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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

Washington-Madison Papers

Estate of the late J. C. McGUIRE, of Washington, D. C.

TO BE SOLD BY ORDER OF F. B. McGUIRE AND J. D. McGUIRE, EXECUTORS

CATALOGUE COMPILED AND SALE CONDUCTED
BY STAN. V. HENKELS
Catalogue Price, $2.50

THOMAS BIRCH'S SONS
AUCTIONEERS
1110 Chestnut Street, Phila., Pa.

BOOK AND AUTOGRAPH DEPARTMENT

THOMAS BIRCH'S SONS, Auctioneers,

IMO CHESTNUT STREET.

Stan. V. Henkels, WANAoen.

Philadelphia, November ist, i8g2.
Dear Sir: It is with pleasure that we take this opportunity of present
ing for your careful perusal the most important Historical Cata
logue ever compiled in this Country.
Although we call it a Catalogue, we think you will agree
with us that it is a very importa?it addition to the history of our
country, during its most interesting epoch; it has been compiled
with the view of making it valuable for historical reference, and to
faithfully portray the valuable papers enumerated therein ; it will
at the same time establish indisputably our superiority over all
others in the preparation and disposal of rare and valuable
Autographic material.
A glance at the title page will convey an adequate idea of
the great historical importance of this notable collection, the major
portion of which was preserved by James Madison, President of
the United States, and which is now on the eve of being scattered
through the medium of a public auction.

IVe respectfully request that, should you not desire to become
a purchaser, you will place this Catalog^ue in the hands of some
one of your friends who may likely he interested in the material
contained therein- The r€aso,nabIeness qf 0iis request will readily
be understood when the enormous cost of the compilation and
printing is taken into consideration, and the fact that the edition
is limited to looo copies.
Any of our patrons tvho may find it impracticable to
attend the sed?, co(n hc(%^ their- Qrdcrs faithfully and intelligently
executed by the auctio?ieer ; or if they would rather hospe their
purchases made through those who are in the habit of attending to
.such business, we herewith present a list of names from which a
selection can be readily made. Very respectfully yours,
STdN. V. UENK&L5.
Maf!0^er. THOS. £IRCfi'§, SONS,
Bqqk and Aufqgr.qph^ Department.

Persons who will attend to orders at this sale.

Joseph F. Sabin,
J. S. Bradley, Jr.,
C. De F. Burns,
Walter R. Benjamin,
W. E. Benjamin,
C. L. Tra ver,
David G. Francis,
E. B. Stirling,
Geo. E. Littlefield,
Wm. Lowdermilk & Co.,
Robert Clarke & Co.,
A. C. McClurg & Co.,
Mitchell'sChas. Steigerwalt,
Wm. j. Campbell,
Porter & Coates,

80 Nassau street, New York.
I Pine Street, New York.
49 Cliambers Street, Nev/ York.
28 West Twenty-third Street, New York.
751 Broadway, New York.
108 South Broad Street, Trenton, N. J.
12 East Fifteenth Street, New York.
344 BeUevue Avenue, Trenton, New Jersey
67 Cornhill, Boston, Massachusetts.
1424 F Street, Washington, D. C.
Cincinnati, Ohio.
Chicago, Illinois.
830 Broadway, New York.
130 East King Street, Lancaster, Penna.
740 Sansom Street, Philadelphia.
Cor. Ninth and Chestnut Streets, Phila.

Fifty copies of this Catalogue will be printed on extra paper,
with a list of prices obtained at sale.
If you wish to subscribe for the same, please send your name
and address as early as possible to
STAN. V. HENKELS,
Price, g^.oo • mo Chestnut Street.

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Catalogue No. 694
\Vashington=iVladison Papers
COUECTED AND PRESERVED BY JAMES MADISON
Estate of J. C. McGUIRE, deceased, of Washington, D. C.
CONTAINING
HIGHLY IMPORTANT LETTERS FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON
RELATING TO THE REVOLUTION AND THE
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
AND
HIS AUTOGRAPH "FAREWELL ADDRESS" LETTER.
also
LETTERS OF EDMUND RANDOLPH, EDMUND PENDLETON, JOSEPH JONES,
JOHN ADAMS, THOMAS JEFFERSON, JAMES MONROE, JONATHAN
DAYTON, GENERAL JOHN ARMSTRONG, HENRY CLAY, AND
OTHER EMINENT STATESMEN, TO JAMES MADISON,
AS \\'ELL AS JAMES MADISON's OWN LETTERS
EMBRACING THE PERIOD OF THE STAMP-ACT TROUBLE, REVOLU
TIONARY WAR, CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, WAR OF
181 2, AND Jackson's administration.
also
The remainder of the extraordinary collection of American historical letters and
documents, gathered for the pupose of illustrating Bancroft's History of
the United States, and Parkman's Works : containing many rare and
highly interesting letters of Signers of the Declaration of Inde
pendence, Generals of the Revolutionary War, Members of
the Continental Congress, etc., etc., etc.
SOME OF WHICH HAVE SPECIAL REFERENCE TO ARNOLD'S TREASON
REV. JACOB DUCHE'S LETTER TO GENERAL WASHINGTON
RELICS OF WASHINGTON, OIL PORTRAITS, ETC.
To be sold in our Spacious Second-Story Salesroom,
TuB^daij and WBdnB^dBij, AjmNooiTanrEVEinNs
December 6th and. Tth,. 1892
Aftei-noon Session, 3.30 o'clock; Evening Session, 7.30 o'clock

catalogue compiled and sale oonduHea THOMAS BIRCH'S SONS
AUCTIONEERS
STAN. V. HENKELS • ,„q CHESTNUT STREET

COPYBiaHT, 1892
BY STAN. V. HENKELS

Imprinted at Ihe
BICKING PKINT
No. 1 South Tenth Street
PHILADELPHIA

PRKFACK.
IT is impossible for us to give an adequate idea of the import
ance of this collection, in the few remarks which we here
make, and our patrons will find that it will not be a waste
of time to read carefully every line in the Catalogue, as it will
give a more correct history of our country than can be gleaned
from any published volume. We claiiir it to be the greatest ac
cumulation of historical material relating to the Revolutionary
War, the formation of the Federal Union, and the second war with
Great Britain, that has ever appeared in catalogue form.
That portion included under the heading of " The Washing
ton-Madison Papers" embraces the letters of General George
Washington to Joseph Jones and James Madison, during the Revo
lutionary War and the Constitutional Convention, and also dur
ing his occupancy of the presidential- chair ; Joseph Jones being
Washington's representative in the Continental Congress, and
James Madison the leading spirit in constructing the netv Con
stitution, these letters, therefore, cannot help but be interesting,
and at the same time highly important as matter of history. In
Washington's letters we find him — as a General, at the head of his
army ; as a Mediator, soothing the turbulent spirit of the soldiers
with one hand, and with the other writing to Congress begging
that the wrongs inflicted upon the army be righted; as a States
man, even when on the field of battle, giving his views on the
various modes for raising a revenue, and then pleading, in the most
pathetic terms, for a Federal Constitution and a free government for
the country that he had redeemed from the British yoke. He
then appears as President of the United States, formulating rules
and regulations, the same which have ever since been carried out
bythe chief executives ofthe nation. It was during the period of
his first term as President that Washington wrote the famous letter
to James Madison (included in this collection), requesting him to
write a valedictory address, from him to the people, as he had fully
made up his mind not to accept a second term. In this letter he
informs Madison what he would like to have incorporated in the
farezvell address, thus making it the most interesting of all his
letters.

The letters written to James Madison by Joseph Jones,
Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Randolph and Edmund Pendleton,
between 1770 and 1800, bring to light many important his
torical facts, that have long since been forgotten, relative to the
Revolutionary War, the formation of the Constitution, the treaties
with Great Britain and France and other foreign powers, and
the various modes employed for establishing a national credit
and currency. The letters of James Madison are principally his autograph
drafts of those written to various statesman during the time he
was a delegate to the Continental Congress, a member of the Con
stitutional Convention and of the First Congress, Secretary of
State, and President of the United States, and from Montpellier
after he had retired to private life, and are replete with valuable
information relating to the most important affairs of state.
There are also included in the same collection the letters of
General John Armstrong to James Madison, from 1804 to 181 2,
as Minister tc France during JefferEon's administration, as Gen
eral of the Army of the United States and Secretary of War,
during the War of 1812; Jonathan Dayton's anonymous and
other letters to James Madison, relating to the conspiracy in the
New England States to separate from the Union in case of a
second war with Great Britain, and also formulating plans for the
campaigns ofthe War of 1812; and many important letters
from John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, James
Monroe, Richard Rush, William C. Rives, and other statesmen,
on public and private affairs.
The most important work from Madison's pen in the collec
tion, is his autograph copy of the minutes of the Constitutional
Convention of lySy.
All the letters and papers enumerated in this catalogue, from
lots I to 139 inclusive, were purchased by the late J. C. McGuire,
of Washington, D. C, from Payne Todd, son of Mrs. Dolly P.
Madison, by her first husband, and are as important, if not more
so, than those purchased from Mrs. Madison by the Government,
and which were afterwards published by order of Congress.
The remainder of the Catalogue embraces the. balance of that
extraordinary collection of American historical letters and docu
ments, gathered for the purpose of illustrating Bancroft's History
of the United States, and Parkman's Works (a portion o'f which
was included in our catalogue of April 5 and 6, 1892), containing

vii
tiiany rare and highly interesting letters oi signers of the f)e clara
tion of Independence, Generals of the Revolutionary War, members
of the Continental Congress, etc., many of which have special refer
ence to Arnold' s treason, and other events during the struggle for
indpendence, the second war with Great Britain, and the war with
Mexico ; also the remarkable letter written by the Rev. Jacob
DucHE TO General George Washington, praying him to forsake
the American cause ; John Adams's letter praising the citizens of
Philadelphia for their loyalty to the Government of the United
States, and Franklin Pierce's noted letter to Hon. W. H. Seward,
in answer to one in which he had been accused of belonging to a
secret league to disrupt the Union.
The relics of General Washington consist of Books from his
Library, a Study-Lamp, Knee-Buckles, Shotgun, the Communion
Chalices used at his church (Christ Church, Alexandria), etc.
The portraits include original oil paintings of General Wash
ington, by Gilbert Stuart and Charles Willson Peale, and a por
trait of Washington painted on glass by a Chinese artist ; also
some few rare engravings.
This Catalogue has been compiled with a view to its use as
a collection of historical facts from the pens of those who founded
and supported the Government of the United States. Any
peculiarity in the spelling, punctuation or phraseology of these
letters and papers quoted, must be attributed to the original writer,
not to the cataloguer, as they have, in all cases, been copied ver
batim et literatim et punctuatim.
The letter from the executors of the estate of J. C. McGuire,
(of which a fac-simile accompanies this Catalogue) states that all
the papers belonging to that estate, herein mentioned, must be sold
without reserve, an injunction that shall surely be followed, both
in regard to those papers, and every other item in the Catalogue.
We are indebted to Mr. E. J. Bicking for the beautiful man
ner in which the Catalogue has been printed, as well to his assist
ant, Mr. D. V. Daly, for the efficient manner in which he has
performed his task as proof-reader, and for the typographical ar
rangement. The Levytype Co., of Philadelphia, have enabled us
to present the many correct and handsome reproductions with
which the work is illustrated,
STAN. V. HENKELS.

WASHINGTON'S LETTERS TO THE
HON. JOSEPH JONES AND THE
HON. JAMES MADISON, JUNIOR,
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
I Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
2 pages. In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters, Middle Brook, 28th May, 1778.
•• Brigadier Genl Knox
"Sir " The knowledge you have of the general situation of the enemy
makes it unnecessary I should enter into any further detail than barely to
inform you —
'• That their number at New York Staten and Long Island. — supposing
the detachment which went to Virginia to consist of 2000 men, agreeable to
the accounts I have received — amounts according to the best estimate I have
been able to form to about gooo men. At Rhode Island their strength is about
5 or 6000 men. Their remaining force in these States is in Georgia and
Virginia — In addition to these, their whole influence is exerted to stimulate
the Indians from one end of the Western frontier to the other against us, and
reinforcements are expected from Europe. But what may be their precise
destination or amount is uncertain — The current of intelligence points to
New York and to at least 5000 men.
¦ " Our own force and present disposition are pretty well known to you,
but to give a more exact idea, I shall observe, that, besides the Pennsylvania,
Maryland and Virginia troops now in this camp and the North Carolina troops
at Paramus, — there are three Brigades of Massachusetts troops and one of Con
necticut on the North River — one of the latter at Uanbury and about 2500
Continental

tontinental troops at Rhode Island. You will be able to form a sufficiently
accurate judgment of the collective strength of these corps ; but if you should-
wish for more precise information, you can obtain it by applying to me. The
rest of our force except about 6 or 700 on the Ohio will be employed to the
Westward against the Indians. —
" I can say scarely any thing of the reinforcements we have reason to ex
pect — The measures persuing by the several Stales to augment to their bat
talions and the success with which they are attended have as yet come but
partially to my knowledge. I fear our prospects are very inconsiderable.
" Under this concise account of matters and taking a comprehensive view
of our affairs in general — particularly the state of our supplies and the depre
ciation of our currency — I am to request you will favour me with your opinion
of the plan of conduct which will be proper for us to persue at this juncture
for the advancement of the common cause and for the honor and interest of
the American arms; in doing whiclr, I shall be obliged by a very free and
full communication of your sentiments —
" I am Sir
" Your most Obet Saivant "Geo Washington"
AAi^ashington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters 23rd March 1779.
" Brig. Genl Knox.
" Dear Sir
" For the more speedy assembling of the Militia upon an imergency,
I have agreed with the Field Officers in this and the next County to erect
Beacons upon the most conspicuous Hills, the firing of which shall be Signals
for them to repair to their different Alarm Posts — You will be pleased to have
erected upon the Mountain in the Rear of Pluckemin, upon the place that
shall seem most visible from the adjacent County. The Beacons are proposed
to be built of Logs in the form ofa Pyramid ; 16 or 1 8 feet square at the Base,
and about 20 feet in height, the inner part to be filled with Brush — Should
there be occasion to fire it you shall have proper notice —
" Be pleased to send me one of the Copies of the last arrangement of the
Ordnance department — " I am Dear Sir " Yr most obt Servt." Geo Washington "
" P. S. As the inclosed Resolve of Congress includes the Artillery I
have transmitted to you, and request to order Returns to be made agreeable
thereto—" Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters, 12th April, 1779.
" Brig. Gen. Knox
" Dear Sir
" Inclosed you have the last General Return of Ordnance and Mili
tary Stores which I have received from the Board of War, of which you will
take a Copy. There appears to me a very great deficiency of many articles,
particularly of Small Arms, powder and Lead, But you will be pleased to ex
amine it crhically and report to me what are, in your opinion, wanting, that
I may, without loss of time, lay the estimate before the Board of War.
" As you must be sensible of the necessity of keeping a Return of so
disagreeable a complexion as much a secret as possible, be pleased to drop a
hint ol this kind to the person who copies it —
'•¦ I am Dear Sir
" Your most obt Servt " Geo Washington "

Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Quarto.
2 pages. In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters Middlebrook 4th May 1779.
" Brig Geti Knox
" D Sir. " I inclose you a return which I received a few days ago from Gen
eral Parsons — of arms and accoutrements, wanted for the troops at Reading.
" I wish you lo take the most immediate measures on this occasion in your
department, to have these, and all the deficiencies, in the troops stationed on the
other side of the North River supplied from Springfield ; having respect at
the same time to the supplies which may be necessary for the other parts of
the army, and proportioning the distribution accordingly.
" I am D Sir
" Your most obedient and hble Servt. "Geo Washington "
Washington, General George. Letter Signed twice.
F"olio. 3 pages. In the handwriting of Colonel Tench
Tilghman. " Head Quarters, Middlebrook 27th May 1779.
" Brig Gen Knox
" Dr Sir
" I herevrith transmit you an abstract of a letter from the board of
War of the 24th inst; by which you will perceive, that the factory at Philadel
phia turns out 60 or 70 cartridge boxes per day ; and that the armory is in a
situation to enter upon the repairs of arms. — You will be pleased to have the
old cartridge boxes now in store, and those returned on the distribution of
new ones sent forward to Philadelphia for the purpose which the board men
tions and such arms as want repairs to the armory, agreeably to the recom
mendation of the board.
"Brigadier Genl Clinton writes me the 13th, that, 'the ammunition I
applied for at Fishkill by virtue of Gen Knox's order, could not be all pro
cured ; the small quantity which could be spared, is on the way up, I am in
formed by letters from Col Che vers that it is not to be had at Springfield, but
that he had sent to Boston for it, I have sent an express to hasten it up tho I
am afraid it will not arrive in time.'
" I have given you the extract, that you may take the proper steps lo
have a supply at fish kill or its vicinity to answer any exigencies that may
arise in this quarter. " I am Dr Sir
" Your most hble Servt." Geo Washington
" P. S. — It is not my intention that you should send all the arms out of
repair ; but retain what you think our camp armours may be able to repair, —
nor all the cartridge boxes, I wish to have a proportion of both for any occa
sional demand In executing this order you will have reference to this re
striction. " Geo Washington "
Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
" To Brigadier General Knox
"Sir " The situation of our affairs and the general prospects of the cam
paign require that the army should divest itself of every article that can be
spared and take the field as light as possible — I am therefore of opinion, that
not more than two light field pieces ought to be attached to each Brigade ;
and that the Park should be composed of a few pieces of the same sort — You
will be pleased after reserving a sufficient number for these purposes to send
all the overplus to some convenient place from which they may without diffi
culty be drawn, if a particular occasion should call for them. Easton perhaps
may answer — " Given at Head Quarters Middle
" Brook May 30th 1779.
" Geo Washington "

Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Quarto.
In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters, Morris Town, June 4th 1779.
" General Knox
" Sir, " By a letter this moment arrived from General McDougall dated
two O'clock yesterday, the enemy were advancing in force towards the Conti
nental Village. — The other part of their army on the West side were to move the
same day to invest the Fort. On reconsideration, as some heavy cannon in our
future operations may become essential, if you can possibly procure a sufficiency
of horses to carry those at the Park with convenience and despatch, I wish them
to join the army without delay — a careful officer will no doubt accompany
them to avoid accidents on the route —
"The moment you can be " I am Dr .Sir
spared I wish to see you " Your most obet serv.
in front of West Point." " Geo Washington "
Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Quarto.
In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
"Morristown 4th June 1779.
" Brig Gen Knox
" Dr Sir
" On the 2d instant a part of the enemy possessed themselves of the
fort on Verplank's point, by capitulation — They are now throwing up some
works on the point on this side. — It would appear from a number of circum
stances that they mean to pr'ess their operations against the posts on the high
lands. " The militia are calUng out for ammunition, and the supply for the
army, as you know, is, far from being sufficient. I would therefore wish you
to send on careful and active conductors to hasten forward to the army, a
competent supply, from the nearest magazines.
" I am D Sir. Your raost hble Servt. "Geo Washington"
Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
2 pages. Franked with General Washington's signature
on address. " Head Quarters, New Windsor, July 12th 1779.
" Brigadier Genl Knox
" Dear Sir
" I perceive by the last returns, that there is still a number of men
wanting arms — In addition to this, I am informed we may shortly expect
some new levies from Massachusetts and Connecticut particularly the latter.
The men without arms will be rather an incumbrance — than a benefit. I re
quest you will take every measure in your power to have a supply ready. For
this purpose, you will hasten to the Army all such as are any where under
your direction ; and will write in urgent terms to the Board of War for a
further supply if to be had. I wish you to make this an object of particular
attention. " I shall be glad to hear how Mrs. Knox is, to whom I beg my respect
ful compliments and best wishes for her health.
" I am Dear Sir
"Your most obedt Servt
" Geo Washington "
" P. S.— Since writing the above I have received information that the
Massachusetts levies are assembling at Springfield & may soon be expected
on
"G. W."

s
10 Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
2 pages. " West Point, 2oth Aug, 1779.
" Brig. Gen Knox.
" Sir " I have received the reports from Major General McDougal Briga
dier Du Portail and yourself of this date on the subject of the batteries can
non and ammunition necessary for the defence of West Point —
"The motive there suggested concurs with others to make me desire
there should be a speedy and ample supply of powder at this post and in the
vicinity — We cannot now undertake any operations however necessary, which
may require a considerable expenditure of this article — from the present abso
lute scarcity of it — I am informed the arrival of a large quantity is momently
expected. You will therefore please to write to the Board representing our
situation and requesting in pressing terms, that in case of such arrival, no time
may be lost in forwarding what you deem a competent supply, as well for
olTensive operations against the enemy's posts should they become adviseable
as for the defence of this —
" Vuu will at the same time have a sufficient number of cannon ball of
proper sizes prepared for the same purposes that we may be at no loss on this
account. " I am with great esteem
" Sir " Your most obet Servt " Geo Washington "
II Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
In the handwriting of Colonel Trench Tilghman. With
address. "Head Quarters, West Point, 12th Nov., 1779.
" Genl Knox
" Dear Sir
" From present appearences, and the Season of the Year, there is little
reason to believe, that a co-operation, with the French Admiral, can possibly
take place. In consequence of this opinion, and to avoid as much as possible
a further increase of expence, I have to request you to suspend such of your
arrangements as were designed for this purpose, and vvhich, unless this event
were to take place, will be unnecessary, I reckon among these, particularly,
the Business on which Col Stevens has been ordered. In your measures on
this subject, which I wish to be immediate, although you stop the prepara
tion, you will do it in such a manner as to preserve the Idea for which they
were undertaken — I need not observe to you the expediency of preserving
appearances till the determination of congress is known, to whom I have
written on the Subject. " I am Dear Sir
" Gen'l Green desires that the person " Yr most obt Servt
who goes to Col Stevens may call upon him," " Geo Washington "
12 Washington, General George. Letter Signed. 4to. In
the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
" Head Quarters, Novemr i8th 1779.
" Genl Knox
" Dr Sir
" .^s the North Carolina Troops have orders to march immediately
to the Southward, you will be pleased to direct the Company of Artillery be
longing lo that State to hold themselves in readiness to move with them —
their route will hereafter be made known — and with respect to their pieces
you will suffer them to carry them or not, as you see proper.
" P. S.— Col Clark will " I ,im Dr Sr
give the route " " Yr mo obet Servt " Ge" Washington "

13 Washington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
3 pages. "West Point. Nov 23rd 1779
" Brigadier General Knox.
" Dr Sir
" The ordnance and ordnance stores necessary for Fort Arnold and
its dependencies you will please to have alloted agreeably to a report made to
me by yourself and General McDougall and Gen du Portail. And where the
artillejy can be planted with propriety and safety on account of the unfinished
state of the out works to have it done accordingly
" The posts at Kings-ferry should be immediately supplied with two
jjieces of cannon (one on each side the river) to keej) off the enemy's row
gallies which are beginning to appear there. — when the works are in a more
complete state of defence, such further aid of artillery as shall be judged abso
lutely necessary, may be added, tho' it is not my intention to place many at
this post, but my wish to have those which are there of the least valuable of
their kind.
" The rest of the ordnance and ordnance stores which the prospect of an
extensive operation against New York had drawn to this place, and in the
vicinity of it, upon, or very near the river, I would have sent to Albany on
account of the easy and cheap transportation, and because it may be considered
as a safe deposit for them.
" In a removal of this kind a proper attention must be had to the probable
and contingent wants of the army at its places of cantonment.
" You will please to direct (if it is not already done) the company of
artificers at Fredericksburg commanded by Cap'n Post to be withdrawn from
that place as also all other small detachments of a similar nature and under
similar circumstances and have them more connected, as a number of small
and separate detachments involve considerable expence with respect tb the
issues of provisions &c.; while their labor possibly, might be employed lo
greater advantage, if they were more compact, and under a more general and
frequent inspection " I am Sir
" Your most obt Servt " Geo Washington "

14 W^ashington, General George. Letter Signed. Folio.
In the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
"Morris Town Dec Sth 1779
" Brigadier General Knox.
" Sir. " From more particularly conversing with Col Laurens, I find the
Southern department is not very amply supplied with field artillery and that a
few pieces from hence will be very useful. I am therefore to desire you will detail
six six pounders to march with the Virginia troops which have orders lo move
immediately — If you cannot spare artillery-men to accompany them, you
will at least write to Col Harrison directing him to send a proper number of
officers out of those who lately went from the army — The officers will repair to
South CaroUna and take General Lincoln's orders — I wish to observe as much
secrecy as we can, concerning the succours we are sending Southward.
" Dr Sir
" 'S'our most obet servant " CrEo Washington "

1
Washington's Letter referring to the Arrival
of La Fayette and the intentions of
the French Court.
15 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter
Signed. Folio. 4 pages. " Morris-town May 14th 1780.
" lion Josepti yones, Esq.
" Dear Sir (Private)
" I received the acc't of your delegation with much satisfaction &
was greatly pleased to hear of your arrival in Philadelphia — as I have ever
placed you among the number of my friends I mean to take this early oppor
tunity of giving you a mark of my confidence in an interesting moment. —
" The arrival of the Marquis de la Fayette opens a prospect w'ch offers
the most important advantages to these states if proper measures are adopted
to improve it. — He announces an intention of his Court to send a Fleet and
Army to co-operate effectually with us.
" In the present state of our Finance, and in the total emptiness of our
magazines a plan must be concerted to bring out the resources of the country
with vigor and decision — This I think you will agree with me cannot be ef
fected if the measures to be taken should depend on the slow deliberations of a
body so large as Congress admitting the best disposition in every member to
promote the object in view— It appears to me of the greatest importance, &
even of absolute necessity that a small committee should be immediately ap
pointed to reside near head Quarters vested with all the powers which Con
gress have so far as respects the purpose of a full co-operation with the French
fleet & army on the continent — ^There authority should be Plenipotentiary to
draw out men & supplies of every kind & give their sanction to any operations
which the Commander-in-chief may not think himself at liberty to undertake
without it as well beyond, as within the limit ofthese states.
" This committee can act with dispatch and energy — by being on the spot
it will be able to provide for exigencies as they arise and the better to judge
of their nature & urgency — The plans in contemplation may be opened to
them with more freedom and confidence than to a numerous body — where
secrecy is impossible — where the indiscretion of a single member by disclosing,
may defeat the project.
" I need not enlarge on the advantages of such a measure as I flatter my
self they will occur to you and that you will be ready to propose and give it
your support — The conjuncture is one of the most critical & important we have
seen — all our prudence & exertions are requisite to give it a favourable issue —
Hesitancy and delay would in all probability ruin our affairs — circumstanced
as we are the greatest good or the greatest ill must result. — we shall probably
fix the independence of America if we succeed and if we fail the abililies of
the state will have been so strained in the attempt that a total relaxation and
debility must ensue and the worst is to be ajiprehended. —
"These considerations should determine Congress to forego all inferior
objects and unite with mutual confidence in those measures which seem best
calculated to insure success — There is no man who can be more useful as a
member of the Committee than General Schuyler. — His perfect knowledge of
the resourses of the Country — the activity of his temper — His fruitfulness of
expedients and his sound Military sense make me wish above all things he
may be appointed. — a well composed committee is of primary importance — I
need not hint that the delicacy of these intimations fit them only for your pri
vate eai>^—
"The opinion I have of your friendship induces me thus freely & confi
dentially to impart my sentiments on the occasion and I shaU be very happy
you may agree with me in judgment — I am with the greatest esteem & re-
" Dr Sir " Yr obedt & affect'e " -Hble Servt
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter stating that " our Cause
is lost" unless Congress acts in a
more decisive manner with
the States.

i6 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
(Signature cut off). Folio. 3 pages. With addressed
wrapper. "Morris-Town, May 31st, 1780.
" Hon Joseph Jones
" Dear Sir
" I have been honored with your favor in answer to my letter re
specting the appointment of a Com'ee and with two others of later date — The
last containing Genl Woodford's acc't of the situation of things at Charles
Town at the time of his writing — I thank you for them all. — Unhappily that
place (Ch's Town) — the garrison in it &c (as appears by the New York ac
count which I have transmitted to Congress) have been in the enemys hands
since the 12th Inst —
" Certain I am that unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone — un
less they are vested with powers by the several States competent to the great
purposes of war — or assume them as matter of right ; and they, and the Stales
respectively, act with more energy than they hitherto have done, that our
Cause is lost. — We can no longer drudge on in the old way, — By ill liming
the adoption of measures — by delays in the execution of them — or by un
warrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expences, and derive no benefit
from them — one State will comply with a requisition of Congress — another
neglects to do it — a third executes it by halves — and all differ in the manner
— the matter — or so much in point of time, that we afe always working up
hill, & ever shall be (while such a system as the present one — or rather
want of one — prevails) unable to apply our strength or resources to any
advantage —
" This my dear Sir is plain language lo a member of Congress — but it is
the language of triuh & friendship — It is the result of long thinking — close
application — & strict observation — I see one head gradually changing into
thirteen — I see one Army branching into thirteen — & instead of looking up
to Congress as the supreme controlling power of the United States — are con
sidering themselves as dependent upon their respective States — In a word, I
see the powers of Congress declining too fast for the consequence & respect
which is due to them as the grand representative of America, and am fearful
of tlie consequences of it.
" Till your letter of the 23rd came to hand I thought General Weedon
had actually resigned his commission — but be this as it may, I see no possibi
lity of giving him any command out of the Une of his own State — He cer
tainly knows that every stale that has Troops enough to form a Brigade
claims, and has exercised uniformly, the privilege cf having them commanded
by a Brig'r of its own, nor is it in my power to depart from this system with
out convulsing the Army ; which at all limes is hurtful, & may be ruinous at
this,"

\_Sigiiattirc- cut out~\.

Washington's Letter to Hon. Joseph Jones,
vindicating himself against the unjust
accusations of Colonel Harrison.

17 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter
Signed. Folio. 8 pages.
"Head Quarters, Bergen County 22nd July 1780
" Joseph Jones, Esq
" Dear Sir
"Your favor of the 1 8th came to my hands last Night — considering
the delicate situation in which I stand with respect to General Gates, I feel
an unwillingness to give any opinion (even in a confidential way) in a matter
in which he is concerned, lest my sentiments (being known) should have un
favourable interpretations ascribed to them by illiberal Minds — I will however
state facts, & leave you to draw inferences, with respect to the promotion re
quired " Custom (for I do not recollect any resolve of Congress authorizing it)
has established a kind of right to the promotion of Brigadiers in State lines
(where there are Regiments, enough to require a Brig'r to command. — There
can be no objection therefore to the Gent'n named, on this ground.
" By the practice of our Army, never less than four Regiments are placed
in a Brigade, but in cases of necessity. —
" The quota of Regiments allotted to the state of Virginia originally,
were 15 — In the year 1778 there was an incorporation of some of them by the
Commitee of arrangement (sent to the White Plains) & approved, to the best
of my recollection by Congress — This reduced them to ; one of which is
now at Fort Pitt.—
"The State of Virginia at this time (since the recall of Weedon) has 4
Brigr's in pay & two in actual Service — Those in Captivity will be injured if
they should not return to actual command when they are exchanged ; & they
can have no command out of their own line, — nor can there be any in it if
new B: are made.
" The State was about to raise 5000 Men, 4000 of which is, more than
probably as many as they will get — & were I to form my judgment from our
usual dissapointments, & the customary deficiency in these cases, I should not
expect 3000 Men. —
" At the request of Gov'r Jefferson & from a list of the Officers of the
Virg'a Line (not in captivity) I have made a temporary formation of these
Troops into Six (or as the case may be) Seven Regiments, till they are sur
charged — there being Officers enough in the State for this purpose.
"The case of S  ns is not singular, it frequently happens — & in the
nature of things must happen, while we depend upon Militia; & the ap
pointment of officers of his Rank are in the Executive of each State — I have
no doubt but that several instances of this kind will occur under my immediate
command in the course of the Campaign (if our intended operation goes for
ward) — It is unavoidable, while we depend upon Militia for field Service.
" The Gent'n who is the subject of your Letter is a brave officer, and a
well meaning man, but his withdrawing from Service at the time he did last
year.

10
year, could not be justified on any ground — there was not, to my knowledge,
the smallest cause for dissatisfaction — and the Season and circumstances were
totally opposed to the measure, even if cause had existed, till matters assumed
a different aspect than they wore at the time of his proffered resignation. —
" From this state of facts, which I believe to be candid & impartial, you
will Judge of the propriety, or impropriety of the promotion in question, &
act accordingly. —
" If any letter of mine to Col° Harrison (speaker to the Virginia House
of Delegates) could have a tendency to injure rather than promote the Service
in which we are engaged, the operation of it & my intention, are as far apart
as the North pole is from the South. — In May, after the Marquis' arrival with
assurances of speedy succour from France, I wrote to Col Harrison (which I
had not done for many months before) and informed him — knowing the as
sembly was then sitting — of the totally deranged situation of our affairs — of
our distresses — of the utter impracticability of availing ourselves of this gen
erous aid, unless the States would rouse from the Torpor that had siezed them
— and observed that
"This is a decisive moment — one (I will go further & say) the most"
" important — America has seen, The Court of France has made a glorious "
" effort for our deliverance, and if we dissapoint its intentions by our supine- "
" ness we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind; nor can we "
" after that venture to confide that our allies will persist in an attempt to es-"
" tablish what it will appear we want inclination, or abiUty to assist them in "
" Every view of our circumstances ought to determine us to the most "
" vigorous efforts ; but there are considerations of another kind that should "
" have equal weight — The combined fleets of France & Spain last year were "
" greatly superior to those of the enemy — The enemy nevertheless sustained "
" no material damage, and at the close of the campaign have given a very "
" important blow to our allies — This campaign the difference between the"
" fleets from every acc't I have been able to collect will be inconsiderable — "
" indeed it is far from clear that there will not be an equality — what are we "
" to expect will be the case if there sh'd be another campaign ? — In all prob- "
"ability the advantage will be on the side ofthe English, & then what w^l "
"become of America ? — We ought not to deceive ourselves.' — The mari- "
" time resources of Great Britain are more substantial & real than those of"
" France & Spain united — The commerce is more extensive than that of both"
" her Rivals ; and it is an axiom that the Nation which has the most exlen- "
" sive commerce will always have the most powerful Marine — were these "
" arguments less convincing the fact speaks for itself — her progress in the"
" course ofthe last year is an incontestible proof — "
" It is true France in a manner created a fleet in a very short space, and "
" this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her Naval abilities. — But "
" if they bear any comparison with those of G. Britain how comes it to pass "
" that with all the force of Spain added she has lost so much ground in so "
" short a time, as now to have scarcely a superiority. — We should consider "
"what was done by France as a violent & unnatural effort of the Govern-"
"ment, which for want of sufficient foundation cannot continue to operate"
" proportionable effects."
" In Modern Wars the largest purse must chiefly determine the event, — "
" I fear that of the enemy will be found to be so. — Though the government "
" is deeply in debt, & of course poor, the Nation is rich & their riches afford "
"a fund which will not be easily exhausted. — Besides, their system of pub- "
"lie credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertions than that of any "
" other nation. — Speculalists have been a long time foretelUng its downfall, "
"but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. — I am per-"
"suaded it will at least last out the war, & then in the opinion of many of"
" the best poUticians it wiU be a National advantage, — Ifthe war should"
" terminate successfully the Crown will have acquired such influence and"
" power that it may attempt anything — and a bankruptcy will probably be "
" made the ladder to climb to absolute authority, — Administration may per- "
" haps wish to drive matters to this issue — at any rate they will not be re- "
"strained

II
" strained by an apprehension of it from forcing the resources of the State. — "
" It will promote their present purposes on which their all is at stake, & it "
" may pave the way lo triumph more effectually over the constitution ;— with "
" this disposition, I have no doubt that ample means will be found to prose- "
" cute the war with the greatest vigor "
"France is in a very different position, the abiUties of her present"
" financier has done wonders — By a wise administration of the Revenues "
" aided by advantageous loans he has avoided the necessity of additioual "
'' taxes. — But I am well informed — if the war continues another Campaign "
" he will be obUged to have recourse to the Taxes usual in time of war, "
" which are very heavy — & which the People in France are not in a condi- "
" tion to endure for any duration, — When this necessity commences, France "
" makes war on ruinous terms ; and England from her individual wealth "
" will find much greater facility in supplying her exigencies "
" Spain derives great wealth from her mines, but not so great as is gen- "
"eraily imagined — Of late years the profit to Governm't is essentiaUy di- "
"minished — Commerce and industry are the best mines of a Nation; both"
" which are wanting to her — I am told her treasury is far from being so well "
" filled as we have flattered ourselves — She also is much divided on the pro-"
" priety of the war — There is a strong party against it. — the temper of the "
" Nation is too sluggish to admit of great exertions — & though the Courts "
"ofthe two Kingdoms are closely linked together there never has been in"
" any of their wars a perfect harmony of measures, nor has it been in this ; "
"which has already been no small detriment to the common Cause."
" I mention these things to show that the circumstances of our allies as "
"well as our own, call for Peace ; to obtain which we must make one great "
'• effort this Campaign.-;— The present instance of the friendship of the Court "'
" of France is attended with every circumstance that can render it important "
" and agreeable that can interest our gratitude, or fire our emulation — If"
" we do our duty we may even hope to make the campaign decisive on this "
"Continent. — "Rut, -we must do our duty in earnest — or disgrace & ruin"
" will attend us — I am sincere in declaring a full persuasion, that the sue- "
" cour will be fatal to us if our measures are not adequate to the emergency "
"The Committee of Congress in their late address to the several States "
" have given a just picture of our situation — I very much doubt its making"
" the desired impression and if it does not, I shall consider our lethargy as "
"incurable — The present juncture is so interesting, that if it does not pro- "
"duce correspondent exertions, it will be a proof that motives of honor, pub- "
" lie good & even self preservation, have lost their influence on our minds "
" If there is any thing in the foregoing quotation of my Letter lo Col°
Harrison that could prejudice the Service, I must abide the consequences, for
I certainly wrote vvhat is recited — Not officially as you will readily perceive,
but in a private letter to a friend, whose influence, together with that of every
well wisher to the cause, I wanted to engage, as I thought it high time that
every Engine should be at work. — The whole of what I wrote on the points
you mention, are faithfully transcribed, that you may judge how far it could
prejudice the Service — wilh the greatest esteem & regard
" I am. Dear Sir
¦ " Yr aft'e Hble Servt
" Geo Washington "

" P. S. — The latter clause of the quotation of my letter to Col° Harrison
I am not absolutely certain was sent. — The original draught contained it, but
I am in some doubt wether it was copied, or not. — This I mention that there
may be no possible mis-information on my part "

12

Washington's Letter in which he strongly
protests against the suspension of Gen
eral Greene from his command
by Congress "without a
proper tryal."
i8 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 4 pages. " Head Q'rs, Tappan Aug't 13th 1780
" Jos. Jones Esq
" Dear Sir.
" The subject of this letter will be confined to a single point. — I shall
make it as short as possible, and write it with frankness. — If any sentiment
therefore is delivered which might be displeasing to you as a member of
Congress ascribe it to the freedom which is taken with you by a friend, who has
nothing in view but the public good. —
" In your letter without dale, but which came to hand yesterday, an idea
is held up as if the acceptance of Genl Greene's resignation of the Qrs Master's
department was not all that Congress meant to do with him. — If by this it
is in contemplation lo suspend him from his coramand in the line (of which
he made an express reservation at the time of enterjng on the other duty) and
it is not already enacted, let me beseech you to consider well what you are
about before you resolve.
" I shall neither condemn, or acquit Genl Greene's conduct for the act
of resignation, because all the antecedent correspondencies are necessary to
form a right judgment of the matter ; and possibly if the affair is ever brought
before the public you may find him treading on better ground than you seem
to imagine ; — but this by the by — my sole aim at present is to advertize you
of what I conceive would be the consequences of suspending him from his
command in the line — a matter distinct from the other — without a proper tryal.
" A proceedure of this kind must touch the feelings of every Officer — it
will show in a conspicuous point of view the uncertain tenure by which they
hold their commissions. — In a word it will exhibit such a specimen of
power that I question much if there is an Officer in the whole line that will
hold a Commission beyond the end of the Campaign if they do till then. —
such an act in the most Despotic Government would be attended at least wilh
loud complaints
" It does not recjuire with you I am sure, argument at this late hour lo
prove that there is no set of Men in the United Stales (considered as a body)
that have made the same sacrifices of their Interest in support ofthe common
cause as the Officers of the American Army — That nothing but a love of their
Country, of honor & a desire of seeing their labours crowned with success
could possibly induce them to continue one moment in Service — That no Offi
cer can live upon his pay — That hundreds having spent their little all in ad
dition to their scanty public allowance, have resigned because they could no
longer support themselves as officers — That numbers are at this moment ren
dered unfit for duty for want of cloathing, while the rest are wasting their
property, and some of them verging fast to the gulph of poverty & distress, —
" Can it be supposed that men under these circumstances who can de
rive at best, if the contest ends happily, only the advantages which attend in
equal proportion with others, will sit patient under such a precedent ? surely
they will not — For the measure, not the man will be the subject of considera- "tion;

13
tion ; & each will ask himself this question — If Congress by its mere fiat, with
out enquiry, & without tryal, will suspend one officer to-day— an officer of
such high rank — may it not be my turn tomorrow — and ought I to put it in
the power of any man, or body of men, to sport with my commission and
character, & lay me under the necessity of tamely acquiescing, or by an ap
peal to the public expose matters which must be injurious lo its interest?
" The suspension of Genls Schuyler & St Clair tho' it was preceeded by
the loss of Ticonderoga &c, which contributed not a little for the moment
to create prejudices against them, was by no means viewed with a satisfactory
eye by many discerning men ; altho as I have just observed it was supported in
a manner by popular clamour — Certain I am then, that the one in contempla
tion will be severely reprobated by the Army.
" Suffer not my friend, if it is within the compass of your abililies to pre
vent it, so disagreeable an event to take place  I do not mean to justify — to
countenance or excuse in the most distant degree any expressions of disrespect
which the Gentleman in question, if he has used any, may have offered lo
Congress, no more than I do any unreasonable matters he may have required
respecting the Q. M Genl's department, but as I have already observed, my
letter is to prevent his suspension, because I fear — because I fee lit must lead
to very disagreeable & injurious consequences. — General Greene has his
numerous friends out of the Army as well as in it — and from his character &
consideration in the world, he might not, when he felt himself wounded in so
summary a way, withold from a discussion that could not at least, promote
the public cause. — as a Military Officer he stands very fair, & very deservedly
so, in the opinion of all his acquaintance.
" These sentim'ts are the result of my own reflection on the matier, & I
hasten to inform you of them  I do not know that Genl Greene has ever
heard of the matter, & I hope he never may — nor am I acquainted with the
opin'n of a single Officer in the whole Army upon ihe subject — nor will any
tone be given by me, — It is my wish to prevent the proceeding, for sure I am
it cannot be brought to a happy issue if it takes place — adieu — I am Yrs
sincerely " Geo Washington "

19 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 2 pages. With address.
" Head Q'rs, Sept 9th 1780
" Honl Joseph Jones Esq, of Congress at P/iiladelphia
" Dear Sir,
" I have heard that a new arrangement is about to take place in the
Medical Department, and that it is likely, it will be a good deal curtailed
with respect to its present appointments
" Who will be the persons generally employed I am not informed, nor do
I wish to know ; — however I will mention to you, that I think Doctrs Craik
& Cochran from their services — abilities & experience — and their close atten
tion, have the strictest claim to their Country's notice, and to be among the
first Officers in the Establishment. —
" There are many other deserving characters in the Medical line of the
army, but the reasons for my mentioning the above Gentlemen are, that I
have the highest opinion of them — and have had it hinted to me that the new
arrangement might possibly be influenced by a spirit of party out of Doors,
which would not operate in their favor. — I will add no more than that I am
" With the most perfect reg'd " Dear Sir
" Yr most obedt Servt.
" Geo Washington"

14

Washington's Letter censuring the French
Forces for not moving against Arnold
in Virginia at the time he directed.
20 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 4 pages. " New Windsor Mar 24lh 1781
" rion Jos Jones
" Dear Sir,
" On my return from Newport 4 days since I found your favors of
the 2 1st & 27th ult'o at my Quarters —
" I do not see that it is in my power to give any immediate relief to
Doctr Lewis, — If he is considered as a prisoner of war (and the circum
stances of the case only, which are unknown to me, can determine this) you
must be sensible that a resolve of Congress and the invariable practice ofthe
army are opposed lo his being exchanged out of turn— If on the other hand
he is viewed in the light of a Passenger and Citizen I know not at this time
(but will enquire ofthe Com'y of Prisoners) of any character in our possession
who will a)iply in his Exchange even if priority of Capture, in this case also,
should not be opposed to it. — Upon a full view of the circumstances, as far as
I have knowledge of them, it appears to be one of those cases which come
more properly before the State of Virginia than the United Stales, till the
whole business of Exchanges goes through one channel; whichis far from
being the case at present, as the States individually give up no advantages
Ihey obtain by captures to the United States, though they are very frequently
applying for them — especially in difficult cases. —
" it is a much easier matter for Congress, conformably to the wishes of dis
tressed States, to call upon me to afford them aid, than to furnish me with the
means of doing it. — the report of the Com'ee alluded to in your letter of the
2lst may be adduced in proof of it; I had however, previous to the receipt
of the resolve of (Congress consequent of Colo Harrisons representation of
matters to the Southward, or knowledge of his being at Philadelphia) adopted
the temporary relief which is now in operation — But —
" It is a misfortune which seems to attend all our measures to do things
unseasonably — or rather to neglect the critical moment to do them. — Had the
French Commanders at Rhode Island complied (in the first instance) with
mv request to send the whole Fleet, and a detachment from their Land force
lo Virginia, the destruction of Arnolds Corps must inevitably have been com
pleated during the debilitated state of the British Fleet. — The enterprise is
now bold and precarious — rendered more so by an unfortunate, and to me un
accountable delay of twenty four hours in their quitting Newport after it was
said they were ready to Sail. — The wind & weather being as favourable to
Ihem, and as adverse to the Enemy in Ciardners bay, as the powers of the Air
rt could devise. — but — it ought to be our policy to make the most of their assist-
•r; ance without disgusting them by our censures, or reminding them of their
•^•mistakes. — for this reason it is I inform you, in confidence, that upon the first
certain advice of the injury sustained by the British fleet I proposed the Ex
pedition to Portsmouth, to consist of the whole fleet and a detachment of Land
forces from both armies ; assuring them that nothing could be done to effect
without a cooperation by Land & Water — accordingly, that no time might
be lost in waiting their answer I set about the formation of my own detach
ment, & had marched it off before I knew that a ship & two frigates only
without Land Troops, had left Rhode Island; & which had it not been for the
accidental meeting of the Romulus & the Vessels under its convoy, w'd have
returned as they went. —
" The critical situation of affairs in Virginia, and North Carolina, pro
duce anxious moments; and we wait impatiently for decisive acc'ts — God grant
they may be favourable lo us — but the face of things is much changed since " my

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15
Iny first proposing the Expedition to Portsmouth ; at that time the French
were decidedly superior in their Navy — now they are unquestionably inferior —
& should they get first into the Capes & be aljle to maintain a position in
Hampton Road they will not have it in their power to prevent succours land
ing on Lynhaven bay — or Willoughbys point; if Clinton can afford such a
detachment as will be able (with the cooperation of Arnold to force its way
from thence to Norfolk in spite of the opposition which can be given by the
French Troops and Militia) for their Frigates will stop all water transporla
tion in the bay; consequently fix the Marquis's detachm't at Annapolis or
compel them to a long & tedious Land march. —
" I was very glad to hear of Mr. Morris' appointment, & wish he may ac
cept it; but cannot by any reasoning I am master of acc't for the postponing
the choice of the Minister of War ; which, in my opinion, is of all others the
most essential ; and ought least to be delayed
" I was much pleased to hear that Virginia has given up her claims to
the Land west of Ohio — that the confederation was compleated — and that the
States seemed disposed to grant more competent powers to Congress — without
a controuling power in that body, for all the purposes of war, it will be im
possible lo carry on the war— the reasons are many, & conclusive — but the
want of rcNOm will not allow me to enumerate them, al this time — The most
impor't are obvious — The non compUance with the recc'm'ns of Congress in
some States — the unseasonable compliance in time & manner by others — the
heavy expence accumulated thereby to no purpose — the injury to some & the
jealousy of all the States, proceeding from these causes ; w'th the consequent
dissatisfaction in people of every class from the prolongation of the war, are
alone sufficient to prove the necessity of a controuling power  without it, and
speedily — we shall be thirteen distinct States; each pursuing its local interests
till they are all annihilated in a general crash of them., — The Fable of the
bunch of Rods or sticks may well be applied to us. —
" I am Sin'ly & affect'ly Yrs
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter Asking Financial Aid
for "Tom Paine."
21 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages. "Mount Vernon June I2th 1784
" James Madison
" Dear Sir
" Can nothing be done in our assembly for poor Paine ? — Must the
Merits, & Services of Common Sense continue to glide down the stream of
time, unrewarded by this Country? — His writings certainly have had a pow
erful effect on the public Mind ; — ought they not then to meet an adequate
return? — He is poor! — heis chagrined !— and almost, if not altogether, in
despair of relief. —
" New York it is true, not the least distressed, nor best able State in the
Union, has done something for him. — This kind of provision he prefeis to an
aUowance from Congress — he has reasons for it, which to him are conclusive,
and such I think, as would have weight with others. — His views are mod
erate. — a decent independence is, I believe, all he aims at. — Should he not
obtain this ? — If you think so I am sure you will not only move the matter,
but give it your support. — For me, it only remains to feel for his situation,
and to assure you of the sincere esteem & regard with which I have the honor
to be " Dr Sir " Yr most obed & Hble Serv't
" Geo Washington "

i6

Washington's Letter lauding the military
abilities of La Fayette, and arguing
against Vermont being admitted
into the Union.
22 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 8 pages.
" Head Qrs. near Dobbs' Ferry, lo July 1781.
¦« bear Sir.
" Your favor of the 20th ult° by Post, came to my hands the evening
before I marched for this part of the Country — The attention necessary lo
these kind of movements occupy all ones lime, and must plead my excuse for
not answering your favor sooner — I question now, whether I shall be able lo
write so satisfactorily as / could y/'ish, or as you may expect. —
" I thank you for the promise of writing to Col" R. H. Lee — and if
your letter to him should not have been dispatched, you would add to the ob
ligation by doing it fully, as.it will not be in my power to write so much in
detail as I could wish, shortly, — You must be much unacquainted with the
true state of Sheldon's Regiment, and the Maris chausi Corps when you apply
to have them sent to the Southward — the first is yet to raise, and the last is
about lo disband ; and besides, is very deficient in Horses — without a State
to adopt them — or the means of purchasing. — Sheldon has but 60 Horses in
all, and only 25 of these accoutred — To the State of Connecticut he looks up
(or the rest — These Horses are to perform the duties of Expresses — Patroles —
and the ordinary duties of the Field ; while the Marischausi Corps consists of
no more ihau abt 40 men & half ye N° of Horses; 12 of which are with me,
and from the smallness of the number are continually on duty — carrying or
ders to one part and another of the Camp — Judge you therefore of the im
practicability of deriving succour from either of these corps, — why Moylan's
Dragoons are with-held from that Service, you must be better informed of
than I am. —
" The complaints against the Baron de Steuben are not more distressing
than unexpected, for I always viewed him in the light of a good officer — If
he has formed ajunction with the Marquis, he will be no longer Master of his
own conduct, of course the clamours against him will cease with his com
mand — from General Greene's Leiters I had little doubt but that he would
have been in Virginia ere this — powerful causes may have detained him ; but
I am persuaded he will be there as soon as possible, as it is within his com
mand, and now the principal theatre of action — In the raean while I am
affraid to give any order in that quarter lest it should clash with his views, &
produce confusion — I shall however write fully to him in the course of a few
days upon the several matters contained in your letter — and till his arrival, il
is my opinion, the command ofthe Troops in that State cannot be in better
hand than the Marquis's — He possesses uncommon Mililary talents — is of a
quick, & sound judgment — persevering — and enterprising without rashness —
and besides these, he is ofa very conciliating temper & perfectly sober, which
are qualities that rarely combine in the same person; & were I to add that
some men will gain as much experience in the course of three or 4 years, as
some others will in ten or a dozen, you cannot deny the fact, and attack me
upon that ground. —
" To relate facts, will be a sufficient expression of my mortified situa
tion — A third of July is past! — My former letters gave Congress a return of
' "all

all the Recruits who had joined the army by the first of June — My present
letter to thena shows the number which have come in since — The Q Master's
& Commissary's departments must be supplied from these, or their business
must stand ; No Militia are yet come in, though some were pressingly called
for to strengthen West point & our Northern Front's, that I might draw my
Continental force as much as possible to a point ; and other things drag on like
a Cart without wheels ; but as far as my exertions can go the operations of the
campaign shall be hastened — My friends will make allowances — My enemy's
will censure — and I shall have the consolation of knowing that my whole
time & attention is devoted to the public service, however short I may fall of
its expectation " I have just received a letter from Col° Laurens (at the Court of Ver
sailles) with the inclosed intercepted Letters from the Minister (Lord Ger
maine) — I persuade myself copies are transmitted to Congress; but as there is
a possibility of miscarriage I transmit mine to be made use of as occasion re
quires — a publication of them with proper comments, would, undoubtedly,
answer very valuable purposes, as the Ministers sentiments respecting our
Government &c &c. are too obvious to be mistaken, & must be too alarming
to those who are panting for the old Constitutions, to be explained away or
relished. —
" For a considerable time past I have had strong suspicions and uneasy
moments on acc't of the People of Vermont — I have at different times been on
the point of communicating them to Congress, — but motives of delicacy have
restrained me — convinced I am that these people w'd become a formidable
barrier if they were made a separate State — equally convinced I am, that
NeutraUty is the most we have to expect from them if they are not. — I do not
enter into the justice of their claim, because I am unacquainted with the
merits of it ; — tis to the expediency & policy only I speak — at present, that
State gives protection, & is an asylem to all deserters — to every person who
wishes to avoid taxation &c by which means their strength is augmented in
proportion to our loss — and the Manner in w'ch they mean to apply it is very
equivocal " I have not since I have viewed the affairs of those people in the light
here described, missed any opportunity of expressing my apprehensions to indi
vidual members of Congress who have passed through the army ; and this I
thought was as far as I could with propriety go — I do not now believe that
the people, as a body, have any evil intention, but I firmly believe that some
of their leaders have, and that they will prevent us from deriving aid, though
they may not be able to turn the arms of their Countrymen against us. —

" I have this instant received your favor of the 3rd, inclosing my old
friend Gary's Narrative of the transactions in Virginia — I am happy to find
such a spirit prevailing in the Country ; & thank you for the perusal of his let
ters as they contain the fullest & most authentic acc'ts I have had from that
quarter. —
" I am wilh much truth
" D'r Sir
" Yr most obedt & affec
" P. S. I need iiot " Servt
say that this letter " Geo Washington "
is written in haste — ¦
Ihe marks of it are too
evident to require such a
declaration "

Washington's Letter defending the military
for complaining on account of the mem
bers of Congress getting all their
salary and they only part
payment.

23 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Quarto. 3 pages. [Signature cut off].

"Newburgh 14th Dec. 1782.
" Hon Joseph Jones
" Dear Sir,
" In the cour.se of a few days Congress will, I expect, receive an ad
dress from the Army on the subject of their grievances
" This address, tho^ couched in very respectful terms, is one of those
things which tho' unpleasing, is just now unavoidable. — for I was very ap
prehensive once, that matters would have taken a more unfavourable turn
from the variety of discontents w'ch prevail at this time. — The temper of the
army is much soured, and has been more irritable than at any other period
since the commencement of the war. — this consideration alone prevented me
(for every thing else seemed to be in a state of inactivity, & almost tranquility)
from requesting leave to spend this winter in Virginia, that I might give some
attention to my neglected private concerns. —
" The dissatisfactions of the Army had arisen to a great & alarming
height, — & combinations among the officers to resign in a body — at given
periods — were beginning to take place, when by some address & manage
ment their resolutions have been converted into the form, in which they will
now appear before Congress — What that Hon'ble Body can, or will do in the
matter, does not belong to me to determine ; but policy in my opinion should
dictate soothing measures, as it is an incontrovertible fact, that no part of the
community has undergone equal hardships and borne them with the same pa
tience and fortitude that the Army has done, — Hitherto the Officers have stood
between the lower order of the Soldiery & the public — & in more instances
than one have quelled, at the hazard of their lives, very dangerous mutinies, —
but if their discontents should be suffered to rise equally high, I know not
what the consequences may be.
" The spirit of enthusiasm which overcame every thing at first, is done
away — it is idle therefore to expect more from Military Men than frora those
discharging the civil offices of Government. — If both were to fare equally
alike with respect to the emoluments of Office I would answer for it that the
Military character should not be the first to complain. — but it is an invidious
distinction, and one that will not stand the test of reason or policy, that one
set should receive all and the other no part (or that which is next to it) of
their pay ; In a word the experiment is dangerous, and tho' it should succeed,
would only prove that the one is actuated by more Zeal than the other, not
that they have less occasion for their money,

\_SignaUirc cutout].

19
Washington's Letter advising against using
the military to compel Vermont to
submit to the Continental
Congress.
24 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 4 pages. With fine signature on
franked address. "Newburgh, Feby nth 1783.
" The Hon Jos Jones. In Congress, Philadelpliia.
•• Dear Sir,
" I am about to write you a letter on a subject equally important and
delicate — which may be extensive in its consequences & serious in its nature —
I shall confine myself to the recital, of what I believe lo be facts, & leave it
with you to draw deductions, —
"The printed remonstrance of Mr. Chittenden & his Council, addressed
to the President of Congress- — & founded upon the resolves of the 5th of De
cember last, contains a favourable recital in their own behalf of what I sup
pose to be .facts ; but if my memory serves me, it is an uncandid perform
ance, in as much as it keeps out of view an important transaction of theirs
consequent of those Resolves. — be this as it may. Matters seem to be approach
ing loo fast to a disagreeable Issue for the quiet of my Mind. — The Resolves
on one hand & the Remonstrance on the other, unless it should be annulled by
their Legislature at their next meeting, which I do not expect, seems to leave
little room for an amicable decision. —
" Matters being thus situated, permit me to ask how far, and by what
means coercion is to be extended? — The Army I presume will be the answer
to the latter. — Circumstances alone, for no determinations when blood is once
drawn, can prescribe bounds to the former — It has been said, but of this you
can judge better than I, that the Delegates from the New England States in
Congress — or the majority of thera — are willing to admit these People into
the Union as an Independent & Sovereign State — Be this as it may, two
things I am sure of — viz — that they have a powerful interest in those states —
and have pursued very poUtic measures to strengthen & increase it, long be
fore I h.id any knowledge of the matter — & before the tendency of it was
seen into or suspected ; by granting upon very advantageous terms, large
Tracts of Land — in which I am sorry to find the army in some degree have
participated. " Let me next ask, — by whom is that district of Country principaUy set
tled? — and of whom is your present army (I shall not confine myself to this
part of it, but extend it to the whole) composed ? — The answer is evident —
New England men.
" It has been the opinion of some that the appearance of force would awe
these People into submission — -If the General Assembly should ratifie & con
firm what Mr Chittenden & his Council has done, I shall be of a very different
sentiment. — and moreover that it is not a trifling force that will subdue them,
even supposing they do derive no aid from the Enemy in Canada — and that
it will be a very arduous task indeed, if they should — to say nothing of a
diversion which may, & doubtless will be created in their favor from New
York, if the war with G, Britain should continue, —
" The Country is very Mountainous, full of Defiles and very strong. —
The Inhabitants for the most part are a hardy Race, composed of that kind of
People who are best calculated for soldiers — in truth who are Soldiers — for
many, many hundreds of them are Deserters frora this Army who having ac
quired property there, would be desperate in the defence of it, well knowing
they are fighting wilh halters about their necks :
" It may be asked if I am acquainted with the Sentiments of the Army
on the subject of this dispute ? — I readily answer no : — not intimately, — it is
" a matter

20
a matter of too delicate a nature to agitate for the purpose of information—
but I have heard many officers of Rank & discernment, I have learnt by in
direct enquiries, that others, express the utmost horror at the very idea of
shedding blood in an affair of this sort, — corapairing it in its consequences,
tho' not in principles, to the quarrel with Great Britain, who thought it was
only to hold up the rod & all would be hurt ! — I cannot at this time under
take to say there would be any difficulty with the Army if it should be ordered
upon this Service, but I should be exceedingly unhappy to see the experiment
made, — for besides the reasons before suggested, I believe there would
be great unwillingness in it to embrue their hands in the Blood of their
Brethern. —
" I have to add, that alraost at the same instant, a number of the Printed
copies of the Remonstrance were disseminated thro' every part of the Army —
I do not know what effect it may have, but the design is obvious.
" I promised in the beginning of this letter that I would content myself
with a simple relation of facts — I shall therefore only lament that Congress
did not in the first commencement of this dispute, act decidedly — this matter,
as you well know was much agitated last winter & a committee of Congress
with whom I had the honor to be in conference, and of which I believe you
were one, saw Mr Chittendens letter to me, — & approved of ray writing him
an answer to the effect it was given. — With great esteem & regard (and in
much haste as Col° Pickering is waiting
" I am Dr Sir " Yr most obedt & affect Ser
" P. S. — Altho' there can " Geo Washington "
be no doubt of Congress
having received the remon
strance, alluded to in this letter
I send, nevertheless, one of the printed
copies
" G W."
Washington's Letter accusing certain gentle
men from Philadelphia (Gouverneur Mor
ris and Walter Stewart) of trying to
create an uprising of the militia
against Congress, and begging
that the troops be paid in
scrip, if not in cash,
before disbanding.
25 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 4 pages. With addressed wrapper,
from which the franked signature has been cut off.
" Newburgh 12th March 1783
" The Hon'ble Joseph Jones. In Congress, Philadelp''a
" Dear Sir
^ " I have received your letter of the 27th Ult°, & thank you for the
information & freedom of your communication. — My official letter to Congress
of this date will inform you what has happened in this Quarter. — In addition
to which, it may be necessary it sh'd be known to you & to such others as you
may think proper, that the temper of the array, tho' very irritable on acc't
of their long protracted sufferings, has been apparently extremely quiet while
" their

21
their business was depending before Congress, untili four days past. — in the
mean time it should seem. Reports have been propagated in Philadelphia
that dangerous combinations were forraing in the Army, & this at a time when
there was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in Camp.
" It also appears that upon the arrival of a certain Gentleman from
Philadelphia, in Camp, whose name I do not at present incline to mention,
such sentiments as these were immediately & industriously circulated. —
That it was universally expected that the Army would not disband untili they
had obtained justice. — -That the public creditors looked up to them for Re
dress of their grievances, would afford them every aid, and even join them in
the field, if necessary. — That some raerabers of Congress wished the measure
might take effect ; in order to compel the public — particularly the delinquent
States, to do justice.  with many other suggestions of a similar nature,
from whence and a variety of other considerations it is generally believed the
scheme was not only planned, but also digested & matured in Philadelphia,
and that some people have been playing a double game — spreading at the
Camp, & in Philadelphia reports, and raising jealousies equally void of
foundation, untili called into being by the vile artifices. — for as soon as the
Minds of the Officers were thought to be prepared for the transaction, an
anonymous invitation was circulated requesting a general meeting ofthe Offi
cers next day — at the same instant, many copies of the address to the Offi
cers of the Army was circulated in every State line of it.
" So soon as I obtained knowledge of these things, I issued the order of
the nth (transmitted to Congress;) in order to rescue the foot that stood
wavering on the precipice of despair, from taking those steps which would
have led to the abyss of Misery, while the passions were infiamed and the
mind tremblingly alive with the recollection of past sufferings, and their pres
ent feelings, — I did this upon the principle that it is easier to divert frora a
wrong to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty & fatal steps which have
been already taken. —
" It is commonly supposed, if the Officers had met agreeable to the
anonymous summons, resolutions might have been formed, the consequences
of which may be more easily conceived than expressed. — Now, they will have
leisure to view the matter raore calraly & seriously — It is to be hoped they
will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and wait awhile longer for
the settlement of their acc'ts ; the postponing of which gives more uneasiness
in the Array than any other thing. — there is not a man in it, who will not
acknowledge that Congress have not the raeans of paying him. — but why not
say they — one & all — liquidate the acc'ts, & certify our dues ? — Are we to be
disbanded & sent home without this ? — are we afterwards to make individual
applications for such settlements at Philadelphia, or at any Auditing Office
in our respective States ; — to be shifted perhaps from one board to another, &
dance attendance at all ; & finally be postponed till we loose the substance,
in pursuit of the shadow. — While they are agitated by these considerations,
there are not wanting insidious characters who tell them ' it is neither the "
" wish nor intention of the public to settle your acc'ts, but to delay them "
" under one pretext or another till peace, which we are upon the verge of, — "
" & a separation of the Array takes place ; when it is well known, it will be "
" difficult if not impracticable, a general settlement can be accomplished ; "
" and that individual loss iu this instance will be a public gain.' —
" However derogatory these ideas are to the dignity, honor & justice of
government ; yet in a raatter so interesting to the Army, & at the sarae tirae
so easy to be effected by the public as that of liquidating the acc'ts, is de
layed, without any apparent or obvious necessity; they will have their place
in a mind that is sound, & has become irritable. — Let rae entreat you there
fore, ray good Sir to push this matter to an issue — and if there are Delegates
amorig you, who are really opposed to doing justice to the Army, scruple not
to tell them — if mattefs do come to extremely — that they must be answerable
for all the ineffable horrors which may be occasioned there by. —
" With great truth and sincerity " I am — Dr Sir
"Yr MostObed't &
" affec't Serv't
" Geo Washington "

22
Washington's Letter pleading in pathetic
terms that justice (in the way of pay
for their services) be done the army.
26 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Folio. 3 pages. [Signature cut out].
" Newburgh i8th March 1783.
" Hon Joseph Jones
" The Storra, which seemed to be gathering with unfavourable prog
nostics — when I wrote lo you last — is dispersed; and we are again in a state
of tranquility — But do not, My dear Sir, suffer this appearance of tranquility
to relax your endeavors to bring the requests of the Army to a conclusion. —
Believe me, the Officers are too much pressed by their present wants, & are
rendered too sore by the recollection of their past sufferings to be touched
rauch longer upon the string of forbearance, in matters wherein they caii see
no cause for delay — Nor would I have further reliance pilaced on any influ
ence of raine to dispel other clouds if more should arise from the causes of
the last— " By ray official letter to Congress, and the papers inclosed in it, you will
have a full view of ray assurances to, and the expectations of the Army ; and
I persuade myself that the weU wishers to both — and of their Country, will
exert theraselves to the utmost to irradicate the Seeds of distrust, & give every
satisfaction that justice requires, and the means which Congress possess will
enable them lo do. —
" In a former letter I observed to you, that a liquidation of acc'ts in or
der that the Ballances might be ascertained is the great object of the Army,
and certainly nothing can be more reasonable. — To have these Ballances dis
charged at this, or in any short period — ^however desirable, they know is im
practicable. — and do not expect it ; altho,' in the meantime, they must labour
under the pressure of those sufferings which is felt more sensibly by a com
parison of circumstances. —
" The situation of these Gentlemen merit the attention of every thinking
and grateful mind — As Officers, they have been obliged to dress & appear in
character. — lo effect this, they have been obligea to anticipate their pay, or
participate their Estates. — By the first, debts have been contracted.. — By the
latter, their Patrimony is injured, — To disband men tiierefore under these
circumstances, before their accounts are liquidated, and the Ballances as
certained, would be to sett open the doors of Goals, and then to close them
upon seven years faithful & painful services. — Under any circumstances which
the nature of the case will admit, they raust be considerable sufferers., be
cause necessity will compel 1 them to part with their certificates for whatever
they will fetch, to avoid the evil I have mentioned above, — And how much
this will place them in the hands of unfeeling — avaricious speculators, a re
currence to past experience will sufficiently prove. —
" It may be said by those who have no disposition to compensate the
Services ofthe Army, that the Officers have raore foresight than to place de
pendence (in any alternative) upon the strength of their own arm — I will
readily concede to these Gentlemen that no good could result from such an
attempt, but I hope they will be equally candid in acknowledging, that much
mischief may flow from it — and that nothing is too extravagant, to expect
from raen, who conceive they are ungratefully & unjustly dealt by. — espe
ciaUy too, if they can suppose that characters are not wanting to foment every
passion which leads to discord — and that they are  but,  lime shall
reveal the rest. —
" Let it suffice, that the very attempt would imply a want of justicg, and
fix an indelible stain upon our National character ; as the whole World — as
well from the Enemies publications (without any intention to serve us) as our
own, must be strongly impressed with the sufferings of this Array frora hun
ger, cold and nakedness in almost every stage of the War.
\_Sigiiature cut off'].

23
27 ^Vashington, General George. Copies of the above
two letters (Nos. 25 and 26) in the handwriting of Jas.
Madison. Quarto. 4 pages.
In Mr. Madison's copy ofthe first letter (No. 25) he has supplied the
names of the gentlemen Irom Philadelphia whom Washington was not in
clined to mention, to wit : Gouverneur Morris and Walter Stewart.

Washington's Letter speaking of his inten
tion to accompany La Fayette to New
York, prior to his embarkation
for France.

28 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 3 pages. With addressed wrapper
to "James Madison, Esquire; or, in his absence, Joseph-
Jones, Esquire, at Richmond.'' "Mount Vernon 28th Nov'r, 84.
" Gentlemen "After the several conversations we have had on the subject of in
land Navigation ; and the benefit which would, probably, be derived frora a
coramercial intercourse with the Western territory ; I shall make no apology
for giving you the trouble ofthe enclosed.
" Il is matter of regret to me, however, that I cannot accompany them
with sorae explanations & observations, — It was intended these Papers should
have met me at Richmond. — They missed me on the road thither, — ^travelled
back to Baltimore — Returned — and were put into my hands at the moment I
was setting off for Annapolis ; to which place I mean lo accorapany the Marq's
de la Fayette on his return to New York, where he expects lo erabark about
the middle of next month, for France. —
" I could not think of withholding these Papers until ray return, as I
shall probably accompany the Marquis from Annapolis to Baltimore — There
fore, in the order I receive, I send them to you. — Your own judgments in
this business will be the best guide. — but in one word, it should seem to me,
that if the public cannot take it up with efficient funds, & without those de
lays which might be involved by a limping conduct, it had better be placed
in the hands of a corporate Company, — What encouragements, and what
powers, to give this Company, deserves all that consideration which I persuade
myself you, Gentlemen, will bestow
" The Maryland Asserably is now silting — If I should return in time, I
will have the honor of writing to you again on this subject — in the mean
while, if your leisure will permit, I should be glad to know your Sentim'ts
on, and what will be the issue of, this business — With very sincere esteera
and regard, " I have the honor to be
" P. S. — As your Asserably " Gent'n
are upon a Military " Yr Most obed't Hble Ser
¦ Law I send you the " Geo Washington "
thoughts of the Baron
de Steuben which I found
here upon my return from Richmond
" G. W."

Washington's "Head-Ache Letter."
29 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 3 pages.
Note. — This letter, from the blots and erasures throughout, portrays ttie indomitable will of
the man and the agony he suffered while writing it ; and is, without a doubt, one of the most char
acteristic examples of his penmanship,
" James Madison Esq " AnnapoUs 28th Dec'r, 1784
" Dear Sir
" I have been favored with your letter of the i ith
" The proceedings of the conference, and the Act & Resolutions of this
Legislature consequent thereupon (herewith transmitted to the Assembly)
are so full & explanatory of the motives which governed in this business, that
it is scarcely necessary for me to say any thing in addition to them ; except
that this Stale seem highly impressed with the importance of the objects w'ch
we have had under consideration, — -and are very desirous of seeing them ac
complished, —
" We have reduced most ofthe Tolls from what they were in the first
"S- Bill, and have added something to a few others, — upon the whole, we have
^ made them as low as we conceived from the best information before us, and
" such estimates as we had means to calculate upon, as they can be fixed, with-
J2 -^ out hazarding the plan altogether, — We made the value of the commodity the
a ° governing principle in the establishment of the Tolls ; — but having had an
" .^ eye to some bulky articles of produce &to the encouragement of the growth &
&" S Manufacture of some others, as weU as to prevent a tedious enumeration ofthe
o ^ ' different species of all, we departed from the gen'l rule in many instances. —
S £ " The rates of tollage as now fixed, may still appear high to some of the
1^ "^ Southern Gentlemen, when they corapare them wilh those on James River ;
^ "c but as there is no coraparison in the expence & risk of the two undertakings,
° ? so neither ought there 'to be inthe Tolls, — I am fully persuaded that the
^ |1 Gentlemen who were appointed, and have had this matter under considera-
^ ° lion, were actuated by no other motives than to hit (if they could do so) upon
"2 g such a happy medium as would not be burthensome to indiv'sor give jealousy
o '>" I to the public on one hand, nor discouragement to adventurers on the other. —
S -^ 53 To secure success, and to give vigor to the undertaking, it was judged ad-
" i ¦§ v'S^l'ls fo"" ^^ch State to contribute (upon the term of private subscribers) to
^ o a the expence of it; especially as it might have a happy infiuence on the minds
^¦B'bi, ofthe Western Settlers.*
"^ "S a. " Though there is no obl'gation upon the State to adopt this (if it is in-
> rs Ul convenient, or repugnant to their wishes) yet, I should be highly pleased to
y, o'C, hear that they had done so (our advantages will, most assuredly, be equal to
¦g p. ° those of Maryland and our public spirit ought not, in my opinion, lo be less) —
D >; o as also the Resolutions respecting the Roads of Coramunication — both of which,
^2 "5 tho' they look in some degree to difi'erent objects, are both very important ; —
S ;g p. That by the Yohiogany (thro' Pensylvania) is particularly so for the Fur &
^ g 2 Peltry of the Lakes, because it is the most direct rout by which they can be
1^ I m transported, whilst it is exceedingly convenient lo the people who inhabit the
c — .£ Ohio (or AlUgany) above Fort Pitt — the lower part of the Monongahela —
*" .2 ,S a"'' a^' ''^^ Yohiogany, — ¦
" Matters might perhaps have been better digested if more time had
been taken, but the fear of not getting the report to Richmond before the As
serably would have risen, occasioned more hurry than accuracy — or even real
dispatch, — But to alter the Act now, further than to accoramodate it to cir
cumstances where it is essential, or to reraedy an obvious error if any should
be discovered will not do, — The Bill passed this Assembly with only 9 dis
senting voices — and got thro' both Houses in a day, so earnest were the Mem
bers of getting it to you in time, —
" It is now near 12 at Night, and I am writing wilh an Aching head,
having been constantly employed in this business since the 22d, without as
sistance from my Colleagues — Gen'l Gates having been sick the whole time &
Col° Blackburn not attending. — But for this I would be more expUcit
" I am, with great esteem &
" I am ashamed " regard — Dr Sir
to send such a letter " Yr Most obe't Serv't
but cannot give you " Geo Washington "
a fairer one. — " G. W."

