows and lines of the cantonments.
A few sepoys still, however, continued faithful, and earnestly be
sought the surviving officers to escape, and so avert the other
wise inevitable destruction of their families ; as, in the event of
their falling, the women and children would be without a chance
of protection. Finding it useless to contend with the circum
stances by which they were surrounded, it was at length deter
mined to follow the advice of the sepoys ; by whose assistance,
eventually, twelve of the officers, with six ladies and several
children, and some families of Europeans in the civil service
(numbering altogether about fifty persons), managed to quit
the place, under the protection of twenty soldiers, by whom the
party was safely conducted to Lucknow. Throughout the jour
ney of fifty miles they were compelled to avoid the public roads,
and to cross ravines and broken ground, that under other cir
cumstances would have been considered impossible for ordinary
travelers. Their flight was soon discovered, and a pursuit com
menced ; but by taking the unusual route selected by their pro
tectors, the fugitives were enabled to keep sufficiently in advance
of their pursuers to avoid personal harm, although upon one
occasion, in which they had halted for an hour, they were nearly
overtaken. The time occupied in this doubly hazardous flight
extended over two days and a night, during the whole of which
period they were without shelter, and but scantily provided with
food. The outbreak at Seetapore was consummated by a mas
sacre of about sixty of the European and Christian inhabitants
of the town, and the partial destruction of the place itself. The
cantonments were utterly destroyed by fire ; and the Europeans
who had saved themselves by timely flight, escaped with only
the clothing they had upon them at the moment of their de
parture. Cotemporaneous with the events at Seetapore, the military
33*

390 BRITISH INDIA.
stations at Hansi and Hissar, situated about eighty-seven miles
to the north-west of Delhi, were also the scenes of military re
volt and unprovoked massacre. The troops at these adjacent
stations consisted of a battalion of the Harreana light infantry,
and the 4th regiment of irregular cavalry, who appear to have
been excited to mutiny by some troopers that arrived at Hissar
from Delhi ; and, after a short parley, succeeded in persuading
the men to rise and destroy " all the young and old of English
parentage." The determination, once formed, was promptly
carried into execution ; and, of the whole European population
at the station, only twenty-three grown persons, and twelve chil
dren, escaped a violent death at the hands of their ferocious
assailants. Following the course of events as closely as possible in chro
nological order, we now come to the outbreak by the 17th na
tive infantry at Azimgurh, the capital of a district in the province
of Allahabad, about fifty-six miles north-east of Benares. The
circumstances under which this mutiny and revolt were devel
oped, appear to have been as follow : — On the morning of
Wednesday, the 3d of June, an escort party of fifty troopers of
the 13th irregular cavalry arrived at the station with treasure,
amounting to seven and a half lacs, from Goruckpore, en route
to Benares, at which place the presence of the queen's 10th
regiment was considered a necessary guarantee for its safety.
The agitation that had prevailed in the adjacent districts had
induced the authorities at Azimgurh to adopt some precaution
ary measures in respect to the defenses of the place, and they
were at this time occupied in throwing up a breastwork round
the Cutcherry and public offices, in case it should be necessary
for the safety of the European families to seek protection from
the probable effects of a popular tumult, which would inevitably
follow any mutinous demonstration on the part of the native
soldiers : the necessary operations for strengthening the position
had, therefore, been commenced, but were not yet completed.
After the usual halt of a few hours, the escort with the treasure
resumed the march for Benares about six in the evening, at
which time nothing unusual was observed in the conduct of the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 391
men of the 17th regiment, who were then in the cantonments.
The place wore its accustomed aspect until about nine o'clock,
when extraordinary agitation was apparent in the native lines,
followed by violent shouts and firing of musketry. It was then
ascertained that the troops had broken out into open mutiny ;
and having forcibly possessed themselves of their weapons, they
had commenced a murderous attack upon some of their non
commissioned officers, two of whom, the havildar-major and
quartermaster-sergeant, were sacrificed to their fury. The offi
cer on guard at the Cutcherry, hearing the tumult, and having,
as he believed, a body of trusty men on duty, ordered them to
fall in, and at the same time directed the golundauzes to get
ready the guns for service. The men at once, and unanimously,
refused to obey orders, and told the officer they would neither
themselves fire, or allow others to fire upon their comrades, if
the latter came toward them. At the same time they declared
it was not their intention to injure the officers or their ladie3,
unless provoked to do so by useless opposition ; and that they
were all at liberty to leave the place if they chose to do so.
They further stated that they required the guns for the pursuit
of the treasure, which had already got more than three hours'
start, and which they intended to secure for themselves. Re
monstrance was of course unavailing under the circumstances ;
and as the mutineers had already begun to fire the bungalows
and plunder the unfortunate inhabitants, further stay in the town
was merely kiviting peril that could be avoided ; and, conse
quently, the officers and their families, with several European
residents belonging to the civil service (numbering altogether
nearly one hundred persons, including children), sought safety
in flight. During the hasty preparations for this exodus, some
men of the 17th regiment took Major Burroughes, their com
manding officer, under their protection, and escorted him a con
siderable distance on the road to Ghazepore, treating him on
the way with their accustomed respect, and at length leaving
him in a position that ensured his safety. Another party of the
mutineers, with two guns, started off in pursuit of the treasure,
with which they came up ; and after a feeble show of resistance

392 BRITISH INDIA.
on the part of the troopers having charge of it, the whole party
joined and retraced their way to Azimgurh.
During their absence the work of destruction had been rapidly
progressing. The sepoys left behind had occupied themselves
by plundering the treasury and firing the bungalows of the offi
cers in cantonment ; but upon the arrival of the villagers and
budmashes of the adjoining district, the whole town was given
up to pillage, and every inhabitant suspected of favonng the
Europeans was subjected to brutal violence. The kotwal of the
police was one of the earliest to fall beneath the blows of the
excited rabble, who fired the houses, and wantonly destroyed
the furniture that was useless to themselves. The prison was
opened, and 800 offenders of various degrees of crime were let
loose to swell the ranks of the plunderers, who, when there was
no longer private property to "loot," destroyed the public gar
dens and baths, and effectually dismantled the whole place. The
orgies of the night and following day were brought to an end
amidst a scene of utter and hopeless desolation.
At Neemuch — a cantonment 155 miles north-west of Mhow,
and situated between Malwa and Newar, on the frontier of Raj-
pootana — the hydra of revolt raised one of its fearful heads al
so on the 3d of June, under circumstances of extraordinary in
terest. The station had been for some time denuded of its
proper garrison of Bombay troops, whose place had been sup
plied by the 7 2d Bengal native infantry, the 4th troop, 1st
battalion horse artillery from Agra, and a wing of the Bengal
light cavalry from Mhow. The elements of mischief were
therefore concentrated in dangerous abundance ; and the effect
of the arrangement may be traced in the following details.
The massacres at Meerut and at Delhi were known at Nee
much very soon after their occurrence ; and with the natural reli
ance upon the resources and energies of the government, the
inhabitants of that place were looking anxiously for the news that
should announce the restoration of the Monghol capital to its
British rulers. Day by day, the excitement produced by unsat
isfied expectation and feverish anxiety grew more oppressive ;
yet the desired intelligence came not. During the feast of the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 393
Eed, the Mussulmans congregated in formidable numbers, and
the whole week passed in disquietude, the people of the bazaars
leaving the town in shoals, and every species of carriage being
engaged in conveying the timid inhabitants to the shelter of the
adjoining villages, for safety from some anticipated yet unde
fined danger. All sorts of reports were in circulation ; and
the panic was complete, notwithstanding the efforts of Brigadier
Abbott and Captain Lloyd, in command of the troops, to re
store confidence. An unusual and offensive demeanor by the
sepoys, whose manners had suddenly changed from a respect
bordering upon servility, to that of bold, saucy indifference, too
plainly showed that the cords of discipline had become relaxed,
and that the influence of the officers over their men had been
dangerously shaken. Thus matters had continued for some days,
when at length the expected crisis was precipitated by some
mischievous fellows declaring aloud in the bazaar, that the Ghore
log — i. e., European soldiers — were coming to attack them.
The report- occasioned a rush of people into the cantonments ;
and the sepoys, in wild excitement, tore open" the bells of arms,
and took possession of their weapons and ammunition. Colonel
Abbott repaired as quickly as possible to the lines of the 72d
(his own regiment), hoping by his presence, and the influence
he then possessed over his men, to avert the impending catas
trophe. Fortunately he reached the lines before a shot had
been fired, and for the moment succeeded in calming the excite
ment of the troops. At this moment, some sepoys of the 7 th
regiment of the Gwalior contingent, then stationed in the fort,
manned the ramparts, and the sowars of the light cavalry pre
pared to mount at the command of a leader they had themselves
chosen. The terror of the natives in the bazaar had now become
excessive ; and a report that a mutinous outbreak would occur
at midnight, did not serve to allay it. On the night of the 30th
of May, it was arranged by Colonel Abbott, that the officers
of each corps should occupy tents in their respective lines among
the men, himself saying to the 7 2d — "You are so foolish and
childlike in believing every absurd report, that I must treat you
as my children, and come and live among you." This precau-

394 BRITISH INDIA.
tion probably restrained the troops from breaking out that night,
as the several corps had no time or opportunity to effect a use
ful combination for their purposes under the eyes of their offi
cers ; while the gallant conduct of the colonel, in unreservedly
placing himself in the hands of his men, had for the moment a
beneficial effect upon their temper. Some ofthe native officers
entreated of him to have a sentry over his tent ; but in the gen
erous confidence of his brave heart, he answared, " I want none !
I am among my own men, and I have already a thousand guards.
I don't doubt a single man." This reliance upon their fidelity
visibly affected the men ; but evil influences were at work among
them, and their better feelings speedily vanished. On Sunday
morning, the 31st of May, service was performed as usual in
the little church of the garrison ; and there were many who
offered up prayers for safety, with a presentiment that it would
be the last time the congregation there assembled would meet
together in an earthly temple. The day passed gloomily ; a
heavy feeling seemed to oppress every heart, and to check every
effort that would divert the mind from a thought of impending
danger. Shortly before midnight the dak arrived, and letters
announced the outbreak at Nusseerabad and other places. On
Monday, June 1st, the excitement continued ; the bazaar was
almost deserted, and deathlike stillness cast a chill upon the
senses. Towards night the golundauzes, on the pretext that the
other troops were about to attack them, tumultuously demanded
to have the wagons stored with ammunition ; but Lieutenant
Walker, their commander, succeeded in prevailing upon them
to refrain from their purpose until he had reported their desire
to Colonel Abbott ; who, as a last resource, assembled the na
tive officers and harangued them ; and, after a long conference,
the pundits were called in, and a solemn swearing by the officers,
to exert their best influence with the men, took place ; the colo
nel likewise solemnly affirming that the government had no
intention to force the cartridges upon, or to interfere with, the
religious prejudices of any sepoy. It should be observed, that
the objectionable cartridges had never been issued to the troops
at Neemuch ; so that, in fact, no real grievance could have been

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 395
felt upon that score. Tuesday passed over without additional
cause for uneasiness ; and a few people returned to their usual
occupation in the bazaar, and remained until the evening of the
following day, when a panic again seized them, and they fled
from the gathering storm. Three companies of the 7th infantry
(Gwalior contingent) were at this time quartered in the fort,
under the command of Captain Macdonald ; the remaining five
companies being stationed in a vacant hospital, about a quarter
of a mile distant. The whole of Wednesday had passed quietly
until towards nightfall, when the bazaar people again began
to exhibit alarm and desert the place ; no movement was, how
ever, observed among the troops, and it was hoped that the ap
prehensions of the people were groundless. Matters continued
thus until shortly after eleven o'clock, when the quiet of the
night was disturbed by the report of a gun from the artillery
lines — speedily followed by a second. This had been evidently
a preconcerted signal for the commencement of the outbreak,
and in an incredibly short time the bungalows were in flames in
every direction. Lieutenant Gordon, who was with the left wing
of the 7th Gwalior regiment at the hospital, on hearing the guns,
immediately turned out his men, and, with Lieutenant Rose,
marched with them to join the companies in the fort. On the
way, the latter officer had a narrow escape from the shot of one
of the sepoys aimed at him, but fortunately incorrectly. Upon
the arrival of the party at the fort, the whole of the men were
placed along the ramparts, and ammunition having been served
out to them, they were commanded to load, and obeyed orders
with apparent cheerfulness, loudly and unanimously swearing
to defend the place with their lives. This had scarcely been
effected, when the 72d native infantry, with the Bengal cavalry
and artillery, in a state of tumultuous disorder, approached the
fort from the cantonments, passing in their way the residence of
the political agent, about 300 yards distant, when two more guns
were fired — the signal, apparently, for the Gwalior troops to
commence operations, which they immediately obeyed. Ensign
Davenport, the officer in charge of the gate, was overpowered ;
and, in defiance of his orders, the gate was opened, and himself

396

BRITISH INDIA.

and the other European officers were desired to leave the place.
Remonstrance was useless ; and upon the ensign hesitating to
leave without the colors of the regiment, he was informed, that
if himself and his companions were not immediately off, they
would be murdered by the sowars, who were then almost within
view of the gate. These officers, fortunately, availed themselves
of the opportunity, and escaped. Not so, however many of the
European residents, who fell a sacrifice to the savage fury of the
mutinous soldiers, who, having joined at once, proceeded to lib
erate the prisoners confined in the gaol, and then commenced
firing and pillaging the town, and murdering the obnoxious Eu
ropeans, without regard to sex or age. Fires were raging in all
directions, and the streets were strewn with valuable furniture, \
glass, books, musical instruments, and whatever else could be
found belonging to the European or Christian inhabitants of the
place, who were themselves shot down, or hacked to pieces
without mercy. Throughout the whole station only one bunga
low was left standing ; and the rebellious sepoys having sated
themselves with the destruction of the place, quitted the scene
of havoc, and proceeded to join their faithless comrades at
Delhi.

(S5*|p|g|lw8s|&sSiS:

(398)

CHAPTER XVIII.

OUTBREAK AT BENARES SUPPRESSED BY COLONEL NEILL.-
TINY AT JUANP0RE AND SULTANPORE.

-MU-

The result of the outbreak at Azimgurh had the effect of
scattering a portion of the mutinous soldiers from that station
in the direction of Benares ; and, then, for the first time, ap
prehensions began to be entertained as to the fidelity of the
37th regiment.
It happened opportunely that on Wednesday, the 3d in
stant, Colonel Neill, of the 1st Madras fusiliers, had arrived at
Benares with a detachment of his regiment, accompanied by
twenty gunners with three nine-pounders. The garrison, thus
reinforced, consisted of 150 men of the queen's 10th regiment,
the 37th native infantry, a Sikh regiment, commanded by
Colonel Gordon ; about seventy men of the 13th irregular cav
alry, under Captain Guise ; a battery of nine-pounders, with
thirty gunners, and Colonel Neill's fusiliers.
Upon the unsatisfactory state of the 37th regiment being re
ported to Colonel Neill, he resolved upon disarming it without
further delay, in opposition to the plan of Brigadier Ponsonby,
(399)

400 BRITISH INDIA.
who desired to postpone the operation until the following
morning. The colonel was, however, inflexible; and ulti
mately a parade of the European force, with the Madras fusil
iers, was ordered at five o'clock in the evening of the 4th ; the
37th regiment being required to appear on the ground without
arms. Simultaneously with the promulgation of this order,
the bells of arms were secured ; and this operation being ob
served by the disaffected men, added greatly to the excitement
already prevailing among them.
At five o'clock the troops were paraded. A few men of the
37th had obeyed the order to appear without arms ; others re
fused to do so, and some confusion necessarily arose from the
insubordination that prevailed on the ground. Meanwhile the
greater part of the regiment which had not turned out, gath
ered round the bells of arms ; and as soon as they became aware
of the object for which the European force was paraded, they
burst open the doors and seized their weapons, with which they
now repaired to the parade and joined their comrades, who had
remained standing in groups, without making any other offen
sive demonstration. With a view of intimidating the dis
affected men, the whole of the troops, including the Sikhs and
irregulars, had been drawn up in front of the position left va
cant for the 37th regiment, with three guns ready shotted and
prepared for instant service. In the arrangement of the forces,
the Europeans were stationed within musket-range, the Sikhs
and irregulars being at the extreme verge of the ground.
On noticing these preparations, the men of the 37th found
the time for action had arrived, and they immediately opened
fire upon their officers and the European troops, at the same
time retiring toward their lines. For a time the Sikh regi
ment remained passive spectators of the outrage ; but upon
their colonel giving the order to load with ball, an ominous
change came over the men. At the same moment, the irregu
lar cavalry advanced, but presently broke into confusion. The
Sikhs now joined the 37th in firing upon the Europeans;
several officers were wounded, and two men of the 10th regi
ment killed. The guns immediately poured a shower of grape

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.. 401
5nto the ranks of the mutineers ; and after a faint attempt at
resistance, the 37th broke away from their position, followed by
the greater portion of the irregular cavalry, and sought safety
behind the huts of the cantonments. At the commencement,
Captain Guise, of the irregulars, was shot at by a rebel sepoy
of the 37th regiment, whom he pursued ; and his horse failing,
the assassin had time to 'reload and fire before the unfortunate
officer could extricate himself The second shot was aimed
with precision, and Captain Guise fell to the ground a corpse.
Several of the mutineers halted in their flight to look upon their
murdered leader ; but no indignities were offered to his re
mains. The sepoys still kept up a smart fire upon the little
body of Europeans, who, as they advanced to dislodge them
from the huts, labored under the disadvantage of having to
deal with an enemy effectually sheltered. The European
officers of the 37th regiment took post with the 10th, and
were exposed to a smart fire from their own men, which con
tinued for some twenty minutes, when, as the British soldiers
began to drop rather fast, the order was given to charge the
huts. The operation was speedily performed ; and the muti
neers having been driven from their shelter, the whole of the
buildings were set fire to and destroyed. While these matters
were in progress, the irregular cavalry and Sikhs became be
wildered, and began fighting at random. Three times the
latter charged the guns, and were repulsed with considerable
loss ; above one hundred of the mutineers were killed upon the
ground, and more than twice that number lay wounded. The
lives of the civilians and of the officers' families in cantonments,
were saved through the instrumentality of a Sikh prisoner,
Soorut Sing, who prevailed upon the Sikhs of the treasury
guard to remain tranquil, after they were informed of the con
duct of their comrades on the parade. At a late hour in the
evening, the ladies were conveyed to the Mint, a fortified house
between the city and the cantonments, where they could be
effectually protected. The transit was not, however, unaccom
panied by danger, the party being repeatedly fired at on the
way by straggling parties of the irregulars, some of whom
34*

402 BRITISH INDIA.
managed to send three balls through the turban of a native
coachman, while conveying ladies to the rendezvous ; fortu
nately, both the driver and his charge escaped unhurt.
Upon the restoration of order, a handsome subscription was
raised among the European families, for the purpose of pre
senting Soorut Sing with a splendid case of firearms, in ac
knowledgment of his generous and timely protection.
Disheartened by the severe punishment they met with at
Benares, the mutineers of the 37th regiment hastened toward
Juanpore, a town situated about forty miles north-west of the
former city, and formerly the capital of an independent state.
Upon receiving intelligence of their approach, the European
residents assembled at the Cutcherry, or office of the collector,
and proceeded to make preparations for their safety and de
fense. On appealing to the soldiers upon guard at the collec-
torate, the latter, formed of a company of Sikhs, were loud in
their protestations of loyalty, and swore to defend the Sahib
loge (English gentlemen) to the last drop of their blood. A
few seconds proved the utyer worthlessness of their oaths ; for
as the Europeans turned from them to enter the building, one
of the men took deliberate aim at Lieutenant Mard, command
ing the guard, and shot him in the back 1 The unfortunate
officer fell into the arms of a gentleman near him, who suc
ceeded in carrying him into one of the apartments, and laid
him upon the floor writhing with agony. Satisfied for the mo
ment with this their first act of perfidy, the traitors fired a
volley over the heads of the terrified dependants on their mercy,
and then, without further violence, went off to plunder the
treasury, that they might share its contents among themselves
before the arrival of the mutineers from Benares. On their
way to the treasury, the rebel band passed the gaol, where
they met the civil magistrate, a Mr. Cuppage, who attempted
to remonstrate with them upon the folly of their proceedings,
not being aware of the murder they had so recently perpetrated.
Impatient at his interference, the excitement of the mutineers
was at once directed against the magistrate, whom they shot
while yet speaking to them ; and, leaving the corpse to the

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 405
mercy of the budmashes and rabble of the town, hastened to
accomplish the work of plunder. Meanwhile, the Europeans
at the Cutcherry, relieved of their presence, availed themselves
of the opportunity to escape ; and, risking the uncertain perils
of the road rather than the certain destruction that awaited
them on the return of the mutineers, fled, in such conveyances
as they could procure at the moment, to Zjufferabad, on the
Ganges, in the direction of Benares, where they sought refuge
and conveyance by the native boats.
Resuming the continuous thread of events associated with
the revolt in the northwest division of the presidency of Ben
gal, we arrive at Sultanpore, a town of minor importance in
the Oude territory, situate about thirty-four miles south of the
ancient city of Ayoda, or Oudee. At this place, the troops,
consisting of a portion of the 13th Bengal irregular cavalry
and native police, had mutinied early in the morning of Tues
day, the 9th of June, and their first act of blood was the mur
der of Colonel Fisher and Captain Gibbings, of the 15th ir
regular cavalry, the first of whom was shot by some of the
native police while out walking, unconscious of the danger that
surrounded him. Messrs. Block and Strogan, of the civil ser
vice, were also killed by the mutineers shortly after the com
mencement of the revolt ; but the rest of the European resi
dents, amounting to forty-five men, women, and children, were
enabled to effect their escape to Bela, a town about forty-five
miles W. N. W. of Cawnpore,' where a troop of the 3d irregu
lar cavalry, under Lieutenant Grant, had proceeded some days
previous from Sultanpore, for the purpose of collecting revenue.
From this station they were, after some difficulty, forwarded to
Allahabad, which they at length reached in safety, but with
the loss of every thing they possessed of value, of which they
were mercilessly deprived by marauding parties whom they
met with on their route.
At Allahabad some uneasiness had been felt ; but the sepoys
professed great loyalty, and desired to assist in the siege of
Delhi. They were then meditating a revolt. At half-past
nine in the evening of the 5th of June, while the officers were

406 BRITISH INDIA.
yet assembled in the mess-room, a bugler of the 6th regiment
sounded the assembly. The officers, imagining some disturb
ance had taken place in the bazaar or the neighborhood, rushed
out of the house, and the foremost of them was instantly shot
down. One or two of the others contrived to escape to the
fort ; but five officers of the 6th regiment, and several young
ensigns doing duty with that corps, were inhumanly mas
sacred. The moment the bugle sounded, the sepoys, who were
already prepared, seized the remaining guns, and fired at the
artillery officer who attempted to resist them. In the mean
while, the signal had been understood by the sepoys at the
bridge, and the officers with them were hustled and insulted.
Several shots glanced by or passed over them ; but they were
finally permitted to escape from the mutineers. Lieutenant
Alexander, on hearing the tumult, immediately proceeded iu .
the direction of it, to ascertain the cause ; but as he galloped
along, at the head of a few of his troopers, a sepoy sprang
from some hiding-place, and shot him through the heart. His
death was sudden ; and it was merciful when compared with
the barbarities practiced upon the persons of several of his
gallant but unfortunate brother-officers. Captain Harwood,
of the artillery, finding it useless to contend alone with a host
of infuriated mutineers, took opportunity to escape in the con
fusion, and reached the fort in time to put the inmates upon
their guard. The first step taken by the officer in command
was to disarm the men of the 6th regiment, who had charge of
the principal gate ; and their muskets were feund ready capped
and loaded, in readiness for the first summons from the canton
ments. These men were then turned out of the fort, as it was
impossible to feel secure with them at large, and there were
not sufficient Europeans that could be spared to guard them if
retained in the fort. They lost no time in joining their com
rades ; and having liberated about 3,000 prisoners from con
finement in the gaol, the whole body distributed itself through
the town and cantonments, and the work of plunder and de
struction commenced in every direction. Captain Birch, the
fort adjutant, and Lieutenant Innes, executive engineer, who

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 407
were, as already mentioned, outside the fort at the time, were
both shot down. An officer of the 6th was pinned to the
ground with bayonets, and, while yet alive, a fire was kindled
on his body. Three others escaped to the fort by swimming
across the Ganges, and succeeded in obtaining refuge before
their pursuers came up with them. Several of the Europeans
who had a few days previously taken refuge in the fort, hap
pened, at the moment of the outbreak, to be outside, on ac
count of the excessive heat and overcrowding of the place, and
their reliance upon the friendly assurances of the sepoys on
guard ; and they were slaughtered without mercy by some of
the very men who had encouraged them to rely upon their
good feeling and that of their comrades. Of these poor crea
tures, several were barbarously tortured before death released
them from the fiendish malignity of their unprovoked tor
mentors. One family, consisting of three generations, was
burned alive ; and not a single individual, old or young — the
hoary grandsire, or the prattling babe in its mother's arms —
was permitted to escape. Some of the defenseless creatures
were cut to pieces by slow degrees, and with a refinement of
cruelty that might have been envied by the grand inquisitor of
the Indies in the palmiest days of Portuguese dominion
in that country ; the nose, ears, lips, fingers, and toes of both
men and women, were slowly and deliberately chopped off, and
then the limbs and bodies were hacked, until the loss of blood
prevented the sufferers from affording further sport to the
butchers by their. convulsive agonies, and piteous but unavail
ing appeals for mercy. Infants were actually torn from their
mothers' arms, and their little limbs chopped off with tulwars
yet reeking with their fathers' blood; while the shrieking
mother was forcibly compelled to hear the cries of her tortured
child, and to behold, through scalding tears of agony, the
death-writhings of the slaughtered innocent. More than fifty
Europeans perished in the first outburst of this demoniac fury ;
and to many of the females, a merciless death was even the
least of the cruelties they were subjected to by the gallant

408 BRITISH INDIA.
sepoys of the 6th regiment, recently complimented by the
Government for their professions of loyalty and devotion.
In this outbreak at Allahabad, the miscreants did not-con-
fine their outrages altogether to the European community.
As soon as they had obtained possession of the guns outside
the fort, they commenced firing into the town at random. The
houses of several of the wealthy natives were broken into and
plundered, and afterward set fire to ; the banking-houses were
ransacked, and shops were emptied of their stores ; while in
the bungalows occupied by the European residents, the de
struction was wanton and universal. Furniture was broken
into fragments, glass and crockery utterly smashed, wearing
apparel hacked and Cut to pieces, and even the canvas of the
punkahs cut into shreds, to mark their uncontrollable hatred
of the people who had lived among them as friends, and whose
" salt" they were eating up to the hour of their treason being
consummated by rapine and murder.
On the 9th of June, Colonel Neill marched with a strong
force, chiefly assembled on the road from Benares, and con
sisting of regulars and Sikhs, and speedily drove the mutineers
from Allahabad, and re-established tranquillity in that place.
When the insurrection broke forth at Delhi, Allahabad, like
that city, was without a single European soldier within its gar
rison, if we except the few officers attached to the native regi
ments. It possessed a valuable arsenal, and a fort, situated in
a position of the greatest possible military value and importance.
It is true, when the revolt had broken out, efforts were made in
Calcutta'to forward troops without delay, to meet the pressing
exigencies of Benares, Allahabad, and Cawnpore ; but, as the
first reinforcements of Europeans arrived at the former place,
they were sent forward by the commissioner to supply the sup
posed yet greater need of Cawnpore ; and at length about 300
European troops arrived there. Allahabad, supposed to be yet
strong in the ostentatiously paraded loyalty of the 6th native
regiment, had also for its protection about 400 men of a Sikh
regiment from Ferozepore, and some irregular cavalry from
Oude. Of the hollow ground upon which its safety rested, we

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 40i)
have ample proof in the detestable treachery of the 6th, and the
unfaithfulness of the sowars. But for the opportune arrival of
Colonel Neill, and the promptitude and determination of Lieu
tenant Brasyer of the Sikh regiment, there is little doubt but
the garrison and residents in the fort would have been sacrificed
to the insane vengeance of the mutinous sepoys. By the energy
of this subaltern officer, the volunteers in the fort were assem
bled, armed with rifles and revolvers. The order was given to
the men to pile arms ; the sepoys hesitated ; two guns which
were in readiness were pointed at them, and then, at the most
critical moment, the Sikhs, distracted and excited by the firing
outside the fort, faltered, and their ranks wavered 1 But Bras
yer stood firm ; the order to fire was upon his lips, when provi
dentially, two or three of the sepoys threw down their arms,
and the Sikhs, instantly recovering themselves, began at once to
disarm and strip the remainder of the guard. The crisis oc
cupied but a few minutes ; but at that crisis Allahabad was
saved 1
Had ill success befallen Lieutenant Brasyer at this eventful
moment, the result to government would have been most calami
tous. The fort at Allahabad, in the hands of the 6th regiment,
would have become the rendezvous and stronghold of all the
revolted troops in that part of India, and its subjugation would
have been the necessary, but very difficult and hazardous, pre
liminary to any further operations in the Doab. Its preservation
was, in fact, a most important and providential triumph for the
British arms ; and, at the time, tended more than any thing else
to diffuse alarm, and a sense of insecurity, among the disaffected
populations of the surrounding districts; while it also formed
the basis on which to construct further measures for the pro
gressive restoration of European ascendancy throughout India.
35

CHAPTER XIX.
THE JHANSIE MUTINY — SEIZURE OF THE STAR FORT BY THE 12TH
NATIVE INFANTRY — APPEAL TO THE LOYALTY OF THE REGI
MENT — PROTESTATIONS OF FIDELITY AND ATTACHMENT — MUR
DER OP CAPTAIN DUNLOP — THE EUROPEANS RETIRE TO THE
TOWN FORT— DEATH OF CAPTAIN GORDON — THE FORT SURROUND
ED BY MUTINEERS — UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS TO ESCAPE — ¦
OFFERS OF PROTECTION ON SURRENDER, — THE EUROPEANS LEAVE
THE FORT AND ARE MASSACRED.