25
30 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Quarto. [Signature cut out]. "Mount Vernon Oct 22nd 1785
" James Madison Esq
•• Dear Sir
" I thank you for the perusal of the enclosed reports^Mr Jay seems
to have laboured the point respecting the Convention.
" If any thing should occur that is interesting, & your leizure will permit
it, I should be glad to hear from you on the subject ;
{^Signature cut out].

Washington's Letter advising the States to
"no longer act a farce" but to act con
jointly in enacting military and civil
laws, and ref ering to the benefits
to be derived from the
Potomac Company.

31 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. 4 pages. Quarto. "Mount Vernon Nov'r 30th 1785
" James Madison Esq
" My dear Sir
"Receive my thanks for your obliging communications ofthe nth —
I hear with much pleasure that the Assembly are engaged, seriously, in the
consideration of the Revised Laws. — A short & simple code, in my opinion,
tho' I have the sentiments of some of the Gentleraen of the long robe against
me, would be productive of happy consequences, and redound to the honor of
this or any Country which shall adopt such, —
" I hope the resolutions which were published for the consideration of
the House respecting the reference to Congress for the regulation of a Com
mercial systera will have passed. — The proportion in my opinion is so self
evident that I confess I am at a loss to discover wherein lyes the weight ofthe
objection to the measure  We are either a United people, or we are not. — If
the former, let us, in all matters of general concern act as a nation which
have National objects to promote, and a National Character to support — If
we are not, let us no longer act a farce by pretending to it, for whilst we are
playing a d'ble game, or playing a garae between the two we never shall be
consistent or respectable — but may be the dupes of sorae powers and, raost
assuredly, the contempt of all.^In any case it behoves us to provide good
Militia Laws, and look well to the execution of them — but, if we mean by

26
our conduct that the States shall act independently of each other it becomes
indispensably necessary — for therein will consist our strength and respect
ability in the Union.
" It is much to be wished that public faith may be held inviolate — Pain
ful is it even in thought that attempts should be made to weaken the bands of
it. — It is a dangerous experiment — once slacken the Reins and the power is
lost — and it is questionable with me wether the advocates ofthe Measure fore
see all the consequences of it. — It is an old adage that honesty is the best pol
icy — this applies to public as well as private Ufe — to States as well as indi
viduals. — I hope the Port and assize Bills no longer sleep, but are awakened
to a happy establishment — The first with some alterations, would in my judg
ment be productive of great good to this Country — without it, the Trade
thereof I conceive will ever labor & languish — with respect to the second if
it institutes a speedier Adrainistration of Justice it is equally desirable
" It gives rae great pleasure to hear that our asserably were in away of
adopting a raode for establishing the Cut betw'n Elizabeth River & Pasquo
tank which was likely to meet the approbation of the State of N° Carolina —
It appears to rae that no Country in the Universe is better calculated to de
rive benefits from inland Navigation than this is — and certain I ara, that the
conveniences to the Citizens individually, and the sources of wealth to the
Country generally, which will be opened thereby, will be found to exceed the
most Sanguine imagination — The mind can scarcely take in at one view all the
benefits which will result therefrom — The saving in draught Cattle, preserva
tion of Roads &c &c will be felt raost interestingly — This business only wants
a beginning — Rappahanock — .Shannondoah — Roanoke — and the branches
of York River will soon perceive the advantages which water transportation
(in ways hardly thought of at first) have over that of Land and will extend
Navigation to almost every Mans door.
" From the complexion of the debates in the Pensylvania it should
seem as if that Legislature intended their assent to the proposition from the
States of Yirginia & Maryland (respecting a Road to the Yohiogany should
be conditional of permission given to open a Communication between the
Chesapeak & Delaware by way of the Rivers Elk & Christien — which I am
sure will never be obtained if the Baltiraore interest can give it effectual op
position. —
" The Directors of the Potoraack Company have sent to the Delegates of
this County to be laid before the Assembly a Petition (which sets forth the
Reasons) for reUef in the depth of the Canals which it may be found necessary
to open at the great & little Falls of the River. — as public economy and pri
vate interest equally prompt the measure and no possible disadvantage that
we can see will attend granting the prayer of it, we flatter ourselves no oppo
sition will be given to it.
" To save trouble — to expedite ihe business, and to secure uniformity
without delay, or an intercourse between the Asserablies on so trivial a mat
ter we have taken the Uberty of sending the draught of a Bill to Members of
both Assemblies, which if approved will be found exactly similar. — With the
highest esteem and regard
" I am Dr Sir
" Yr obed & aft'ect Hble Serv't
" Geo Washington "

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27
Washington's Letter pleading for a Foederal
Constitution.
32 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 4 pages. " Mount Vernon 5th Nov'r. 1786
" Jus Madison, Jur Esq
" My dear Sir,
" I thank you for ye communications in your letter of the first inst. —
The decision of the House on the question respecting a paper emission, is
portentous I hope, of an auspicious Session, — It may certainly be classed
among the important questions of the present day; and merited the serious
considerations of the Assembly. — Fain would I hope, that the great, & most
iraportant of all objects — the foederal governm't — may be considered with
that calm & deliberate attention which the magnitude of it so loudly calls for
at this critical moraent. — Let prejudices, unreasonable jealousies, and local
interests yield to reason and liberality. — Let us look to our National charac
ter, and to things beyond the present period. — No morn ever dawned more
favourable than ours did — and no day was ever more clouded than the pres
ent ! — Wisdom, & good examples are necessary at this time to rescue the po
litical machine from the impending storm, — Virginia has now an opportunity
to set the latter, and has enough of the former, I hope, to take the lead in
promoting this great & arduous Work. — Without some alteration in our po
litical creed, the superstructure we have been seven years raising at the ex-
pence of much blood and treasure, must fall. We are fast verging to anarchy
& confusion ! — a letter which I have just received from Gen'l Knox, who had
just returned from Massachusetts (whither he had been sent by Congress con
sequent of the commotion in that State) is replete with melancholy informa
tion of the temper, & designs of considerable part of that people. — among
other things he says, ' their creed is, that the property of the United States, "
" has been protected from confiscation of Britain by the just exertions of all, "
" and therefore ought to be the common property of all. And he that at- "
" tempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity & justice, & ought "
" to be swept from the face of the Earth.' — again ' they are determined to
" annihilate all debts public & private, and have Agrarian Laws, which are
" easily effected by the means of unfunded paper money which shall be a
" tender in all cases whatever.' — He adds. ' The nurabers of these people
" amount in Massachusetts to about one fifth part of several populous Counties,
"and to them may be collected, people of similar sentiments from the States of
" Rhode Island, Connecticut, & New Hampshire so as to constitute a body of
" twelve or fifteen Thousand desperate, and unprincipled Men. — They are
" chiefly of the young & active part of the Community.'
" How melancholy is the reflection that in so short a space, we should
have made such large strides, towards fulfilling the prediction of our trans
atlantic foe ! — ' leave them to themselves, and their government will soon
dissolve.' — Will not the wise & good strive hard to avert this evil ? — Or
will their supineness suffer ignorance, and the Acts of self interested design
ing disaffected & desperate characters, to involve this rising empire in wretch
edness & conterapt ? — What stronger evidence can be given of .the want of
energy in our governraent, than these disorders? — If there exists not a power
to check them, what security has a man of Ufe, liberty, or property? — To
you, I am sure I need not add aught on this subject; the consequences of a
lax, or inefficient governraent, are too obvious to be dwelt on  Thirteen
Sovereignties pulling against each other, and all lugging at the foederal head
will soon bring ruin on the whole ; — whereas a liberal, and energetic Consti
tution, well guarded, & closely watched, to prevent incroachraents, raight re
store us to that degree of respectability & consequence, to which we had a
fair claim, & the brightest prospect of attaining — With sentiraents of the Sin-
cerest esteem & regard
" I am Dear Sir
" Yr Most Obed & Affect'e "H'ble Serv't
" Geo Washington "

28

Washington's Letter informing Madison of
his objections to being chosen again
President of the Society of the Cin
cinnati, and his reasons for re
fusing to be a member of the
Constitutional Convention.
33 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter
Signed. 4to. 4 pages. " Mount Vernon, i8th Nov., 1786.
" James Madison Jun'r, Esq
" My dear Sir,
" Not having sent to the Post Office with my usual regularity, your
favor ofthe 8th inst did not reach me in tirae for an earlier acknowledgment
than of this date. —
" It gives me the raost sensible pleasure to find that, the acts of the pre
sent Session are raarked with wisdom, justice and liberality. — These are the
palladium of good policy, & the sure paths to national happiness. — Would to
God every State would let these be the leading features of their Constituent
characters. — Those threatening clouds which seera ready to burst on the Con
federation would then, soon disperse
" The unanimity with which the Bill was received for appointing comm'rs
agreeable to the recommendation of the Convention at Annapolis — and the
uninterrupted progress it has met with since, are indications of a fovourable
issue. — It is a measure of equal necessity and magnitude. — and may be the
spring of re-animation. — Although I had bid adieu to the walks of public life
in a public manner, and had resolved never more to tread on public ground ;
yet, if upon an occassion so interesting to the well being of the Confederacy it
should have appeared to have been the wish of the Assembly to have em
ployed me with other associates, in the business of revising the foederal system,
I should, from a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs of
confidence in rae, more than from any opinion I should h?ve entertained of
ray usefulness, have obeyed its call, but it is now out of my power to do this
with any degree of consistency. — The cause I will mention
" I presume you have heard, Sir, that I was first appointed, and have
since been rechosen, President of the Society of the Cincinnati, and you raay
have understood also, that the triennial General meeting of this body is to be
holden in Philadelphia the first Monday in May next. — Some particular
reasons combining with the peculiar situation of my private concerns, — The
necessity of paying attention to them,— a wish for retirement — relaxation from
public cares — and Rheumatic pains which I begin to feel very sensibly, in
duced me on the 31st of October last, to address a circular letter to the
several State Societies, informing them of my intention not to be at the
next General meeting, and desiie not to be rechosen President. — The Vice
President is also informed of these matters, that the business of the Society
may not be impeded by ray absence. — Under these circumstances, it will
readily be perceived, that I could not appear at the same time & place on any
other occasion without giving offence to a very worthy and respectable part
of the Coramunity — the late Officers of the American Army. —
" I feel as you do, for our acquaintance Col° Lee. — Better never have
delegated, than left him out, unless some glaring impropriety of conduct had
been laid at his door. — I hear with pleasure that you are in the new choice. —
With sentiments of the highest esteem and Affection
" I am. My dear Sir " Yr. obed Hble Serv't
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter giving further reasons
for not accepting a seat in the Virginia
Assembly, and the Presidency of the
"Society of the Cincinnati"; and
also his views about
reciprocity.
34 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 3 pages. " Mount Vernon Dec'r 1 6th 1786
" Ja mes Madison Junr Esq
" My dear Sir,
¦ " Your favor of the 7th carae to hand the evening before last. — The
resolutions which you say are inserted in the papers, I have not yet seen. —
The latter corae irregularly, tho' I ara a subscriber to Hay's Gazette. —
" Besides the reasons which are assigned in ray circular letter to the sev
eral State Societies of the Cincinnati, for my non-attendance at the next Gen
eral Meeting to be holden in Philadelphia the first Monday of May, there ex
ists one of a political Nature, which operates raore forceably on my mind than'
all the others ; and which, in confidence, I will now communicate to you.- —
" When the Society was first formed, I am persuaded not a member of it
conceived that it would give birth to those Jealousies, or be chargeable with
those dangers (real or imaginary) with which the Minds of many, & sorae of
respectable Characters, were filled, — The motives which induced the Officers
to enter into it were, I am confident, truly & frankly recited in the Institution :.
one of which, indeed the principal, was to establish a charitable fund for the
relief of such of their compatriots —the Widows — and descendants of them —
as were fit subjects for their support; & for whora no public provision had
been made — But the trumpet being sounded, the alarm was spreading far &
wide ; I readily perceived therefore that unless a modification of the plan
could be effected (to annihilate the Society altogether was impracticable, on
acc't of the foreign Officers who had been admitted) — that irritation w'd
arise which would soon draw a line betw'n the Society & their fellow Citi
zens, — To prevent this, — To conciliate the affections — and to convince ihe
World of the purity of the plan — I exerted rayself, and with much diflSculty,
effected the changes which appeared in the recommendation from the General
Meeting to those of the States ; The accomplishment of which was not easy ;
& I have since heard, that whilst some States acceded to the recomraenda
tion, others are not disposed thereto, alledging that, unreasonable prejudices
and ill founded jealousies ought not to influence a raeasure laudable in its in
stitution, & salutary in its objects & operation, — Under these circumstances,
there will be no difficulty in conceiving, that the part I should have had to
have acted, would have been delicate ; On the one hand, I might be charged
with dereliction to the officers, who had nobly supported, and had treated me
with uncomraon marks of attention and attachment. — On the other, with sup
porting a measure incompatible (some say) with Republican principles. I
thought it best therefore without assigning this (the principal reason) lo de
cline the Presidency, and to excuse my attendance at the meeting on the
" ground

30
ground, which is firm & just; — the necessity of paying attention to my pri
vate concerns; — to conformity to my determination of passing the remainder
of my days in a state of retirement — and to indisposition ; occasioned by
Rheumatic complaints, with which, at limes, I am a good deal afflicted. —
Professing at the same time my entire approbation of the institution as altered,
and the pleasure I feel at the subsidence of those jealousies which yielded to
the change. — Presuming, on the general adoption of them.
" I have been thus particular to show, that under circumstances Uke
these, I should feel myself in an awkward situation to be in Philadelphia on
another public occasion during the Sitting of this Society. — That the pres't
a;ra is pregnant of great, & strangt events, none who will cast their eyes
around them, can deny— What may be brought forth between this and the
first of May to remove the difficulties which at present labour in my Mind,
against the acceptance of the honor which has lately been conferred on me
by the Assembly, is not for me to predict ; but I should think it incompatible
with that candour which ought to characterize an honest Mind, not to declare
that under ray present view of the Matter, I should be too much embarrassed
by the Meetings of these two bodies in the same place, in the sarae moment
(after what I have written) to be easy in the situation ; — and consequently,
that it w'd be improper to let my appointment stand in the way of any other. —
" Of this, you who have had the whole matter fully before you, will
judge; for having received no other than private intimation of my election,
and unacquainted with the formalities which are, or ought to be used on these
occasions, silence may be deceptions, or considered as disrespectful ; — The
imputation of both, or either, Iwould wish to avoid. — This is the cause of
the present disclosure, immediately on the receipt of your letter, which has
been locked up by Ice ; for I have had no coramunication with Alexandria •
for many days, till the day bfefore yesterday. —
"My Sentiments are decidedly against Commutables ; for sure I am it
will be found a lax without a Revenue. — That thepeople will be burthened —
The public expectation deceived — and a few speculators only, enriched —
Thus the matier will end, after the Morals oi some are more corrupted than
they now are — and the Minds of all, filled with more leaven, by finding
themselves taxed, and the public demands in full force. — Tobacco on acc't
of the public places of deposit, and from the accustomed mode of negotiating
the article, is certainly better fitted for a Comrautable than any other produc
tion of this Country ; — but if I understand the matter rightly (I have it from
report only) will any raan pay five pounds in specie for five taxables, when
the same sum (supposing Tob'o not to exceed 20/ pr Ct) will purchase
500 lbs of Tob'o & this, if at 28/ will discharge the tax on Seven ? — And
will not the Man who neither makes, nor can easily procure this commodity,
complain ofthe inequality of such a mode, especially when he finds that the
Revenue is diminished by the difference be it what it may, between the real
& nominal price and that he is again to be taxed to make this good ? — These,
& such Uke things, in my humble opinion, are extremely hurtful, and are
araong the principal causes they present depravity & corruption without ac
coraplishing the object in view, for it is not the shadow, but the substance
with which 'Taxes raust be paid, if we mean to be honest.
" With sentiments of sincere esteem & regard I am
' ' Dear Sir
" Yr Most obed't & afPe Ser't
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter arguing the Importance
of a Constitutional Convention.

35 ^A^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 8 pages. Mount Vernon 31st Mar. 1787.
" Hon. James Madison Jun'r Esq
" My dear Sir.
"At the sametime that I acknowledge the receipt of your obliging
favor of the 21st ult. frora New York, I pronlise to avail rayself of your in
dulgence of writing only when it is convenient 10 me. — If this should not
occasion a relaxation on your part, I shall becorae very rauch your debtor —
and possibly like others in similar circumstances (when the debt is burthen
some) may feel a disposition to apply the spunge — or, what is nearly a-kin to
it — pay you off in depreciated paper, which being a legal tender, or what is
tantamount, being that or nothing, you cannot refuse. — You will receive the
nominal value, & that you know quiets the conscience, and makes all things
easy — with ye debtors.
" I am glad to find that Congress have recommended to the States to ap
pear in the Convention proposed to be holden in Philadelphia in May. — I
think the reasons in favor, have the preponderancy of those against the
measure. — It is idle in my opinion to suppose that the Sovereign can be in
sensible of the inadequacy of the powers under which it acts — and that See
ing, it should not recommend a revision of the Foederal system, when it is
considered by many as the oji// Constitutional mode by which the defects can
be remedied. — Had Congress proceeded lo a delineation of the Powers, it
might have sounded an alarm; — but as the case is, I do not concieve that it
will have that effect. —
" From the ackno^dedged abilities of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, I
could have had no doubt of his having ably investigated the infractions of
the Treaty on both sides — Much is it lo be regretted however, that there
should have been any on ours, — We seem to have forgotten, or never to have
learnt, the policy of placing ones enemy in the wrong. — Had we observed
good faith on our part we might have told our tale to the ^^'orld with a good
grace ; but compl'ts illy become those who are found to be the first agressors.
" I ara fully of opinion that those who lean to a Monarchical governra't
have either nol consulted the public Mind, or that they live in a region where
the levelling principles in which they were bred, being entirely erradicaled, — is
much more productive of Monarchical ideas than are to be found in the Southern
States, where from the habitual distinctions which have always existed
among the people, one would have expected the first generation, and ihe
most rapid growth of thera, — I also am clear, that even admitting the utility ;
— nay necessity of the form — yet that the period is not arrived for adopting
the change without shaking the Peace of this country to its foundation.
" That a thorough reform of the present system is indispensable, none
who have capacities to judge will deny — and with hand and heart I hope the
business will be essayed in a full Convention — After which, if more powers,
and raore decision is not found in the existing forra — If it still wants energy,
and that secrecy and despatch (either frora the non-attendance, or the local
views of its members) which is characteristick of good Governraent, — And if
it shall be found (the contrary of which however I have always been more
affr'd of, than of the abuse of thera) that Congress will upon all proper oc
casions exercise the powers with a firm and Steady hand, instead of fritter
ing them back to the Individual States where the Members in place of view
ing themselves in their national character, are too apt to be looking, — I say
" after

32
after this essav is made if the sj'stem prores ineffifient, canwctioo of lbe
necessin- itf a cbai^e will be di^minated ainong all clases of die PeofiJe. —
Then, aod not till then,'in my opimon can il be atteiD]il£d witboitt inrolT-
ing sll the evils of aril dUcoid. —
- 1 omfess howerer tbat my Ofanion af poUic viitiie is so £ai rbangrd
liat I bave my doobls Tbether any system witbcrat the meam eS coocum in
the Soreae^n,' will enfoice Ofaedi^ice to the Ordinances af a Genl Govem
ment — ^iritbonl wbidi, ereiy thing else feils — Laws or OrdinanoK nsob-
serred, or panially attended to, bad better never have been made; l^canse
lbe as; is a mete nihil and lie 2d is piodndive of much jealonsr in dooon-
taa. — ^Bntlbe kind of Coeiozii yon may aii? — This indeed will require
TTv-fngfer, libsG^i the ncm-com]diance of ihe States vilb the late reqinsitioii, is
an evidEsoe ofthe iiBcesaly. —
•^ I: is somewhat singolar that a Slate (Xew Yrai) which used to be
foremost in all foedeial me^iET^ dioald now tnin hra^ face a^inst them in
almosi ev^y insiaiiceL —
- 1 fear the Siaie of Massachosetts have exceeded tbe bosnds of good
pijicv in its dis&anchisexQait — pmii^sment is ceitainfy due to the disDirbeis
cf a gorentmeiit, bnt the opaations of this act is too estenave — It emlnaces
too TniM-h — & probalfy may ^ve iHith to new inqead <^ dcstroring the (SA
leveD- -" Some ads passed at the last Sesion of onr Assembly respecting the
tiadeof this Cooijirr, has given ^eat„ and goiezaldisconlEni to the Meirfeanls
of iL — an appiicabaa from the idM^e body of thfee at Xoifdik has been made,
I am lold, to convene the AssemUy. —

" I had written thns ikr, and was on the ptHnt of tdffing yon bow much
I am yoor oUiged SexTam. when toot b.vf« <^ the iS& caOs iqnB me ior
addi^onal acknowledgments.
'- 1 thank yon for the Indian Vocabolary vhidi I daie say will be vaiy
acceptable in a genera] oompaiiscm- — Having teken a cC'PT, 1 return ytm the
Oli^^nal uildi Hianlr:; 
"It giref ine pleasuie to hear that there is a|HabalH3i:T of a &11 Repvsen-
tation oi the States in Conventi<m : hot if Oie d^^at^ cctne to it snder
fettezs, the salutary ends pn^iosed will in my (qxniara be greatly snbanassed
& lesarded, if not altogether d^ealed. — ^I am atmoss to know how Ibis sel
ler leaBy is, as my wish is. that the Convention may adopt no lempixia^ ex-
pedient, bnt probe the defects of the Constitntiaa to the bottom, and provide
ladifal cirres ; whether ther are agn^d to or not — a ciHidiict like this, will
stamp vds(iiot!i and digni^ on the pioceedii^^ a^ he looked to as a ImniBaiy
whicji sooner ra- lals- will shed iis iidiserice. —
" I sjiooM feel pleasnre, I confess, in heaiii^ tij:: Veimorai is received
into the Union npon terms ^reeable to all parties — I toc^s the liberry years
ago to tell s<Hse of the £rst characteis in the S:.Lte of Xew York, r'HsT sooner
or lats- it would come to that. — ^That the longer tt - . a^ deU^ed the terms on
their pert, would, prolaHy be more difficn!! — and that the general iniaest was
snSring tr the sogsenoe in vrli;i the bttsiness iras he?d, as the ssylem w'ch
Jl aiiorded, ¦eras a constant dj7,tn liotB the Armv in place ctf an aid which it
ofiered to aSbid. — and lastly, considering the praximitv of it to Canada if
thev were ik>i witfa 13s, they might beocm^ a sore ibom in 043r sides, w'ch, 1
verilT bdieve wonld hare been the case if the War had ooettnoaL — The
^ estern Settlements without good and wise managoment of them, may t^
eqaaEf tmobl^xnie. — With sennmls ofthe siaceiest biendship
-' I am — Dear Sir
¦" Be so good as to ^ Yr afiecte Serr't
forwaid the enclosed •• Geo Washi3Sgiox ""
>bs Washinglm intended tc have sent it
by Gd3- Caningtmi, but he did not caU heie.''

33
Washington's Letter scoring Colonel R. H.
Lee for his objections to the proposed
Constitution.
36 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 4 pages. " Mount Vernon Ocl'r loth 1787
" James Madison Jun'r Esq.
" My dear Sir
" I thank you for your letter of the' 30th ult. — It came by the last
Post, — I am better pleased that the proceedings of the Convention is handed
from Congress by a unanimous vote (feeble as it is) than if it had appeared
under stronger marks of approbation without it; — This apparent unanimity
will have its effect. — Not every one has opportunities to peep behind the cur
tain ; and as the multitude often judge from externals, the appearance of
unanimity in that body, on this occas'n will be of great iraportance. —
" The political tenets of Col° M. & Colo R. H. L. are always in unison —
It raay be asked which of them gives the tone ? — Without hesitation, I an
swer the latter ; because the latter, I believe, will receive it from no one. —
He has, I am informed, rendered himself obnoxious in Philadelphia by the
pains he took to disseminate his objections araongst some of the leaders of the
seceding Members of the legislature of that State. — His conduct is not less
reprobated in this County. — How it will be relished, generally, is yet to be
learnt, by me. — As far as acc'ts have been received from the Southern & West
ern Counties, the Sentiment with respect to the proceedings of the Conven
tion is favourable. — Whether the knowledge of this, or conviction of the im
propriety of withholding the Constitution from State Conventions has worked
most in the breast of Col M. I will not decide, but the fact is, he has declared
unequivocally (in a letter to me) for its going to the people. — Had his senti
ments however been opposed to the Measure, Instructions which are given by
the freeholders of this County to their representatives, would have secured his
vote for it. — Yet, I have no doubt but that this assent will be accompanied
by the most tremendous apprehensions, and highest colourings, to his objec
tions. — To alarm the people, seems to be the ground work of his plan, — The
want of a qualified Navigation Act, is already declared to be a mean by
which the produce of the Southern States will be reduced to Nothing, & will
become a monopoly of the Northern & Eastern States, — To enumerate all his
objections, is unnecessary ; because they are detailed in the address of the Se
ceding Members of the Assembly of Pensylvania ; which, no doubt you have
seen, —
" I scarcely think that any powerful opposition will be made to the Con-
stitution being subraitted to a Convention of the people of this State  If it
is given, it will be at that raeeting — In which I hope you will make it conve
nient to attend ; — explanations will be wanting — none can give thera with
more precision and accuracy than yourself —
" The Sentiraents of Mr Henry with respect to the Constitution
which is submitted, are not known in these parts — Mr Jos'h Jones (who it
seems was in Alexandria a few days before my return horae) was of opinion
that they would not be inimical to it — others however conceive, that as the
advocate of a paper emission, he can not be friendly to a Cons'tn w'ch is an
effectual bar.
" From circumstances which have been related, it is conjectured that
the Governor wishes he had been among the subscribing members ; but time
will disclose more than we know at present with respect to the whole of this
business; and when I hear more, I will write to you again. — In the mean
while I pray you to be assured of the sincere regard and aifection with which
" I am My dear Sir
"Yr Most obed't & very Hble Serv
" Geo Washington "
" p. S.  I-Iaving received (in a letter) from Col° Mason, a detail of his
objections to the proposed Constitution I enclose you a copy of them."

34

Washington's Letter informing Mr. Madison
that Chancellor Pendleton espouses the
proposed Constitution.
37 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Unsigned. Quarto. 2 pages. " Mount Vernon Oct'r 22d 1787
" Hon James Madison Ju'r Esq
" My dear Sir,
" When I last wrote lo you, I was uninformed of the Sentiments of
this State beyond the circle of Alexandria, with respect to the New Constitu
tion. Since, a letter which I received by the last Post, dated the l6th frora a
Member of the Asserably, contains the following paragraphs. —
" ' I believe such an instance has not happened before, since the Revo- "
" lution, that there should be a house on the first day of the Session, and "
" business imraediately taken up. — This was not only the case on Monday, "
" bat there was a full house; when Mr Prentice was called up to the chair, "
"as Speaker, there being no opposition. — Thus, the Session has commenced "
"peaceably. " ' It gives rae rauch pleasure to inforra you that the sentiments of the"
" Merabers are infinitely raore favourable to the Constitution than the most "
" zealous advocates for it could have expected. — I have not raet with one in "
" all my enquiries (and I have made them with great diligence) opposed to "
" it, except Mr Henry who I have heard is so, but could only conjecture it,"
" from a conversation with him on the subject. — Other Merabers who have "
"also been active in their enquiries tell rae, that they have met with none"
" opposed to it. — It is said however that old Mr Cabell of Amherst disap- "
" proves of it. — Mr Nicholas has declared himself a warm friend to it.
" ' The transmissary note of Congress was before us to day, when Mr "
" Henry declared that it transcended our powers to decide on the Constitu- "
" tion ; that it must go before a Convention. — As it was insinuated he would ' '
"aim at preventing this, much pleasure was discovered at the declaration, — "
"Thursday week (the 25th) is fixed upon for taking up the question of call-"
" ing the Convention, and fixing the tirae of its meeting ; In the meantime, "
" five thousand copies are ordered to be printed, lo be dispersed by the mem- "
" bers in their respective Counties for the information of the People,— I can- "
" not forbear mentioning that the Chancellor, Pendleton, espouses the Con- "
" stitution so warmly as to declare he will give it his aid in the Convention, "
" if his health will permit, — As there are few better judges of such subjects, "
" this must be deemed a fortunate circumstance.'
" As the above quotations is the sum of my information, I shall add
nothing raore on the subject of the proposed governraent, at this tirae.
" Mr C. Pinkney is unwilling (I perceive by the enclosures contained in ,
your letter ofthe I3lh) to loose any fame that can be acquired by the publi
cation of his sentiments, — If the discussion of the Navigation of the Missis-
sipi could have remained as silent, & glided as gently down the stream of
time for a few years, as the Waters do, that are contained within the banks of
that River, it would, I confess, have comported more with my ideas of sound
policy than any decision the case can obtain at this juncture,
"With sentiments the raost Affect'e
" and friendly
" I am — Dear Sir
" Yr Most obed Serv't "
\_Unsigned'\.

35
Washington's Lelter informing Mr. Madison
of the feeling of the Virginia Assembly
towards the proposed Constitution.
38 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages. " Mount Vernon Nov'r 5th 1787
" Hon' I James Madison, Jun'r
" My dear Sir
"Your favor ofthe I Sth ulto came duly to hand. — As no subject is
more interesting, and seems so rauch to engross the attention of every one as
the proposed Constitution, I shall (tho' it is probable your communications
from Richmond are regular and full with respect to this,' and other matters,
which employ the consideration of the Asserably) give you the extract of a
letter from Doct'r Stuart, which follows —
" ' Yesterday (the 26th of Oct'r) according to appointment, the calling "
"ofa Convention ofthe people was discussed. — Though no one doubled a "
" pretty general unanimity on this question ultimately, yet, it was feared "
" from the avowed opposition of Mr Henry and Mr Harrison, that an at- "
" tempt would be made, to do it in a manner that would convey to the peo- "
" pie an unfavourable impression ofthe opinion ofthe House, with respect"
" lo the Constitution : And this was accordingly attempted. — It was how- "
"ever soon baffled. — The motion was to this effect; thata Convention"
"should be called to adopt — reject — or amend — the proposed Constitution — "
" As this conveyed an idea that the House conceived an amendment neces- "
" sary, it was rejected as improper. — It now stands recommended to them, "
" on (I think) unexceptional ground, for ' their full and free consideration.' — "
" My colleague arrived here on the evening before this question was taken "
" up : I am apt to think that the opponents to the Constitution were much "
" disappointed in their expectations of support from him, as he not only de- "
" clared himself in the fullest manner for a Convention, but also, that not- "
" withstanding his objections, so foederal was he, that he would adopt it, if"
"nothing better could be obtained. — The time at which the Convention is "
" to meet, is fixed to the first of June next. — The variety of sentiments on "
" this subject was almost infinite ; Neither friends or foes agreeing in any"
" one period  There is to be no exclusion of persons on acc't of their "
" OfEces  '
" Notwithstanding this decision the accounts of the prevailing sentiments
without, especially on Jaraes River and Westwardly, are various; — Nothing
decisive, I believe, can be drawn. — As far as I can form an opinion however,
from different persons, it should seem as if Men judged of others, by their
own affection or disaffection to the proposed government. — In the Northern
Neck the sentiraent I believe, is very generally for it. — I think it will be
found such thro' the State.
" The Doctor further adds — ' The subject of British debts was taken "
" up the other day when Mr Henry, reflected in a very warm declamatory "
" manner, on the circular lelter of Congress, on that subject. — It is a great "
"and important matter and I hope will be determined as it should be not- "
" withstanding his opposition.'
" So far as the sentiraents of Maryland, with respect to the proposed
Constitution, have corae to my knowledge, they are strongly in favor of it ;
but as this is the day on which the Asserably of that State ought to meet, I
will say nothing in anticipation of the opinion of it. Mr Carroll of Carolton,
and Mr Thos Johnson, are declared friends to it —
" With sincere regard and aifect'n
" I am — My dear Sir
" Yr sincere fr'd & obed Ser
" Geo Washington "

36

Washington's Letter portraying his anxiety,
on account of the doings of the several
conventions in the adoption of the
Federal Constitution.

39 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 4 pages. " Mount Vernon Dec'r 7th 1787
" James Madison Jr.
" My dear Sir,
" Since my last to you, I have been favored with your letter of the
28th of Oct'r & i8th of Nov'r. — With the last came 7 numbers of the Foederalist
under the signature of Publius. — For these I thank you. — They are forwarded
to a Gentleman in Richmond for re-publication. — The doing of which, in this
State, will, I am persuaded have a good effect; as there are certainly charac
ters in it who are no friends to a general government — perhaps I might go
further, & add, who would have no great objection to the introduction of an
archy & confusion, —
" The soUicitude, to know what the several State Legislatures would do
with the Constitution, is now transfered to the several Conventions thereof;
the decisions of which being more interesting & conclusive, is consequently
more anxiously expected than the other. — What Pensylvania & Delaware
have done, or will do, must soon be known : — Other Conventions are treading
closely on their heels — but what the three Southern Stales have done, or in what
light the New Constitution is viewed by them, I have not been able to learn. —
North Carolina it is said (by some acc'ts from Richmond) will be governed in
a great measure by the conduct of Virg'a. — The pride of South Carolina will
not, I conceive, suffer this influence to operate in her Councils ; and the dis
turbances in Georgia will, or at least ought to show the people of it, the pro
priety of a strict Union, and the necessity there is for a general government. —
" If these, with the States Eastward ahd Northward of us, should accede
to the proposed plan, I think the Citizens of this State will have no cause to.
bless the opponents of it here, if they should carry their point, —
" A Paragraph in the Baltimore Paper has announced a change in the
Sentiraents of Mr Jay on the subject ; and adds, that frora being an admirer
of it, he is become a bitter enemy ; — This relation, without knowing Mr Jay's
opinion, I discredit, from a conviction that he would consider the matter well
before he would pass judgment, and having done so, would not change his.
opinion, almost in the sarae breath. — I am anxious however to know, on what
ground this report originates, especially the indelicacy of ye expres'n
" It would have given me great pleasure to have coraplied with your
request in behalf of your foreign Acquaintance — at present I ara unable to do
it. — The Survey of the County between the Eastern and Western Waters is
not yet reported by the Commissioners, tho' proraised to be made very shortly —
the Survey being complicated. — No draught that convey an adequate idea of the
work, on this river, has been yet taken. — Much of the labour, except at the
great falls, has been bestowed in the bed of the River ; in a removal of Rocks,
and deepening of the Water. — At the great falls, the labour has indeed been
great. The water there (a sufficiency I mean) is taken into a Canal about
200 yards above the Cataract, & conveyed by a level cut (thro' a solid Rock
in sorae places, and much Stone everywhere) raore than a raile to the lock'
seals; five in number, by means of which, when co^ljleted.tljp cr!jft,\y,Ul be
"let

37
let into the River below the falls (which together amount to 76 feet). — At the
Seneca falls, six miles above the great Falls, a channel which has been formed
by the River when inundated, is under improvement for Navigation. — The
same, in part at Shanondah. — At the lower falls, where nothing has yet been
done, a level cut and locks are proposed. — These constitute the principal diffi
culties & with the great expense of this undertaking. — The parts of the river
between requiring loose Stones only to be removed, in order to deepen the
Water where it is too shallow in dry seasons, —
" With very great esteem & regard
" 1 am — My dear Sir
" Yr most obed't & affec't Ser
"Geo Washington

" P, S, — Since writing the foregoing, I have received a letter from a
raember of our Assembly at Richmond, dated the 4th inst, giving the follow
ing information, —
" ' I am sorry to inform you that the Constitution has lost ground so con-
" siderably that it is doubtful whether it has any longer a raajority in its favor, —
" From a vote which took place the other day this would appear certain, tho'
" I cannot think it so decisive as the enemies to it consider it, — It marks how-
" ever the inconsistency of some of its opponants, — At the time the resolutions
" calling a Convention were entered into Col° M  n sided with the friends
" to the Constitution, and opposed any hint being given', expressive of the
¦" sentiments of the Piouse as to araendraents, — But as it was unfortunately
" omitted at that time to make provision for the Subsistence of the Conven-
" tion, it became necessary to pass some resolutions for that purpose ; araong
"these is one providing for any expense which may attend an attempt to make
" araendraents, — As M  had on the forraer occasion declared that it would
"be improper to make any discovery of the sentiments of the House on the
" subject, and that we had no right to suggest any thing to a body paramount
" to us, his advocating such a resolution was raatter of astonishment  It is
" true he declared it was not declaratory of our opinion ; but the contrary
" raust be very obvious, — As I have heard raany declare themselves friends to
" the Constitution since the vote, I do not consider it as altogether decisive of
" the opinion of the Piouse wilh respect to it,"
" ' In a debating society here, which meets once a week, this subject has
" been canvassed at two successive meetings, and is to be finally decided on
" tomorrow evening. — As the whole Assembly almost has attended on these
".occasions, their opinion will then be pretty well ascertained, — and as the
" opinion on this occasion will have much influence, some of Col'o Innis'
" friends have obtained a promise from him to enter ye lists.
" ' I ara informed both by Gen'l Wilkinson (who is just arrived from New
" Orleans by way of No' Carolina) and Mr Ross, that North Carolina is
" almost unanimous for adopting it. — The latter received a letter from a Mera-
" ber of that Asserably now silting.
" ' The Bill resjjecting British debts has passed our Iiouse, but wilh such a
" clause as I think makes it raore than a rejection.'
" The letter of which I enclose you a printed copy — from Col'o R. H. Lee
to the Gov'r has been circulated with great industry in Manuscript, four weeks
before it went lo press, and is said to have ha,d a bad influence. — The enemies
to the Constitution leave no stone unturned to increase the opposition lo it. —
"Yr, &c f<G. W  n"

38
Washington's Letter scoring Richard Henry
Lee for his opposition to the Federal
Constitution, and ridiculing the
Virginia Assembly.
40 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 3 pages. " Mount Vernon, Jan'y 10th 1788
¦• Hon James Madison Jun't.
" My dear Sir,
" I stand indebted to you for your favors of the 20th & 26th ult ; and
I believe for that of the 14th also, & their enclosures. —
" It does not appear to rae that there is any certain criterion in this State,
by which a decided judgment can be formed of the opinion which is enter
tained by the mass of its citizens with respect to the new Constitution, — My
belief on this occasion is, that whenever the raatter is brought to a final deci
sion, that not only a majority, but a large one, will be found in its favor. —
" ¦) hat the opposition should have gained strength, araong the members
of the Assembly in Richmond, admitting the fact, is not lo be wondered at
when it is considered that the powerful adversaries to the Constitution are all
assembled at that place, acting conjunctly, with the promulgated sentiraents
of Col. R-H-L as auxiliary. — It is said however, and I believe it may be de
pended upon, that the latter (tho' he may retain his sentiments) has with
drawn, or means to withdraw his opposhion ; because as he has expressed
himself, or as others have done it for him, he finds himself in bad company;
such as with M  n Sm — th &c &c, — His brother, Francis L, Lee on whose
judgraent the family place much reliance, is decidedly in favor of the new
form, under a conviction that it is the best that can be obtained, and because
it promises energy — stability — and that security which is, or ought to be, the
wish of every good Citizen of the Union, —
"How far the determination ofthe question before the debating club (of
which I made mention in a former letter) may be considered as auspicious of
the final decision in Convention, I shall not prognosticate ; but in this club,
this question it seeras, was determined by a very large majority in favor of
the Constitution; but of all the arguments which may be used at this time,
none will be so forcible, I expect, as that nine States have acceded to it, —
and if the unanimity, or majorities in those which are to follow, are as great
as in those which have acted, the power of those arguments will be irrisist-
able, — " The Governor has given his reasons to the Publick for with holding his
Signature to the Conslilulion. — A copy of thera I send you
" Our Assembly has been long in Session — employed chiefly (according lo
my information) in rectifying the mistakes ofthe last, and committing others
for emendations at the next — Yet ' who so wise as we are ' — We are held
in painful suspence with respect to European Intelligence — Peace or War, by
the last acc'ts are equally balanced a graiii added to either scale will give it
the preponderancy, —
" I have no regular corrispond't in Massachusetts ; otherwise, as the oc
casional subject of a letter I should have had no objection lo the communica
tion of my sentiments on the proposed Government as they are unequivocal &
decided " With the greatest esteem & reg'd
" I am my dear Sir
" P. S.— I have this mom't " Yr Most obed & afl'e Ser
been informed that the " Geo Washington
Assembly of No Carolina
have postponed the meeting
of the Convention of that State
until July — this seems evidently
calculated to take the Tone from Virginia."

39

Washington's Letter asking Mr. Madison to
procure him several copies of " The Foed
eralist," and regretting the publication
of a letterof his to Colonel Carter,
giving his sentiments on the
proposed Federal
Constitution.
41 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter,
Signed. Quarto. 3 pages. "Mount Vernon Feby 5th 1788,
" lion James Madison Jun'r.
" My dear Sir,
" I am indebted to you for several of your favors, and thank you for
their enclosures. — The rumours of War between France and England have
subsided ; and the poor Patriots of Holland, it seems, are left to fight their
own Battles or negotiate, in neither case with any great prospect of advantage
— They must have been deceived, or their conduct has been divided, precipant,
& wealc. — the forraer, with some blunders, have, I conceive, been the causes
of their misfortunes. —
" I ara sorry to find by yours, and other acc'ts from Massachusetts, that
the decision of its Convention (at the tirae of their dates) remains problema
tical, — A rejection of the New form by that State will invigorate the opposi
tion, not only in New York, but in all those which are to follow; — at the.
same time that it will afford raaterials for the Minority in such as have adopted
it, to blow the Trurapet of discora more loudly. — I'he acceptance by a bare
majority, tho' preferable to rejection, is also to be depricaled.
" It is scarcely possible to forra any decided opinion of the general senti
ment of the people of this State, on this important subject  .Many have asked
rae wilh anxious solicitude, if you did not mean to get into the Convention ;
conceiving it of indispensable necessity. — Col° Mason, who returned home only
yt'Slerday, has offered himself, I am lold, for the County of Stafford; and his
friends add, he can lie elected not only there, but for Prince William &
Fauquier also. — The truth of this I know not, — I rarely go frora home, and ray
visitors who for the most part are travellers and strangers, have not the best
inforraation, "At the time you suggested for ray consideration, the expediency of a
communication of ray sentiments on the proposed Constitution, to any corres
pondent I might have in Massachusetts, il did nol occur to me that Genl
Lincoln & myself frequently interchanged letters — ^inuchless did 1 expect that
a hasty, and indigested extract of one which I had written — intermixed with a
variety of other matter to Col" Chas Carter, in answer to a letter I had re
ceived from him respecting Wolf dogs — Wolves — .Sheep — experiments in
Farming &c &c &c — was then in the press, and would bring these sentiments
to public view by means of the extensive circuladon I find that extract has
had. — Altho' I never have concealed, and am perfectly regardless who be
comes acquainted with my sentiments on the proposed Constitution, yet
nevertheless, as no care had been taken to dress the ideas, or any reasons as
signed in support of my opinion, I felt rayself hurt by the publication ; and
informed my friend the Colonel of it. — In answer, he has fully exculpated
himself from the intention, but his zeal in the cause prompted him to distri
bute copies, under a prohibition (which was disregarded) that Ihey should "not

40
not go to the press. — As you have seen the rude, or crude extract (as you
may please to term it) I will add no more on the subject.
"Perceiving that the Foederalist, under the signature of Publius, is
about 10 be republished, I will thank you for forwarding lo rae three or four
Copies ; one of which to be neatly bound, and inforra me of the cost. —
" Altho' we have not had many, or deep Snows since the commenceraent
of them, yet we have had a very severe Winter ; and if the cold of this day is
proportionably keen with you, a warm room, & a good fire will be found no
bad, or uncomfortable antidote to it.— With sentiments of perfect esteem and
friendship " I am. Dear Sir " Yr Affect & obed't Servt
" Geo Washington"
Washington's Letter prophesying the French
Revolution.
42 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 3 pages. " Mount Vernon, March 2d 1788.
" Hon James Madison Jun'r
" My dear Sir,
" The decision of Massachusetts, notwithstanding its concomitants, is
a severe stroke lo the opponents of the proposed Constitution in this State ; and
wilh the favorable determinations of the States which have gone before, and
such as are likely to follow after, will have a powerful operation on the Minds
of Men who are not actuated more by disappointment, passion and resentment,
than they are by moderation, prudence and candor. — Ofthe first description
however, it is to be lamented that there are so many — and among them, some
who would hazard every thing rather than their opposition should fail, or the
sagacity of their prognostications should be impeached by an issue contrary
to their predictions,
" Tlie determination you have come to, will give pleasure to your friends. —
Frora those in your own County you will learn with more certainty than from
me, the expediency of your attending the election in it. — With some, to have
differed in sentiment, is to have passed the R.ubicon of their friendship, altho'
you should go no further — With others (for the honor of humanity) I hope
there is more liberallity ; but the consciousness of having discharged that
duty which we owe to uur Country, is superior to all other considerations, and
will place sraaller matters in a secondary point of view. —
" His Most Ch — -n M  y speaks, & acts in a style not very pleasing
to republican ears or to republican forms; — nor do I think this language is
altogether so to the teraper of his own subjects at this day, — Liberty, when it
begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth, — The checks he endeavors to
give it, however warrantable by ancient usage, will, more than probably, kin
dle a flame which may not be easily extinguished; tho' for a while it may be
smothered by the Annies at his Command, & the Nobility in his interest. —
When the people are oppressed wilh Taxes, & have cause to suspect that there
has been a misapplication of their money, the language of despotism is but
illy brooked, — This, & the mortification which the pride of the Nation has
sustained in the affairs of Holland (if one may judge from appearances) may
be productive of events which prudence will not mention. —
"To-morrow, the Elections for delegates to the Convention of Ihis State
commences — and as they will tread close upon the heels of each other this
month becomes interesting and important. — With the most friendly sentiments,
and affectionate regards " I am. My dear Sir
" Your obedient
" Geo Washington "

4t

Washington's Letter acquainting James
Madison of the vote of Maryland in
favor of the Constitution of
the United States.
43 Washington, General George? Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages. " Mount Vernon May 2d 1788'
" Honble James Madison, Jun'r
" My dear Sir,
" Your favor of the loth ult. came duly to hand, and the enclosure
for Mr D. Carroll was forwarded the next day by a direct & safe conveyance.
— That Gentleman, however, was not of the Convention, — But the body of
which you supposed him to be a meraber, by a large and decided majority (of
sixty odd to twelve) have ratified the New Constitution, — A thorn this in the
sides of the leaders of opposition in this State, — Should South Carolina give
as unequivocal approbation of the system, the opposition here will become
feeble; for eight affirmatives without a negative carries weight of argument,
if not of eloquence along with it whicE might cause even the unerring sister
to hesitate. —
" Mr Chace, it is said, made a display of all his eloquence. — Mr Mercer
discharged his whole Artillery of inflaraable matter — and Mr Martin did some
thing — I know not what — but presume with vehemence — yet no converts
were 'made — no, not one. — So the business after a very .short session, ended;
— and will if I mistake not, render yours less tiresome.
" With sentiments of sincere regard & affect'u
" I ara, Yours " Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter rejoicing at all the
States having, so far, adopted
the Constitution.

44 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
"Mount Vernon June Sth 1788
" Hon James Madison Jun'r.
" My dear Sir,
" I am much obliged by the few lines you wrote to me on the 4th,
and though it is yet too soon to rejoice one cannot avoid being pleased at the
auspicious opening of the business of your Convention, — Though an ulterior
opinion of the decision of this State on the Constitution would at any time
previous to the discussion of it in the Convention have been premature yet I
have never despaired of its adoption here, — What I have raostly apprehended
is that the insidious arts of its opposers to alarm the fears and to inflame the
passions of the Multitude raay have produced instructions to the Delegates " that

42
that would shut the door against argument and be a bar to the exercise of the
judgment— If this is not the case I have no doubt but that the good sense of
this Country will prevail against the local views of designing characters and
the arrogant opinions of chagreened and disappointed men— The decision of
Maryland & South Carolina by such large Majorities and the moral certainty
ofthe adoption by New Hampshire will make all except desperate men look
before they leap into the dark consequences of rejection
" The Ratification by eight States without a negative— By three of them
unanimously— By six against one in another— By three to one in another— By
two for one in two more— and by all the weight of abilities & property in the
other is enough one would think to produce a cessation of opposition— I do
not mean that numbers alone is suflScient lo produce conviction in the Mmd,
but I think it is enough" to produce sorae change in the conduct of any man
who entertains a doubt of his infalibilily
"Altho' I have little doubt of your having received a copy of the enclosed
paraphlet, yet I send it,— It is written with much good sense and moderation
—I conjecture, but upon no certain ground, that Mr Jay is the author of it,—
He sent it to me sometime ago, since which I have received two or three more
copies. — With the sincerest esteem & most affect'e regard
" I am ever Yours
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter expressing his pleasure
at the ratification of the new Constitution
by the State of New York.
45 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. With address. "Mount Vernon Aug't 3rd 1788.
" Honl Mr Madison.
" My dear Sir,
" Your favors of the 21st and 27th of last month came duly to hand. —
The last, contained the pleasing — and I may add (tho' I could not reconcile
it with any ideas I entertained of common policy) unexpected account of the
unconditional ratification of the Constitution by the State of New York — That
No. Carolina will hesitate longer in its choice I can scarcely believe ; but
what Rhode Island will do is more difficult to say, though not worth a con
jecture; as the conduct of the Majority there has, hitherto, baffled all cal
culation. " The place proper for the New Congress to meet at, will unquestionably,
undergo (if it has not already done it) much investigation ; — but there are
certain things which are so self evident in their nature as to speak for them
selves. — this, possibly, may become — where the true point lays I will not
undertake to decide, but there can be no hesitation I conceive in pronouncing
one thing, that in all Societies, if the bond or cement is strong and interest
ing enough to hold the body together, the several parts should submit to the
inconveniences for the benefit which they derive from the conveniences of the
compact. " We have nothing in these parts worth communicating. — Towards New
York we look for whatever is interesting, until the Stales begin to act under
the New form, which will be an iraportant epoch in the annals of this Coun
try. — With sentiments of sincere friendship and affection
" I am — Yours
" Geo Washington "

43

Washington's Letter expressing an opinion
that a temporary location of the Capital
at New York would hasten its re
moval ultimately to a more
central point.
46 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed twice. Quarto. 2 pages.
« Mount Vernon Aug't 17th 1788
" Hon'ble James Madison Jun'r Esq
" My dear Sir,
"Although the letter of Mr Pleasants and its enclosure will appear
under date ofthe 25th of July, it never got to ray hands till friday last. — To
morrow is the first Post by which I could forward it. — It is now sent
with thanks for the perusal. — I shall write to the Count de Moustier, but
in pretty general terms — giving the substance rather than the detail of this
business. —
" That the circular letter from the Convention of New York should be
handed to the public as the unaniraous sense of that body is, to me, surpriz
ing. — It will, I fear, be attended with pernicious consequences, — The decision
of North Carolina — unaccountable as it is — is not, in my opinion, more to be
regretted. — With sentiments of the highest esteem & regard — I am.. — My dear
Sir " Yr Most obedient and
"affectionate H'ble Serv't " Geo Washington "
Aug't i8lh
" I had written this letter, but had not aent it to the Post Office, when
your favor of the nth was brought to me. —
" I am clearly in sentiraent with you that the longer the question re
specting the perraanent Seat of Congress remains unagilated, the greater cer
tainty there will be of its fixture in a central spot. — But not having the same
means of information and judging that you have, it would have been a moot
point with me, whether a temporary residence of ihat body at New York
would not have been a less likely means of keeping it ultimately from the
center (being farther reraoved from it) than if it was to be at Philad'a; be
cause, in proportion as you draw it to the center, you lessen the inconven
iences and of course the solicitude of the Southern & Western extremities ; —
and when to these are super-added the acquaintances and'connections which,
naturally will be formed — the expences which more than probably will be
incurred for the accomodation of the public offices — with a long train of et
ceteras, it might be found an arduous task to approach nearer to the Axis
thereafter, — These, however, are first thoughts; and may not go to the true
principles of policy which governs in this case. —
" I am as before " Yrs very sincerely
" Geo Washington "

44

Washington's Letter on the propriety of
selecting Philadelphia for the first meet
ing of the new Congress, and ex
pressing fear of the anti-
Federalists.

47 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages. " Mount Vernon Sept'r 23d 1788
" Hon'ble James Madison Jun'r Esq'r
" My dear Sir,
" I duly received your letter of the 24th of last Month, but as we had
no intelligence or circurastance in this quarter worthy of your acceptance, I
postponed even the acknowledgeraent until I was gratifyed by the receipt of
your subsequent favor of the 14th instant. — Indeed I have now little raore to
give you in return, than this information to prevent your apprehension of mis
carriage ; and ray thanks for your illustration of the subject which has lately
engaged the attention of Congress. —
" Upon maturer reflection, I think the reasons you offer in favor of Phila
delphia as the place for the first Meeting of Congress are conclusive : espe
cially when the farther agitation of the question respecting its permanent
residence is taken into consideration. — But I cannot, however, avoid being
satisfied that the Minority should have acquiesced in any place, rather than
to have prevented the system from being carried into effect — The delay has
already become the source of clamours and raight have given advantages to
the Anti-foederalists. — Their expedient will now probably be an attempt to
procure the Election of so many of their own Junto under the New govern
ment, as, by the introduction of local and erabarrassing disputes, to irapede
or frustrate its operation. —
" In the meantime it behoves all the advocates of the Constitution, for
getting partial & sraaller considerations, to combine their exertions for collect
ing the wisdora & virtue of the Continent to one center ; in order that the
Republic raay avail itself of the opportunity for escaping frora Anarchy, Divi
sion, and the other great material calaraities that impended. — To be ship
wrecked in sight of the Port would be the severest of all possible aggravations
to our Misery — and I assure you I am under painful apprehensions frora the
single circurastance of Mr. H  's having the whole game to play in the As
sembly of this State, and the effect it may have on others — it should be counter
acted if possible. — With sentiments of highest esteem & regard
" I am — My dear Sir
" Your affectionate H'ble Serv't " Geo Washington
" P. S. — Permit rae to request
the favor of you to forward
the Letters under cover with
this by a favourable conveyance."

45
48 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 3 pages. " Mount Vernon, Nov'r 17th 1788
" The Hon'ble James Madison Jun'r Esq.
" My dear Sir,
" It has happened that the letter which you did me the favor of
writing to me on the 5th, did not get to my hands until the 15th instant ; —
owing, in part, to the uncertainty of the Mail (on account of the change from
the Summer to the Winter establishraent ofthe .Stages) and partly to some
engagements which prevented my sending to the Post-Office agreeably to my
usual custom. —
I wish it was in my power to be as precise & satisfactory in answering
your enquiry respecting the value of the purchase made by Col° Lee
at the Great Falls of this River as your purposes require, and my incli
nation would prompt me to give you. — But however deficient they may be, I
will hazard the best information I am possessed of on this subject, —
" Of the quantity of Land in this purchase, and the incumbrances there
on, it should seem you have been apprized, — It only remains therefore for
me to add (as far as I ara able) an Account of its situation, and the prob
able advantages which are to he derived from it. — With respect to the first, if
my ideas of the matter (for I do not speak from absolute certainty) are just,
it includes the entire Canal, Bason &c. at the Great Falls ; and the Mill Seats
(for there are raore than one) of which Governor Johnson & a Company
connected with him, in this business, had forraed very sanguine hopes, till
the unexpected purchase by Col° Lee, arrested the prospect. — For Water
works of any kind these Seats raust be exceedingly valuable if the naviga
tion obtains; of which no one I believe entertains a doubt, at this lime. —
How far they raay be impeded, or even endangered ^t times by re
raarkable freshes, I am not a competent judge. — The opinion of better in
formed persons in these matters than I am, is, that they may be rendered se
cure. — Another advantage to be derived is, that under all possible circum
stances a town must be established there (it is now much wished for by Mer
cantile people) whether the navigation is extended frora thence to tide-water
or not. — In the last case, the lotts will be of great value — in the first very de
sirable; because all Water borne produce m.ust pass by, if it is not deposited
here ; which must take place, if the difficulties frora hence to tide Water
(about nine railes) should prove insurraountable — and between you and rae
it is the most doubtful part of our Work, — Having gone so far, I will hazard
another idea in proof of ray opinion of this navigation ; and consequently of
the iraportance of this pass, — It raay be a singular one, but I ara not less clear
in it on that account —Itis, thatthe Navigation from the Great Falls and through
the Shenandoah falls, will not be opened five years before that ofthe latter
River will be iraproved at least 150 Miles; & the whole produce of that rich
and extensive vale between the Blue Ridge and the Alligany Mountains be
brought through it, and the South Branch, as far South Westerly as Staunton
into the Potoraack ; — and thence by the Great falls to the place or places of
Exportation, — Add this to what will be drawn from the upper part of Maryland,
and parts of Pensylvania (which at present go to Baltimore by an expensive
Land transportation) and then annex thereto the idea of what may come (un
der a wise policy) frora the Western Waters, and it opens a field almost too
extensive for imagination ; and will induce the Merchants of Alexandria,
George Town and perhaps other places, to establish their advanced Posts at
the Falls to catch the produce on its passage. —
" From these, premises — but I be'g leave to subjoin they may be too san
guinely dilated — I leave you to draw your own conclusions of the property
which is offered to you ; the profits of which, as you will readily perceive,
cannot be immediate. — Not much I believe can be said in favor of the 500
Acres (if there is that quantity of it) — or of the growth thereon ; — but to this
" tract

46
tract if I have been rightly informed, a privilege (but under what conditions
I know not) is annexed of cutting wood frora a large body adjoining. — It has
also been said that in the vicinity of this tract another purchase (connected
with the expanded designs of Semple) has been made by Col° Lee of a most
valuable raine bank. — -These, I presurae are included in the offer to you, for as
rauch as they were parts of the original plan. —
" With respect to the Sulla- — hefore I attempt to give you an acc't of my
cultivation of it — and the result — I raust request the favor of you to apologize
for rae to Mr St John for not having acknowledged the receipt of it before. — -
The truth is, that until I was inforraed by you from whence the Seeds came,
I knew n(jt to whom I was indebted for thera. — In my room at Mr. Morris's
(where papers addressed to me were generally laid, during ray attendance
in Convention) I one day found a bundle containing these Seeds — unaccom
panied by a letter — card — or clue of information to direct my acknowledge
ment of the receipt — or application  I remember to have received a letter
from Mr St, John whilst I was in Philadelphia, written in French, the pur
port of which I got Mr, Gouv'r Morris to explain to rae in English ; but if
any mention of Sulla was raade therein, he oraitted, or I have forgot it, —
Thus much by way of exculpation of myself — And now I am sorry to add
that, this plant (for want perhaps of knowing the nature & uses of it, and
possibly from misraanagement) came to nothing, — The Seeds vegetated par
tially, and not being able to find the name in any botanical list of Plants in
my possession, or to come at the properties of it — and it appearing moreover,
ungrateful for thefirst attentions I gave it, it was neglected afterward.
"The acc'ts from 'Richmond are indeed very unpropitious to foederal
raeasures. — The whole proceedings of the Assembly, it is said raay be
summed up in one word — to wit — that the Edicts of Mr H  are enregis-
tered with less opposition by the majority of that body, than those of the
Grand Monarch are in the Parliaments of France, — He has only to say let
this be Law — and it is Law, — With my very sincere esteem & regard
" I am My dear Sir
•' Your affect'e H'ble Serv't
"Geo Washington"

49 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. With postcript by James Madison.
" Mount Vernon Jan'y 2d 1789
" Hon'ble James Madison Jun'r Esq.
" My dear Sir,
" The letters which will accompany this, for you, came to my hands
by the Post on Tuesday. — The direction of them is altered ; and they are
forwarded to Alexandria to receive a conveyance in the mail tomorrow. —
" Is there any safe, and tolerably expeditious mode by which letters from
the Post Ofiice in Fredericksburgh are conveyed to you ? — I want to write a
private[*]&' confidential letter to you, shortly, but am not inchned to trust to
an uncertain conveyance, so as to hazard the loss or inspection of it.
" With the most sincere & perfect friendship, I remain
" My dear Sir " Your affectionate " G Washington "
Mr. Madison's Postscript: —
f*U'^'j'^ '''"°'' '"^'"8 peculiarly confidential was returned or rather left with its enclos
ure at JMt, Vernon on my way to N. 'Vork, The return tho not asked nor probably expected
was suggested by a motive of delicacy, nor w.xs any copy of my answer 10 tlie communica
tion retained,
"See letters of Gen'l W to J M Feby 16, 1789, addressed to the latter at Mount
Vernon.

47
50 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages. With address.
Mount Vernon Feby i6lh 1789
" Ihe Hon'ble James Madison Jr Esq
" My dear Sir,
" Having heard of your Election by a respectable raajority of the
suffrages ofthe District for which you stood — and conceiving it probable that
you would soon be on your journey to New York — possibly before ray return
from the Senaca Falls — for which place, by appointment, I am this moraent
setting off by the way of George Town ; where I expect to meet Governors
Johnson & Lee. — I take the liberty of submitting the papers herewith en
closed, for your perusal, in case of that event. —
" You have a rough draught only of the letter I had in contemplation to
write to you — so soon as I should have received your answer to the one I had
written to you, soon after you left this, — But having heard nothing from you
since, I concluded that the intercourse between this & Orange was not very
regular although, ultimately, it might be safe, — Therefore, & because I ex
pected you would soon be on, I gave up the intention of forwarding the en
closures you will now receive. —
" I shall certainly be back on Friday — probably on Thursday — when if
you should in the meantime have arrived, it would give me much pleasure lo
see you at this place — being always with the sincerest regard & friendship
" Your Most obedient " & affectionate Hble Serv't
" P. S. — If it should be " Geo Washington
your own desire, I have
not the smallest objection
to your conversing freely
with Col° H  on all matters
respecting this business.
" G. W."

Washington's Letter to James Madison, re
questing him, in a Democratic sense, to
secure lodgings for him as President
of the United States.

51 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. 4to. 2 pages. Mount Vernon March 30lh 17S9
" Hon'ble James Madison Jun'r Esq
•• My dear Sir,
" I have been favored with your Letter of the 19th, by which it ap
pears that a quorum of Congress was hardly to be expected until the begin
ning of the past week. — As this delay must be very irksorae to the attending
members, and every days continuance of it (before the Government is in
operation) will be more sensibly felt ; — I am resolved, no interruption shall
proceed from rae that can well be avoided (after notice of the Election is
announced) ; and therefore take the liberty of requesting the favor of you to
" engage

48
engage Lodgings for rae previous to my arrival. — Colo Humphreys, 1 pre
sume, will be of my party ; and Mr. Lear who has already lived three years
with rae as a private Secretary, will accompany, or proceed rae in the Stage.
" On the subject of lodgings I will frankly declare, I mean to go into
none but hired ones, — If these cannot be had tolerably convenient (I am not
very nice) I would take rooms in the most decent Tavern, till a house can be
provided for the more permanent reception ofthe President. — I have already
declined a very polite & pressing ofler from the Governor, to lodge at his
house till a place could be prepared for me ; after which should any other of a
similar nature be made, there would be no propriety in the acceptance.
" But as you are fully acquainted wilh sentiments on this subject, I shall
only add, that as I mean to avoid private families on the one hand, so on another,
I am not desirous of htmg placed early 'm a Situation for entertaining,—
Therefore, hired (private) lodgings would not only be more agreeable to ray
own wishes, but, possibly, raore consistent with the dictates of sound policy. —
For, as it is my wish & intention to conform to the public desire and ex
pectation, with respect to the style proper for the Chief Magistrate to live in,
it might be well to know (as far as the nature of the case will admit) what
these are before he enters upon it. —
" After all, something may perhaps have been decided upon, with re
spect to the aecoraraodations of the President, before this lelter w'd have
reached you that may render this application nugatory. — If otherwise, I will
sum up all my wishes in one word, — and that is to be placed in an indepen
dent situation, with the prospect I have alluded to, before me. — with strong,
and affectionate friendship " I am ever " Yours
" Geo Washington."

Washington's Letter to James Madison, re
questing him to write a reply to the
Address of the House of
Representatives,
52 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. With address. " New York May 5th 1789
Hon'ble James Madison
" My dear Sir,
" Notwithstanding the conviction I am under of the labour which is
imposed upon you 'b-y Public Individuals as well as public bodies  Yet, as
you have began, so I would wish you to finish, the good work in a short reply
to the Address of the House of Representatives (which I now enclose) that
there may be an accordance in this business.
"Thursday 12 O'clock, I have appointed to receive the Address.  The
proper plan is with the House to determine.— As the first of every thing, in
our situation will serve to establish a Precedent, it is devoutly wished on my
part, that these precedents may be fixed on true principles. —
" With affectionate regard " I am, ever Yours
" Geo Washington "

49
53 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. With address. "May llth 1789
" Hon'ble James Madison
" My dear Sir,
" The enclosed were communicated to me (as you will perceive) to
make a Confidential use of. — Upon receipt of the first letter I expressed a
desire to be informed (if there was nothing improper in it) through what
channel the report came, and what reliance could be placed in the authenticity
of it. — This produced the sec'd letter. — As you are upon business which re
quires every inforraation of the State of the Union and knowledge of our rela
tive situation with G. Britain I give you the perusal of them, at your leizure
as I am in no immediate want of the Papers.
" I am always " Your Affect'e
" Geo Washington "

Washington expresses great satisfaction on
account of the numerous congratulations
he received on being elected President
of the United States, and that his
friends have done justice to the
motives which brought him
again into public life.
Also his views regarding nominations for
public offices.
54 Washington, General George. Letter. Signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. With address. Franked as " Pres
ident U. S." "New York May 14th 1789
•¦ Hon Joseph Jones,
" Dear Sir
" Your letter of the 21st Ulto came duly to hand, and should have
received an earlier acknowledgment had not the new and busy scenes in which
I have been engaged since my arrival in this place, rendered it impossible for
me to pay that early attention to the favors of ray friends which I should be
pleased to do. —
" The numerous and friendly congratulations which I have received from
respectable characters in every part of the Union are truly pleasing to me ;
not only on account of their discovering a warm attachment to my person, but
because they convey the raost flattering idea of the good dispositions of the
people in the several States, and the strongest assurances of support to the
" Government

§6
dovernment. — It affords me likewise no small satisfaction to find that my
friends have done justice to the motives which again brought me into Public
Life. " Under these circumstances I shall feel a degree of confidence in dis
charging the duties of my adrainistration, which a consciousness alone of the
purity and rectitude of ray intentions could not have inspired me with.
"Your observations upon the necessity there is for good dispositions to
prevail araong the Gentlemen of Congress, are extreraely just ; and, hitherto,
everything seems to promise that the good effects which are expected from an
accommodating and conciliating spirit in that body, will not be frustrated.
" That part of the President's duty which obliges him to nominate per
sons for office is the most delicate and in many instances will be, to me, the
most unpleasing ; for it may frequently happen that there will be several ap
plicants for the same office, whose raerits and pretentions are so nearly equal
that it will almost require the aid of supernatural intuition to fix upon the
right. — I shall, however, in all events, have the consolation of knowing
that I entered upon my office unconfined by any engagements, and uninflu
enced by any ties ; — and that no means in ray power will be left untried to find
out, and norainate those characters who will discharge the duties of their respect
ive offices to the best interest and highest credit ofthe Araerican Union.
" I cannot close this letter, my dear Sir, without thanking you sincerely
for your friendly sentiments and good wishes ; — and beg you will be assured
that " I am " With very great regard & esteem
" Your most Obed't Hble Serv't
" Geo Washington "

55 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. With address. " August 5 1789
" Mr Madison.
" My dear Sir,
" I want to communicate two matters to Congress ; the substance of
which is contained in the enclosed Paper. — The first requires to be decided
upon before the proposed adjournment shall take place — but my motive for
communicating the other, at this time, is only to fix the attention, & to pro
raote enquiry against the next raeeting,
" Whether would an Oral or Written Communication be best ?
" If the first what mode is to be adopted to effect it ?
" I would thank you. My good Sir, for amending the enclosed address, if
you have leizure, by adding to, or striking out such parts as you may think
had better be expunged " I am raost Affect'ly " Yours " Geo Washington "

SI
Washington asks Mr. Madison's opinion
whether nominations by the President
should be communicated to the
Senate orally or in writing.
56 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 2 pages. With address.
" Sunday 9th Aug't. 1789
" Mr Madison.
"My dear Sir,
" Consequent of the enclosed resolution, I had a conference with the
Com'ee therein naraed yesterday, when I expressed the Sentiraents which you
also have enclosed. —
" I was assured by the Committee, that the only object the Senate had in
view was to be informed of the mode of comraunicatlon which would be most
agreeable to the President, and that a perfect acquiesence would be yielded
thereto. — But I could plainly perceive notwithstanding, that oral communica
tions was the point they aimed at. — Indeed one of the Gentlemen candidly
declared that a great object with him, for wishing this, was, to effect a viva
voce vote in that body (he added however that he was not without hopes of
accoraplishing this without) — To this I replied, finding all three were opposed
to the ballotting system, that nothing would sooner induce rae to relinquish
ray raode of nominating by written messages, than to accomplish this end. —
Thus the matter stands for my further consideration.
" What do you think I had best do? —
" I ara willing to pursue that line of conduct which shall appear to be
most conducive to the public good, without regard to the indulgence of my
own inclination which (I confess, and for other reasons in addition to those
which are enumerated, although they are secondary) would not be gratified
by personal nominations. —
" The period is now arrived when the seat of the vacant judge in the
Western district is to be filled. — Would Col" Carrington do you think, be
pleased with this appointment ? or are you acquainted with any professional
character of fitness for the Office, South of New Jersey, that would accept it. —
" I have had some conversation with Mr Jay respecting his views to
Office, which I will communicate to you at our first interview — and this, if
perfectly convenient and agreeable to you, may be this afternoon as I shall
be at home, and expect no comp'y " I am Yrs Affect'ly " (jeorge Washington "
Washington asks Madison's counsel on
several matters of national
importance.
57 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Folio. 2 pages. With address. [No date].
On the back of the letter Mr. Madison has written —
"date to be inferred in 1789-90."
" Mr Madison,
" Confidential " The points which at present occur to me, and on which I wish your
aid, are brought to view in the enclosed statement — I give you the trouble of
receiving this evening that you may (if other matters do nol interfere) suffer "to

52
to run through your Mind between this and tomorrow afternoon when I shall
expect to see you at the appointed time. —
" Besides the enclosed
Would it do now that Mr Barton has declined the Judges Seat (Western Ter
ritory) to nominate Col Carrington for that Office? — If not, canyon think of
any other that would suit him, of new creation — by this I mean, which has
not an actual occupant or one who from similarity of OfSce raay have better
pretensions to it.
" Can you bring to mind any fit character for the vacancy just mentioned
(west of New Jersey) — As Virg'a has given & raay furnish characters for im
portant Offices probably it would be belter to exclude her also on this occa
sion. — " What sort of a character in point of respectability and fitness for this
OflSce has Maj'r Turner late of So Carolina now of Philadelphia —
" Have you any knowledge of the character of Mr Laurence ? — a prac
tising Attorney and Son in law to General St Clair
" What can I do with A  L — —he has applied to be nominated one
of the Associate Judges — but I cannot bring my mind to adopt the request —
The opinion entertained of him by those with whom I am most conversant is
unpropitious and yet few raen have received raore raarks of public favor &
confidence than he has — These contradictions are erabarrassing. — ,
" Should the sense of the Senate be taken on the propriety of sending
public characters abroad — say, to England, Holland & Portugal — and of a
day for thanksgiving ?
" Would it be well to advise with thera before the adjournment, on the
expediency and justice of demanding a surrender of our Posts ?
" Being clearly of opinion that there ought to be a difference in the
wages of the members of the two branches of the Legislature would it be pol
itic or prudent in the President when the Bill comes to him to send it back
with his reasons for non-concurring " Yrs Sincerely
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Opinion of the amendments
to the Constitution proposed by James
Madison at the first Session of
Congress, in 1789.
58 Washington, General George. Autograph Opinion.
Quarto.
" Mr Madison
"As far as a momentary consideration has enabled me to judge, I see
nothing exceptionable in the proposed amendments.— Some of them, in my
opinion, are importantly necessary,— others, .though in themselves (in my
conception) not very essential, are necessary to quiet the fears of some re
spectable characters and well meaning Men,— Upon the whole, therefore, not
foreseeing any evil consequences that can result frora their adoption, they have
my wishes for a favourable reception in both houses."
Note, in the handwriting of Mr. Madison : 
in ,^8^.?"'''"'"'= '° "'^ Constitution proposed by J. M. at thq first Session of Congress

S3

Washington gives his reasons for "drawing
the first characters of the Union into the
Judiciary," and nominates Edmund
Randolph for the office of
Attorney-General.
59 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed with initials. Quarto. 2 pages. No date.
[1789-90].
a
^2 " Mr Madison,
aoS >-, " My solicitude for drawing the first characters of the Union into the Ju-
p. d diciary, is such that, my cogitations on this subject last night (after I parted
§ with you) have almost determined me (as well for the reason just mentioned,
g as to silence the clamours, or more properly, soften the disappointment of smaller
characters — to nominate Mr Blair and Col'o Pendleton as Associate & Dis
trict Judges. — And Mr E Randolph for the Attbrney General trusting to their
acceptance*
^¦^ " Mr Pendleton could not I fear discharge, and in that case I ara sure
"g g would not undertake, to execute the duties of an Associate under the present
^ a form of the Act. But he may be able to fulfil those of the District — The
-*. uT Salary I believe is greater than what he now has ; and he would see or it
S ;,a might be explained to him, the reason of his being preferred to the District
y ^ Court rather than to the Supreme Bench ; though I have no objection to nom
inating him to the latter, if it is conceived that his health is competent, and
his mental faculties unimpaired, by age.
" His acceptance of the first would depend in a great raeasure, I pre
surae, upon the light in which the District Judges are considered — that is —
whether superior in Rank to any State Judges.
" I am very troublesome, but you must excuse me. — Ascribe it to friend
ship and confidence, and you will do justice to my motives, — Remember the
"g r^ Attorney and Marshall for Kentucky, and forget not to give their Christian
A S, a names. —
1^ a.s

S,'C !-. O

".2

.So

¦3 J3

' Yours ever

S 3 .a "G. W."