Following a chronological succession of the mutinous out
breaks it is the object of these pages to record, attention must
now be directed to circumstances connected with the mutiny
and massacre consummated at Jhansie, a town and military sta
tion of Bundlecund, in Central India, situate about 129 miles
south-west of the city of Agra. The atrocities wantonly per
petrated at this place have scarcely been exceeded in heartless
brutality by the crimes of the rebellious soldiers in other local
ities ravaged by their indiscriminating vengeance.
Of the outbreak at Jhansie, the details available for history
are more copious than might have been expected, under the
circumstances of a blow so complete and unsparing as that
(410)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 411
which, on the 8th of June, 1857, crimsoned the annals of the
town with the blood of helpless and unoffending women and
children. For some time prior to the outbreak, the left wing of the 12th
regiment of native infantry, and that of the 14th irregular cav
alry, had been stationed at Jhansie, where there were two forts —
one in the town itself; the other, called the " Star Fort," being .
in the cantonments. Some unpleasant indications of the exist
ence of a bad feeling among the native troops had, in the latter
part of May, awakened suspicion that their fidelity could not be
depended on ; and Captain Dunlop, in command at the station,
transmitted to Major Kirke, then with the head-quarters of the
regiment at Nowgong, some letters that had come to the hands
of Major Skene, superintendent of the district, and Captain
Gordon, deputy-commissioner of Jhansie ; in which it was alleged
that a Brahmin, named Lacknum Rao, in the service of the ranee
of Jhansie, was using strenuous efforts to induce the men of the
12th regiment to mutiny and destroy their officers ; and that
although the fact was suspected, it was not at that time certain
that the emissary of revolt was acting under the orders of the
ranee. Other letters, from the same source of information, in
formed Captain Dunlop that spies from the revolted regiments,
and from the known leaders of the movement, found no diffi
culty in entering his lines and tampering with the men. Up to
this time, no apparent cause existed for doubting the fidelity of
the troopers of the 14th cavalry, and the danger consequently
seemed but of limited extent, and not too difficult to be success
fully grappled with. As a measure of precaution, however,
arrangements were quietly made for the removal of the Euro
pean families from their bungalows, &c, to the town fort, where
the officers now took up their night quarters, spending the day
at the cantonments as usual, to avoid exciting suspicion that an
emeute was anticipated.
The surveyor of the revenue of the district, Captain Burgess,
with the whole of his official establishment, had their tents
pitched within the fort, and everything was prepared for the
permanent accommodation of the European and half-caste resi
dents, when it should be necessary for them to seek the asylum.

412 BRITISH INDIA.
Nothing to indicate an immediate movement occurred until
the morning of Thursday the 4th of June, when the men of the
7th company of the 12th regiment, headed by one of their
havildhars, suddenly marched into the " Star Fort," and took
possession of it, with the treasure, ammunition, and stores de
posited there. Upon this decided act of open mutiny being
reported to Captain Dunlop, he immediately dispatched the
' following communication to Colonel Kirke, dated " Jhansie,
June 4th, 1857, 4 p. m." :—
" Sir — The artillery and infantry have broken into mutiny,
and have entered the ' Star Fort. ' No one has been hurt as
yet. Look out for stragglers. Yours, &c, J. Dunlop."
On the departure of his messenger, Captain Dunlop paraded
those companies of the regiment that had not joined in the mu
tinous demonstration, and the men of the irregular cavalry, and
called upon them to preserve the honor of their respective corps
by their fidelity and obedience. The troops eagerly and loudly
responded to this appeal, by declaring they would do so, and
would stand by their colors and their officers to the last man.
Reassured by these protestations of loyalty and attachment,
Captain Dunlop remained in the lines during that and the fol
lowing day, and nothing occurred to awaken his suspicions of
impending mischief.
During the evening of the 4th of June, the whole of the Eu
ropean families at the station were removed to the fort, and be
gan to prepare in earnest for the defense of the position. The
whole number of Europeans in the town fort on the night of the
4th of June was fifty-five, including the ladies and children ;
some of the half-castes having previously ventured to leave
the place, but without the good fortune to ensure safety by so
doing. As yet no blood had stained the hands of the mutineers at
Jhansie ; but about noon of Saturday, the 6th of June, as Cap
tain Dunlop and Ensign Taylor were walking together across

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 413
the parade-ground of the 12th, on their return from the post-
office, some men of the 12th, without any warning, raised their
muskets and deliberately shot down the two officers. Lieuten
ant Campbell, of the 14th, who was on horseback near the spot
where they fell, instantly rode off in the direction of the town
fort, whither he was pursued by some of his own troopers, and
thrice wounded before he gained shelter. Lieutenant Turnbull.
the assistant-surveyor of revenue, hastened from the lines ; but
being on foot and unable to reach the fort, he climbed a tree for
concealment from the men who were following him. Unfor
tunately, he was seen in the act by some persons, who directed
his pursuers to the spot, and the latter, on their arrival, shot him
down, and he fell a corpse at their feet, riddled with bullets. A
native servant to one of the officers, who remained in the fort
until the 8th, afterward stated that the inmates could see,
through their glasses, the men killing Captain Dunlop and En
sign Taylor ; and it was not until that occurrence that the gates
wers closed and barricaded with large stones. The people in
the fort also observed the approach of Lieutenant Campbell,
with the sowars in close pursuit ; and, with their well-aimed
rifles, secured his safety for a time by bringing down some of the
sowars as they came within range.
The fort being now, it was thought, effectually secured from
attack, the little garrison calmly awaited the arrival of hoped-
for succor, and occupied the interval in getting provisions from
the town, hoisting the supplies, by ropes, through an embrasure
in the parapet — occasionally varying their occupation by shoot
ing such of the mutinous soldiers as ventured within range ; and,
by cautious practice from the loopholes and embrasures of the
fort, they managed to make some havoc among their assailants ;
the only loss in return being that of Captain Gordon, who was
shot through the head while hauling up a bucket of wheat, that
had been brought to the wall of the fort by a native groom be
longing to one of the officers.
The parties collected within the fort at the time its gates were
barricaded, were Major Skene, his wife and two children ; Cap
tain Gordon, of the Madras native infantry ; Dr. M'Egan (12th
35*

414 BRITISH INDIA.
native infantry) and wife ; Lieutenant Powys, 6th native infantry
(attached to the canal department), with his wife and child ;
Dr. Brown, deputy commissioner of Jalowan, with his wife,
child, and sister ; two ladies from Orai, guests of the last-named
gentleman ; Quartermaster-sergeant Newton, with his wife and
four children ; and the whole of the English and Christian na
tive employes in the canal and civil departments, with their
wives, children, and other relatives.
It was not alone to attacks from without that this little com
munity was exposed : while busied in providing against the open
enemies that surrounded the fort, treachery within the walls was
at work to destroy them ! One of the khitmutgurs of Captain
Burgess, seizing an opportunity when he thought he was unob
served, began rapidly to pull away the stones piled up to secure
one of the gates ; but being detected in the treacherous act by
Lieutenant Powys, that officer indignantly shot him, and was
himself immediately cut down by the tulwar of another native
servant standing by. Lieutenant Burgess, who, between the
closing of the fort and its surrender, had himself brought down
fourteen of the rebels by his rifle practice, avenged the death
of his brother-officer by killing his murderer. The position of
the Europeans now became desperate ; and, during the night
of the 7th, some of the civil employes endeavored to escape in
native clothing by descending from the parapet ; but they were
instantly caught, and butchered before the eyes of the friends
they had just left.
In the course of Monday, the 8th of June, offers of safety for
the whole of the Europeans within the fort, were proposed by
the mutineers, who had then completely surrounded it ; and two
of the gates having been battered in, the provisions nearly ex
hausted, and no succor appearing probable, Major Skene and
the other officers, relying upon the assurances made them, that
the lives of all would be spared if they surrendered — a condi
tion that both Hindoos and Mohammedans pledged themselves
by oaths to observe — a gateway was cleared, and all walked out
of the fort, except Lieutenant Powys (who was yet alive, but
unable to move) and his wife, who refused to leave her dying

(416)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 417
husband. She was, however, torn from his side, and compelled
to join the rest of the betrayed party.
The evacuation of the fort, and its consequences, are thus de
scribed by an officer who, under a clever disguise, managed to
escape the butcheries of Jhansie, and, it is hoped, lived to avenge
them. ,
" At last Major Skene, taking the arm of one of the party, pro
ceeded from the gateway, near which a strong body of the rebels
were drawn up in two lines to receive their victims. The soldiers
stood quiet until the last of the Europeans had left the fort,
and then, suddenly closing upon the officers and other males,
seized each of them, tied them with ropes they had with them
for the purpose, and led them to an adjacent garden : the
females were next secured in the same way ; and then every
soul, whatever the age, rank, or sex, was killed by the sword.
The men died first, Burgess taking the lead — his elbows tied
behind his back, and a prayer-book in his hands. What a sad
end for so kind-hearted and unselfish a man I But to die con
fessing the faith is a noble death. The rest died in the same
way. They tried hard to get the women and children saved.
Our quartermaster-sergeant and his family alone were spared;
the servant says he was taken with the rebels when they left.
This man said, the women stood with their babes in their
arms, and the older children holding their gowns. They had
to see the men killed ; but, with one exception only, I believe
they were spared any violence save death. Dear little Mrs.
Powys — I think of her with such a pang. Poor Dunlop, too,
the first friend I made in India ; and Turubull, so warm-hearted
and anxious to do good and to benefit others. Poor little
Taylor ! he had been with his brother, and had made great
haste to rejoin on the mutinies breaking out at other stations.
He reached Jhansie a few days before he died. I am so glad
you and your pets were gone. I should have withered with
horror at your sharing the awful end of the other poor ladies.
It is bad enough to have to mourn Mrs. Powys. Ryves, thank
God, escaped to Gwalior. I have seen his name in two Cal
cutta papers, which say that he had escaped, with others, to
Agra, when the Gwalior troops mutinied,"

CHAPTER XX.
BIEGE OP LUCKNOW — DREADFUL DISASTER AT CAWNPORE—
TREACHERY OF NANA SAHIB — STATE OF AFFAIRS AT DELHI —
AT CALCUTTA — PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND — SUCCESSES OF GENE
RAL HAVELOCK — HE RELIEVES CAWNPORE — MUTINY AT DI-
NAPORE — CONDUCT OP THE NATIVE CHIEFS — DISAFFECTION
IN THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY — MISCONDUCT OF THE GOVERNOR-
GENERAL — HAVELOCK RELIEVES LUCKNOW — BATTLE OF MUN-
GARWAR — ASSAULT AND CAPTURE OP DELHI.

The mutiny, as our readers will have perceived, had now
become very widely extended, and the situation of the British
posts, still holding to their fidelity, was becoming daily more
perilous. At Lucknow, Sir Henry Lawrence attacked and defeated a
numerous body of insurgents, but was soon afterward himself
besieged in the residency. Here he bravely held out against
overwhelming numbers until the beginning of July, when he
was mortally wounded in a sally, and the heroic little band
compelled to retire into a smaller fort.
At Cawnpore a terrible disaster befell the British arms. Sir
(418)

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 421
Hugh Wheeler, a veteran officer of approved bravery, had en
trenched himself in the barracks with a force of less than 300
fighting men, and upward of 500 women and children, the
wives and families of officers and civilians, and of the queen's
32d regiment then besieged at Lucknow. The insurgents were
commanded by Nana Sahib, or rather Dhandoo Pant, Rajah
of Bhitoor, the adopted son of the late Peishwah Bajee Rao.
This man, under the mask of kindly feeling toward the English,
nurtured a deadly hatred against the government which had
refused to acknowledge his claims as the Peishwah's successor.
He had long been addicted to the most revolting sensuality, and
had lost all control over his passions. Wearied and enraged
by the desperate resistance of this handful of brave men, he
offered them a safe passage to Allahabad if they would give
up their guns and treasure. The place indeed was no longer
tenable ; and the survivors, diminished in number, were ex
hausted by constaut vigils and want of food. In an evil
moment, then, they accepted the terms of their perfidious
enemy, marched down to the river and embarked on board the
boats which had been prepared for them. Suddenly a masked
battery opened fire upon them, and crowds of horse and foot
soldiers lined either bank. Many were shot dead, still more
were drowned, and about 150 taken prisoners ; four only
escaped by swimming. The men were instantly put to deatk
in cold blood ; the women and children were spared for a few
days longer.
All this time the main body of the rebels, frequently
strengthened by fresh arrivals, had their head-quarters at
Delhi. On the lower plateau that commands that city was
encamped a British force burning for revenge, but too weak to
venture upon an assault. On every occasion, however, they
repulsed the repeated sorties of the enemy, and drove him with
greater slaughter within the walls. A strange mortality de
prived them of their commanders at brief intervals. General
Anson died of cholera at Kurnaul, on his way down from the
hills. His successor, Sir Henry Barnard, was carried off by the
same disease before the walls of Delhi. The third was General
36

422 BRITISH INDIA.
Reid, whose health likewise failed him, and compelled him to
resign the command to Brigadier Wilson.
No sooner had the sad tidings of the massacre at Delhi
reached Calcutta, than the governor-general instantly dis
patched a vessel to Ceylon to intercept the troops proceeding
to China, in support of Lord Elgin's mission. At the same
time he telegraphed to Madras and Bombay for all the Eu
ropean troops that could be spared ; and on the death of Gen
eral Anson appointed Sir Patrick Grant Commander-in-Chief
of the forces in India, pending the confirmation of the appoint
ment by the Home Government. Large reinforcements were
also drawn from Mauritius and the Cape ; and as the mutiny as
sumed still more formidable dimensions, the European residents
in Madras and Calcutta were enrolled into voluntary corps of
horse and' foot militia.
Never, perhaps, did greater excitement prevail in England
than when the first intelligence arrived of the revolt of the
Bengal army, and of the fiendish atrocities perpetrated by sol
diers whose loyalty had become proverbial. As each successive
mail brought the narratives of additional horrors, indignation
at such unparalleled treachery and brutality almost surpassed
the natural feelings of sympathy for those who had suffered
such cruel wrongs. The government was urged on all sides to
send out immense armies of retribution, and to pause at no
amount of expenditure necessary to recover the lost position.
Volunteers from all ranks and classes of society spontaneously
came forward to tender their services ; and through the initia
tion of the Lord Mayor of London, whose brother, Colonel
Finnis, was one of the first victims of the mutiny, a Relief
Fund was instituted for the aid of the many hundreds so sud
denly reduced to destitution.
By the middle of October upward of £150,000 were sub
scribed for this purpose, and the fountain of charity still gave
no signs of drying up. It was in the latter end of June that
the news of the Meerut revolt and massacre was first received
by the ministry, and within three months more than 30,000
excellent troops had left the British shores, and regiment
after regiment continued to be dispatched in the same direction.