60 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
In the third person. Folio. No date.
" Mr Madison,
" Mr Madison having been so obliging as to draw the answer to the Ad
dress of the House of representatives — G. W. would thank him for doing the
same to that of the Senate. — If he receives it any time this day or tomorrow
morning it will be sufiicient. " Sunday — 7 O'clock
"AM"

54

Washington's Letter expressing pleasure at
Mr. Jefferson's acceptance ofthe appoint
ment of Secretary of State.
6i Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. No date. With address.
" Sunday Morning
" Mr. Madison.
" My dear Sir,
" I return Mr. Jefferson's letter with thanks for the perusal of it. — I
am glad he has resolved to accept the appointment of Secretary of State, but
sorry it is so repugnant to his own inclinations, that it is done. — Sincerely &
Affec'tly I am — Y'rs
" Geo Washington "

62 Washington, General George. Autograph Note.
Unsigned. Quarto. No date. [December 11, 1790].
With address.
" Mr. Madison.
" Let me entreat you to finish the good offices you have begun for me, by
giving short answers (as can be with propriety) to the enclosed addresses —
I must have thera ready by Monday."

63 Washington, General George. Part of Autograph
Letter. [Fourteen lines]. Quarto. Mount Vernon,
October 10, 1791. To James Madison.

64 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
In the third person. Octavo. With address.
" If Mr. Madison can make it convenient to call upon the P  between
eight and nine this forenoon and spend half an hour it would oblige him. —
" If inconvenient, then at Six in the Afternoon " Saturday 5th May
" 1792"
65 Washington, General George. Two impressions in
red wax, from his seal,

The Gem
of the Collection
WASHINGTON'S
FAREWELL ADDRESS
The most valuable of all
his Letters

ts- See other aide (I.ot 66) and fac-simile of letter.

S6
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

Washington's Letter to James Madison
requesting him to write a valedictory
address from him to the public, and
outlining what he would like to
have incorporated in it.
66 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 6 pages. On his private water
marked paper. "Mount Vernon May 20th, 1792.
" James Madison Jun'r Esq'r
" My dear Sir,
" As there is a possibility if not a probability, that I shall not see
you on your return home ; — or, if I should see you, that it may be on the road
and under circurastances which will prevent ray speaking to you on the sub
ject we last conversed upon ; I take the liberty of committing to paper the
following thoughts, and requests.
" I have not been unmindful of the sentiments expressed by you in the
conversations just alluded to : — on the contrary I have again and again re
volved them, with thoughtful anxiety ; but without being able to dispose my
mind to a longer continuation in the Office I have now the honor to hold. — I
therefore still look forward to the fulfilment of my fondest and most ardent
wishes to spend the remainder of ray days (which I can not expect will be
many) in ease & tranquility.
" Nothing short of conviction that my dereliction of the Chair of Govern
ment (if it should be the desire of the people to continue me in it) would in
volve the Country in serious disputes respecting the chief Magistrate, &
the disagreeable consequences which might result therefrora in the floating,
& divided opinions which seem to prevail at present, could, in any wise, in
duce me to relinquish the determination I have forraed and of this I do not
see how any evidence can be obtained previous to the Election — My vanity,
I am sure, is not of that cast as to allow me to view the subject in this light
" Under these impressions then, permit me to reiterate the request I
made to you at our last meeting^ — naraely — to think of the proper time, and
the best mode of anouncing the intention ; and that you would prepare the
latter. — In revolving this subject myself, my judgment has always been em
barrassed — On the one hand, a previous declaration to retire, not only car
ries with it the appearance of vanity & self importance, but it may be con
strued into a manoeuvre to be invited to remain — And on the other hand, to
say nothing, implys consent ; or, at any rate, would leave the raatter in doubt ;
and to decline afterwards raight be deemed as bad, & uncandid.
" I would fain carry my request to you farther than is Eisked above, al
though I am sensible that your compliance with it must add to your trouble,
but as the recess may afford you leasure, and I flatter myself you have d is-
positions to oblige me, I will, without apology desire (if the measure in itself
" should

FACSIMILE OF
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should strike you as proper & likely to produce public good, or private
honor) that you would turn your thoughts to a valadictory address from me
to the public, expressing in plain & modest terms — that having been honored
with the Presidential Chair, and to the best of my abilities contributed to the
Organization & Administration of the government. — that having arrived at
a period of life when the private walks of it, in the shade of retireraent, be
comes necessary, and will be most pleasing to me, — and the spirit of the
government may render a rotation in the hJective Officers of it more con
genial with their ideas of liberty & safety, that I take my leave of them as
a public raan; — and in bidding them adieu (retaining no other concern than
such as will arise from fervent wishes for the prosperity of my Country) I
take the liberty at my departure from civil, as I formerly did at my military
exit, to invoke a continuation of the blessings of Providence upon it — and
upon all those who are the supporters of its interests, and the promoters of
harmony, order & good government.
That to impress these things it might, among other things be observed,
that we are all the children of the sarae country — a country great & rich in
itself — capable ; & promising to be, as prosperous & as happy as any the an
nals of history have ever brought to our view — That our interest, however
deversified in local & sraaller raatters, is the same in all the great & essential
concerns of the Nation. — That the extent of our Country — the diversity of
our climate & soil. — and the various productions ofthe States consequent of
both, are such as to make one part not only convenient, but perhaps indis
pensably necessary to the other part ; — and may render the whole (at no dis
tant period) one ofthe most independant in the world. — That the established
government being the work of our own hands, wilh the seeds of amendraent
engrafted in the Constitution, raay by wisdom, good dispositions, and mutual
allowances, aided by experience, bring it as near lo perfection as any human
institution ever aproximated; and therefore, the only strife among us ought
to be, who should be foremost in facilitating & finally accoraplishing such
great & desirable objects, by giving every possible support, & cement to the
Union — That however necessary it raay be to keep a watchful eye over pub-
Tic servants, & public raeasures yet there ought to be limits to it, for suspicions
unfounded, and jealousies too lively, are irritating to honest feeUngs ; and
oftentimes are productive of more evil than good. —
" To enumerate the various subjects which might be introduced into such
an Address would require thought ; and lo raention them to you would be
unnecessary, as your own judgment will comprehend all that will be proper ;
whether to touch, specifically, any ofthe exceptionable parts of the Constitu
tion raay be doubted. — All I shnll add therefore at present, is, to beg the fa
vor of you to consider — ist the propriety of such an address — 2d if approved,
the several matters which ought to be contained in it — and 3d the tirae it
should appear, that is, whether at the declaration of my intention to withdraw
frora the service of the public — or to let it be the closing Act of ray Adrainis
tration — which will end wilh the next Session of Congress (the probability
being that that body will continue sitting until March,) when the House of
Representatives will also dissolve —
" 'Though I do not wish to hurry you (the cases not pressing) in the
execution of either of the publications beforementioned, yet I should be glad
to hear frora you generally on both — and to receive them in tirae, if you
should not come to Philadelphia until the Session commences, in the forra
they are finally to take. — I beg leave to draw your attention also to such
things as you shall conceive fit subjects for Coraraunication on that occasion,
and, noting them as they occur, that you would he so good as lo furiiish me
with them in time to be prepared and engrafted with others for the opening
ofthe Session —
" With very sincere and
" Affectionate regard
" I am-ever yours
" Geo Washington "

Washington's Letter to Mr. Madison sym
pathising with Philadelphia in her great
affliction of the yellow fever, and
suggesting that Congress meet
elsewhere during the con
tinuance of the malady.
67 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 4 pages. " Mount Vernon 14th Oct. 1793
"James Madison Jun'r Esq'r.
" My dear Sir, (Private)
" The calamitous situation of Philadelphia — and the little prospect
from present appearances of its eligibility to receive Congress by the first
Monday in DecemU'r involve^ a serious difficulty. —
" It has been intimated by sorae, that the President ought, by Proclama
tion, to convene Congress a few days before the above period, at some other
place — and by others, (although in extraordinary cases he has power to con
vene, yet) that he has none to change the place. — Mr Jefferson when here
on his way home, was of the latter opinion ; — but the laws were not fully ex
amined; — nor was the case at that time so serious as it now is. — From the
Attorney General to whom I have since written on this subject, requesting an
Official opinion, I have received no answer ; nor is it probable I shall do it
soon, as I believe he has no communication with the Post Office. —
" Time presses, and the Malady at the usual place of meeting is becom
ing more & more alarraing. — What then, do you think is the most advisable
course for me to pursue in the present exigency? — Suraraons Congress to
meet at a certain time & place in their legislative capacity ? — Simply to state
facts, & say I will meet the raembers at the time & place just mentioned, for
ulterior arrangements ? — or leave matters as they are, if there is no power in
the Executive to alter the place, legally ? —
" In the first & second cases (especially the first) the delicacy of my
naming a place will readily occur to you. — My wishes are, that Congress
could have been assembled at Germantown (to show I meant no partiality)
leaving it to themselves if there should appear no prospect of getting into
Philadelphia soon, lo decide on what sh'd be done thereafter ; but acc'ts say
that some people have died in Germantown also, of the Malignant fever. —
Every death, however, is now ascribed to that cause, be the disorder what it
raay. — " Wilmington & Trenton are nearly equidistant, from Philadelphia in
opposite directions ; but both are on the gr't thoroughfare and equally ex
posed to danger from the Multitude of Travelers & neither may have Cham
bers suffice't for the H'e of Representatives. — Annapolis and Lancaster are
raore secure and have good accoraodations ; but to name either, especially
the first, would be thought to favour the Southern convenience most, perhaps
might be attributed to local views — especially as New York is talked of for
this purpose. — Reading if there are proper conveniences at it would favour
neither the Southern nor Northern interest most, but would be alike to both. —
" I have written to Mr Jefferson on this subject — notwithstanding which
I would thank you for your opinion, & that fully, as you see ray erabarrass-
raent. — I even ask raore, — I would thank you (not being acquainted with
forras & having no one with me that is. — ) to sketch some instrument for
publication proper for the case you think most expedient for me to pursue in
the present state of things, if the members are to be called together as before
mentioned. — The difficulty of keeping Clerks in the public Offices had, in a

59
manner, suspended business before I left Philad'a ; and the heads of Depart
ments having matters of private concernment which required them to be ab
sent, has prevented my return thither longer than I had intended — but I
have now called upon the several Secretaries to meet rae there or in the
vicinity the first of next month, for which I shall set out the 27th or 28th of
the present " The accounts from that City are really affecting. — Two Gentlemen from
New York now here (Colonels Plait & Sargent) say they were told at the
Swedes ford of Schoolkil by a person who said he had it from Governor
Mifflin that by the official report from the Mayor of the City upwards of
3500 had died and the disorder by all accounts was spreading, & raging more
violently than ever. — If cool weather accompanied with rain does not put a
stop to the Malady, distressing indeed raust be the condition of that City —
now almost depopulated by removals & deaths
" I am always, and with very sincere regards & friendship
" Your affectionate
" I would not have sent " Geo Washington
you such a scrawl, but
really have no time to copy
it. — I came here to look a little
into my own private concerns, but
have no time allowed me for this purpose being followed
by other raatters."
68 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
[Signature cut off]. Quarto. '
"Friday loth Jan'y 1794.
" Mr. Maaison.
, " Dear Sir,
" Herewith you will receive sundry Paraphlets &c under the patron
age of Sir John Sinclair. — I send you his letters to me also, that the design
may be better understood. —
" From all these, you will be able to decide, whether a plan of enquiry
sirailar to the one set on foot in G. Brit'n would be likely to meet legislative
or other encouragement, and of what kind, in this country. —
" These, or any other ideas which raay result frora the perusal of the
papers, I would thank you for, as the letters remain unacknowledged, and the
writer of them will expect this if nothing more. —
[Signature cut out].
Washington desires Mr. Madison's advice
on the propriety of his complying
with certain requests made
by young La Fayette.
69 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 2 pages, on his private water-marked
paper. " Phil'a 22d Jan'y 1795
•• Mr. Madison.
" Dear Sir,
" The enclosed letters, wilh the additional explanation that follows,
will bring the case of young Fayette fully to your view. —
" From the receipt of Mr. Cabots letter until the latter end of Oct'r I
had not heard from, or of the young Gentleman — Then a letter from Col°
Harailton, to whom as you will see by Mr Cabots letter he had been introduced,
informed me that he and his Tutor were in a retired place 20 or 30 miles
" from

6o
from the city of New York anxiously hoping that they would soon receive a
call from me.— In answer to this letter, I expressed to Col° Hamilton senti
ments similar to those which had been communicated to Mr. Cabot;— but re
quested him, not only to view the case in its different relations himself byA to
discover if he could, what might be the opinion of others thereon, and Jet me
know the result.— Which amounted to this— that his own opinion, tho he
hesitated in giving il, inclined to my sending the young Gentl'n the invita
tion that was wished— but that this was not the sentiment of those (names
not mentioned) with whom he had conversed
" Upon the receipt of that letter I wrote to Mr La Fayette on the 22d
of Nov'r and enclosed it to Col° Hamilton the next day.— To the last of
which I received the reply of November 26th.— From thence I heard nothing
further on the subject until the leiters of Mr de la Fayette & his tutor, of
the 25th of Dec'r were received.— Since which nothing has been said or
done in the matter — and I wish to know what you think (considering my
public character) I had best do lo fulfil the obligations of friendship & my
own wishes without involving consequences
" Sincerely & Affectionately " I remain — Yours " Geo Washington "
70 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
[Signature cut off ]. Quarto. " Sunday Afternoon 6th Dec'r 1795.
" Mr. Madison,
" Dear Sir,
" The papers, of which I was speaking to you on friday evening,
are herewith sent. —
" In looking over Sir John Sinclair's letter (since I spoke to you on
this subject) I perceive it is to a committee I am at liberty to communicate
the extracts. — This however, I consider as sufficient authority to give you the
perusal of them ; as the project, if it can be accomplished, in this country,
must be put in train. — When you have read, and considered the Papers, I
would thank you for their return with your sentiments thereon. —
Note, in Mr. Madison's handwriting : —
" The paragraph cut off, sent as a requested autograph to the Rev. Mr. Sprague."
71 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
[Signature cut off ]. Quarto. " 13th Feb: 1796
" Mr. Madison.
" Dear Sir
" I thank you for forwarding Mr Campbells letter ; & whenever I
shall have the pleasure of seeing you (for I would not put you to the trouble
of calling for that purpose only) I will converse with you upon the subject of
It— " I confess, in the meantime, that I do not see upon what ground the
application is made, to me. — I can hardly suppose. Congress will disband the
Troops now in service, and supply their place with Militia ; consequently, if
the Western Posts are (when surrendered) to be garrisoned by the regular
Troops, there could be no propriety in placing hira over the heads of the
Officers who belong to thera, — If on the other hand, this service is to be per
forraed by Militia — It does not lye with me to call, specially, on him or any
other Militia Officer to command them. —
The following in the handwriting of Mr. Madison: —
"In either case, I do not see the foundation ofthe application, —
" Yours afFect'y "Geo Washington"
" Copyof the conclusion, which was cut off, as a requested Autograph for Elliot Cresson."

6i

Washington's military orders in case of an
attempt by the British to capture
West Point.

72 Washington, General George. The Original Manu
script Orders in case of an attempt upon West Point,
in the handwriting of Colonel Tench Tilghman, with
annotation in the handwriting of General Washington.
Folio. 2 pages.
" In Case of an Atterapt upon West — Point — The Alarm Guns or other
signals for calling in the Militia suddenly are to be fired or given the instant
the Enemy's designs are discover'd
"The Garrison is to attend principally to the defence of the Post; at the
same tirae they are to spare all the raen they can with safety to that object to
harrass and dispute with the Enemy every Inch of ground leading to the
works or to the heights above them —
" The divisions on this ground are to move by different routes to the Fur
nace of Deane — Lord Stirling's will take the road frora June's Tavern — Baron
De Kalb's the road which goes off at Earl's Mill and General St Clair's will
raake use of the one at the Widow Van Ambroe's —
" A Battalion frora the right division is to raove on the road leading from
June's Tavern towards Haverstraw to prevent our right being tumed undis
covered. —
" The remainder of that division is to endeavour to gain the Eneray's left
flank or rear if they should raove on the road from Kings-Ferry directly to the
Furnace, by Doodlestown to the sarae place or frora Fort Montgoraery thither. —
" General St Clair in either of these cases is to atterapt gaining the ene
my's right flank. —
" Baron De Kalb under these circumstances is to oppose them in front. —
" If on the other hand the enemy should rely more upon water transpor
tation, sending a part only of their force from Fort Montgomery by land along
the river road, in that case Lord Stirling will endeavour to fall upon their
rear ; Baron De Kalb upon their left flank while General St Clair opposes
them in front, endeavouring to prevent them from taking possession of the
heights back of our works on Stony hill & Fort Putnam. —
" Each division is to take especial care that they are not out flanked, and
for this and other valuable purposes are to keep as extended a line and their
troops in as open order as they possibly can to be under proper command : —
Each division is to keep a reserve for the purpose of giving support, or in case
of necessity to cover a retreat. —
" It is expected that the troops will advance boldly upon the enemy and
by no raeans and under no pretence whatever throw away their araraunition
at long shot — A Musket had better never be discharged than fired in so waste
ful, shamefid and cowardly a manner. —
" As the Country is covered with wood, is close and much broken it will
be necessary for the Major Generals to fix upon certain beats or signals for
advancing in the whole or part retreating &c. —
" In case individuals or parties should get seperated from the main body,
to prevent which every possible care should be taken. Smith's Tavern (pres
ent Head Quarters) is to be the first place of rendezvous and Chester the
second, if circurastances should so require. — "
Note. — In the fifth paragraph, General Washington has inserted in his own handwriting
the words, " or rear. "

62
73 Washington, General George. Autograph Note.
Quarto. [No date].
" Mr Madison
" As the Comraunications herewith enclosed will not take much time to
read ;— as there are matters related which to me are new ; — and as the in
formation respecting land transactions, and other things in the Western Country
will require to be noticed and acted upon in some way or another, I send
them to you together with a Gazette with a marked paragraph containing
some suggestions that have not, I believe, been touched upon in any of the
Papers I gave you yesterday — but are handed to you for the sarae purpose
that they were — i e — raerely for Consideration
"Friday morn'g "
74 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
In the third person. Octavo. With address.
" If Mr Madison could make it convenient to spare half an hour from
other raatters, G. W would be glad to see him at 1 1 O'clock to day.
" Sunday
" Feb 19th "

75 Washington, General George. An estimate of the
expenses incurred by the President of the United States,
from April 15 to July 15. Folio.
Although this account does not give the year, still it was evidently
raade for the purpose of instructing Congress ofthe araount necessary to sup
port the President's household, whilst in New York, for one year. In the
account the following iteras occur : —
" House Expenses, including Servt's Wages }
Clothing &c Paid by T. Lear ( f553_i8_ii
Cash supplied Mr Fraunces by IMr Steel 52— o— o
Expenses of Liquors &c not included in ~1
the above for tij^ weeks, viz from Ap'l 25 [ 345 — 17 — 3
to July 15 @ £30 — 1—6 per -week as per acc't |
kept by Mr Fraunces for one week J

£q5i — 16 — 2 New Yk Cy
" equal to 2.379^^ Dollars — which
at the same rate for one year
would amount to 10,790 Dolts
" Contingent Exp's from April isth )
to July ISth j £323— 8— I New Yk Cy
equal to 8o8J^ Dollars
" ^!y^^^ & Carriages -— - £143-19- o Kew Yk C'y
10 Tons of Hay in the Stable @ £3—10 35— 0—0
so Bushels Oats in do @ 2 — 6 6  5  o
187 — 4 — o

equal to 468 Dollars

" Recapitulation House Exp's  2379^^ Dollars
Conting't do  8o8J^ "
Stable do  468 "
3636 Doll's for II weeks would amount
to 17,281 Doll's per annum,"
The document is in the handwriting of Tobias Lear, General Washing
ton's secretary. Mr. Madison has written on the margin, " furnished by Mr
Lear."

63

Letters from the Honorable Joseph Jones
(Washington's representative in the Con
tinental Congress from Virginia) to
James Madison, on the most im
portant events of the Revolu
tion and the formation of
the Federal Union.
76 Jones, Honorable Joseph, Member of the Continental
Congress. Letters to James Madison, from April 19,
1780, to June 26, 1804, consisting of 122 autograph
letters, signed. Folio and quarto. In portfolio.
Note. — Joseph Jones was a Delegate from Virginia to the Contine7ttal
Congress, from J777 to jyyS, and again from lySo to ijSj.
He -was one of the most eminent statesmen and politicians vf his time ;
a man who was honored with the confidence of Washington, Jefferson,
Madison and other shining lights of the period of the American Revolution,
and the formation ofthe A?nerican Union.
Washington, during the Revolutionary War, invariably wrote to him
(^during his, Jones', occupancy of a seat in the Continental Congress) for
information on the important doings of Congress, and depended on him to
aright ttie Tnany wrongs infiicted by that body upon the army, as well as to
promulgate /lis views of the many important enactments which were under
consideration and passed by Congress in those trying times.
James Madison carried on a continuous correspondence with him, on
all the important affairs of state from the commencemejit of hostilities with
Great Britain to the end of the administration of John Adams, and no
doubt during his own occupancy of tlie presidential chair ; and from the
drift of tlie correspondence herein enumerated, and from which we have
m^de occasional extracts, we are led to believe that he depended greatly upon
Mr. Jones' judgme?it before he, Madison, formulated his wise and sound
policy in reference to the framing of the Federal Constitution, and in his
objections to the ratification of the treaty with Great Britain and France.
In reading over the one hundred and t-wenty-two letters, contained in
this file, one cannot help becoming impressed with the fitness of the selection
of such a man by those great statesmen as an adviser and watchful guardian
over the interests ofthe striving young Republic.
We advise the student to carefully read over the extracts from this
correspondence, which follow below, as they will give him an insight to the
great amount of historical data that can be culled fro-m these valuable
letters. October 2, 1780 —
* * * " It was really a mortifying circumstance to find the French Fleet con
verted into twelve British Ships of the line and four Frigates from which
nothing can effectually relieve us but the arrival of a superior number of
French Battle Ships and unless these come I fear many of our people not
only here but in other Stales will entertain no favourable opinion of the abil-
ityat least, if not the inclination of our Ally to give us effectual support."
[Also urging the immediate settlement of the Vermont dispute].

64
76 — Continued. October 24, 1780 —
, * * * "I presume the last Post carryed the account of our success ag't Fergu
son's Party by a Body of North Carolina Militia — It is said the news came
to our Governor by Express from Gen'l Gates. From Richmond Gen'l Mulen-
burgh communicated the intelligence by Express to Gen'l Weedon '' * * *
" Our account was that Ferguson and 150 of the Enemy were slain, 810
prisoners with a large number of Arms taken. — "
Richmond, November 5, 1780 —
¦x- * » <¦ Letters from Mulenburgh ofthe 2d which arrived this Morning mention
the enepiy all in Portsmouth the Ships in the Rhode — different accounts as to
their fortifying at Portsmouth — certain intelligence is expected at any moraent
frora Col Gibson who is down with a party for that purpose," * * * " A few
days past we had very flattering accounts from the South (Cornwallis and his
whole army in captivity) the hope of its being true though not strong in me
from the imperfection of the intelligence has died away in every one for want
of confirmation." [Also recomraends vigorous raethods for circulating the
currency adopted by Congress, and regrets the inattendance of the merabers
of the House of Delegates of Virginia, and prophesying evil results for their
lack of spirit in not attending to the affairs of slate at this critical moment].
Richmond, November 10, 1780 —
* * * 11 On the fourth instant one of our Light Horsemen raet and closely in
terrogated a suspected person whose concious Guilt at length manifested itself
and induced the Horseman to search him, when he found in his possession a
Letter written on very thin or silk paper from Gen'l Lesly to L. Cornwallis
informing his Lordship he had taken Post at Porstraouth and waited his or
ders — The person apprehended is it seems a citizen employed by Lesly who
informs Cornwallis he was to receive a handsome reward if he succeeded in
his embassy, unfortunately for the Embassador he was in a fair way to receive
the comphraents of the Bowstring alias the halter on the Sth instant — Our
Force below on each side James River must be Formidable — ten thousand of
the Militia were I ara informed ordered out, but the draughts from sev'l Coun
ties have been countermanded as soon as satisfactory information was ob
tained of the strength of the Enemy, as six thousand it is thought will be a
number very sufficient to serve us ag't the armament now at Portsmouth. It
is supposed this was to have attempted a junction with the Army under Corn
wallis somewhere in North Carolina but our present Force in the Field here
and the unpromising that present themselves to Cornwallis in the South will
prove strong impediments to the execution of the project. Our Militia are com
manded by our supernumerary and other experienced officers — Col Lawson
has a Corps of ab't 700 Volunteer Horse and Infantry — ab't 300 of them un
der my nephew Col Monroe compose part of the light Infantry commanded
by Col Gibson. If the eneray stay as by the intercepted Letter it wo'd seem
they mean to do there must soon be skirmishing."
Richmond, November i8, 1780 —
" I have your favor by the last Post and very sincerely wish the States
news may prove true, but I cannot yet believe the Dutchmen will go to war.
The Generals Green and Steuben are here on their way Southward — from that
quarter we are destitute of intelligence and from the Army to the Eastward
in this State we have nothing material to mention, — The Eneray still at or
near Portsmouth and our People at convenient distance on the South side
James River between Suffolk & Portsmouth,— both Armies eating their
bread and beef in quiet withont any quarreling that we hear of — 'I he design
that was formed to attack about 200 ofthe Enemy al an out Post since called
in, miscarried by the disagreenient between Colonels Gibson ,ind Parker
" ahoiU

6s
76 — Continued. about Rank — a fair and perhaps the only opportunity our people will have of
striking the Enemy to advantage and which has been lost by a contention
about Rank — it was not so between the five Colonels whose Militia united to
attack Ferguson for there the Command was given to CampbeU by several
Colonels himself only a Lieutenant Colonel." * * * [Also speaks of the mode
adopted by the Legislature of Virginia for raising Troops, etc. ] .
Richmond, November 24, 1780 —
* * * " I think however we shall give a bounty in Negroes to such Soldiers
as will enlist for the War the Negro not to be transfered but forthcoming, if the
Soldiers shall desert the Service, and in that case revert to the public to re
cruit another man in his room. If in thirty days raen are not recruited by
bounty for the war n draught lo take place. It seeras to be the prevailing
opinion for three years, though I expect this long period upon a draft will be
opposed, but I have my hopes it will be carryed for that time." * * * " The
Enemy have left us without leaving behind thera as heretofore those raarks
of ravage and devastation that have but too generally attended their progress
— all the unrigged vessels remain unhurt, no burning and but little plundering,
and this when done was by the Tories in general and reprobated we are in
formed by Lesly & the Comraodore as well as the principal officers of their
Array and Fleet, surely this sudden and most extraordinary change in the
behaviour of the enemy has a raeaning which though we are yet at a loss to
unfold, will ere long be raade manifest. We have no late accounts from the
Southward, the last from Gates, Smallwood and Morgan speak of our Force
being inconsiderable and almost naked and frequently without provisions..
Gen'l Greene is gone forward, leaving Baron Steuben here to arrange matters
with the Slate," * * * " We have had a warm debate in the House upon a
Bill to explain aud amend the act of the last Session for funding the new Bills
of credit of Congress under the scheme of the i8th of March. — The question
agitated whether those Bills as well as the two million of State money issued
last Session should be a tender in payment of Debts, and determined that they
should be a legal tender — Henry for the question, R. H. L. against it, and
both aided by their auxiliaries took up two days or nearly in discussing the
question." Richmond, December 2, 1780 —
After explaining another Bill which had been presented before the legis
lature, proposing to give ^^5000 to each recruit for the war, he says: —
" It is in contemplation to send sorae proper person to lay before Congress
the resources of this State and its ability to raaintain the Southern War in
which embassy perhaps North Carolina raay join that raore dependence may
not be placed on us than we are able to bear least a disappointment raay en
sue, as we have no doubt the great operations of this Winter and next Spring
will be to the South. The Person is also to press the making strong remon
strances to France and Spain for their co-operation with proper Force by Sea
and Land to recover S. Carolina and Georgia — a Resolution to this effect
now lies on the Table, Mr Henry has sent in his resignation, no proposal as
yet of filling his place." * * * " Certainly if Lesly is gone to the Southward
and reinforcement from New York and also one expected from England in
that quarter, Congress or the Commander in Chief should send on the
Southward the pensylvania Line before it is too late, for if their reinforce
ments arrive they will go where they pleasej as our army will be unable
to withstand them and the severity of the approaching season will retard the
inarch exceedingly of any succour by Land."
Richmond, December 8, 1780 —
Again speaking of recruiting soldiers for the Continental army, he
says : — " The Negro scheme is laid aside upon a doubt of its practicabiUty in
"any

66
76 — Continued. any reasonable time and because it was generally considered unjust — it was
reprobated also as inhuman and cruel, — how far your idea of raising black
Regiments, giving them freedom would be politic in this and the Negro States
deserves well to be considered so long as the States mean to continue any
part of that people in their present subjection, as it must be doubtful whether
the measure would not ultimately tend to increase the Army of the Enemy as
much or more than our own, for if they once see us disposed to arm the
Blacks for the Field they will follow the example and not disdain to fight us
in our own way, and this would bring on the Southern Slates probably in
evitable ruin, at least it would draw off immediately such a number of the
black labourers for the culture of the Earth, as to ruin individuals, distress
the State, and perhaps the continent, when all that can be now raised by
their assistance is but barely sufficient to keep us joging along with the great
expense of the War. — The Freedom of these people is a great and desirable
object, to have a clear view of it would be happy for Virginia but whenever
it is attempted it must be I conceive by some gradual course allowing time as
they go off for labourers to take their places."
January 2, 1 78 1 —
* * * " It seems there was a Ballot for a Person to repair to Congress and the
General, in consequence ofthe Resolution I before raentioned to you, the day
Braxton wrote, and the House being divided between the speaker & R H
Lee the question could not be decided as the speaker being the person in
question could not ,[ act] in his own case. After much debate and perplexity, Lee
withdrew his Pretension so that Harrison should be elected — Braxton says
the old Fellow was so disgusted with the vote that he believed he would re
sign his appoinment.
" No doubt but the Delegates in Congress by proper instructions could
have done every thing this agent can do. " -***"! told Mr Henry, the
Father of the proposition I had no doubt but every proper measure was
already taken and that I did not believe any good would result from it,
further than might be expected from the State the Commonwealth could give
of its ability to comply with the requisition of Congress "
January 17, 1781 —
* « * « I Yvas in doubt whether to write you by this post or not, as I intend
seting out in a day or two for Philadelphia and should probably have the
pleasure of taking you by the hand before my Letter would arrive, but as we
have yet in this quarter received no certain account of the departure of the
Enemy, and it is expected they intend paying us a visit up Potomack, I may
possibly delay ray Journey a few days to see the  of this affair.
" We hear they have done great injury to the Houses of Col Harrison of
Berkely and carryed away all his valuable Negroes. If they attempt to visit
Fredericksburg, I beUeve they will have reason to repent the Enterprise, as
there now is there and in the neighljorhood a considerable Force, and a fur
ther reinforcement expected to Day."
Fredericksburg, April 3, 1781—
* * * " I arrived here (Fredericksburg) the ylh day after my departure from
Philadelphia, — The sanguine hopes entertained before I set out of taking
Arnold and his party at Portsmouth lessened as I advanced and at length
were entirely lost by certain information that the British Fleet were in the
Bay after engaging that of the French off the Capes — The issue of the conflict
has been variously reported— the account which obtains most credit is that the
French disabled one ofthe British 74's but as the Fleet left the Bay two days
after they entered it in quest as.it is said ofthe French Fleet, the presumption
is they were not much injured — a Report prevails that a second engagement
took place the 24th near the Capes as a heavy Cannonade was then heard in
that quarier — of this as well as the first engagement it is probable you are
better informed than we are as I met two expresses wilh dispatches for Congress
and Governor Lee giving an acct it was said ofthe above transactions, and of
the Battle between Generals Greene & CornwaUis."

67
y6 — Continued. Spring Hill, July 8, 1782—
¦t -x- » " I intended when I left Richmond lo set out for Philadelphia — but from
Ll manoeuvre of Mr Ross' in settling the balance due from Mr Braxton, and
which had by the Executive been ordered to rae, I ara disappointed of the
raeans necessary for the Journey and am left to ray own resources which I
am determined shall not be applied to public any farther than is unavoidable,
I mean in the line of ray appointment to Congress, when I shall be properly
furnished and I see a prospect of continued supply, I may perhaps revisit
Philadelphia." * * * "The French Army are on their march, the Legion
came over to Falmouth yesterday, and the Infantry are expected to be there
next Thursday. De Rochambeau on his way- quartered at Old Mr Hunters
the night before last."
Fredericksburg, July 16, 1782 —
«- * ¦» "The French Array have all passed Rappahannock at Falmouth, the last
division will raove toraorrow from that place — their progress through this part
of the Country furnishes some of the Inhabitants with cash to pay their Taxes,
— about 500 convalescents remain at York."
Spring Hill, July 22, 1782 —
V * * « We have some agreeable reports from your quarter since the last post.
Your letter which I expect by the post today will I hope confirra them. The
evacuation of Chs Town & successful! attack of the Dutch upon a British
Convoy in the Baltic & the accession ofthe 7th State of the U-provinces to
the Treaty with the States of America, The first and last are probable and
have been expected, and I ara not disposed to discredit the other, especially
when I reflect on the bravery of the Dutch in the four conflicts they have
had with the British since the commencement of hostilities."
Richmond, May 25, 1783 —
* « « « My arrival (at Richmond) was seasonable with respect to a Bill then
before the House for postponing the collection of the Taxes for the ease of the
people untili December next, that, as it was said by Mr PI — y who supported
the measure, they raight enjoy a short respite frora bearing the burthen of
Taxes, a kind of holyday to rejoice more cheerfully on the glorious termina
tion of the War. This Bill was by order to be considered that day in a com
mittee of the whole, and I was in time to give such information to the com
mittee as to induce thera to corae to no conclusion then, but to rise and ask
leave to sit again that they raight have an opportunity before they deterrained
the question to hear the contents of the proceeding, relative to that subject
which might be daily expected from Congress," * * * After giving informa
tion in regard tothe proposed reduction of the salaries of the Judges, and of the
new plan of Congress for obtaining funds from the States, he says : "Sir
Guy Carleton's conduct respecting the Negro Property is considered by many
here as a departure frora the provisional articles, and will be raade use of to
justify a delay in paying the British debts. " * * * " The notion of a Conven
tion seems for the present to be laid aside "
Richmond, June 8, 1783 —
? * * n 'We have not yet taken up the plan of Congress for general revenue —
it is assured to do it next Monday or Tuesday — Mr R — H — L is opposed to
it in to-to — Mr H — y I understand thinks we ought to have credit for the
amount ofthe Duty under an apprehension we should consume raore than our
proportion or in other words that we shall by agreeing to the impost as rec
ommended pay more than our quota ofthe debt  I Taylor wholly against the
plan, G. N — 1 — s thinks with H — y — The speaker is for it. B — x — n I ara
" told

68
'jd — Continued, told is so too, but he has not said as much to me. The two first naraed be
ing in the opposition is what alarms rae. Mr II — y I ara told was at first in
favor of the irapost and had early in the session concurred in bringing in a bill to
receive the former Law, but has since changed his opinion." * ¦* * " Yes
terday our Delegates to Congress were elected, Jefferson — Hardy — Mercer-
Lee — Monroe."
Richmond, June 14, 1783 —
* * » " Since my last the plan of revenue recommended by Congress has been
considered in a committee of the whole, and the result contained in the en
closed resolutions which were agreed to without a division, the number ap
pearing in support of the plan of Congress being so few as not to require it —
Mr B — x — n and young Mr Nelson only supported it. In the course of the
debate Mr R. H. L. & Mr C. M. T. spoke of Congress as lusting after
power. — The Idea in the letter to Rhode Island, that Congress having a right
to borrow & make requisitions thatwere binding on the States, ought also to
concert the means for accomplishing the end, was reprobated in general, as
alarming, and of dangerous tendency — In short some of the Sentiments in the
letter to Rhode Island tho' argumentative only, operated so powerfully on
peoples minds here, that nothing would induce them to adopt the manner
recommended by Congress, for obtaining revenue. If the 5 per cent is granted
to be credited to the States quota, which is the prevailing opinion, it will de
feat that revenue unless all the States consent, and N. H. Con't, Jersey & N.
Car. never will, I expect agree to it. Our people have great jealousy of Con
gress and the'other States, think they have done more than they ought, and
that the U. S. owe them at least one raillion pounds, These notions they will
not relinquish tho' they acknowledge they are not ready to settle the account,
after the two first resolutions had passed. P. H. separated from R. H. L. &
his party and warraly supported the granting the duties to Congress and the
otherrevenue to make up this States quota" * * * " You cannot well conceive
the deranged state of affairs in this country — there is nothing like system or
order — confusion and embarrassment ever attend such a state of things. The
two great commanders make excellent harrangues, handsorae speeches to their
raen, but they want executive officers, or should be more so theraselves to be
useful!', indeed, so far as I ara able to judge frora the short time I have been
-here, we are much in want of usefull men, who do business as well as speak
to it, a Pendleton and Jefferson would be valuable acquisitions to this asserably
— we want too a Fitzsiraons or some men of. his raerchantile knowledge and
experience "
Richmond, June 28, 1783 —
!f •* * i< Resolutions are lo be presented to day for furnishing Congress a place
of residence, — Williamsburg. The public buildings and lands or a tract of
territory opposite George Town as may be raost agreeable, with a large sura
to erect Hotels for the Delegates, and other necessary buildings will be offered
in full sovereignty — liberal as the offer of Maryland has been, our people seem
disposed not to be backward in surpassing that liberality where they think a
lasting benefit may result to the community  I wish they could have
seen the plan of Congress " [as lo revenue] " in the same light and have
acted with equal policy and liberality of sentiment — This day closes the ses
sion — The heat of the weather and this infernal hole at tliis season of the
year has almost laid me up. Although Virginia may not grant the funds for
discharging their quota of the common debt in the manner desired by Con
gress, they are I think determined to furnish araple revenues for the purpose."
Fredericksburg, July 14, 1783 —
" Your favor of the jolh ult I have duly rec'd, giving the history of the
proceedings that brought about the removal of Congress to Princeton — that
two of the members of the Committee were disposed to advise the President "to the

69

^6 — Continued.

to the measure which his inclination encouraged them to adopt, I have no
doubt — but why so important a step should rest with the Committee and the
President I am at a loss to comprehend, unless Congress were so intimidated
by the conduct of the Soldiery as to fear mischievious consequences frora their
coraing together, and so left the business to the Comraittee and the President.
— Mr H's excuse for concurring in the measure is by no means satisfactory —
to be indifferent in a matter of such consequences, or to yield oneself up to
the guidance of others, is a conduct in ray judgment reprehensible and has
precipitated that Body into a situation, I apprehend, not very agreeable as well
as exposed them to censure and ridicule "**¦*"! wish Congress had
shown more firmness in their conduct with respect to the Soldiery, especially as
no just cause of personal danger presented itself, and had reraained in Philadel
phia, notwithstanding the refusal of support by the Executive, and have after
wards taken up the matter of indignity and disrespect on the part of the State
with temper and coolness and have made that the ground of serious removal
to one of the places tendered them by the other States — the public opinion
would have gone with them more generally than as the affair has been con
ducted — They are now thought to have been too tiraid, at the sarae time that
the Executive are blaraed for their reraissness. To return to Philadelphia, is I
suppose, now out of question. Princeton I presume cannot long serve the pur
pose. Where then will you fix ? Pray inform rae what is likely to be done in
this raatter,"
Spring Hill, July 21, 1783 —
^ » * « I did suppose Congress would not again return to the City, and should
be sorry to hear they had done so, unless invited, or some step taken by the
Executive to atone for the slight put on that Body, had I been present I
should have opposed the reraoval at the tirae, but having done so, and the
cause assigned, I should not consent to return untili sorae concession or act
of contrition on the part of the offenders authorized the measure. The act of
the Executive must be deemed the act of the State untili disclaimed or cen
sured by the supreme authority and it is not probable this will be the conse
quence, considering the composition of the present assembly, unless this con
duct of Mr D. should lessen the attachment of some of his adherents."
Spring Hill, July 28, 1783 —
* * * " I hope such of the Leaders of the late Mutiny as shall appear to be
guilty will meet the punishment due to their crimes, some of the officers of
that line (I raean Pa) are if we are to judge from former transactions old
offenders, and having been pardoned for similar raisconduct are the less en
titled to favor now. — it is to be regretted those principally concerned have
escaped, I doubt whether it would be proper for Congress to return to Phila
delphia, even upon an address of the Citizens, unless couched in terms ex
pressive of their disappprobation of the conduct of the Executive, and wiUing
ness then as well as at all future times when properly required to turn out in
support ofthe dignity ofthe foederal government, which has (if the report of
the Committee deserves credit, and we have no reason to doubt any part of it)
been grossly disregarded by the Executive authority of the State, I think at
present, I should reluctantly return upon the proposed address and not will
ingly untili the legislature by some proper resolution paved the way."
Richmond, March 30, 1785 —
* * * " J. Adams is appointed Minister to Court of London, out voting R. R.
Livingston and Rutledge. — Adams 8, Livingston 3, Rutledge 2. The first vote
Adams 6, Livingston 5, Rutledge 2. Virginia and Maryland at first voted for
L. but went over to A. finally, Jefferson it is expected will remain in France,"
* -Jf * i< Q, w. is reduced to difficulties respecting his acceptance of the
shares inthe companies" * * * " Short writes that Berkely had postponed
executing the order for the bust, untili the return of the Marquis that the like
ness might be taken more perfectly." [Also speaks of a proposed treaty with
the Indians and of Great Britain's disposition to settle the difficulties between
them and the United States respecting the Treaty].

70
76 — Continued. Richmond, June 7, 1787 —
* * * " I entertain hopes from the disposition of the Members convened that
harmony will prevail and such improvements of the foederal system adopted
as will afford us a prospect of peace and happiness, I am however strongly
impressed with fears, that your labours in convention, though wisely con
ducted and concluded, will in' the end be frustrated by some of the States
under the influence of interests operating for particular rather than general
welfare — be this as it may I cannot doubt but the meeting in Philadelphia
will (composed as it is of the best and wisest persons in the Union) establish
some plan that will be generally approved"
Fredericksburg, September 13, 1787 —
* * * " The continuance of your Session and some Stories I have heard since
my return and on ray visit to Alexandria make rae apprehensive there is not
that unanimity in your Councils I hoped for and had been taught to believe.
From whence it originated I know not, but it is whispered here, there is great
disagreement araong the Gentleraen of our Delegation — that the General and
yourself on a very important question were together, Mr M  n alone and
singular in his opinion, and the other two Gentlemen holding different senti
ments — I asked what was the question in dispute and was answered, that it
respected either the defect in constituting the convention, as not proceeding
imraediately from the people, or the referring the proceedings of the Body, to
the people for ultiraate decision and confirmation."
Richmond, October 29, 1787 —
* * * " I must confess I see many objections to the constitution submitted to
the Convention of the States — that which has the greatest weight with me
lies against the constitution of the Senate, which being both legislative and
Executive and in some respects Judiciary is I think radically bad — ^The Presi
dent and the Senate too may in some instances legislate for the Union,
without the concurrence of the popular branch as they may make treaties and
alliances which when made to be paramount to the law of the land — the State
spirit will also be preserved in the Senate as they are to have equal numbers
and equal votes — It is to be feared this Body united with the President as on
most occasions it is to be presumed they will act in concert, will be an over
match for the popular branch — Had the Senate been raerely legislative, even
proportioned as they are to the States, it would have been less exceptionable,
and the President with a raeraber frora each State as a privy Council to have
composed the Executive. There is also a strong objection against the ap
pelate jurisdiction over law and fact, independent of a variety of other ob
jections which are and may be raised against the judiciary arrangement and
the undefined powers of that department — I own I should have been pleased to
see a declaration of rights accompany Ihis constitution as there is so much in
the execution of the Government to be provided for by the legislature, and that
Body possessing too great a portion of Aristocracy — The legislature may and
wUl probably make proper and wise regulations in the Judiciary as in the
execution of that branch of power the cuizens of all the States wUl generally
be equally affected — but the reflection that there exists in the Constitution a
power that may oppress, make the raind uneasy and that oppression may and
will result from the appelate power of unsettling facts, does to me appear be
yond a doubt — to release the Doubts and difficulties that arise in my mind
when I reflect on this part of the Judiciary power, would, I am sure to you be
unnecessary— It would be more troublesome than useful to recite the variety
of objections that some raise, some of them of more, others of inconsiderable
weight. Could I see a change in the constitution ofthe Senate and the right of
unsettling facts reraoved frora the Court of appeals, I could wilh much less
reluctance yield my assent to the systera— I could wish I own, to see some
other alterations take place but for the accoraplishraent of them, I would trust
lo time, and the Wisdom and moderation of the legislature rather than impede
the putting the new plan in motion, was it in ray power, because I well know
our desperate situation under the present form of Government "

71
76 — Continued. Richmond, November 22, 1787 —
* * * " The new plan of Government is still very much the subject of conver
sation. I mix little in the crowd and am unable as yet to form an estimate
whether it gains or looses ground with the members of the legislature.
Whenever I hear the subject agitated I find Gentlemen pretty much divided,
each party appear to maintain their opinions with apparent zeal — after a
while more temper will prevail and the excellencies or delects ofthe System
be treated with less prejudice, and more raoderation."
No place. No date —
* * * " On my return the other day from the upper county, I found your letter
for me at Col Murrays, — The question then depending respecting the place of
meeting of the Congress under the New Government has I find been since
decided in favor of New York, and the different periods fixed for the States to
give operation to the government, although I ara sensible the proceedings
that have been had in Congress respecting the place where the first session
should be held, will make unfavourable impressions of the policy of the
eastern States, yet when the nature of the question is considered some allow
ances should be made for local prejudices which raore or less actuate all
public bodies when the object is local.- — I confess I consider the agitation of
the question by the present Congress as premature, and lending to confirra
the prejudices of those of the present body, who may become members of
the new legislature, and thereby introduce that warmth into the discussion of
the question hereafter which I hoped would have been avoided, — The de
cision for establishing the foederal seat of governraent appears to me to have
been raore proper for the deliberations of the new than the old government,
and I am disposed to believe notwithstanding the probability of the Slate
spirit being carried into the Senate, that it will exist in a less degree than
it has hitherto done in Congress, as the raembers frora each State are few,
and these it is to be presumed will be selected frora the most enlightened
and virtuous of their citizens, especially when it is contemplated how great
are the powers vested in that body, — May not the legislatures of the States,
should they incline to do so, choose the electors themselves, instead of refer
ring the choice to the people. — The words of the constitution are not so clear
on that point as to restrain these public bodies from assuming the exercise of
that power, and we know all public bodies are but too apt to assume rather
than relinquish power where by any construction of terras they raay inter
pose their authority."
Richmond, February 14, 1788 —
* * * " J. Adaras's silence as to the new plan of Government, if not calculated
to secure him a seat in the Convention, proceeded very probably frora his de
sire of discovering the temper of the people in General before be took a
decided part — this with the admission of Gerry to a seat in the Convention
when not a member and the great number that compose the Body, are un
favourable circumstances, and authorize a conjecture that the new system will
not be adopted by Massachusetts. — Should that State give it a negative and
not proceed to offer some amendment and propose another convention, I fear
it will produce disagreeable consequences, as it will not only confirm N. York
in her opposition, but will contribute greatly to strengthen the opposition in
the States that are yet to consider the measure, If nine States assent before
Virginia raeets in convention, her course I think, will be to adopt the plan,
protesting or declaring her disapprobation of those parts she does not ap
prove, or if not agreed to by nine, she will in that case propose amendments
and another general Convention. H — y will I think, use all his influence to
reject at all events, but am satisfied those who are for it as it stands, and
those who wish some alterations in it before its adoption, if circurastances
authorize the attempt, will be greatly the majority. What change may be
" produced

72
76 — Continued. produced should Massachusetts reject, cannot weH be foreseen. I think how
ever in that event Virginia will propose amendments and another Conven
tion, and I trust such will be the conduct of Massachusetts rather than
hazard the loss of the System, and the mischievous consequences that raay
resuU from disagreement and delay. I congratulate ray friend Griffin on
his being placed in the chair to whom be pleased to present my best wishes.
R_d_h, R. H. L, M— n, have been assailed in our papers."
Richmond, October 20, 1788^
* * * " The Go— r has it in contemplation to bring forward the adoption of
the raeasure purposed by N. Y. for another gen'l Convention, it is said the
citizens of W'rasb'g, are not fond of the raeasure, and he says unless they will
send him unfettered in that respect, he shaU decline serving through this
session." Richmond, April 5, 1789 —
* * * "The Bust of the Marquis arrived at Baltimore from whence we have had
it transported to this place, which it reached a few days past. — how or where
it happened I know not, but so it is, that on opening the cases wherein it was
enclosed, a part ofthe nose was found broken off, the pieces were in the case
excepting the thin part which separates the nostrils, we have engaged a man
here the best qualified of any we could procure to repair the injury, and he
thinks he can restore the piece without any material change in the appear
ance of that part of the bust — should he fail the accident will prove a disa-
, greeable circumstance."
May xo, 1789 —
* * * " The General's journey to N. York shows the people still retain the
sarae respect and veneration for his person and character they heretofore
entertained, and altho' he. is Uttle captivated by cereraonial distinctions, yet he
could not fail of being sensibly gratified by such universal demonstrations of
affection as were exhibited through his progress, araong thera none I conceive
could be raore pleasing than his reception at Trenton bridge."
Fredericksburg, May 28, 1789 —
* -K- -K- n We have heard much of the disagreement between the two houses
respecting titles and the rules to be established for their correspondence — if
report speaks truth they have manifested a strong desire for titles and pre
eminence — how comes it that the doors where the Senate sit in their legisla
ture capacity are shut and those of the representatives open — it appears to be
equally proper and necessary for the information and satisfaction of the
people that their conduct and proceedings in the character I have mentioned
should be as public and well known as that of the other house, and I am in
clined to think had the public ear listened to their proceedings on the above
subjects of discussion, their propositions would have been more equal and
their pretensions less lofty than they were. — I am pleased with the plain
manly stile of address ' G. W. president, &c.' the present name wants no
title to grace it and should the office be filled by an unworthy person, the stile
wUl not dignify the man, or cast a beam of Ught around his head."
Fredericksburg, July 3, 1789 —
* * * " As far as my observations extend the allowance to the V. P. is thought
high — This may be owing to the want of information what reasons exist for
a high allowance to that officer acting as it is supposed he generally will do
as president ofthe Senate — The current of opinion too serves to run in favor
of 4 instead of 6 dollars for the raembers of both branches, having heard no
distinction made respecting their pay ; though there may be good reasons for
raaking the Senators a higher allowance than the representatives "

73
76 — Continued. Fredericksburg, March 2, 1792 —
" I have received your lelter of the 21st last raonth, and thank you for
the coraraunications it contains, unquestionably the Secretary of State would
have been a preferable arrangement to the one provided for by the act in case
of a vacancy in the Executive office — whatever raay be said in favor of the
pro tem president of the Senate or Speaker of the H. R as officers (and it will
be difficult to satisfy an indifferent mind they could have been contemplated
by the framers of the Constitution) the incompatibility of Executing the
Legislative and Executive functions by the same person, would, I should have
thought, have silenced the advocates for them in preference to the other —
besides the Secretary of .State (let him be who he may) from the nature and
duties of his office must be the best qualified and the fitest person to discharge
the pro tem. duties of the Executive office until the constitutional mode shall
supply the vacancy. In this as in a variety of other instances we discover the
old spirit appearing which often stalked forth under the former government,
locality and discordant interests and views. Our new system like all parch
ment securities cannot defend us against the attacks of artfull and designing
men — words specifying powers given, tho' coraraonly well understood to serve
particular purposes, are but too often strangely twisted and tortured into
raeanings they were not conceived to bear, but general words open field for
those cavillers, where they may range at large and say and do what they
please, under the ambiguity of language, .unfortunately our new paper secur
ity is in sorae parts exposed to these attacks, and will be found a flimsy de
fence against raeasures supported by a powerful party interest."
Fredericksburg, February 7, 1793 —
* * * " The good fortune of the Frenchmen seeras to be joyfully entertained
by the Republicans in Boston, and the public display of their joy, will, I hope
produce a good effect on the rainds of many of the people in that quarter, and
revive their attachment to, and call forth their efforts to maintain those re
publican sentiments for which they were once distinguished, but which for
some time past seems to have languished among them from, I hope, a sup
posed state of security, rather than any real change in their principles re
specting government."
Fredericksburg, January 8, 1794 —
* « -x- <i Xhe present moraent I confess appears to me very critical with re
spect to ourselves, as with both France and G. Britain, as also Spain, we
have some serious questions to settle. It is strange we have not for several
weeks had any European intelligence of consequence, and yet I think the
papers announce some arrivals frora that quarter. Although there roay be
propriety in the distance maintained between the Executive and Mr. Genet,
I am pleased to hear it did not extend altogether to the legislature, for al
though he may be wrong as I think his conduct in some things has been so,
had they pursued the exaraple of the Executive it would have had the ap
pearance of prejudging or prejudice respecting those matters which he pro
posed to apply to them on. You are the best Judge how far it would be
prudent for the legislature lo support the Executive in the extent of their
proceedings respecting the French nation. — If he has been wrong I would
touch his faults with a gentle hand. — I would not irritate the nation because
he has been imprudent."
Fredericksburg, January 25, 1794 —
* * * " I have yours enclosing a paper of the 20th inst. which rather weakens
than strengthens the report of the good fortune of the French in vanquishing
and capturing the 1). York & his Army, and of the retaking Toulon — events
if they shall be verified that cannot fail to make a deep irapression in the
British nation and increase the number of opponents to the prosecution of
the War. — The vote against referring to the S. in the ways and means for
raising the necessary sum for defense, affords a gleara of hope that the in
fluence of that department has not a majority in your House, tho' I fear it
" will

74
76 — Continued. will be found from some determinations in the Senate that the greater num
ber still consists of the old leven. — If our legislature shall not by some proper
regulations counteract the British policy respecting our commerce, and in an
effectual manner too, we shall be contemptible in the eyes of all other nations
who possess ideas of independence and national honor — these things have to
me appeared so proper that I was among the number of those who in this
State before general regulations could be effected was disposed lo enact laws
to counteract, so far as we were able, the policy of their navigation act. It
should have been among the first acts of the present governraent, and now
when so raany additional reasons concur to justify the measure, it is astonish
ing to find any advocates for continuing the old system which is so pernicious
to our prosperity and dishonourable to those who advocate and support it."
Fredericksburg, F"ebruary 8, 1794 —
X * * " It has turned out much as I expected — there are few raen who possess
sufficient pubhc spirit lo relinquish or hazard individual interest for general
good — British credit still maintains its influence and will continue to do so
especially when aided by the monied interest of this country, which will
generally be in concert to prevent any measure that may eventually effect
either — I fear the longer we continue under this influence, the more powerful!
it will become and we shall be tuging at the oar, for the benefit and agran-
disement ofthe British nation, in a stale of debasement more dishonourable
than when we laboured for them as Colonists, to which humble station I
would rather submit than under the character of free and independent tamely
acquiesce in those measures their convenience and insolent pride shall frora
time lo lime dictate. It gives me pleasure to hear Genet may, tho' recalled,
escape that censure and disgrace generally attending such events, altho' im
prudent I do not wish the Executive to obtain a complete triumph."
Fredericksburg, March 4, 1794 —
* * * " The People of that city [Boston] in general felt a degree of resentment
to the unjust and unprecedented conduct of the British nation towards us,
the knowledge that we have nothing lo hope or expect from them in the
future but a continuation of the like treatment, cannot fail to excite in them
just resentment, the adoption of such measures as are calculated to counteract
the unwarrantable policy of the Briiish nation, — their present policy and
views, so far as they can be seen through, appear to me to be replete with
danger to the future freedora of coraraerce and navigation, for what is it they
raay not attempt, if not accomplish, (stimulated by pride and avarice) when
they shall possess all the great maritime ports of France "***<< Yrom
experience we know the British nation disposed to dictate what shall be law
on the water, and to raake that Trade contrabrand and neutral property liable
to seizure and condemnation which the law of nations does not justify, and why,
because she has Power, and having Power may inforce obedience and sub-
raifsion lo her will, — Thus the strong who are regardless of Law kick and
buffet the weak, and if they coraplain, or speak big or saucily are kicked and
cuffed again, untili they taraely subrait to the insolent and overbearing hand
of oppression. If I am to be a drudge of another, let me have the consolation
to know that I have not tamely or voluntarily submitted to that slavish con
dition, but ara reduced to it by force, not consent."
Fredericksburg, November 16, 1794 —
* * * " Mr J's representation was not in the stile of firm demand for compen
sation for injuries done to our citizens but rather .supplicating the benevolence
of his Britannic Majesty for relief— What his Powers or instructions were
I know not, but if they were such as to justify the langu.nge of his representa
tion, they merit contempt rather than applause. Grenville's answer is a palpa
ble eva.sion of justice or rather a dishonourable denial of it, The injuries have
been done under the authority of the nation— The nation therefore should
redress them — Can Americans expect justice frora the courts while the acts of
the King in council are the rule of decision ? "

75
76 — Continued. Fredericksburg, December 26, 1794 —
* * * " For God's sake get Mr Randolph to let me know what sum I can de
pend on from Philad'a, the balance of 1500 becomes due 1st Jan'y, and if I am
to sell Negroes to m.ake it up the sooner I know it the better as now is the
time to place them on a Plantation or hire them out."
Fredericksburg, January 23, 1795 —
-it •» s i< Nothing final has I presume been yet effected by Mr Jay, or it would
be laid before the legislature and if any thing beneficial to this Country is
ultimately obtained from G. Britain we raay ascribe it altogether to her dis
tressed situation in consequence of the success of the French republic." * * *
" The crowned heads appear to be so humbled that I expect they will
not strenously contend for a renunciation of those republican principles
which they asserted tended to unhinge justjce and subvert all order and good
government." Fredericksburg, October 29, 1 795 —
* * X <i I long to see what R. will disclose to us. — If he shall be believed and
will let out some of the cabinet secrets in his justification, the disclosure may
prove useful and explain the mystery which at present envelopes the transac
tion. I fear he will be disgraced. I have no letter frora Monroe since the
2d July. As our assembly will soon convene, I wish them to make the busi
ness of the Treaty the first important object of consideration and express
with raanly firmness their opinion of the exceptionable parts of it, I mean
such as 5re clear as solid objections, that a proper tone may be given similar
meetings. — Have you thought of this matter or thrown anything on paper, it
would be well to do it so as that your name or concern in it be unknown,
otherwise it would be better to avoid interference. — The writers in opposition
are too violent in their attacks on the P. — such licencious charges will injure
rather than promote the Republican interest."
Fredericksburg, November 22, 1795 —
In speaking of the manner in which the Virginia Asserably were proceed
ing to discuss the Treaty with Great Britain, he says : * * * « Before they
went into a Coraraittee, the rest assenting. — King, froraHampton, arose and
expressed his dislike of the motion, which he showed involved in it a censure
of the conduct of the President, that thinking as he did, and believing the P.
incapable of acting against the true interest of his country, he would never
concur in a vote that implicated his conduct or character and concluded by
moving to postpone." [He further narrates the doings and sentiments of the
various members on that iraportant occasion].
Fredericksburg, December 20, 1795 —
* * * " I was apprehensive frora the vote ofthe House changing their Speaker
the majority of that Body would pursue a different course respecting the
Treaty, than that which your letter intimates — nothing will more conduce to
impress the public mind with an opinion ofthe justice and propriety of the con
duct of the legislature on that important question, than a cool and dispassionate
investigation ofthe subject. I find it has been apoint contended for among the
friends ofthe administration, to obtain a declaration from our public bodies of
an undiminished confidence in the P — such a declaration may convey the senti
ments of those who advocate it, but wdl not those of the people at large —
for altho' there are many who would not concur in any act to censure J;he
P — 's conduct, they are equally averse to a direct act of approbation."

76

76 — Continued. No Place. No Date.—
X X * " I wish you may take the question on the app. for the British treaty a
soon as you expect, as I am apprehensive the delay will prove dangerous,
and greatly dirainish the respectable nuraber of the former majority, if not
reverse the vote — The proceedings of the Philadelphia merchants haye been
circulated for similar meetings through all the towns, and great exertions are
made every where to obtain petitions with nuraerous signers — They have
been much opposed at the meetings in the Towns here, and counter petitions
circulated for signatures — Many yield to the applications on the part of those
friendly to the treaty, merely from an acquiescence in the act of the Execu
tive, rather than hazard the consequence of rejecting the Treaty which they
are fearfuU and are taught to believe will produce war. — It is reaUy wonder-
full to hear the observations of some persons ; those particularly attached to
the President either from having served under, and acted with him in the
field, or unwilling or unable to comprehend the purport and tendency of the
Treaty, follow implicitly the decision of the Executive majistrate from a re
spect for his former services and celebrated character, I am really astonished
at the sentiments now maintained by the friends of the present administra
tion, so contrary to the principles of republicanism and the rights of the
people." Fredericksburg, January 18, 1796 —
X * X i< The French flag seems to have inspired the P. with all the zeal and
warrath for republican liberty that the French themselves possess, The strain
of his answer cannot be very pleasing to his treaty friends at N. Y. I am in
hopes he is veering about."
Fredericksburg, February 17, 1796 —
X * X 11 Time no doubt has produced some change respecting the operation of
the Treaty in the minds of some. But cannot alter the instrument itself
which must sink or swim by its own weight — I fear your attempts to do
what is right will be frustrated as appearances are so unfavourable and the
resentment against Virginia so manifest. — Even the answer of the P. on pre
senting the flag has had its weight with raany who doubted his attachment to
France. The warmth of sentiment expressed on that occasion was well cal
culated lo raake impressions with those who do not examine conduct and
facts, we should examine what is done, not what is said. — Genet's offence
with some men was iraproved. The best raan that ever lived possessing the
influence of the P. is a dangerous man — the more so if guided in any of his
measures by others who may not be so virtuous. — God grant we may never
have cause to say ' curse on his virtues, they have undone his country.' "
Fredericksburg, April 26, 1796 —
X X X .1 1 -was satisfied the P. meant not to comply with the request of the
House by his answer to the committee. I had supposed untili then he would
not refuse the papers. — Altho' when he has taken his ground he is firm in
maintaining it, yet I conceived he would be very unwilling to hazard a breach
with the house of representatives — I fear he receives bad council or he
imagined his popularity too firmly established tb be shaken even in a contest
with the representatives on constitutional ground, He should not have re
marked on the discussion in the house or declared his opinion, what was the
meaning of the convention — with equal propriety might you and every other
member of the convention do the sarae, and be governed in your conduct by
the opinion you then expressed, and not by the language of the instruraent on
a fair construction of its raeaning, to avoid this raisconduct legislature and
Judiciary have been separated."

77
76 — Continued. Fredericksburg, November 23, 1796 —
X X X « Frora the last accounts we have of the Pensylvania elections, Fayette,
Green and Westraoreland returns not in, I think the Republican ticket will
be carried in that State, and upon the success of which I have supposed would
in a great measure depend Mr J's election " x « x n a. very fulsome resolu
tion for an address to the President was introduced into the House of Dele
gates while I was in Town which produced a warm debate and issued finally
in a coraraitraent. The parties at length corapromised and reported a resolu
tion the basis of an address sufficiently complimentary, but much less so than
the first proposition."
Charlottesville, January 29, 1797 —
X X X « It seems to be now well ascertained that A. will be the P & J. the Vice
P. — I have for a length of tirae considered Mr A. as a friend to the British
nation and Government, whether he still holds his prejudices for that Mon
archy I know not, but if they hang loosely about him he may be induced to
through them off and assume the republican garb, the true constitutional dress
and manufacture of his native soil. He has a fair opportunity by a wise and
sound policy to establish his popularity and do rauch good — If he shall deter
mine and persevere in his determination to be of no party, neither French or
English, Southern or Eastern, but to preserve an independent Character and
conduct seeking to do good, and avoiding to do evil, according to his best
judgment, adhering to the Constitution, and respects the rights of the people
and the different branches of the government upon a fair and liberal construc
tion of its meaning ; Then may he be happy in his administration and con
tribute to make the people so. Foreign interferences should be boldly with
stood and "rejected as an officious medling in our affairs, for to these I cannot
help ascribing principally the height to which the violence of party has been
carried. Had I the power to dictate, I would recall our plenipo's and receive
none from foreign powers, (I mean as stationary) conducting our comraercial
intercourse under the superintendence of consuls placed in such Stations as
should be found necessary — entering into no new commercial Treaties, or al
tering or continuing those subsisting, unless, before their final rectification,
they be laid before the legislature and approved by them, who best know and
must be supposed better to know the true interest of the various parts of the
Union, than any Individual or a few individuals not often the most enlight
ened, and frequently guided by the influence of party and local considera
tions. With foreign nations the commercial intercourse should be maintained
upon principles liberal & reciprocal. Not only the chief Magistrate but the
legislature and the heads of departments should pursue this line of conduct,
then I think we should find the clashings araong the States raore easily rec
onciled and the general good or interest of the raajority adopted and procured
with less coraplaining and more general acquiescence — If Mr. A. is not riv
eted in his attachment to British raeasures he will abandon them or at least
his prejudices and hold a course between the two nations which justice and
our true policy dictate. — In forming his opinions I ara in hopes he will listen
to the sentiments of J. with whom I am told he is on good terms and between
whom a good understanding should be cultivated and if possible the politicks
of the States to which they respectively belong more assimilated and harmon
ized — Let us break down too if practicable the servility of addresses and
Levees — I cannot read with teraper the debasing sentiraents uttered by raany
in forraing the addresses frora the House, nor reflect without some degree of
emotion on the degrading method of the Legislature arabling through the
Streets to the P's house to deliver them — abolish every ceremony that is not
necessary for information and despatch of public business and which are cal
culated to exalt an individual so much above the level of his fellow citizens "

7S
76 — Continued. Charlottesville, February 5, '797 —
X X X ii I have not seen Mr Jefferson these two weeks, but shall I expect to day
as I attend there to dinner. I understand he speaks of seting out for Phila
delphia in 8 or 10 days — his trip will I hope contribute to a favourable open
ing of the new administration, as I am told he and A. are in very good terms,
Dawson writes me that it is said he has in great raeasure changed the opin
ions ascribed to hira, in his book in defence of the American constitutions and
that many expect he will show hiraself an independent Republican, I wish
this may turn out to be the case for if he still retains the opinions he held
when he wrote that book, or wheu the ceremonial of the present government
was established, I fear there will be little change in the measures of the
Executive "
Loudon, January 7, 1 804- — •
X X X li Chase I presurae is before the Senate on the articles of irapeachraent —
I do not recollect a fact charged of which I was inforraed when in Richraond
the last Gen'l court said to corae from Col Jno Heath who happened to be in
the Roora in the Tavern where Chase was when T. M. Randolph the Mar
shall carae in and was asked by Chase if he had got a Jury in Callenders case,
he repUed he had, but said Chase are they of the right sort, are they all fed
erals, you should attend to that, The Marshall answered he believed they
were. If this be true it shows the Judge disposed to countenance the bring
ing forward a packed Jury in the case of Callender."

79

Letters of Edmund Pendleton, of the Conti
nental Congress, to James Madison and
Joseph Jones, on important events
during the Stamp-Act troubles
and the Revolutionary War,
and on affairs of State.

77 Pendleton, Edmund. Member Continental Congress.
Letters of, to James Madison, from August 31, 1752, to
December 181 2, embracing 135 Autograph Letters,
signed and unsigned. Folio and quarto. And fifteen
documents relating to transactions at law between James
Madison and Carter Braxton, mostly in the handwriting
of Edmund Pendleton.
Note. — Edmund Pendleton was a native of Vi-rginia. He was a Judge
of the Court of Appeals ; a Delegate to the Continental Congress from
1774 to J77S, etnd in 1787 was chosen President of the Convention of Vir
ginia, which met to consider the Constitution of the United States. He
declined an appointment under Washington as District Judge of Virginia.
Although for a short time only a member of the Continental Congress,
he took a lively interest in the State of Virginia during the Revolutionary
War, and sided at all times with the struggling Colonists. His letters
herein included commence w'ith the Stamp-Act troubles, at which time he
was Judge of the Court of Appeals, and contain interesting and highly
historical narratives of the doings of the Continental and British Armies
in his State, besides imparting his valuable legal opinions on the various modes
adopted by Congress for raising revenue, establishing u. currency, and
plainly portraying what he considered the many strong and weak points of
the Federal Constitution. His letters are well worth the reading, as they
will help to place on a surer footing many itenis of history that are now con
sidered rather dubious.
We have made occasional extracts to convey more fully the great
historical importance of this collection.
Williamsburg, December 11, 1765. [Should be November
II, 1765]—
XXX "Our distributor of Stamps having resigned, great part of the business
of the Colony must stop & sorae Courts decline to sit altogether, but I dont think
that prudent, as the appearance of Courts may convince the people that
there is not a total end of Laws, tho' they are disabled to act in sime in
stances, I think they should be held for that purpose and as many things done
as can be without stamps."

8o
TJ — Continued. February 15, 1766 —
XXX ii I dont recollect what particulars I wrote you before raight be done
without staraps, by Courts or single Magistrates, so as to add any that may
have occurred since, I can only give my opinion in the points you raentioned.
As Marriage Licences are not required to be upon Stampt paper, there can be
no sort of difficulty in your signing them, when issued by the clerk, as you
are not supposed to know that the Bond is, or is not taken on Stampt paper.
Whether the clerk can safely grant thera is a question on which there are
variety of opinions, as all bonds in General words are subjected to the tax."
* * * " The Countrey appears divided & I am perplexed rayself what is best
to deterraine, as to opening our Courts of Justice iraraediately or not. The
stopping thera hitherto, I always approved of as a good teraporary expedient
that in the Winter Season was not very prejudicial, and at the same time
seemed to answer two probably good purposes, in avoiding a fresh provoca
tion to the Parliament and engaging the Interest of the British Merchants to
wards a Repeal. Those ends iDeing answered, there appears no reason to con
tinue the means. For our fate as to that raust be deterrained in Parliament be
fore they could hear from hence. Why should we not then proceed ? If the
Act is Repealed, all business transacted without stamps is good of course. If
not repealed, what do we determine to do ? It appears to me we raust Resolve
either to admit the Staraps or to proceed without thera. For to stop all busi
ness, must be a greater evil than either. And who is there that will agree
to admit them ? not one in looo, I believe. For my own part I never rave
or will enter into noisy & Riotous companys on the Subject, my Sentiraents I
shall be always ready to coraraunicate to serious raen. As a Magistrate I
thought it my duty to sit & we have constantly ojiened Court, & I shall not
hesitate to determine what People will desire rae, — and having taken an oath
to deterraine and administer according to law, shall never consider that Act
as such, for want of Power (I raean constitutional authority) in the Parlia
raent to Pass it. On this principle, upon a matter being proposed at last Court
within the Act I informed the Court it was so, and then put a General Pre
vious question whether they would proceed in any business desired, notwith
standing that Act. They generally expressed their intention to proceed this
Spring, but thought it best to wait a little longer, as they had hitherto stop'd.
Were I applied to for an attachment, or any other thing within my Office out
of Court, I would grant it, at the Partys Risque as to the validity of it, for I
am not afraid ofthe Penalty, at least so rauch as of breaking ray Oath."
Edmundsburg, September 25, 1780—
X * * ii Our Sanguine hopes of redeeming our 111 luck to the Southward, by a
great Stroke Eastward, have lately been fluctuating ; since the Account of the
fleet with the 2d division intended for our assistance by our Illustrious Allies
being locked up at Brest, we had IntelUgence by a vessel from Cape Francois
that he sail'd from thence with a French Fleet of 24 sail of the line for
Araerica, which he parted with, to the So'ward, coraparing this with the
Account of our two prisoners escap'd from Charles Town that they were
alarra'd there by the arrival of a French Fleet ; Genl Gates' information that
St Augustine was attack'd, & the various accounts ofa Fleet of about 18 sail
having passed the Capes, a raind sanguine as mine, will draw hopes of very
important events yet taking place before the close of this carapaign.
" The affair to the Southward was indeed unfortunate, not only in the
loss of sorae of the brave Maryland line & the Baggage, but in the disappoint
ment we met of a great Victory, which every circumstance promised. I feel no
part of it more sensibly than its having added another Article to the blushing
Honours of poor Virginia ; what will she corae to ? Her new levies are gather
ing, they would have form'd but a weak line at best, but their numbers con
siderably lessen'd by too many excuses of inability being admitted from the
Militia, & their quality impair'd by accepting substitutes unequal to the
person drafted, there are however some very clever fellows & I should be sat
isfied with them if they were engaged for the war, but by the tirae they learn
the duty tolerably, they return, and we are to incur again the ruinous expense
"of recruiting

8i
"JJ — Continued. of recruiting, which on this occasion has been enormous, I believe by ac
counts I have had, the men enlisted have cost on an average ;if5000 each,
besides the Public bounty of a hhd Tob°, a sum which at any rate of depre
ciation must exceed the ability of any countrey, frequently to repeat."
Edmundsburg, October i, 1780—
* * * " Since my last I have y'r fav'r of the 19th & can't conceive where the
great Fleet of our Allies are ? They must have left the Winward Islands, &
Rodney have been deceived by thera if they did not come to America, as he
would not otherwise have ventured to leave those Seas ; we hear nothing
further of them to the Southward.
" I hope they are not in a state of such perfect security at New York, as
to induce them to spare 5 or 6000 men to invade us. Our people however
promise if they should pay us a visit to fight them hard. I hope at least they
will do better than those who met L'd Cornwallis at Cambden, I mean the
Militia. For the Maryland Regulars did Hon'r to themselves & Countrey."
Virginia, October 17, 1780 —
* X X ii The story we have of Gen Arnold's corruption is indeed shocking to
humanity & I wish rauch to know the utraost consequences of the discovery,
as far as they are manifest and proper lo be made public, for I know you too
well ever to ask you to reveal even to me what y'r duty, or the Interest of the
States requires to be kept secret, and if I know myself I would not desire it
of any one." xxx i' Providence in bringing this secret mischief to light just
as it was on the point of completion, has given another instance of its kind
interposition in favour of our just cause, which I hope will rouse all its
favourers from that Apathy from which alone our enemies can hope for suc
cess. We have just received a very agreeable piece of intelligence from No
Carolina that Col° Surapter has taken Col° Tarlton & all his horse but 4, with
as many Infantry as raade in the whole 900, — having surprized them in the
Village of Charlotte when they were inebriating freely upon Col° Sumner's
having evacuated that place & retreated towards Salisbury, — the Story is not
ill told & has this further confirmation that a Gent'n in this County has just
received a letter frora his Son who is in those parts, inforraing hira that
Sumner was retreating before the Eneray, & Surapter in their Rear had written
to General Gates to send him a speedy reinforcement, which would enable
him to cut off their retreat & he doubted not to give a good account of them.
I suppose their Junquet induced him to attack without- waiting for the Suc
cours he had called for. If this be true, I hope tis the beginning of a Floo'd
tide in our Southern Affairs, after the long Ebii we have experienced."
Virginia, October 20, 1780 —
X X -it i< I have no particulars of the affair at Charlotte, raentioned in my former,
but its authenticity seems confirm.'d, & as our recruits are march'd that way,
I hope we may soon have an Army in that quarter fo improve this beginning
of a good fortune. It will be the fault of Virginia if she is surprised by the
Enemy in case they intend an invasion here, since they have been for some
time past in daily expectation of such a visit ; how they may be prepared for
it I know not, as I have not been lately from hom^.
" How do Congress bear the horrid confinement of Gov'r Gadsden & Co
do they mean to retaliate, or suffer the convention troops to Rest in ease,
plenty & breathe a free and healthy air, whdst our friends are stifled and suf
focated with the stench of a prison ship, or a dungeon in St Augustine ? It is
horrible to think of; unless indeed it be true that in breach of their Parole &
all good faith they had really plotted the recapture of the Town & Garrison,
which cannot easily be credited.
" The motions of our good Allies are mysterious, but I yet hope raay
produce soraething beneficial before the end of the campaign. We have a
loose report that they have given the British Fleet a great wound in the West
Indies, but it is too vague to be relied upon."

82
"]"] — Continued. Virginia, October 30, 1780 —
X X X <i We have a visit from the troops erabarked at New York. My accounts
of them are very imperfect, but they seem lo have divided themselves, land
ing 1000 Infantry & 300 horse at Hampton & another body at Portsmouth.
We have just heard that they have re-erabark'd from Hampton after taking
about 500 head of cattle, but whether they mean to go off, or move up Jaraes
River & take Possession of W'msburg, seem'd doubtful, perhaps the paper of
to day may give us information, and give you also a more perfect account of
the agreeable turn in our Southern Affairs, than I ara able to do, having ac
counts of various pieces of good fortune in that quarter said to be well authen
ticated, but so jumbled together and the scenes at the same time so distant,
that I cant develope the intelligence satisfactorily. Thus Tarlton is surprised
& too of his legion taken, but where or by whom is not said. I conjecture
tis at Charlotte by Col° Davidson, perhaps join'd tiy the Groups of Col'os
who beat Ferguson at King's Mountain. — A council of british officers & In
dians are taken with many goods at Augusta in Georgia, this I suppose to be
the Affair of Col* Clarke mentioned in Dixon's last paper — 6000 French
have landed & taken the Savannah & soraebody has driven L'd Cornwallis
frora his Dinner & somebody has taken George Town, but who they are &
whether the same body did both I am not inforra'd, perhaps yr accounts
from Gen'l Gates may be more intelligible. I think the stroke the British
Commerce hath received from the corabined Fleets off Cape Finistere, must
humble them a little & perhaps they may think seriously of Peace. — Pray is
it true that a Congress of members from the Belligerant as well as several
neutral powers, is expected lo be held under the Mediation of Russia & may
we expect any good from it, or is it raere arauseraent ? Is a general Exchange
of Prisoners agreed on, or only a Partial one ? We hear Dr. Lee & Mr.
Izard are with you & are open and unreserv'd in their abuse of Dr. Frank
Un. — They must have very strong proofs before they can effect the character
of that great man, & Philosopher, so long and universally esteera'd for his
Wisdom and Integrity, but I ara more concern'd for our Common Interest,
which must receive injury frora every Internal wrangle of this sort."
Virginia, November 6, 1780 —
* X X iii judge from yr account of the number of the Enemy embarked from
New York, that they were in pursuit of something to eat ; we now hear they
have prick'd a quantum sufficit to load their Vessels with Beef & Mutton &
are going back to New York, where tis said Provisions were short, but this
supply & that by the cork Fleet will reUeve them.
" We have loose accounts frora the Southward that the British Array to
the am't of 3000, are taken, that of their being surrounded by some forraid
able bodies of ours seeras well told and renders the other not improbable.
" Just after yr account of the large Invasion frora Canada into the Fron
tiers of New York, we were amused with a certain account (as twas called)
of the taking of Quebec by the second division of the French Fleet .S: Army,
so long expected at Rhode-Island — We are since deprived of this pleasure by
a flat contradiction of the Intelligence ; was this mere invention, or had they
any ground for circulating the Report. We had yet no House of Delegates
on Saturday last, which with an empty Treasury, are circumstances unfa
vourable at this juncture. Mr Henry has resign'd his seat in Congress & I
hear Mr Jones intends it. It is also said the Governor intends to resign. It
is a Uttle cowardly to quit our Posts in a bustling tirae."
Virginia, November 13, 1780 —
X » X "Arapleasedtohear the former .account of the Arrival of the cork fleet
proved preraature, since we are so bad Christians as lo be gratified with the
distress of our Eneraies— It was probably the transport with their new levies,
which were mi.staken for llic oihers.
"The Enemy here have collected a handsome recruit of Provisions, but
whether tliL-y mean to carry them lo their friends at New York, or lo slay
" here

83
77 — Continued. here & consume the stock, yet reraains a doubt, since their continuing to fort
ifie at Portsmouth & the Great bridge, indicates the latter, & yet their num
bers if we arc not deceived in them, forbid such a conjecture. I have heard
nothing certain from Gen'l Muhlenburg, a loose report Avas that they had
been fighting two days, but this is destroy'd by later accounts, jierhaps the
paper of today, may give sorae account of that as well as the Enemys South
ern Army, who it is said have escap'd our parties, & are like to get safe to
Charles-Town. The Enquiry into Gen'l Gates conduct gives general satis
faction, as popular prejudices against his conduct to the Southward, ran high
& such an Enquiry will satisfie the Public of the justice or Injustice of the
suspicion." Virginia, November 27, 1780 —
X X X ii Our last accounts from the Southward are that L'd Cornwallis being
surprised at a Tory's house at dinner, Rode off thro' a hot fire of the MiUtia &
went off immediately in a Utter to Charles Town ; said by deserters to be
mortally wounded. That his Army was surrounded by different parties of
ours, all of both very hungry, except Sumpter's party, who were foremost &
had the picking of the Provisions. That Tarlton's horse had raade a charge
upon Surapter in his camp, but found hira so well prepared, that he was glad
to scamper off as quickly as his lean Cavalry could do, leaving ten killed and
twenty prisoners. I suppose he hoped for another surprise."
Virginia, December 4, 1780 —
X X X il Everything wears the appearance of confirming the intention of the
Eneray to make a Winter Campaign to the Southward; The Fleet lately left
us it is said divided off the Capes, part steering Eastward the other to the
South, if those & the late Embarkation from New York should raeet at
Charles Town, I fear that with the Army already there, they will recover the
ground they have lost by the spirited affair at King's Mountain & revive the
rapidity of their progress through that state —
" Our railitia are returned sickly & murmuring at the treatment they
raet with below, frora forced marches & too strict attention to order, not being
allowed to break their Ranks, tho' to avoid Deep Ponds of water or to drink ;
this brought on Pleuricie ; & the death of 8 from this county that I have
heard of, besides many yet in danger ; I fear it will have bad effects on the
recruiting service, besides the loss of some good men."
Virginia, February 5, 1781 —
X * X ii I congratulate with you upon the very agreeable intelligence from the
South, of which you will have a full account ere this reaches you. I think Ld
Cornwallis's Army raust be broken & can only depend for safety upon that at
Caraden under Gen'l Lesly, & could we imraediately fill up our line for the
War, I think the terraination of that evil would not be far distant. I have
heard Arnold & his crew have left us, but don't know the certainty. — Nor for
what purpose the Assembly are to raeet the ist of March, unless it be on the
Subject of money or that any circurastance respecting the recruiting the raen,
may make it necessary, perhaps times appointed for measures, may have
elapsed during the Invasion & require new directions."
Virginia, March 5, 1781 —
X X X ii In mentioning the race between Green & Cornwallis, I stated them as
running Parralel at the distance of about 60 miles. It seems they were much
closer & in the same track. Green's rear frequently skirmishing with the
others van, to give his own tirae to get on, however Dan River ended the Pur
suit, His L'dship having staid on the South side about ten days, — retreated
to Hillsborough & there divided his Army into 3 bodies, one setting out
towards Salisbury, another towards Cape Fear, & a third taking a course
between — If he continues that order of March, as his parties must soon be far
" distant

84
77^-Continued. distant one frora another, I think two at least if not the whole, raust fall a
Prey to the Pursuers or to Gov'r Nash & Caswell who it's said, have a large
body in their way, But this is rather supposed lo be a Sharaade & that he
will soon reunite them in one body & March for Camden. Be it as it may, I
think our Cavalry raust do soraething on this retreat."
Virginia, March 19, 1781 —
XXX iiTheMarquisisarrivedat York, in a whale boat two days after another
boat arrived there with about 30 men— The residue of his raen got to Annapo
lis just tirae enough to escape two Frigates Arnold sent up to take them."
Virginia, March 26, 1781 —
X « X ii I can alraost venture to congratulate you upon the event of Gen'l
Green's Battle, which tho' he first quitted the field, raay be considered in its
effects as a Victory; since he retreated in good order, unpursued, & offer'd
battle again the same day, which was declined on the part of L'd CornwaUis
 since their loss at least doubled ours, and our General & Men reraain'd in
high Spirits, eager for another action, when the account carae away. This
will however be highly puff'd off at New York, if we may judge of their can
dour, frora the account they Pnblish'd of Morgan's brilUant Victory. I ara
happy in being told that our Militia at the time stood as firra as a Rock, tho'
concern'd to hear their brave leader Gen'l Stevens received a wound in his
thigh, it is said to be in the Flesh only & not dangerous. It is said the N.
Carolina Militia were very bashful, but I hope they may recover their forti
tude another time. If Arnold goes, I expect it will be there, which affording
an opportunity to the Marquis & Gen'l Wayne lo unite their corps to Green's,
may draw the conquest more to a Point."
Virginia, April 2, 1781 —
X X X ii I ara happy to find that every day proves Gen'l Green's battle to have
ended raore favourable for us, than was known at first. It was peculiarly fatal
to his Officers, who 1 suppose were the raarks of our riflemen, & of whom it is
said he has not enough left to command his shatter'd Army — Nothing more
strongly evinces his imbecility, than his having left behind him part of his
own wounded, with ours, among the number Gen'l O'Hara, since dead. I
think we must yet catch this Noble Adventurer, who yet appears to be the
object of a special Providence, since of two horses killed under hira, one re
ceived 15 Balls & yet the rider escaped unhurt."
Richmond, April 7, 1781 —
X -it X ii Reports continue uncertain as to the Nuraber and destination ofthe late
reinforcements from New York. They have not raade any hostile raovement
here, and are generally supposed to be design'd for more Southward Opera
tions, either by land through No' Carolina or to be sent round by water. If
we are to credit a report just received, L'd Cornwallis wants their assistance,
for we are told tliEit in severe engagements on two successive days. Green was
Victorious, & had wounded his army sorely. This comes in a letter from a
Virg'a Officer to his Lady, which had been read by a Gentleman from whom
another Gent'n had it, who brought it here, both of undoubted credit. — but no
Official account of the Affair is yet brought to the Governor. It is not in the
letter, but a report accompanys it, that Tarlton's Legion is wholly cut to
pieces, & himself kill'd, having refused to accept quarter. In this situation the
time of service of our MiUtia with Gen'l Green is expired & he will be left a
Prey to the Eneray or obliged to Abandon his prospects and fly from Victory
before our raen can he replaced, — do Congress mean to leave the Weight of
this Southern War entirely upon Virginia ? Or suffer our Main Army to re
main idle Spectators of repeated drafts from New York to recruit the Enemy
in this Quarter, without any corresponding Assistance to us? Surely not; as
it must produce the worst consequences. I am happy to find our people will
ing to exert themselves on this great Occasion, but know they are not alone
able to support this burthen, nor do I believe they will submit to be duped."

85
'iJ — Continued. Caroline, April i6, 17S1. —
X X X il j^ni glad to hear the Penns'a line are coming on & hope the Marquis's
corps or sorae other will be added to the Southern Army, as I fear without it,
we are not in a condition to oppose the force designed lo act in that Quarter.
Gen'l Greene's new manoeuvre I consider as a hazardous one, which may
produce consequences very beneficial, or he may be over powered & caught
by reinforcements to L'd Cornwallis — I have great reliance on his prudence
& foresight, and suppose he is directed by probable prospects of Security &
advantage." April 23, 1 78 1 —
X X X il What is become of the Pennsylvania line ? We have been told they
had refus'd to raarch Southward, but since that they are expected to reach
Fred'g this day — ^had we those and the Marquis's corps, we might hope to
drive off these Invaders, which cannot be done by Militia alone, especially iii
found as ours are."
Virginia, April 30, 1781 — -
X X * li You'll probably have heard of the Progress of General Philips in this
State. They paid a visit to York & W'msburg where they behaved civilly
enough, doing Uttle or no mischief. Our Militia at the latter place consisting
of about 800 under the command of Col° Innes were able to have repelled
the Party who came there, but Innes knowing they had sent a larger body
to land up James River to cut off his retreat, very prudently retired in tirae &
cross'd Pamunky at Ruffin's Ferry. The Enemy reraain'd but a few days at
W'rasburg, went up James & Apporaattox River, landed at Cedar Point &
raarch'd to Blandford, where Gen'l Muhlenburg, who had corae up by land
on the South Side of Jaraes River & was joined by sorae Militia of the neigh
bourhood to the am't in the whole of about 1500, was Posted to oppose thera,
a warra conflict ensued, which lasted about 25 rainutes, in which I am happy
in assuring you, our Militia discovered a Bravery which would have done
honour to Veteran troops & gives a happy presage of our being finally able to
repel these Invaders. — It was with difficulty that the general could bring thera
off, when he judged it prudent to do so, and they retreated in good order with
their Cannon to our camp at Chesterfield Court house. As I have seen no
official account, I can only give you that I have had from different persons
who were in the action, & say our loss in kill'd and wounded & missing is
about IOO. They speak from conjecture only when they say they must have
killed at least 200 of the Eneray, but I think our marksmen must in that tirae
have done very considerable Execution, & left them little but the name of
• Victory to boast of. Reports are various & uncertain as to their motions since
the action, at one tirae they are on their march to Richmond & at others they
are at Manchester on the opposite side of the River. I wish they may perse
vere in their intention to possess our Capital once raore, as I think a good ac
count will in that case be given of them."
Caroline, May 7, 1781 —
* * * a General Philips in his way up James River, at W'rasburg & all other
places, affected to show great lenity avoiding all private injury or even re
quiring paroles frora individuals not in arms. The affair at Blandford was not
so considerable as I wrote you, the number killed not exceeding ten on either
side. Our Militia however behaved well, since there were not above 500 en
gaged against 2000 at least, whom they fought for two hours, & more than
once produced disorder in their ranks. The arrival of the Marquis's corps
was critical to save Richmond, which I beUeve the Enemy raeant to occupy.
They even Meditated an attack on the Marqiiis on this day  . When Ar
nold was detached with 1500 to cross below & begin an action with the Mar
quis's left wing, whilst Philips was to cross frora Manchester with the re
mainder of the array & attack his right — part of Arnolds troops had cross'd
" when

86
'Jl — Continued. when Philips was induced to recal him &. drop the affair, on information that
Muhlenburg was coming down the South-side James River with a large body
of Militia, which however was a mistake, for he carae down on the North
side & was ready to have received Philips, if he had atterapted to cross.
There was then an end to Philips's good humour, and he began with burning
the warehouses in Manchester as he did before & after, all those on that side
from thence to Blandford, containing it is said about 15,000 hogsheads. They
went down the River sweeping all the Slaves and other property & Pillaging
& destroying Houses, in iN-hich business they had got as low as Sandy Point,
on Friday evening last. Our array is marching down on this side, nearly
opposite thera, so that I believe they will not call again at W'rasburg — Their
plunder is iraraense particularly in Slaves, of whora the Vessels lately up Po-
tommac got a large number also, and a Vessel lately at York Town, ship'd 360
frora that neighbourhood, so infatuated are these wretches, that they continue
to go to them, notwithstanding raany who have escaped inforra others of their
ill treatment, those who are not sent off to the West Indies being kept at hard
labour upon very short allowance so as to perish daily."
Virginia, May 14, 1781 —
* * * " Since ray last Gen'l Philips after going as low as James Town, sud
denly tack'd about & sailed up to Brandon where he landed his Troops. The
Marquis and Gen'l Muhlenburg with a body of Militia cross'd James River
leaving Gen'l Nelson with another body on this side to watch the motions of
the Enemy & give him notice if they should recross the River below. — But
PhiUps reach'd Petersburg before him & Ld Cornwallis being as is said near
Hicks's Ford, about 45 miles frora that Town, the Marquis found it imprac
ticable to prevent their junction & return'd to Richmond, where I suppose he
will collect his force to oppose them, but what his or their united force may
be, I know not, we are irapatient for the arrival of the Pennsylvania line,
since tho' our Militia are going cheerfully to the scene, I fear they will be but
badly arra'd " x x ¦» n We have been uneasy about the State of Gen'l Green's
array as his last letter to the Governor raentions his finding Caraden rauch
stronger both in works & Garrison than he expected to find it, so that he had
little to hope & rauch to fear, since then we are told a Mr Willis is arrived
from his camp and relates an action has happened, with the following circum
stances ' that a deserter from Green inform'd Ld Rawdon his artillery was not "
"come up, which induced his L'dship to come out in force to attack Green, "
" whose artillery however came up just before and a Battle ensued which "
" lasted 5 hours, when both armies retired Sl encamp'd on the ground they "
"had respectively occupied the night before, & Green expected the fight"
" would be renew'd next morning. The Eneray however retreated, .were "
" charged in their retreat by CoP Washington, who killed & took 250, -raak- "
" ing up their loss in the whole 600 kill'd, wounded & taken. Green's loss "
" about 200.' This is Willis's account who is said to be a Gentleman of
credit." * x x n Cornwallis at Halifax — the Marquis has cross'd Apporaat
tox above to raarch down on Philips — the railitia go to Petersburg on this
side." Virginia, May 2i, 1781 — ¦
X X X ll It is confidently said that CHnton is arrived in Our Bay, but I give
no credit to it, nor indeed can I to anything I hear even from James River.
— General Philips is certainly dead & the Command is again in Arnold, be
tween whom and the Marquis nothing material has yet happened, how soon
they may begin I don't know. Reports as to L'd CornwaUis are various, he
has been said to be at Halifax, Hicks's Ford & even at Petersburg, but now
is left at Far River in North Carolina, from whence he sent Col° Hamilton
& Tarleton to Halifax, without opposition, nay, they are even brought to
Petersburg, but I cant rely upon any jiai t of it. Nor on the Reports of Green's
being in Possession of Camden, which we have had for two davs."

87
T7 — Continued. May 28, 1781 —
xxxu The noise about paper money was as weak as the cause which pro
duced it, and proves I fear that people in those parts have more at heart the
making fortunes, than proraoting the glorious cause we are concern'd in, how
ever it raust be acknowledged that our Finance hath wanted Stability and
System." x x x n Our people are made very angry by a Report that the
Pennsylvania, instead of forwarding their Troops with that celerity, which
their duty & the situation of things demanded, were throwing out Insulting
speeches that Virginia was too grand — better be humbled by the Eneray &
such like. What consequences this raay produce, I know not, but they will
be chargeable to the Corapanies of Land Jobbers, who for their own Interest
are poisoning the minds of the people by their falacious publications, I am
sorry that line was not forwarded, as for want of them probably the Mar
quis was obliged to abandon Richmond, which he left on Saturday & retired
on this side Chickahominy."
Edmunsburgr, August 27, 1781 —
XXX "The separation & Independence of the people of Vermont is a very
serious and unlucky affair, which I wish there had not been occasion for
Congress lo decide on. — The people had great reason to complain of injus
tice, from which they appear to have no prospect of relief, but in a separation
from the State of New York, whose Government had done them the injury,
and yet to divide a State at the request of sorae member of it, against the
will of the raajority ; or indeed admitting a Power in Congress to divide at
all, will establish a precedent, that may prove the source of much mischief at
some future period." xxx "The brave Gen'l Campbell of our Militia who
coraraanded at King's Mountain, came ill from our camp & died last Wed
nesday in Hanover, rauch lamented as a valuable Officer & man. Morgan is
also gone home sick."
Virginia, September 10, 1781 —
* X X " Very little important hath happen'd here, at least that has come to my
knowledge, since the great event of the safe arrival of the Fleet & Army of
our good Ally in Chesapeake. It was supposed that Earl Cornwallis would
on their arrival, have endeavoured to effect an escape to the Southward over
James River. But whether the precautions taken by the Marquis to prevent
hira, or his confidence in his own strength or in being tiraely reinforced, in
fluenced his stay, I know not, but so it is that he must now abide his fate at
York Town, the French Troops having landed at Jaraes Town & Joined the
Marquis, so as to cut off his passage out of that neck so long as he is de-
• prived of the dorainion o'er the waters, and tho' he raight cross his Army
over into Gloucester, where we have a body of Militia, he could not that way
expect to escape, since tho' they are not strong enough to oppose his array in
the field, they might harrass their march, until a sufficient force could get
above them & take them in that neck, but this I think they will not attempt,
since by such a step they would immediately sacrifise all their Vessels, which
at present lie up York River above the Town." * x x "We have accounts
from the Southward, that General Green's Army was moving toward the En
emy on the l8th past, which if true indicates an increase of his strength, or
diminution of that ofthe Eneray, since on the loth his array was only tliought
able to act on the defensive. We expect here to have a busy Autumn, sup
posing this is to become the seat of war, since the Commander in Chief is to
honour us with his presence, we are daily in expectation of his arrival by
land, tho' we are told the Troops carae by Water down the bay." xxx
" The French have L'd Rawdon, two Colonels & some other British Officers
taken on their passage from Charles Town to London."

88
"JJ — Continued. Virginia, December 3, 1781 —
X X X "I hear but not certainly that Mr Harrison, speaker of the Delegates is
elected Gov'r in Gen'l Nelson's stead. I have no doubt but they will pay
some handsorae comp'ts to the Marquis so justly due to hira for the important
services Virginia experienced from him, and as she was so iraraediately in
terested in the great event at Yoric, perhaps the Asserably ought to extend
their gratitude in thanks to the General k. the Army of our great Allies, who
effected it."
Carolina, November 19, 1781-—
XX* "The Official returns of the conquest at York make our prisoners ranch
more than was expected, and I think prove that L'd CornwalUs did not
raake so brilliant a defense, as his former military character indicated, how
ever any exertions would probably have been ineffectual to any other pur
pose than increasing his fame cS: Sacrificing the lives of men on both sides : —
Our other acquisitions were considerable & I am inclined to think should
have been more so, if the Generosity of our Illustrious General in the terms
of the capitulation, had met a suitable degree of Honour in the Execution on
the part ofthe Eneray. As these officers raust carry the proof, tho' not the first
tidings of this change in their American affairs to the ParUament, I antici
pate with pleasure the effect it will have on their deliberations, and the long
faces which will appear on the ministerial side of the House, is it possible
they can retain a wish & much less coin a plausible reason for continuing
such a War ?"
Virginia, December 31, 1781 —
XXX" Since ray last Mr Jefferson's honourable acquital of the loose sensure
thrown out at Randora on his character, hath corae to my hand, and I send
you a copy, which I doubt not you'l have published in one of the Phila'a
Papers, that this stain raay be wiped out wherever it may have reached. I ara
assured by a raeraber of the Assembly that it was entered unanimously in the
House of Delegates & he believes in the Senate, tho' the clerk has oraitted it
in ray copy.
" I ara told Gen'l Nelson will also receive a vote of thanks & approba
tion of his conduct, frora a conviction that what he did wrong was iraputable
to a raistake in his Judgment & not frora a corrupt heart. I am satisfied of
the Integrity of his raind, but whether that should entitle him to more than
inderanity, I doubt, however I have no uneasiness at their going further."
Note. — This letter is accompanied with an attested copy of the Reso
lution of the Virginia Assembly of December 12th, 1781, returning thanks
to Governor Thomas Jefferson "for his impartial, upright and attentive
administration whilst in office. The assembly wish in the strongest manner
to declare the high opinion which they entertain of Mr. Jefferson's ability,
rectitude and integrity as Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, and mean,
by thus publickly avowing their opinion, to obviate and to remove all un
merited censure."
Virginia, January 28, 1782 —
* * * " The objection y'r Bank was to encounter had not occurr'd to me, since
if such a measure was useful, it seems necessary that Congress should have
power over the Regulations which were to direct its operations, it being of Gene
ral & not local concern, and as the confederation had not given such a power,
the medium adopted appears to be the proper & indeed the only resource, to
call for the iudividujil confirmation of the Slates, to the granting which I see
no |)ossible objection, but on account of the rcstitulion in your scheme upou
fhe Instilution of Stale Hanks, which at some future day may become very
" useful

89
T7 — Continued. useful & necessary. \Vhatever evils raay have been experienced i& ever will
be, from a Redundancy of paper Credit, yet my opinion is that the History of
all Countries as well as the reason of the thing, prove that the circulation of
a moderate quantity of paper may be made in every Country without danger
of depreciation, & with raany advantages to Coraraerce & business even
superior to the precious metals. Its locaUty, the principal source of Objection,
has its use in preventing that stagnation in a circulating medium, which in
the Flux and reflux of the Metals will unavoidably happen, especially since the
Merchants have practiced the import: and export of those as a subject of trade,
as they rise at one raarket and fall at another, instead of a mere medium or
representation of Ballance and Barter. Of all kinds of paper circulated as
the representative of money, that of a Bank has undoubtedly the preference,
because it has a real constituent, a stock of Cash deposited & kept always
ready to take its place when any foreign purpose shall make it necessary,
whereas "if we were ask'd what our late paper represented, candor would
compel us to answer, what it has come lo. Nothing. I can forsee that when
the raass of paper is totally anihilated, and before a general free trade takes
place, we raay be distressed for a sufficient raediura of commerce & raight
prefer a Bank scheme to any other, & why should we be restrained ? If it be
said that the States might increase their Bank so as to answer the purpose of
all the States in the Union, I answer that a general & equally valuable circu
lation of Bank notes can only prevail to a certain distance from the Bank, as
the difficulty of access to that is increased so will the value diminish till a total
stop is put to its circulation, for instance, suppose a man at Charles Town
with a Bank note applying to a foreign Merchant to purchase goods, he would
refuse it, since in Vain would the holder say you may have gold for it by
going to the Bank, since that would require another Voyage, not a very short
one, to accoraplish. In Philadelphia the note would be taken with avidity.
The Notes of the Bank of England circulate indeed to a great distance, but
so does the trade which centers in London, and yet that Bank has no such
exclusive restrictions, a multitude of other Banks subsist & with other
mediuras supply all occasions of Coraraerce without experiencing inconveni
ence ; that is not the Case in America, Phil'a is not, nor ever will be the
Centre of its trade, tho' a considerable Branch, and remittances from the
different states, will be much oftener wanted to other parts than to that City."
Virginia, February ii, 1782 —
XXX "We are just now told by a Gent'n frora Phil'a thatthe Enemy had cer
tainly evacuated New York. I am impatient to have a confirmation of this, &
to hear their destination, which I suppose is either to the Southern States or
to the West Indies. We are just going to celebrate this Anniversary of the
GeneraJ's birth."
Virginia, May 13, 1782 —
* X X ll I am however in more anxiety for your next, as I expect in that a
confirmation of a piece of News, which has been brought from your city that
has almost entranced us. No less than Our darling Independency having
been acknowledged by Parliaraent. A raeasure so pleasing and iraportant &
at the sarae time so unlook'd for at this juncture, when 'the Ministry had
menaced a more vigorous prosecution ofthe War than ever."
Virginia, May 20, 1782 —
X « * ll Your favor of the 7th brought me the debates in Parliament on which I
.suppose had been founded the story mentioned in my last of their having ac
knowledged our Independence — For what does this last proceeding amount to,
more than a Resolution to suspend for a very precarious time Active Opera
tions in America, that they raay be more at leisure to make effectual War
against France and Spain in other parts ? Oh Yes, they are to make peace
with us & we hear that General Carlton is arrived with the necessary power.
What do they mean by talking of Peace with us, & vigourous War with our
Ally with whom we have solemnly engaged to make it a Common Cause ?
" Are

90
JJ — Continued. Are they encouraged to this Insult by any former instance of our perfidy, the
tardiness of our Ally, or the ill success of our conjunct efforts ? Let the un
shaken firraness of Araerica, the unbounded generosity of France, and the
events of the War answer. This farce of Peace then is only resolvable into
that amusement before mentioned to allay the present ferment, without quit
ting the War. Let thera take care however that it dont recoil upon thera with
double force at some future day. And let us not relax in our preparations for
repelling any Attack which may be meditated."
Virginia, May 27, 1782 —
X X X ll I have no doubt but they [the British] will endeavour to detach us
from our Allies, by every Seducing attempt, but when they discover the Spirit
of Congress, firra to its engagements & resenting even the Idea of the least de
parture from them, I think they will open a Treaty that shall include Our
Allies, and yielding the great point to us, put an end to a War the Nation
seeras so averse to — unless some flattering circumstances in Foreign Treaties or
success in Arras, should give a turn in their favour, of which there appears
little probability. I ara happy to hear, even frora our lowest class rf people,
a becoming resolution not to purchase the peace they ardently wish, at the
expense of breaking faith with our Allies, & all approve what you recommend,
a preparation for continuing the War to advantage, a conduct the most proper,
even if we had a much belter prospect of peace than we have, since it is best
to treat whh Arms in our hands." * x x n i ^k'x^ resentment for the ill treat
ment we have lately experienced at Philadelphia may not have entered into
the deliberations [ofthe Virginia Assembly] on this subject, (for Vessels to
load Tobacco under some contract with Mr Morris) tho' I have heard nothing
of the sort. What will thofe raen have to answer for who for their private
eraoluraent have fomented these divisions. I ara told a Petition is circula
ting and signing in the Western Country address'd to Congress and requiring
to be a separate State, to which many there are very averse which produces
Quarels & bickerings amongst them."
Virginia, June 17, 1782 —
* * * " I have a letter from Gen'l Green's Camp of the i8th past which men
tions the Irabarkation of 2 Regiments near 1000 raen frora Charles Town on
the 4th of that Month supposed for Jamaica, from whence I conjecture that the
preparations at New York are for conveying troops on the like errand, unless
they have some plundering plan to execute in America. There appears no In
tention in the Garrison at Charles Town to evacuate it, or commence offensive
operations. My poor nephew Judge Harry, is miserable in his captivity there,
confined in the Provost, he is afraid to take the Air of his windows lest some
Refugee should be at hand to shoot hira. Gen'l Leslie has hitherto refused
his parole, altho' Gen'l Green has offer'd to pledge hiraself for his performing
the terms of it. The present behaviour of the Refugees might satisfie Lesly of
the propriety of his breaking his forraer Parole, if his letter to L'd CornwaUis
had not been satisfactory. He was in bad health when taken, so that I sup
pose his situation & the approaching hot season, will soon put an end to all
disputes about him, & gratify the wLshes of his Fnemies, unless no death, but
that by their own hands will do so."
Caroline, July 29, 1782 —
X X * il I am sorry poor Asgil is al last likely to suffer for another's crime,
however the sacrifice is necessary, and just on our part, let thera answer for
the mis-aplication of the punishment, who alone might have saddled the right
horse." Virginia, August 12, I7?2 —
X X X "The torture of Col" Crawford by the Indians to the Westward I sup
pose was in Revenge for the Massacre ofthe poor Moravians by our people
sorae lime agoe ; yet resentment for this will lake place in our back people,
and perhaps continue for years a scene of mutual bloodshed."

91
77 — Continued. Virginia, August 19, 1782 —
XXX" We have nothing frora the Southward since my last but an entertain
ing anecdote respecting Gen'l Wayne, who lis said .sufiered himscif to be sur
prised by a body of Indians, lo whom he abandon'd his camp ; the sight of
the cannon & tents standing, impressed on the rainds of the Savages an idea
of our army having gone off by stratagem & of their speedy return — In this
tremor young Parker (who had rallied & march'd Ijack 25 Infantry & 15
cavalry) attack'd them & they fled with precipitation, leaving not only our
camp. Baggage &c unhurt, but about 500 horses loaded with skins & Furs,
their oxen, arras & other things."
Virginia, August 26, 1782 — •
XXX" Your fav'r of the 13th gives great hope that Peace is approaching fast,
There are some circumstances unfavourable, such as the attention in the Ex
change of Prisoners to their Soldiers being at liberty to serve against our al
lies immediately & against America after a year, and Gen'l Carlton's Decla
ration convey an idea so flattering as to create suspicion of their sincerity. Yet,
the terms after the voluntary recognition of our Independence, appear such
as raight be reasonable to all parties." xxxn it is my opinion that it would
be wisdora on the part of Britain to yield Canada as a 14th raember of the
Union, since the event at some future period is raore than probable, and a
war may precede it ; Yet I cannot but consider the spontaneous hinting of it
in the manner it has been done, as having a deep insidious intention on our
Integrity." Virginia, September 9, 1782 —
X X X il The embarkation for Canada from Charles-Town & New York lately
announced in Y'r papers, have opened a new train of conjecture, upon a prob
able intention of Gen'l Washington to raarch into that country, and many
others which I wont trouble you with. In the mean time I can't help feeling
compassion for the poor repenting Refugees at New York, & wish they may
experience as much Lenity as is consistent with justice and the general good
of the States. No doubt the Inhabitants of Jersey must possess the keenest re
sentment for the loss of their near and dear relatives, and injury to their prop
erty, but as it is the coraraon calaraity of war, and the forraer will not admit
of specific restitution or compensation, there is more raagnaniraity in forgiving
it than in revenging, upon persons now in our power, what perhaps they did
not perpetrate. As to the latter soraething by way of fine in the mode of South
Carolina, so as to bear upon their property, might not be unreasonable. I am
sorry to observe the Pensylvania Asserably entering so early a caveat against
the restitution of confiscated property. Influenced no doubt by the raagnitude
of the Proprietory Interest, and the Estates of sorae fat Dons, — and perhaps
their mercantile Interest may not lead to Peace at all. But great as the Value
of those Estates raay be, I am persuaded the continuance of the War for a
short tirae, would in point of Expence and in the dirainution of Profit to be
expected from a free & general trade, over balance it."
In the Court of Appeal, October 29, 1782 —
" The opinions of the various legal lights of the United States in (the
case bf the three men — Caton, Hopkins and Lamb — who were convicted ol
treason and sentenced to be executed) as to the constitutional right of the
House of Delegates of Virginia to pardon crim.inals, the Senate non-concur
ring; together with a full account of the argument, and a full review of the
constitutional powers ofthe House of Delegates. This 'Great Constitutional
Question,' as it was called, was answered by the Judiciary, it being their
opinion that a Traitor can't be, pardoned, but by the consent of both Houses of
Assembly." [On six folio pages, in the handwriting of Edmund Pendleton].

92
JJ — Continued. Virginia, November 25, 1782 — ¦
¦X- -s- X " The Impeachment of the Governor talked of the first of the session at
Richmond, died away & he is re-elected without opposition. Young Mr Mar
shall is elected a Counsellor in the roora of Mr Bannister who resigned, he is
clever, but I think loo young for that departraent, which he should rather
have earn'd as a retirement & reward by 10 or 12 years hard service in the
Assembly." Virginia, December 9, 1782 —
XXX " In my last to Mr Jones, I sent him the State of the Case of the Prisoners
which made such noise & my opinion upon it, which however was reduced
to a thing of sraall moment, oy the opinion of the Court that the Treason law
was not contrary to the constitution. The poor fellows are since pardon'd by
the Asserably upon condition of the Banishment of two of them & the third be
coming a Continental Soldier for the War." XXX ll The trial at Trenton will
I suppose be a long and solemn one. The Judges I doubt not are good men,
tho' Whipple is a Paltry narae, and Arnold a bad one. The Pennsylvania
Counsel are a sensible body. I don't know Col° Dyer's Colleagues, but he
will be long winded. I think I have heard that Dr Johnston is very clever."
Carolina, December 23, 1782 —
XXX "An anecdote frora Charles Town shews the unfair dealings of our
Enerays. Gen'l Lesly consented that Gov'r Matthews should send in
Corara'rs to see that the Refugees carried off no property but their own, going
on board the Transports on that occasion & prying deeper than was intended,
they found up^^'ards of 200 Negroes barrelled up like Beef or Pork, sorae had
died in the suffocation. Lesly could not refuse the deUvery of these, but in a
Pet, put a stop to the Progress of the Cora'rs."
Edmundsburg, March 31, 1783 —
X * X ll I think the Peace upon the whole, a very liberal one, and therfore
most likely lo be durable, never was so iraportant a Revolution as ours, so
cheaply and in so short a tirae, purchased, the value of which I hope we shall
not estiraate by the price, but by its intrinsic worth."
Virginia, April 14, 1783 —
XXX "Y'r favor ofthe 25th past, confirm'd what I expected to be the case
that Congress in the first raoraent of Peace, would turn their thoughts to such
great arrangements, as are necessary to reaUse the blessings of that important
event, and should they adopt measures as comprehensive & liberal as our
situation requires, I can't doubt but they will be ratified by the several Mera
bers of the Union, who, now at leisure to reflect camly c& seriously without
the sword suspended o'er their heads, will surely see the utility and indeed
necessity of mutual concessions & good offices to preserve the Federal Strength
& give it dignity araongst Nations. The adage so often raentioned in the com
mencement of the dispute ' United we stand, divided we fall ' will be found
no less true in Peace than in War."
Richmond, May 17, 1783 —
-::- * * li I think with you that there appears no reason to suppose either of the
Iraperial Courts will at all concern theraselves with the terms of a com
promise in which they are not interested, but considering it as a mere com
pliment, will soon return the Preliminaries wilh their Courtly approbation.
Nor do I think the Financial circumstances of Britain afford any ground to
suppose they would wish to depart frora the accoraraodation, the terms of
which arc as favourable as they could desire, granting, as Ihey seera to have
" long

93
JJ — Continued. long agoe adraitted, that the Independence of Araerica was to form the Basis
of it, a circumstance however which Sr Guy Carlton seems to have forgot in
his answer to Gen'l Washington upon the subject of a proposed interview — ¦
had the Gen'l proposed to be accompanied by Mr Clinton in his official char
acter, at any time during contest, the opposition of a Uke character under the
King, as the corapanion of Sir Guy, would have been witty, & not exception
able ; but according to the Provisional & Prelim'y Articles, the sovereignty
of the United States, being acknowledged, fhe Official character of Mr
Clinton stands Recognized even by themselves, and his attendance on such a
meeting within the state of which he was chief Magistrate, was a measure
pointed out & justified by the strictest propriety. — To make a proposition
therefore to drag into life a hurried officer of former opposed Rank, but now
no raore, & add another who, to keep up the Metaphor, scarcely deserved
xstian burial, and that by their names of office, to raeet Gov'r CUnton, sraells
strongly of a designed insult ; Sir Guy may however explain hiraself into
sorae innocent meaning & I wish he may."
Virginia, June 2, 1783 — ¦
X X X ll I have y'r fav'r of the 20th past and find Sir Guy Carlton tho' he still
avows his strange interpretation of the Provisional Articles respecting the
slaves, has yet the caution to guard against the consequences of being directed
so to act by his superiors, and to represent the evasion as his own private
opinion, a subterfuge of the same character with the construction, for if he is
not authorised to Act in the Execution of the Treaty, to what purpose did he
meet Gen'l Washington ? Was it to deliver his private opinions how the treaty
might be evaded, for amusement, whilst the negroes were carrying away out
of his & the owners power ? "
Virginia, June 30, 1783—
X X X ll If the troops were not furlough'd without mutinous behaviour in one
instance, and pathetic coraplaints in general, at a time when they were as
sured by their beloved Coraraander that Congress had done everything in
their power to do thera justice, and they had no reason to doubt the success
of their recomraendation to the States ; what will be their feeUngs & behaviour
when they hear that the plan is rejected? Our Asserably gave a final Nega
tive to the Bill for adopting y'r Propositions, on the 3rd reading, last week."
XXX" The Assembly have become bidders to have the session of Con
gress in this State or in its vicinity. If Williamsburg is accepted they
offer all the Public buildings & land there & ,;£'loo.ooo, to repair the Palace,
build Hotels &c. If any place on Potomraack is accepted, they offer diff't
sura in conjunction with Maryland, as it shall be on the North or South side
of the river. The lands & Jurisdiction which are to accorapany the offers I
don't distinctly recollecf.
Virginia, July 21, 1783 —
XXX "With your last fav'r of the 8th carae the raissing one of June 24th con
taining the account of the behaviour of the Soldiers in their insult to Con
gress. I wish the conspiracy raay be traced to its real source, and the motives
truly investigated, when I still think it will not terminate in Public good, or
the redress of real injury in the Array ; The citizens I suppose cannot be well
pleased either with the company of their military Visitants, or reflections upon
their own conduct which made such a Visit necessary, and fix'd a stigma on
their public character, as wanting either inclination or courai^'e to support
the members of the great National Council, holding Session in their Metro
polis, perhaps the people might want neither, and the fault was in their rulers
in not calling forth their exertions, be this as it may, they do not reason badly
who Counsel a return to Philad'a either to prevent anfavourable impressions
abroad, or that the great question of fixing the Permanent residence of Con
gress may not be embarrassed, or influenced by temporary convenience. In
your state of that question, you take no notice of poor old WiUiamsburg, and
yet I am of opinion that except the City of New York, it is the most con
venient place Congress can Assemble at." x x x n The teraper of an Easter
• " Legislature

94
JJ' — Continued. Legislature is really astonishing & alarming, will Ihcy censure their Delegates
for acceding to a confederation, which their Assembly formerly approved of
& directed the assent of the State lo be given lo, or are they tired of the
Union, the raoment ofits having accoraplished their purpose ? Did they suffer
the Vote for half pay to pass unobjected to, & to operate as a Stimulus to raen
to continue in an Array under all the discouraging circumstances of want of
pay & want of necessaries, until they have performed their severe part ofthe
corapact with corapleat success to us, and will they protest against that vote ?
Well says the Psalmist ii I When once the firm assurance fails
which public faith imparts
tis time for innocence to flie
from such deceitful Arts ' "
Virginia, July 28, 1783 —
X- X X ll I expect that the citizens of PhUad'a whilst they are retailing Iheir raerit
lo induce the return of Congress to their City, will feel sorae remorse for their
assumed indifference about their making that the seat of the perraanent Ses
sion of that body & will enter the list of bidders for the Honour & profit.
They raay Palliate, but they cant excuse their neglect to suppress a handful of
rioters asserabled to violate the Laws & to insult either their own Govern
ment or that of the State, but we have all reason to practice the divine dispo
sition of forgiving upon repentance."
Virginia, August 18, 1783 —
X ¦* Jr 11 The Address of the Citizens of Philad'a would have been clearer if
fewer Egotisms had appear'd in it. Some were excusable as an evidence of their
attachment to the Federal Government, and I am inclined to think that a
Majority were ready to have protected Congress from & resented the insult,
and that I formerly hinted the true source of the neglect. Be that as it may,
that body are polite & civil in their answer, and properly avoided any decla
ration on the subject of returning."
Virginia, October 6, 1783 —
* * * " The question touching Garrisons in time of peace, is in its nature
delicate as well as difficult, and therefore I don't wonder there should be di
versity of opinions about it. They seem useful & indeed necessary & yet have
their certain evils, among which not the least considerable is that they lead to
a standing Army, that bane of Society ; nor is it less difficult to decide the
question, if they are adraitted, whether they ought to be Continental, or sup
ported by & under the Governraent of the respective States where they are
kept." * X X ll German Town must be named in the competition for the
perraanent seat of Congress, raerely as another name for Philad'a which I sup
pose they can't name with propriety, for I can't suppose a single man in the
United States would prefer that Village to the great City so near it. I ha\e
thought for some time that the contest would end in a return to that City, as
soon as resentment for their forraer neglect had a little worn off."
Edmundsburg, October 8, 1787 —
In speaking ofthe New Constitution he says : * * * "A Republic was inevi
tably the American form, and its Natural danger Pop. Tumults & Convul
sions. With these in view I read over the Constitution accurately ; do not find
a Trait of any Violation of the great Principles of the form, all Power being
derived mediately or iramediately frora the People. No Title or Powers that
are either hereditary or of long duration so as to become Inveterate ; and
the Laws & not the arbitrary will of any man, or body of men made the rule
of Government. The People, the Origin of Power, cannot act personally, &
can only exercise their Power by representation. The great bodies of both
Federal & State Legislatures are to consist of their immediate choice, and
from that choice all other Powers are derived ; the secretions required in the
" choice

95
JJ — Continued. choice of the Federal Senate and President, seera adralrably contrived to pre
vent Popular Tumults, as well as lo preserve that Equilibrium to be expected
from the Ballancing Power of the three branches. In the President's Power
of Negation to the laws, the modification strikes out a happy medium between
an Absolute Negative in a single person, & having no stop, or cheque upon
laws too harshly, or the Offspring of Party or Faction such as upon a re-con
sideration, are approved by ^rds of Each House, ought to pass independent of
any other power.
" The President is indeed to be a great man, but it is only in shew to rep
resent the Federal dignity & Power, having no latent Prerogatives, nor any
Powers but such as are defined and given him by law. He is to be Cora-
mander-in-Chief of the Array & Navy, but Congress are to raise & provide
for thera, & that not for above two years at a time. He is to nominate all
officers, but Congress must first creat the offices & fix the Emoluments, and
may discontinue them at pleasure & he must have the consent of %rds of the
Senate to his nomination. Above all his tenure of Office is short, & the
Danger of Irapeachraent a powerful restraint against abuse of Office. A Po
litical Head and that adorned with powder'd hair, seeras as necessary & use
ful in Governraents as that raeraber so adorned in the natural body, and I
have observed in the history of the United Netherlands, that their affairs
always succeeded best, when they allowed their Stadtholder to exercise his
Constitutional powers "xxx Hg continues on, commenting on all the im
portant points in that great masterwork of the founders of this great re
pubUc. Virginia, October 6, 1788 —
XXX "The Resolutions respecting the Mississippi Navigation are of a
Balmy nature, tending to give Repose to those concerned, and impose silence
on such as caring nothing about it, used the Subject as an engine of Opposi
tion, not such is the fixure of the terapory seat of Congress. I have already
met taunts on the occasion, as the first instance of Eastern Partiality and
influence, which Opposition foresaw would pervade & wholly direct, the new
Government. In vain did I observe that the measure had a Southern Vote.
The answer was that they would by one Artifice or other, always find means to
engage such assistance. I feel concern at the determination, tho' as temporary
it is not in its self iraportant. Yet nothing in ray opinion can raake a new
Government wear a more inauspicious aspect, than the appearance of favor
to one part of the Society over others, a full and Equal diffusion of its Powers
to the whole, is what all had a right to expect from the Ruler, and will never
acquiesce in a seat of Government so ec-centric & inconvenient as New York ;
but I hojae time & reflection will produce conviction of the impropriety of
this vote, before the stable fixure, & indeed operate upon the second raeeting
of the New Congress."
Virginia, March 25, 1789 —
XXX" The people of Verraont, like raany other Politicians of the cunning
sort, seera to have overshot their mark, & will deserve to be mortified at least,
before they obtain their point. However their conduct unavoidably suggests,
a very serious consideration of the consequences of their eraancipation ; that
is, will they be a proper firm Barrier to the United States in that quarter giv
ing intelligence of any injurious design or movement in Canada, & in the
meantime endeavour to irapede it, or will they on the contrary avail thera
selves of their situation so as by contracts with the Eneray or the appearance
or threat of them, to gain unreasonable advantages to themselves? The
former would be their duty as merabers of the Union, but their conduct indi
cates that the latter would be their Policy ; besides the objections that their
admission would Influence the poUtical scale, adding weight to the Northern
against the Southern & to the sraall against the great ; and the probable byas
they would feel lo foster confusion & disorder as their parent, are in ray
mind unanswerable Objections at least with the large or Southern States, or
any who love order & propriety ; All these arguments gain additional weight
when it is considered that the general Education & manner of life of those
people, have not a tendency to cultivate a liberality of sentiments & conduct,"

96
JJ — Continued. Virginia, September 2, 1789 —
X X X " I congratulate you upon having got through the Amendments to the
Constitution, as I was very anxious that it should be done before y'r adjourn
raent, since it will have a good effect in quieting the minds of many well
meaning Citizens, tho' I am of opinion that nothing was further frora the
wish of some, who covered their Opposition to the Governraent under the
masque of uncomraon zeal for araendraents, & to whom a rejection or a delay
as a new ground of clamour, would have been more agreeable. I own also
that I feel some degree of pleasure, in discovering obviously frora the whole
progress, that the public are indebted for the raeasure to the friends of Gov
ernraent, whose Elections were opposed under pretense of their being averse
to araendraents."
Virginia, June 9, 1789 —
X X X ll I hope the idea of titles is sent to eternal repose. I know nothing
which in ray judgraent would more strengthen opposition than the adoption
of such a measure, giving countenance to all the suspicions hitherto forged
only, ofa tendency in the Goverment to fav'r Aristocratic principles."
Virginia, July 3, 1789—
XXX" The question concerning the power of removing Officers was important,
and twas rauch better to investigate it fully, tho' at the expense of a weeks
discussion, than take a wrong step in it. I concur in sentiment with the de
cision. The Argument that the Power of removal should follow that of
Creation has weight, but is abundantly overballanced by the objection that
an Executive Officer raight intrench hiraself behind a party in the Senate,
setting at defiance the Control of the President & irapeachraent of the House
of Representatives."
Virginia, July 21, 1790 —
X X X ll I ara happy to find that Potowraac stands on so good grounds as the
Permanent seat of Congress. I could not help wishing that the teraporary
Residence had remain'd at New York, as a recorapense for their expence in y'r
Accommodation ; to save the expence & trouble of a double reraoval of the
Public Offices, and frora a conviction, that Philadelphia is in bad order for y'r
reception, & raust incur a considerable expence to be in order, besides I doubt
frora forraer experiences, whether those Citizens raay not raore interraeddle
with the Foederal proceedings, than they have at York."
Virginia, December 9, 1791 —
XXX" Having spent 6 days in Richraond in hearing two Gent'n on each side
argue the great Question respecting the recovery of British debts, I have
for y'r arauseraent thrown together what I recollect of the General head of
the Argument, which raay not comprehend the whole of those since I took
no notes, & give it from a faulty memory. They spake well on both sides,
but Mr Henry was truly Great, & for the first time I ever heard hira, raetho-
dical & connected for 2 days & an half Grotious, Puffendorf, Vatell & others
were worried in the Service. They were still disputing on the 9th day from
the commencement when I left the City,"
Note. — This letter is accompanied with the arguments pro and con,.
which the above refers to.
Richmond, April 28, 1792 —
XXX "The Presidents getting the Representation Bill placed on constitutional
ground by his Negative, and the stand made by the Judge against an uncon
stitutional Law, seera give Cien'l pleasure, sorae few present Merabers of
our Assembly & those who have imbibed prejudices there formerly, excepted
as to the Judges. An Irapeachraent is said lo be talked of, they don't seera
to approve so much -the Conduct of the Gent'n at Ne.\»; York on the like

97

Letters of James Madison, from 1780 to
1785, to Thomas Jefferson, Edmund
Randolph, Edmund Pendleton,
Joseph Jones and others, of
great historical importance.

78 Madison, James. President of the United States. Let
ters of, to Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Randolph, Ed
mund Pendleton, Joseph Jones and others, from March
27, 1780, to April 15, 1785, consisting of eighty-nine
Autograph Letters, signed and unsigned. Folio and
quarto ; and four Autograph Documents neatly inserted in
one volume. Folio. Full morocco.
Note. — James Madison was born in Virginia, March i6, 1731 ; died
at Montpelier, same State, June 2S, i8j6. He graduated at Princeton in
1772. From early age he became absorbed in the duties of public life, and
in 1774 he was a member of a Committee of Safety ; early in 1776 was a
del^ate to the Virginia State Convention, the first business of which was
to instruct its delegation in the Continental Congress with regard to an
immediate declaration of independence, and he was one of a special com
mittee appointed to form a con,stitution for his State. Was elected a -mem
ber of the first Legislature under the new constitution ; in 1778 was a
member of the Executive Council, and in 1780 was sent to the Continental
Congress and was appointed on a number of important committees of that
body. In 1784 was again elected to the Virginia Legislature, during the
sessions of which very important measures were discussed, among them the
proposed amendment to the Articles of Confederation giving to Congress
control over the foreign trade of ihe States ; the question of religious tests,
which Madison so energetically opposed that he not only secured the defeat
of the bill but the enactment of a clause on religious liberty which, set a
valuable precedent for other States to follow. But his most important work
in the Virginia Legislature was that which led directly to the Annapolis
Convention in 178b and the Philadelphia Convention in J7S7 and thus ul
timately to the framing of the Constitution of the United States. lie was
a Commissioner to both of these Conventions, and his schctne — known as the
" Virginia plan" — presented to the latter body, was the basis upon which the
Convention reared this great political structure. In 1788 he returned to
Virginia to take part in the State Convention for deciding upon the ratifica
tion ofthe Constitution, and to him more than to any one else it was due
that that important document was ratified. He was then elected to the jirst
National House of Representatives, of which he was the leading member,
and among the important measures purposed by him were — one for raising
a revenue by tariff and tonnage duties ; another creating the executive de
partments of foreign affairs, of the treasury, and of war ; and his twelve
amcndi/ients to the Conslitiilion, of which ten were adopted.
In /7QQ Madison was again elected a member of the Virginia Assembly.
In iSoi he was Secretary of State, and in i8og was elected President of the
Uniled States, and served two terms. His letters herein enumerated com-

98
menced during that most interesting period of the revolution, 17S0, and
continued to April 178s, and fully portray the doings of Congress in those
Irving times. Many of them are written in cypher, being of the most confi
dential and secret nature, and are addressed to Thomas Jefferson, Edmund
Pendleton, Edmund Randolph, Joseph Jo7ies and others, keeping them fully
informed of all military operations, as well as of anything of interest that
transpired in Ihe halls of Congress relative to his native State of Virginia.
A great number of these letters are published in. Eliot's " Debates " and the
"Madison Papers," but many of the greatest importance inere evidently
overlooked by the compilers. The Vermont Dispute, the mode of Establish
ing a Currency, the treaties with Great Britain and other foreign powers,
and many other important transactions are thoughtfully explaineil and
argued. The extracts which we have made will carry some idea of the
great historical importance of the collection.

Philadelphia, March 27, 1780 —
XXX" Nothing under the title of news has occurred since I wrote last
week by express, except that the Enemy on the ist of March reraained in the
neighborhood of Charlestown in the same posture as when the preceding
account came away. From the best intelligence from that quarter there
seeras to be great encouragement to hope that Clinton's operations will be
again frustrated. Our great apprehension at present flows frora a very different
quarter. Araong the various conjunctures of alarm and distress which have
arisen in the course of the Revolution, it is with pain I affirm to you Sir that
no one can be singled out more truly critical than the present. Our array
threatened with an iraraediate alternative of disbanding or Uving on free
quarter ; the public treasury erapty ; public credit exhausted, nay the private
credit of purchasing Agents employed. I am told, as far as it will bear. Con
gress complaining of the extortion of the people, the people of the improvi
dence of Congress, and the army of both ; — Our affairs requiring the most
raature & systeraatic measures, and the urgency of occasions admitting only
of teraporary expedients, and these expedients generating new difficulties. —
Congress frora a defect of adequate Statesmen more likely to fall into wrong
raeasures and of less weight to enforce right ones, recoraraendiug plans to the
several States for execution, and the Slates separately rejudging the expedi
ency of such plans, whereby the sarae distrust of concurrent exertions that
has damped the ardor of patriotic individuals, must produce the same effect
among the States themselves, — an old system of finance discarded as incom
petent lo our necessities, an untried & precarious one substituted, and total
stagnation in prospect between the end of the former & the operation of the
latter. These are the outlines of the true picture of our public situation. I
leave it to your own iraagination to fill thera up. Believe rae Sir, as things
now stand, if the States do not vigorously proceed in coUecting the old
raoney and establishing funds for the credit of the new, that we are undone,
and let them be ever so expeditious in doing this, still the immediate distress
to our army and hindrance lo public affairs are a subject of melancholy re
flection. Gen'l Washington writes that a failure of bre.ad has already com
menced in the Army, and that for any thing he sees, it must unavoidably in
crease. Meat they have only for a short season and as the whole dependence
is on provisions now to be procured without a shilling for the purpose, and
without credit for a shilling, I look forward with the most pungent apprehen
sions. It will be allerapted I believe lo purchase a few supplies with loan
office certificates, but whether they will be reccivL-il is perhaps far frora be
ing certain and if received will certainly be a raost expensive & ruinous cx-
])cdient. It is not without sorae reluctance, I trust this information to a con
veyance by ]TOst, but I know of no belter at present, and I conceive it to be
absolutely necessary lo be known to those who are raost able and ze.alous to
conlvibute lo the public relief"
— To I homas Jefferson.

99
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, May 6, 1780 —
X X X ll I am sorry I can give you no other account of our public situation
than that it continues equally perplexed & alarraing as when I lately gave you
a sketch of it. Our Army has as yet been kept frora starving, and public
measures frora a total stagnation, by draughts on the Slates for the unpaid
requisitions. The great amount of these you may judge of frora the share that
has fallen to Virginia. The discharge of debts due frora the purchasing de-
partraents has absorbed a great proportion of them, and very large demands
still remain. As soon as the draughts amount to the whole of the monthly
requisitions up to the end of March, they must cease according to the new
scherae of finance. We raust then depend wholly on the eraission to be made
in pursuance of that scheme, which can only be appUed as the old emissions
are collected & destroyed. Should this not be done as fast as the current ex
penditures require, or should the new emissions fall into a course of depreci
ation, both of which may but too justly be feared, a most raelancholy crisis
raust take place. A punctual compliance on the part of the States, with the
specific supplies will indeed render rauch less money necessary, than would
otherwise be wanted, but experience by no raeans affords satisfactory en
couragement that due and unaniraous exertions will be made for that pur
pose, not to mention that our distress is so pressing that it is uncertain whether
any exertions of that kind can give relief in time. It occurs besides that as
the ability of the people to coraply with the pecuniary requisitions is derived
frora the sale of their coraraodities, a requisition of the latter raust make
the forraer proportionately raore difficult and defective. Congress have the
satisfaction however to be informed that the legislature of Connecticut have
taken the most vigorous steps for supplying their quota, both of raoney &
coraraodities, and that a body of their principal raerchants have associated for
supporting the credit of the new paper, for which they have in a public ad
dress pledged their faith to the asserably, to sell their merchandise on the
same terms for it as if they were to be paid in specie. A similar vigor
throughout the Union raay perhaps produce effects as far exceeding our pres
ent hopes as they have heretofore fallen short of our wishes.
" It is to be observed that the situation of Congress has undergone a
total change from what it , originally was. Whilst they exercised the indef
inite power of emitting money on the credit of their constituents, they had
the whole wealth & resources of the continent within their coraraand, and
could go on with their affairs independently and as they pleased. Since the
resolution passed for shutting the press, this power has been entirely
given up and they are now as dependant on the States as the King of Eng
land is on the parliaraent. They can neither enlist, pay nor feed a single
soldier, nor execute any other purpose but as the raeans are first put into their
hands. Unless the legislatures are sufficiently attentive to this change of cir
curastances and act in conformity to it, every thing raust necessarily go wrong
or rather must corae to a total stop. All that Congress can do iu. future, will
be to administer public affairs with prudence, vigor and econoray. In order
to do which they have sent a committee to Head Quarters with ample powers
in concert with the Comraander-in-Chief and the Heads of the departraents
to reform the various abuses which prevail and to make such arrangements as
will best guard against a relapse into them."
— To Thomas Jefferson.
Philadelphia, June 2, 1780 —
X X X li It appears from sundry accounts from the Frontiers of N. Y. and
other N. States, that the Savages are making the most distressing incursions
under the direction of British Agents, and that a considerable force is assera-
bling at Montreal, for the purpose of wrestling from us Fort Schuyler which
covers the N. Western frontier of N. York. It is probable the Enemy will
be but too successful this campaign, in exciting their vindictive spirit against
us throughout the whole frontier of the United States. The Expedition of
" Gen'l SulUvan

IOO
78^— Continued. Gen'l Sullivan ag'6t llie six hations sfeeihs by its effects ratlier to haVe exas
perated, than to have terrified or disabled thera. And the example of those
nations, will add great weight to the exhortations addressed to the more
Southern Tribes.
" Rivington has published a positive and particular account of the sur
render of Charlestown on the 12 ult. said to be brought to N. York by the
Iris which left Charlestown five days after. There are notwithstanding some
circumstances attending it which added to the notorious character for lying
of the author, leaves some hope that it is fictitious. The true state of the
tnatter will probably be known at Richmond before this reaches you.
" We have yet heard nothing further of the Auxiliary Armament from
France. However anxiously its arrival may be wished for it is much to be
feared we shall continue to be so unprepared to co-operate with them, as to
dissappoint their views, and to add to our distress & disgrace, scarce a week,
and sometiraes scarce a day, but brings us a most lamentable picture from
H ead Quarters. The Array are a great part of their time on short allowance,
at some times without any at all, and constantly depending on the precarious
fruits of moraentary expedients. General Washington has found it of the ut
most difficulty to repress the mutinous spirit engendered by hunger and want
of hay, and all his endeavours could not prevent an actual eruption of it in
two Connecticut Reg'ts who asserabled on the parade with their arms, and
' resolved to return horae, or satisfy their hunger by the force of the Bayonet.
We have no permanent resource, and scarce even a moraentary one left, but
in the prompt & vigorous supplies of the Slates. The State of Pennsylvania
has it in her power to give great relief in the present crisis, and a recent act
of its Legislature shows, they are determined to raake the raost of it. I
understood they have invested their Executive with dictatorial authority frora
which nothing but the lives of their Citizens are exempted. I hope the good
resulting from it, will be such as to compensate for the wish of the prece
dent." — To Thomas Jefferson.
Philadelphia, June 6, 1780 —
X X X 1. 1 flatter myself that the arrival of the French Armament which is
hourly expected, place our afi'airs in a less raelancholy situation than their
apprehensions seem to paint them. There is little doubt but the conquest of
the Southern .States was the object ofthe opperationsof the present carapaign,
but I cannot think the Enemy will pursue that object at the manifest risk of
N. York. It is raore probable they will leave a strong Garrison in Charles
town and carry back to N. York the residue of their forces. If they should
endeavor lo extend their acquisitions in the Southern States, it must proceed
from an assurance from England that a superior naval force will follow the
french fleet to frustrate their views on the American coast. I cannot suppose
that however intent they may have been on taking post at portsraouth, that
they will venture in the present prospect to spread themselves out in so ex
posed a position."
Philadelphia, June 23, 1780 —
X X X ll The fact is confirmed that Clinton has returned to N. Y. with part
of the Southern army, and has joined Kniphausen. They are at present
raanceuvering for purposes not absolutely known, but most probably in order
to draw Gen'l Washington to an action in which they suppose he raay be dis
abled to give the necessary co-operation to the french armament. Could they
succeed in drawing him from his strong position, the result indeed ought to
be exceedingly feared. He is weak in numbers beyond all suspicion, and
under as great apprehension from famine as frora the Eneray. Unless very
speedy & extensive reinforcements are rec'd from the Eastern States which I
beheve are exerting themselves, the issue of the campaign must be equally
disgraceful to our Councils & disgraceful to our allies. Our greatest hope of
" being

lot
78 — Continued. being able [to] feed thera are founded on a patriotic scheme ofthe opulent
Merch'ts of this city, who have already subscribed nearly ;!f 3.000.000 and
will very soon complete that sum. The immediate object of whichis to pro
cure and transport to the army, 3.000.000.000 of rations and 300 Hhds of
rum. Congress for the sujDporl of this bank and for the security and indera-
nification of the Subscribers, have pledged the faith of the United States &
agreed to deposit Bills of Exchange in Europe to the araount of ;!f 150.000
Sterling, which are not however to be raade use of unless other means of
discharging this debt should be inadequate."
Philadelphia, September I2, 1780 —
X X X ll Congress have at length entered seriously on a plan finally ratifying
the confederation, convinced of the necessity of such a measure, to repress the
hopes with which the probable issue of the Carapaign will inspire our
Eneray, as well as to give greater authority & vigor to our public councils.
They have recoraraended in the raost pressing terms to the States claiming un
appropriated back lands, to cede a liberal portion of them for the general
benefit. As their exclusive clairas formed the only obstacle with Maryland,
there is no doubt that a compliance with this recoraraendation will bring her
into the confederation. How far the States holding the back lands may be
disposed to give them up cannot be so easily determined. From the senti
raents of the most intelligent persons which have corae to ray knowledge, I
own I am pretty sanguine that they will see the necessity of closing the union
in too strong a light, to oppose the only expedient that can accoraplish it.
" Another circumstance that ought to encourage us under disappointed
expectations from the Campaign is the combination of ye maritirae powers in
support of their neutral rights, and particularly the late insolent and provoking
violation of those rights by the English Ships at St Martins. It is not prob
able that the injured will be satisfied without reparations & acknowledg
ments which the pride of Britain will not submit to, and if she can ever be
embroiled in an altercation with so formidable a league, the result must
necessarily be decisively in our favour. Indeed it is not to be supposed after
the amazing resources which have been seen in G. Britain when not only
deprived of, but opposed by her antient colonies, and ye success of the latter
in resisting for so long a time the utmost exertion of these resources against
her, that the Maritime powers who appear to be so jealous of their rights will
ever suffer an event to take place which raust very soon expose thera to be
trarapled on at [the] pleasure of G. Britain."
September 19, 1780 —
* * * " Yesterday was employed by Congress in discussing the resolutions
you left with thera. The first and second were passed after undergoing sun
dry alterations. The clause asked for allowing the expence of raaintaining
civil Gov'ts within the ceded territory was struck out by the coraraittee, and
an attempt to get it re-inserted in the house was negatived. It was surmised
that so indefinite an expression raight subject Congress to very exorbitant
claims. With respect to Virg'a, 1 beUeve that expence has not been so con
siderable as to be much worth insisting on. The principal expences may
properly be included under the mUitary head. The consideration of the last
resolution annulling Indian purchases, was postponed, with an intention I
believe of not resuming it. It is supposed by some to be unnecessary, by
others to be improper as implying that without such previous assurance.
Congress would have a right to recognize private claims in a territory ex
pressly given up to them for the common benefit. These raotives prevailed,
I am persuaded with raore than the real view of gratifying private interest at
the public expense. The Slates raay annex what conditions they please to
their cessions, and by that means guard thera against raisapplication, or if they
only annul all pretended purchases by their own laws before the cessions are
made. Congress are sufficiently precluded by their general assurance that
" they

lO^
J'i — Continued. they shall be applied to the coraraon benefit frora admitting any private
clairas which are opposed to it.
" The Vermont business has been two days under agitation, and nothing
done in it except rejecting a proposition for postponing the determination of
Congress till commissioners should enquire into the titles & boundaries of
N. Hampshire & N. York. Congress have bound theraselves so strongly by their
own act to bring it to an issue at this tirae and are pressed by N. York so
closely with this engageraent, that it is not possible any longer to try evasive
expedients. For ray own part if a final decision must take place, I am clearly
of opinion that it ought to be raade on principles that will effectually dis
countenance the erection of new Governraents without the sanction of proper
authority, and in a style raarking a due firraness and decision in Congress."
— To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia, October — 1780 —
* * * Si We continue to receive periodical alarms from the Commissary's &
Quarter Master's departraents. The season is now arrived when provision
ought to be raade for a season that will not admit of transporlation, and when
the monthly supplies raust be subject to infinite disappointments even if the
States were to do their duty. But instead of magazines being laid in, our
army is living from hand to mouth, wilh a prospect of being soon in a condi
tion still worse. How a total dissolution of it can ba prevented in the course
of the winter is for any resources now in prospect utterly inexplicable, unless
the States unaniraously raake a vigorous & speedy effort to form magazines
for the purpose. But unless the States lake other raethods to procure their
winter supplies than have prevailed in raost of them, their utmost efforts to
comply with the requisitions of Congress can be only a temporary relief.
This expedient as I take it was meant to prevent the emission of money.
Our own experience as well as the examples of other Countries made it evi
dent that we could not by taxes draw back to the treasury the emissions as
fast as they were necessarily drawn out. We could not follow the exaraple
of other countries by borrowing, neither our own Citizens, nor foreigners l)e-
ing willing lo lend as far as our wants extended. To continue to erait ad infini
tum was thought more dangerous than an absolute exclusion of the press.
Under these circumstances the expedient of specific requisitions was adopted
for supplying the necessities of the War. But it is clear the success of
this expedient depends on the raode of carrying it into execution. If
instead of executing it by specific taxes. State emissions, or Commissary's
& Q. Master's certificates which are a worse species of emissions, are recurred
to, what was intended for our own reUef will only hasten our destruction.
— To Joseph Jones,
Philadelphia, October 31, 1780 —
* * * " Congress have felt a becoming resentment of the barbarous treat
ment of the Gentlemen in captivity at Charlestown, and have directed Gen
eral Washington to require of Clinton an explanation of the matter. Nothing
has yet been done in consequence of it except an application to Clinton,
which as he had at that tirae not been officially informed of the facts, he
evaded by general assurance of the humanity &c of Cornwallis. Gen Wash
ington had very luckily between the application & the answer received two
of the Earl's bloody proclaraations which he very handsomely communicated
to Sir Henry."
Philadelphia, November 7, 1780 —
X X X ll Doct'r Lee and Mr. Izzard particularly the latter have been here
sometime, and I believe are not very reserved in their reflections on the ven
erable Philosopher at the Court of Versailles. Mr Izzard I understand is
particularly open in his charges against him. Doct'r Lee on his arrival ap
plied to Congress for a hearing on the subject of Mr. Deane's allegations ; if
" any

I03
78 — Continued. any doubt remains of the falsehood & malice of them, but nothing final has
been done as yet in consequence of it. I have had great anxiety but the
flame of faction Vvhich on -a former occasion proved so injurious should be
kindled anew, but as far as I can judge the teraper of Congress in General by
us raeans prone to it, although there may be individuals on both sides who
would both wish & endeavour it." xxx "Congress has just finished an es
timate of supplies for the ensuing year, requiring of the States the value of 6
Millions of D'rs in specie. The principal part of the requisition consists of
specific articles, the residue of specie or the new eraissions, receivable as
specie. If the States fulfill this plan punctually there is no doubt that we
shall go sraoothly through another campaign, and if they would forbear re
curring to State emissions & certificates in procuring the supplies, it may be
come a permanent & effectual raode of carrying on the war. But past expe
rience will not permit our expectations to be very sanguine. The collection
& transportation of specific supplies must necessarily be tedious & subject to
casualties & the proceedings of 13 separate popular bodies, must add greatly
to the uncertainty & delay. The expence attending the mode is of itself a
sufficient objection to it, if money could by any possible devise be provided in
due quantity. The want of this article is the source of all our public diffi
culties & misfortunes. One or two million of Guineas properly applied would
diffuse vigor and satisfaction throughout the whole railitary department, and
would expel the enemy from every part of the United States. It would also
have another good effect. It would reconcile the army & every body else to
our republican forras of Governraent. The principal inconveniences which
are iraputed to thera being really the point of defective revenues. What other
States effect by money, we are obUged to pursue by dilatory & undigested ex
pedients, which benumb all our operations and expose our troops to number
less distresses. If these were well paid, well fed, and well clothed, they would
be well satisfied and would fight with more success, and this might & would
be as well effected by our Governments as by any other if they possessed
money enough, as in our moneyless situation the sarae embarrassraents would
have been experienced by every Governraent."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, November 14, 1 780 —
i! -n ¦* ti The letters from G. Washington & the Com' General for some
time past give a raost alarming picture of the state & prospects of the maga
zines. Applications to the contiguous States on the subject have been repeated
from every quarter, till they seera to have lost all their force. Whether any
degree of danger & necessity will rouse them to provide for the winter session
now hastening upon us, I am unwilling to decide because my fears dictate the
worst. The inroads of the Enemy on the frontier of N. York have been most
fatal to us in this respect. They have almost totally ruined that fine wheat
country which was able and from the energy of their Gov't raost likely, to
supply magazines of flour both for the raain army & the N. W. posts. The
Settlem't of Schoarie which alone was able lo furnish according to a letter
from Gen'l Washington, So.ooo bushels of grain for public use, has been
totally laid in ashes. Gen'l Washington in a letter to Congress of the 4th inst.
raentions that another erabarkation was on foot at N. York. In another of
the 7th he says he had received no further intelligence on the subject, but had
reason to think such a measure was still in conteraplation. Frora the last
letter it appears that by the late exchange ab't 140 Officers including Gen'ls
Lincoln, Thorason, Waterbury & du Portail & Col Laurens are liberated, as
also all our privates araounting to 476. The General had acceded to a further
proposal of Clinton for exchanging alraost the whole residue of our officers
for convention officers without attaching any privates to them."
--^7i Joseph Jones.