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GENERAL HAVELOCK DEFEATING NANA

SAHIB ON THE BANKS OF THE GANGES.

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 425
Within forty-eight hours of the notification of General
Anson's death, Sir Colin Campbell was on his way to the
East to assume the chief command ; and a steady fixed deter
mination was evinced throughout the British islands to recon
quer the revolted provinces at any cost of blood or treasure.
But before Sir Colin could reach his destination the tide
had already turned, and the victories of British troops had
begun to supersede the massacre of defenseless women and
children. General Havelock, taking the command at Allahabad of the
78th Highlanders, the queen's 64th, the 1st Madras fusiliers,
and the Ferozepore regiment of Sikhs, had set out in the hope
of arriving at Cawnpore in time to release Sir Hugh Wheeler
and his devoted comrades. After marching 126 miles, fighting
four actions, and capturing a number of guns of heavy calibre,
in eight days and in the worst season of an Indian climate, he
was yet too late to avert the terrible catastrophe. The day
before he entered Cawnpore, Nana Sahib foully murdered the
women and children, who alone survived of the Cawnpore gar-
rision, and caused them to be flung, the dead and the dying, into
a well of the courtyard of the assembly rooms.
The indefatigable Havelock followed the treacherous Mah
ratta to Bhitoor, which he captured and dismantled. Then
collecting some boats he crossed the Ganges, and, thrice forcing
the enemy from strong positions, arrived within a day's march
of Lucknow. But encnmbered with his sick and wounded —
cholera having broken out in his little camp — he was compelled
to retrace his steps toward the river.
On the banks of the Ganges, for the eighth time, he defeated
the enemy, and captured his guns ; and a few days afterward,
the 15th August, he marched out from Cawnpore and again
drove them from Bhitoor. His approach had enabled the gar
rison of Lucknow to sally forth and secure many head of cattle,
and, a little later, having undermined a house, they blew up
above a hundred of the insurgents, and disabled their two
heaviest guns. Thus relieved, they informed General Havelock
that they could hold their own until he received the reinforoe-
36*

426 BRITISH INDIA.
ments that were coming up from Calcutta. They would have
arrived at Cawnpore some weeks sooner than they actually did,
had not General Lloyd proved unequal to the occasion at Dina
pore. Until the 25th of July three regiments of native infantry,
stationed at that place, had continued faithful, but circum
stances had occurred to create suspicion, the general was ad
vised to disarm them. Instead of doing so, he merely ordered
them to give up their percussion caps before a certain hour,
by which time they were making the best of their way to the
river Soane. When it was too late to be of service, the 10th
and a battery of artillery were sent in pursuit, but failed to inflict
much loss. Subsequently a detachment under Captain Dunbar
was dispatched to relieve Arrah, a civil station closely invested
by the Dinapore mutineers. Marching without taking proper
precautions, these troops fell into an ambush, and were driven
back to their boats with the loss of 150 killed and wounded.
The glory of relieving Arrah was reserved for Major Eyre of
the Bengal artilery, who with three guns and 150 men of the
5th fusiliers, dispersed the insurgents, captured Jugdeespore,
and restored the communication between Calcutta and the Up
per Provinces.
With rare exceptions the native chiefs preserved their en
gagements with the British government during this critical
period. The contingent forces, indeed, of Scindiah and Hol
kar joined the mutineers, but those princes do not appear to
have been in any way accessory to the movement. The Sikh
states, and especially the rajahs of Jheend and Puttiala, ren
dered signal service, and both the Nepaulese government and
the Maharajah Goolab Sing of Cashmere — who died on the 2d
August — sent considerable bodies of auxiliary troops to the aid
of the British. Still more significant is the fact that the vil
lagers, almost invariably, exhibited more sympathy for the
British than for their own countrymen. It is true that they
oftentimes plundered unarmed fugitives, but they showed still
less mercy to the rebel sepoys when not in sufficient force to
protect themselves. It thus appears evident that the revolt of

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 427
the Bengal army was actually a mutiny and not a popular
insurrection. Meanwhile the mutterings of disaffection began to be heard
also in the Bombay Presidency. The 27th N. I. broke out
into open mutiny at Kolapore, and shortly afterward the 21st
N. I. conspired at Kurrachee to massacre the European inhab
itants, but their projected villainy being discovered, they were
promptly disarmed, and. the ringleaders justly punished. The
Joudpore Legion was not more faithful to its colors than
other contingent forces, and the trifling successes which at
tended their first movements encouraged the enemies of the
British government throughout Rajpootana to take up arms
and join their ranks.
The Madras troops, with the exception of the 8th light ca
valry, exhibited a rare and honorable example of fidelity amid
such wide-spread treachery aud rebellion. But on the north
east frontier of Bengal, the Assamese displayed a restlessness
that boded no good ; and their vicinity to the Burmese on the
one hand, and to the Santhals on the other, rendered it neces
sary to adopt energetic meaures to keep them in awe.
Unhappily, the governor-general of India too rarely mani
fested the decision of character demanded in such an emergency.
Of personal courage there was no want, but he was deficient in
quickness of conception, aud in moral hardihood. His coun
selors were even more timid than himself, and thus the muti
neers were encouraged, and the European residents in Calcutta
in the same proportion disheartened by the habitual vacillation
of the government.
At one time during the advent of the great Mohammedan fes
tival of the Mohurrum, a panic prevailed throughout all classes
of the Christian inhabitants ; and was only allayed 'by the un
expected arrival of Lord Elgin with the Shannon and the
Pearl. At a later period Lord Canning converted this feeling of
distrust into one of disgust and indignation by appointing a
Lieut. -Governor of the Central Provinces, with two Mohamme
dan assistants, to supersede martial law, and to tie the hands

428 BRITISH INDIA.
of the military leaders, upon whose promptness and resolution
depended the safety both of individuals and of the State. In
pursuance of the same impolitic line of conduct, an Act was
passed by the Legislature, rendering it a misdemeanor to pos
sess arms or ammunition without first obtaining a license to
that effect. As his lordsip in council had previously returned
an ungracious answer to a petition of the European commu
nity, praying that the native population might be disarmed ; it
was felt that this was at least an insulting intimation that the
European settlers were no more trustworthy than the people of
the country.
While these dissensions obtained at the Presidency, Sir James
Outram, who had succeeded General Lloyd at Dinapore, hastily
collected what forces he could muster, and pushed on to rein
force General Havelock at Cawnpore. With characteristic
magnanimity, however, he first disclaimed all intention of pluck
ing the nobly earned laurels from the grasp of his junior officer,
and intimated his. desire to accompany him solely in his civil ca-
pacty of Chief Commissioner of Oude. His march upward from
Allahabad, however, was much impeded by the heavy rains, and
at one point a small body of the enemy attempted to harass his
flank ; but being vigorously attacked by a detachment under
Major Eyre, they were destroyed almost to a man. It was thus
the 19th of September before General Havelock was in a posi
tion to cross the Ganges for a third time, and to advance with
an efficient force to relieve the long beleaguered garrison at
Lucknow. On that day the army of relief crossed the river by a bridge
of boats, and encamped on the other side. General Havelock's
force consisted of about 2,000 European infantry, the Sikh regi
ment of Ferozepore, three batteries of field artillery, and a
handful of volunteer cavalry. The rebels mustered above 40,000
strong, but their numerical superiority only served to enhance
the prowess of their conquerors. The first engagement took
place on the 21st of September, at the village of Mungarwar,
and resulted in the total defeat of the mutineers. Five field-
pieces and two guns in position were taken, two of the former

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THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 431
being captured by the volunteer cavalry, led on to the charge
by General Outram in person.
From this point the army pushed on by forced marches, with
out encountering any organized opposition, until it arrived be
fore the city of Lucknow. Skirting the suburbs of that once
stately capital, General Havelock forced his way through every
obstacle, and by the evening of the 25th had relieved the heroic
garrison. The relief was opportune. Two mines had already been driven
under the chief works, and in a few hours more would have
been loaded and sprung. The besieged would thus have been
placed at the mercy of those who knew no mercy.
The city, however, had still to be subdued. From several
advantageous positions the enemy continued to fire upon the
fort, and were only finally dislodged after a series of determined
assaults. In these operations the loss of the British was very severe.
General Neill, the brave and energetic saviour of Benares, and
the inexorable avenger of the massacre at Cawnpore, was among
the slain. With him fell Major Cooper, in command of the
artillery, and many other gallant spirits. Even now much re
mained to be done. Taking courage from their overwhelming
numbers, the enemy soon closed again around the army of de
liverance, and cut off their communications with Cawnpore.
Encumbered with not less than 1,000 women and children, and
sick or wounded men, it would have been hazardous, if not
impossible, to have attempted a retrograde march across a diffi
cult country, harassed on all sides by an active and desperate
enemy. Under these circumstances, Sir James Outram, who
had now assumed the chief command, determined on remaining
at Lucknow, and awaiting the arrival of reinforcements. His
position, indeed, was critical, but events in another quarter were
in the mean time operating in his favor.
Until the latter end of August, the British troops before
Delhi are rather to be considered as an army of observation,
than as a besieging force. Inferiority in numbers and artillery
was barely counterbalanced by their superior discipline, courage,

432 BRITISH INDIA.
and physical strength. These advantages enabled them, indeed,
to maintain their ground, but not to assume the offensive.
Toward the close of August, however, a reinforcement of
European and Sikh troops, under Brigadier Nicholson, arrived
from the Punjab, and on the 25th of that mouth the rebels were
defeated at Nujuffghur, with great slaughter and the loss of thir
teen guns. A few days later a heavy siege-train was received
from Ferozepore, and breaching batteries were constructed on
the north side of the city. The siege may be said to have com
menced on the 7th of September, and by the evening of the 13th
the engineers reported two practicable breaches — one near the
Cashmere, the other near the Water bastion. Arrangements
were therefore at once made for an assault to take place at day
break on the following morning.
The first column, commanded by Brigadier Nicholson, ad
vanced under a tremendous fire, and applying their scaling-lad
ders, carried the Cashmere bastion, and established themselves
in the main guard. Almost simultaneously the second column,
under Brigadier Jones, stormed the Water bastion, and effected
a junction with their comrades inside the walls.
A third column, under Colonel Campbell, awaited the blow
ing open of the Cashmere gate to join in the assault. They
had not long to wait. Lieutenants Salkeld and Home, of the
engineers, accompanied by three sergeants carrying the powder-
bags, walked up to the gateway in broad daylight, and while
exposed to a heavy fire of musketry, coolly fastened the bags to
the iron spikes of the gate. In the performance of this heroic
exploit, Lieutenant Salkeld was severely wounded, and tvp of
the sergeants killed upon the spot ; but the train was lighted,
and the gate blown open with a tremendous crash.
As the smoke cleared away, the storming party sprang
through the ruins with a British cheer ; and the three columns,
uniting, made themselves master of the whole line of works, from
the Water bastion to the Cabul gate ; and before nightfall were
in possession of Skinner's house, the Church, the College, and
the adjacent grounds. This brilliant success, however, was not
achieved without great loss of life

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 433
Of the European soldiery, eight officers and 162 rank and
file were killed, with fifty-two officers and 510 rank and file
wounded; of the sepoys, 413 were placed hors de combat, of
whom 103 were slain outright. The total number of casualties
thus amounted to 1,145, or one-third of the entire assaulting
force. Among the mortally wounded was Brigadier Nicholson,
whose death was justly deplored as a national calamity.
Simultaneously with these main attacks, a diversion was made
by a fourth column, consisting of Sikhs, Ghoorkas, and Cash-
merians, on the suburbs of Kishengunge and Pahareepore. But,
in spite of their most strenuous efforts, these troops failed to
overcome the desperate resistance offered by the enemy, and, in
the end, were compelled to retreat, though not ingloriously.
The day following the assault was consumed in shelling the
palace and in battering the magazine. A breach was effected,
and at daylight of the 1 6th a storming party dashed forward
with such impetuosity that the rebel artillerymen dropped then
lighted port-fires and fled, leaving undischarged six guns of large
calibre commanding the breach and loaded with grape. On the
17th the British troops became masters of the Bank, formerly
the palace of the Begum Sumroo, and shortly afterward of the
Jumma Musjid, or principal mosque. Heavy guns were now
brought to play upon the palace and the bridge of boats, and
by the evening of the 20th the rebels entirely evacuated the ch/
and its suburbs. Then was seen the extent of the damage sus
tained by the former capital of the Moghul dynasty. Whole
streets had been laid in ruins ; dead bodies tainted the air in all
directions ; the inhabitants, reduced to beggary, were crouching,
terror-stricken, in obscure lurking-places. But the British sol
dier is merciful in victory, as he is irresistible in battle. To
armed rebels no mercy was shown ; but women and children
and the defenseless citizens were spared and protected.
The venerable descendant of Timour — venerable only by rea
son of his gray hairs and extreme old age — had fled, with his
principal Begum, two sons, and a grandson, to the tomb of his
ancestor, Hoomayoon, son of the mighty Baber. Here he was
discovered and seized by Captain Hodson, of the 2d European
37

434

BRITISH INDIA.