104
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, November 25, 1780 —
X X X li I hope you will not forget to caU the attention of the Assembly as
early as the preparations for defence will admit, to the means of ratifying the
Confederation, nor to remind it of the conditions which prudence requires
should be annexed to any territorial cession that may be agreed on. I do not
believe there is any serious design in Congress to gratify the avidity of land
mongers, but the best security for their virtue in this respect will be to keep
it out of their power. They have been much infested since you left us with
memorials from these people, who appear to be equally alarraed & perplexed.
Mr. G. Morgan as agent for the Indiana claimants after meraoriaUzmg Con
gress on the subject has honored the Virginia Delegates wilh a separate at
tention. Pie very modestly proposes to them a reference of the controversy
between the Company & Virginia to arbitration in the mode pointed out in
the Confederation for adjusting disputes between Stale & State. We have
given him for answer that as the State we represent had finally determined
the question, we could not with any propriety attend to his proposition, ob
serving at the sarae time that if we were less precluded, we could not recon
cile with the sovereignty & honor of the State an appeal frora its own juris
diction to a foreign tribunal in a controversy with private individuals."
— To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia, November 25, 1780—
X X X ii I informed you some time ago that the instructions to Mr. Jay had
passed Congress in a forra which was entirely to my raind. I since inforraed
you that a Comraittee was preparing a letter to hiin explanatory of the prin
ciples & objects ofthe instructions. This letter also passed in a form equally
satisfactory. I did not suppose that any thing further would be done on the
subject, at least till further intelligence should arrive from Mr. Jay. It now
appears that I was mistaken. The Delegates from Georgia & South Carolina,
apprenhesive that a Uti possedetis -aia,y be obviated on the belligerent powers
by the armed neutrality in Europe and hoping that the accession of Spain lo
the AUiance will give greater concert & success lo the railitary operations that
raay be pursued for the recovery of their States, and likewise add weight to
the raeans that raay be used for obviating a Uti possedetis, have moved for a
reconsideration of the Instructions in order to empower Mr. Jay in case of
necessity to yield to the claims of Spain on condition of her guaranteeing our
independence & affording us a handsome subsidy. The expediency of such
a motion is further urged from the dangerous negotiations now on foot by
British Emissaries for detaching Spain from the war. Wednesday last was
assigned for the consideration of the motion and it has continued the order
of the day ever since, without being taken up. What the fate of it will be I
do not predict, but whatever its own fate raay [be] it must do mischief in its
operation. It will not probably be conceded that such a motion has been
made & supported, and the weight which our demands would derive from
unanimity & decision must be lost. I flatter rayself however that Congress
will see the impropriety of sacrificing the acknowledged liraits and clairas of
any State, without the express concurrence of such State. Obstacles enough
will be thrown in the way of peace, if [it] is to be bid for at the expence of
particular raembers of the Union. The Eastern Slates raust on the first sug
gestion take the claira for their fisheries. If they will not support the other
States in their rights, they cannot expect to be supported themselves when
theirs come into question."
Philadelphia, November 28, 1780 —
X -X X ll I ara glad to find the legislature per.sist in their resolution to recruit
their line of the Army for the war, though without deciding on the expedi
ency of the mode under their consideration. Would it not be well to liberate
and make soldiers at once of the blacks themselves as to make them instru
ments for enUsting white Soldiers ? It w'd certainly be more consonant to the
" principles

I OS
78 — Continued. principles.of Uberty, which ought never to be lost sight of in a contest for
liberty, and with white officers & a majority of white soldiers no iraaginable
danger could be feared frora themselves, as there certainly could be none frora
the effect of the example on those who should remain in bondage, experi
ence having shown that a freedman iramediately loses all attachment & sympa
thy with his forraer fellow slaves." xxx n 'We have enclosed to the Gov'r
a copy of the Act of the Legislature of Connecticut ceding sorae of their
territorial claira to the United States, which he will no doubt coramunicate to
the Asserably. They reserve the jurisdiction to themselves, and clog the
cession with sorae other conditions which greatly depreciate it, and are the
raore extraordinary as their title to the land is so controvertible a one."
— To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia. No date. [1780] —
* * * " Many atterapts have been raade to bring the Vermont dispute to an
issue, but the diversity of opinions that prevail on one side & the dilatory
artifices employ'd on the other have frustrated them. All the evidence has
been heard and a proposition for including it within the jurisdiction of some
one of the States debated for some time, but the decision was suspended. An
arrangement of the Army framed on G. Washington's letters, has passed
Congress and is now with the Gen'l for his observations on it. It includes a
recoraraendation to the States to fill up their quotas. No arrangements ofthe
civil departments have taken place. The new raedical system has been passed.
Shippen is again at the head of it, Craig & Cochran have not been forgotten.
The instructions relating lo the Mississippi have passed entirely to my satis
faction. A Committee is now preparing a state of the reasons & principles
on which they stand." xxx "Andre was hung the 2d inst. He submitted
to his fate in a raanner that showed him to be worthy of a better one. His
coadjutor Sraith will soon follow him. The Hero of the plot, it is said'\s to
be made a Brigadier and eraployed in some military expedition suited to his
genius & his thirst for pelf It is said with much probability that his baseness
is heartily despised by those who have taken advantage of it, and sorae resent-
raent is mixed with their conterapt on account of the loss of their daring
officer." — To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia, December 5, 1780 —
¦X X X ll I congratulate you on the deliverance of our Country frora the dis
tresses of actual invasion. If any unusual forbearance has been shown by
the British Coramanders, it has proceeded rather I presurae from a possibility
that they raay sorae time or other in the course of the war repossess what
they have now abandoned, than frora a real disposition to Spare. The pro
ceedings of the Eneray to the Southward prove that no general change of
system has taken place in the miUtary policy." xxxn vVTe have in town at
present several Gentlemen of distinction from the French army, araong thera
the Chev. de Chastellux, the 2d in command, a man of sorae politeness &
Letters. The Vicompt de NoaiUes, brother in law to the Marquis de Lafa
yette, and Baron de Montesquieu grand son to the great Montesquieu."
— To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia, December 12, 1780 —
-X X X ll I am sorry that either your own health or that of your lady should
oblige you lo leave the legislature before the principal business ofthe Session
is finished. I shall be still raore sorry if either of these causes should dissapoint
my hopes of your return to Philad'a at the promised tirae. I am the more
anxious for your return because I suppose it will supercede the proposed
raeasure of sending an envoy to Congress on the business you raention. If
the facts are transraitted by the Assembly or the Executive, may they not be
" laid

io6
78 — Continued. laid before Congress'with as much efficacy by the established representation
of the State as by especial Messenger ? and will not the latter mode in some
measure imply a distrust in the former one, and lower us in the eyes of Con
gress & the public ? The application to the Cl of France has been anticipated.
Congress have even gone so far as to appoint an Envoy Extraordinary to
solicit the necessary aid. Col. Laurens was invested yesterday with that office.
I leave the raeasure to your own reflection. How far it may be expedient to
urge Spain to assist us before she is convinced of the reasonableness of our
pretensions, ought to be well weighed before it be tried. The liberty we took
in drawing on her money excited no sraall astonishment, and probably gave
an idea of our distress, which confirmed her hopes of confusion on our part.
Acc'ts rec'd since ray last report her inflexibility with reg'd to the object
[Mississippi] in question between us. It is indispensable that we should in
sorae way or other know the ultimate sense of our Constituents on this im
portant matter.
" Mr Laurens is certainly in captivity. An Irish paper tells us he was
committed to the tower on the sixth of Oct'r under a warrant frora the three
Secretaries of State — Portugal has acceded to the neutral league so far as lo
exclude the EngUsh from the privileges her armed vessels have heretofore en
joyed in her ports. The Ariel with P. Jones (S: the cloathing &c on board
was dismasted a day or two after she sailed & obUged to put back into port. —
If G. Washington detaches his further aid to the Southw'd it will be owing
to the reduction of his force by the expiration of enlistments. The Pennsyl
vania Une is raostly engaged for the war and will soon form almost the whole
of the army under his iraraediate command.
" Mr Sartine, it seems, has been lately removed from the administration
ofthe naval departraent, in consequence of his disappointing the general hopes
forraed frora the great raeans put into his hands. When it was mentioned to
me by Mr M  s, I took occasion- to ask whether the deception with regard
to the 2d division ought to be ultiraately charged upon hira, observing to hira,
the use the Enemies of the alliance had raade of that circurastance. Frora
the explanation that was given, I believe the blame rests upon his head, and
that his reraoval was the effect of it in a great raeasure, though it is possible
he raay like many others have been sacrificed to ideas of policy, and particu
larly in order to cancel the unfavorable impression which the disappointment
left on America. A high character is given as might be expected of his suc
cessor the Marquis de Caster particularly with respect to those quaUties in
which Mr Sartine is charged with having been most deficient."
— To Joseph Jones.
Philadelphia, January 9, 1781 —
X X X il On Thursday last Congress were inforraed by Gen'l Potter & Col
Johnston who came Express for the purpose, that a general mutiny had bro
ken out on the raorning of New Year's day in the Pennsylvania line which
was cantoned near Morris Town apart frora the rest of the Array. Every
effort was used by the Officers to stifle it in its infancy but without effect.
Several of thera fell victims to the fury of the mutineers. The next infonna-
tion came frora Gen'l Wayne who wrote frora Princeton whither the troops
had marched in regular order on their way to Philad'a as they gave out with a
deterraination not lo lay down their arms nor return to their obedience till a
redress of grievances should be obtained. They suffered none of their Offi
cers to be among them except Gen'l Wayne & Col's Stewart & Butler and
them they kept under close guard, but in every other respect treated with the
utmost decorum. The grievances complained of were principally a detention
of many in service beyond the Term of Enlistment h the sufferings of all
from a deficient supply of cloathing & subsistance and the long arrearage of
pay. Several propositions and replies on the subject of redress passed be
tween a deputation of Sergeants in behalf of the Troops & Genl Wayne but
without any certain tendency to a favorable issue. The afi'air at length be
gan to take a very serious countenance, and as a great proportion of that Une

to7
7S — Continued. are foreigners and not a few deserters from the British Army, and as they
showed a disposition to continue at Princeton from whence a refuge with the
Eneray who it was said were coming out in force for the purpose, was at any
moment practicable, it was thought necessary notwithstanding the humilia
tion of the step to deputise a Coraraittee of Congress with power to employ
every expedient for putting a speedy end to the discontents. The President
ofthe State with a number of Gentlemen from this place also went up to in
terpose their influence. By a letter from the Committee who had proceeded
as far as Trenton rec'd the evening before last, it appears that the President
who was a head & had written in to Gen'l Wayne, was likely to have a con
fidential reception. The Committee also wrote that an Emissary of Clinton
who had appeared among the Soldiers with a paper setting forth the folly &
danger of adhering to a cause which had already brought so much misery
when the promising a protection under the British Gov't, a body of troops to
cover their escape & payraent of all arrears due from Congress, was seized &
given up to Gen'l Wayne who handed him with his guide over to the Presi
dent of this State, who placed them under the custody of his light horse. This
circumstance not only presages a fortunate issue to the rautiny, but is such a
proof of attachment to the Country in the most trying situation as must effect
ually repress the Joy & encouragement which the Enemy had taken frora
this threatening event."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, January 16, 1781 —
X X X " I was very glad at not being disappointed in ray expectations of a
favor frora you by yesterday's post. Several reports in quick succession of
the arrival & progress of the predatory band under Arnold had rendered us
exceedingly anxious to hear the truth & particulars of the raatter. Sorae let
ters by the post tell us that the Governor with Baron Steuben was wholly en
gaged in removing & securing the arras and araraunition. If so he was better
employed than in writing to Congress on the subject, which frora his usual
punctuality was expected. The enterprise against Richmond at this season
was certainly an audacious one and strongly marks the character which di
rected it. Having been long sensible that the security of the country as high
up as tide water reaches has been owing raore to the ignorance & caution of
the enemy than to its own strength or inaccessibleness, I was rauch less as
tonished at the news than many others. To those who are strangers to the
sparse manner in which that country is settled & the easy penetration afforded
by its long navigable rivers, the rapid and unopposed advances of the Eneray
appear unaccountable & our national character suffers iraputalions which are
by no raeans due to it.
" Congress have not yet received an official report of the result of the con
ciliating raeasures taken with the revolted Soldiers at Xrenlon. From oral
& circumstantial evidence there is no doubt that they have been successful.
A discharge of a part from the service & a supply of cloathing & raoney to
the rest is the price of their subraission. This much considered in itself vvas
required by justice & is consequently consistent with dignity. But considered
with respect to the circumstances attending the negotiation, there is but too
rauch ground to suspect that it will be attributed to our fears, & is therefore
not a little mortifying. Happily the example, as we understand by a letter
frora Gen'l Washington rec'd yesterday had not infected the other parts of
the army. As the sarae causes however which engendered this malignant
humour in the Pennsylvania line are known to exist in the other lines, we
cannot be sure that the same effects will not yet take place in the latter, un
less they be speedily reraedied. As one step towards it Congress are endeav
oring to profit of the alarra which this event must have excited in the States
by calling upon them for the means of imraediately furnishing some pay to
the troops of their respective lines." x x x ii The Emissary from Clinton
with his guide were executed on Saturday morning last."
— To Edmund Pendleton.

io8
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, April 3, 1781 —
XXX" The letter from the Delegation by the last post informed you of the
arrival of the Stores which were to have been delivered in Virginia by one of
the French Ships. The infinite iraportance of them to the State, especially
since the arrival ofa reinforcement to Arnold of which we are just apprized
by the Marquis, has determined the Delegates to forward them by land with
out loss of time. This will be attempted in the first instance in the channel
ofthe Q. Master's Departraent, and if it cannot be effected in that mode with
out delay, we propose to engage private Waggons for' the purpose on the
credit of the State. Should the latter alternative be embraced, I find it wiU
be necessary to stipulate instantaneous payment from the Treasury on the ar
rival of the waggons at Richraond in specie or the old Continental currency
to the real araount thereof I mention this circurastance that you may be pre
pared for it. The expence of the transportation will be between five & six hun
dred pounds Virginia money. The exchange between specie & the old paper
here al present is about 135 for I." * * * " The detachment under the Mar
quis is still at AnnapoUs. The orders of General Washington will govern
their raovements, whatever his intentions might have been at first. I flatter
rayself the erabarkation frora N York of which he raust have been soonest
apprized & which is now lodged in Chesapeak has determined him not to
withdraw them frora a service which is now more in need of them than ever."
— To Thomas Jefferson.
Philadelphia, April 16, 1781 —
X X * ii The enclosed paper is a copy of a report frora a committee now lying
on the table of Congress for consideration. The delicacy and importance
of the subject makes me wish for your judgment on it before it undergoes the
final decision of Congress, xxx
" The necessity of arming Congress with co-ersive powers arises frora
the shameful deficiency of some of the Slates which are most capable of
yielding their apportioned supplies, and the military exactions to which
others already exhausted by the array and our own troops are in consequence
exposed. Without such powers too in the general Governraent, the whole
confederacy may be insulted and the most salutary raeasures frustrated by the
most inconsiderable State in Ihe Union. At a tirae when all the other States
were subraitting to the loss and inconveniency of an erabargo on their ex
ports, Delaware absolutely declined coraing into the measure, and not only
defeated the general object of it, but enriched herself at the expence of those
who did their duty."
Note. — This letteris accompanied with an autograph copy of an ad
ditional article to the thirteen articles ofthe Constitution ofthe Confedera
tion of the United States, by the enactment of which the States would be
obliged to abide by the determination of the United States in Congress as
sembled. This is the paper referred to in the above letter.
Philadelphia, May i, 1781 —
* * * " Congress have rec'd a good deal of Information frora Europe within
a few days past. I can only say in general that it is favourable. Indeed
whatever consideration the powers of Europe raay have for us, the auda
cious proceedings of our Enemy in all quarters must determine them to
abridge a power which the greatest danger & distresses can not inspire with
moderation or forbearance."
Philadelphia, May 5, 1781 —
X X X ll In compliance with your request I have procured and now sfnd you
a copy of the Constitutions &c, published by order of Congress. I know not
why the order in which they stand in the Resolution was varied by the com
mittee in binding them up. The encomium on the inhabitants' of Rhode
Island was a flourish of a Delegate from [that] State who furnished the com
mittee with the acc't of its constitution, and was very inconsiderately suffered
to be printed."
— To Thomas Jefferson.

io9
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, May 29, 1781 —
X •» X "The two circumstances relating to the proposed duty on trade men
tioned in your favor of the ist instant were subjects of discussion when the
measure was on the Anvil. It was evident that the disposition of the States
to invest Congress with such a power would be influenced by the length of
the time assigned for the exercise of it. It was equally evident that no pro
vision wou^d satisfy the present creditors of the U. States or obtain future
loans that was not comraensurate to all the public engageraents. In order to
reconcile these points the duration of the iraport was limited, but limited in
so indefinite a manner as not to defeat the object of it. Should the increase
of trade render the duty raore productive than was estimated it raust the sooner
extinguish the public debts & cease. Tire application of Congress for such a
power supposes indeed a confidence in them on the part of the States, greater
perhaps than many may think consistent with republican jealousy, but if the
States will not enable their representatives to fulfill their engagements, it is
not to be expected that individuals either in Europe & America will confide
in them." — To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, August 4, 1781 —
X X X il vVe were exceedingly disappointed & chagrined to find the raove
raents of the Enemy which had so rauch occupied the public conjectures, ter
minate in a re landing in Virginia, which has surely had an ample share of
their visitations. This event is the more to be lamented, as it seems to indi
cate either that the combined operations ag'st N. Y. are viewed without ap
prehensions by the Enemy, or that some unexpected succour is on its way to
them. The latter is given out at N. York, and even the former is rendered
but too probable by the languor with which the States supply the Coraraander
in Chief with the necessary means of success." xxx "The Controversy
relating to the district called Verraont, the inhabitants of which have for
several years claimed & exercised the jurisdiction of an Independent State is
at lengtfi put into a train of speedy decision. Notwithstanding the objection
to such an event, there is no question but they will soon be established into
a separate & federal State. A relinquishment made by Massachusetts of
her claims ; a despair of finally obtaining theirs on the part of N. Y. & N. H. ;
the other claimants, on whom these entertaining adventurers were making
fresh encroachments ; the latest support afforded them by the leading people
of the N. E. States in general frora whicli they eraigrated; the just ground
of apprehension that their rulers were engaging in clandestine negotiations
wjth the enemy, & lastly perhaps the jealous policy of some of the little
States which hope that such a precedent may engender a decision of sorae of
ye larger ones, are the circumstances -^hich will determine the concurrence
of Congress in this affair."
— fo Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, September 3, 1781 —
X X x li I am favored with yours of the 37th ultimo. This letter will be the
most agreeable of any I have long had the pleasure of writing. I begin with
informing you that the Commander in Chief and the Ct Rochambeau, the
former with part of the Araerican Array, and the latter with the whole of the
French are thus far on their way for the Southern Department. The Ameri
can troops passed through the Town yesterday. The first division of the
French to-day. The 2d will pass to-morrow. Nothing can exceed the ap
pearance of this specimen which our ally has sent us of his army, whether
we regard the figure of the raen or the exactness of their discipline.
" Yesterday also arrived from his Special mission to the Court of France
Col John Laurens. Although his success has not been fully commensurate to

110
78 — Continued. our wishes, he has brought with him very substantial ^xoois of the determi
nation of that Court to support us. Besides a considerable quantity of cloth
ing & other valuable articles, there are upwards of 16,000 Stand Of A™s
It is rather unlucky that they found it expedient to put into Boston instead of
this place frora whence the distribution of thera would have been so much
raore easy."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, October 30, 1781 —
X X X " I return you my fervent congratulations on the glorious success of
the combined arms at York & Glocester. We have had frora the Commander
in Chief an official report of the fact with a copy of the capitulation, and a
general intimation that the n° of prisoners excluding seamen &c would exceed
5000 ; but no detail of our gains. If these severe doses of ill fortune do
not cool the frenzy and relax the pride of Britain, it would seem as if Heaven
had in reality abandoned her to her folly & her fate. This campaign was
grounded on the most intense exertion of her pecuniary resources. Upwards
of 20 millions were voted by the Parliaraent. The King acknowledged that
it was all he asked, and all that was necessary. A fair trial has then been
raade of her strength, and what is the resuU? They have lost another Army,
another Colony, another island, and another fleet of her trade. Their pos
sessions in the E. Indies which were so rich a source of their commerce &
credit have been severed from them perhaps for ever, their naval armaments,
the bulwarks of their safety & the idols of their vanity have in every contest
felt the rising superiority of their Enemies. In no points have they succeeded
except in the predatory conquest of Eustatia of which they have lost the
greatest part of every thing except the infaray, and in the relief of Gibraltar
which was raerely a negative advantage. With what hope or with what view,
can they try the fortune of another campaign? Unless [they] can draw suc
cour from the compassion or jealousy of other powers of which it does not
yet appear that they have any well founded expectation, it seems scarcely
possible for tbem much longer to shut their ears against the voice of peace."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, November 13, 1781 —
XXX" Will not the Assembly pay some handsorae corapliments to the Mar
quis for his judicious & zealous services whilst the protection of the Country
was entrusted to him ? His having baffled and finally reduced to the defen
sive so powerful an army as we now know he had to contend with, and with
so disproportionate a force, would have done honor to the most veteran officer
and, added to his other merits and services, constitute a claim on their grati
tude which I hope will not be unattended to." * * * " K series of inter
cepted letters from Mr Deane to his correspondents in America have been
lately pubUshed in New York. The object of all of them, with degrees of
varying frora cautious insinuation to direct advice, is to bring America back
to a dependence on Britain, raodified according to the terras proposed by the
Commissioners in 1778. The genuineness of some of these letters is upon
good grounds questioned, but most of them contain marks of authority which
clearly denounce him to be an apostate, and consign his character to the same
infamy with that of his friend Arnold. This sentence is delivered here against
him with the less hesitation, because a prior & indubitable evidence of his
degeneracy had been received through another channel. Whether this defec
tion has proceeded from a mercenary contract with the enemy, from a view
of obtaining such an one, or from a chagrin at the obstacle which his country
has by a total prohibition of intercourse with the eneray opposed to the com
raercial projects he went to Europe to execute is as yet matter of speculation. "
— To Edmund Pendleton,

Ill
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, November 18, 1781 —
In speaking of the doings of Congress in regards to the Territorial cessions,
he says : x x x n Although the cession of Virginia will probably be rejected
on the whole, I do not think it probable that all the principles & positions
contained in the report ofthe committee wiU be ratified. The committee was
coraposed of a member frora Maryland, Pennsylvania, N. Jersey, Rhode Is
land, & N. Hampshire all of which Stales except the latter are systematically
& notoriously adverse to the claims of Western Territory & particularly those
of Virginia. The opinion ofthe committee is therefore no just index of the
opinion of Congress, and as it is a rule observed since the confederation was
completed, that seven votes are requisite in every question, & there are sel
dom more than 7, 8, 9, or 10 States present, even the opinion of a majority
of Congress is a very d ifl'erent thing frora a constitutional vote. I raention
the particulars that you may be the better able to counteract any intemperate
measures that may be used in the legislature. I do not hesitate to declare my
opinion that the State will not only find in the comraunications we have raade
to them ample justification for revoking or a least suspending their act of ces
sion, and remonstrating against any interference with respect to cases within
their jurisdiction, but that they ought in all their provisions for their future
security, importance & interest to presume that the present Union will but
little survive the present war. I ara equally sensible nevertheless of the ne
cessity of great temper i& moderation with respect to the first point, and in
the last, that they ought to be as fully impressed with the necessity of the
Union during the war as of its probable dissolution after it."
— To Thomas Jefferson.
Philadelphia, January 8, 1782 —
* * * " Yesterday was opened for the first time the bank instituted under the
auspices of Congress. Its principal founder is Mr. R. M. who has certain
prerogatives with respect to it in his quality of superintendent of finance. It
is pretty analogous in its principles to the bank of England. The Stock sub
scribed is 400,000 dollars. When the scherae was originally proposed to
Congress for their approbation & patronage, a promise was given that as
soon -as it was ripe for operation the company should be incorporated, a few
days ago the fulfilment of the promise was clairaed. The competency of
Congress to such an act had been called in question in the first instance, but
the subject not lying in so near & distinct a view, the objections did not prevail,
on the last occasion. The general opinion though with some exceptions was
that the Confederation gave no such power and that the exercise of it would
not bear the test of a forensic disquisition & consequently would not avail
the institution. The bank however supposing that such a sanction from
Congress w'd at least give it a dignity & preeminence in the public opinion,
urged the engagement of Congress. That on this engagement the subscriptions
had been made & that a disappointment would leave the subscribers free to
withdraw their names. These considerations were reinforced by the Superin
tendent of finance, who relyed on this institution as a great auxiliary to his de
partment, and in particular expected aid frora it in a payraent he is exerting
himself to make to the Army." xxx "A Charter of incorporation was
granted with a recoraraendation to the States to give it all the necessary
validity within their respective jurisdictions."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, January 22, 1782 —
X X X ll Congress are rauch occupied iS: perplexed at present with the case ot
Vermont. The pretensions of that settlement to the character of an in-
depend't State, with the grounds on which they are made, & the countenance
given them by Congress are I presume pretty well known to you. It has
long been contended that an implicit acknowledgment of that character and
" the

112
78 — Continued. the admission of them into the federal Union was an act both of Justice &
policy. The discovery raade through several channels & particularly by the
intercepted letters of L'd Germaine added much force to the latter of these
considerations, that in the course of last summer prelirainary overtures were
made on the part of Congress for taking thera into the confederation, con
taining as one condition on the part of Verraont that they should contract
their clairas within the bounds to which they were originally confined, &
guaranteeing to N. Y. & N. H. all the Territory without those bounds to
which their encroachments had been extended. Instead of complying
with this condition they have gone on in their encroachments both on the
N. Y. & N. H. sides & there is at this raoment every symptom of approach
ing hostility wilh each of them. In this delicate crisis the interposition of
Congress is again called for & indeed seems to be indispensable, but whether
in the way of military coercion, for a renewal of former overtures, or by
making the first a rendition of a refusal of the last, is not so unanimously de
cided. Indeed with several merabers & I raay say States in Congress a want
of power either to decide on their independence or to open the door of the
confederacy to thera is utterly disclaimed, besides which the danger of the
precedent & the preponderancy it w'd give to the Eastern scale deserve se
rious consideration. These reasons nevertheless can only prevail when the
alternative contains fewer evils. It is very unhappy that such plausible pre
texts if not necessary occasions of assuming power should occur. Nothing
is more distressing to those who have a due respect for the constitutional
raodifications of power than to be obliged to decide upon thera."
Philadelphia, March 19, 1782 —
XXX" The rainisterial speeches with other circumstances, place it beyond
a doubt that the plan for recovering America will be changed. A separate
peace with the Dutch, a suspension of the offensive war here, an exertion of
their resources thus disencurabered against the naval power of France & Spain
and a renewal of the arts of seduction & division in the U. Slates will pro
bably constitute the outlines of the new plan. Whether they will succeed
in the first article of it cannot be ascertained by the last intelligence we have
from Holland. It is only certain that negotiations are on foot under the
auspices ofthe Empress of Russia."
— To Edmund Pendleton.
Philadelphia, April 2, 1782 —
XXX" The thinness or rather vacancy of the Virginia line & the little pros
pect of recruiting it are subjects of a very distressing nature. If -those on
whom the remedy depends were sensible of the insulting comparisons to which
they expose the State, & of the wound they give to her influence in the Gen
eral Councils, I am persuaded more -decisive exertions would be made, con
sidering the extensive interests and claims which Virginia has, & the enemies
& calumnies which these very claims forra against her. She is perhaps under
the strongest obligation of any State in the Union to preserve her military
contingent on a respectable footing, and unhappily her line is perhaps of all in
the raost disgraceful condition. The only hope that remains is that her true
policy will be better consulted at the Ensuing Assembly, & that as far as a
proper sense of it raay be deficient, the expostulations of her friends and
claraours of her enemies will supply the place of it."
Philadelphia, April 16, 1782 —
« X X "I entreat that you will not suffer the chance of a speedy and final
determination of the territorial question by Congress to effect your purpose of
tracing the title of Virg'a to her claim. It is in the first place very uncertain
when a determination will take place, even if it takes place at all, & in the
next it will as ;u redly not be a final one, unless Virg'a means to be passive &
silent under aggression on her rights. In every event therefore it is proper lo
be armed with every argument & document that can vindicate her title. Her
" adversaries

"3
78 — Continued. adversaries will be either the U. States, or N. Y., or both. The forraer will
either claim on the principle that the vacant country is not included in any
particular State & consequently falls to the whole, or will cloath themselves
with the title of the latter by accepting its cession. In both cases it will be
aUeged that the Charter of 1609 was annulled by the resuraption of it into the
hands of the crown, and that the subsequent grants to Maryland &c denote
this to have been the construction of it. That the Proclamation of 1763 has
constituted the Alleghany Ridge the Western lirait of Virg'a & that the letter
of Presid't Nelson on the subject of a New Colony on the Ohio, relinquishes
on the part of Virg'a all interference with the authority of the crown beyond
that limit. In case the title of N. Y. should alone be opposed to that of Vir
ginia it will be further alleged ag'st the latter that the treaties of 1684, 1701,
1726, 1744 & 1754 between the Gov't of the former & the 6 nations have
annexed to it all the country clairaed by those nations & their tributaries, and
that the expence of N. York in defending & protecting thera ought in equity
to be reraembered by this exclusive advantage. The original title of N. Y. is
indeed drawn frora the Charter of the Duke of York in 1663-4, renewed after
the treaty of Westminster in 1674. But this charter will not I believe reach
any territory clairaed by Virginia."
— To Thomas Jepferson.
OBSERVATIONS RELATING TO THE INFLUENCE OF VERMONT,
AND THE TERRITORIAL CLAIMS ON THE POLITICS
OF CONGRESS.
May 5, 1782 —
xxx "The two great objects which predominate inthe politics of Congress
at this juncture are I, Vermont, II, Western Territory.
" I. The independence of Verraont and its admission into the Confeder
acy are patronized by the Eastern States (N. Hampshire excepted), i, from
antient prejudice ag'st N. York ; 2, the interest which citizens of those States
have in lands granted by Vermont ; 3, but principally frora the accession of
weight they will derive from it in Congress. N. Hampshire having gained
its main object by the exclusion of its territory East of Connecticut River
from the claims of Vermont, is already indifferent to its independence, and
will probably soon combine with other Eastern States in its favor.
" The sarae patronage is yielded to the pretensions of Vermont by Penn
sylvania & Maryland with the sole view of reinforcing the opposition to claims
of Western territory, particularly those of Virginia, and by N. Jersey & Del
aware with the additional view of strengthening the interest of the Uttle
States. Both of these considerations operate also on Rhode Island in addi
tion to those above mentioned.
" The independence of Vermont and its admission into the Union are
opposed by N. York for reasons obvious and well known.
" The like opposition is made by Virginia, N. Carolina, S. Carolina and
Georgia. The grounds of this opposition are : i, an habitual jealousy of a
predorainance of Eastern Interests; 2, the opposition expected frora Ver-,
mont to Western clairas ; 3, the inexpediency of admitting so unimportant a
State to an equal vote in deciding on peace & all the other grand interests of
the Union now depending ; 4, the influence of the example on a preraature
.disraeraberment of other States. These considerations influenced the four
States last mentioned in different degrees. The 2 & 3, to say nothing of the
4, ought to be decisive with Virginia.
" II. The territorial claims, particularly those of Virginia, are opposed
by Rhode Island, N. Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware & Maryland. Rhode
Island is influenced in her opposition by a lucrative desire of sharing in the
vacant territory as a fund of revenue ; 2, by the envy & jealousy naturaUy ex
cited by superior resources & iraportance. N. J., Penn'a, Delaware, Mary
land, are influenced partly by the same considerations; but principally by
" the

114
78 — Continued. the intrigues of their citizens who are interested in the claims of land com
panies. The decisive influence of the last consideration is manifest from the
peculiar, and persevering opposition made ag't Virginia within whose limits
these claims lye.
"The Western claims, or rather a final settlement "of thera, are also
thwarted by Massachusetts and Connecticut. This object wilh thera is chiefly
subservient to that of Verraont, as the latter is with Pennsylvania & Mary
land to the former. The general policy and interests of these two States are
opposed to the admission of Verraont into the Union, and if the case of the
Western territory were once reraoved, they would instantly divide from the
Eastern States in the case of Vermont. Of this Massachusetts & Connecti
cut are not insensible, and therefore find their advantage in keeping the terri
torial controversy pending. Connecticut may likewise conceive sorae anal
ogy between her claira lo the Western country & that of Virginia, and that
the acceptance of the cession of the latter, would influence her sentiments in
the controversy between the former & Pennsylvania.
" The Western clairas are espoused by Virg'a, N. & S. CaroUna, Geor
gia & N. York, all of these Slates being interested therein. S. Carolina is the
least so. The claim of N. York is very extensive, but her title very flirasy.
She urges it raore with the hope of obtaining sorae advantage, or credit, by
its cession, than of ever maintaining it. If this cession should be accepted,
and the affair of Verraont terrainated, as these are the only ties which unite
her with the Southern States, she will iraraediately connect her policy with
that of the Eastern States, as far at least as the remains of the former preju
dice will adrait."
Philadelphia, May 29, 1782 —
X X X ll I -^rrote to you yesterday morning by the post fully & in cypher. As
I ara told however the Bearer will probably be in Richraond before the Post,
it may not be araiss to repeat to you that we have heard nothing frora Carl
ton since our refusal of the passport to his Sec'y, and that we have authentic
inforraation from Europe that insidious atterapts have been made both on Dr
Franklin & Mr Adams, by British Emissaries, as well as tempting overtures
employed to divide our Ally frora us. These raachinations have served no
other end than to expose the measures & impotence of our Enemy, and to
supply fresh proofs of the indissoluable nature of the alliance. Mr Adaras be
gins to advance with considerable speed towards the object of his mission in
Holland." — To Edmund Randolph.
June 6, 1782 —
* * "Great as my partiality is to Mr Jefferson, the raode in which he
seeras deterrained to revenge the wrong received frora his country, does not
_ appear to rae to be dictated either by philosophy or patriotisra. It argues in
deed a keen sensibility and a strong consciousness of rectitude. But this sen
sibility ought lo be as great towards the relenlings as the misdoings of the
Legislature, not to mention the injustice of visiting the faults of the body on
their innocent constituents." * * x " Sir G. Carlton stUl reraains silent. The
Resolutions which the Legislatures ofthe States are passing may perhaps in
duce him to spare British pride the mortification of supplicating in vain the
forgiveness of Rebels."
— To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, June 18,1782 —
X X X i, The trade with N. York begins lo excite general indignation and
threatens a loss of all our hard money. The continued drains which it makes
from the bank raust at least contract its utility, if it produces no greater mis
chief lo il. The Legislature of N. Jersey arc devising a new remedy for this
disgraceful & destructive Ir.affic, .and a comraittee of Congress are .also em
ployed in the same work. I have lillie expectation that any .adequate cure
can be applied, whilst our foreign trade is annihilated & the Enemy in New
York raake it an object to keep open this illicit channel."

its
78 — Continued. ,
Philadelphia, July 16, 1782 —
¦X -X X li yv despatch frora the coraraander in chief carae unconsealed to Con
gress yesterday. A late correspondence between him & Gen'l Clinton prin
cipally on the subject of two traitors who under the cover of a flag have ex
posed themselves to arrest in New Jersey, and had sentence of death passed
upon thera. Gen'l Clinton araong other observations on the subject, says that
in a civil war between people of one erapire, there can during the contest, be
no treason at all and asks a passport for Gen'l Robinson & Mr Ludlow to
confer with Gen W, or persons appointed by him & to settle arrangements
on this idea. Gen W declines the conference observing that the proposed
subject of it is within the civil resort, whereupon Gen'l Carlton asks, ' Ara I
to apply to Congress to admit persons to conferences at Philadelphia ? ' Can
any deputation be sent by Congress to your camp to raeet persons appointed
by rae ? or will you Sir undertake to raanage our common interest ? ' The
drift of all this need not be pointed out to you. As a counterpart to it,
the British Gen'l purposes in order to reraove all objections to an exchange
of Soldiers for seamen, that the latter shall be perfectly free, and the former
subject to the condition of not serving against the 13 Provinces for one year,
within which period he is very sanguine that an end will be put to the ca
lamities of the present war.''
Philadelphia, July 23, 1782 —
* * * " The Language & measures of the present adrainistration will furnish
you with copious matter for reflection. If we had rec'd fewer lessons of
caution ag'st sanguine expectations, I should with confidence explain them by
a scheme for a general pacification, and for farthering on their predecessors all
the obnoxious conditions which the public distresses may expose thera to. If
this solution were a just one, it ought at the same time to be remembered that
the triumph of Rodney may give a new turn to their politics." xxxn Gen
eral Washington is still here. I have nothing to add to my last on the subject
of Lippincott & Asgil."
— To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, July 30, 1782 —
XX* "A. captain of an American Vessel is just corae up with an account of
the arrival of a French fleet off the capes of Chesapeak, with a body of Troops
on board. Many persons are so sanguine as to expect that this arraaraent is
destined ag'st New York, and that it will immediately possess itself of the
Harbour of that place, before the arrival of a superior eneray can prevent it.
Altho' the troops on board seem to favor such a conjecture, there are improb
abilities which with me outweigh that circurastance."
— To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, August S, 1782 —
., X X X "A letter of the 14th of May has come to hand from Mr Jay in which
he says that he is called lo Paris by Doctor Franklin. This call can only be
in his capacity of rainister for peace, and in consequence of a prospect if not
coraraenceraent of negotiations. He says nothing on the subject hiraself, but
refers to intelligence which he takes for granted would previously arrive from
Paris. He congratulates Mr Livingston on the acknowledgment of our inde
pendence by the United Provinces. This is the first official evidence of that
event." xxx "Mr Montgomery has given notice to Congress of his intention
to call for the report on the case of Vermont & to lay before them such infor
mation as he has acquired."
Note. — Most of this letter is in Lovell's cypher.

xi6
78 — Continued. August 9, 1782 —
" Extract of a lelter from Carlton and Digby to General Washington,
August 2d.
•X X X li 1 We are acquainted sir by authority that negotiations for a general
peace have already coramenced at Paris, & that Mr Grenville is invested with
full powers to treat with all parties at War, & is now at Paris in execution of
his commission. And we are likewise Sir further made acquainted, that his
Majesty in order to remove all obstacles to that peace which he so ardently
wishes to restore, has commanded his Ministers to direct Mr Grenville, that the
Independency of the thirteen Provinces should be proposed by him in the first
instance, instead of making it a condition of a General Treaty, however not
without the highest confidence that the Loyalists shall be restored to their
possessions, or a full corapensation raade thera for whatever confiscations raay
have taken place.' "xxx n This ig followed by information that transports
are preparing to convey all American prisoners in England to the U. S., and
a proposition for a general exchange, in which Searaen are to be placed ag'st
Searaen as far as they will go, & the balance in fav'r of G. B., to be redeeraed
by land prisoners, the former to be free, the latter not to serve in war ag'st
the 13 Provinces for one year. An embarkation is taking place at N. Y. either
for Charleston, either to reinforce that Garriscn or replace it." x x x n The
preceding letter was pubUshed in N. York at the same tirae that it was sent to
Gen'l Washington. I corarait this intelligence to your discretion, raaking no
other remark than that it clearly calls for our watchfulness at the same tirae
that it flatters our expectations."
— Io Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, August 13, 1782 —
X X X <i I transraitted to you a few days ago by express the Contents of a
letter from Gen'l Carlton & Adrairal Digby to Gen'l Washington, announcing
the purpose of the British court to acknowledge the Independence of the 13
Provinces. Our expected advices on this head frora Europe are not yet arrived.
A Mr Blake an opulent CUizeii of S° Carolina who came from G. B. under a
passport frora Mr Laurens to New York & thence hither assures us that the
Adrainistration are serious with respect to peace, & the independence of this
country ; that the point however was carried in the Cabinet by a raajority of
two voices and that their finances are so disordered that a continuance of the
war is in n raanner impracticable; that the Militia al New York have been
thanked for their past services & told explicitly that they would not be wanted
in future ; that the evacuation of the U. S. will certainly take place this fall
& that a large n°. of transports are coming from England to remove the B.
Garrisons, probably to the W. Indies ; that these transports will contain about
2500 Gerraans who it is supposed in case of such an evacuation will have the
sarae destination ; that Carlton told hira & desired him to mention it at large
that he was a real friend to America, and wished her to be powerful, rich,
united & happy, and secure ag'st all her Enemies. That he also intimated in
the course of conversation that Canada would probably be given up as a 14th
member of the confederacy. You will draw such conclusions frora these
particulars as you think fit. The Gentlemen of S°. Carolina vouch for the
veracity of Mr Blake. It appears to me much raore clear that the Ministry
really mean to subscribe to our independence, than that they have renounced
the hope of seducing us from the French connection.
" The motion for revoking the power given to France has been raade
again and pushed with the expected earnestness but was parried and will
issue I believe in an adoption of your report, with a representation thereupon
to the Court of France." [A portion of this letter is in cypher].
— To Edmund Randolph.

1*7
78 — Continued. Philadelphia, August 27, 1782 —
X -x- X li Congress rec'd yesterday a letter from Gen'l Washington enclosing
one to him from Clinton wilh the proceedings of the Ct Martial in the case
of Lippincott. It appears that this culprit did not deny the fact charged upon
him but undertook to justify it as necessary rataliation, and as warranted by
verbal orders from the Board of Refugees. The Ct decided this warrant to
be insufficient, but acquitted hira on the pretext that no malicious intention
appeared. Carlton explicitly acknowledges &. reprobates the crime, & pro-
raises to pursue it in other modes, complaining at the same time of irregularity
in the step taken by Gen'l W. of selecting & devoting to execution an inno
cent & even a capitulant officer, before satisfaction had been formally deraanded
& referred. Gen'l W. seems to lean to the side of compassion but asks the
direction of Congress. What that will be may perhaps be comraunicated in
ray next." — To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, September 3, 1782 —
XXX "Another petition from Kentucky has been received by Congress,
contending for the right of Congress to create new States and praying for an
exertion of it in their behalf. A copy will be sent to the Governor by the del
egates. Mr Lee moved that the original should be referred to him by Con
gress. The debate which ensued was terminated by an adjournraent and has
not been revived.
" General Washington writes to Congress that Carlton had concurred in
the proposition for a general Cartel so far as to appoint a Commiss'r for that
purpose. There is little probability however that he has authority to settle
such a cartel -on the principles which Congress had in view, namely those of
a national convention. It was thought by some that this would put to the
test their sincerity of their profession on the subject of independence.
" I beUeve I did not acquaint you on a forraer occasion that the prison
ers who have lately returned frora captivity in England were discharged in
consequence of an agreement by FrankUn that a like nuraber of the array of
Cornwallis should be given for them. This bold step at first gave 'much of
fence. Corapassion however for the patriotic captives stifled reproaches. They
will probably come out yet unless subsequent events discountenance them.
" There are it seeras three letters in the Post office from Carlton to the
Governor, whicli do not appear to have been licensed, nor is it known how
they got into that channel. The curiosity of people on this point is incon
ceivable." XXX ll The French array has been passing through this place for
several days Northward. The last division will pass tomorrow or the day
after. The praises bestowed on their discipline & sobriety in Virginia,' are
repeated here with equal cordiaUty & justice."
Philadelphia, September 10, 1782 —
X X X li The loss of the French 74 in Boston Harbour (struck on a rock)
prevented an occasion which was embraced by Congress, of making a small
requital to their ally for his benevolent exertions in behalf of the U. S. They
have directed the agent of raarine to replace the loss by presenting in the
name of the U. S. the Ship America to the Chev'r de la Luzerne for the ser
vice of his M. C. M. The States were unanimous in this vote. The dissent
ing members were Bland & Jones of Georgia." xxxn Gen'l Washington
had raoved with his principal force down to Verplanks point. His object if
he has any material one, is not yet disclosed." * * * "We are still left by
our Ministers in the most painful suspense with regards to events in Europe.'.'
— To Edmund Randolph.

ii8
78 — Continued. September, 1 1 —
XXX "The Gentleman by whora I wrote this raorning having waited till I
had the opportunity of knowing the contents of the dispatches frora Holland,
I take advantage of it to add that we are dissappointed by their silence with
regard to peace. Those frora Mr Adams relate chiefly to his transaction with
the States General. A lelter frora Mr Laurens of the 30lh of May inforras us
he is returning to [the] U. S. having decUned the service of Minister for peace.
He appears to have been very unhandsomely dealt with by Mr. A. with re
spect to his commission for Holland, which will no doubt be the foundation
of mutual enraity." x x x "Mr Berkeley writes on the 13th of July that the
raail frora England subsequent to the resignation of Fox, Burke, &c, breathes
war." — To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, September, — 1782 —
XXX" My letter by a private hand subsequent to the last post have antici
pated the chief intelligence frora Holland which I had allotted for the post of
this week. I have however one iraportant article which at that date lay
under an injunction of secrecy which has been since taken off. Mr Adaras
we are informed has contracted with a mercantile House in Holland for the
negotiation of a loan of 5 million of Guilders, or about 10 raillion of livres,
for which he is to give 5 per c't interest, and 4^ per ce't for coraraission &
other douceurs i& charges, which will raise the interest to about 6 per ce't.
The Principal is to be discharged in five annual payraents comraencing with
the IOth year from the date of the loan." xxx "The contractors however
raade it a condition that none of the money should be paid to the U. S. until
the contract should be ratified by Congress. This ratificatiou passed on
Saturday." x x * n Qn Friday two large French frigates bringing raoney i&c
for the French array tt despatches for Congress & the F rainister came into
Delaware Bay. For want of Pilots in lirae they got entangled among the
bars which perplex the navigation of this bay. The appearance & bearing
of the British fieet after pilots were obtained rendered it impossible for them
to return into the proper channel. The only expedient that reraained was to
push forward & attempt under the advantage of high water to force a passage
through the shoal which obstructed thera. In this atterapt one of them suc
ceeded, the other struck in the sand, and was lost. All the public stores,
particularly the money on board have however, been fortunately s.ived."
Philadelphia, September 24, 1782 —
XXX" Our ally has added another important link to the chain of benefits by
which this country is bound to France. He has reraitted to us all the interest
which he has paid for us, or was due to hira on loans to us, together with all
the charges attending the Holland loan, and has raoreover postponed the de
raand of the principal till ohe year after the war, and agreed to receive it
then in twelve successive annual payraents. Thes? concessions araount to a
very considerable reduction of the liquidated debt." x x x " My last in
formed you that Mr Laurens had declined serving in the commission for
peace. His proceedings during his captivity as stated by himself, are far
frora unexceplion.able. Congress nevertheless were prevailed on to assent to
a resolution informing him that his service could not be dispenced with. A
few days after this resolution had passed, several numbers of the ParUamen
tary Register were received at the office of Foreign Affairs, in one of which
was published the inclosed petition. The petition was introduced by Mr.
Burke, was a subject of sorae debate and finally ordered to lie on the table.
The extrerae irapropriely of a representative of the U. S. addressing that very
authority .against which Ihcy had made war, with the pusilanimous and al
most penitential Language ofthe address, determined Mr Jones and rayself lo
raove thai the resolution above referred lo should not "be transmitted until
further order of Congress. In support of the motion it was observed that
" however

119
78 — Continued. however venial the fault raight be in a private view, it evidently rendered Mr
Laurens no longer a fit depository for the public dignity and rights, which
he had so far degraded, and that if Congress should reinstate hira against his
own desire and with this fact before their eyes, it would seem as if they
raeant to ratify instead of disowning the degradation. The raotion was op
posed on the grounds first that the character of Mr Laurens and the silence of
his letter over balanced the testimony of the register and rendered the fact
incredible ; 2dly that the fact, altho' faulty, ought to have no influence on the
public arrangeraent. The first object was the prevailing one. The second
was abetted by but few ; several professed a readiness to renounce their friend
in case the authenticity of the paper should be verified. On the question
there were five noes, three ayes, two divided, two half votes aye. The peti
tion had been published sorae tirae ago at New York & had made some noise
in New Jersey but was ultiraately regarded as spurious. There are so raany
circurastances relating to this gentleraan during his captivity which speak a bias
towards the British Nation & an undue cordiality with its new leaders that I
dread his participation in the work of peace." x x x n As sorae of Mr L's
friends strenously maintain that the Petition inclosed is spurious, I would
not wish it to be raade public through me, until the matter be assertained, or
he be present lo explain it."
THE PETITION OF HENRY LAURENS, IN THE HANDWRITING
OF JAMES MADISON.
" ' To the Right Honourable Charles Wolfran Cornwall, Speaker, and
the Honourable the House of Commons.
"' The Representation & Prayer of Henry Laurens, a native of South
Carolina, some time recognized by the British Commissioners in Araerica, by
the style and title of his Excellency Henry Laurens, President of Congress,
now a close prisoner in the Tower of London,
" ' Most respectfully sheweth,
" ' That your representer for many years, at the peril of his life & for
tune, evidently laboured to preserve & strengthen the antient friendship be
tween G. B. and the Colonies ; and that in no instance he ever excited, on
either side the dissenlions which separated thera ;
" ' That the coraraencement of the present war was a subject of great
grief to him, inasmuch as he foresaw & foretold, in letters now extant, the
distresses which both countries experienced at this day ;
" ' That in the rise & progress of the war, he extended every act of kind
ness in his power to persons called Loyalists and Quietists, as well as to
British Prisoners of war ; very ample proofs of which he can produce ;
" ¦ That he was captured on the American coast, first landed upon Araer
ican ground, where he saw exchange of British & Araerican Prisoners in a
course of negotiation ; and that such exchange & enlargeraenls upon parole
are mutually and daily practiced in America ;
" ' That he was committed to the Tower of London on the 6th of Octo
ber 1780, being dangerously ill, that in the meantime he has, in many re
spects, particularly by being deprived (with very little exception) ofthe visits
and consolations of his children, and other relations & friends, suffered under
a degree of rigour, alraost, if not altogether, unexarapled in raodern British
History ;
" ' That frora long confineraent, and the want of proper exercise & other
obvious causes, his bodily health is greatly irapaired, and that he is now in a
languishing state, and,
"' Therefore, your Representer humbly prays your Honour will conde
scend to take his case into consideration, and under proper conditions and re
strictions, grant him enlargeraent, or such other relief, as to the wisdom and
benignity of your House shall seem fitting. "'HENRY LAURENS,
"'Tower of London, December i, 1781.'"

I20
78 — Continued.
EXTRACT OF A SPEECH OF EDMUND BURKE, ALSO IN THE HAND
WRITING OF JAMES MADISON.
'" Extract frora the speech of Mr. Burke on the 17th of December 1781,
on his intended motion for a bill to exchange American Prisoners —
. X X X li I But was the treatraent of Mr. L, in the Tower consonant to sound pol
icy ? Was it prudent to sour the minds of the Araericans ag'st England by the
ill usage of their great & respecl.rble President ; was it politic to raake him
think iU of England? Ill usage might do it, but nothing else coulcl ; for he
carried his love for this country even to doting; he had sent his chUdren to
receive their education in it, & to learn to love this country, he had long op
posed the disunion of B. & A. ; and if anything set him ill with his country
raen, it was the opinions they entertained that he was too well effected to the
interests of England.' "
— To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, October 8, 1782—
XXX" We hear not a word further frora N. York. At the meeting of the
Cora'rs for settling a cartel, a remonstrance was presented by those on the
part of the U. S., on the subject of acc'ts, &c. The Cora'rs on the other part
refused to receive it or to send it Sir G. Carlton. Gen'l Washington has in
closed it to him in a letter which has not yet been answered. This is all we
as yet know of the negotiation." * * * " Gen'l Lee died here on Wednes
day last after a short illness."
— 71? Edmund Randolph.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SIR G. CARLTOM TO GENERAL
WASHINGTON, IN THE HANDWRITING OF JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, October 15, 1782 —
" Extract of a letter from Sir G. Carlton to Gen'l Washington, dated
N. Y., Septeraber 12th, 1782.
XXX" I Partial tho' our suspension of hostilities raay be called, I thought it
sufficient to have prevented those cruelties in the Jersies [avowed] which I
have had occasion to raention raore than once, but if war was the choice, I
never expected this suspension should operate further than to induce thera to
carry it on as is practiced by raen of liberal rainds. I am clearly of opinion
with your Excellency that mutual agreement is necessary for a suspension of
hostility, & that without this mutual agreement either is free to act as each
may judge expedient, yet I must at the same tirae frankly declare to you that
being no longer able to discern the object we contend for, I disapprove of all
hostilities both by land and sea, as they only tend to multiply the miseries of
individuals, when the public can reap no advantage by success. As to s.av-
ages I have the best assurances that from a certain period not very long after
my arrival here, no parties of Indians were sent out, and that messengers
were despatched to recall those who had gone forth before that lirae, & I have
particular assurances of disapprobation of all that happened to your party on
the side of Sandusky, except so far as was necessary for self deience.' xxx
"It would appear from this paragraph that the insidious object of a separate
convention with America was still pursued."
Philadelphia, October 22, 1782 —
X X X li The sarae conveyance brought Congress a letter frora Mr. Dana
dated June 28th, Il consists alraost entirely ofa dissertation on the comraer
cial advantage of the Revolution lo Russia, which had in consequence of his
manageraent been uUimately placed in the hands he wished. K-^ a sample of
his competency to the subject, I subject the following paragraph. ' Besides,
how is Russia paid for her productions, &c. ? Is it not by an exchange in a
very great proportion for foreign commodities ? Are nol many ofthese foreign
coraraodities of the peculiar ]iroduclion or manufacture of Americ.i, such as
Rice, Indigo, Sugar, Coffee, Cocoauuts, Pimento, t'ochineal and all sorts of
(lying woods ? Does it make no difference lo Ihc interests of Russia, whether (' she

121
78 — Continued. she receives those articles directly from the countries which produce them, or
in a circuitous voyage through G. B. &c. ? ' As a sample of his political tal
ents, here is another paragraph. ' Iramediately after we had rec'd intelligence
here of the late iraportant change in the Council & in the System of G. B. I
consulted ray correspondent upon the expediency of disclosing ray public char
acter without further delay to her Majesty's principal Minister. He gave rae
his opinion freely & candidly. For your information I need only say that ii
is the same in every respect with his former one &c. I can not take upon rae
to say that his opinion is not well founded. My private sentiment then was
that that event could not fail to occasion a correspondent change in her Maj
esty's system, also, but I knew ray raeans of information were not as good as
those of ray correspondent, and that tho' every one seemed to think the medi
ation of her Majesty between G. B. and Holland in effect at an end, yet in
form it was still kept up ; so that the reasons against &c. might still be sup
posed to have sorae influence. This deterrained rae to conform to his ad
vice. '" XXX ll The Sec'y at War lately communicated to Congress an extract
of a letter from Gen'l Washington of a very unwelcome tenor. It paints the
discontents of the army in very unusual colours, and surmises sorae danger
ous eruption, unless a payraent can be effected within the present year. 'I'he
Sec'y is gone to Head Quarters at the recpest ofthe general. How far their
joint precautions will calra the rising billows, must be left to the result."
— To Edjnund Randolph.
Philadelphia, October 29, 1782 —
XXX "Some intelligence has been rec'd frora the Frontiers of N. Y. which
revive the apprehension of further inroads from Canada and of a cooperation
on the part of the Vermonters. The tenor of Carlton's letter to Gen'l Wash
ington on this subject and other circurastances render this article at least ex
treraely doubtful.
" The British fleet at N. V. has been busy in preparing for sea and will
probably soon depart from that Station. The W. Indies most naturally oc
cur as the object of its destination. It is said their preparations have been
much expedited by the most direct i& undisguised supplies from the people of
New Jersey.
" Congress have been occupied for several days past wilh ' the case of
Lippincott referred to thera by Gen'l Washington. On one side it was urged
that the disavowal and proraises by the British commander, the abolition of
the obnoxious board of refugees, and the general change of circurastances
rendered retaliation unnecessary and inexpedient. On the other side it was
contended that a departure frora the resolution so solemnly adopted and re
peated by Gen'l Washington, and with equal soleranity ratified by Congress
would be an indelible blot on our character ; that after the confessions on the
part of the eneray of the deed coraplained of, a greater inflexibility on our part
would be looked for ; that after such confessions too, the eneray would never
suffer the innocent to perish, if we persisted in demanding the guilty, and fi
nally that if they should suffer it, the load would be on their heads not on
ours. No definite resolution has yet passed on the subject, all the interme
diate steps have been very properly entered on the secret journals.
" General Lincoln has just returned frora the Array. He has not yet
made report to Congress. He says I understand that his visit has had a very
salutary operation, but that sorae pay raust be found for the array. Where it
is to be found God knows. The state of the public finances already compeled
the superintendent to give a discharge of the forraer contractors, and to accept
of a new contract by which thirty per ce't is added to the price of a ration in
consideration of credit for three raonths. He has on this occasion written a
pressing exhortation to the States, which I suppose is accessible to you."
— To Edmund Randolph.
Philadelphia, March 24, 1783—
X X X it Uy a letter despatched by C't d'Estaing & the Marquis de la fayeltc
from Cadiz on Feb'y 14th & which arrived here last evening we have il con
firmed that the prelirainary articles for a general peace were signed in Janu
ary. The day of the signature as well as of the cessation of hostilities are
" omitted

122
78 — Continued. omitted in the abstract rec'd by the Secretary of F. A. The changes pro
duced in the possession of the belligerent parties as nearly as I can recollect
thera are that as to the Fisheries France cedes to G. B the coast frora Cape
Bonavista & in N. foundland, & with sorae small exceptions raakes restitu
tion in W. Indies. In the W. Indies she receives back St Lucia. In the E
Indies her losses are also restored. Spain retains Minorca & W Florida which
is to extend to 32° N. L. from Mississippi to head of St Mary's. G. B. cedes
to her E. Florida & receives back the Bahamas."
— To J, Maury.
Philadelphia, May 13, 1783 —
* * * " Gen'l Washington & Gen'l Carlton have had an interview on the
subject of the provisional treaty which was interrupted by the indisposition
ofthe latter. It w'd seem from the conversation which passed that altho' a
sincere intention is professed of evacuating N Y. & all the other ports, the
time of which it raay be expected is very uncertain, and that a sharaeful eva
sion ofthe article for restoring the slaves, will be practised. Carlton didnot
deny that numbers of them were going off from N. Y. and atterapted to jus
tify the indulgence by a raost outrageous raisconstruction of the Treaty, and
by the pretended necessity of adhering to the tenor af the proclamation under
which the Negroes had resorted within the British lines. He said that in
case a different construction of the Treaty s'd be established a compensation
would be raade lo the suffering owners, and that the precaution of keeping
Registers of all negroes which should leave N Y. would be accordingly ob
served. An ominous sample of candor & good faith in our New friends !"
Philadelphia, July 17, 1783 —
X X * "The usual reserve of our Ministers has kept us in entire suspence
since my last with regard to the definite Treaty and everything else in Eu
rope. The only incident produced in this interval has been that which re
moved Congress from this city to Princeton. I have selected the newspaper
which contains the Report of a committee on that subject, frora which you
will collect the material information. Soon after the reraoval of Congress the
mutineers surrendered their arras and impeached sorae of their officers, the
two principal of whora have escaped to sea. Gen'l Howe with a detachraent
of Eastern troops is here and is instituting an enquiry into ye whole plot, the
object & scherae of which are as yet both involved in darkness. The Citi
zens of this place seera to disavow the alleged indisposition to exert force ag'st
insults offered to Congress and are uniting in an address rehearsing the proofs
which they have given of attachment to the fcederal authority."
Philadelphia, August 5, 1783 —
XXX" The Gazette which I enclose will give you a sight of the Philad'a
address to Congress and their answer. Since I left Princeton last I under
stand the question has been agitated relative to the return of Congress lo this
city and a day fixed for its final discussion. There is little reason to suppose
that it will be decided in the affirmative by the present composition & thin
ness of Congress. I rather suppose that no question will be taken when the
probability of a negative is fully discovered, though it will be pushed by those
who wish to multiply obstacles to a removal south ofthe Delaware."
Orange, April 15, 1785 —
X X X ll I have been honored with yours of February accompanying the Tes
timony which the University of Williara & Mary have been pleased to be
stow on me. A distinction which is rendered so flattering both by the charac
ters of those from whora it is received, and of those with whora it associates
me, calls for acknowledgments, which I should feel greater satisfaction in
expressing if I had less reason to distrust my title to it. Regarding it how
ever as a proof that those who so worthily minister in the Teraple of Science,
are disposed not only lo rcwar.l the raerits of her ilhislrious Votaries, but to
patronize in the hurablest of them a zeal for her service. I find in the sin
cerity of raine, an offering which they will not refuse, aud which I raust beg
you. Sir, in the most respectable manner to present to them."
— To George Wythe.

123

Letters of James Madison, to Thomas
Jefferson, James Monroe, Edmund
Pendleton and Edmund Randolph,
from 1785 to 1803, on matters ap
pertaining to the Treaties with
Great Britain and France;
on the principles of the
Constitution of the United States, and on
affairs of State in general.
79 Madison, James. President of the United States. Let
ters, etc., of, to Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe,
Edmund Pendleton, Edmund Randolph and others, from
July 28, 1785, to May i, 1803. Folio and quarto; con
sisting of 92 Autograph Letters, signed and mostly
addressed ; 14 Autograph Letters, unsigned, and 6 copies
and extracts of Letters, in all 112 pieces neatly inserted
in one volume. Folio. Full morocco.
Note. — The series of letters and documents under this number, embra
ces some of the most iniportant of this catalogue. They relate to the mo
mentous events immediately preceding and during the formation of the
convention to revise the Confederation and the adoption of the federal Con
stitution. In the framing of the new system, Mr. Madison's pure patriot
ism and great wisdom are shown in every line in which he explains h is
views of what should be done in order to secure firm foundations for the
form of government which was to be erected, that it might prove of everlast
ing benefit to the people of this country. The same patriotism and wisdom
are likewise shown in his views on the insurrection in Massachusetts, and
the prohibition act of the Virginia Assembly ; on the dispute i>i regards to
the navigation of the Mississippi, on the Treaty of Peace with Great Brit
ain, and treaties with Holland, Russia and France, and, in fact, in every
great question of the many that at that time required a general knowledge
of matters together 'with all the other virtues of which he was possessed.
The few extracts which we give of sotne of his letters will convey an idea
of their importance.
Orange, March 14, 1786 —
X X X ll I have just rec'd a few Unes from the Attorney which inforra me
that it has been agreed by a raeeting of the deputies for a Continental Con
vention, to propose Annapolis as the place & the first Monday in Sept'r for
the time of its assembling, and that a circular letter has been despatched to
that effect. What is thought of the measure where you are and what proba
bility is there that it will be generally acceded to by the States ? I am far
from entertaining sanguine expectations from it, and am sensible that it may
be viewed in one objectionable light. Yet on the whole I cannot disapprove
of the experiment. Soraething it is agreed is necessary to be done, towards " the

124
Jg — Continued. the commerce at least of the U. S., and if anything can be done, it seems as
likely to result from the proposed Convention, and more likely to result frora
the present crisis, than from any other mode or tirae. If nothing can be
done we may at least expect a full discovery as to that matter from the experi
raent, and such a price of knowledge will be worth the trouble and expences
of obtaining it."
— To James Monroe.
Richmond, November 30, 1786 —
X- X X "The inclosed ac't raarks the present temper of the Asserably towards
our Continental systera. The deputies are not yet appointed under it. It is
proposed to select such as will give dignity to the experiment, & at the
sarae time be most likely to gain a ratification of the result from those to
whom it will be reported. Gen'l Washington's narae will probably be placed
in the front ofthe appointments."
— 71? Edmund Pendleton.
New York, February 15, 1787 —
XXX" We have as yet no definite information frora Mass'ts touching the
operations of Gen'l Lincoln. Little doubt however is entertained that the
insurrection will be effectually quelled. The Legislature of that State seem
to have taken great spirits from the prospect. They have corae at length to
the Resolution of declaring the existence of a RebelUon, and it is said mean
to disarra and disfranchise all who have been engaged in it. V\'e have no
information from any other quarter, and I have not been here long enough
to coUect any just idea of the general politics here."
— 71? Edmund Randolph.
New York, February 18, 1787 —
i! * * it Congress have received no late intelligence either from him [Jeffer
son] or Mr Adams. Nor have any interesting measures yet taken place
since they have been asserabled in force. Those in expectation relate to I,
the Mississippi ; on this subject I have no information to give, not a word
having passed concerning it since my arrival. 2, The treaty of peace. This
subject is now depending in the forra of a Report from Mr Jay. I find what
I was not before apprised of, that infractions on the part of the U. S. pre
ceded in several instances over the violation on the other side, in the instance
of the Negroes. If Congress should be able to agree on any raeasures for
carrying the Treaty into execution, it seeras probable that the fundamental one
will be a sumraons of the .States to reraove all legal irapediraents which stand
at present in the way. There seems to be no reason to believe that G. B.
will comply on any other conditions than those signified in the communica
tion of Lord Carmarthen to Mr Adaras. 3, The proposed convention in May.
A great disagreeraent of opinion exists as to the expediency of a recomraen
dation from Congress to the backward States in favor of die meeting.
It would seem as if some of the States disliked it because it is an extra con
stitutional measure, and that their disUke would be removed or lessened by a
sanction frora Congress to it ; on the other hand it is suggested that sorae
would dislike it the raore if Congress should appear to interest themselves in
it. I observe in a like Newspaper that instructions are to be brought forward
in the Legislature here to the Delegates in Congress, to propose and urge
their interposition in favor of the Convention. What the sense ofthe State
is on the merits of the project is not perfectly clear. .\ refusal a few days
ago by a large raajority to grant the irapost does not augur well. Hopes
however are entertained. The four Slates North of it are still to declare their
sentiraents. Massachusetts it is now expected will appoint deputies to the
Convention, and her exaraple will be much respected by the three others.
The intermediate States from N. Y. to S. Carolina, Maryland excepted, have
" raade

t2S
Jg — Continued. made appointments, and Maryland has deterrained to do so tho' she has not
yet agreed on the individuals. S. Carolina & Georgia are supposed by
their Delegates here to be well disposed to back the plan. 4, "The troops
raising under the authority of Congress in Massachusetts. The prospect of
a close to the turbulent scenes in that quarter has produced a motion for stop
ping the enlistments. The delegates from the N. England States generally
and from Massachusetts in particular are anxious that the raotion should be
suspended for a few weeks. That the influence of the MiUtary preparations
of the U. S. may be continued in favor of their State measures, some of which
are likely to be pretty vigorous, and to try the strength of their Gov't. It
appears besides that the Ringleader of the insurrection has not been appre
hended, and according to report still harbours mischief."
New York, February 25, 1787 —
X X X il The Secretary's dispatch will have communicated to you the Reso
lution of Congress giving their sanction to the proposed Meeting in May
next. At the date of ray last a great division of opinion prevailed on the
subject, it being supposed by sorae of the States that the interposition of Con
gress was necessary to give regularity to the proceeding, and by others that a
neutraUty on their wishes to enlarge the powers within their own adrainistra
tion. The circurastance which conduced much to decide the point, was an
instruction frora N. York to its delegates to move in Congress for some re
commendation of a Convention. The style of the instruction makes it prob
able that it was the wish of this State to have a new Convention instituted,
rather than the one on foot reorganized. Massachusetts seemed also skittish
on this point. Connecticut opposed the interposition of Congress altogether.
The Act of Congress is so expressed as to cover the proceedings of the States
which have already provided for the Convention without any pointed recog
nition of them. I
" Our situation is becoraing every day. raore & more critical. No money
comes into the federal Treasury, no respect is paid to the federal authority, and
people of reflection unanimously agree that the existing Confederacy is totter
ing to its foundation. Many individuals of weight, particularly in the Eastern
district are suspected of leaning towards Monarchy. Other individuals pre
dict a partition of the States into two or more Confederacies. It is pretty
certain that if some radical amendment of the Single one cannot be divined
and introduced that one or other of these resolutions, the latter no doubt, will
take place. I hope you are bending your thoughts seriously to this great
work of guarding against both."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, March 11, 1787 —
X X X ll The appointments for the Convention are still going on. Georgia
has appointed her delegates to Congress her representatives in that body also.
The Gentlemen from that State here at present are Col Few, and Maj Pierce
formerly aid to Gen'l Green. I ara told just now that S. C. has appointed the
two Rutledges and Maj Butler. Col Harailton with Mr Yates and a Mr Lan
sing are appointed by N. York. The two latter are supposed to lean too rauch
towards State considerations to be good merabers of an Assembly which will
only be useful in proportion to its superiority to partial views & interests.
Massachusetts has also appointed — Messrs Ghorum, Dana, King, Gerry &
Strong compose her deputation. The Resolutions under which they are ap
pointed restrain thera from acceding to any departure from the principle of
the 5th article of Confederation. It is conjectured that this fetter which orig
inated with their Senate, will be knocked off. Its being introduced at all
denotes a very different spirit in that quarter from what some had been led to
expect. Connecticut it is now generally believed will come into the meas
ure."

126
79 — Continued. New York, March 19, 1787 —
X X X ll I just learn from the Governor of Virginia that Mr Henry has re
signed his place in the deputation from that State, and that Gen'l Nelson is
put into it by the Executive who were authorized to fill vacancies. The Gov
ernor, Mr Wythe & Mr Blair will attend, and some hopes are entertained of
Col Mason's attendance. Gen'l Washington has prudently authorized no ex
pectations of his attendance, but has not either precluded himself absolutely
frora stepping into the field if the crisis should deraand it. What may be the
result of this political experiment cannot be forseen. The difficulties which
present themselves are on one side almost sufficient to dismay the most san
guine, whilst on the other side the raost timid are corapelled to encounter
them by the raortal diseases of the existing constitution. These diseases need
not be pointed out to you, who so well understand thera. Suffice it is to say
that they are at present raarked by syraptoras which are truly alarraing,
1 which have tainted the faith of the most orthodox republicans, and which
i challenge from the votaries of liberty every concession in favor of stable Gov-
' ernment, not infringing fundamental principles, as the only security against
!-an opposite extreme of our present situation. I think myself that it will be
expedient in the first place to lay the foundation of the new system in such a
ratification by the people themselves of the several States as will render it
clearly paramount to their Legislative authorities." xxx "The expedition
under General Lincoln against the insurgents has effectually succeeded in
dispersing thera. Whether the calra which he has restored will be durable or
not is uncertain. From the precautions taking by the Gov't of Mass'ts it
would seem as if their apprehensions were not extinguished. Besides dis
arming and disfranchising for a liraited time those who have been in arms, as
a condition of their pardon, a miUtary corps is to be raised to the araount of
1000 or 1500 raen, to be stationed in the raost suspected districts. It is said
that notwithstanding these specimens of the temper of the Governraent, a great
proportion of the offenders choose rather to risk the consequences of their
treason, than submit to the conditions annexed to the amnesty. That they
not only appear openly on public occasions but distinguish themselves by
badges of their character, and that this insolence is in many instances coun
tenanced by no less decisive marks of popular favor than elections to local
offices of trust & authority."
NewYork, March 25, 1787 —
XXX" The refusal of Mr Henry to join in the task of revising the Confed
eration is ominous, and the raore so I fear if he means to be governed by the
event which you conjecture. There seems lo be little hope at present of be
ing able to quash the proceedings relative to the affair [Jay's project for shut-
ing the Mississippi for twenty-five years] which is so obnoxious to him, tho'
on the other hand there is reason to believe that they will never reach the ob
ject at which they aimed.
" Congress have not yet changed the day for meeting at Philad'a as you
imagine. The Act of Va I find has done so in substituting the 2d day for
the 2d Monday in May, the tirae recommended from Annapolis.
" I cannot suppose that Mr Otis has equivocated in his explanation to the
public touching the Floridas. Nothing of that subject has been mentioned
here as far as I know. Supposing the exchange in question to have really
been intended, I do not see the inference to be unfavourable to France. Her
views as they occur to rae would raost probably be to conciliate the Western
people in coramon with the Atlantic States, and to extend her commerce, by
reversing the Spanish policy. I have always wished to see the Miss'pi in th'e
hands of France, or of any Nation which would be more liberally disposed
than the present holders of it."

127
79 — Continued. New York, April 2, 1787 —
XXX" Rhode Island has negatived a motion for appointing deputies to the
Convention by a raajority of 22 votes. Nothing can exceed the wickedness
and folly which continue to reign there. All sense of character as well as of
Rights is obliterated. Paper money is still their idol, though it is debased to
8 to I."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, April 8, 1787—
X X X il I am glad to find that you are turning your thoughts towards the
business of May next. My despair of your finding the necessary leisure is
signified in one of your letters, with the probabiUty that some leading propo
sitions at last would be expected frora Virg'a, had engaged rae in a closer at
tention to the subject than I should otherwise have given. I will just hint
the ideas which have occurred, leaving explanations for our interview.
" I think with you that it will be well to retain as rauch as possible of
the old confederation, tho' I doubt whether it raay not be best to work the
valuable articles into the new system, instead of engrafting the latter on the
the former. I am also perfectly of your opinion that in framing a system, no
material sacrifices ought to be made to local or temporary prejudices. An ex
planatory address must of necessity accompany the result of the Convention
on the raain object. I ara not sure that it will be practicable to present the
several parts of the reform in so detached a manner to the States, as that a
partial adoption will be. binding, particular States may view the different ar.
tides as conditions of each other, and would only ratify them as independent
propositions. The consequence would be that the ratifications of both would
go for nothing. I have not however exarained this point thorougly. In truth
my idea of a reform strike so deeply at the old confederation, and lead to
such a systeraatic change, that they scarcely adrait of the expedient.
" I hold it for a fundaraental point that an individual independence of
the States is utterly irreconcilable with the idea of our aggregate Sovereignty.
I think at the same time that a consolidation of the States into one siraple re
public is not less unattainable than it would be expedient. Let it be tried
then, whether any raiddle ground can be taken which will at once support a
due supreraacy of the national authority, and leave in force the local authori
ties so far as they can be subordinately useful.
" The first step to be taken is I think a change in the principle of repre
sentation. According to the present forra of the Union, an equality of suf
frage if just towards the large merabers of it, is at least safe to thera, as the
liberty they exercise of rejecting or executing the acts of Congress, is uncon-
troalable by the nominal sovereignty of Congress. Under a system which
would operate without the intervention of the States, the case would be ma
terially altered, a vote from Delaware wouldhave the same effect as one frora
Mass'ts or Virg'a.
" Let the national Government be armed with a positive & corapetent
authority in all cases where uniforra raeasures are necessary, as in trade, &c,
&c. Let it also retain the powers which it now possesses.
" Let it have a negative in all cases whatsoever on the Legislative acts
of the States as the K. of G. IJ. heretofore had. This I conceive to be essen
tial and the least possible abridgraent of the State Sovereignties. Without
such a defensive power, every positive power that can be given on paper will
be unavailing. It will also give internal stability to the States. There has
been no raoment since the peace at which the federal assent w'd have been
given to paper money, &c, &c.
" Let this internal supreraacy be extended also to the Judiciary depart-
ra'ls. If the judges in the last resort depend on the States & are bound by
their oaths to thera and not to the Union, the intention ofthe law and the in
terests of the nation may be defeated by the obsequiousness of the Tribunals
to the policy or prejudices of the States. It seems at least essential that an
" appeal

128
79 — Continued. appeal should lie to some national tribunals in all cases which concern for
eigners, or inhabitants of other States. The admiralty jurisdiction may be
fully submitted to the national Governraent.
"The supremacy- of the whole in the Executive departraent seeins lia
ble to some difficulty, perhaps an extension of it tothe case ofthe railitia may
be necessary & sufficient.
" A Government formed of such extensive powers ought to be well or
ganized. The Legislative department may be divided into two branches,
one of thera to be chosen every  years by the Legislatures or the people
at large ; the other to consist of a raore select nuraber, holding their appoint
ments for a longer terra and going out in rotation. Perhaps the negative on
the State laws raay be raost conveniently lodged in this branch. A Council
of Revision raay be superadded, including the great ministerial officers.
" A National Executive will also be necessary. I have scarcely ventured
to form my own opinion yet either of the raanner in which it ought to be con
stituted or ofthe authorities with which it ought [to be] cloathed.
" An article ought to be inserted expressly guarantying the tranquility
of the States ags't internal as well as external dangers.
" To give the new system its proper energy it will be desirable to have
it ratified by the authority of the people, and not merely by that of the Legis
latures. " I am afraid you will think this project, if not extravagant, absolutely
unattainable and unworthy of being atterapted. Concieving it myself to go
no further than is essential, the objections drawn from this source are to be
laid aside. I flatter myself however that they raay be less forraidable on trial
than in conteraplation."
New York, April 15, 1787 —
XXX" The probabiUty of Gen'l Washington's coming to Philad'a is in one
point of view flattering. Would it not however be well for hira to postpone
his actual attendance until some judgment can be formed of the result of the
meeting ? It ought not to be wished by any of his friends that he should
participate in any abortive undertaking. It raay occur perhaps that the delay
would deprive the Convention of his presiding auspices and subject him on
his arrival to a less conspicuous point of view than he ought on all occasions
to stand in. Ag'st this difficulty raust be weighed the consideration above
raentioned, to which raay be added the opportunity which Penn'a by the
app't of Doct'r Franklin has afforded of putting sufficient dignity into the
chair." xxx
" This City has been thrown into no sraall agitation by a raotion made a
few days ago for a short adjournment of Cong's and the appointment of Philad'a
as the place for its re-assembly. No final question was taken but some preli
rainary questions showed that six States were in favor of it. R. Island the 7tli
State was at first in the affirraative, but one of its delegates was overcorae by
the exertions raade to convert hira. As neither Maryland nor S. Carolina were
present the vote is strong evidence of the precarious tenure by which N.
York enjoys her metropolitan advantages. The motives which led to their
attempt were probably with some of a local nalAre, with others they were
certainly ofa general nature. I found on ray arrival here araong the Southern
Gentleraen a heavy complaint of the preponderance given to the Eastern Scale
by the very excentric position of Cong's and a deterraination to seize the first
raoraent for taking a position in which the equilibrium would be less violated.
The indignation of N. Jersey & of R. Island ag'st N. York, presented this
raoment, & the experiraent was accordingly raade. It cannot be denied that
very substantial inconveniences arise to the Southern States frora their re
moteness frora the Seat of Governraent, both with respect to the attendance
of their delegates and the various intercourse of business within the federal
administration, and that from the nature of things the interests and views of
the State nearest to Cong's will always press more on their allention, than
those of more distant. Had Cong's been sitting last fall at Fort Pitt, itis
morally certain in ray opinion that a surrender of the Mississippi w'd not
have had two votes."

129
79 — Continued. New York, April 22, 1787—
* * * "A copper coinage was agreed on yesterday to the amount of two
hundred & odd thousand doUars. It is ,to be executed under a contract be
tween the Treasury board' & the coiner, and under the inspection of a person
to be appointed on the part of the U. S. 15 per cent is to be drawn from this
operation into the federal Treasury.
" A great revolution is taking place in the Administration in Mass'ts.
Bowdoin is displaced in favor of Hancock. A great proportion of the Senate
is already changed and a greater is expected in the other branch of the As
sembly. A paper emission there also is rauch feared by the friends of justice.
I find that the fetter originally put on the deputies frora that State to the
Convention was taken off in consequence of the recommendatory act of Cong's
i& the comraission adjusted to that act."
— To Edmund Randolph.
April 23, 1787—
XXX" The vigorous raeasures finally pursued by the Government of Massa
chusetts against the insurgents had the intended effect of dispersing thera.
By sorae it was feared that they would re-embody on the return of favorable
weather, as yet no symptoms of such a design has offered. It would seem
that they mean to try their strength in another way, that is, by endeavouring
to give the elections such a turn as may promote their views under the aus
pices of Constitutional forras." x x x n Mr. Hancock takes the place of Mr.
Bowdoin. His general character forbids a suspicion of his patriotic principles,
but as he is an idolater of popularity, it is to be feared that he raay be seduced
by this foible into dishonorable corapliance." xxx "The prospect of a full
and respectable convention grows stronger every day. Rho. Island alone
has refused to send deputies. Maryland has probably appointed by this time.
Of Connecticut alone doubts are entertained. The antifederal party in that
State is numerous & persevering. It is s'd that the elections which are now
going on, are rather discouraging to the advocates of the Convention. Penn
sylvania has added Doctor FrankUn to her deputation. There is some ground
to calculate on the attendance of Gen'l Washington." xxx "Deaths,
Archibald Cary Esq., Jno Augustine Washington, brother of Gen'l W."
Philadelphia, June 10, 1787 —
XXX" One of the earliest rules of the Convention restrained the merabers
frora any disclosure whatever of its proceedings, a restraint which will not
probably be reraoved for sorae tirae. I think the rule was a prudent one not
only as it will effectually secure the requisite freedora of discussion, but as it
will save both the Convention and the coraraunity frora a thousand erroneous
and perhaps mischievous reports."
— To James Monroe.
New York, October 21, 1787 —
XXX" We hear that opinions are various in Virginia on the plan of the
Convention." xxxn The Newspapers in the Middle & Northern States begin
to teem with controversial publications. The attacks seem to be principally
levelled ag'st the organization of the Government, and the omission of the
provisions contended for in favor ofthe Press & Juries, &c." * * * " N. Hamp
shire which rec'd the' Constitution on the point of their adjournraent were
extreraely pleased with it. All the information from Mass'ts denotes a favor
able impression there. The Legislature of Connecticut have unanimously
recomraended a choice of Convention in that State." x x -x n Rho. Island is
divided, the raajority being violently ag'st it. The temper of this State
cannot yet be fully discovered." x x x ii]sf. Jersey appears to be zealous."
xxx "There will probably be a strong opposition in Penn'a." xxx
" Doct'r Carroll who came hither lately from Maryland tells me, that the
" public

I30
79 — Continued. public voice there appears at present to be decidedly in favor of the Constitu
tion. Notwithstanding all these circumstances I ara far from considering the
public mind as fully known or finally settled on the Subject."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, November i8, 1787 — •
X X X "I have not since my arrival collected any additional inforraation
concerning the progress of the federal Constitution. I discovered no evidence
on my Journey through N. Jersey, that any opposition whatever' would be
raade in that State. The Convention of Pennsylvania is to raeet on Tuesday
next. The raembers returned I was told by several persons, reduced the
adoption of the plan in that State to absolute certainty and by a greater ma
jority than the most sanguine advocates had calculated. One of the Counties
which had been set down by all on the list of opposition had elected deputies
of known attachment to the Constitution."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, December 2, 1787 —
X X X II The inclosed paper contains two nurabers of the Federalist. This
paper was begun about three weeks ago, and proposes to go through the sub
ject. I have not been able lo collect all the nurabers, since ray return frora
Philad'a or I would have thera sent to you. I have been the less anxious as
I understood the printer raeans to raake a paraphlet of thera, when I can give
thera to you in a raore convenient forra. You will probably discover raarks of
different pens. I ara not at Liberty to give you any other key than that I ara
in rayself for a few numbers, & that one besides rayself was a raember of the
Convention." — To Edmund Randolph.
New York, December 20, 1787 —
-X- * X ii Since the date of my other letter, the Convention of Delaware have
unanimously adopted the new Constitution. That of Pennsylvania has
adopted it by a raajority of 46 ags't 23. That of New Jersey is sitting and
will adopt it pretty unanimously. These are all the Conventions that have raet.
I hear from North Carolina that the Asserably there is well disposed. Mr
Henry, Mr Mason, R. H. Lee, and the Governour continue by their influence to
strengthen the opposition in Virginia. The Asserably there is engaged in sev
eral raad freaks, among others a bill has been agreed to in the House of Dele-
s-V^s prohibiting the iraportpilion of Rum, brandy, and all other spirits not dis
tilled from some Araerican production. All brewed liquors under the sarae des
cription, with Beef, tallow, candles, cheese, &c. are included in the prohibition.
In order to enforce this despotic raeasure, the most despotic measures are re
sorted to. If any person be found after the commenceraent of the Act, in the
use or possession of any of the prohibited articles, tho' acquired previous to
the Law, he is to lose thera and pay a heavy fine. This is the form on
which the bill was agreed to by a large majority in the House of Delegates.
It is a child of Mr Henry & said to be his favorite one."
New York, January 10, 1788 —
X X- X ll In this State [New York] the party adverse to the Constitution,
notoriously raeditate either a dissolution of the Union, or protracting it by
patching up the Articles of Confederation. In Connecticut & Massachusetts,
the opposition proceeds from that part of the people who have a repugnancy
in general lo good government, lo any substantial abridgment of State
poH'ers, and a jiarl of whora in Mass'ts are known to aim at confusion, and
are suspected of wishing a reversal of the Revolution. The Minority in
I'ennsyl'a as far as they are governed by any other views than an habitual &
" factious

131
79 — Continued. factious opposition to their rival, are manifestly averse to some essential in
gredients in a national Government. You are better acquainted wilh Mr
Henry's politics than I can be, but I have for some time considered him as
driving at a Southern Confederacy, and as not farther concurring in the
plan of amendments than as he hopes lo render it subservient to his real
designs." x x x ii Had the Constitution been framed & recommended by
an obscure individual, instead of a body possessing public respect & confi
dence, there can not be a doubt, that altho' it would have stood in the
identical words, it would have commanded little attention from most of
those who now admire its wisdom. Had yourself, Col Mason, Col R. H.
Lee, Mr Henry & a few others seen the Constitution in the same light with
those who subscribed it, I have no doubt that Virginia would have been as
zealous & unanimous as she is now divided on the subject."
New York, July 20, 1787 —
X X X ll The intelligence frora Massachusetts begins to be rather ominous to
the Constitution. The interest opposed to it is reinforced by all connected
with the late insurrection, and by the province of Mayne which apprehends
difficulties under the new system in obtaining a separate Governraent greater
than may be otherwise experienced. Judging from the present state of the
intelUgence as I have it, the probabiUty is that the voice of that State will be
in the negative. The Legislature of this state is much divided at present.
The House of Assembly are said to be friendly to the raerits of the Constitu
tion. The Senate, at least a mnjonty of those actually asserabled, are opposed
even to the calling of a convention. The decision of Mass'ts in either way will
decide the voice of this State. The Minority in Penn'a are extremely restless
under their defeat ; will endeavor at all events if they can get an asserably to
their wish to undermine what has been done there."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, January 27, 1788 —
XXX "A. Congress was raade for the first time on Monday last and our friend
C. Griffin placed in the Chair. There was no competition in the case which
you will wonder at as Virginia has so lately supplied a president. N. Jersey
did not like it very well I believe, but acquiesced." x x x n Mr Gerry had
been introduced to a seat for the purpose of stating facts. On the arrival of
the discussion at the article concerning the Senate, he signified without being
called on, that he had iraportant inforraation to coramunicate on that subject.
Mr Dana & several others remarked on the impropriety of Mr G  y's con
duct. G  rose to justify, others opposed it as irregular, a warra conversa
tion arose & continued till the adjournment, after which a still warmer one
took place between Gerry & Dana."
New York, July 2, 1788 —
* * * " There are public letters just arrived frora Jefferson. The contents
are not yet known. His private letters to rae & oihers refer to his public [letters]
for political news. I find that he is becoming raore & more a friend to the new
Constitution, his objection being gradually dispeUed by his own further
reflections on the subject. He particularly renounces his opinion concerning
the expediency of a ratification by 9 & a repeal by 4 States, considering the
mode pursued by Massachusetts as the only rational one, but disapproving
sorae of the alterations recoraraended by that State. He will see still raore
room for disapprobation in the recoraraendations of other States. The defects
of the Constitution which he continues to criticise are the oraission of a bill
of rights, and of the principle of rotation at least in the Ex. Departm'ts."
— To Edmund Randolph.

13^
79 — Continued. New York, August ii, 1788 —
X X X ll The length of the interval since ray last has proceeded from a daily
expectation of being able lo communicate the arrangements for introducing
the New Government. The time necessary to be fixed by Congress have been
raany days agreed on. The place of raeeting has undergone raany vicisitudes
and is still as uncertain as ever. PhUad'a was first naraed by a raember from
Connecticut, and was negatived by the voice of one from Delaware who
wished to make an exponent for Wilmington. New York carae next into
view. Lancaster was opposed to it, & failed. Baltimore was next tried and
to the surprise of everyone had seven votes, S. Carolina joining the South
ern States & Penn'a in the question. It was not difficult to forsee that such a
vote could not stand ; accordingly the next day N. York carried it on a second
trial, and at present fills the blanlc."
— To Edmund Randolph.
New York, August 22, 1788 —
X X X ll The effect of Clinton's circular letter in Virg'a does not surprise me.
It is a signal of concord & hope to the eneraies of the Constitution every
where, and will I fear prove extremely dangerous. Notwithstanding your re
marks on the subject, I cannot but think that an early convention will be an
unadvised measure. It will evidently be the offspring of party & passion,
and will probably for that reason alone be the parent of error and public in
jury. It is pretty clear that a majority of the people of the Union are in favor
of the Constitution as it stands, or at least are not dissatisfied with it in ye
forra, or if this be not the case it is at least clear that a greater proportion
unite in that systera than are likely to unite in any other theory. Should rad
ical alterations take place perforce they will not result from the deliberate
sense of the people, but will be obtained by management, or extorted by
raeasures, and will be a real sacrifice of the public will as well as of the pub
Uc good, to the views of individuals & perhaps the ambition of the State
legislature. " Congress have corae to a final decision as to the place for convening
the new Governm't. It is unfortunately become a question now between N.
& South, and notwithstanding the palpable unreasonableness of the thing, an
adherence to N. York in preference to any raore central portion seems to grow
stronger & stronger, and upon grounds which tend to keep Congress here till
a perraanent seat be established."
New York, September 14, 1788 —
XXX" Your favor of the 3rd instant would have been acknowledged two
days ago, but for the approaching completion of the arrangements for the new
Gov't, which I wished to give you the earliest notice of. This subject has long
eraployed Cong's, and has in its progress assuraed a variety of shapes, some
of them not a little perplexing. "The times as finally settled are, Jan'y for the
choice of Electors, Feb'y for the choice of 1 President, and March for the
meeting of the Congress. The place, the present seat of the fed'l Gov't. The
last point was carried by the yielding of the sraaller to the inflexibility of the
greater nuraber. I have rayself been ready for bringing it to this issue for
some time, perceiving that further delay could only discredit Cong's and in
jure the object in view. Those who had opposed N. York along with me
could not overcome their repugnance so soon. Maryland went away before
the question was decided in a temper which I believe would never have
yielded. Delaware was equally inflexible. Previous to our final assent a mo
tion was made which tendered a blank for any place the majority could choose
between the North River and the Potomac. This being rejected the alterna
tive remaining was to agree to N. York, or lo strangle the Gov't in its birth.
The forraer as the lesser evil was of course preferred and must now be made
the best of."
— To Edmund Randolph.

133
79 — Continued. New York, October 17, 1788—
XX X ll I mean not to decline an agency in Launching the new Gov't if such
should be assigned rae in one of the Houses, and I prefer the latter (House of
Representatives) chiefly because if I can render any service there it can only
be to the public, and not even in iraputation to myself. At the same time my
preference I own is somewhat founded on the supposition that the arrange
ments for the popular elections may secure me ag'st any competition which
w'd require on ray part any step that w'd speak a solicitude which I do not
feel, or have the appearance of a spirit of electioneering which I despise."
October 28, 1788—
X X X ll The public raind seeras not to be yet settled on the Vice President.
The question has been supposed to lie between Hancock & Adams. The
former is far the more popular man in N. England, but he has declared to his
lady, it is said, that she had ever been the first in America & he w'd never
make her the second. On the other hand Adams has signified, it is said, that
he will serve the public in no other office."
Orange, June 29, 1792 —
X X X li I have given a hasty perusal to the controversial papers on the elec
tion. The spirit of party sufficiently appears in all of thera. Whether Clin
ton ought to wave the advantage of forms may depend I think on the question
of substance involved in the conduct of the Otsego election. If it be clear
that a majority of legal honest votes was given ag'st hira, he ought certainly
not to force himself on the people, on a contrary supposition, he cannot be
under such an obligation, and would be restrained by respect for his party, if
not by a love of power. It is curious eno' to see Schuyler who is supposed to
have made millions by Jobbery in paper, under his own measure accusing &
abusing Clinton in the face of the world for Jobbing in land under the sarae
aggravation. Should Clinton's character suffer in any way by the transaction,
the consequence you have always apprehended, will be raade certain & worse ;
but from the attachment of a nuraber of respectable & weighty individuals,
a reconsideration is not rauch to be looked for unless the aspect of the man
sh'd be greatly varied in their eyes by this or sorae other occurrence."
New York, July 24, 1791 —
X X X li I have seen fFrenau, and, as well as Col H. Lee, have pressed the
establishment of himself in Philad'a where alone his talents can do the good
or reap the profit of which they are capable. Though leaning strongly ag'st
Ihe measure, under the influence of little objections which his modesty raag
nified into iraportant ones, he was less decided on the subject than I had under
stood. We are to have a further conversation, in which I shall renew my
efforts, and do not despair, though I am not sanguine, of success. If he yields
to the reasoning of his friends it is probable that he will at least commence
his plan in alliance with Child's or to the emoluments. In the conduct and
title of the paper it will be altogether his own. I am not much disappointed
tho' I much regret the rejection of P — e in the late appointment. Another
opportunity of doing him some justice raay not occur, and at the present
moraent it was to be wished for a thousand reasons that he might have re
ceived from this country such a token of its affection and respect."
— To Thomas Jefferson.
Virginia, April 1793 —
* * * "I have rec'd your letter of the loth of October accorapanying the
decree of the National asserably of the 26th of Aug'st last, which confers the
" title

134
79 — Continued. title of French citizen on several foreigners araong whora I have the honor to
be naraed. "In the catalogue of sublime truths and precious sentiments recorded in
the revolution of France, none is more to be admired than the renunciation
of those prejudices which have perverted the artificial boundaries of nations
into exclusions of the philanthropy which ought to cement the whole into
one great faraily. The recitals of the act which you communicate contain
the best corament on this great principle of huraanity, and in proportion as
they speak the raagnaniraity of the French nation, must claira the gratitude
& affection of the Individuals so honorably adopted into her citizenship. For
myself I feel these sentiments with all the force which that reflection can in
spire, and I present them with peculiar satisfaction as a citizen of the U. S.
which have borne so signal a part towards banishing prejudices from the
world & reclaiming the lost rights of mankind, & whose public connection
with France is endeared by the affinities of their mutual liberty and the sen
sibility testified by the Citizens of each Country to every event interesting to
the fortunes of the other.
"To this tribute of respectful affection, I beg leave to add my anxious
wishes for all the prosperity & glory to the French Nation which can accrue
frora an exaraple corresponding with the dignified raaxims they have estab
lished and completing the triumphs of Liberty, by a victory over the minds
of all its adversaries.
"Be pleased. Sir, to accept acknowledgm'ts due to the sentiments you
have personally expressed in transraitting the public act with which you were
charged." — To Mr. Roland, Minister bf the Interior of the French Republic.
April 15, 1793—
XXX" Since mailing the enclosed I have a letter frora Mr. Jef — son of
Ap'l 7th. He says war was certainly declared between Eng'd & F & inclosed a
newspaper which gives the acc't. The decl'n coramenced on the part of the
latter, and seems to be grounded on its alleged actual existence on the part
ofthe forraer. ' An impeachraent ' (says Mr. Jay) ' is ordered here ag'st "
" Nicholson the Comptroller, by a vote almost unanimous of the H. of Rep's "
" There is little doubt, I ara told, but that much mala fides will appear, but "
" E. R. thinks he has barricaded himself within the fences ofthe law. There "
" is a good deal of connection between his manoeuvres & the accommodating "
" spirit of the Treas'y Dep't of the U. S., so as to interest the Impeachers "
" not to spare the latter. Duer now threatens that if he is not relieved by "
"certain persons, he will lay open to the world such a scene of villany, as"
" will strike it with astonishment.' I give you Mr. J's own words that you
may judge in what degree any part of them are confidential."
— To Janies Monroe.

I3S

Letters of James Madison, from 1803 to
1830, to notable men of this country and
Europe, principally on the impress
ment of American seamen, and
other events which led to, and
during, the War of 1812;
also
his valuable disquisition on the Constitution
of the United States.
8o Madison, James. President of the United States. Let
ters, etc., of, to notable men of this country and of
Europe, from July 29, 1803, to August 3, 1830. Folio
and quarto ; consisting of 85 Autograph Letters, signed ;
94 Autograph . Letters, unsigned ; 9 Letters copied by
Mrs. Dolly Madison ; 17 Letters copied by other hands ;
and 27 Autograph Documents, etc., in all 232 pieces,
neatly mounted in two volumes. Folio. Full morocco.
Note. — Included in this number are the letters written principally on
the impressment of American seamen by Great Britain, and events which
led to the War of 1812 ; on important affairs of state during Mr. Madi
son's occupancy of the presidential chair, and the occupation of the city of
Washington by the British army ; on the doings of General Armstrong in
his capacity of Secretary of War, und on matters appertaining to his res
ignation; answers to various institutions throughout the United States
which had elected him as honorary metnber thereof; his letters to Thomas
Jefferson in relition to the University of Virginia ; and his famous letter to
General Hayne, elucidating the rights and powers of the Federal Government
under the Constitution ofthe United States.
Virginia, Orange Court House, August 20, 1803 —
X X X ll I have long been sensible of the advantage taken of official silence,
in propagating false reports for parly purposes, and do full justice lo your
laudable anxiety to see a reraedy applied to the evil. There are considera
tions however which raust often forbid a resort to the reraedy which would
be raost effectual, that of publishing the documents relating to the subject.
Sometimes this would be treating the calumny with an iraportance not due to
it. Soraetiraes a restraint is iraposed by delicacy towards Foreign Govern
raents, and sometimes by the propriety of making the communication in the
first instance to the Legislature. And it is to be considered also that altho'
publicity is favored generally by the principles of a few & fair Governraent,
yet care ought to be taken in practice to weaken rather than to strengthen in
jurious inferences when silence raay be indispensable. The course to be pur
sued therefore in particular cases raust be determined by tbeir circurastances.
In that to which your letter refers, it is not thought proper that the document
itself should be given out for the press. But there is no objection to its being
affirraed, wilh allusion to the particular authority for the fact. That the Brit
ish Gov't instead of obstructing in any way the cession of Louisiana to the
U. S. has evinced the most perfect satisfaction at the event. It is true that
" the

136
8o — Continued. the terms of the cession might not at the tirae be fully known, but these can
afford no colour for complaint, nor is there the least ground for supposing that
they wUl produce it."
— To William Duane. RESOLUTION OF VIRGINIA.
" A true copy in the handwriting of J. Pleasants, Clerk of the House of
Delegates & Keeper of Rolls, of the Resolution of the Virginia Asserably,
Feb'y 3rd, 1804. ' Resolved by the General Assembly of Virginia. That
" the present administration of the Government of the United States, merit"
" the highest confidence of this Assembly, and of every American friendly "^
" to Republican institutions, for the wise pacific, yet determined measures, by ''
" which the extensive and fertile territory of Louisiana has been attached to "
"the Union."
TO THE MERCHANTS OF PHILADELPHIA.
Virginia, August 30, 1804 —
X * * " I have received your letter of the IOth instant, written at the request
of a number of the merchants of Philad'a.
" The late Convention with France for settling the claims of American
Citizens, having provided for its own exposition & execution, any direct in
terference with the Board of Comraissioners has been declined. In order to
guard however just claims against the restricted raeaning or construction of
that instrument, raeasures have loug since been put in train for securing by
arrangeraent with the French Goverjiraent an equitable distribution and
extension of its benefits. The result of these raeasures is not yet finally
known. " If the liquidation of clairas for property seized at Leghorn sh'd be
made by the French Gov't to turn on the point of evidence as the claimants
have been led lo apprehend, it will certainly be a case in which a revision
may be justly insisted on.
" The profitable trade with St. Domingo is a subject which has shared the
attention of the Executive. Views of it have been exhibited to the French
Gov't which raay possibly effect a relaxation of the policy which seems at
present to prevail. Should the prohibitions be adhered to, our citizens en
gaging in the trade raust necessarily proceed at all the risks legally incident
to it. Those who in pursuit of other and authorized branches of coraraerce
may be subjected to injuries, under false imputations, will always be entitled
to the patronage of the Gov't. It has long been understood that the Ports of
Cuba & Porto Rico, and even sorae belonging tothe Spanish raaine have been
the scene of gross irregularities on Araerican coraraerce and citizens, and the
steps deeraed proper in the case have been taken."
Washington, June 2, 1805 —
X X X ll You are probably not ignorant that an Act of Congress has conferred
on General Fayette a grant of land amounting to between 1 1 & 12 thousand
acres, in tracts not less than 1000 acres each, and that locations of it are au
thorized in the Orleans Territory. The friendship which has long subsisted
between the Gen'l & rayself has led him to transrait rae his power of Attorney
to obtain the execution of this grant, which is rendered extreraely precious to
hira both by the motives which produced it, and by the seasonable aid which
it affords to his private affairs, reduced by a course of well known circumstan
ces. I am particularly anxious that all the benefit possible should accrue to
him from the liberal intenUons of Congress, and wilh this view that a selec
tion of lands should be made wilh the best inforraation, with a judgment
capable of appreciating every local consideration, and with all the friendly
zeal of which General Fayette is so worthy,"
— To Mr, Du Plantier,

137
8o — Continued. Orange, August 1 8, 1 807 —
X X X li Having reason to beUeve that the President views such an interposi
tion as you wish, in a light which places it beyond the sphere of tlie Executive
functions, it necessarily rests with the Judicial authority to decide entirely
of itself, on the indulgence which you think is due to the peculiarity & pain-
fulness of your situation. You do no more than justice lo the disposition of
the Administration, in believing it to be unfavourable to unnecessary rigor.
In this disposition I raost sincerely participate, and there is certainly nothing
in the tenor or raanner of your letter, which is not calculated to strengthen it
in relation to your particular case.
"With respect to your request of a certified copy of the original cora
munication raade by Gen'l Wilkinson to the President, of certain letters as
cribed to you, and of a declaration from rae whether and when he naraed you
or any other person as the Author, it is proper to observe that all the Docu
raents in question having been addressed to the President, and not being in
ray possession, it is not possible to comply with the request. It cannot be
doubted however that the use of the communications will not be withheld
from you. They are I believe, at present in the hands of the Prosecuting
Attorney." — To General Jonathan Dayton.
Montpellier, Virginia, September 17, 1808 —
X X X ii I have rec'd your letter of the 9th enclosing by order of the Demo
cratic Republican meeting in New Castle County in Delaware, a printed copy
of ' certain resolutions unanimously adopted by them.'
" The very -honorable notice which my fellow Citizens composing the
raeeting have been pleased to take of ray efforts in the public service, has the
stronger claim on ray grateful sensibility, as their good opinion is rendered
particularly flattering by the enlightened principles which they avow, & by
names long distinguished for patriotisra which appear in these proceed
ings. " I wish only that I could tender ray acknowledgraeuts without a con
sciousness that in every thing beyond a faithful zeal, for the Independent char
acter and rightful interests of ray country, far raore than justice has been done
to ray services.
" May I be perraitted Sir, to request that this inadequate expression of
what I owe to the partiality of which you have been the organ, may be
comraitted to the press, which is indeed the more proper, as the order which
you executed, in transraitting the printed proceedings, raakes us part of
thera." — To George Read.
Washington, October 20, 1809 —
-X- « X ll I have rec'd your letter of the 30th ult, tending the support of the
officers of the 4th Brigade, in the 3rd Division of Ohio railitia to such raeas
ures as may be adopted by the Gov't at the present conjunction.
" With every allowance for the extraordinary course of events in Eu
rope, the violent & unprovoked conduct of the principal Belligerents towards
the U. S. justifies the feelings Avhich it has excited in all good citizens.
Among the occurences least to have been anticipated, is the refusal of the B.
Gov't to carry into eft'ect the arrang't made by its pub. minister here. It
forms a prominent point in our foreign relations, and whilst that and so many
other differences involved in them, remain unsettled, the readiness to main
tain the honor & essential interests of the naliou, of which you have commu
nicated an example, is as season.ible as it is laudable."
— To Brigadier Major Reynolds, aid to General Cass,

138
8o — Continued. March 31, 181 1 —
XXX" The House occupied by Mr Smith is the best in the place, and I be
lieve is not yet out of reach." xxx "You should not wait for the receipt
of your comraission, but consider what has passed between us as sufficient
ground for a communication to the Council. The actual receipt of the com
mission can not be a necessary preliminary. As well as I recollect I did not
receive mine, as Secretary of State, till it was handed to rae on the spot by
Mr Jefferson. In case of appointraents at a great distance, it raight be ex
treraely inconvenient for any other course to be observed. It is the more de
sirable that you should not wait for your coraraission, as I find that it will be
tuesday raorning before its date will be consistent with the understanding &
arrangement here, and your arrival would of consequence be thrown forward
till the beginning of the next week.
. — To James Monroe.
Washington, October 12, 181 1 —
/ XXX" The considerations out of which the C't martial in your case grew
; w'd attach particular regret to any circurastance, affecting even in appear-
; ance or opinion the justice & fairness of the proceedings, as they relate to
yourself, as well as to the public. And you very justly take for granted, that
( the Ex. would be incapable of any other views or sentiments."
— To General Wilkinson.
March 17, 1812 —
XXX" In the latter end ofthe year 1808 Sl Spring of 1809, two anonymous
letters were addressed, one to the Sec'y of State, the other to the P. of the U. S.
They related to a projected severance of the Union, brought to the knowl
edge of the writer, which was to be undertaken in case of a rupture with G. B.
under the managera't of raen of high standing, but was obviated for the
time by the accommodation settled with Mr Erskine. The writer justly extenu
ated the importance of bringing lo pub : view the guilty associates, signified
his intention to resurae his disclosures sh'd a future occasion call for thera,
and to give such evidences of their raachinations as w'd be conclusive. Such
an occasion is formed by existing circurastances. The British designs ag'st
our Union, have been happily detected & exposed. But no evidence is pro
duced, having like effect as to doraestic plotters, who in die event of war,
raay be expected to avail theraselves of that advantage, in seizing any favor
able raoment for renewing their suspended machinations. As the motives to
the comraunications & purposes alluded to are doubtless unchanged & as the
want of naraes & dates to the letters conveying thera, is supplied by the hand
writing & post raarks, this note may recall the subject to the writer, at a mo
ment singularly critical. A cora'e of investigation, under the title of Com'e
of For. Relations, having been .app'd by the H. of Rep's, any name & proofs,
or the sources of them may be either pointed out to that body, or otherwise
raade known as may be thought proper."
— To General Jonathan Dayton.
Washington, January 14, 1813 —
X J< X ll The inclosed coramunication will inforra you of your app't to the
direction of the Dep't of War. I hope it will not be incorapatible with
your views, to avail the public of your services in that iraportant trust, and
that you will be able without delay, to relieve the Sec'y of State who has been
charged, ad interira, with that addition to his other duties."
— To General Armstrong.

80 — Continued. Washington, April 5, 1813 —
X X * ll Your letter of Mar 29th has been duly rec'd. Under the circumstances
& arrangeraents necessary to be consulted, there would be difficulties in in
troducing your talents & experience into the military establishment, which
do not permit me to hold out that prospect.
" I can only therefore do justice, as well to the exemplary sentiments your
lelter expresses, as to the motives which prompted the offer of your services,
at a period so interesting to the destinies of your country, and return thanks
& good wishes which are due to the friendly interest you take in ray personal
welfare." — To Jonathan Dayton.
Montpellier, September 8, 181 3 —
X X X ll The loss of our coramand of Lake Champlain at so critical a
moment, is deeply to be regretted. I can not but hope, from the measures
taken, & the character of McDonough, that it will be regained in time
for the co-operation of Hampton, or that the latter will be able to get for
ward by land, the essential raeans of wresting from the eneray the ports
at their end of the lake. Chauncy I see has gone once raore in search of the
B. Squadron. I trust in his good sense & firmness as a security ags't his being
hurried by an impatience to fix the public opinion in his favor. In the N.
Western Quarter it would seera that Harrison has not been able lo keep tirae
with Perry. If no augraentation of the B. squadron should deprive ours of
its superiority, the delay may have Uttle effect." xxx "The British fleet
under Warren has returned to the South end of the Chesapeake, whether to
renew operations in that quarter, to- seek shelter ags't the approaching equi
nox, or to proceed to N. London, or elsewhere, is uncertain. N. London
would occur as a probable object, if the particular season were not unfavor
able to it. The two frigates there, are the next in importance to the objects
presented in the Chesapeake. Whatever the immediate destination raay be, it
will be well to keep in raind, that as soon as the progress of the season ren
ders a northern position unraanagable, the ulterior destination, according to
their apparent plan of warfare, will be a Southern one, that is to say, the
coasts & ports of S. C. & Georgia. Nor is it beyond the range of calculation
that N. Orleans will be an object, more especially if our success in Canada,
should suggest such a sett off."
— To General Armstrong.
Montpellier, September 16, 181 3 —
XXX"! have just rec'd a letter of the 6th inst from the Secretary of War,
in which he states that an addition of a half raillion to the raonthly allotment of
1^ millions for War expenditure, is indispensable to the completion of the
campaign, and that he has written to the payraaster to furnish a sura araount
ing to about #400.000 called for by the estimate of paymaster Lee, as will be
seen in the inclosed copy of his letter. I had previously learned from the
paymaster General, that without an enlargement of his funds, he could not
make the remittance due from his department, as so much depends on the
success of the arraies on the Canada frontier. I hope the Treasury will be
able, in the last stage of the campaign to prevent any disappointment, which
might endanger or erabarass its critical operation. No other expenditure
not essential to the life or what is next to it, the credit of the Governraent,
can be equally urgent." [In the handwriting of Mrs. Dolly Madison].
— To the Acting Secretary of ihe Treasury.

146
8o — Continued. Washington, October 30, 1S13 —
*!*•*" The turn which things had taken in the S. Vi. quarter created much
difflculty in employing the services of Gen. WilUams in the way rendered de
sirable, by the confidence we all have in his capacity & activity. Both
Gov'r Mitchell who not absolutely declined the command alloted to him, and
Gen'l Pinkney have been apprized of Gen'l Williams' solicitude to be em-
jiloyed in the Expedition ag'st the Creeks, and in terms indicating our opinion
of his fitness to be as much in the front of it as raight be practicable. The
expedient ofa brevet Coraraission, which you suggest, would answer the pur
pose ag'ftt Military Pretensions." * * * " It is unfortunate that the weather
hasconspiredsorauch with the manoeuvres of the Enemy, to contract the period
for the remaining operations. In the worst event, I hope an interraediate
establishment between Kingston & Montreal can be secured, which adding
to the advantages already gained in the present carapaign, one having so
favorable a bearing on the next will preserve the tone of the Nation, and in
culcate on the enemy a disposition to peace."
— To General Armstrong.
Washington, November 15, 1813 —
X X X li I have rec'd yours of the Sth from Sackets Harbour & shall look in
a few days for sorae result of the critical posture of our MiUtary Affairs on the
St Lawrence. The weather here has become suddenly very cold, but without
snow or rain, and seems to be getting back to a milder state. If it has not
been more than proportionately worse at the scene of operations, the prose
cution of thera will not have been obstructed by that cause, and hopes raay be
indulged that they will be successful. I have had sorae apprehensions frora
the dates of reinforceraents frora England, that they raight arrive in tirae to
strengthen the hands of Prevost, but if they be not greater than are stated,
and his known force be as liraited as it is understood to be, the prospect would
still be hopeful.
" In choosing the place for HiU's trial, which should be delayed as little
longer as may be, the primary consideration certainly is the convening to the
Army, and I do not know that the secondary one, which regards the witnesses,
affords raaterial objections to Albany. The time and place at which they are'
to attend, can not be too soon made known, some of the most important wit
nesses heing now in the Atlantic States, who may soon return to the Western.
"The vindictive order frora Montreal threatens a serious retaUating
contest. Altho' the Eneray have so great an excess of prisoners in their
hands that scarcely any success at Montreal will ballance it, we must meet
them with deterraination.
"The late communications from Harrison & Cass, the latter jiist app'd
Gov'r of Michigan, call our attention to several points.
" ISt The Gov't of the conquered Territory. In this point the answer
is that the military authority of the Conqueror, to be exercised with as much
lenity and as little needless innovation as possible, must prevail until the
Legal Auth'y may interpose &c.'' xxx
— To General Armstrong.
December 29, 181 3 —
rp*'rw'ft''''^'' 1''" ^T'^' /° ^^y ^"^'"'""' '' "^y ^^ P™P«' t° instruct
Gen 1 Wilkinson, to say frankly to Prevost, that the Burning of Newark was
the effect of a misapprehension ofthe Officers, & not an order from the Gov't
Ihis raay be done without authorizing an inference that such a measure ex
ceeds a just retaliation, or precluding a reflection on the facility with which
a perseverence ofthe Enemy in a system of conflagration can be made recip-
t^^^:.^:^zy''' -"^ --' '^'^ °^^— •^"' '«'3, .-^tu^n^rt^o

A

141
8o — Continued. Montpelier, May i, 1814 —
X X- X ll Your letter of yesterday with the accompanying papers was delivered
by Express today by 2 o'clock. The subject of thera presents itself in a very
perplexing posture. Under the power iraplied, when not expressly waived,
the arrangeraents raight be rejected, but respect for the motives and character
of our functionary unite with other considerations against that course.
"The course you suggest has much to recoraraend it, but to procure a
discharge of our remaining officers, by restoring the 23 original hostages
without any provision for the 23 prisoners sent to England for trial, seems to
be a tacit acknowledgment that we have been wrong, and our abandonment
of those unfortunate individuals to their fate. We can not well say now
more than at first, that to assert a right & intention to retaliate is equivalent
to a retaliation. " WiU it not be better to execute the bargain as raade by Gen'l W.
and to open a further negotiation, stating to Prevost, that notwithstanding
the objections of different sorts to the instrument, it has been determined not
to exercise the right of rejecting it, and pressing on him a discharge, or at
least a Uberation on parole of the 4.6 Officers now in confinement. Our late
example alone ought to produce that effect. In the meantime, the 23 hostages
remaining in our hands may be placed under the usual confineraent only for
safe keeping of privates, prisoners. This relaxation of their condition will be
justified to our view by the just presumption at this tirae that the 23 sent to
England for Trial are less threatened with danger, and are not treated with
a penal rigor, and the detention of thera will be raore than justified to the
view of the Eneray by the number sent to England, as prisoners of war, who
are not included in the Exchange by Prevost. Altho' taken like those sent
to Hal & N. S. within his comraand & virtually adraitted by hira to be alike
entitled to discharge."
— To James Monroe.
In Cabinet, June J, 1 8 14 —
"The subject the opening of the carapaign —
" I. Determined, nim : con : on an expedition into L. Huron of 4 or 5
Vessels, and 800 or 1000 troops. The first object to occupy Mechidack &
St. Josephs — leaving ab't 500 to hold at least the former.
" 2. do. nim : con : (except Mr. Monroe who did not positively oppose
hut thought the raeasure hazardous) in an expedition, with the forces under
Gen'l Brown, from L. Erie, near long point, to Burlington Heights, prepara
tory to further operation for reducing the Peninsula & proceeding towards
York &c. The expedition to depend on Comraodore Chauney's getting the
command ofthe L : without w'ch supplies could not be secured, and with which
they might be conveyed safely by water, frora Depots on the S. side of L.
Ontario. " 3. do. nim : con : 14 or 15 Armed Boats, to be built at Sackets Harbour to
coramand the St Lawrence under protection of posts to be suppUed by de
tachments frora Izard's command, so as to intercept the water communica
tions between Montreal & Kingston.
" 4. do. nim : con : The raain force under Izard, to make demonstrations
towards Montreal, as a diversion of the En'y from operations westward &
affording a chance of compelling Prevost to fight disadvantageously, or break
up his connection with L. Champlain."
June 20, 1814 —
* X X ll General Wilkinson it appears, addressed an application lo the P. on
the 6th ult : for an opportunity of securing testiraony which may be lost by
the casualties of the campaign. This is reasonable, and may be effected by
"dispositions

142
So — Continued. depositions taken in the usual mode, a judge advocate attending oh the part
of the pubUc. Give the proper instructions for the purpose, & let the Gen'l
be informed that his request is complied wilh. It will be proper also to libe
rate hira from his restriction to particular places of residence."
— To the Secretary of War.
" Estimate of force & preparation for defence of the City made up in
Cabinet raeeting July i, 1814.
Cavahy City of W . . 120
Cavalry frora Carlisle, say 200
Regular Infantry . . 1000
District Infantry 1000
Marines . ' 20
District ArtiUery . 200
2640
Of Barney's corps . 500
3140
10,000 Militia to be recruited
and held in readiness . , io,coo
Arms and Camp Equipage
to be brought forward for use,
Survey of the grounds, &c."
July 2, 1814 —
* * * In analogy to the arrangeraent yesterday decided on in reference to
this city [Washington] & Baltiraore and with a view to a systeraatic provision
ags't invading armaments, the Secretary of War will digest and report to ihe
President, corresponding precautionary raeans of defence, in reference to the
other raore iraportant and exposed places along the Atlantic Frontier, par
ticularly Boston, New York, Wilraington, Norfolk, Charlestown, Savanna,
& N. Orleans. In addition to the distribution at suitable Depots, of Arms &
other necessaries. The Secretary will report, a circular communication to
the Governors of the several States, calculated to obtain from them convenient
designations of adequate portions of their Militia, with every other arrange
ment depending on the State Executives for having them in the best readiness
for actual service in cases of emergency."
— To the Secretary of War.
August 13, 1814 —
X X X ll On viewing the course which the proceedings of the War Depart
ment have not unfrequently taken, I find that I owe it to my own responsi
bility as well as to other considerations, to raake sorae remarks on the relations
in which the Head of the Department stands to the President, and to lay down
some rules for conducting the business of the Departraent which are dictated
by the nature of those relations.
"In general the Secretary of War, like the Heads of the other Dept's, as
well by express Statute as by the structure of the Constitution, acts under the
authority & subject to the decisions & instructions of the President, with the
exception of cases where the law may vest special & independent powers in
the head of the Departraent.
" The following course will be observed in future :
" To be previously coramunicated to the President —
" 1st. Orders from the Dep't of War establishing general or perraanent
regulations. "2d. Orders for Courts of Enquiry or Courts Martial, on General Offi
cers ; or designating the nuraber or members of the Court. " 3d. Coramissions

143
8o — Continued.
" 3d. Commissions or notifications of appointment, to officers other than
regular promotions, in contested cases.
" 4lh. Dismissions of Officei-s from the Service.
"5th. Consolidations of Corps or parts of Corps & translations of F'd
Officers from one Regiment to another.
" 6th. Acceptances & refusals of resignations frora Officers above the
rank of Captain.
" 7th. Requisitions & receptions of militia into the service of the U. S.
" Sth. Instructions relating to Treaties with the Indians.
" 9th. Instructions to officers coraraanding Military Districts, or corps or
Stations, relative to railitary movements or operations.
" IOth. Changes in the boundaries of Military Districts, or the establish
ment of separate commands therein, or the transfer of General officers from
one District or command to another District or command.
" In the absence of the P. from the Seat of Gov't previous coraraunica
tions to him raay be waived in urgent cases, but to be subsequently made
without delay.
" All letters giving railitary intelligence or containing other matters in
tended or proper for the knowledge of the P. will of course be immediately
coramunicated to him."
— For the Department of War.
MEMORANDA.
August 24, I 8 14 —
* * * " In the raorning a note by an Express frora Gen'l Winder was handed
me. It was addressed to the Secretary of War. Not doubting the urgency
of the occasion, I opened Si read it, and it went on iraraediately by the Ex
press to Gen Armstrong who lodged in the seven Buildings. Finding by the
note that the General requested the speediest counsel, I proceeded to his
Head Quarters on the Eastern Branch, trusting for notice to the Secretary of
war to follow, to the note from Winder. On my reaching his quarters, we
were successively joined by the Secretary of State (who soon, with our ap-
probatirn, rcpaiied to Bladensburg), the Secretary of the Navy & Mr Rush
the Attorney General. After an hour or so, the Secretary of the Treasury ar
rived, and, quickly after, the Secretary of War. The latter had been impa
tiently expected, and surprize at his delay manifested. Gen Winder was at
the moment setting off to hurry on the Troops to Bladensburg in consequence
of certain intelligence that the Enemy had taken that direction. Barney's
corps, was also ordered thither, leaving the Bridge to be blown up if neces
sary. On Gen'l Armstrong's coraing into the room, he was inforraed of the
certain march ofthe tnemy for Bladensburg, and of what had passed before
his arrival ; and he was asked whether he had any arrangement or advice to
offer in the emergency. He said he had not, adding that as the battle would
be between railitia & regular troops, the former would be beaten.
" On coming out of the house & mounting our horses, the Secretary of the
Treasury, who tho' in a very languid state of health had turned out to join us,
observed to rae privately, that he was grieved to see the great reserve of the
Secretary of War (he had lodged in the saraehouse with hira), who was tak
ing no part on so critical an occasion. That he found him under the impres
sion, that as the raeans of defending the District had been coraraitted to Gen
Winder, it might not be delicate to intrude his opinions without the approba
tion of the President, tho' with that approbation he was ready to give any
aid he could. Mr Campbell said that notwithstanding his just confidence in
Gen Winder, he thought in the present state of things which caUed for all the
military skill possible, the railitary knowledge and experience of the Secre
tary of War ought to be availed of, and that no considerations of delicacy
ought to jeopardize the public safety. With these impressions he said he had
" thought

144
8o — Continued. thought it his duty to make this communication, and was very anxious that
I should take some proper step in the case. I told him I could scarcely con
ceive it possible that Gen Arrastrong could have so raisconstrued his functions
and duty as Secretary of War, that he could not but know that any proper di-
rections frora hira would receive any sanction that might be necessary from
the Executive ; nor doubt that any suggestions or advice frora him to Gen
Winder would be duly attended to (in this case it had been requested in writ
ing). I told Mr p. that I would speak to the Secretary of War explicitly on
the subject, and accordingly, turning ray horse towards hira, expressed to hira
ray concern & surprize, at the reserve he had shewed at the present crisis, and
at the scruples I understood he had at offering his advice or opinion ; that I
hoped he had not construed the paper of instructions given hira sorae time
before (see the Paper of Aug 13, 1S14) so as to restrain hira in any respect
frora the exercise of functions belonging to his office ; that at such a juncture it
was to be expected that he should omit nothing, within the proper agency of
the Secretary of War, towards the public defense ; and that I thought it proper
particularly that he should proceed to Bladensburg and give any aid to Gen
Winder that he could ; observing that if any difficulty on the score of author
ity should arise, which was not likely, I should be near at hand to remove it
(it was ray purpose ih case there should be lime, to have the members of the
Cabinet together in Bladensburg, where it was expected Gen Winder wonld
be, and in consultation with him to decide on the arrangements suited to the
posture of things). He said in reply that he had put no such construction on
the paper of instructions as was aUuded to, and that, as I thought it proper,
he would proceed to Bladensburg, and be of any service to Gen Winder he
could. The purport of this conversation I comraunicated to Mr Campbell,
who remained near us. The Secretary of War set off without delay for Bla
densburg. " After a short tour to the Marine Barracks whither the Sec'y of the
Navy had gone, I mentioned to Mr Rush, who was with me my, purpose of
going to Bladensburg, and ray object in so doing, he readUy accorapanied
rae. On approaching the Town, we learned from WiUiara Siramons, that
Winder was not there, and that the Eneray were entering it. We rode up to
hira instantly. The Secretaries of State & War were with him. I asked
the latter whether he had spoken with Gen Winder on the subject of his ar
rangements & views. He said he had not. I remarked that tho' there was
so Uttle time for it, it was possible he might offer some advice or suggestion
that raight not be too late to be turned to account, on which he rode up to the
Gen'l, as I did myself. The uneasiness of my horse prevented rae frora join
ing in the short conversation that took place. When it was over, I asked
Gen'l Armstrong whether he had seen occasion to suggest any iraproveraent
in any part of the arrangeraents. He said that he had not, that fi-om his view
of thera they appeared to be as good as circumstances admitted.
" When the battle had decidedly commenced, I observed to the Secre
tary of War and Sec'y of State that it would be proper to withdraw to a posi
tion in the rear, where we could act according to circumstances, leaving milli-
tary raoveraents now to the railitary functionaries, who'were responsible for
thera. This we did, Mr Rush soon joining us when it becarae raanifest that
the battle was lost. Mr Rush accorapanying rae, I fell down into the road
leading to the city and returned to it.
" It had been previously settled that in the event of the Eneray takin <j
possession of the City (Washington) and the necessity of Executive consuf-
tations elsewhere, Fredericks Town would be the proper place for the assem
bling of the Cabinet."
Brookville, August 27, 18 14 
* * * " Finding that our army had left Montgomery Court House, we pushed
on to this place with a view to join it, or proceed to the city, as further infor-
malion raight prescribe. I had just rec'd a line frora Col Monroe saying that
the Enemy were out of Washin.ylon St. on the retreat to their ships & advis
ing our immediate return to Washington. We shall accordingly set out
" thither

I4S
8o — Continued. thither immediately. You will of course take the same resolution. I know
not where we are in the first instance lo hide our heads, but shall look for a
place on my arrival. Mr. Rush offers his house in the Six buildings, and the
offer claims attention."
— To Mrs. Madison.
MEMORANDA.
* * * "In the evening of the 29th of August, 1814, being on Horseback I
stopped at General Armstrong's lodgings for the purpose of coraraunicating
with him on the state of things in the District, ihen under apprehensions of
an iraraediate visit frora the forces of the Eneray at Alexandria.
" I observed to hira that he could not be unaware of the great excite
ment in the District produced by the unfortunate event which had taken
place in the City ; that violent prejudices were known to exist against the Ad
rainistration, as having failed in its duty to protect it, particularly ag'st rae &
hiraself as head of the War Department ; that threats of personal violence
had, it was said, been thrown out ag'st us both, but raore especiaUy ag'st hira ;
that it had been sufficiently known for several days & before his return* to
the City (which was about one o'clock P. M. of the 29th) that the temper of
the troops was such as raade if expedient, if possible, that he should have
nothing to do with thera ; that I had within a few hours rec'd a message frora
the Coraraanding General of the Militia informing rae that every Officer
would tear off his epaulets, if General Arrastrong was to have any thing to do
with thera ; that before his arrival there was less difficulty, as Mr. Monroe
who was very acceptable to them, had, as on preceding occasions of his ab
sence, though very reluctantly on this, been the medium for the functions of
Secretary of War ; but that since his return & presence the expedient could
not be continued, and the question was, what was best to be done. Any con
clusion at so critical a moment could not but have the worst consequences.
" He said he had been aware of the excitement ag'st him; that it was
altogether artificial, and that he knew the source of it, and intrigues by which
it had been effected, which this was not the proper lime for exaraining ; that
the excitement was founded on the most palpable falsehoods, and was limited
to this spot ; that it was evident he could not reraain here, and the functions
belonging to him divided or exercised by any one else, without forgetting
what he owed to his station, and to himself; that he had corae into his office
with the sole view of serving the public, and was willing to resign it when he
could no longer do so with honor li effect ; that if it was thought best there
fore that he should adopt this course he was ready to give up his appointment,
or he could with my permission, retire from the scene, by setting out immedi
ately on a visit to his faraily in the State of N. York.
" I observed that a resignation was an extent which had not been con
templated ; that if raade under such circumstances, it might receive construc
tions which could not be desirable, either in a public or a personal view ; that
a temporary retirement, as he suggested, tho' also subject to be viewed in some
lights not agreeable, was on the whole less objectionable and would avoid the
existing embarrassment, without precluding any future course which might
be deeraed raost fit.
" He dwelt on the groundless nature of the charges vvhich had produced
the excitement, and on the liraits within which they had & would operate,
affirming that his conduct in relation to the defence &c of the City had proved
that there had been no deficiency on his part.
" I told hira that I well knew that sorae ofthe particular charges brought
against him were destitute of foundation, and that as far as they produced the
discontents, they would be liraited both as to tirae & place, but that I sus
pected the discontents to be in a great raeasure rooted in the belief that he
"had
* He liad repaired to Frederickstown, the place appointed for the rendezvous of the
Executive in the event of their being driven from the city. The turn which things took
after his departure prevented the uther members from joining him.

146
8o — Continued. had not taken a sufficient interest in the defence of the City, nor promoted
the measures for it, and considering the heavy calamity w'ch had fallen on the
place and on its inhabitants, it was natural that strong feeUngs wonld be ex
cited on the spot, and as the place was the Capital of the Nation, every where
else also. I added that it would not be easy to satisfy the nation that the
event was without blame somewhere, and I could not in candour say, that all
that ought to have been done had been done & in proper time.
" He returned to an exculpation of hiraself, and remarked that he had
oraitted no preparations or steps whatever for the safety of the place which
had been enjoined on hira.
" I replied that, as the conversation was a frank one, I could not adrait
this justification ; that it was the duty of the Secretary of War not only to ex
ecute plans or orders coramitted to hira, but to devise and propose such as
would in his opinion be necessary & proper ; that this was an obvious and es
sential part of his charge, and that in what related to railitary plans & pro
ceedings elsewhere, he had never been scrupulous or backward in taking this
course ; that on the contrary he well knew frora what on another occasion (see
the instructions to hira on the 13th day of August, 1814) had passed between
us, he had taken a latitude in this respect which I was not satisfied with;
that it was due to truth & to myself to say that he had never appeared to enter
into a just view either of the danger to the city w'ch was to be apprehended,
or of the consequences of its falling into the hands of the eneray ; that he
had never hiraself proposed or suggested a single precaution or arrangement
for its safety, every thing done on that subject having been brought forward
by myself, and that the apparent difference of his views on that subject frora
mine had naturally induced a reduction of my arrangements to the miniraum
in order to obtrude the less on a reluctant execution. I rerainded hira also
that he had fallen short of the preparations even decided on in the Cabinet,
in some respects, particularly in not having arms & equipments brought to
convenient depots from distant ones; some of the miUtia when called on for
the defence of the City, being obliged to get arras first at Harpers' ferry.
" I remarked that it was not agreeable thus to speak, nor on an occasion
less urgent would it be done ; that I had selected him for the office he filled
frora a respect to his talents, and a confidence that he would exert thera for
the public good; that I had always treated him with friendliness & confidence,
and that as there was but a short distance before me to the end of my public
career, ray great wish, next to leaving my country in a state of peace & pros
perity, was to have preserved harmony and avoid changes, and that I had
accordingly, as he well knew, acquiesced in many things to which no other
consideration would have reconciled rae.
" He s.aid he was very sensible of ray friendly conduct towards him, and
always had and always should respect me for it.
"The conversation was closed by my referring to the idea of his setting
out in the raorning on a visit to his faraily, and observing that he would of
course revolve it further, and if he continued to think of it as he then did,
he could consider me as opposing no restraint. We parted as usual in a
friendly manner. On the next morning he sent me word by Mr. Parker that
he should proceed iraraediately to visit his family, and onhis arrival at Balti
more, transmitted his resignation."
September 27, 18 14 —
XXX"! have rec'd-your letter of the 26th resigning your office of Sec'y of
the Treasury. The considerations both personal & public which induced ray
desire that you should becorae a raember of the Ex : faraily, being undirain-
ished, I can not but deeply regret the event that separates you frora it, and
more especially the imperious cause which enjoined such an alternative.
With my sincerest wishes that your valuable health may be soon & com
pletely re-established, I pray you to accept assurances of my great esteem &
friendly respects."
— To G, IK Campbell.

HI
80 — Continued. Washington, October 23, 18 14 —
X X X ll I have rec'd yours of Oct'r — with that enclosed from Warden.
His tale is plausibly told but entitled to little confidence. Be assured he is
not the raan he passed for with all of us originally. His apparent raodesty
& suavity cover ambition, vanity, avidity (from poverty at least) & intrigue.
These traits began to betray themselves before he last left the U. S. On his
arrival in Paris with his Office confirraed by the Senate, they rapidly dis
closed themselves, and on the death of Barlow, & the scuffle for the charge of
our affairs, the mask fell off entirely He behaved badly to Mrs. Barlow,
and having made hiraself acceptable to the French Gov't thro' his intimacy
with subalterns, he seized with its concurrence, the station for which he had
as little qualifications as of pretensions. Crawford carried with him our
view of 'W's character, and his experience in Paris has greatly strengthened
it. He states circumstances convicting W. of equal imprudence & mendacity.
The friends of the latter there consist of the Irish, and persons of rank and
science to whom he has paid his court, and passed hiraself for the favorite of
certain individuals here as well as of the Gov't. Crawford is a raan of
strong intellect & sound integrity, but of a teraper not perhaps sufficiently
pliant, or raanners sufficiently polished for diploraatic life. These however
will improve whilst he remains abroad. I cannot believe that his high tone
of mind would have permitted him to be jealous of a raan whom he must
justly regard as so infinitely below him."
November 24, 18 14 —
XXX" The present Secretary of the Navy being about to retire into private
life, my thoughts are turned on you for his successor. But before I raake
the noraination to the Senate, it will be agreeable to me & proper in every
respect, that I sh'd have your sanction to it. Will you be so good as to
satisfy me on this point, and as Mr. Jones' affairs will not I find perrait hira
to reraain in the Dep't after the 1st of Dec'r, the earli.est answer frora you is
desirable." . — To Commodore Rodgers.
Montpellier, July 11, 1816 —
XXX" The arrangeraents of the fisheries is a delicate subject, as it relates
lo the public sensibilty ; to its intrinsic merits ; i& to the peculiar importance
attached to it by respectable names. It will be better lo do nothing, than to
surrender the point of right, or to accept what raay be of sraall value, with an
actual privation of the residue forraerly enjoyed. I had hoped frora the con
versation of L'd Castlereagh with INIr Adams, that nothing more would be re
quired of us than a concurrence in regulations which would prevent smuggling
& the annoyance of private interests, and which would avoid any necessary
implication that the treaty of 1783 was still in force on this subject. The
proposition of Mr Bagot is of fi very different tenor, il either necessarily im
plies that the Treaty is not in force, or it sacrifices our rights under it, with
respect to the Marine league, & the shores elsewhere, without equivalent,
or the shadow of reciprocity. However controvertible the doctrine raay be
which saves frora the effect of the war the stipulations of 1783 in our favor,
it is not without countenance frora the peculiar character of that Treaty, &
can plead the sanction of high authorities on the law of nations to the prin
ciple that a war does not repeal engageraents between the parties, with which
the causes of the war are connected. The Edinburgh Reviewers, if my
memory be right, distinctly maintains this principle. 'We are to keep in view
also that our envoys at Ghent carefully excluded frora the Treaty of Peace,
any adraission or iraplication favorable to the British pretentions, that their
country might be left at full liberty to avail itself of its own." [In the hand
writing of Mrs. Dolly Madison].
— To James Monroe.

I4§
80 — Continued. Montpellier, August 30, 18 16 —
X X x ll Mr Dallas seeras lo have made up his mind lo retire early in Oct'r
frora the Dep't in his hands, and the event raay draw after it a vacancy in the
War Dep't. Will you perrait rae to avail our Country of your services in the
latter ? It will be convenient to know your deterraination as soon as you
have formed it, and it will be particularly gratifying if it assents to my
request." — To Henry Clay.
Montpellier, September 7, 18 17 —
X X X il I sincerely regret the difficulties you experience in continuing ' The
Weekly Register.' During the period of my public occupations I was not
able to give it more than an occasional and partial reading, and owing, per
haps, to the failure of directions on ray part, the nurabers of subsequent date
have not reached rae. I have seen eno' of the work, nevertheless, to be sat
isfied that both as a repository of papers too valuable to be lost, and otherwise
liable to be so, and as a vehicle of original matter breathing a patriotic spirit,
and mingling sound principles with judicious views of interesting subjects,
it richly merits the public patronage."
— To Mr. Niles.
Montpellier, January 10, 1818 —
XXX" Altho' it has been my purpose to contract as rauch as possible ray
engageraents in relation to products both of the Press & the pencil, I shall
cheerfully add ray name to those which you particularly desire to place on
your subscription list, for a print of the ' Declaration of Independence.' "
— To Colonel Trumbull.
Montpellier, September 3, 18 19 —
XXX" We congratulate you much on the various successes of your Western
career. The first thing that strikes is the rapidity of your proraotions.
Bounding over the prelirainary sailorship, the first step on the deck of your
Bark, pardon me, of the nobler structure, your Ark, raakes you a Pilot. The
narae of Pilot is scarcely pronounced, before you are a Captain, and in less than
the twinkling of an eye, the Captain starts up a Coramodore. On the land,
a scene opens upon us in which you equally figure. We see you at once
a ploughman, a rail-splitter, a fence builder, a cornplanter, a Haymaker,
and soon to be a Wheat-sower. To all these rural felicities, which leave but
a single defect on your title of Husband-ma.n, you add the polished pleasures
of a Town— you mean a City — life. And to cap the whole, you enjoy the
official dignity of Register of the land Office in the important Territorv of
IlUnois." '
— To Edward Coles.
Montpellier, August 28, 18 19 —
XXX" In looking over my papers with a view to a better arrangement of
them, I find that in the correspondence with General Washington, copies of
much of it raust have been lost, or were not retained. I flatter myself that I do
not take too great a Uberty in requesting that I raay be enabled to ascertain
& fill up the chasra from the originals, understood to be in your hands, as far
as they were thought worth preserving by your Uncle."
— To Judge Washington.

149
8o — Continued. Montpelher, December i8, 1819 —
X X X ll The accidents in Richraond to the papers frora Gen'l Washington's
files, cannot but excite regret. Should the remains of them not yet have been
returned to Mount Vernon, and comprise any within the scope of my request,
it may perhaps be convenient for the chief justice, with your sanction, to for
ward that part of thera directly thither."
— 7" Jt"tge Washington.
"JONATHAN BULL AND MARY BULL."
A novelette, written, but not published, at the period of the
Missouri question, 1821. 8 pages. Quarto.
Note — /In exceedingly humorous and caustic novelette, composed and
written by James Madison.
December 8, 1821 —
" I received a few days ago your letter of Noveraber 6th on the subject
of raaterials for a Biographical sketch of the celebrated Tecumseh.
" I cannot better answer it, than by referring you to the Uep't of War,
the files of which contain the official correspondence and communications
from the Military Commanders & Indian Agents, raost Ukely to furnish inter
esting particulars relating to that chief as well as to his brother the Prophet."
. — To Benjamin Drake.
Montpellier, January 8, 1822 —
X X X ll In this account [Ramsay's History of the Araerican Revolution] of
the instruction to Mr. Jay to relinquish the navigation of the Mississippi below
the Southern boundary of the U. States, the measure would seem to have had
its origin with the State of Virginia.
" This was not the case, and the very worthy historian, who was not at
that period a raeraber of Congress, was led into his error by the silence of the
journals as to what had passed on the subject previous to Feb'y 15, 1781,
when they agreed to the instruction to make the relinquishment, as raoved by
the Delegates of Virginia in pursuance of instructions frora the Legislature.
It was not unusual with the Secretary of Congress to commence his entries in
the Journal, with the stage in which the proceedings assumed a definite char
acter, oraitting, or noting on separate & inforraal sheets, only the prelirainary
stages. " The Delegates from Virg'a had been long under instructions [drawn by
J. M.] frora their State to insist on the right to the navigation of the Missis
sippi, and Congress had always included it in their ultimatura for peace. As
late as the 4th of Oct., 1781 (see the secret Journals of that date) they had
renewed their adherence to this point."
— To Mr. Niles.
Montpellier, March 26, 1823—
X X X ll I have been lately led into a transient correspondence with Professor
Everett, of Boston, from some of his enquiries on the subject of our Univer
sity & the erabarrassraent of which he speaks as incident to the Sectarian
Monopoly of his own. I ara not sure that a translation raay not be within his
speculation. There is nothing however in his letter inconsistent with his de
clining such a thought. He is unquestionably a raan of superior talents, of
valuaijle requirements & is said, as he appears, to be of fine temper & man
ners. He says he has relinquished & shall never re-enter the Pulpit." [In the
handwriring of Mrs. Dolly MadLson].
— To Thomas Jefferson.