fusiliers. His own life and that of his queen were respected,
but the princes were led out and shot, and their dead bodies
publicly exposed at the kotwalee, or mayor's court.
General Wilson, whose health failed him in the hour of vic
tory, now resigned the command to Brigadier Penny, C. B., a
veteran of approved gallantry. Colonel Burn, whose father so
gallantly defended Delhi against Jeswunt Rao Holkar in 1803,
was appointed military commandant within the city, and mea
sures were successfully taken to re-establish order, and to afford
protection to well-disposed and peaceful citizens. Two mov
able columns, consisting each of 1,600 infantry, 500 cavalry,
three troops of horse artillery, and 18 guns, were told off, and
ordered to follow up the retreating enemy without delay. One
of these, commanded by Colonel Greathed, of the 84th, came
up with a rebel force strongly posted near Bolundshuhur, and,
after a spirited engagement, utterly discomfited them with the
loss of two guns, a vast quantity of ammunition, and 100 men.
On the same day the other column overtook the mutineers at
Muttra, and inflicted severe chastisement. The security of Agra
was thus assured, and a direct road laid open into Oude. Re
inforcements from England were at the same time arriving at
Calcutta, and each successive day fresh troops were rapidly
pushed up the country.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE MISSIONARIES — RELIEF OF LUCKNOW — MUTINY AT CHITTA
GONG — OPERATIONS IN OUDE.
The fall of Delhi was considered by the British government
as the virtual termination of the rebellion ; just as the same gov
ernment had regarded the capture of Philadelphia in 1777, as
the virtual termination of the American rebellion. Subsequent
events have shown how very far this was from being a correct
calculation. The fall of Delhi, by scattering the rebels, appears
only to have multiplied the rebel posts in various parts of India,
and to have increased and more widely diffused the spirit of
disaffection. The reader will naturally be desirous to know what became
of the missionaries and their establishments, during the period
which we have already passed over. The following extract
from one of Dr. Duff's Letters on India* supplies the desired
information ; and, at the same time, affords a gratifying testi
mony in favor of the missionaries, both British and American.
* " The Indian Rebellion ; its Causes and Results. In a series of Letter!
from the Rev. Alexander Duff, D.D., L.L.D., Calcutta. " (435)

436 BRITISH INDIA.
" October 6. — From the fragmentary way in which details have
been reaching us, it is impossible to ascertain with absolute ac
curacy the number of British Christians that have met with an
untimely end in the midst of the present awful whirlwind of fire
and blood. One thing is certain, that, at the lowest calculation,
the number cannot be under thirteen hundred. Of that num
ber, about two hundred and forty have been British military offi
cers — about a tenth of the officers of the Bengal army. Great
as is this number, the marvel is that, amid such terrific scenes,
it has been so small. I now speak of those who have been
actually massacred, and not of those who have fallen in open
battle with the enemy. The rest of the 1,300 consists of civil
servants of the East India Company, assistants in government
offices, bankers, traders, agents, and ladies.
" The number also includes four chaplains and ten male mis
sionaries, with their wives. Of the latter ten, two, belonging to
the Propagation Society, fell at Cawnpore, and three at Delhi ;
four, of the American Presbyterian Mission, at Futtehghur ; and
one, of the Established Church of Scotland, at Sealkote, in the
Punjab. " The destruction of mission property in the North-west has
been immense. At upward of twenty stations there has been
much devastation, and at some of them total ruin. The mission
bungalow residences, the schools, the churches or chapels, the
libraries and stores of books, have been completely destroyed.
The extensive printing presses of the American Mission at
Allahabad, and of the Church of England Missionary Society
at Agra, with the founts of types, and Bible, and tract, and
school-book depositories — the accumulated results of the knowl
edge, experience, and toil of many a devoted spirit for many
years — have all disappeared. In pecuniary value alone, the ag
gregate of mission property thus wantonly and wickedly demol
ished and swept away cannot, at the lowest estimate, be reckoned
under seventy thousand pounds. But if the Lord in mercy
rouse the Christian heart of Britain and America, the seventy
thousand will soon be replaced by more than seven times seventy.
And in this way may a glorious exemplification be furnished to

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 437
the whole of nominal Christendom and actual Heathendom of
the Divine principle of overcoming evil with good. Oh that
British and American Christians would be shaken by this earth
quake out of the drowsiness of the past, with its meagre drowsy
action ! Now, if ever, is the golden opportunity. When the
Prince of Darkness, through his emissaries, brought the Lord of
glory to an ignominious death on Calvary's cross, little recked
he that, instead of extinguishing, he was only establishing and
for ever glorifying His name and cause on earth. So, with simi
lar short-sighted policy now, he may have stirred up his heathen
emissaries to imbue their hands in the blood of the heralds of
the cross, plunder and lay waste their property, and annihilate
their Bible stores, in the hope of thereby exterminating the
Redeemer's name and cause from this vast land, in which for
thousands of years he has exercised undisputed sovereignty over
its teeming myriads. But if Christians are true in their pro
fessed loyalty to their Saviour-King, they will turn this policy
of the arch enemy into foolishness and irretrievable defeat. They
will now arise and come forth with twice redoubled energy, and
more than twice redoubled liberality — energy and liberality sus
tained by an Abraham-like faith and a wrestling Jacob-like
prayer — and if they do so, Satan's long-consolidated dominion
in India will soon be wrenched from his tyrant grasp and con
verted into a glorious province of Immanuel's universal empire 1
"To prevent all misconception with reference to missionaries,
it ought to be emphatically noted that nowhere has any special
enmity or hostility been manifested toward them by the mutineers.
Far from it. Such of them as fell in the way of the rebels were
simply dealt with precisely in the same way as all other Euro
peans were dealt with. They belonged to the governing class, and,
as such, must be destroyed, to make way for there-establishment
of the old native Mohammedan dynasty. The same actuating
motive led to the destruction of native Christians and all others
who were friendly or supposed to be friendly to the British
government. In this way it is known that many of the natives
of Bengal, who, from their superior English education, were
employed in government offices in the North-west, and were
37*

438 BRITISH INDIA.
believed to be favorable to the continuance of our rule, were
made to suffer severely both in life and property. Some of them
were sadly mutilated after the approved Mohammedan fashion,
by having their noses slit up and ears cat off ; while others, amid
exposures and sufferings, had to effect the same hair-breadth es
capes as the Europeans. In short, I feel more than ever per
suaded of the reality of the conviction which I entertained from
the very first, that this monster rebellion has been mainly of a
political, and hxitvery subordinately of a religious character, and
that the grand proximate agency in exciting it was a treasonable
Mohammedan influence brought skillfully to bear on a soil pre
pared for its action by many concurring antecedent causes of dis
affection and discontent. Brahminical and other influences had
doubtless their share in it, but the preponderant central element
has been of Mohammedan origin, directed to the realization of
the long-cherished dynastic designs of Mohammedan ambition.
" By the natives generally, no special animosity has been ex
hibited toward the missionaries or their doings. The very con
trary is the fact. On this subject the editor of the Calcutta
Christian Intelligencer, a clergyman of the Church of England,
has been able to bear emphatic testimony. ' If any European,
says he, ' is respected and trusted by the natives at present, it
is the missionary. All the influence of public officers and their
agents at Benares could not succeed in procuring supplies for
the troops and others from the country round ; but a mission
ary well known to the people is noio going round the villages
and getting in supplies for the public service. The mission
aries and their families are living, at that aud some other stations,
at some distance from the other residents, and from the means
of defense, aud are surrounded by the people on every side.
How remarkable is this state of things 1 The government, who
have always fondled and favored superstition and idolatry, are
accused of an underhand design to cheat the people into Chris
tianity; and the missionaries, who have always openly and
boldly, but still kindly and affectionatety, denounced all idola
trous abominations, and invited their deluded votaries to em
brace the gospel of Christ for their salvation — they are under-

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 439
stood by the people; and if any Europeans are trusted, the
missionaries are at present. '
" The gratifying incident recorded here of the Benares mission
ary at once reminds us of the case of the celebrated Schwartz,
who, when the agents of the Madras government utterly failed
in their attempts, by his personal influence with the people suc
ceeded in obtaining the most abundant supplies for the British
army. The case of Peshawur, the remotest and most critically
situated of all the Punjab stations, is most remarkable and
instructive. The Mohammedan population of that city in sin
gularly fanatical. The city is encompassed with hill tribes as
daring as they are fanatical. The first British political resident
there, after the conquest of the Punjab, full of antiquated anti-
christian fears, declared that so long as he lived there should
not be a Christian mission beyond the Indus. Subsequently,
the resident was assassinated by a Mohammedan fanatic. His
successor was the famous Major Edwardes, of Mooltan celebrity,
a man who, happily, fears God and loves the Saviour and his
cause. When it was proposed to establish a mission at Pesha
wur, he at once fearlessly headed it, and openly declared, in sub
stance, that the Christianization of India ought to be regarded
as the ultimate end of our continued possession of it. At the
outbreak of the great rebellion, nearly the whole of the native
regiments (eight in number) at the station showed symptoms of
disaffection and mutiny. Most of them had to be disarmed ;
and one of them has since been cut to pieces. In the midst of
these frightful internal troubles, and surrounded on all sides with
a fiercely fanatical people, what were the missionaries to do ?
If they were even called on by the authorities to pause for a sea
son, no one could have been much surprised. But no ; Sir John
Lawrence, the chief Commissioner, and Mr. Montgomery, the
judicial commissioner, of the Punjab, in reference to them, in
substance replied : ' Let the preaching and other missionary
operations by no means be suspended.' Oh, how true the saying,
' Them that honor me I will honor I ' At Peshawur, amidst
almost unparalleled difficulties, the British have been able to
hold their own ; the Punjab has been preserved in tranquillity ;

440" BRITISH INDIA.
and not only so, but has been able to furnish nearly all the troops
that have now so triumphantly recaptured Delhi ! Are not
these suggestive facts ? Indeed, it is scarcely too much to
say, that it is the Punjab which has mainly saved our Indian
empire." At the time of the fall of Delhi, the native army of Bengal,
as a British force, may be said to have ceased to exist. That
vast body, consisting of regulars, irregulars, infantry, cavalry,
and artillery, and numbering upward of 100,000 men, had been,
with the exception of two regiments, entirely dissolved ; and by
far the greater part of it was in open and sanguinary revolt.
Driven from the open plains of the Jumna and the Ganges, they
betook themselves to the rolling hills, vast forests, and all but
interminable jungles of Central India, where they are still carry
ing on a desultory and indecisive guerilla warfare, which is gradu
ally exhausting the forces of the British.
Dr. Duff, in a letter dated October 19fch, 1857, writes thus in
relation t© his views of the final issue of the rebellion : —
" Never, even for a single moment, have I desponded. From
the very first, when the lurid clouds, surcharged with the red
lightning and thunder of Jehovah's judgments, seemed hanging
over our heads, and ready to burst upon us with desolating fury,
my faith in the ultimate destiny of British India was never for
an instant shaken. I felt fortified with an intense persuasion
that, after visiting us with well-merited chastisements for our
past sins and negligences, and after we ourselves had been suffi
ciently humbled under a burning sense of our guiltiness and
shame, and had resolved with lowly, penitent, and broken hearts
to return unto the Lord with ' full purpose of, and endeavor
after new obedience,' Jehovah would look out upon us through
the fiery cloud of suspended judgments, and once more gladden
us with the smiles of His gracious countenance. And this is
my intense persuasion still ; though I am grieved to add that,
either in Britain or in India, I have not yet perceived convinc
ing signs of our being sufficiently humbled as a people and na
tion. There is a loud cry for the visitation of retributive justice
on the hosts of unpardonable murderers, and a loud and honest

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 441
wail of sympathy with the agonized friends of the murdered, as
well as surviving sufferers. And all this is right, thoroughly
right and Christian, in its way. But any hope of an accelerated
removal of deserved judgment, and an accelerated restoration
of settled peace and tranquillity, would be vastly enhanced were
I to see our people and nation prostrated in the dust before a
holy God ; and then, sincerely and truly, and not feignedly, like
the Jews of old, in those hypocritical fastings and humiliations
which were an abomination to the Lord, confessing our past sins
of omission and commission toward poor benighted, superstition-
ridden India, and resolving that, in the amendment of the future,
ample reparation shall be made for the crimes and negligence
of the past. * * * * * *
" Still, my faith in the ultimate issue is in no way shaken — not
because of any worthiness in us, or any confidence in the sagacity
of our counsels or the prowess of our arms, but because of God's
manifest purposes of mercy to poor distracted India, through
the instrumentality of Christian Protestant Britain. That as a
nation we have been negligent in the discharge of our great trust,
and that as a people we have, in manifold ways, grievously sin
ned against God in this land, is undoubted. Hence the succes
sive visitations of Jehovah's displeasure, in former as well as
present times. His judgments are now abroad amongst us, that
thereby we may be made to learn and to return to righteousness
and the paths of dutiful obedience. If this be the issue of them,
the great object for which they have been sent will have been
gained. And if so, happy will it be for Britain — unspeakably
happy for bleeding, ransacked, devastated India
" From the chequered events of the last few months may we
not, without presumption, infer that the Lord has still mercy in
store for us 1 Our people, scattered in mere handfuls at great
distances from each other, over a vast territory, of more than a
'thousand miles in breadth, and at least fifteen hundred in
length, assailed by a revolted disciplined army of a hundred
thousand men, and surrounded by a population of nearly a hun
dred millions, the greater part of them, to say the least, indiff
erent to our fate, and millions of them, yes, literally millions of

442 BRITISH INDIA.
them positively hostile ! Surely, surely, may we exclaim, ' It
is of the Lord's mercies that we are not consumed I If it had
not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up
against us, then they had swallowed us up quick, when their
wrath was kindled against us!' That so many should have
fallen by the hands of foul and treacherous assassins, is beyond
measure distressing ; but the real wonder — the wonder of won
ders — is, that any one at all should have been alive this day to
' sing of mercy ' as well as of ' judgment.' That there have
been so many instances of fatuous miscalculation and mistake
on the part of the enemy, as well as of their counsels being
turned into foolishness, is also very notable. That amid so many
exasperated myriads, having so prodigious a stake at issue as
that of life, and property, and empire, no man of towering ge
nius, such as India has heretofore supplied — no Sevajee, no
Hyder Ali, no Runjeet Singh — should have arisen, capable of
combining and concentrating the scattered elements of rebellion,
and bringing them to bear down with a sweeping tornado force
on the exposed and all but helpless handfuls of British — is surely
something more than notable. The escapes, too, of indi
viduals, as well as of small companies of fugitives, have been
almost miraculous. The energy also which has, in so many
cases, been exhibited by single men, not less than by small as
semblages of men, rises positively into the sublime of heroism.
I speak not now of men in commanding positions, such as Gen
eral Neill and Sir Henry Lawrence, but of more ordinary men
in less conspicuous circumstances. It is only the other day that
in Rewah, an independent State that lies between Mirzapore and
the Saugor territories on the Nerbudda, the most of the rajah's
troops revolted, and went off to join a vast body of rebels under
Kuwar Singh, who threatened to visit his country with fire and
sword on his way into Central India. The people were seized
with panic ; the rajah himself went to Captain Osborne, the
political agent, and begged him to leave the territory, as he could
not protect him or the other British officers for an hour. Having
already sent off his own zenana, he told the city people to send
away their wives, as he could not protect them ; and away he