ISO
80 — Continued. July, 1823—
X X X ll I am giving you more trouble & of a raore disagreeable sort than I
could wish, but an enquiry into the case of Jackson's app't in May 1814 in
volves circurastances not to be fully elucidated without a resort which you
have kindly permitted.
" The Sec'y of War proposed on the 14th of May in ray absence frora
Washington to raake hira a Brig'r without a brevet of Maj'r Gen'l, till Harap-
ton's vacancy could be filled by the Senate. I answered on the 17th, send me
the Com'n; on the 20th he raentioned nakedly araong other things that Har
rison had resigned and inclosed one Com'n without alluding to any inclosure.
My answer on the 24th shows that I understood it to be for the brevet, as it
intiraated the oraission of the preliminary one of Brig'r. The Sec'y was silent
& no other commission sent.
" What then may be the identical com'n of Maj'r Gen'l, sent to J — n by
the Sec'y on the 28th of May ?
" Was it the com'n inclosed to me, on the 20th, and understood to be for
the Brevet, and, if so, was it a blank one or filled up with the Brevet app't ?
If the former it was used for a purpose contrary to the known intention of the
President; if the latter, there must have been an erasure w'ch could only be
ascertained by the commission itself in the hands of J — n.
"Could it have been a blank com'n signed & left in the Dep't for ordi
nary contingencies & inferior grades? This is rendered the more improbable
by the apparent necessity of ray calling for one to be signed, and by the one
actually inclosed to rae on the 20th. If any lights can be properly obtained
on this point, I should be glad of thera. The point itself is raore than of
raere curiosity."
— To James Monroe.
Montpellier, June 30, 1826 —
X X X ll I rec'd by yesterday's raail yours of the 26th inst. inclosing a copy
ofthe amendment tothe Constitution ofthe U. S. proposed in the Senate, and
asking my opinion on the subject.
" It seems to be generally agreed that some change in the mode of elect
ing the Executive Magistrate is desirable, that would produce more uniform
ity & equality ; with a better security for concentrating the major will of the
nation, and less risk of an eventual decision in the national Legislature.
" The araendraenl reported by the Coramiltee of the Senate, is very ably
prepared and recommended. But I think there are advantages in the interven
tion of Electors, and inconvenience in a direct vote by the people, which are
not sufficiently adverted to in the Report."
— To Robert Taylor.
MADISON'S ABLE DISQUISITION ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED STATES.
Montpellier, April [3 or 4], 1830 —
X X X ll But there are doctrines espoused (in them) [General Hayne's
speeches] frora which I ara constrained to dissent. I allude particularly to
the doctrine which I understand to assert that the States (perhaps their Gov
ernments) have, singly, u constitutional right to resist & by force annul with
in itself, acts ofthe Government ofthe U. S. which it deems unauthorized by
the Constitution of the U. S. although such acts be not within the extreme
cases of oppression, which justly absolve the State frora the Constitutional
compact to which it is a party.
" It appears to me that in deciding on the character of the Constitution
of the U. S. it is not sufficiently kept in view, that being an unprecedented
modification of the Powers of Gov't it must not be looked at thro' the refracting
medium either of a consolidated Government, or of a confederated Gov't. That
" being

'5'
8o — Continued. being essentially different from both, it raust be its own interpreter, according
to its text and the facts of the case.
" Its characteristic peculiarities are, i, the raode of its formation ; 2, its
diversion of the supreme powers of Gov't between the States in their united
capacity, and the States in their individual capacities.
" It was forraed not by the Governments of the States, as the federal
Government, superceded by it, was formed ; nor by a majority of the people
of the U. S. as a single comraunity in the raanner of a consolidated Govern
ment. "I. It was forraed by the States, that is, by the people of each State act
ing in their highest sovereign capacity thro' Conventions representing thera
in that capacity, in like manner and by the same authority as the State Con
stitutions were forraed, with this characteristic & essential difference — thatthe
Constitution of the U. S. being a corapact araong the States, that is, the peo
ple thereof, the parties to the compact, making them even one people for
specified objects, cannot be revoked or changed at the will of any State with
in its Umits, as the Constitution of a State may be changed at the will of the
Stale, that is, the people who compose States and are the parties to its consti
tution. The idea of a compact between the Governors c& the Governed was
exploded with the Royal doctrine that the Governraent was held by some
tenure independent of the people.
" The Constitution of the U. S. is therefore, within its prescribed sphere,
a Constitution in as strict a sense of the terra, as are the Constitutions of the
, individual States, within their respective spheres.
" 2. And that it divides the supreme powers of Gov't between the two
Governments is seen on the face of it. The powers of war & taxation, that
is, of the sword & the purse, of coraraerce, of treaties, &c., vested in the Gov't
of the U. S. being of as high a character as any of the powers reserved to the
State Gov'ts.
" If we advert to the Gov't ofthe U. S. as created bythe Constitution it
is found also to be a Gov't in as strict a sense of the terra, within the sphere
of its powers, as the Gov't created by the Constitutions of the States are with
in their respective spheres. It is, like them, organized into a Legislative, Ex
ecutive & Judicial Dep'ts. It has, like them, acknowledged cases, in which
the powers of those Departraents are to operate, and the operation is to be the
same in both ; that is, directly on the persons & things subraitted to their
power. The concurrent operation in certain cases is one ofthe features con
stituting the peculiarity of the system.
" Between these two constitutional Gov'ts,, the one operating in all the
States, the others operating in each respectively, with the aggregate powers
of Gov't divided between thera, it could not escape attention, that controver
sies concerning the boundary of jurisdiction would arise, and that without
sorae adequate provision for deciding thera, conflicts of physical force might
ensue. A political systera that does not provide for a peaceable & authorita
tive terraination of occurring controversies, can be but the nam.e & shadow of
a Gov't. The very object and end of a real Gov't being the substitution of law
& order for uncertainty, confusion and violence.
"That a final decision of such controversies, if left to each of 13 States,
now 24, with prospective increase, would raake the Constitution & laws of
the U. S. different, in different States, was obvious, and equally obvious that
this diversity of independent decisions raust disorganize the Governraent of
the Union, and even decorapose the Union itself.
"Against such fatal consequences the Constitution undertakes to guard,
I, by declaring that the Constitution & laws of the States in their united
capacity shall have effect, any thing in tlie Constitution or laws of any State in
its individual capacity notwithstanding, by giving to the Judicial Authority
of the U. S. an appeUate supreraacy in all cases arising under the Constitu
tion & within the course of its functions, arrangements supposed to be justi
fied by the necessity of the case ; and by the Agency of the people & Legis
latures ofthe States in electing iS: appointing the Functionaries ofthe common
Gov't, whilst no corresponding relation existed betwen the latter and the
Functionaries of the Slate.
" Should these provisions be found, notwithstanding the responsibility of
"the

152
8o — Continued. the functionaries of the Gov't of the U. S. to the Legislatures & people of the
States, not to secure the State Gov't against usurpations of the Gov't of the
United States, there reraains within the purview of the Constitution an
irapeachment of the Executive & Judicial Functionaries, in case of their
participation in the guilt, the prosecution to depend on the Representatives
of the people in one branch, and the trial on the Representatives ofthe States
in the other branch of the Gov't of the U. S.
" The last resort within the purview of the Const'n is the process of
amendraent provided for by itself and to be executed by the States.
"Whether these provisions taken together be the best that raight have
been raade, and if not, what are the improvements that ought to be intro
duced, are questions altogether distinct from the object presented by your
comraunicatlon, which relates to the Constitution as it stands." xxx
Note. — This able interpretation of the meaning and powers of the
Constitution, by James Madison, the leading framer of that invincible
masterpiece of statesmanship, is closely worded in his handwriting, on
twelve quarto pages, in answer to a letter from General Hayne, who had
promulgated the doctrine of a right of secession. We have quoted but four
pages: the remaining eight pages abounding with wise disquisitions, in an
argumentative way, on all the points of the Constitution that could be
attacked by any State that might wish to secede from the Union; also
fully portraying the proceedings of the Virginia Legislature, occasioned by
the Alien and Sedition Acts. The portion quoted will convey a-ii ade
quate idea of the importance of the whole.
8i Madison, James. President of the United States.
Copies of Letters to noted persons in the United States
and Europe, from 1796 to 1836, mostly in his hand-
'writing and that of Mrs. Dolly Madison, containing in all
667 pieces.
82 Madison, James. President of the United States. Copies
of Letters to noted persons with whom he corresponded,
including Memoranda made by him of occurrences
and motions made during the Constitutional Conven
tion, in his handwriting and that of Mrs. Dolly Madison.
Also the copies of J. C. Payne's Letters referring to the
publishing of the " Madison Papers," in all 315 pieces.

Keys to Cipher Letters.
83 Madison, James. The Keys and Ciphers used by him
in writing to, and in reading the letters of, Thomas
Jefferson, Edmund Randolph, Edmund Pendleton and
others. 16 pieces. Folio and small quarto.
Note. — These ciphers were used by Mr. Madison in his letters during
the most important period of the American Revolution, and the keys the onlv
means of deciphering the various letters that he wrote during that time io
Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Randolph and Edmund Pendleton, as well as
deciphering the letters of these gentlemen to him. Many ofthe letters in this
catalogue, both from and to Mr. Madison, are writ len in cipher, and a few
only have been translated; and il rv/ll be seen how indispensable the keys are
to the purchaser ofthe letters,

1S3

Madison's Toasts, prepared for the Fourth
of July, 1798.
84 Madison, James. President of the United States. Auto
graph Memoranda : being the Toa.sts prepared for
the Fourth of July, 1798. Small octavo.
" I. The People. — May every arm be raised against Foreign invaders Sc
every voice against domestic usurpers.
" 2. The Union. — May it find an everlasting cement in the Spirit of the
Revolution S: the sacredness of the Constitution.
" 3. The Consliturion. — May its authors be its protectors & its disorgan-
izers its victims.
"4. The P. & V. P.— May the former never feel the passions of J. A.,
nor the latter be forsaken by the phUosophy of T. J.
" 5. The Senate — May it justify the praise of being ' the Reservoir of
Wisdom,' & bely the charge of being the ' Focus of Ambition.'
" 6. The House of Re'ps. — May it never grasp an Ex. or Jud'y authority,
nor betray its own over the sword or the purse.
" 7. The Fed'l Jud'y. — May it remember that it is the Expositor of the
laws, not the Trumpeter of politics.
" 8. The State Gov'ts. — May their harmony compose the discords of the
Fed'l Gov't.
" 9. G. W., the Hero of Liberty. — May his enemies have the justice to
applaud his virtues, and his friends the candor to acknowledge his errors.
" 10. The Freedom of Speech. — May it strike its eneraies dumb.
" II. The Freedora of the Press. — The scourge of the guilty & the support
of virtuous Governraent.
" 12. The Trial by Jury. — May its violators be pronounced by the
verdict of their country aliens to Justice Sc Traitors to liberty.
" 13. Peace. — May free nations who naturally cherish it, never suffer
the passions of their Rulers to plunge thera into war.
" 14. Revolutions without Blood, and Govt's without Nobles or Kings, to
all nations who are not free — The exaraple of the Araerican Revolution &
Constitution."

Madison's Letter to Princess Victoria.
85 Madison, James. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter. Signed. February, 1834. Octavo.
X X X li It being intimated that an autograph speciraen from me, as frora
some others of my countrymen, would be acceptable for a collection which
the Princess Victoria is raaking, these few lines, with ray signature, though
written in a very advanced age and with Rheuraatic fingers, are offered for
the occasion. They will be an expression at least, of the respect due to the
young Princess, who is understood to be developing, under the wise coun
sel of her august Parent, the endowraents and virtues which give beauty
& value to personal character, and are auspicious to the high station to which
she is destined."
Note. — Madison's .Autograph copy of his letter lo Princess Victoria,

154

Letters of Edmund Randolph to James
Madison, 1787 to 1812, on the Constitu
tion, the Mississippi question, doings
of the Virginia Assembly, and on
affairs which led to the second
war with Great Britain.
Note. — Edmund Randolph was a native of Virginia, and an enthu
siastic supporter of the Revolution. After serving in the Continental Con
gress from I77g to 178^, as a delegate from Vi-rginia, he was, in 1786,
elected Governor of his native Stale. In 1787 he -,vas chosen a member of
the Convention which framed the Constitution of ihe United States, but
voted agaijist its adoptio7i. In T78q he was appointed, by Washington, Attor
ney General. He ivas a political friend and admirer of Thomas Jefferson,
whom he succeeded as Secretary of State, during Washington's second term
as President, but resigjied in August, I7g3, on account of being accused of
bribery, and published, shortly afterwards, a pamphlet in vindication of
his conduct. His letters, herein enumerated, are all to James Madison, many of
them being of a confidential nature. His reverence for the superior ability
of Mr. Madison is delicately portrayed throughout the correspondence,
commencing with the usual timidity, natural to the young statesman
addressing one of mature knowledge, but afterwards launching out with
greater boldness as he found his views coincided with those of the " Father
of the Constitution" and even, towards the end, venturing to advise him
whom he had selected as his Mentor.
As they embrace the period from 1787 to 18 12, ihey naturally contain
valuable elucidations of the many important affairs of our country during
the formation of the Federal Union under the neiv Constitution — the
various modes of raising a revenue ; the i?nt>ressmenl of American seamen
and other causes which led to the second war with Great Britain. He
warmly supported Mr. Madison's administration throughout.
From the extracts we have made from many ofthe letters (jind we
could hardly refrain frotn publishing the whole) an insight will be gained
of many important and forgotten items of American history.
86 Randolph, Edmund. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Letters of, to James Madison, from May 22,
1787 to July I, 1 812, consisting of 12 Autograph Let
ters, signed ; 35 Autograph Letters, signed with initials;
70 Autograph Letters, unsigned, and 15 copies of Let
ters, Documents, etc., in all 132 pieces. Folio and
quarto.
Richmond, April 11, 1782 —
X X X ll It is a raatter of sorae wonder, that the minister of France did not
visit our governor. Was there any misunderstanding on the score of Eti
quette ? Or has the suspicion which some people entertain here reached the
ears of the Minister that Harrison is an enemy to the French ? By accident
yesterday the resolution of Congress, recomraending the confiscation of
British raanufactures, carae into conversation at the governor's table. It

155
^6 — Continued. seems to me to be a fit season to ascertain the objection, which had been con
ceived against it, but an improper one to answer them. Our discourse, how
ever, was too short for the discussion, and was concluded by a general asser
tion, on the part of Mr. Flarrison, that the legislature would not adopt it."
Richmond, May 5, 1782 —
X X -X ii Mr. Jefferson has been forced into the legislative service of the
county ; and some other counties, irapressed by the erabarrassraent of the
time, have elected the most able men, altho' they did not offer themselves."
Pettus's, near Richmond, Ma}^ 10, 1782 —
XXX ii Yesterday I received your favor of the Ist instant, and took Dr.
Lee by the hand at alraost the same moraent. His brother, Richard Henry,
and hiraself, being members of the house of delegates, will probably give the
tone to the politicks of this session. Should Mr. Jefferson persist in his un
pardonable rage for retirement, and Mr. Henry delay his attendance (as he
possibly may, not being as yet heard of) until the plans of the house are
matured, in this event there will be little danger of paper-money, should Mr.
R. H. Lee retain his ancient abhorence of this medium."
Richmond, May 21, 1782 —
XXX" Our resolution against British merchandize passed the committee of
the whole house without opposition. An atterapt was indeed made to except
salt, but Mr. R. H. Lee scouted it out, as I was informed ; a bill is ordered
to be brought in upon it." x x x n Tjie assembly avow theraselves staunch
to the AlUance. The house of delegates passed adequate resolves, as I hear,
against separate negotiation, and have appointed committees to prepare bills
for the security of shipwrecked property, and in general for all those objects
recomraended to thera by Congress with respect to the consular convention.
Congress too, do not appear unmindful of policy towards the French nation &
particularly towards the queen's party, whose force will increase upon the
birth of a dauphin."
Richmond, June 15, 1782 —
X X X li Xhe act of the legislature, which passed the delegates yesterday, for
co-operating. with Maryland in the defence of the bay, breaths so rauch har
mony, that soraething of the virulence respecting western territory ought to
be abated on this account. It is resolved to write vigorously in this irapor
tant object, and that future occasions may not produce regulations of cora
raerce, by which the one may supplant the other, it is recoraraended that the
iraposts, &c, of both States shall go hand in hand."
Richmond, June 20, 1782 —
* * * "A vote passed the coraraittee of the whole house yesterday, for re
moving the clog to executions. It is probable, too, that it will run glibly
thro' the assembly. I, whose interests speaks so strongly in favor of the act,
do really conteraplate it with apprehension. Ravaged as our country has
been, the little surplus over doraestic want, raust be drawn into the public
coffers. With what are we to pay our old debts ? Is the capital to be ab
solved ? Mr. Morris's notes, which are receivable in taxes, will banish
specie pro tanto ; and if executions are to be satisfied by specie alone, the
poor raan, who has disdained to avail himself of the tender law, must part
frora his freehold at -% of its value, lo sorae tory whose debt reraains unextin
guished because he obstinately refused paper currency. On the other hand
it cannot be denied, that sorae of our best citizens are perhaps perishing from
the want of their outstanding debts. But a general law has its eye to the
body of the people, not to individuals merely ; especially at a season, when
they have been harrassed in property and personal service."

156
86 — Continued. Virginia, June 27, 1782 —
X X X li Xhe Asserably seera disposed to indulge the inhabitants of Kentucky
with a separate court. I think the raeasure is wise, as it raay retard the
separation, at least until a fitter day. It is enorraous to bring criminals frora
the distance of 400 railes for trial, and to oblige the poor settlers to travel
hither for the adjustraent of their disputes at the expence, perhaps, of an half
of their little capital."
Richmond, June i, 1782 —
XXX" Xhe day before yesterday Mr. Mason, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. A. Lee,
rayself and Dr. 'Walker were appointed to state the clairas of Virginia to
western territory. Our power extends to publication without consulting the
asserably, and I presurae, that two or three months will produce something.
I wish I had leisure to relate to you sorae raanageraent, which the desire of
being distinguished by an appointraent of this sort has occasioned. Superior
beings raust surely amuse themselves with contemplating the contests which
agitate mankind for trifles, and the raeanesses to which those trifles gave birth.
I will shortly excite either your ridicule or indignation at sorae recent raanoeu
vres." X X » ll I saw a letter frora Mr. Jefferson to Col. Monroe, in which he
assigns reasons for refusing his seat in the house of delegates. The pathos of
the coraposition is really great, and the wound, which his spirit received by the
late irapeachment, is, as he says, to be cured only by the all-healing grave.
His triuraph might certainly be an illustrious one over his former enemies,
were he to resume the legislative character, for in the constant division be
tween the two leaders, Henry Sc Lee, he might incline the scale to whichso
ever side he would."
Virginia, July 5, 1782 —
XXX" Xhe French legion raarched frora Richraond yesterday raorning, at
which tirae the remainder of the array left W'rasburg. They have preserved
the character of peaceable soldiers, and their absence will be regretted. We
raust pass by the irregularities of a few individuals, as being inapplicable to
the body of the army." xxx "Xhe resolution appointing the committee
for the patronage of western territory, have never exchanged a letter on the
subject. Mr. G. Mason will enter into the discussion, I ani told, if he approve
the acts ofthe present session. Mrs. Jefferson has been so near her flight to
a happier station, to suffer her affectionate husband to do raore than lament
the prospect of a separation (she is now within the reach of medicine). Of
Dr. Lee I have not had a syllable since his setting off for Philad'a. Dr.
Walker has supplied a few rough raaterials only. I am pursuing the inquiry,
but wait for the raoveraents of ray elders in the noraination."
Richmond, Augu.st 6, 1782 —
X * X ll It is difficult to believe that Fox raeans peace by his alarraing speech,
a. discovery of weakness tending to this object in no raanner, unless pity or
conterapt in the eneray can produce such an eft'ect. I rather think that he is
labouring to store up abundant raatter for apology. Should the new rainistry
be at last corapelled to the humiliating recognition of American independence,
by exhibiting the errors of their predecessors in full length and in heightened
colours, at a season, too, when the apeal seems to be about to be raade to
British patrotism, what can excite it more than certain information that the
maritirae superiority of G. Britain is gone — irrecoverably so, and to the aboli
tion of their arrogance on the sea — unless bold exertions be put forth ? "

157
86 — Continued. Richmond, August i6, 1782 —
X X * "The information, which I havc hitherto transmitted lo you, con
cerning the ardor of the Briiish to diffuse their merchandize, has been con
firmed by a late exaraple. A flag was sent from hence to New York, and it
is believed, nay it is certain, altho' it cannot be proved, that she returned home
well stocked with goods. Offences of this sort are not, I fancy, coraprehended
within any law of our own state, nor of the U. S. But as the seller would
fail in his purpose, if buyers were wanting, it raay not disgrace the wisdom
of Congress to recoraraend something on this subject. On the contrary, may-
not the constant repetition of your abhorrence of British manufactures, when
soever a fair occasion shall offer itself, support the views which you first had
in recommending laws against their introduction ? "
Richmond, August 24, 1782 —
, XXX "He cannot be more than an exploring bird [Mr Granville] sent out
to inquire into the pretensions and weak sides of the belligerent parties. If
immediate peace were intended, would Fox encourage his eneray by the
boldness with which he portrays the distresses of his nation ? The notion of
Canada as a 14th State is too raagnificent for belief, and mars the rest of Mr
Blake's account.
" But surely the King of Great Britain means more than to offer us his
subraission to our independence upon base terras, and upon the rejection of
the offer to raake a forcible appeal to those who sigh for peace. The fract
ure of the alliance is certainly the condition. Should France, altho' at the
coramenceraent of the war her object was single, have extended her prospects,
as she raight rightfully do during the various events of it, and deraand the
cession of territory to herself, Europe and Araerica will resound with in
vectives against the conversion of her forraer disinterestedness into an appetite
for accjuiring the impression of these manoeuvres on the minds of the weak,
nay perhaps the great."
Richmond, September 20, 1782 —
X * X ll Mrs. Jefferson has at last shaken off her tormenting pains, by yield
ing to thera, and has left our friend inconsolable. I ever thought him to rank
doraestic happiness in the first class ofthe chief good; but scarcely supposed
that his grief would be so violent as to justify the circulating report of his
swooning away whenever he sees his children."
Richmond, November 2, 1782 —
XXX" I5r. Lee came to town the day before yesterday, and by the last post
a very scurrilous account of his having left Philad'a for Richraond, foUowed
him, in one of the newspapers. Does the sacred liberty of the press justify
such invectives against men in high office ? Freedora of writing is designed
for the scrutiny of public measures, and even of private character, if connected
with them. But what will be said in those countries where the reputation of
Congress is synonymous with the reputation of the American cause, when a
pasquinade against a raeraber of that body is virulent and uncensured, altho'
no reason drawn frora his public conduct, is assigned for it ? Provision, how
ever, will I suppose, never be made against this raischief, as the State will
not of theraselves take it up, and Congress raust forbear to recoramend it thro'
delicacy. The newspaper which contains this piece is in great demand here ;
such is the propensity to scandal."
Richmond, November 5, 1782 —
XXX" Col° R. H. Lee has received a letter from Cleves, dated, as well as
I recollect, on the 29th of June ; in which the restoration of Arnold to a pub
lic appearance at court is announced as one of the productions of the new
ministry. From this fact his correspondent infers that the plan of devasta
tion, which had originated from this parricide during the reign of North, and
" " would

i6. — Continued. would have been executed but for the change in the cabinet, is now revived.
Alarmed by this intelligence. Dr. Lee raoved for the appointment of a com
mittee to devise a plan of natural defence." xxxn Altho' every month pub
lishes to the world, that Virginia has paid nothing into the treasury of the
U. S., I entertain very little hope of the remittance being greater. The taxes,
now existing, in the first instance, to be appropriated to other uses, will not I
fear leave the balance of a shiUing, and the opinion of the leading men in
the assembly protest against an increase of them." x x x n Mr. Henry cer
tainly wiU not attend this cession. I have not as yet heard any public obser
vation on the raotion of Mr. WUliarason, which was seconded by Col° Bland,
in consequence of the acceptance ofthe cession of New York. But it strikes
rae as being ill-judged, and that you ought to be forever obstinate in your
secession. The enemies of our territorial claims are persevering; andby
the addition of a little precedent one day, to another little one on another,
they would soon be able to throw the opinion of Virginia herself into her own
teeth." Richmond^ December 20, 1782 —
XXX "Mr. John Mercer is elected as my successor, in opposition to Mr. St.
George Tucker. The numbers being 66 and 30." x x x " You will receive
two instructions. The one enjoins you to oppose any communication with a
British agent or minister, except in conjunction with France, and except inde
pendence shall be acknowledged, as a preliminary. The other commands
you to labour against the restitution of British property.
" The ardor of the delegates to suppress the importation of British goods
is not cooled by the rejection of a forraer bill to that purpose, by the Senate.
Another is ordered to be read a third time to-day."
Richmond, December 27, 1782 —
XXX" Xhe attack, which I hinted at in my last as being made upon Mr.
L — [Lee], was pushed with great vigour. Upon the question for his recall,
the ayes were 39, and the noes 41. His defence was pathetic. It called upon
the asserably to reraember his services, to protect his honor, and not to put it
out of his power to profit his country by his labours. The failure of some of
his enemies to attend alone saved him. Should Henry come to the next ses
sion, it seems impossible that he should be again elected.
" Much to the honor of the asserably, they have breathed throughout
their whole proceedings a firm and unremitted hatred to Great Britain. Even
if this should be the only good of this session, it is a substantial one. They
have recomraended td the electors of the different counties to send no raan to
represent thera, who from birth, education, or mercantile connection has ren
dered himself suspicious, a happy declaration against a growing evil. They
have passed a law too for giving effect to the former act against British goods.
This cuts off all hope of the wicked and designing partizans of G. B. as far
as Virginia is concerned." x x x n Qn the 19th Dec'r you were farther in
structed ' not to consent ' to open a coraraunication with any agent or minister
frora his britannick Majesty upon the subject of a peace, separate from France,
nor unless the independence of America be in most ample raanner acknowl
edged as a preliminary thereto."
Richmond, March i, 1783 —
X X X il A dangerous combination has been formed for counterfeiting tobacco
notes and Morris's notes. It extends, like the raountains of America, from
South to North. We may hope, tliat this mint, which has already been
opened with success, will soon be suppressed by the activity of a zealous Whig,
of genuine honesty. The executive have patronized the measures, which he
had adopted for a complete detection.
" What renders this scherae of villany raore perilous, is that it is prob
able sorae of the inspectors have been associated in it, and they, by fur
nishing raarks, weights, numbers and naraes, can always with truth inform " the

159
86 — Continued. the holders of these counlerfeils, that such tobacco is to be found in the Ware
houses & yet refuse to deliver the tobacco when the exporter deraands it on
these bad notes."
Notes of Edmund Randolph —
In the case of the three traitors — James Lamb, Joshua Hopkins and John
Caton — who were pardoned by a resolve of the House of Delegates of" Vir
ginia. II pages.
Pettus's, March 15, 1783 —
XXX" Xhere is a report that Mr Morris has actually resigned his superin
tendency, and the speculations are various on the subject. Some impute the
step to weariness under fatigue ; others to an excess of private business ;
while others, whose disposition is not cordial towards hira, ascribe it to a
raore disagreeable motive. For ray part, I conjecture that he raust have
been led to this raeasure by disgust & want of due support. But even ray
respect for hira will not suffer me to acquit hira for resigning at this hour
when fresh vigor raay be added to the arras of the enemy, by the assurance,
that he abandoned the office thro' despair of our finances, and the affections
of France herself, or rather her inclination to succour us with reasonable
loans, may be diminished, frora the apprehension of her aid being misapplied,
if thrown into other hands than his."
Richmond, March 22, 1783 —
X X X ll Your favors by the post and the express reached rae at the same
time with a letter from Dr Lee, dated on the nth Dec'r (I presume it should
have been March) 1783. Having read his first, I was astonished at this
passage — " We are still as we were, and always shall be while Dr Franklin "
" presides in Europe, utterly in the dark as to the progress of the negotia-"
" tions at Paris. I ara too well acquainted with the European Cabinets,"
" not to fear that a continuation of the war, so grievous to us, will be the "
"consequence of these protracted negotiations. I wish I raay be deceived."
The contrast which your eulogiura on Franklin presented, was truly grate
ful to my mind, being a coraplete antidote to the insinuation of Mr Lee.
" The humiliation of G. B. seems now proportionate to her former arro
gance, so lukewarm in the patronage of the lories, as lo desert them rather
than risque a new carapaign, so profuse in her surrender of territory, so satis
factory in her recognition of independence, she raust begin to doubt her
own identity. But may not the treaty be so worded, as to give Congress a
substitution in the place of the King of G. B. with respect to ungranted soil ?
If so, will not the argument against particular States be stronger than it ever
could have been under the confederation only ? For I imagine, that the
power of Congress to accept territory by treaty will not be denied. This will
throw a plausibility against us which never before existed in the contest
with Congress."
Richmond, May 15, 1783 —
X X X ll Religion, which' has been hitherto treated with little respect by the
Asserably, was yesterday incorporated into their proceedings. Mr Henry
moved for a chaplain ; and that a prayer should be composed adopted to all
persuasions. The prayer has not been reported, tho' several trials, I ara told,
have been made."
Pettu.s's, June 28, 1783 —
XXX ll Xhe friends to the irapost, as recomraended by Congress, finding
that the adoption of that raeasure in the forra of the bill then depending be
fore the delegates, wouhl fix it in a manner averse to continental views, did

i6o
86 — Continued. on Thursday assent to the postponing of it until the next session. It seems
now to be the current opinion, that at the next session it will be carried.
For ray part, I perceive no good ground for such an expectation. The oppo
sition is deep rdoted in the hearts of the raost persevering & raost eloquent.
"The arrival of Gen'l Washington's circular letter excited this hope in
the minds of the sanguine, but its effect is raomentary, and perhaps it will
hereafter be accepted by the asserably with disgust. For the raurmer is free
and general against what is called the unsolicited intrusion of his advice."
Richmond, January 21, 1784 —
The draft of the letter of Edmund Randolph to the Gov. of Virginia,
arguing the case — " The demand made by the governor of South Carolina
from the executive of Virginia, of the body of George Hancock, a citizen of
this Commonwealth,' for assault and Batt'y upon one Jonas Beard, ' a justice
ofthe peace, a member ofthe legislature, &c."
Richmond, March i, 1787 —
XXX "Xhe documents to be forwarded to you, as stated in ray public letter,
will prove the truth of yoursuspicion, that the exclusion of the Miss'i to Vir.
ginia, would throw the western settlers into an iraraediate state of hostility
with Spain. If the subject be canvassed, it will not be sufficient to negative
it merely, but a negative with some emphasis can alone secure Mr H — y to
the objects ofthe convention at Philad.
" I have essayed every raeans to prevail on him to go thither. But he
is peremptory in refusing, as being distressed in his private circurastances.
Gen'l Washington will be pressed again and again, but I fear ineffectually."
Richmond, April 4, 1787 —
XXX" Gen'l Washington is prevailed upon to go to Philad'a if his health
will permit. He is at present afHicted with the rheuraatism, so as to be un
able to move himself in his bed sometiraes, and often to raise his hand to his
head. He purposes to travel earlier than for the raeeting, that he raay apolo
gize to the Cincinnati for his refusal of their presidency.
" Mr Jay's report on the treaty will bring the question to a crisis. But
will not this add a fresh reason here against the reform of the confed'n ? I
rejoice, for our national honor, that it has been confirmed by Congress, and
therefore accept it with readiness, altho' it raight have been better to post.
pone it to the end of the year, if our foreign connections would have per
mitted." Richmond, April 4, 1787 —
XXX" Xhere is every reason to believe that Gen'l Washington will be pres
ent at the convention in May. Indeed he says, that the want of health alone
shaU prevent him. I trust that the rheumatism with which he is afflicted
severely, will be speedily bafiied."
Richmond, March 27, 1787 —
X X X ll I have turned my mind soraewhat to the business of May next ; but
ara hourly interrupted. At present I conceive —
" I. That the alterations sh'd be grafted on the old confederation.
" 2. That what is best in itself, not raerely what can be obtained from
the assemblies, be adopted.
" 3. That the points of power to be granted be so detached from each
other, as to perrait a state to reject one part, without mutilating the whole.
" With these objects, ought not some general propositions to be prepared
for feeling the pulse of the convention on the subject at large ? Ought nol
iin address to accompany the new constitution ? "

i6t
85 — Continued. Bowling Green, September 30, 1787 —
XXX" Baltimore resounds with friendship for the new constitution, and
Mr Chase's election depends, as it is said, upon his opinion concerning it.
He waited on me, with an expectation, I suspect, of learning something to
foster his opposition. I was prepared, because I had heard of his harangue
to the people of Fell's point the night before I saw him. It was represented
to me, that after he had finished his speech, Col° Sara Sraith and Mr Zebu
lon Hollingsworth asked hira, whether he espoused the constitution or not ?
He replied to this effect, ' Here, gentleraen, is a form of government (pulling
out the Maryland act) under which we have lived happily for more than ten
years. Shall we make a new experiment precipitately ? Are vve to pay taxes
indefinitely, have our railitia led from one end of the continent to the other,
and be dragooned by a standing army, if we fail in the smallest article of
duty ? — But — I have not made up my raind.' However in the discourse be
tween us, altho' he discovered a tendency to reject the constitution, unless
araended, he declared he would labour to establish a federal Government."
Richmond, December 27, 1787 —
XXX" General Wilkinson from Kentucky, who is now here, is not to be
appeased in his violence against the constitution, and it is presuraed that thro'
his raeans the vote of Kentucky will have the same direction. He is rivitted
by Col° Henry Lee, declaring to hira that the surrender of the Mississippi
would probably be araong the early acts of the Congress."
Richmond, February 29, 1788 —
XXX" Xhe decision of Mass'ts, had it been adverse to the const'n, w'd have
daraned it here. But as it is, it fixes the event, if N. York, N. Ilarap. and
Maryland should follow the exaraple. This raust be understood with this re
striction : that altho' 9 states will force Va. by their assent to come in, there
is reason to beUeve that no intelligence of that sort can reach us before our
convention meets; as So Carolina will sit on the 12th of May only."
WiUiamsburg, September 25, 1789 —
-X X X ll Xhe president is supposed to have written to Mr Adams, while titles
were in debate, that if any were given, he would resign. Whether it be true
or not, it is a popular report. However, I question if even this, added to his
services will draw forth from the asserably an address of congratulation. I
will endeavor to prevent any pain to him, or imputation on Virginia."
Broadside —
Extract from the Journal of the House of Delegates, on Tuesday the 8th
of December, 1 789, in reference to the proposed revision of the Constitution
of Virginia. Folio. 2 pages.
Philadelphia, November i, 1795 —
X X X ll I have forborne to write to you since my resignation, that you might
be able to affirm, that in the ground which I shall take in my appeal to the
people, you have borne no part. For among the objects, which the President
and his party have in view, one is to destroy the republican force in the U. S.
A conspiracy, raore deeply laid and systeraatically pursued, has not yet
occurred ; and in every newspaper from New York and Boston I read hints,
bottomed upon that letter, I haye no doubt, that the whole scheme will re
coil upon their heads. But it has required tirae to prepare the raeans. This
is now done, and the press is at work. I cannot in the compass of a letter
give you details. But every nerve has been strained to combine your name
"in a

86 — Contintted. in a business, tu which you were the raost absolute stranger. I raean the in
surrection and a general revolution of government. I feel happy at my
emancipation from an attachment to a man who has practiced upon me the
profound hypocrisy of Tiberius, and the injustice of an assassin. If he does
not repent it, it raust be because he is invulnerable by even the raost pointed
facts." Lexington, Virginia, July 9, 181 1 —
X X X ii 'Without one feeling left of the character of a partizan, but still
living to friendship, a man, whose hand is known to Mr. Madison, asks hira,
whether he recollects, or ever heard, that after Col° Hamilton had been
severely pressed for a supposed misappropriation of the money devoled by law
to special purposes, he, Col° H, produced a letter authorizing it, signed by
President 'Washington, while on his tour to South Carolina ; that the Presi
dent at first denied its existence in positive and vehement terras, not having
preserved a copy of it. but that it was afterwards acknowledged by him, and
registered in the treasury department. Ut valeat quantum, valere potest? "

87 Coles, Colonel Isaac A. and Edward. Cousins of Mrs.
Dolly P. Madison. Letters to James Madison and Mrs.
D. P. Madison, from September 4, 1809, to February i,
1846, comprising 56 Autograph Letters, signed by
Edward Coles ; 1 3 Autograph Letters signed by Col.
Isaac A. Coles, and 3 copies of Letters, in all, J2 pieces.
Quarto.
This series of letters describe raany interesting incidents connected with
the War of 1812. In thera Colonel Isaac A Coles coraplains of preference
m promotion being formed against him, and tenders his resignation as an of
ficer in the array of the United States. Edward Coles, who was Gover
nor of Illinois, very interestingly describes his western trips; opens up the
fraud perpetrated on the United States, in the leasing of the Missouri lead
mines; expostulates on the bad and unpatriotic course of certain speculators,
for imposing on and buying up the land warrants of the soldiers of the War
of 1812; advocates, throughout, the abolition of slavery, and condemns, in
a very lengthy letter, the action of Andrew Jackson in reraoving the deposits
frnra the Bank of the United States, and denounces him for raaintaining the
principle that " offices are the spoils of victoi-y."

165

Jonathan Dayton's Anonymous and other
Letters to James Madison, from
1808 to 1814.
88 Dayton, Jonathan. Signer of the Constitution. Seven
Anonymous Letters, folio and quarto, addressed to James
Madison, when Secretary of State and President, and lo
Autograph Letters, signed (signature cut off of one),
folio and quarto, addressed to President James Madison.
Note. — Jonathan Dayton was born at Elizabethtown, New'' Jersey,
1760; died at the same place in 1824. He was a graduate of Princeton
studied law and was admitted to the bar. Entered the Continental army
and in 1776 was appointed paymaster of the regiment of his father. Gen
eral Elias Dayton. He held several commissions during the war and at
Yorktown had command utider Lafayette. Was a member of the New
Jersey House of Representatives, and its Speaker in 17Q0 ; a delegate from
his native State to the Constitutional Convention, and in I7gi was elected
to Congress by the Federalists, and re-elected for three consecutive terms, be
ing Speaker during two sessions. In I7gg was elected to the Senate from
New Jersey.
Thefirst portion of this series of letters was anonymously written by
Jonathan Dayton to James Madison, he selecting this mode of conimtmi-
cation for the purpose of informing Mr. Madison of a treasonable plot,
which ivas then budding into prominence, for severing the Union atid mak
ing a separate confederacy of the New England and Northern States, in
case of a declaration of war against Great Britain.
He implicated in this plot such men as Dewitt Clinton, Harrison Gray
Otis, Colonel Thorndike, Rufus King and other prottiinent characters frotn
the supposed seceding States, and maintained that many eminent men, then
enjoying the patronage of the President in an official manner, were engaged
in the sattie conspiracy. The letters at the titne caused immense excitement,
so much so, that Congress appointed a Committee of Investigation into the
authorship of the letters and the formulators of the alleged conspiracy.
From the postttiark (^Elizabethtown-) and the similarity of the writing
to that of Jonathan Dayton, they were attributed to him. He wrote an.
etnpliatic denial of being the author, or of having any knowledge whatsoever
of the conspiracy , but subsequent events have conclusively proved that he
did write them. He was arrested for alleged conspiracy with Aaron Burr,
but was never tried. The letters written nnder his signature, which are
herein included, relate principally to the operations of the army during the
War of 1812, and display great tnilitary ability, as well as a thorough
knowledge of the military resources of the United States and Great Britain,
and of the general topography of the country which was then the theatre
of war.
Anonymous. Post-marked Elizabeth Town, N. J., Decem
ber 9th, 1808—
" Sir— " The subject on which I addressed you some time ago anonymously, in
volved in it some personal, as well as political and national considerations, but
the course which the elections have taken in several States, especially in your
own, will defeat by a silent operation the secret raachinations & intrigues al
luded to. That event will now indisputably terminate happily. Another
" project

164
88 — Continued. project originating from another source, & more alarming in its tendency, has
been ripening within a short time. If the present crisis should eventuate in
a war against England, an immediate severance of the Union will be at
tempted. The fiye Eastern States, under the auspices of M. iSc C. & R. I., will
take the lead, & invite the middle to unite with them in a new confederacy.
Such inducements will, it is confidently said, be held out to N. Y. as will
bring them at once lo join, & then it is calculated that the three next raust &
will inevitably follow, Sc Maryland be left as a frontier, happy if she can be
admitted to side with, & be protected by, the Northern & stronger confeder
acy. The three States & four territories on the western waters to be invited
& treated with at the raouth of the Mississippi, frora the decks of the Navy of
the East. Such are the outlines of a project secretly raaturing, & as yet con
fided to a few only in each State north of Virginia. There are raen of the
highest standing, & first respectability & influence in Society, who are en
gaged in it, & some indeed who are at this time very near to you, & whora
you would no raore suspect than your brother. To me this plan has been
communicated thro' such a channel, as can leave no doubt of its existence
or object; & if it were necessary I could raention to you raany naraes who
stand ready for the signal, to appear openly in its behalf, & to exert thera
selves to execute it. Believing that a war with England under any circum
stance, but especially if followed by such consequence, would be the most
disastrous event which could befall our country, I have once raore taken
up the pen to advise you of certain things, which you would probably learn
from no other source. My respect & esteem for you is great Sc my opinion of
your discretion still higher — the constant exercise of it will be necessary in
the four years of tempest, war & tumult, which are, I seriously fear, to follow.
" QUINTUS."
Anonymous. To the President of the United States —
" For the President, — in the most perfect confidence.
" Never were any men more completely confounded, than were a certain
description of politicians, to whom I have heretofore alluded, upon the ap
pearance of the Proclamation for restoring the intercourse between the U.
States & Territories of Britain.
" The coraraerce, the honor, & the prosperity of their country were with
thera, at best, but secondary considerations ; whilst their grand object was,
a severance of the Union, & the erection of a new Confederacy, to which
every other interest was to be raade subservient, or to be compelled to yield.
" The change in the teraper & politics of the N. England States — occa
sioned by the self-denying effects of the Erabargo, with its restrictions, penal
ties & privations — was foreseen & confidently calculated upon ; but it was
known that greater efforts & more skilful management would be necessary to
cast the majority in N. York State into the sarae scale. It was, however, so
essential to the success of their grand project, that they deterrained to strain
every nerve to effect it, preparatory to the coraraenceraent of their open oper
ations ; & they finally hoped, yery contrary to what they affected to desire,
that in the raean tirae no event would occur to brighten our prospects, or
render our situation less grievous. They were certain that N. Jersey would
follow the lead of the States to the Eastward, & would, without hesitation,
identify her interests with theirs. They counted upon Pennsylvania & Dela
ware, the former from policy, & the latter from affection, as sure accessions
to the Northern confederacy, &, regarding Maryland as necessarily the fron
tier between the two, they professed to be very indifl'erent to which she should
desire & solicit to be attached. They considered all the States & parts of
States connected with the waters that were tributary to the Mississippi, as
allies, merabers or dependencies of that confederacy which should be not only
raore formidable on the ocean, but connected in close alliance by treaty with
a Power, whose superiority in that element was in contestable. There were
" pl.ans

r6s

-Continued.

jilans also with respect to the Canadas & the Floridas, which, tho' not per
fectly matured, were to be brought in according to circumstances & events,
as auxiliaries or component parts of the grand system. If our affairs had
taken an opposite direction & had resulted in a war wilh England, there were
raany things highly iraportant & interesting to the President, both politically
& personally, which I should have felt rayself disposed— by feelings of at-
tachraent, as well as bound by the highest considerations of duty  to have
communicated and disclosed. I proraise still to do so, if, contrary to present
appearances and hopes, our negotiations with that Power should fail and a
rupture should ensue. In this case my name shall be given, and with it such
evidences of those raachinations as cannot but remove every doubt of their
existence. The prospects of an accoraraodation are so flattering as to render
such a coraraunication at the present preraature, & at any future tirae prob
ably unnecessary. Haying taken up ray pen, with the single object of giving
seasonable warning of dangers threatening in a certain quarter, where they
are no longer to be dreaded, I shall now lay it down, never to resurae it for
the same purpose, unless sorae untoward events, raore favorable to their
views than the present state of things, should encourage these master- work
ers, (now dispirited) to recommence their operations.
" Of myself I shall now only say, in addition to what I have before de
clared, that without being particularly and imraediately intrusted by thera of
late with their secrets, I know thera — and that in my disclosures I feel my
self perfectly free frora the imputation of a violation of faith, or a breach of
confidence. " CYRUS."
Anonymous. —
"The inclosed pamphlet ('A Candid Appeal to the Honest Yeo-
raanry of Essex, Morris & Sussex Counties, in the State of New Jersey, on
the Subject of the approaching Presidential and Congressional Election,'
October, 1808,) is sent you by a Federalist, who sincerely desires your elec
tion to the Chief Magistracy. He has no views to office, for there is none
which he would accept. He has nothing to ask for his friends — they, with
but few exceptions, differ frora him in his choice. His motives in writing to
you are purely disinterested, unless indeed his interest is the prosperity of his
country, which leads him, under existing circurastances, to prefer you, should
starap thera with a difi'erent character. With two of iKsfive Candidates pro
posed, he has had a more intimate, tho' not longer acquaintance — he knows,
& is known by, thera all, & he is free to declare that there is no one of the
number, whose talents, probity & genuine patriotisra, he holds in higher
estiraation than yours. His opinion of you has been forraed, not lightly,
not superficially, nor from the report of others, but from a personal & close
observation of many years." x x x n xhis paraphlet is sent you, rather as raatter
of curiosity, than deserving your serious notice. It is, however, a fact that
it was written & printed in the city of New York, & sent out from thence, to
the nuraber of raany hundreds, to be distributed this week amongst us.
Neither the writer or printer is made known, but well understood that the
costs are not defrayed by the Federalists alone." xxx " Be assured, Sir,
from one who can have no interest in deceiyingyou, that your most persevering
and raost dangerous eneraies are in your own State & in New York, Sc araong
those who profess to be of the same poUtical party. They carry on their nego
tiations with great zeal & secrecy. Mr. M. would accept the V. P. rather than
nothing, & the friends of Mr. C. are willing to help him to that office, if he
will contribute by the vote of the Electors of his own State to confer the
Presidency on Mr. C. — This first proposition was not accepted, but a corapro
raise of an extraordinary nature has since been proposed, iS: will most pro
bably be adopted — Mr. C. to be President — Mr. M. to be V. Pres't, with an
understanding & engagement that the former is to resign or retire from office,
at least one year before the expiration of his term, leaving Mr. M. to discharge
the duties, & adding thereto that for the next terra of four years, Mr. M. shall
be held up as Pres't. & Dewitt Clinton as Vice Pres't.
" Overtures also were raade to certain Feds to give to one of their Can
didates, the V. P't, if their Electors would unite for Mr. M. as Pres't, with
" those

1 66
88 — Continued.
those of Virginia & others, who they say will favor this latter. It has been
decidedly declined, unless they would give to the Fed'e candidate the first
office, & in consequence of this, the superior offer, as they termed it, of the
Clintonians, was communicated under solemn injunctions to those ofthe Feds,
as an inducement to their acceding. It had no effect, and the treaty between
Mr. M. & Mr. C. will probably be ratified. The friends of Mr. M. appear,
from their language, to be very confident of carrying their Electors against
yours, and it is more necessary, therefore, that there should be the greatest
vigilance & exertion throughout all the counties of Virginia in your behalf
The Electors, favoring Monroe, could do more, far more, towards defeating
you than if they were all of Federal character, and no tirae, therefore, is to
be lost, nor exertion Spared.
"¦The writer entreats you to confine the substance & terms of these
several conteraplated treaties for office, to your own breast, for reasons re
lating td him, which cannot but be obvious. They are known to so few,
that the disclosure raight JDe traced, but you raay regard thera as indispu
tably true, and take your raeasures accordingly."
Note. — James Madison has written oti a slip of paper attached to
this letter-^" Erroneously attributed to Jonathan Dayton, disavowed by ci
letter, under his signature, of March 2 ist, 1812." But, notwithstanding this
assertion of Mr. Madison, atid detiial of Jonathan Dayton, we unhesita
tingly declare it to be in Jonathan Dayton's handwrititig.
The pamphlet, referred to in the letter, accompanies it.
Anonymous —
" Your political enemies are taking every possible advantage of our un
accountable disasters at Detroit, to render your Presidency unpopular, & your
Cabinet Council odious & contemptible. This is not being done by the Federal
ists alone, but with equal zeal, tho' greater caution, by ' the Democratic Re
publicans.' The great object ofthe forraer is to remove the Chief magistracy,
not from you only, but from the State of Virginia, whora they pronounce
hostile to coraraerce, & to the growth of the Eastern section of the Union, &
to give it to a New Yorker, known to be favorable to both these objects,
without regarding the minor features ofhis political character." xxx "There
are also men very near you, in office at the seat of Governraent, who are in
secret conspiracy to supplant you." xxx " Preparations have been making
for the forming of a system of operations, & two prominent characters — H. G.
Otis & Col° Thorndike, of Boston- — are just arrived in N. York, for the sole
purpose of raaturing and organizing it." xxx "The blunders coramitted
by Gen'l Hull were ofthe grossest & most unpardonable kind. If he required
more men & provisions for his expedition, twenty days delay would have given
them to him, & he should have availed hiraself of this tirae to send expresses
to Gen'l Dearborn, urging hira to have a diversion made in his favor at the
other extremity of the lake. He ought never to have crossed to the British
side of the river, until prepared to carry fort Maiden by assault, if not sur
rendered on the first summons. By going over & reraaining at Sandwich
for reinforceraents & supplies, he reraoved frora a straight & near line of cora
munication with our posts & settlements, to a circular & raore distant one —
he enabled the eneray the raore easily to intercept thera by their water ex
cursions frora Fort Maiden." xxx "Xhe surrender, which followed this
series of blunders, was the raost unpardonable of all." xxx " Xhe uncer
tainty whether the Legislature would eventually declare the war, prevented
without doubt the taking of one of the raost iraportant preparatory steps for
acquiring a superiority on the lakes, which should have been commenced in
Jan'y or February, by sending up a corps of artificers to cut & prepare the
timber by hewing & sawing for building the vessels in the spring. Green
tiraber would have answered every purpose, for the superiority, once acquired,
would never have been lost, & the raoveraents, operations & supplies of our
Array would have been rendered easy, cheap and successful by our coramand
of the water. The Indians could have been kept in check, fewer troops
" could

167
3 — Continued, could have done the business, as detachraents would be less necessary & the
garrison could not be strengthened frora the lower posts." * * x n Be as
sured. Sir, by one who has himself made such a carapaign, that a winter
carapaign in Canada cannot be carried on by such troops as are now collect
ing for the expedition. All they have to do this year, raust be done before
the end of October, & ought to be, by the raiddle of it, after which, if your
soldiers are kept in tents, you will loose raore than the half of thera by sick
ness." XXX "Xhis coraraunication is raade from raotives of friendship to
wards you.'' XXX" Should the inforraation he gives, be acceptable, & any
thing further from hira be desired on any subject, an anonymous line to this
eft'ect, addressed to Mr. Levi Canning, in Elizabethtown, N. Jersey, wiU be
properly attended to."
Note. — In the handwriting of Jonathan Dayton.
Anonymous. September 25, 181 2 —
" The writer of this did not intend to follow up the late coraraunications
with any other, until he learned thro' the channel he had pointed out, whether
they were acceptable ; but considerations, not only personal to 'yourself, but
iraportant to the welfare of our country, have irapelled hira so far to change
his intention. The assembly of the Notables (as they are ludicrously called),
convened lately in the city of New York, haye broken up. The first object of
their discussion was to ascertain whether there was any hope of carrying a
Federal President. This being unaniraously decided in the negative — the
next enquiry was, whether under present circurastances it would be advisable
to put up a Federal candidate, on whora to expend all the Federal votes.
The discussion on this point was a long & aniraated one. Mr. Rufus King & a
few others coming out strongly in support, & Mr. H. G. Otis leading in oppo
sition & carrying with him a large majority. The plan, of course, now is for
all those States who can carry Federal electors to reserve theraselves as
make-weights in the scale ofcorapetition between the two great rival Repub
lican competitors. There was neither proposition nor any argument nor
hint in relation to a severance of the Union. It would have been unsafe &
most impolitic to broach it before the raen who were frora States south of the
Hudson, especially those frora Penn'a & Maryland.
" Upon the subject of future operations ag'st Canada, the writer will
venture to suggest a plan which appears to hira by far the raost advisable, &
which you. Sir, & your Cabinet can estiraate at what it is worth. Instead of
directing your forces towards Montreal this season, where their success, from
various causes will be very doubtful, let their destination be ag'st the British
posts on lakes Ontario & Erie, & the waters of coraraunication between thera.
Instead of sending or stationing troops along lake Champlain, reraove every
soldier from thence beyond one corapany ; leave no stores of any kind at
Plattsburgh, or its vicinity, to invite invasion, but barely provide for keeping
complete command of that lake. Let a corps of observation, not of operation
(its numbers depending upon circurastances), be stationed upon the St Law
rence between Ogdensburgh & the outlet of Ontario, & let Gen'l Dearborn's
array file off to the left Sc approach Niagara, disraissing previously, howeyer,
such part of his force as may be considered supernuraerary for the object,
especially those of the railitia drafts which may be the worst clothed or arraed,
or apparently the most reluctant. The forts Erie & George, opposite Niagara
& black rock, raust inevitably fall to hira, & a part of his troops raay occupy
for the winter, the settleraents of the Canadians on the west side.
" In like manner, & at sarae time, the operations of Gen'l Harrison must
be carried with sufficient force & decisive effect ag  Maiden, & desultorily
ag't the settlem'ts & towns of all those Indians whose warriors have taken any
part ag't us." * * * " There is reason to fear that in their attempt even upon
Montreal, this season, they wiU be defeated. If the writer could seriously
think otherwise, or could believe the danger less than he has represented it,
he should have been very far frora raaking this suggestion,"
Note — In the hatidwriling of Jonathan Dayton,

1 68
88 — Continued. Anonymous —
" Letters of congratulation are not the object of the writer, altho' no one
more sincerely rejoices at the defeat of our eneraies. No one more deeply
laraents that the railitary arrangements, raoveraents Sc disasters of the late
sumraer campaigns, improperly imputed to the Head of the Governm't, had,
for a raoment shaken the confidence, or alienated the affections of some
portions of the community. The means & powers were sufficient, if they
had been judiciously eraployed & directed, & the raass of the people will ere
long be convinced of this & return to their forraer attachraent. I must speak
plainly and frankly, since your last, addressed to L. C, invite it, where the public
good requires it. "Vou have very near you. Sir, a raost insidious, artful & decided
enemy in the Post Master General, who was deeply engaged in the plan s for
changing the Administration. To no man is the caution of the Roman more
applicable — ' Hie fiiger est, hunc tu Romane caveto.' Vour Coraraander in
Chief, tho' not unfaithful as the former, is raiserably incorapetent, & if not
changed, disaster will be added to disaster — disgrace to disgrace, & discon
tent, of course, to discontent. The defects of all his plans & systems, if indeed
he ever had any, are now plainly perceptible. Only one Reg't of regular
troops was wanted for the whole frontier from St. Lawrence to Champlain.
The further force required there, by way of feint, should have been raade up
of railitia, for here could not be the brunt of battle, because our unprepared
state, & the advanced stage of the season, rendered our advance to Montreal
unadvisable & impracticable, which the Com'r in Chief & Sec'y of War,
above all other raen, could & should have forseen, & acted accordingly.
Under such an arrangera't the eneray could never have crossed the line, for
there would be no military store to take or destroy, & if tliey had crossed for
purposes of devastation they would have roused & brought ag't thera the New
England hives, with sharpened stings, who otherwise would be disposed to
reraain quietly in their cells.
" Two additional regular Reg'ts should have been sent to the vicinity of
Niagara, where it was most important that our operations should have been
carried on vigorously & successfully, & every British post subdued. This
force, under proper direction, would have ensured it, & your troops raight
then have wintered on that side in safety, & to great advantage.
" Harrison required at least one full Regiment of Regulars more than he
had. This would have taken 4 out of 5 of the regular Reg'ts at Plattsburgh,
and a part of the 5th Reg't should have been stationed at Oswego, & its
vicinity, & the other at or near Sackett's harbour." * * * n Xhe opposers of
the Government & of your re-election are (to use a familiar sea phrase) shaken
in the wind, perplexed, erabarassed, hesitating & undecided as to their future
measures. Uniting only in one great object, that of the change of Presidency,
but differing as to alraost every other, they begin to discover that they can go
together no longer. The steady loyalty of Penns'a defeats entirely one pro
jected plan of endeavouring by raeans of a convention of deputies from the
States North of Maryland, to throw off a connection with the Southern part
of the Union, and to form a compact, &= strong one, of their own. New York
would then have been the centre, and the make-weight or arbiter of this new
confederacy; but she will not venture to connect herself alone with New
England, where her influence would be lost, altho' the Yankees would rather
have that State & New Jersey without Penns'a than with it. They have
made the most they could of the indiscreet movements & disasters of our
armies in the interior, with a view to the Presidential contest." xxx "Xhey
speak with great confidence, tho' I cannot learn certainly on whatauthoritv,
or upon whose assurance, that the next year's hostile operations will be so
managed and directed as to dishearten, weaken, harass .& distress the whole of
the Southern States, to render the war raosl burthensorae & unpopular in that
quarter. Such an event they regard as likely to aid & promote their views in
two very iraportant respects. These suggestions of the writer are certainly
nol sufficient grounds of conduct, so far as to found upon them preparations
for warding off, or properly meeting the threatened dangers, but they raay
" produce

169
88 — Continued. produce further inquiry Sc greater vigilance in relation to those more vulner
able parts of our Union, which the enemy would delight to invade & lay
waste, frora special motives of hatred Sc revenge, more than the general pol
icy of an honorable warfare."
Note — /« the handwriting of Jonathan Dayton. On the bottom of
the letter James Madison has written — "Rec'd December ^0, 1812."
Anonymous- —
" I took the Uberty of writing to you lately on the subject of our afi'airs,
& will now trouble you once more, for my anxiety is extreme. The contera
plated plan of raising 20,000 men for one year is a raost erroneous one. By
the tirae they are raade good soldiers they raust be disbanded, — another army
enlisted^. Your troops would always be raw, — the expenses enorraous — the
delays incalculable. Besides the double expense & delay, the desertions will
be raore than double where you raise 20,000 raen for one year, & a like nura
ber to supply their place for the next year, what they would be if raised at
once for two years.
" If the term of enlistment be predicated on the belief that the Canadas,
upper and lower, can be taken in the next Summer's carapaign, let rae assure
you. Sir, that there will be the raost fatal disappointment. . No force you can
collect & send there, howeyer great, can so far succeed as to reach i& take
Quebec by the firsl year's operations. All you can do (& this is certainly
very practicable) will be to take the whole of upper Canada, & all the British
fortresses as low down as Montreal. Here, your army should pass their win
ter, having their communications open & free with the lakes Champlain &
Ontario Sc Erie, where there would no longer be an enemy post or vessel, &
here, they would be in excellent quarters, preparing for their descent ag't
Quebec as early in the spring as the roads would admit, which would be raore
than a month before any vessels bringing reinforceraents or supplies could
venture to enter the .St Lawrence. As soon as the proper measures should
be taken with a competent force for completely investing the town, the most
favorable positions between it & the gulph should be taken iS: fortified for
beating back, taking or destroying every ship that should appear in the river.
This latter respecting the river force is now raentioned in order to impress
the conviction that a larger array will be absolutely necessary, than what
raight be deemed sufficient on a strict calculation to carry the fortress & town
of Quebec, with its garrison alone. If I were to speak in reference to the
present state of things, I should say not less than 25,000 nor raore than 30,-
000 men ; but you will be able to spare, in order to make up this force, nearly
or quite two thirds of the troops which had been employed in taking forts
Maiden, George, Erie, Amherstburgh, &c, cS: for the descent of which men
with cannon, stores, &c, batteaus may be built at proper points on the lake,
as was done for Sir Jeffrey Amherst's army in the old French war, when they
descended ag't Montreak" xxx " I cannot conclude without expressing the
hope (& praying your pardon for doing so) that the vapouring of Mr Quincey
about cabinet influences, electioneering projects & such stuff, will not preyent
the appointraent (if it were conteraplated) of Mr Sec'y M. to the coraraand of
the array. His talents of every description are so greatly superior, his
proraptitude & decision so ranch greater, & his views so far more enlarged as
to adrait of no comparison between hira & the present coraraander, & besides
all this, the confidence of the Array would be infinitely greater in him, than
the other, & most deservedly so. This raatter of confidence too is of no sraall
iniportance at any time, but more than ever essential now, after so many of
our Generals have so greatly disappointed the public expectation."
Note. — In the handwriting of Jonathan Dayton.
Richmond, Virginia, August 5, 1807 —
X X X ll I have been informed since my arrival in this place that the assent
of Government is necessary before I can be admitted to bail, & I flatter my
self with the hope that it will freely be granted lo me. In almost every fea
ture my case is variant from that of every person standing under a similar
accusation. For eighteen months past, I had not been within three hundred
railes ofthe Ohio river, nor one week absent from my family, but have come
"here

170
88 — Continued. here voluntarily to attend to ray tryal in an unfavorable climate & season. My
health is so much worse as to have confined me five-sixths of the tirae since
my arrival, to my room & bed — Eyen this letter I ara writing on my pillow
from which I am in hourly apprehension of being torn & carried to a prison,
where, to reraain three weeks, would be ruinous to ray constitution. There
can certainly be no wish on the part of our Governraent, to have me treated
with unnecessary rigor, calculated only to endanger my existence, & to render
my friends, & a loving & beloved family most truly wretched, for it must be
evident that all the purposes of justice can be as effectually answered by bail
ing, as confining, rae. Under these irapressions I yet flatter rayself with the
hope of obtaining by your order, thro' your infiuence, the indulgence asked
by rae in this instance, itt consideratioti of tny wretched health, if no other.
Any thing which I raay here say in favor of innocence raay possibly be re
garded as unseasonable, or improperly addressed to you, but 1. cannot forbear
to declare, that if ever I saw Mr Blennerhasset, or had any coraraunication
of any kind with hira, or ever was on his island (where I am charged with
being & levying war in Deceraber last), or eyer sent a person there, or if I
ever furnished Col°. Burr, or any one associated with hira, with a shilling of
money, or boats, or provisions, or supplies of any kind, or engaged or era
ployed any person in any expedition or project of his, or made a single move
ment of any sort to aid it, then I am willing to be condemned without relief
or mercy." xxx " Upon another matter. Sir, connected raore immediately
with my defense, I am compelled, tho' very reluctantly indeed, to trouble
you. It is to request a certified copy of the original coraraunication raade by
Gen'l Wilkinson to the President or the Governraent, of a letter or letters
stated by hira to have been received in cypher wholly or in part, & then or
since ascribed to me. It is of consequence that I should have the exact date
& terras of his communication, so far as it has the least reference to any such
letter or letters — also the words of the decyphered letters as he then gave
them, & whether in the first communication, or at any time since & when he
named me, or any other person, as the author."
— Frotn Jonathan Dayton.
Elizabethtown, N. J., March 25, 1812 —
* * * "I received yesterday by raail a letter without signature, which frora
its general & particular character, its tenour, & its allusions, must be pre
suraed to have come from the President of the United States. The letters
therein alluded to, & stated to have been addressed to the Secretary of State,
& to the President successively in 1808 & 1809, were never sent by rae. It
would seem, however, that they have been imputed to me in consequence of
the apparent similitude of h ands. These, Sir, are not the only instances in which
my handwriting has been imitated for the worst purpose by ill designing raen,
or mistaken by the best intentioned. I possess no knowledge of the facts
therein suggested, viz, ' a projected severance of the Union, which was to "
" be undertaken in case of a rupture with G. B., under the raanageraent of"
"men of high standing. See' Nor do I know of any association of raen for
such an object, nor the narae of even a single individual of this description,
excepting such only as the public prints disclose to us.
" I should regard this anonyraous coramunication as of sufficient iraport
ance to take rae, even in this raost unpleasant season, to Washington, in order
to see Si. examine those letters, and then to discover sorae clue which raight
lead to the discovery of their real source,. & the detection of their fabrication,
if it were not for a most distressing complaint, the Hemorrhoids, attended
with external turaours, which utterly disqualify rae frora undertaking any
journey." — Jrotii Jonathan Dayton.
Elizabethtown, N. J., March 29, 181 3 —
XXX "When I retired frora public life in the year 1806, aftbr five-&-twenty
years service in the Armies & Councils of ray country, I had taken a resolu
tion never again to accept an eraployraent or office of any kind which should
draw rae from my domestic retireraent. It was not indeed then forseen, that
the integrity of our happy Union would be so soon threatened & jeopardized, "the

i7i
-Continued. the prosperity & harmony of the confederated Slates intercepted, and that
perils from internal foes would beset us on every side, more dangerous even
than those which our external enemies, with their utmost efforts, could array
against us. The once favourite children of our great national family seem to
be conspiring for its separation, disunion & consequent destruction." xxx
" Under these impressions, as a sacred point of duty, and from no selfish or
arabitious motive, I am now acting & have thus taken the liberty. Sir, directly
to address you. There are sorae (& as I yet hope, many) of those who were
distinguished as Federalists — some, too, of those few survivors — who were
the proud followers of Washington during his railitary career of glory — who,
far frora abandoning you at this crisis, will arouse at your call, and array
theraselves again in arraour on the side, & in support of their country's
Chief, & of their country, to oppose with equal zeal & hostility, those traitors
& ingrates who internally plot to dissever the Union, & those external foes,
who openly & with less guilt aim to destroy our sovereignty & independence.
" It cannot give offense to you. Sir, to have one of this description now
offer himself at the very moment when the country is considered to be in
danger. Happy indeed would it be if all, of every description, who are yet
able to fight the battles & defend the just cause of their country, would
imitate the exaraple."
— From Jonathati Dayton.
Elizabethtown, April 9, 181 3 —
XXX "Xhere is reason to apprehend that, without sorae sufficient precau
tionary raeasures on your part, a bold atterapt may possibly be raade to sieze
your person & papers, & convey you to the fleet below. This apprehension
arises not solely from the position & disposition of the enemy in the bay, their
strength and means (altho' this of itself would warrant it), but from intiraa
tions unguardedly made at an Anglo-American lable in New York, by sorae
EngUshraen, whose wishes doubtless go to the full extent of their intiraations."
The letter after describing various raodes that might be employed for
the capture of the President, also offers several suggestions how to prepare
against such an event.
— From Jonathan Dayton.
Elizabethtown, N. J., April 10, 181 3 —
X X X ll I have been honoured with the receipt ol your esteemed favour of
the 5lh inst. Entertaining no anxious desire of abandoning my domestic
ease, & entering again upon the fatigues, risks & privations ever attendant
upon railitary service, I feel neither dissatisfaction nor disappointraent that
the proffer made by roe, tho' favorably received, & flatteringly acknowledged,
could not consistently Ijc accepted. It was the result of an impulse of duty
much rather than an inclination, &, therefore, without looking for, or desiring
any post, office or emolument, of which I can now no longer henceforth be
suspected, if, during this highly interesting period of our affairs, I can be in
any respect useful, I shall feel most happy to be so."
— From Jonathan Dayton.
Note — Signature cut off.
Elizabethtown, N. J., April 30, and May 26, 1813—
A long and interesting letter giving (with the permission of President
Madison) advice, in regards to how the campaign should be conducted against
the British. — From, Jonathati Dayton.
Elizabethtown, N. J., July 14, 181 3—
XXX" That which I had foreseen & foretold in my former letter respecting
our loss of the coraraand of the lake, has too truly happened, but aU the con
sequences of it are, I fear, not yet realized.
" The position of our Army at Fort George & Newark is thereby ren
dered extremely critical. Its retreat wiU be rendered irapracticable, if the
British, exercising their nsual railitary skill, should send a detachraent of 4

\Ji
88 — Continued. or 500 men to land at four raill creek about 2 Sc }4 miles frora Niagara, &
carry this fort by assault, which they can easily do from its rear & on the land
side, where it is very weak. They will then, by means of our own Guns,
command Fort George, Newark, our whole encarapment, & the passage tothe
river." * * * "I pray you. Sir, to find in my, zeal for the public service, a
full apology for the freedom which I thus use. If I distrusted less than I do
the judgraent of Gen'l D., I should entertain much less alarm Sc anxiety. If
his place were occupied by any one oifour meti who I could name, ifl dare
without fearing to subject myself to the charge of too great presumption, I
should feel very easy as to the result of our military operations in that quar
ter ; & not rayself alone, but, I believe, the great body of the people would
participate with rae in such confidence."
— From Jonathan Dayton.
Elizabethtown, August 4, 181 3 —
XXX" My opinion has been, from the very comraencement of their [the
British] ascent of the Potoraac, that they were committing a great error,
with a view to the possession of Washington. Besides a number of disad
vantages attending a direct raovement up the river, there is a very important
one, viz: that it tends to decide, at once, &= certainly, ihepoint at which they
aira, & the real object of their expedition. This is surely a very great error.
Wherever it can be avoided, as in this case, it might well be. Permit me.
Sir, to state in what manner, not from a vain desire to exhibit my military
skill or discernment, but frora an apprehension that as it would be their best
plan of operations, so it raight prove to be the true one eventually adopted,
and ought to be raost particularly guarded against. To advance with a con
siderable part of their ships of war so as to threaten at the same time both
Baltimore & AnnapoUs ; to land at or near the small river, called South river,
about 4000 troops, to proceed by a forced march, thro' Louden and Bladens
burgh, to Washington. Commencing their raarch at sunset of one day, they
raay reach the city before night ofthe following day, encountering little or no
opposition, for the Militia will generally be kept in a state of suspense &
alarm for the points & places, to which they are more particularly attached,
especially Baltimore & Annapolis, which will be constantly threatened, if not
bombarded." xxx
— From Jotiathan Dayton.
Elizabethtown, N. J., September 6, 18 14 —
* * * " Assured that any suggestions tending to promote the public good
will not be unacceptable, I venture, at this crisis, to offer some.
" There can exist little doubt of there having been sufficient force on our
side to have prevented the eneray from reaching Washington, or to have de
feated & destrfiyed the greater part of those who did reach it.
" The true use of the two different descriptions of the militia was not
understood by the Gen'l in command. Such of them as were hastily assem
bled, & without discipline, should never be brought into Brigade, and held to
fight regularly in the line. This should be done only by the Regular Regi
raents & by the disciplined Uniform & Volunteer corps. These raay be ma
noeuvred by colurans, & when displayed for battle, wUl shew a firmness,
confidence & courage, which the raass of undisciplined Militia cannot do.
But even these latter raay nevertheless be made formidable to a regular mov
ing array, if they are rightly organized & employed. They should be ordered
to act by detachments, never exceeding a Regiraent (or better by Battalions),
to annoy & harrass, at every step, the front, flanks & rear of the advancing or
retreating eneray, chusing for themselves the raost advantageous places for
' their desultoiy & often-repeated attacks, such as woods, strearas, hills, ravines,
morasses, &c.
" In this way, one Battalion, fighting by Companies, often retreating but
as often & easily rallying & taking new positions, will do raore execution by
far, than a whole Brigade collected & drawn up to act regularly in line." x x #
And so, this long and interesting letter goes on, commenting and severely
criticising the action of the 'War Department, and the officers in comraand
during the engageraent with the enemy before they captured Washington.
— Prom Jonathan Dayton,

173

General Armstrong's Letters to James
Madison, as Minister to France, as Gen
eral in the Army in the War of
1812, and as Secretary of War.
8g Armstrong, John. Member of the Old Congress. Let
ters to James Madison, from July 2, 1804, to September
4, 1814, containing 57 Autograph Letters, signed; i
Autograph Letter, unsigned ; 2 Autograph Letters, with
signatures cut off; 3 Letters, signed, and 22 copies of
Letters, Documents, etc., in all 85 pieces. Folio and
quarto.
Note. — John Arms trotig was born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, Novem
ber 25th, 1755; and served with distinction as an officer in the Revolution
ary War. He was the author of the celebrated " Newburgh Letters,"
written for the purpose of obtaining redress for the grievances sustained
by his brother officers. He was chosen a delegate to the Contitiental Con
gress in 1778 and 1787, from Pennsylvania, was made Secretary of State,
and Adjutatit- Genera I of the State, and to him was intrusted the direc
tion of the last Pennsylvania war agaitist the Connecticut settlers of
Wyotning. He was a Uniled States Senator from 1800 to 1804. Was
also appointed Minister to France in 1804, and Commissioner Plinipoten-
tiary to Spaitt. In 1812 he was appointed Brigadier-General ; and was
afterwards {1813) selected by James Madison to fill the position of Secre
tary of War, the appoititment of which he accepted. The invasion and
capture of Washington by the British, in 18 14, caused a rupture between
htm and the Presidetit, whicli ultitnately terminated in his resigtiation,
September 4th, 18 14. He died April ist, 184J.
These letters (with the exception of two) began while in his capacity
as Minister to Fratice, atid embrace the period frotn May 4th, 1806,
to September 4th, 18 14. In thetn he fully elucidates the ideas of the French
Court itt reference to the Embargo Act ; the sale of the Floridas ; complains
of the unfaithfuhiess of Mr. Erving and Mr. Bondoin, for impartitig
private informatioti to Spain iti reference to the Floridas, which Napoleon
had made him the repository of; also condemns the insolence and arro
gance of Great Britain in regards to our cotnttierce, and recommends a more
etnphatic and threatening course iti our dealings with the French Court,
which caused Napoleon to revoke his decree in reference to the seizure and
confiscatioti of all Atnericati vessels in French ports. He criticises fully
the French Tarriff Act of July ^th, 18 10, and incloses a printed copy of
the said act. Recommencts the appointment of Witifield Scott, as Briga
dier-General, atid Andrew Jackson as Brevet Major-General. Fully por
trays the doings atid movements ofthe Atnericati Army in the second war
with Great Britain, during the titne he cotnmatided the same, as well as
during his fulfiUtnent of the position of Secretary of War. Writes a long
and interesting letter accusing Warden as being an impostor and a fraud
of the worst character, and concludes this letter by resigning the Secretary-
ship of War.
Washington, J uiy 15,1 804 —
* ¥: * it Xhe public papers have already announced the death of Gen. Hamil
ton, from a wound received in a duel with Mr. Burr. The cause of the quarrel
was some disrespectful expression with regard to the latter, made by Mr.
Hamilton during the last winter at Albany. It is no doubt true, that these
" gentlemen

174
89 — Continued. gentlemen were in the habit of thinking and speaking very freely of each
cither, and it is perhaps only lo be wondered at that their ill-will had not taken
its last form some years past. The public syrapathy is a good deal excited
for Harailton and his faraily. Whether this is spontaneous or artificial I do
not know, but it probably partakes of both characters. The corporation of
^he city took the direction and assumed the expense of his funeral, and the
English interest talk of erecting a statue to his raemory."
Paris, May 4, 1 806 —
•% X * "It is painful to me to state the following facts, but it is necessary they
should be stated.
" On the 1st instant I presented a note in conformity to the instructions
Contained in your letter of the 13th of March. On the 2d the subject was
Dp'ened by his Majesty the Emperor. ' I have,' said he, ' some papers in rela
tion to that business which you have not seen.' On the third these papers
were given to the Minister who found thera to consist of Maps and Charts of
the Floridas, raany arguments to show the importance of these provinces to
his Catholic Majesty as railitary and naval stations, and a declaration that on
no account would he consent to divest himself of thera, either by sale or
otherwise. " On receiving this inforraation ray first belief was that the Minister had
himself found means to raake the difficulty in the hope of soon finding reasons
sufficiently substantial for setting it aside. I therefore answered, that it was
with much surprise I heard an objection of this sort on the part of Spain, and
the raore so as she had so recently offered the Floridas as a kind of small
change in adjusting an account withan Individual." xxx
" 'This raay be,' was the reply, 'but it is notthe less true that certain cir
curastances have produced an entire change in the dispositions of Spain.
France has been represented as usurping over her entire sovereignty, and
even as putting her provinces to sale without her knowledge or consent. Do
you know that even your own agents have not raerely insinuated, but asserted
this ? Do you know that Mr. Ewing has coramunicated to the Prince of Peace
the confidential propositions of which you were made the depository last sum
mer, and that they were derived from Mr. Bowdoin (as it would appear) for
the express purpose of being so coraraunicated ?'
" You raay readily imagine ray confusion and astonishment at this discov
ery. I had confided the propositions to Mr. Bowdoin, under the most soleran
injunctions of secrecy. ' Whatever,' I said, ' raay be your own opinion of them,
remeraber that they are not for either you or rayself to adopt or reject; they
are now before authorities which are alone competent to do either, something
useful may grow out of thera, and as I have received them under the most
solemn injunctions of secrecy, you must receive them from me under the
sarae injunctions.' Could I believe that a man to whora his country had com
mitted so high an office, could so flagrantly violate a trust so sacred ? If this
IS not a sufficient apology, I have none."
Paris, August 30, 1 808 —
X X X ll We have somewhat over-rated our raeans of coercing the Iwo great
belligerents to a course of justice. The embargo is a measure calculated,
abrve any other, to keep us whole and keep us in peace;, but beyond this
you raust not count upon it. Here it is not felt, and in England (in the raidst
of the raore recent & interesting events of the day) it is forgotten. By the
way— the Eraperor would prefer to it, a war on our part with G. B., but
would prefer it to any state of things, except that of war. I have had this
last preference in my eye in my last note to the Prince of Benevent. I
have, therefore, endeavored to shew (what indeed I hope will be the fact)
that unless France shall do us justice, we will raise the embargo, and make,
in its stead, the experiraent of an artned Commerce. Should she adhere to'
" her