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 443
went to a distant fort. The agent, knowing well that on his
preventing the host of armed rebels from passing through the
Rewah State depended the safety of Nagode, Jubbulpore, Bun
delkund, and the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, resolved, with
something like a martyr spirit, to stand by his strangely critical
post to the very last. Though unwell at the time, and scarcely
able to move, his spirit rose to the height of Spartan energy,
while it seemed partly to inspire and partly to overawe all around
him. Fertile in expedients, as well as brave, he roused the ru
ral population by sending amongst them numbers of agents to
rehearse in their hearing the multiplied atrocities committed by
the rebels elsewhere. He even procured one or two sufferers
from their brutality, sent them out as a spectacle amijng the
people, and worked upon their fears to such an extent, that
a?t last they all united in declaring that they would oppose the
passage of the rebel army. Tidings of all this having reached
the traitor-leader of that army, he deemed it prudent to pause
in his onward career, and eventually to withdraw it altogether,
and pass away in another direction. Thus, for a time at least,
has Central India been saved — the handfuls of our poor belea
guered countrymen, with their wives and children in different
stations there, have been saved — by the indomitable energy, the
admirable tact and sagacity, of a single man 1"
The Indian mutiny has assumed the aspect of a regular war
in the kingdom of Oude, the latest acquisition of the British,
where the disciplined army of the late king formed a nucleus
around which were gathering the fragments of the insurgents
defeated and driven from other parts of India. We have already
noted the beleaguerment, late in June, of a large body of Eu
ropeans, including many women and children, in Lucknow, and
General Havelock's gallant attempt to relieve them, toward the
close of September. At the head of a few thousand men he
fought his way through greatly superior numbers of the insur
gents, and was just in time to prevent the Residency, where the
Europeans were besieged, from being captured. His force not
being sufficient to protect the retreat of the women and children
to Cawnpore, he remained at the Residency, the garrison of which

444 BRITISH INDIA.
was strengthened by a portion of his troops, the remainder fall
ing back upon Cawnpore. Lucknow was held by 50,000 in
surgents, who pressed the siege of the Residency with great vigor
aud the position of the defenders was extremely critical. Sir
Colin Campbell, the commander-in-chief, having collected a con
siderable body of troops at Cawnpore, set out on the 9th of No
vember, 1857, for the relief of Lucknow.
The distance between Cawnpore and Lucknow is fifty-three
miles, for the first fifty of which the road was tolerably clear,
but the last three miles ran through a succession of strong posi
tions, occupied by large bodies of the enemy. These were car
ried after desperate fighting, in which the insurgents suffered
terribly. — two thousand dead being carried from one of them —
and on the 16th communication was opened with the besieged.
It now became necessary to execute the second and more diffi
cult part of the plan of the commander — the removal of the
garrison, including a thousand women and children, through the
masses of the enemy. The line of retirement resembled a tor
tuous lane, affording numerous points for attack.
Sir Colin had recourse to stratagem. The enemy still held
almost the whole of the city. A vigorous fire was directed
upon one of their strong positions, in order to induce them to
suppose that a serious attack was designed upon it ; and at
midnight of the 22d, when a breach had been effected, the
English silently decamped in the opposite direction, and suc
ceeded in passing unmolested through the dangerous lane,
carrying the garrison and all the valuable stores from the Re
sidency. So completely were the enemy deceived, that they
kept up a fire upon the British positions in Lucknow for hours
after they had been abandoned.
On the third day after leaving Lucknow, General Havelock,
the hero of the campaign, died of dysentery, brought on by
excessive fatigue and anxiety.
Dr. Duff thus describes the character of General Havelock.
" I knew him personally, having been privileged to make his
acquaintance many years ago under the hospitable roof of the
late revered Dr. Marshman, of Serampore, whose son-in-law he

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THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 447
was. Somewhat stern and reserved he was in manner, yet you
could not be long in his presence without finding that he was
a man who feared God, and that, fearing God, he feared nought
else besides. It was this holy reverential fear of God that was
the real source of his undaunted courage in the discharge of
duty, at whatever peril to life or fortune. His, in this respect,
was the genuine spirit of the old English Puritan, the very
spirit of Oliver Cromwell and his compeers. And the tendency
was to turn the British soldiers, under his exclusive moulding,
into a phalanx of modern Ironsides. He was the first of our
generals who distinctly recognized the hand of God in his sur
prising victories over the mighty host of rebel mutineers. ' By
the blessing of God, I have captured Cawnpore,' were the first
words of his memorable telegraphic dispatch from that scene Oi
one of the strangest and bloodiest tragedies ever enacted on the
s'tage of time. Faithful as a patriot warrior to his earthly sov
ereign, he lived to receive from her gracious Majesty a first in
stalment of honor and reward, and to hear how a grateful coun
try had hailed his great services with unbounded admiration
and applause. But faithful also as a soldier of the Cross to his
Sovereign in the skies, he has now gone to receive a far greater
honor, and inherit a vastly nobler recompense of reward. He
has gone, ripe in grace, to fructify in glory 1 What a transition I
From the confused noise of battle, to the hallelujahs of angels !
From garments rolled in blood, to the pure white robes of the
redeemed in Immanuel's Land ! "
General Windham, " the hero of the Redan" at Sebastopol,
had been left behind in command at Cawnpore, with orders not
to risk an engagement. But hearing that the " Gwalior Con
tingent," a body of the insurgents, were advancing, he marched
out, and defeated a portion of them on the 25th. They re
newed the attack on the two following days, and defeated
Windham, with considerable loss in men, stores, aud equipage.
Intelligence of this disaster reached Sir Colin Campbell, who
set out at once for the scene of action, marched thirty-eight miles
in fifteen hours, drove back the victors, and then returned to pro
vide for the safety of the fugitives from Lucknow. This having

448 BRITISH INDIA.
been secured, he attacked the Gwalior men on the 6th of De
cember, defeated them again, and put them to flight. The
fugitives were pursued by General Grant, who, coming up with
them as they were attempting to cross the Ganges into Oude,
attacked them with great spirit, and, after half an hour's can
nonade, took fifteen guns, a large quantity of ammunition and
stores, without losing a single man himself.
Dr. Duff, in his letter of December 8th, 1857, gives the fol
lowing account of the mutiny at Chittagong. " The three com
panies of sepoys in charge of the treasury, jail, &c, at Chitta
gong, the capital of the district of that name, at the south-east
ern extremity of Bengal, round the head of the bay, mutinied
in November. The circumstances are suggestive. These men
had so long continued, to all appearance, ' stanch and loyal,'
that even the most sceptical were beginning to think sepoy faith
fulness not absolutely impossible. In proof of their fidelity,
they forwarded a petition not long ago to government, begging
to be allowed to remain where they were for another year, as the
time of their removal, in the ordinary course of rotation, was
nigh at hand. The government, in cheerfully acceding to their
request, sent also a letter complimenting them on the excellence
of their conduct. This letter reached them on Sunday, 15th
November, and on the evening of Wednesday, the 18th, about
11 p. M., they suddenly rose in open mutiny, and promptly went
to work after the most approved and stereotyped fashion !
" First of all they rush to the houses of the Europeans, civil
and military, bent on the destruction of their inmates. Happily,
these, with a single exception, escaped the intended massacre by
a hurried flight, mostly in their night-clothes — some on board
ships, others into boats up the river, and others still into the
neighboring jungles. The civil commissioner, who had con
cealed himself in the compound or court-yard of his house, dis
tinctly heard the mutineers asking for him. Next they set fire
to their own lines ; killing the native jailer, they liberated the
convicts; blew up the magazine; robbed the treasury. Having
then bestowed bountiful largesses on the mosques, and loaded
the Company's elephants with their plunder, they marched

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 449
northward in the direction of Tipperah, with the blessings of the
faquirs, exclaiming : ' We have obtained our utmost wish, but
have not succeeded in killing the Feringhee dogs. '
" Immediately on the report of the mutiny reaching Dacca,
the next principal station to the north-west, it was resolved to
attempt to disarm the two companies of sepoys and small body
of native artillerymen located there. The non-combatants hav
ing been lodged in the house which had been fortified in antici
pation of such a contingency, the sailors, who had been sent
from Calcutta at a time when no British soldiers could be
spared, proceeded to the lines to enforce the order for disarma
ment. The men were evidently well prepared ; as the sailors,
headed by the authorities, were at once received with volleys of
musketry and showers of grape. A stubborn fight ensued, in
which two or three of the seamen were killed, and several
wounded. But British pluck and bravery, as usual, though
against heavy odds, won the day. After a resistless charge, the
guns and magazine were got possession of; and the sepoys,
fairly beaten, took to flight, leaving behind them about forty
killed and many wounded. One correspondent from the place
writes : ' Had it not been for our handful of marines, who
fought right gallantly, where would we have been now ? ' And
another : ' Had the sepoys here overpowered our seamen, who
were scarcely ninety in number, perhaps we should not have been
alive at this time. But God has been very merciful, and to him
we would render our most earnest thanks.' "
In the early part of December, while in the neighborhood of
Lucknow, where the rebels were employed in strengthening the
fortifications, Sir Colin Campbell was suddenly applied to for
a reinforcement to the garrison at Cawnpore. This place was
assailed by a well organized force of twenty-five thousand
rebels and fifty guns. Sir Colin arrived at Cawnpore with a
strong force just in season to save the place, and to relieve the
garrison, who had been engaged in a severe and bloody contest
with the enemy.
Sir Colin remained at Cawnpore, collecting a large force for
the final siege of Lucknow, That place being the capital of
38*

450 BRITISH INDIA.
Oude, with a population variously estimated from 300,QOO to
500,000, its recapture was considered a matter of prime im
portance. Meantime the rebellion was raging in every direction around.
Twice the communication between Cawnpore and Delhi was
cut off, and had to be reopened by the hard fighting, first by
Greathed's, and again, two months after, by Seaton's column.
The commander-in-chief had to encounter some severe contests
before he could re-occupy Tuttehghur, where a Mohammedan
Nawab had set up for king, collecting revenues and adminis
tering justice in his own wild way. Jung Bahadoor, the Ne
paulese chief, as Sir Colin's ally, with his Ghoorkas, after some
hard fighting, occupied Gooruckpore, to the east of Oude,
dispersing the forces of Mohammed Hossein, the self-installed
ruler of that place.
During the month of February, 1858, various minor skir
mishes and engagements took place along the eastern and
western frontiers of Bengal, in Northern Behar, and in Central
India, while vast preparations were in progress under the eye
of Sir Colin Campbell at Cawnpore, for the final attack on
Lucknow. On the 3d of February, the fort of Saugor, on the Nerbudda,
was relieved by a force under Sir Hugh Rose. Here four
hundred Europeans, of whom 190 were women and children,
had been shut up for seven months, the surrounding country
swarming all that time with armed natives in open rebellion.
On the 17th of February, the almost impregnable stronghold
of Rhotosgur was captured. It had been occupied as a ren
dezvous by Umer Singh, and other rebel chiefs, since the first
outbreak of the rebellion ; and from it parties had been sent
out to scour the country, and especially to plunder and cut the
telegraph wires of the Grand Trunk, which were in sight of it.
On the 5th of March the naval brigade, which had gone up
the river Gogra to Fyzabad, on the eastern frontier of Oude, in
conjunction with a body of Ghoorkas or Nepaulese, gained a
victory over an army of rebels estimated at 20,000, with sixteen
guns, dispersing them, capturing eight of the guns with all their

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 451
ammnnition, and killing three or four hundred of the men. The
rebels were headed by Mohammed Hossein, who had set him
self up as king at Gooruckpore.
In Central India Sir Hugh Rose (who had latejy relieved
Saugor on the Nerbudda), enabled at last to move, forced a
passage named Midnapore, vigorously defended by four or five
thousand rebels, of whom only six or seven hundred were sepoys.
This succcess gave Sir Hugh command of the country to Jhan
sie — the scene of one of the most horrid of all the recent trage
dies. Jhansie itself was subsequently besieged by Sir Hugh,
who captured it on the 5th of April, killing 1,500 rebels in the
final assault.
At Lucknow, on the 11th of March, Sir James Outram's
force, which was on the left or eastern bank of the Gumti,
pushed his advance as far as the Iron Bridge, to the north of
the Residency. There he established his batteries, so as to en
filade some of the enemy's works, and to command the Stone
Bridge, which lies still further up the river to the north. The
escape of the enemy from the city by either of the bridges was
thus cut off. On the western or right side of the river, on
which the city is situate, Sir Colin, on the afternoon of the 11th,
made another advance. After a very heavy cannonade, another
. of the large palaces usnally known by the name of " the Begum,"
which had been turned into a fort, was carried by storm. This
achievement was effected mainly by a brigade of the 93d High
landers. Jung Bahadoor, with his Ghoorka force, was to move close
to the canal on the morning of the 11th; and was expected to
take an active part in the subsequent operations. The canal
crosses the road from Cawnpore, a little beyond Alumbagh, and
between it and the city.
At 9 A. M., on the morning of the 14th of March, a breach
having been effected in the Imamibarrah, which adjoins the
walled enclosure of the Kaiserbagh Palace, in which the king
used to reside, it was carried by storm ; and the troops, follow
ing close on the retiring enemy, entered and took complete pos
session of the palace. Sir James Outram was then ordered to

452 BRITISH INDIA.
cross the Iron Bridge, which lies considerably to the north-west
of the palace, beyond the British Residency, and press the enemy
from that quarter.
The city was so invested on the west, south, and east, as to
prevent all escape of the rebels. The only part open to them
was the north or northwest, in the direction of Rohilcund. That
quarter, though not invested, was watched by Brigadier Camp
bell. After the fall of the Kaiserbagh, on whose defense the
enemy had securely calculated, as by far their strongest position,
it was reported that they began to stream out of the city in vast
numbers. Accordingly, at 2 a. m., on Monday morning, 15th,
Brigadier Campbell started in pursuit of them ; while General
Hope Grant advanced toward Sitapore, in the direct road to
Rohilcund, with the view of intercepting fugitives who might
be turned off by Brigadier Campbell's movements.
On the 16th, Sir James Outram, having secured the iron and
stone bridges, recrossed the river, advanced and occupied the
Muchi Phawan or fort, which had been blown up and aban
doned by Sir Henry Lawrence at the commencement of the
siege of the Residency, as also the great Imambarry, both of
which are in the northern division of modern Lucknow. The
resistance was slight, compared with that of the previous day.
On the night of the 16th, a Ghoorka division seized the enemy's
position in front of Alumbagh, and between it and the city.
On the 17th, the commander-in-chief reported that his advan
ces were being gradually pushed on all sides of the line occu
pied by the British troops, and that "vast numbers of men,
armed and unarmed, were evacuating the city by the only out
let they possessed, to the north."
As a result, probably, of these operations, it was reported
that the rebels had again entered the district of Futtehghur, to
the north-west, and that the Nana, with the chief rebels, were at
Shahjehanpore. The rebels who had crossed the Jumna, in the neighborhood
of Calpee, with the view, as was supposed, of attacking Cawn
pore, recrossed the river to the districts on its right or western
bank. The successes at Lucknow had probably made them

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 453
fear lest, by the time they reached Cawnpore, the conqueror of
Lucknow would once more be down upon them.
On the ISth, the British troops were in possession of the
greater part of the city ; the inhabitants had fled the city, and
were in the neighboring villages ; and the Musa Bagh, the last
post held by the enemy, was expected to fall next day, an attack
having been organized.
On the 19th, the last post held by the enemy fell ; the cavalry
had a most successful pursuit, capturing his remaining guns ;
the city was completely in possession of the British troops ; one
hundred and seventeen guns had been collected, and the enemy
was in flight toward the north-west. This is the most important
event since the fall of Delhi.
On the '27th of March, Sir Hugh Rose, with two brigades,
laid siege to Jhansie, which was held by the rebels, 12,000
strong. On the first of April an attempt was made by a
strong force of the enemy to relieve the city. Without inter
rupting the siege, Sir Hugh attacked aud dispersed the reliev
ing party, and then stormed and took the place, killing three
thousand of the enemy.
Matters were now proceeding satisfactorily in Oude. A
number of native chiefs made their submission to the Chief
Commissioner, either personally or by their representatives ;
and the settlement of the country round Lucknow was being
rapidly made.
The main body of the Ghoorkas was proceeding to Nepaul,
which was held by Maun Sing, with 700 men, and two guns ;
aud the Ghoorkas expected little opposition,
Jung Bahadoor, with his body guard, had already passed
through Goriickpore. An action with the rebels under Ma
homed Hosein, and Colonel Rowcroft's force, took place near
Amorha, in the Goruckpore district, on the 17th April. The
enemy was defeated, aud pursued to their intrenchments, losing
one gun aud about one hundred men.
General Whitelock arrived at Budaon on the 1 9th April, hav
ing at Bhoragurh defeated the Nawab, who fled precipitately.
Gen. Whitelock captured four guns, and took possession of the

454 BRITISH INDIA.
city and palace of the Nawab. Eight guns were afterward
abandoned by the rebels and taken. The British lost one
officer killed and two wounded.
It was reported from Calpee that Tantia Topee, the Ranee
of Jhansie, and the Rajahs of Shahgur and Cawnpore, with
7,000 men and five guns, were encamped at Koch, to oppose
Sir Hugh Rose. The Rao Sahid, with 1,000 men, and the
relics of the Banda Nawab's force, was at Jubulpore with three
guns, to oppose Gen. Whitelock at Calpee, where there were
2,000 men and three guns.
General Walpole's division defeated the rebels on the 22d
of April ; four guns were taken, and their baggage, camp
equipage, &c, captured at Allygunj after a long pursuit. The
Commander-in-Chief joined Gen. Walpole's division on the
27th April, and entered Shahjehanpore without opposition on
the 30th. Brigadier Pennyfather attacked the rebels on the
30th April, about ten miles from Budaon, and defeated them,
taking several guns. The field force under Gen. Sir Sidney
Cotton attacked and burnt Tanita on the 25th April. The
rebel chief of that place suffered great loss in property ; about
twenty of his followers were killed and wounded in the attack.
The disarming in the Guzerat proceeded successfully. General
Walpole's division, on the 15th of April, made an unsuccessful
attack on the fort at Rowas, which was attended with consid
erable loss; four officers and about one hundred men were
killed. The European troops were obliged to retire, but the
enemy evacuated the fort in the night, and the column moved
forward. On the 22d of April, a large body of rebels was en
countered opposite Kanouge, and was dispersed with loss of
four guns, their camp, and 500 or 600 killed.
Kover Sing, with about 2,000 rebels, although hotly pursued
by Brigadier Douglass, crossed the Ganges on the 5th of April,
and arrived at Judgespore on the 22d. On the following day,
a force of 300 men, under Captain Lagrand, which advanced
from Arrah, having followed the enemy into the jungle, was
defeated — 133 men and three officers killed.
Body was taken by Gen. Whitelock, on the 19th of April,

THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 455
after an engagement in which the enemy lost 500 men and four
guns. Sir Hugh Rose left on the 27th, and expected first
to be joined by Gen. Whitelock, and then to fight the Ranee's
army, 12,000 strong, encamped at Kooch in advance of Calpee.
Brigadier Johns, of the Sixtieth Rifles, had been successful in
reaching Moradad, after three actions, and the capture*of Ru-
jeedabad and Nujeena
The Moulvie and followers were flying back to Oude. Nana
Sahib was at Bareilly. The Hindoos were friendly. The
force under Brigadier Penny, after crossing the Ganges, marched
on Kukrala ten miles from Budaon. The general and his staff
were in advance, and came upon a body of horse, which they at
first took to be a portion of the baggage guard, which had
marched by a more direct route on the flank of the column.
The general rode towards it, and when at thirty yards distance
four guns opened with grape on the party. General Penny
shortly after was missed, and the command devolved on Colonel
Jones, of her majesty's 6th carabineers. The troops quietly came
up, and the action ended in the total defeat of the enemy, one
gun and two limbers being captured.
It is not known when General Penny was wounded, but his
body was recovered after the action close to Kukrala. It ap
pears that his bridle arm had been broken by a musket ball, and
his horse had then taken fright and carried him close to the
town, where the rebels rushed upon him, and cut him up with
their swords. The troops which had composed Brigadier
Penny's column marched, after the action at Kukrala, across
Rohilcund and joined the force of the commander-in-chief, on
the 3d instant. Shahjehanpoor was occupied without opposi
tion, on the 1st of May by the commander-in-chief, who had
joined Walpole's column. The next day, his excellency, leaving
a small garrison at Shahjehanpoor, marched on Bareilly.
On the 3d of May a large body of rebels, headed by the fana
tic Moulvie of Lucknow, came down from Mohundie, in Oude,
cut up a picket of Dekantzowh's horse, plundered the city,
massacreing many of the inhabitants, and compelled the garri
son to take shelter in the entrenchment round the wall. Briga-

456 BRITISH INDIA.
dier-General Jones, by order of the commander-in-chief, marched
with a strong force towards Shahjehanpoor on the 8th. Bareilly
was attacked on the 6th by the columns under the Commander-
in-Chief and Brigadier-General Jones. The rebels were driven
into the city with loss of several guns. The city was entirely
occupied by the British on the 7th inst.
Sir Hugh Rose marched from the Jhansie for Calpee on the
26th. He was opposed at Kooch by a body of the enemy, es
timated at 7,000, headed by the Ranee of Jhansie and Gutea
Topee, the Nana's brother. The rebels had been defeated, but
details and dates unknown.
Our narrative is thus brought down to the most recent dates
received from India. The reader will perceive that the war
is still raging fearfully. The largest force of the enemy is at
Calpee, toward which place the Commander-in-Chief appears
to be concentrating several detachments of troops, for the pur
pose of dispersing them. But the number of rebels in arms
must still be immensely large, and very widely dispersed. We
have seen that the mutineers of the Bengal army alone amounted
to 100,000 men. Probably as many more elsewhere were dis
banded. To these many of the natives who were not mutineers*
have been added, as it appears that in some of the recent ac
tions not more than one fifth of the enemy were Sepoys. These
numerous rebels are now engaged in a guerrilla war; and as
often as they are beaten and dispersed, they retire to the
jungles, only to reappear in force at another place.
A reinforcement of 25,000 men has been called for, and is to
be sent forthwith from England ; and Lord Elgin has been
ordered to conclude a treaty of peace at once with the Emperor
of China, and dispatch all his forces to India. It would
appear, by these circumstances, that the British government are
fully aware of the peril of their Indian possessions ; and that
they are determined to save them at every cost.

THE END.

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BE AD LEY.

A COLLECTION OF SKETCHES,

BY MISS V. F. TOWNSEND.
Large 12mo., with fine steel Portrait of the Author.
Bound iu cloth, $1.00.

CONTENTS.

Muriel.To Arthur, Asleep.
The Memory Bells.
Mend the Breeches.
The Sunshine after the Rain.
My Picture.
Little Mercy is Dead.
The Old Letters.
The Fountain very Far Down.
The Rain in the Afternoon.
'The Blossom in the Wilderness.
The Mistake.
October.Twice Loving.
The Old Mirror.
The Country Graveyard.

Now. The Door in the Heart.
My Step-Mother.
The Broken Threat.
Glimpses Inside the Cars.
The Old Stove.
The Old Rug.
The "Making-Up."
Next to Me.
Only a Dollar.
The Temptation and the
umph.
Extracts from a Valedictory
Poem.
December.

Tri-

STOSICBS OF THE PRESS.
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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-A-IRTIEITTIR'S SKETCHES
OF
LDF-1 AN@> CHARACTER,
\n octavo volume of over 400 pages, beautifully illus
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NOTICES OF THE PRESS.
The present volume, containing more than four hundred finely-printed octavo pages,
Is illustrated by splendid engravings, and made particularly valuable to those who like
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graved on steel. — Weal's Gazette.
In the princely mansions of the Atlantic merchants, and in the rude log cabins of the
backwoodsmen, the name of Arthur is equally known, aud cherished as the friend of
virtue.— Graham's Magazine.
We would not exchange our copy of these sketches, with its story of " The Methodist
Preacher," for any one of the gilt-edged aud embossed Annuals which we have yet seen,
— Lady's National Magazine.
The first story In the volume, entitled "The Methodist Preacher, or Lights and
Shadows in the Life of an Itinerant," is aloue worth the price of the work. — Evening
Bulletin. It is emphatically a splendid work. — Middletown Whig.
Its worth and cheapness should place it in every person's hands who desire to read
an interesting book. — Odd Fellow, Boonsboro\
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of truth as well as instruction, and any one of them is worth the whole price of the
volume. — Lowell Day-star, Rev. D. C. Eddy, Editor.
There is a fascination about these sketches which so powerfully interests the reader,
that few who commence one of them will part with it till it is concluded ; and they will
bear reading repeatedly. — Nnrforlk and Portsmouth Herald.
Those who have not perused these model stories have a rich feast in waiting, and we
shall be happy if we can be instrumental in pointing them to it. — Family Visitor,
Madison, Geo.
No library for family reading should be considered complete without this volume,
which is as lively and entertaining in its character as it is salutary in its influence.—
y. T. Tribune.
The work is beautifully illustrated. Those who are at all acquainted with Arthur's
writings need hardly he told that the present work is a prize to whoever possesses it.—
N. T. Sun.
We know no better book for the table of any family, whether regarded for its neat
exterior or valuable contents. — Vox Populi, Lowell.
The name of the author is in itself a sufficient recommendation of the work.— Law
rence Sentinel.
T. S. Arthor is one of the best literary writers of the age. — Watchman, CircleviUs,
Ohio. The name alone of the author is a sufficient guarantee to the reading public of lis stus
passing merit. — The Argus, Gallatin, Miss.
Probably, he has not written a line which, dying, he could wish to erase. — Parker*'
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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BATTLE FIELDS OF THE REVOLUTION,
COMPRISING
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Characteristic Anecdotes. Illustrated with numerous
Engravings, and a fine Mezzotint Frontispiece. By
Thomas Y. Ehoads. Large 12mo., 336 pages. $1.00.

CONTENTS.

The Sergeant and the Indians.
Burning of the Gaspee.
The Great Tea Riot.
The First Prayer in Congress.
Battle of Lexington.
Fight at Concord Bridge.
Capture of Ticonderoga.
Battle of Bunker's Hill.
Attack on Quebec.
Attack on Sullivan's Island.
The Declaration of Independence.
Firmness of Washington.
Capture of General Lee.
Capture of General Prescott.
General Prescott Whipped.
Battle of Trenton.
Battle of Princeton.
General La Payette.
Battle of Brandywine.
Battle of Germantown
Battle of Bed Bank.

Burgoyne's Invasion— Battle of Ben
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Heroic Exploit of Peter Francisco.
Andrew Jackson.
Siege of Yorktown — Surrender of
Cornwallis.
George Rogers Clarke.
Death of Captain Biddle.
Patriotism of Mother Bailey.
The Dutchman and the Rake.
Simon Kenton.
The Murder of Miss M'Crea.
Massacre at Wyoming.
Treason of Arnold.
Patriotism of Elizabeth Zane.
Stony Point.
John Paul Jones.
Battle of King's Mountain.
Burning of Colonel Crawford.
Battle of the Cowpens.
Baron Steuben.
Mrs. Bozarth.

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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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"FASHIONABLE DISSIPATION."
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Great Events in Modern History.
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other Thrilling Incidents, chiefly in Europe and Ame
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California, Oregon, Hungary, Austrian Dominions, &c.
Bound in embossed morocco, mor. gilt back, $3.00.

the life km mm of Nicholas i.,
EMfEBOB OF RUSSIA,
With descriptions of Eussian Society and Government,
and a full and complete History of the War in the East.
Also, Sketches of Schamyl, the Circassian Chief, and
other distinguished characters. By Samuel M. Smucker,
A. M., author of the Court and Eeign of Catherine the
Second, Empress of Eussia. Beautifully illustrated,
over 400 pages, large 12mo., $1.25.

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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BRADLEY. AND THE
INDIAN MUTINY.
COMPRISING A COMPLETE
HISTORY OF HINDOOSTAN,
FEOM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY,
"WITH FULL PARTICULARS OF THE RECENT
MUTINY IN INDIA.
ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS.
BT
HENRY FREDERICK MALCOLM.

This great work is now ready for canvassers and agents. It
has been gotten up with great care, and may be relied on as
complete and accurate ; making one of the most thrill-
ingly interesting books published. It contains illustrations
of all the great battles and sieges, making a large 12mo.
volume of about 450 pages, and is sold at the low price of $1.25.
We make the largest discounts to agents. Send for our
list of books, including some of the most popular and salable
books published. NOTICES OF THE PRESS.
The tragical events of the war will not only be read with thrilling interest, but the
blstory of India will be studied by all classes. The work before ns is well calculated
to impart the knowledge of India and the rebellion, which is sought by those whose
curiosity has been excited, as it gives, in one volume, a popular history of the country
at different epochs. — Sural yew Yorlzer.
This work appears to be one to meet the demand for information respecting India.—
United States Journal.

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u

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BRADLEY.

The following 4 volumes contain nearly 500 pages each, illustrated
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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i hunter's life.
With fine colored Plates. Large 12mo., 336 pp. $1.00.

C03SFTEFTS.
Baiting for an Alligator — Morning among the Rooky Mountains-
Encounter with Shoshonees — A Grizzly Bear — Fight and terri
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Region — Trapping Beaver — A Journey and Hunt through New
Mexico — Start for South America/ — Hunting in the Forests of
Brazil — Hunting on the Pampas — A Hunting Expedition into
the interior of Africa — Chase of the Rhiriooeros — Chase of an
Elephant — The Roar of the Lion — Herds of Wild Elephants —
Lions attacked by Bechuanas — Arrival in the Region of the
Tiger and the Elephant — Our first Elephant Hunt in India, —
Boa Constrictor — A Tiger — A Lion — Terrible Conflict — Elephan
Catching — Hunting the Tiger with Elephants — Crossing the
Pyrenees — Encounter with a Bear — A Pigeon Hunt on the Ohio
— A Wild-Hog Hunt in Texas — Hunting the Black-tailed Deer.

ICHT" Agents wanted in every pari of the United States and
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BRADLEY.
IDE,. LIVINGSTONE'S
TRAVELS AND RESEARCHES
OF SIXTEEN TBAES IN THE
WILDS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

This is a work of thrilling adventures and hair-breadth escapes among
eavage beasts and more savage men. Dr. Livingstone was alone, and unaided
by any white man, traveling with African attendants, among different tribea
and nations, all strange to him, and many of them hostile, and altogether
forming the most astonishing book of travels the world has ever seen. All
our agentB acknowledge it is the most salable book published. The most
liberal commission made to agents, in small or large quantities.
Copies sent by mail, free, on receipt of the price, $1.25.
NOTICES OP THE PRESS.
It abounds in descriptions of strange and wonderful scenes, among a people and in a
country entirely new to the civilized world ; aud altogether we regard it as one of the
most interesting books issued within the past year. — Daily Democrat, Paterson, New
Jersey. The subjects treated of are new and strange, aud take a deep hold upon popular feel
ing. The book is having a great run, and will be read by every reading man, woman,
and child, in this as well aB other lands. — Ashtabula (Ohio) Telegraph.
Those of our readers who would have a delightful book for reading at any hour, will
not be disappointed in this work. — United States Journal.
This interesting work should be in the hands of every one. Its interesting pages of
adventures are full of instruction and amusement. — Auburn American.
With truth we can say, that seldom is presented to the reading public a work con
taining such a vast amount of solid instruction as the one in question. The volume is
handsomely illustrated, and presents that unique appearance of exterior for which Mr.
Bradley's publications are noted. — Family Magazine.
It is a rich and valuable book for the general reader; and the admirable style in
Which the publisher has issued it, will commend it to the favor of thousands. — Chris
tian Observer.
The edition of Dr. Livingstone's Travels, published by J. W. Bradley, is just what it
purports to be. Like all of Mr. Bradley's publications, it is excellently gotten up.—
Tioga Agitator, Pa.
We can commend the edition of Dr. Livingstone's Travels, published by Bradley, of
Philadelphia, as every way worthy of public patronage ; its excellence and its cheap
ness recommend it over all others. — Frank Leslie's Magazine.

j0?f CAUTION. — The attention of the Publisher has been called to spu
rious editions of this work, put forth as " Narratives of Dr. Livingstone's
Travels in Africa." Ours is the only cheap American edition of this great
work published, and contains all the important matter of the English edition,
which is sold at six dollars.

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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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PAGANISM, POPERY, AND CHRISTIANITY;
Ob, THE BLESSINGS OF AN OPEN BIBLE ; as shown in the History of
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cent TV. Milker. With a View of the Latest Developments of Rome's
Hostility to the Bible, as exhibited in the Sandwich Islands, in Tusoany, in
Ireland, Franoe, <fco., and an exposfi of the absurdities of the Immaoulate
Conception, and the Idolatrous Veneration of the Virgin Mnry. By Rot.
Joseph F. Bebo, D.D., author of " The Jesuits," " Church and State,"
Ac, &b. ] 2mo., 430 pp. Illustrated with numerous Engravings. Bound
in muslin, gilt back. $1.00.

THE WORLD IN A POCKET BOOK.
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This work is a Compendium of Useful Knowledge and General Referenoe,
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termed a library in itself.

THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.
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With fine steel Portrait. $1.25.

Clje fife anb fes of Jkankr Hamfe.
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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THE MASTER-SPIRIT OF THE AGE.
THE
Public and Private History
OP
NAPOLEON THE THIRD.

Biographical Notices of his most distinguished Ministers,
Generals and Favorites.
BY SAMUEL M. SMUCKER, A.M.,
Author of "Court and Reign of Catharine II.," "Nicholas 1., Emperor of Bussis,"
"Life of Alexander Hamilton," etc., etc.
This interesting and valuable work is embellished with splendid
steel plates, done by Mr. Sartain in bis best style, including
THE EMPEROR, THE EMPRESS, QTTEEN HORTENSE,
AND THE COUNTESS CASTIGLIONE.
The work contains over 400 pages of closely-printed matter, and
has been prepared with mucb care from authentic sources, and fur
nishes a large amount of information in reference to the Emperor
of the French,
HIS COURT, AND FRANCE UNDER THE SECOND EMPIRE,
whioh is entirely new to American readers. This work is the only one,
either in English or French, which boldly and accurately describes
The Real Character, The Private Morals, The Public
Policy, of Napoleon the Third.
NOTICES OF THE PRESS.
This is a very valuable contribution to the literature of the present time. An extra
ordinary amount of information is given in the present volume. Like all the other
works of the graceful and fluent author, it must command a very large popularity. —
Philadelphia Mercury.
It is the most complete biogTaphy of the French Emperor yet published, and brings
events down to the present time, — Baltimore Sepitblican.
This book is well written, printed on good paper, is neatly bound, good size, and sold
cheap. — Valley Spirit, Cliarnbersburg.
This work doeB full and ample justice to the subject. It is a production of superior
ability. Mr. Smucker is an accomplished writer. He is learned and accurate in hia
researches, and his style is polished and scholarlike, so that he produces works of ster
ling value and permanent interest. — Philadelphia Dispatcli.
f^* Copies sent by mail on receipt of the prioe, $1.25.
J. W. BRADLEY, Publisher,
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BRADLEY.
O* The following Books are bound in uniform st>««, ns
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THE WAY TO PROSPER,
AM® ©THUGS TAILIg.
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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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A BOOK OP STARTLING INTEREST.
THE

BY T. S. ARTHUR.
A handsome 12mo. volume. Price $1.00.

In this exciting story Mr. Arthur has taken hold of the
reader's attention with a more than usually vigorous grasp, and
keeps him absorbed to the end of the volume. The book is
one of STARTLING INTEREST. Its lessons should be in
THE HEART OF EVERY MOTHER.
Onward, with a power of demonstration that maKes conviction
a necessity, the author sweeps through his subject, fascinating
at every step. In the union of
THRILLING DRAMATIC INCIDENT,
with moral lessons of the highest importance, this volume
stands forth pre-eminent among the author's many fine pro
ductions.

NOTICES OP THE PRESS.
A story of much power, imbued with that excellent moral and religious spirit which
pervades all his writings. — N. Y. Chronicle.
This volume is among his best productions, and worthy of a place on every centre-
table. — Clarion, Pa., Banner.
This is a most fascinating book, one which the reader will find it quite hard to lay
aside without reading to the last page. — Albany, N. Y., Journal and Courier

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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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" To the Pure all things are Pure."
WOMAN AND HER DISEASES,
FROM
THE CRADLE TO THE GRAVE:
ADAPTED
EXCLUSIVELY TO HER INSTRUCTION
IN THE
PHYSIOLOGY OF HER SYSTEM,
AND ALL THE
DISEASES OF HER CRITICAL PERIODS.
BY EDWARD H. DIXON, M.D.,
Editor of *' The Scalpel," Consulting and Operating Surgeon, author of a Treatise on the " Causes
of the Early Decay of American Women," ice, &o., and formerly Physician
to the New York Deaf and Dumb Asylum.

NOTICES OS1 THE PEESS.
"Woman and her Diseases, from the Cradle to the Grave, adapted exclusively to
her Instruction in the Physiology of her System," etc. By Edward H. Dixon, M.D.
This work, though pertaining to subjects, the discussion of which has hitherto been
almost exclusively confined to the medical profession, contains not a line nor a word
calculated to awaken impure emotion, but much to strengthen purposes of virtue, and
at the same time to remove the ignorance which lies at the foundation of the prevailing
licentiousness. It has received the highest commendation from men whose opinions
have great weight with the friends of morality and religion.— New York Tribune.
The chapter on the consequences and treatment of self-abuse, is one of the most earn
est appeals we have ever read, and we helieve will save thousands from an untimely
grave. That, on abortion, entitles Dr. Dixon to the thanks of every humane person in
the community. — Merchants' Ledger, N. Y.
The thanks of the public are (Toe to Dr. Dixon, both for the matter and the manner
of it. Every mother should read it, and then present Ub contents to her children. —
Anglo-American. Dr. Dixon has lent a deep interest to his work, and is doing good Bervice by its publi
cation. — Boston Medical and Surgical Journal.
We are sure we are doing a public benefit, by commending to universal notice, this
work, imparting as it does a vast deal of information of vital importance to every one.
Medical and other journals of the highest repute in this country, have spoken of it in
the most exalted terms, and earnestly recommended its introduction into every family.
— New Bedford Evening Bulletin.
This work is written by Dr. Dixon,' a well-known surgeon, and a pupil of Dr. Mott,
with admirable zeal and all possible delicacy. — Newark Daily.

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BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
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LIGHTS AND SHADOWS OF REAL LIFE,
With an Autobiography and Portrait of the Author. Over five hundred
pages octavo, with fine tinted Engravings. $2.00.

KTOTICES OF THE PRESS.
In this volume may be found a " moral suasion," which cannot but effect for good
all who read. The mechanical execution of the work is very beautiful throughout.—
New Haven Palladium.
It is by far the most valuable book ever published of his works, inasmuch as it is en-
riehed with a very interesting, though brief autobiography. — American Courier.
No family library is complete without a copy of this book. — Scott's Weekly Paper.
No better or worthier present could he made to the youug ; no offering more pure,
charitable, and practicable could be tendered to those who are interested in the truly
benevolent reforms of the day. — Godey's Lady's Book.
The paper, tbe engravings, the binding, and the literary contents, are all calculated
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This volume cannot be too highly recommended. — N. Y. Tribune.
More good has been effected, than by any other single medium that we know of.—
N. Y. Sun.
The work should be upon the centre-table of every parent in the land. — National
Temperance Magazine.

LEAVES PROM THE BOOK OF HUMAN LIFE
Large l2mo. 328 pages. With 30 Illustrations and Steel Plate. $1.00.

NOTICES OF THE PKESS.
A single story is worth the price charged for the book. — Union, Kewburyport, Mats.

GOLDEN GRAINS FROM LIFE'S HARVEST-FIELD,
Bound in full gilt, with, a beautiful Mezzotint Engraving. 12mo.
240 pages. $1.00.
NOTICES OP THE PRESS.
It Is not too much to say, that the Golden Grains here presented to the reader, are
such as will be productive of a far greater amount of human happiness than those in
search of which so many are willing to risk domestic peace, health, and even life itself,
in a distant and inhospitable region.
Those narratives, like all of those which proceed from the same able pen, are re
markable not only for their entertaining and lively pictures of actual life, but for their
admirable moral tendency.
It is printed in excellent style, and embellished with a mezzotint engraving. We
cordially recommend it to the favor of our readers.^— Godey's Lady's Magazine.

" Agents wanted in every part of the United States and
British Provinces. Address,
J. W. BRADLEY, Publisher,
48 iV. Fourth street, Philadelphia.

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J: W. BRADLEY.
THE GOOD TIME COMING.
By T. S. Abthue. Large 12mo., over 300 pages, with fine Mezzotint
Frontispiece  $1.00
Cloth, full gilt,  1.60
WHAT CAN WOMAN DO?
By T. S. Abthue. 12mo., over 300 pages, with Mezzotint Engrav
ing,  $1.00
Cloth, full gilt  1.50
THE WITHERED HEART.
By T. S. Abthue. 12mo., with fine Mezzotint Frontispiece. Bound
in cloth,  $1.00
Cloth, full gilt,  1.50
THE FIRESIDE ANGEL.
By T. S. Abthue. 64 pages, 32mo., with an Engraving. Bound in
muslin, gilt edges,  25
PIONEER LIFE IN THE WEST. /
Comprising the Adventures of Boone Kenton, Brady, Clarke, the
Whetzels, and others, in their Fierce Encounters with the
Indians  $1.00

Iftitt&g Soros k % Walk uf %ixkn:
Uomprising the Thrilling Adventures of Cummiko, Haebis, and other
daring Hunters of Lions, Elephants, Giraffes, Buffaloes, and other
Animals. $1.00. ¦ .,3 £'

' Agents wanted in every part of the United States and
British Provinces. Address,
J. W. BRADLEY, Publisher,
48 JV. Fourth street, Philadelphia.

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY
J. W. BRADLEY.
SYBIL MONROE; OR, THE FORGER'S DAUGHTER.
ByMAETHA Eussel. $1.00.

THE DESERTED FAMILY; OR, THE WANDERINGS
OP AN OUTCAST.
By Paul Ceettok. $1.00.

SWEET HOME; OR, FRIENDSHIP'S GOLDEN ALTAR.
16mo. 272 pages. By Feances C. Peemvai. Mezzotint Frontispiece,
cloth, gilt back and centre, $1.00.

THE ANGEL VISITOR; or, VOICES OF THE HEAET.
16mo., 272 pages, with Mezzotint, $1.00.

THE SPIRIT LAND.
16mo., 288 pages, with Mezzotint, $1.00.

THE MORNING STAR; OR. SYMBOLS OF CHRIST.
By Eev. Wh. M. Thatee, author of " Hints for the Household,'
" Pastor's Holiday Gift," &c, &c. 16mo., 280 pages, $1.00.

ANNA CLAYTON; OR, THE MOTHER'S TRIAL
A Tale of Eeal Life. $1.00.
Sflte fcft (Bt\n; at, Sfaite to be M.
By Mrs. Livingstone. Cloth, gilt back, 30 oents.

PEBCIOITSITESS OF CHRIST.
Cloth, gilt back, 30 cents.

' Agents wanted in every part of the United States and
British Provinces. Address,
J. W. BRADLEY, Publisher,
48 JV". Fourth street, Philadelphia.

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