175
89 — Continued. her wicked & fooUsh measures, we ought not lo content ourselves with doing
this. There is much, very much, besides, that we can do, and we ought not
to omit doing all we can, because (among other reasons) it is beUeved here
that we cannot do much, and even that we will not do what we have the
power of doing. For God's sake, let your measures be such as wiU correct
this erroneous estimate both of your power and your spirit. I write thus
freely from no impulse but that of a love of my country, and attachraent to
the adrainistration that governs it."
Paris, June 6, 1809 —
X X X il Xhe Journal of yesterday gave us your proclamation announcing an
arrangement with the British Minister, at Washington. Those of to-day
give us Mr. Canning's disavowal of that Minister's conduct, and would make
us believe that Mr. Erskine had gone in the very face of his instructions.
There is nothing astonishing in all this. It is a true specimen of modern di-
ploraacy. New hopes frora Austria, from Spain, and frora Massachusetts,
have produced new views. The systera raust be accoraraodated to these, and
instead ofa real and unqualified revocation of the obnoxious orders, a substi
tute is to be found, which, as Lord Liverpool declared in Parliaraent, should
yield nothing of the principles of, its predecessor, and possess raore both of
strength and activity." x x x "Xo what does it araount? Siraply this —
that if you will give up the whole of your policy with regard to G. B. , she
will give up a part of hers, with regard to you ; if you will throw open to
her the benefit of your markets, and permit her to shut against you those'of
France, Holland and Italy, she will permit you to trade with certain specified
countries, without demanding from you either tax or tribute. If such be the
substance of her propositions, they are without a paraUel for insolence — nor
are they raore insolent than deceptions, forthe raoment you raake this agree
raent you will find yourselves shut out of Denmark, Sweeden and Russia, —
Lower Italy and Germany. What then will remain of this promised trade ?
That to Spain and Portugal ; and can it be doubted but that these countries
will share the fate of Austria — that if she falls, they fall ?" * * * " I offer
these facts as illustrations of the opinions I have given you above, and as
proofs that the Continent will not assent to the B. doctrine of blockade under
any form. Are we, then, prepared to subscribe to it ? We are told that Mr.
P. has got all he asked, excepting that FloUand will have three raonths
exemption frora blockade, instead of one without limitation of time. But
what would have been the effect of our exemptions in the latter forra ? Will
France allow your trade with Holland, while her own ports are shut up by a
British'proclaraation ? Or does Mr. P. beUeve that Holland is a free agent
& can do as she pleases ? And what will be the effect of the actual exerap-
tion ? To ensnare your vessels into rupture & confiscation, and your country
into a war wilh France exclusively. That this could not have been Mr. P's
view, I hope and believe, but that it is that of Mr. Canning I have no doubt —
and one more hostile to us cannot be iraagined." xxx " I cannot close
this letter without inforraing you, that having been caught in the storm, I
will see it out ; but that, let it terminate in sunshine or hurricane, I hope that
you will equally authorize my return to the U. S. — and that, in the latter case,
the means of doing so may be furnished to rae."
Amsterdam, August, 20, 1809 —
X X X ll I set out to-raorrow for Paris. When I get there, my object will be
to obtain a private audience of the Eraperor. This course has been suggested
by a Minister, much in his confidence, who, the night before I left Paris,
called upon rae to urge an experiraent of it, and offered his services lo bring
it about. As, however, the motion must come from the Emperor, and as he is
not always disposed to grant such indulgence, we must wait his own convic
tions of its usefulness. The deraand of ray passports is the circumstance
most likely to produce the effect, and this I shall try. With the most sincere
wishes for the general success of your administration." * * *

176
89 — Continued. Paris, September 18, 1 809 —
X X X ll If my . standing here had not been personally good, the publica
tions of the last spring, entitled Suppressed Documents, See, would have done
rauch raischief Many copies of them were sent to the foreign department,
accompanied, by proofs of genuineness, derived, as was said, frora the silence
of Governraent, both with regard to the publication itself & the compiler of
it. The storm has, however, blown over, and without doing any positive
harra, public or private, but still leaving before it a disposition to raark more
attentively than hitherto, any sirailar circurastance. This will suggest the
propriety of recalling the docuraents submitted to Congress before copies of
thera can be raade ; or, what raight be still safer, the giving only of extracts from
thera. I have no fear that anything I have said, or shall say, can be disproved,
but Lord Mansfield's doctrine of libel is not only the doctrine of an English
Tory, but of all princes and potentates who claim under the tenure of divine
rights, and who have unlimited power to punish offenses against it." xxx
Paris, March 18, 18 10 —
X X * "If report says true (for I know nothing of it officially) you will
soon have a new Minister from this country. This is a Cadet, who is for the
first time put on horseback. He is the son-in-law of your old acquaintance,
Lafoust, and the son of the Count de Monstier, whom we knew as a Minister
frora Louis 1 6th, at New York. They, who know hira, say he is a chip of
the old block, which is not saying rauch for his discretion. What seems to
confirm this suspicion is, that he has quarrelled with all the Ministers he has
been with, and is not now on speaking terms with his father and mother-in-
law." XXX
Paris, May 6, 1810—
* * * " I have just been inforraed that M. Bowdoin (before he left Paris) in
conjunction with M. Skipwith, & by means which I shall take care to inves
tigate, did obtain from an Irish ex-priest, of the name of Somers, a deposition
in which an attempt is made to implicate me in a land speculation, connected
with the then intended purchase of the Floridas, and conducted by Messrs.
Parker, O'Mealy and Le Ray de Chacemont. This deposition was multiplied
by several copies, one of which was inscribed on the Consular Register of
this place, which, by the way, forms the true reason why that Register has
been so unwarrantly withheld by Skipwith and Barnet Another of these
copies was, as I understand, sent to you, when Secretary of .-^tate, to be pre
sented to the President. It is this last circumstance that gives me a right to
trouble you with anything on this subject, and, in particular, to request that
a copy of this deposition, if in the office, or otherwise within your reach, may
be forwarded tome. I venture to say in advance, that I wiU cover with in
famy the fabricators of this calumny. They are assassins, and deserve no
pity." * * X

Paris, May 25, 18 10 —
XXX" Xhe Imperial decree of the 23rd of March sufficiently indicates its own
cause, though, from the personal explanations given to me, it would appear
to have been less the result of the law itself, than of its non-execution, which
was construed, and wilh some plausibility into a partiality for English com
merce. ' My wishes and interests,' said the Eraperor the other day, ' both "
" lead to a free & a friendly connexion with the U. S.; but I cannot see with "
" indifference, on the part of this power, raeasures which expressly favor "
" the trade of ray eneray. Such is their non-intercourse law, which if faith- "
" fully executed, would not be equal in its operations, but which, so far "
" from being thus executed, has been violated openly, and with impunity, "
" frora Its date to the present day ; and, certainly, much to ray prejudice and "
" greatly to the advantage of British commerce.' Th? ericor in this reasoxiing
IP not going farther back for premises." * * * ¦ ¦ -is

177
89 — Continued. New York, March 3, 181 1 —
XXX" Xhe first paragraph of your letter of the 24th ult., on the subject of
Warden's character & conduct, makes it a duty on ray part lo speak fully and
freely to you with regard to this adventurer. He is an irapostor in every
thing, and as deficient in capacity as he is in fidelity. He has not written a
single page of those raeraoirs, which have been so ostentatiously published as
his, and on which is founded whatever degree of reputation raay be iraputed
to hira, for zeal — for industry, and for talent. They are by his own acknowl
edgement, & without exception, the productions of French lawyers, & par
ticularly of a Mr. Darchey, an indigent raan of letters & of law, to whora
Warden gave five louis for each memoir." xxx After reviewing the
bringing to light of the corruption of Mr. Warden while in office, he says :
" I have written thus far in the frankness which has characterized all ray in
tercourse with you, public and private, and which I cannot lay aside without
reraarking, that if Mr. Warden be re-instated you pass an indirect censure on
ray conduct in reraoving hira, and, of course, impose upon me the necessity
of shewing the grounds on which I acted." xxx
New York, August 3, 181 2 —
X X X ll I arrived here on Friday last and have this day taken the comraand.
Gen. Bloomfield left us this raorning. He has been both frank and friendly,
& I should do wrong were I not to raake this acknowledgraent, as well to you
as to hira." xxx
New York, January 17, 18 13 —
" I have this raoment had .the honor of receiving your letter of the 14th
instant and the coraraission it enclosed.
"Accept, Sir, my thanks for this new mark of your confidence, & ray as
surances that no personal consideration shall delay ray journey southward a
single raoment, I do beUeve however that an interview with Gen'l Dear
born, preliminary to my entering on the duties ofthe War Department, would
be so useful, if not indispensable to a prorapt & regular discharge of these,
that I shall set out this evening or to-morrow morning for Albany."
Sackett's Harbor, September 21, 181 3 —
X X X ll Gen Dearborn's Aid-de-camp is now here & will perhaps explain
the General's wishes. To ask a court of inquiry, where no imputation has
been made by any agent of the Gov't or officer of the array, is unreasonable.
Were the reraoval of an officer from one rail, coramand to another, sufficient
cause for a court of Inquiry, we should have much (& very useless) occupa
tion, besides that of combating the eneray. We raust be cautious, therefore,
of raaking a precedent."
Albany, November 14, 181 3 —
XXX" Harrison has found his old eneray (Proctor) in a new position, at
the head of Burlington bay, and is preparing to attack him. The Gen. can
not be charged with underrating the force of his eneray. He raakes it to
araount to 2000 raen. It raay be half that nuraber, including railitia and
Indians." xxx
Albany, November 25, 181 3 —
xxx "The progress ofthe campaign, tho' less favorable than was expected
in its general issue, has been filled with incidents highly honorable to the
American arms. The attacks of the enemy on Crany Island, on Fort Meigs,
on Sacket's Harbor and on Sandusky, have been vigorously & successfully " repulsed

178
89 — Continued. repulsed. Nor have they in any case succeeded on either frontier, excepting
when directed against the peaceable dwellings of individuals or viUages
wholly unprepared or undefended,
" On the other hand, the movements of the American army have been
followed by the reduction of York, and of Forts George, Erie and Maiden ;
by the recovery of Detroit and the extinction of the Indian War in the West
& the occupancy or comraand of a large portion of Upper Canada; Bat
tles have also been fought on the borders of the St. Lawrence, which, though
not accomplishing their special objects, reflect the highest honor on the disci
pline and prowess of our soldiery, and offer to us the -best assurance of event
ual victory." xxx
War Department, February 19, 1814 —
" I have the honor respectfully to propose for your approbation the fol
lowing appointraents in the Array of the United States :
Daniel Bissell, Colonel of the 5th Infantry, to be Brigadier-General.
Edmund P. Gaines, Colonel of the 25th Infantry, to be Brigadier-Gen
eral, &
Winfield ScQtt, Colonel of the 2nd Artillery, to be Brigadier-General.
War Department, May 9, 18 14 —
" I have the honor to inclose copies of a correspondence between Major
Gen'l Izard and General Wilkinson on the subject of the Court Martial
recently instituted for the trial of the latter; the result of this is, that General
Wilkinson declines being tried by a court of the smallest legal number, unless
wholly coraposed of General officers, & that the court, not being so composed,
was dissolved,"
War Department, May 14, 1814 —
XXX" Something ought to be done for Gen. Jackson. The vacant Major-
General's place cannot be filled during the recess of the Senate, but we can
make him a Brig., and give him the brevet of Major-General and send hira
to relieve Flournoy, who is very irapatient in his present position. We can
give Jackson 4 Regis, of inft'y, the 2d, 3d, 7th, & 39th, with thera; he will
keep every thing quiet at N, Orleans, and very soon relieve us from the
reproach of the injury resulting from the piratical establishment at Barsela-
ria," XXX
War Department, June 4, 18 14 —
" I have the honor to transmit Irerewith, in obedience to your orders of
yesterday, a General Report of the Array of the U. S., its strength and distri
bution, an estimate of the Regular force of the eneray in the two Canadas,
the posts occupied by this, and the reinforceraents frora Europe, destined
thereto, and to the Atlantic frontier of the U. S."
Note — This letter is accompanied ivith the Reports tnentioned.
Baltimore, .September 4, 18 14 —
X X X "I have given to the late occurrences at Washington, in relation to my
self, all the consideration due to them, as well on public as private grounds,
and have determined to resign ray appointraent as Secretary of the War De
partraent. This I hereby do and pray you to accept with it, the assurance of
ray great respect & consideration,"

1^9

James Madison's Autograph Copy of the
Debates in the Federal Convention.
go Madison, James. His Autograph Copy of the Debates
of the Constitutional Convention, from Monday, May
14, to Friday, September 14, 1787. Folio. 108 pages.
Mr. Madison's heading reads :— " Copies frora the original by Jaraes
Madison, Jr., N. York, Sep. & Oct., 1787. In Federal Convention." It is
deficient only in containing the transactions of the last two days Saturday,
the 15, and Monday the 17 of September. This omission also occurs in the
journal of the Convention deposited with the Government by General Wash
ington.

James Madison's Commission as Secretary
of State.
9 1 Madison, James. The Commission appointing him Sec
retary of State, under Thomas Jefferson, President of the
United States, dated Washington, March 5, 1801 ;
signed by Thomas Jefferson, as President, and Levi Linr
coin, as acting Secretary of State. Folio, Parchment.
This commission is the raore interesting, as Thomas Jefferson, undoubt
edly as a corapliment, wrote the whole comraission hiraself.
g2 Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph " Amendments to the
Constitution, to be added to Art. IV., section 3," re
ferring to the incorporation of the Province of I^ouisiana
with the United States. Folio.
93 Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
4 pages. Baltimore, February 15, 1783. To Edmund
Randolph.
After referring to his delay in starting for France, and corapliraenling Mr,
Randolph on his intention of qualifying hiraself for a seat in the Legislature,
and comraenting on the Verraont dispute, he says : " I find also the pride of
independence taking deep & dangerous hold in the hearts of individual States,
I know no danger so dreadful & so probable as that of internal contests ; and
I know no reraedy so likely to prevent it as the strengthening the band which
connects us. While subject to Gr Britain she preserved peace araong us ; we
have substituted a congress of deputies from every State to perforra this last ;
but we have done nothing which could enable them to enforce their decisions.
What will be the case ? They will not be enforced ; the States will go to war 1
with each other in defiance of Congress ; one will call in France to her as- I
sistance, another Gr, Britain, and so we shall have all the wars of Europe
brought to our own doors. Can any man be so puffed up with his little por
tion of sovereignty as to prefer this calamitous accompaniment to the parting
with a little of his sovereign right and placing it in a council from all the
" States

i8o
States, who being chosen by himself annually, removable at will, subject in a
private capacity to every act of power he does in a public one, cannot possi
bly do him an injury, or if he does will be subject to be overhauled for il ?
It is very important to unlearn the lessons we have learnt under our former
government ; to discard the maxims which were the bulwark of that, but
would be the ruin of the one we have erected. I feel great comfort on the
prospect of getting yourself & two or three others into the legislature. My
hurable & earnest prayer to Almighty God will be that you raay bring into
fashion principles suited to the forra of governraent we have adopted, ife not
of that we have rejected. That you will first lay your shoulders to the strength
ening the band of our confederacy & averting those cruel evils to which its
present weakness will expose us, & that you wUl see the necessity of doing
this instantly before we forget the advantages of union, or acquire a degree of
ill-temper against each other, which will daily increase the obstacles to that
good work." xxx
94 Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph Letter (signature torn
off). Folio. Washington, March 12, 1 80 1. To James
Madison.
After mentioning various appointments in his cabinet, he says : — " What
a raisfortune to the jrablic that R. Morris has fallen from his height of char
acter. If he could get from confinement, & the public give him confidence,
he would be a most valuable officer in that Station [Secretary of the Treas
ury], & in our council, but there are two impossibilities in the way." xxx
95 Jefferson, Thomas. Autograph Letters, Memorandums
and Notes. Various dates. 9 pieces.

John Quincy Adams's Letters to James
Madison.
96 Adams, John Quincy. President of the United States.
Letters signed. Quarto. Washington, October 22, 181 8,
June 18, 1819, and June 2, 1820. To James Madison.
3 pieces.
Acquainting Mr. Madison of the fact, that — " On the 19th of March,
1796, there were deposited in this office, by President Washington, a volume
of raanuscript containing the Journal of the proceedings of the Convention ;
a second volurae containing their proceedings in Committee of the Whole ;
a third containing lists of yeas and nays on various questions, and nine sep
arate papers — two of which are copies of Resolutions submitted by Mr. Ran
dolph, and discussed in Convention. One isa printed draft of the Constitu
tion as reported, with raanuscript minutes of amendments to it, adopted
after debate ; and the rest are papers of little or no consequence. These are all
the docuraents possessed by the Government, coming within the scope of the
Resolution of Congress at their last session," [for the publication of the Jour
nal of the Convention which forraed the present Constitution], x x » n xhe vol
urae containing the Journal ofthe Convention is incoraplete. The Record closes
with the proceedings of Friday, 14th September, 1787. Those of Saturday, the
15th, & of Monday, the 17th, the day of final adjournment, are not entered
in the book." x -x x 11 xhe President has directed rae to write you, and en
quire if you can, without inconvenience, furnish the means of completing the
Journal." xxx Also thanking Mr. Madison for supplying the means for com
pleting the Journal, and asking him to read over the printed copy of the
Journal (then sent) and correct whatever errors he might see.

I8l
97 Adams, John Quincy. President of the United States.
Letters to James Madison, from April 30, 1809, to July
14, 1838, consisting of 9 Autograph Letters, signed; 6
Autograph Letters, signed and signatures cut off, and i
Letter signed; in all 16 pieces.
Contains mostly his letters while Minister to Russia, on the eve of the
second war with Great Britain.

John Quincy Adams's Letters of Sympathy
to Mrs. Madison, on the death
of James Madison.
98 Adams, John Quincy. President of the United States,
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto, 2 pages. Quincy,
July 23, 1836. To Mrs. D. P. Madison.
" The city Government of Boston have resolved that as a raanifestation
of the sense entertained by the citizens of that place, in coraraon with their
fellow citizens of the United States, of the virtues, worth and services of
James Madison, and their sorrow at the bereavement, which has removed
from earth this eminent man, and deprived the Araerican Nation of one of
its most ardent Patriots and distinguished Statesmen, an Eulogy should be
delivered before thera upon his life and character, and they have been pleased
to charge rae with the performance of that duty.
" I have undertaken it, under the influence of a desire, perhaps more
ardent than discreet, to do justice to my own feelings as well as to those of my
fellow citizens.
"A summary account of the principal incidents of Mr. Madison's Life
will of course be expected in this discourse. May I presume to ask of you
the favor of any information concerning hira, not publicly known, but which
may tend more effectually to display his rare and exemplary virtues, and
especially any minutes or raeraoranda of his own, concerning his childhood
and youth?" * * *
99 Adams, John Quincy. President of the United States.
Printed Letter, signed. Quarto. Washington, June 30,
1824. To James Madison.
Conveying two copies of fac-simUes of the original Declaration of In
dependence, engraved by Wra. J. Stone ; also the resolution of Congress
respecting the portrait of Columbus, presented to the nation by G. G. Barrell.
100 Adams, John. President of the United States. Auto
graph Letters, signed. Folio and Quarto. Quincy,
April 22, 1817, and June 17, 1818. 2 pieces. To James
Madison.
Interesting letters on the writings of eminent authors of the day.
IOI Adams, John. President of the United States. 7 Au
tograph Letters (with signatures cut ofif). To James
Madison.
Some of these letters are very interesting, and one in particular that com
ments on the majority that Mr. Madison is likely to have onhis second elec
tion. The signatures have been cut off, as gifts to friends who requested them.

l82
102 Monroe, James. President of the United States. Let
ters to James Madison, from May i8, 1786, to April 11,
1 831, consisting of 20 Autograph Letters, signed.
Quarto.
On affairs of state and private matters.
103 Monroe, James. President of the United States. 5
Autograph Letters (with signatures cut off). To James
Madison.
104 Clay, Henry. Eminent American Statesman. Letters
of, to James Madison, consisting of 10 Autograph Let
ters, signed, and 2 Autograph Letters, with signature
cut off. Quarto. 1 2 pieces.
Portraying, in a very plain manner, his views and ideas of the tariff.
105 Madison, James. Autograph Memoranda. Quarto. 3
pages.
Mr. Madison writes : "This had been prepared by J. M. as a preface or
prospectus for the raeraoir [of Thoraas Jefferson] when that alone was in
tended for immediate publication."
106 Hamilton, Alexander. Eminent Statesman and Gen
eral. 3 Autograph Letters, signed. Folio and quarto.
Head-Quarters, January 30, March 26, and July 24,
1779. To General Knox.
107 Harrison, Robert H. General in the Revolutionary
War, and Secretary to General Washington. Autograph
Letter, signed. Dated August 28, 1779. Folio.
108 Bland, Theodoric. Member of the Old Congress, and
officer in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. 3 pages. Philadelphia, March 3, 1783.
To Edmund Rantiolph.
Mentions the condition of the finances of Great Britain, and concludes
that it is necessary for her to have peace. Also mentions that Robert Morris
had sent in his resignation of the office of finances.
109 Indiana Territory. The original petition of a portion
of the Legislative Council and of the House of Repre
sentatives of the Indiana Territory, to Thomas Jefferson,
President of the United States, complaining of the arbi
trary and oppressive conduct of John R. Jones, in his
official capacity as President of the Legislative Council,
and praying for his removal. Signed by George Fisher,
Shadiach Bond, James Beggs, General W. Johnston,
Luke Decker and Henry Hunt. Dated, Indiana Terri
tory, October 26, 1808. Folio. 3 pages.

i83

Washington's Reception by Congress.
no Broadside — Issued April 29, 1789 —
" The Coraraittees of both Houses of Congress, appointed to take order
for conducting the cereraonial of the formal reception, &c., of the President
of the United States, on Thursday next, have agreed to the following order
thereon, viz :
"That General Webb, Colonel Sraith, Lieutenant- Colonel Fish, Lieut-
Col. Franks, Major L'Enfant, Major Bleecker, and Mr. John R. Livingston,
be requested to serve as assistants on the occasion.
" That a chair be placed in the Senate-Chamber for the President of the
United States ; that a chair be placed in the Senate-Chamber for the Vice-
President, to the right of the President's chair; and that the Senators take
their seats on that side of the chamber on which the 'Vice-President's chair
shall be placed. That a chair be placed in the Senate-Chamber for the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, to the left of the President's chair
— and that the Representatives take their seals on that side of the chamber
on which the Speaker's chair shall be placed," etc., etc. FoUo.

Anonymous Letters to James Madison,
from 1808 to 1824.
Ill Madison, James. President of the United States. 88
Anonymous Letters to, folio and quarto, from various
portions of the United States, on all conceivable subjects.
Mounted in one volume. Folio. Morocco.
If we consider this generation to be aiUicted with a plague of " cranks,"
what, in the narae of coramon Sense, raust we term the era during the admin
istrations of Thoraas Jefferson and Jaraes Madison, besieged as they were,
and as these letters will attest, with long epistles, some covering nearly fifty
pages of foolscap, teeming with nonsensical advice from obscure individuals,
formulating plans to cure all the ills under which the country was then suffer
ing; bloodthirsty threats of idiotic political eneraies; blessings and prayers
of religious nurascuUs, and, goodness knows, what not I These letters, were
they published coUectively in one volurae, would impress the reader as the
writings of the inmates of a mad-house. They commence with accusing
Jefferson and Madison of acting under French influence with the intention
of selling the country to Bonaparte ; many were written on the eve of the
election which placed James Madison in the Presidential chair, and denounce
DeWitt Clinton and his colleagues as the raost corrupt of men, showing up
in very glaring colors their machinations against the election of Mr. Madison.
Others ascribe the opposition in New York, New England and Pennsylvania
to Jefferson's Embargo law, and predict all sorts of calamities to the country
if it should not be at once revoked. Then follow severe criticisms, by another
hand, on the act sanctioned by Jefferson for allowing foreigners to become
citizens after a residence of only four years. A financier, no doubt of great
ability, and who should have been acting in the capacity of Secretary of the
Treasury (?), imparls a very elaborate plan for raising a revenue for carrying
on the war with Great Britain (1812). A patriot of no raean calibre rec
ommends the huraane policy of burning every town belonging to the English,
that our ships could reach, as a retaliatory raeasure. Another, who signs him
self " Charles Hall," offers his services for raaking, charging and applying
" submarine

1 84
submarine infernal machines to transmit loyal British subjects to the arms of
their Creator, without the otherwise necessary assistance of doctor or deacon.
An "Old Soldier " submits a plan, worthy the brains ofthe greatest military
engineer, for taking the Canadas, a plan which was not adopted, however.
An astute gentleraan of Boston kindly tr'ansraits valuable information of the
vast amount of goods that were smuggled into that port, and coraraents on the
corruptness of the Custora-House officials, a disease, no doubt, with which they
are still afflicted. Then tomes a plan for establishing that fortress captured
by Andrew Jackson, a national bank. But probably the raost noted and
raost inteUigent of all these lovers of their country, was embodied in the per
son of one who signed himself " Edmund Kelly" in his epistles, which are
exceedingly numerous and lengthy. He discovers to Mr. Madison the terri
ble fact that General Jackson was in league with an association of English
subjects, calling theraselves Orangemen, for the purpose of adulterating all
sugars consuraed by Araericans with some deleterious substance, that would
gradually weaken and, eventually, translate to a raore congenial clime the pa
triots who might partake of such sweets, and thus, in due lime, bring Amer
ica under the subjection of England. There is no doubt but that Mr. Madi
son kept these letters intact for the purpose of cheering himself at times when
affiicted with melancholia.

Letters of Richard Rush, to James Madison,
and others.
112 Rush, Richard. Secretary of the Treasury, Attorney
General of the United States, etc. 52 Autograph Let
ters, signed ; 2 Letters, signed ; 5 Autograph Letters,
signed in the third person ; 1 3 Copies of Letters and 3
Autograph Letters of Catharine E. Rush ; from Janu
ary 30, 1812, to March 25, 1831. Folio and quarto.
78 pieces. To James Madison and others.
Note. — Richard Rush was a native of Pennsylvania. Born 1780 ;
died i8jg. He was at different titnes Comptroller of the Treasury, Attor
ney-General of the United States, Minister to England (where he tiego-
iiated some itnportant treaties). Secretary of the Treasury, Minister to
France (and thefirst foreign Minister at Paris to recognize the French
Republic, in 1848), etc. The letters are mostly written by Mr. Rush, in
his official capacity at Washington, to James Madison.
113 Rives, William C. Minister to France. Letters to
James Madison and Mrs. Madison, and J. C. Payne,
from September 23, 1828, to October 27, 1837 ; con
sisting of 39 Autograph Letters, signed. Folio and
qtiarto. Also 9 Autograph Letters, signed by J. P.
Rives ; in all, 48 pieces.
Note. — W. C. Rives was a native of Virginia. Born May 4, 17^^,
died April 26, 1863. He was a metnber of the Staunton Convention called
to revise the Constitution of Virginia ; was appointed Minister to France
under President Jackson; was a member of Con-^ress and a United States
Senator, and also a member of the Confederate States Con-.^'ress. He wrote
and published " The Life of James ' Maaison." These letters (ire of a
private nature, as -well as official, ' ' '

i8s
1 14 Rush, Benjamin. Signer ofthe Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages.
Philadelphia, April 24, 1790. To James Madison.
* * * "Your motion in honor of the memory of Dr. Franklin has added to
the number & affection of your friends in this city."
115 Rush, Benjamin. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. 2 pages. Folio.
Philadelphia, December 8, 1801.
Asking that his son, Richard Rush, be appointed private secretary to a
foreign minister.
116 Page, Mann. Member of the Continental Congress,
from -Virginia. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Mansfield, January 24, 1789.
117 Scott, Gustavus. Member of the Old Congress, from
Maryland. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3
pages. Cambridge, May 16, 1789.
118 'Walker, John. Member of the First Congress, from
Virginia. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages.
April 29, 1789.
119 Walker,John. Member of the First Congress. Folio.
2 pages. Belvoir, June 18, 1789-
120 Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Folio.
Belvoir, August 2, 1789.
121 Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Shirley, November 7, 1791- To
James Madison, with address.
122. Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Shirley, May 11,1801.
To James Madison, with address.
123 Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Belvoir, June 16, 1803.
124 Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Belvoir, September 26,
1807.
125 Walker, John. Member of the First Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. 2 pages. Quarto. To James
Madison.
Congratulating Mr. Madison on his election to the Presidency of the
United States.
126 Scammill, Colonel Alexander. Celebrated Officer in
the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. Camp Middle Brook, May 24, 1779. To Gen
eral Knox.

1 86
127 Nicholas, George. Colonel in the Revolution, and
Chief Justice of Kentucky. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. June 29, 1789. Inclosing an Autograph
Order, signed under the same date, on James Madison.
Quarto. 2 pieces.
128 Moylan, Stephen. Celebrated General in the Ameri
can Revolution. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
Philadelphia, January 15, 1795. To James Madison,
with address.
i2g Peale, Charles Willson. Painted a Portrait of Wash
ington. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages.
To James Madison, with address.
130 Pinckney, Charles. Revolutionary Patriot, Signer of
the Constitution, Governor of South Carolina, etc.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages. Charles
ton, July 8, 1 80 1. To James Madison, with address.
131 Madison, Mrs. Dolly P- Wife of James Madison. Au
tograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Montpellier, Octo-

I §7
136 Volume of Letters, written by various individuals, to
James Madison, including one or more Autograph Let
ters signed by John Walker, member of the first Con
gress ; Daniel Clark, of Burr conspiracy fame ; Pierce
Butler, signer of the Constitution; Jared Ingersoll,
signer of the Constitution ; Charles Pinckney, signer of
the Constitution ; Francis Bailey, printer ; Francis
Brooke, Judge of the Court of Appeals of Virginia;
Aaron Burr, Richard Peters, member of the Old Con
gress ; Gabriel Duval, Justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States ; Aedanus Burke, member of the first
Congress; Caesar A. Rodney, Attorney General, and
others. In all 100 pieces, neatly mounted. Folio.
Half morocco.
137 Volume of Letters, written by various individuals, to
James Madison, including one or more Autograph Let
ters signed by Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the House
of Representatives ; Thomas J. Randolph, James K.
Paulding, Charles Lucian Bonaparte, the ornithologist ;
Aaron Burr, Josiah Quincy, President of Harvard Col
lege ; J. B. Longacre, engraver ; John G. Chapman,
artist ; Edward Livingston, Secretary of State ; John
Forsyth, Secretary of War ; Edward Everett, Frank P.
Blair, and others. In all 79 pieces, neatly mounted.
Folio. Half morocco.
138 Volume of Letters, written by various individuals, to
James Madison, including one or more Autograph Let
ters signed by J. K. Paulding, Benjamin H. Latrobe,
architect ; William Findlay, who wrote the " History of
the Whisky Insurrection"; Thomas Todd, Judge of
the Supreme Court of the United States ; Thomas J.
Randolph, Governor of Virginia; Benjamin W. Crown
inshield, Secretary of the Navy ; Richard Bland Lee,
member of the Old Congress ; Charles B. King, portrait
painter ; Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the House of
Representatives; Edward Everett, and others. In all
147 pieces, neatly mounted. Folio. Half morocco.
139 Trist, N.P. One hundred Autograph Letters, signed,
from September 16, 1826, to November 2, 1836; ad
dressed to. James Madison and Mrs. Dolly P. Madison.
Neatly mounted. Folio. Half morocco.
Principally relating to the University of 'Virginia, Nullification Act, and
Secession.

I^g

Rev. Jacob Duche's Noted Letter, to Gene
ral George Washington.
140 Duche, Rev. Jacob. Chaplain of the Continental Con
gress.- Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 1 3 pages.
Philadelphia, October 8, 1777. To General George
Washington.'*'
The Rev. Jacob Duche, author of this letter, which has contributed 30
rauch in adding lustre to the character of " Our 'Washington," was born in
Philadelphia, about 1739, was a clergyraan ofthe Episcopal Church, was rec
tor of Christ Church, celebrated for his eloquence, and was one of the raost'
popular of preachers
At the beginning of the Revolution he espoused the cause of the Colo
nies, and raade the opening prayer at the first Congress, Septeraber 7, 1774.
He was chosen chaplain to Congress July 9, 1776, but resigned in October,
on account of ill health (in his letter he says he resigned on account of the de -
terraination to separate frora Great Britain), when the British took possession
of Philadelphia. Alarraed at the glooray aspect of affairs, Duche forsook the
patriot cause, and, in a letter to Washington, dated October 8, 1777, urged
hira to pursue the same course. Mr. Duche, who raarried a sister of Francis
Hopkinson, went to England with his family, but returned to Philadelphia
in 1790, where he died January 3, 1798.
The late Mr. Schuesselle made this letter the subject ofa very clever por
trait of Washington, representing him seated at a table at his Headquarters,
VaUey Forge, with the Duche letter crumpled in his hand. The artist, in
common with historians of that time, labored under the impression that the
letter was handed to 'Washington at Valley Forge, and the well-known en
graving, by E. S. Best, of this painting has been so lettered ; but the truth is
that the letter was received at headquarters, 'Worcester Township, Phila
delphia County, now Montgomery County, October 15, 1777. In his let
ter to Congress, dated Headquarters, 'Wentz's, October 16, 1777, 'Wash
ington says : " I yesterday, through the hands of Mrs. Ferguson, of Graham
(Graeme) Park, received a letter, ofa very curious and extraordinary nature,
from Mr. Duche, which I have thought proper to transmit to Congress."
That this extraordinary as well as unexpected epistle surprised and cha
grined Washington cannot be doubted ; extraordinary, because it breathed
such vile treason ; unexpected, because it had come frora him, who had
been selected to make, and had breathed, the first prayer to Almighty God
asking for divine assistance in the struggles to free this nation from the tyr
anny of the British yoke.
The writer of this letter was probably a man of timid nature, who con
sidered our cause as very hazardous. That he was a pessimist is proved
by the gloomy outlook he took of all the doings of Congress and the army.
In the wording of portions ofthe composition, we can hardly bring ourselves
to believe that it was not written at the dictation of British agents, especially
that part wherein he begs for the resumption of the negotiations with Lord
Howe, which had been broken off prior to the Declaration of Independence ;
as also the detailed account which he gives of the victories and achieveraents
of the British arms. The fact of the British taking possession of Philadel
phia, the then capital of the new confederation, and the fact that Congress
had fled to meet elsewhere, worked upon his nervous disposition to such an
extent, that he thought the cause was lost, erabraced the opportunity to seek

* For copy of this letter, printed lu-rlutlitii, Itleratiiii et punctualitn, see extra
pamptilet, issued witli this catalogue.

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189
shelter under the protection of his sovereign, as he was pleased to call GSorgS
the Third, and was then induced by British agents to approach the unap
proachable Washington wilh the terapting bait of personal aggrandizement
at the expense of his purpose of freeing his countrymen of British tyranny.
It must be admitted that Dr.» Duche's statement of the gloomy condition of
affairs was scarcely overdrawn, and a weaker man than Washington might
have been swayed from his course, and our country have remained a depen
dency of Great Britain. As it was addressed to a Washington, it failed of its
purpose ; as it was a Washington who received it, it consequently obtained the
consideration it was doomed to receive frora a Washington, and was trans
raitted by a Washington (no doubt with a sigh of pity for the author) to
the Congress of his suffering countrymen, to be acted upon as they saw
fit ; thus adding another ray to the already refulgent crown of glory that sur
rounded the head of the iraraortal chief
The letter, in itself, is one of the raoSt interesting of historical papers,
embracing as it does, one of the most important epochs of Revolutionary
history,' and affords one of the nuraerous proofs of the sublirae virtue and
patriotisra of hira whom all nations do now, and will for all tirae and ever,
proclaira as their apostle in everything that appertains to true greatness,
true freedom and true principles of governraent — GEORGE WASHING
TON ! — " May his enemies have the justice to applaud his virtues, and his
friends the candor to acknowledge his errors."
What has become of the identical letter sent to Washington, is not
known. This letter, which was discovered in the Duch^ papers, is the auto
graph draft of the original, signed and addressed, and is consequently the one
from which he copied that which was received by General Washington. It-
is surprising that it has not found its way into print more generally ; and it
should now be incorporated in school histories as an example ofthe unapproach
able character of the " Father of his Country."

Washington's Letters of Condolence on the
death of Colonel Tench Tilghman.
141 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. With fine signature, on franked ad
dress. " Mount 'Vernon, May loth, 1786.
" Thomas R. Tilghman
" Sir, " Being at Richraond when your favor of the 22d ult'o came to this
place, is the reason of its having lain so long unacknowledged.— I delayed
not a raoment after my return to discharge the BaU'e of your deceased
Brother's acc't against rae, to Mr. Watson, according to your resquest.
" As there were few men for which I had a warmer frendship, or greater
regard than for your Brother— Colonel Tilghman— when living; so, with
much truth I can assure you, that there are none whose death I could more
sincerely have regretted— and I pray you, & his numerous friends, to per
mit me to mingle ray sorrows with theirs on this unexpected & raelancholy
occasion— and that they would accept ray corapliraents of condolence on it.
" I am — Sir
"\x most obed't Hble Serv't " CiEo Washington "

igo

Washington's Letter vindicating himself
against the accusations of the British
officer, Captain Asgill.

142 Washington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Signed. Quarto. 4 pages.
" Mount 'Vernon, 5th June, 1786.
" James Tilghman
" Dear Sir,
" I have just had the honour to receive your favour of the 26th
ult'o. — Of all the numerous acquaintances of your lately deceased son, &
amidst all the sorrowings that are raingled on that melancholy occasion, I raay
venture to assert that (excepting those of his nearest relatives) none could
have felt his death with raore regret than I did — ^because no one entertained
a higher opinion of his worth, or had irabibed sentiments of greater friendship
for him than I had done. — That you. Sir, should have felt the keenest anguish
for his loss, I can readily conceive, — the ties of parental affection united with
those of friendship, could not fail to have produced this effect. It is however
a dispensation, the wisdom of which is inscrutable ; and amidst all your grief,
there is this consolation to be drawn; — that while living, no man could be
more esteeraed — and since dead, none more laraented than Col. Tilghman.—
" As his correspondence with the Com'ee of New York is not connected
with any transactions of mine, so, consequently, it is not necessary that the
Papers to which you allude should compose part of my public documents ;
but if they stand single, as they exhibit a trait of his public character, and
like all the rest of his transactions will, I ara persuaded, do honor to his un
derstanding and probity, it raay be desirable, in this point of view, to keep
them alive by mixing them with mine ; which, undoubtedly, will claim the
attention of the Historian.' — Who, if I raistake not, will upon an inspection of
them, discover the illiberal ground on which the charge mentioned in the ex
tract of the letter you did rae the honour to inclose rae is founded. — That a
calurany of this kind had been reported, I knew ; — I had laid ray acc't for
the calumnies of anonymous scribblers ; but I never before had conceived
that such an one as is related, could have originated with, or have raet the
countenance of Capt'n AsgiU ; whose situation often filled rae wilh the keen
est anguish. — I felt for him on many acc'ts ; and not the least, when, viewing
hira as a raan of honour & sentiraent, how unfortunate it was for him that a
wretch who possessed neither, should be the means of causing in him a sin
gle pang, or a disagreeable sensation. — My favourable opinion of him how
ever is forfeited, if, being acquainted with these reports, he did not immedi
ately contradict them. — That I could not have given countenance to the in
sults which he says were offered to his person, especially the gravelling one
of erecting a Gibbet before his prison window, wUl, I expect, readily be be
lieved when I explicitly declare that, I never heard of a single attempt to of
fer an insult; and that I had every reason to be convinced that he was
treated by the Officers around him with all the tenderness and every civiUty
in their power. — I would fain ask Capt'n AsgiU how he could reconcile such
belief (if his mind had been seriously irapressed wilh it) to the continual in
dulgences, & procrastinations he had experienced? — He will not, I presume, " deny

191
deny that he was admitted to his parole within lo or 12 Miles of the British
lines ; — if not to a forraal Parole, to a confidence yet raore unliraited — by be
ing permitted, for the benefit ol his health, & recreation of his raind, to ride,
not only about the Cantonment, but into the surrounding Country for many
miles, with his friend & Companion, Maj Gordon, constantly attending hira. —
Would not these indulgences have pointed a Military character to the foun
tain frora which they flowed ? — Did he conceive, that discipline was so lax
in the Araerican Array as that any officer in it w'd have granted these liber
ties to a Person confined by the express order of the Coraraander in chief un
less authorized to do so by the Sarae authority ? & to ascribe them to the in
terference of Count de Rochambeau, is as void of foundation as his other con
jectures ; for I do not recollect that a sentence ever passed between that Gen
eral and me, directly, or indirectly, on the subject. — I was not without sus
picions after the final liberation and return of Capt'n Asgill to New 'York,
that his mind had been improperly irapressed— or that he was defective in
politeness. — The treatment he had raet wilh, in my conception, merited an
acknowledgment. — none however was offered, and I never sought for the ,
cause. " This concise acc't of the treatment of Capt'n Asgill is given from a
hasty recollection of the circurastances. — If I had had tirae, and it was essen
tial, by unpacking ray papers & recurring to authentic files, I might have
been more pointed, and full. — It is in my power at any time to convince the
unbiassed mind that my conduct through the whole of this transaction was
neither influenced by passion — guided by inhumanity — or under the control of
any interference whatsoever. — I essayed every thing to save the innocent and
bring the guilty to punishraent, with what success the impartial world must,
and hereafter certainly will, decide
" With very great esteem and regard
" I have the honour to be
" Dear Sir
" Yr most obed' Serv't
" Geo Washington "
143 W^ashington, General George. Autograph Letter.
Octavo. In the third person.
" William Tilghttian
"Whenever it shall be convenient to Mr. Tilghman, the Presid't will re
ceive the money which he has obtained from Mr. George, with a statement
of the -account.- The sura charged by Mr. Tilghraan the P. thinks very rea
sonable, and is willing to allow it.
" Friday Morn'g
" 4th Sep'r '95 "
144 Washington, General. Letter Signed. Folio. 2 pages.
Has fine signature of Washington on franked address.
" Headquarters, Valley Forge, 12th Feb'y, 1778.
" His Excellency Thomas Wharton, President ofthe State of Pennsylvatiia,
at Lancaster.
" Sir, " I have the honor of yours of the 7th instant, which is fully an
swered by raine of the lolh. .
" When the Winter quarters of Ihe Airay were arranged, it was agreed
between Gen'l Armstrong and myself, that the MiUlia of this Stale should
"cover-

192
cover the Country between the Schuylkill and Delaware, in order to prevent
the incursions of small parties of the Enemy, and to cut off the intercourse
between the City and Country.
" The nuraber of Militia fixed upon for this purpose, was one thousand,
which Gen. Arrastrong proraised should be regularly kept up. Upon the ap
pointment of Gen'l Lacey, Gen'l Potter, who had been long frora home, gave
up the comraand to him. As I have not the pleasure of knowing Gen'l Lacey,
I will not undertake to say whether the little that has been done since Gen'l
Potter's departure has been owing to any want of activity in him, or whether
he has not been furnished with the stipulated nuraber of raen, but this is a fact,
that they have by some raeans of other dwindled away to nothing, and there
are no guards within twenty Miles of the City on the East side of Schuylkill,
except a few patrols of Light Horse, who being unsupported by Foot, dare not
go near the eneray's lines. Owing to this, the intercourse of all the country,
between Schuylkill and Delaware, is as open and uninterrupted as ever it was,
and raust continue so, unless a sutficient nuraber of Militia are iraraediately
ordered out. The continental Troops, much worn down with the fatigues of
the campaign — building themselves houses and fortifying their Camp, are un
able to perform more duty than they have to do on this side of the River,
especially as raany of thera cannot leave their Quarters for want of Cloathing.
" I hope frora this state of facts that you will iraraediately order out at
least the nuraber of Men stipulated by Gen'l Arrastrong ; and if possible, sorae
hundred raore, for the purpose of forraing the raost advanced Guards, as we
find the continental Troops (especially those who are not Natives) are very
apt to desert frora the pickets.
" I have the Honor to be "Sir
" Yr raost ob't Serv't " Geo Washington.

" P. S. Since writing the above I have rec'd a letter from Gen'l Lacey
dated at Warwick in Bucks County, in which he informes rae that his Num
bers are reduced to between 60 and ioo,"

193

MISCELLANEOUS
COMPRISING SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
MEMBERS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, GENERALS
AND OTHER OFFICERS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR,
FOREIGN OFFICERS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR,
COLONIAL GOVERNORS, MISSIONARIES TO THE
INDIANS, PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES,
GENERALS IN THE CIVIL WAR, ETC., ETC.—
ALSO
LETTERS RELATING TO ARNOLD'S TREASON.
145 Adams, Abigail. Wife of John Adams, President of
the United States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Quincy, June 12, 1799. To Mrs Sarah W. A. Morton
(wife of Perez Morton,) styled the " American Sappho."
On the subject of the intended dedication of one of her writings.
" I received yesterday, by Mr. Morton, your polite request of dedica
ting to me what you are pleas'd to call ' one of your favorite children.'
Portrayed as it is by your pen, I cannot but receive, and foster it, with par
ticular regard. The very flattering manner in which you have introduced it
to rae merits my acknowledgment. If, in the two raost important characters
of feraale life, I have been so happy as to discharge the duties of them in
such a raanner as to raerit the approbation of the good andthe virtuous, it
will be a sufficient Eulogy to me. Upon the purity, honour and chastity of
the female character, depend the morals, the virtue, the religion and inde
pendence of our country, as well as its doraestic felicity, andthe elegant pen
of Mrs. Morton cannot be raore beneficially eraploy'd than in inculcating
and celebrating those virtues ; which, whilst they do honour to her sex, are
fully exeraplified in her own conduct ; and will shed upon her character
raore unfading Laurels than the distinguished literary and poetical talents
which she so eminently possesses."
Beautiful specimen, with full signature.

John Adams's Letter praising the Citizens
of Philadelphia for their loyalty.
146 Adams, John. Second President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages. Phila
delphia, April 23, 1798. To the Mayor, Aldermen and
Citizens of the City of Philadelphia.
" Never, as I can recollect, were any class of my FeUow Citizens more
welcorae to rae, on any occasion, than the Mayor, Alderraen, and Citizens of
the City of Philadelphia, upon this.
" At a tirae, when all the old RepubUcs of Europe are crurablmg into
Dust, and others forming whose Destinies are dubious, when the Monarchies
of the Old Wojld are, some of them fallen, and others trembling to their
" foundations.

194
foundations, when our own Infant Republic has Scarcely had tirae to cement
its Strength or decide its practical form, when these Agitations of the human
Species, have affected our People, and produced a Spirit of Party, which
Scruples not to go all Lengths of Profligacy, falsehood and Malignity in defa
ming our Government, your Approbation and Confidence are to me a great
consolation. Under your immediate observation and inspection, the principal
operations of the Government are directed, and to you, both characters 'and
conduct must be intimately known.
" I ara but one of the American People, and my fate and fortunes must
be decided with theirs. As far as the forces of Nature may reraain to rae, I
will not be wanting in ray Duties to thera, nor will I harbour a Suspicion that
they will fail to afford rae all necessary Aid and Support.
" While, with the greatest Pleasure, I reciprocate your congratulations
on the prospect of Unaniraity, that now presents itself to the hopes of evei y
Araerican, and on that Spirit of Patriotism and Independence that is rising
into active exertion in opposition to Seduction, Domination and Rapine, I
offer a Sincere Prayer that the Citizens of Philadelphia may persevere in the
virtuous course, and maintain the honourable character of their Ancestors, and
be protected from every calamity, physical, moral and political."

147 Adams, John Quincy. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Quincy,
August 12, 1845. To Rev. Nicholas Murray.
In relation to an invitation to deliver an address at the laying of the cor
ner stone of a raonuraent to the raeraory of Rev. Jaraes Caldwell, the patriotic
clergyraan who was shot by a sentry.
" A precarious and infirra state of health, and the decay of body and
raind incident to advanced age, have raade it irapossible for rae to foresee
whether at any given day in advance it may be in my power to address a
raeeting of ray fellow citizens in public. I have therefore been compelled to
decUne contracting any such engagement, and to deprive myself of the pleas
ure of accepting all such invitations even conditionally." * * * "The de
sign of the citizens of Elizabethtown lo erect a monument to the raemory of
the Rev'd James Caldwell is one that appeals to the sympathies of every
Araerican heart. That they have thought rae worthy of being associated
with them in this act of piety and of patriotism entitles thera to the warraest
of ray very grateful sentiraents, and while the pulses of ray heart shall beat,
can never be forgotten by me." * * * « To contribute one sprig of tnyrtle
to clothe in unfading verdure the grave of that blessed martyr in the cause
of our Country's freedom, would be,- could d cottimand my own aestiny, the
last act with which 1 would close tny own earthly career. But from one day
to another I have no controul over my own voice. To-day I could address
asserabled raultitudes so as to be heard and understood by thera all, and to
raorrow the organs of speech may be extinguished so as to deprive me of the
privilege of being heard in a private roora. To these alterations I have been
subject for years, and the occasional failures of my voice increase in fre
quency with every added year. They occur most in both extreraes of the Sea
sons of heat and cold. The fear of unavoidable disappointraent forbids me
to make an engageraent which it is quite probable I may not have it in my
power to fulfil. I3ut ifyou can raake the arrangements for the whole cere
raony without dependence upon ray participation in it, yet reserving a short
space of tirae in which, if present, as I will endeavor to be', I may express
to the people of Elizabethtown ray feelings of gratitude to thera for their kind
ness and my hearty concurrence with them in their comraeraoration of heroic
virtue in the annals of our revolution, please to forward to rae the history
of Mr. Caldwell and his family, promised in your letter, and when the lime
shall approach for the solemnity I will, if practicable, adapt the arrangements
of my journey lo Washington so at least as to be a witness of this honourable
tribute lo one who in life and death honoured his native land."
Very fine specimen, with full signature.

m
148 Aitken, Robert. Printer. Published the first Americari
edition of the Bible in the English language. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. February 8. 1797. To
John Nicholson.
In relation lo business troubles.
" Our shop goes on, or rather stands still, for want of stationery, as every
article I have to purchase, when I can, in the small way, which is very un
productive. Everything considered, we do very well in the printing way, as
we keep hard at it. If fairly under way, with paper and stationery, some
thing might be brought out." Etc.
149 Alden, Roger. Major in the Revolutionary War. Aide
to General Greene. Autograph Letter, signed. Octo
ber 25, 1779. To Jabez Clark.
" I ara anxious to know whether you have any expectations of supplying
the wants of so raany needy officers as you have under your care. Our wants
are great — what are we to expect ? Blue cloth is the foundation of the Araer
ican uniforra. I fancy it will be difficult to procure a sufficiency. Of conse
quence, our dress will be as various as ever." Etc.
150 Alsop, John. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. New York, May
16, 1763.
Business letter.

151 Amherst, Jeffrey, Lord. Major-General and Com
mander-in-chief in America. Captured 'Louisburg,
Crown Point, and Ticonderoga. Letter, signed. Folio.
Albany, June 15, 1761.
" Araongst the children lately sent from Canada, that had been in the
hands of the Indians, and sorae that had been secreted by the Canadians, I
find there are six that were taken in the Governraent of Pennsylvania, and
two in Virginia, all whora I now send you, with the enclosed Return which
contains all the IntelUgence I can give you of them ; and I beg you will be
pleased to deliver them to their Parents or Relations." * * * "I enclose
you Paragraphs of a letter I have received from Governor Fitch, in answer
to the one I acquainted you I intended to write him, in relation to the en
croachments making by the Connecticut People in the Government of Penn
sylvania, and hope that affair will be amicably settled for the mutual advan
tage of both Provinces."

196

Important Military Letter, giving an account
of the engagements at Chestnut Hill,
and its vicinity, that grew out of
General Howe's efforts to in
duce General Washing
ton to attack him.
152 Armstrong, John. Brigadier-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Camp,
White Marsh, December 7, 1777, at night.
" The Enemy in full force has now been three days on Chestnut Hill,
their left near the Wissahikin and the right extending to the head of Gerraan-
town. This position, guarded on both wings, was not thought so elligible
as cou'd be wished for an attack on our part. On Friday last none of the
Array (except the Horse) raoved, but the Militia only intended to annoy them
on the march, for this purpose General Potter with part of his Brigade by the
way of Barren Hill Church for the Eneraies left. Gen'l Irwin with six hun
dred of his went on a different direction only to send them out in small partys
and give sorae instructions, but before he had thought proper to disperse his
raen they fell in with a body of the Eneray and a warm scirraish ensued for
the space of twenty minutes. A few of ours behaved pretty well, killed and
wounded some of the Eneray. Araongst the latter was a Baron Knight,
whos name the informer cou'd not give. But we have lost the use of our
good officer and friend G'l Irwin, three of his fingers being shot off. He fell
from his horse and none of his raen gave him the least assistance, being at
that time broke and runing, as did the greater part of thera very early. Sorae
of Potter's had a short scirraish, soon repulsed, but killed one and brought off
his sword. The lines maned alraost day and night. The baggage &c. being
hastily sent off, sorae hundreds of the troops have followed it under the pre
text of getting necessarys.
"At 12 last night the Eneray raoved toward our left and the York Road,
and this afternoon the. general attack was expected. Gen'l Potter with his
whole Brigade and the best of our Militia was order'd to a certain woods.
A part of the Eneraies rear, who first discovered ours, attacked and soon dis
persed them, they say by faUing into bad ground. Five came in wounded,
and sorae few I presume are prisoners. Part of Morgan's light troops were
also engaged and repulsed by superior numbers. To-raorrow morning most
probably the general afi'air coraes on, if not this night. The Express shall
remain until farther.
" Sth. At night. This day, contrary to all expectation, is also passed
over without an attack, the Enemy frequently raoveing and sometiraes on dif
ferent directions frora left to right of our lines. Morgan's Corps, strengthened
by five raen frora each Continental Batt'n, was this afternoon to have harras
sed the Enemies wings, but at dark we had no intelligence of the effect. At
¦ five we were informed that one of their Colums were in raarch toward Jer-
raantown, whether retreating or repairing to that Village to avoid rain is
yet uncertain. Since they lett town we had a considerable number of
prisoners and deserters. The Eneray had several waggons eraployed in
carrying off their wounded on scirraish of Saturday, after which Gen'l Irwin "and

19;*
.and Sir Jaraes Murray had their wounds dressed at Chestnut Hill, ^'esler-
day General Ried, leading on sorae of our railitia with whom he fell in when
reconoilering, had his Horse shot thro' the head, lost one of his Pistols, Sad
dle and Bridle which he was obUged to leave with the dead Horse, hiraself
having a narrow escape. The State I hope will raake up this loss in the first
instance. " gth. In the raorning. Last night the Enemy thought proper to retreat
to Philad'a, having burnt the new Rising Sun Inn on their way. Whilst
they lay on Chestnut Hill they burnt sorae good Houses and Barns and have
it's said left several familys little raore than empty walls. As not the least
doubt was entertain'd that they wou'd attack us in our Encampraent, the
General thought it might have been imprudent in him to have left his chosen
ground to have attacked them on the high grounds which they occupied, as
had he been unfortunate no doubt wou'd in that instance incurred blame.
Indeed the attack on the part of Gen'l Howe cou'd not well be doubted with
the force and apparatus with which he approached and his knowledge of
General Washington's situation before he left the City nearly equal to what
it cou'd be afterwards. At any rate, had he stayed but one day longer, Gen'l
Washington wou'd probably have decamp'd and risqued the great event on
new ground. This was on the carpet. I cannot shut up this without farther
laraenting the loss of Gen'l Irwin to this State and in present circumstances
to rayself in particular." Etc.
152 Arnold, Benedict. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages.
October 28, 1794. To Colonel Fisher.
On the subject of supplies of beef for the troops at St. Lucia. A splen
did specimen.

ARNOLD'S TREASON.
153 Arnold's Treason. Document, signed. Folio. 2 pages,
General Henry Knox, with Autograph Document, signed,
of General Nathaniel Greene (on the same paper).
Giving a statement of facts showing that Colonel Richard Varick, one
of Arnold's aides, was guiltless of any knowledge of the intended treason.
" Colonel Richard Varick, of the late General Arnold's family, having
requested rae to declare what I know concerning his behaviour on the day
of Arnold's flight, and on the days subsequent whilst I was at West Point, in
justice to the said Colonel Varick I think myself bound to say that, on the
discovery of Arnold's treachery, there was not a single circurastance to induce
a suspicion that either he or Major David Franks was knowing or privy to
the perfidy or flight of Arnold. That Col. Varick and Maj. Franks gave
ready and decided answers to such questions respecting Arnold as were asked
them, and wiUingly produced all papers belonging to him that were in their
possession or that they could find ; a particular instance of which was exhib
ited by Col. Varick two days after the first discovery — By a critical research
in a trunk where Arnold's clothes were deposited, he found the plans and
profiles of each work at West Point, in a separate paper, which he instantly
brought to his Excellency General Washington. It was, until that tirae, sup
posed that Arnold had carried off these papers with hira.
" Also, that I frequently examined the papers detected upon ^ Major
Andr^, all which were written in Arnold's own hand. And that nothing ad-
peared upon Major Andre's trial before the general officers of the array, of
" whom

198
whom I was one, to prove that he had ever been al Robinson's house ; but
he declared that the raeeting at Srailh's house was his first personal commu
nication with Arnold.
" H. Knox
" Brig'r Gen'l Artillery,"
" Personally appeared before rae Brigadier General Knox, and raade
soleran .oath to the truth of the foregoing relation.
" Nath. Greene,
"Oct. 22, 1780. Major General."
A historical paper of the utmost interest,
154 Arnold's treason. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2
pages. Of Colonel (afterwards Brevet Brigadier- General)
Richard Butler, to John Montgomery, member of the
Continental Congress, dated West Point, October 8, 1780.
Giving a lengthy and detailed account of Arnold's treason.
" I Rec'd your fav'r ofthe 9th, Sept'r and would have been very happy
if your Carolina acc'ts had been true, but alas they are (like many others)
Preraature. I fully agree with you in opinion with Respect to the Result of
this Campaign and believe our swords (through necessity) will rust in the
Scabbards and that there will be few broken Bones araongst us, but I hope
you'l do us the justice to believe it is not our fault, or want of Inclination to
Risque, but without the Command of the Sound and North River all our
atterapts against N. York raust be abortive. Another thing. Our supplies of
provisions must be raore regular, and not an array starving seven days out of
fifteen, in the active time and part of a Carapaign, which I assure you has been
our unfortunate situation. Add to this the Villianies of that Arch Villian of
detested raeraory, Arnold, who had sold to Clinton the important Post of
\\'est Point, and was so nigh Corapleating the affair that the Troops were
actually on board the Ships to take Possession, and only waited the Return
of Major Andrae (Gen'l Clinton's aid), who came up to settle the Infernal
plan with Arnold, and was fortunately taken on his Return to N. York, with
maps of all the Forks and approaches of West Point, also letters to Clinton,
and Arnold's pass for his security. He had changed his dress and left his
Regimental coat at one Smith's, which brought hira under the denoraination
of a Spy, for which he was tried and with his life has paid the forfeit on the
2d Instant. His friend, Sraith, is now under trial and is Expected to share
the same fate. Arnold escap'd by the stupidity of one Col. Jameson, of the
Dragoons, who had Andrae in Custody and permitted hira to write to Arnold,
though all the papers raentioned was in his Possession, which ought to have
induced hira to order hira into confinement. Notwithstanding which Gen'l
Washington (to whom he had sent an acc't of the whole affair) was within
half an hour of catching Arnold in his quarters, and he only got off in a boat
to the Frigate that lay in the River with the clothes on his back, and the
Scoundrel was so mean as to give up his bargemen, who he deceived by tell
ing them he was going on board as a Flag of truce. But the British, ex
cited by the Generosity of Gen'l Washington (who let a Crew of theirs that
had been detain'd on their account at Stony Point) let all come away. Ar
nold has since wrote twice lo Gen'l Washington respecting himself and Major
Andrae, and threatened both the Court and the General should they execute
him. Also, that he, Arnold, had acted on the same Principle that had actuated
hira all the war, (that is) the General good of his Country. How you will
Reconcile the Idea to his conduct, I don't know, but I cannot for my life.
On the whole, I think hira one of the greatest Villians that ever disgrac'd a
Nation. We raarch'd Gen'l Irvine's Brigade to this Post immediately on
discovery of the Plot, and General Wayne's part of the way to Reinforce us
in case of necessity ; but all being now quiet we move the loth Inst, towards
Jersey, where the chiefof the array are march'd to-day, and the York troops
with the Jersey and some others are to Garrison this Place. We hear noth
ing of the Second Division or Count de Guchienand his Fleet, and the others
with the French Troops are quite safe and quiet at Rhode Island. I have no
other news worth your notice, therefore now pray you and every other worthy
Character to use your influence in Raising a force for the war, or God knows
what will be the Result yet." Etc., etc.

199
155 Arthur, Chester A. President of the United States.
The original manuscript (entirely in his handwriting) of
his address to the United States Senate on assuming
the duties of the office of Vice-President.
" Senators. I come as your presiding ofiicer, with genuine solicitude.
Remembering ray inexperience in parliamentary proceedings, I cannot forget
hovv important, deUcate, and often embarrassing are the duties of the chair.
At the threshold of our official association, I invoke that courtesy and kind
ness with which you have been wont lo aid your presiding officer. I shall
need your constant encouragement and support, and I rely with confidence
upon your lenient judgraent ol any errors into which I raay fall. In return,
be assured of my earnest purpose to administer your rules in a spirit of abso
lute fairness, to treat every Senator at all times with that courtesy and just
consideration due to the representatives of equal States, and to do ray part,
as assuredly each of you will do his, to raaintain the order, decorum and dig
nity of the Senate. I trust that the official and personal relations upon
which we now enter will be marked by mutual confidence and regard, and
that all our obligations will be so fulfilled as to redound to our own honor, to
the glory of our common country, and the prosperity of all its people."

156 Barber, Francis. Distinguished Colonel in the Revolu
tionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2
pages. Ticonderoga, December, 1776. To Colonel
Elias Dayton.
" Nothing new has happened here since ray last letter." * * * « Our
attention is entirely fixed upon your quarter : there we expect great events
has or will take place. I wish to have a share in them. The day before
yesterday we had a general Review of the Troops on this side the Lake.
Four Regiraents were drawn up in a Une. They were put through the Man
ual and several Evolutions. As most of the Firelocks were loaded, we re
ceived orders to fire thera oft" by subdivisions in Battalion. The fire went
from right and left to the center, our Battalion raaking the last. Whitcomb's
Reg't which was on the right and began the fire behaved awfully. A few
Companies in Wood's and Wayne's made out tolerably well. But, Sir, it
would have surprised you had you heard the difference when the Third Jer
sey Reg't fired. I assure you we had not one bad fire, and the raost were
equal to any Platoons amongst the British Regulars. In short, our Regiment
gained the Glory of the day by the consent of every Spectator. Col. Wayne
with many other of the Pennsyl'a officers applauded us greatly. There are
yet many of the Soldiers sick ; few I hope dangerously. The officers are all
very healthy. As the weather begins to be very cold now, I hope it will
grow more wholesorae." Etc.

157 Barnes, Abraham. One of the Delegates from Mary
land to the Congress of 1754. (Albany Convention).
Document, signed. Folio. September 21, 1769.
Fine specitnen, and extremely rare.
J58 Barnwell, Robert. Member ofthe Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Beaufort, April 7,
1790. To Hon. Jacob Read.
On business matters. Extremely rare.

200
159 Beatty, John. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Prince
ton, March 29, 1792. To Mrs. Ann Tatnell.
Relative to the exchange of Captain Tatnell, when a prisoner of war.
***¦<! can only say that it is highly presumptive that Capt. Tatnell, frora
the pecuUar circurastances in which he was placed, was not exchanged ; but
further I ara not at liberty to go. I ara really sorry that I cannot give you
further light and satisfaction on this subject, as I feel a pleasure in advancing
the interests of those who were prisoners ; for I well know their sufferings
were sufficient without the restraining hand of the PubUc in withholding their
just dues." Etc.
160 Bedford, Gunning, Jr. Signer of the Constitution of the
United States, and Member ofthe Continental Congress.
Autograph Document, signed. Half quarto sheet. July
9, 1804.
161 Biddle Nicholas. Captain in the Continental Navy in
the Revolutionary War. Lost in the Frigate " Ran
dolph." Document, signed. Quarto. May 10, 1769.
The rarest autograph in the Revolutionary tiaval series.
162 Blackwell, John. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Boston,
May ye 15,1690. To William Penn, Lord Proprietor
of the Province of Penn.sylvania and Counties annexed,
in America.
"My last was of the 13th of January frora PhUadelphia, inclosed to my
wife for conveyance, wherein I gave you a large account * * * of ray deliv
ery of the two Comraissions directed to the Provincial Council : wherein also
I acquainted you that they had placed the Deputation of the Governm't in
themselves." *-»*<• Touching their proceedings since, I shall say nothing
by way of anticipation of their own acco'ts thereof, only, this I understood
* * * that the Gent'n of the Lower Countyes seeraed willing lo knock off
from your Constitution, under your friends management. But I shall for
beare to give you ray weak advertisera't upon the observations I have made
of the motives or grounds inducing thera thereunto, or ray owne dis-satisfac-
tions therewith " * * * " though I confesse I have rauch upon my spirit to
say with respect to each. But the conclusion you have put to my concerned-
nesse therein, and your total silence as to hints of like nature by my forraer
Letters, discourage my present inlargeing on that subject, at least for the
present, houlding it unseasonable to adde to your present burthens." * * *
" S'r, I have gone through like circumstances of Reducem't with yours under
God's various providences towards rae since 1660; and have been addition
ally tryed (beyond my strength to beare) in Pennsylvania. But the Lord sup
ported rae whilst I got not so much there as would discharge my horses stand
ing, and ran in debt for every bitt of bread I ate ; and what I got or could
borrow was in such pittifull suras and skantlings, as occasioned a double charge
upon me ; of which I shall say no more but that, towards the time of ray
coming away, and after a fruitlesse tryall of all raeans lo get in sorae part of
your Rents for the discharge of ray salary, or at least for enabling rae to
reraove, I was constrayned to borrow 25 lb. of Rob. Turner, and to give him •
a bill of 20 lb. English money for the sarae charged on you al 60 days after
sight, to enable me for ray journey thence. The like I gave to Griffith
Jones for 50 lb more," * * * " this later sum being for my dyet about 5 months
with him, and for the use ol some part of his house, valued at 31 lb., for the
" time

20I
time I lodged there (for I could have no benefit by the use of yours, or
other^ conveniences, Mr. Markham and your goods frora Pennsbury filling
it). S'r, I did not think I should have been so used as I found I was." * * *
"Now S'r In order to the winding up my bottome with you, I have here in
closed (and also sent to my wife) a copy of ray hurable deraands and expec
tations for my service on your Comraission as Governor; w'ch I conceive is
just. _ The further Incouragera'ts (which were also inducera'ts to rae to under
take it), viz't, That of affording rae the privilege of your house in Philadel
phia ; as also, That you doubted not but you should prevayle with your people
to raake it up atleast ioo lb. per annum more (wherein I relyed on your in
terest). I submitt to your generosity ; with this only incentive, that I have
lost two years tirae in ye improving my plantation here, besides what I have
lost (by my absence) ofthe iraproveraent I had made before." Etc., etc.
163 Bloomfield, Joseph. Major in the Revolutionary "War.
Governor of New Jersey. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. 3 pages. Trenton, November 12, 1778. To
Colonel Elias Dayton.
Explaining that the reason why he (Dayton) had not been • chosen one
of the delegates to represent New Jersey in Congress, was because it was
thought unwise to unite a civil with a military appointment ; and it was not
believed he would resign his comraand in the army in order to accept the
appointraent to Congress.
*¦*¦*" This I can assure you, that had you been disengaged frora the Con
tinental service you would have been elected as unanimous as the two first
gentlemen on the list. However, I hope yet to see the tirae that your own
and the Country's objections in this respect will be happily removed, that
you may receive the suffrages and be able to accept of the appointment of re
presenting the good People of this State in the grand Legislature of the
Union." * * * " I hope I shall ever continue to merit the friendship and
esteera of the worthy Colonel under whose iraraediate coraraand I have
fought and bled in the present glorious contest." Etc., etc.
164 Bloomfield, Joseph. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
7 pages. Burlington, February 28, 1789. To Jonathan
Dayton.
Giving long and interesting details of the poUtical contest that occurred
at the tirae of the first election held in New Jersey for members of Congress
under the new Constitution.
* * * " In order to induce the rigid Quakers to turn out, who heretofore said
' they did not feel a freedom to vote,' the advocates for the junto ticket have
raised another story, truly ridiculous indeed, yet serves the purpose for
which it is propagated araong the uninforraed weak part of this Society.
' Corae Friend, go to the election and vote for the ticket recoraraended by the
Asserably. Vote for the Federal ticket, the West- Jersey ticket, the Quakers'
ticket, recomraended by Friends. Corae, turn out, oppose the Presbyterian
ticket. The Presbyterians want another war. They want another oppor
tunity to distrain your goods for pretended Militia duty.'
" The peaceable Quaker says. ' No. I don't feel a freedom. Thee
raust excuse rae. I never intend to interfere in Government raatters. It is
against my principles.' ' You don't feel a freedora ? You will lose your
freedom, your liberty, and your property ; nay more, your religion, if you
do not. We church people see very clearly these Presbyter's want to rule,
and then there will be no other religion suffered in this Country but Presby
terianisra, the raost arbitrary and tyrannic of all religions. But Dayton and
Clarke are bloody raen, are raen for war. They want another war that they
raay raake their fortunes by distress frora the Quakers; and if they gel into
Congress they will join with the New England Congressmen, and we shall
have war and bloodshed immediately. The gentlemen on our West Jersey
" ticket

202
ticket are good, peaceable men. They will oppose all war measures. Con
gress will be brought to Philadelphia, raaybe to Burlington, and the raarkets
will then be good. "We shall have no paper raoney. Clarke and Dayton
was the raeans of raaking the present paper trash. They had it made to pay
theirdebts, particularly Clarke.' * * * ' But war is their present scheme, par
ticularly Dayton, who with his father and all his Presbyterian family of the
Ogdens have shed a great deal of blood. They all thirst for blood again.
Nay, Dayton and Clarke, after having war a while, will if they can hang all
the Quakers as they forraerly did in New England and as poor Carlile was
during the late war in Philad'a in 1778. EUas Boudinot, altho' then a
Congressraan, pleaded for Carlile and wanted to save his Ufe ; but Presby
terian Joe Reed, then Governor, had hira hanged, because he was a Quaker,
and pardoned all the Presbyterians who were conderaned to be hanged also
for the sarae charge as against your friend Carlile, who was a meraber of
your meeting and often visited at BurUngton at your quarterly raeetings.
Larabert Cadwallader's brother wrote a piece against Joe Reed for this con
duct. Now your friends Elias Boudinot and Lambert Cadwallader are on
this ticket ; and also James Schureraan, who last fall got the law passed to
free the poor negroes, who have all voted for hira. As to Sinnickson, the
last name in this printed ticket, you know he lives in Salera and that all his
faraily connections are Friends. These are the honest, good raen you ought
to vote for. But if you want war, and to be persecuted by the Presby
terians, stay at home, and see who will pity you when your goods are dis
trained and your Meeting-houses are raade barracks, as heretofore, for
soldiers and men of war.' Much more such stuff is dealt out to the poor
Quaker, particularly, that two Scotch Presbyterian, hirelings are joined in the
ticket of Clarke and Dayton — raeaning Witherspoon and McWhorter. Upon
this, the wife, raother, and all the family cry out, ' Go, go, go to the election,
and vote for the printed ticket.' The poor Friend, being alarraed at the
situation of his Society, finds ' Freedom,' takes the printed junto ticket, and
aw^y he goes, with such of his neighbors as he can influence by telling thera
the same melancholy tale, to keep out the bloodthirsty Presbyterians, and to
prevent war, blood and slaughter." Etc., etc. \
165 Bloomfield, Joseph. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
3 pages, Trenton, April 12, 1S02. To the Vice Presi
dent of the United States (Aaron Burr), strongly re
commending Tench Coxe for appointment to an office
under the Government.
* * * " I do not wish to be troublesome or impertinently intrusive in recom
mending characters ; but I will venture to raention the situation and preten
sions of Mr. Tench Coxe to the notice of governraent. The repeal of the
internal taxes does away with the office of Collector under the Supervisor, by
which Mr. Coxe wUl be thrown out of the Collector's office for Philadelphia
under the appointment of the Supervisor, and in a great measure of the ineans
of supporting a most amiable wife and a large family of children. The de
fence of our interests against Lord Sheffield, his view of our revenue, his
active and zealous promotion of the election of Governor McKean and the
late federal and presidential elections, are universally acknowledged, and itis
well known that no person has raore successfuUy pursued the investigation of
ourmanufacturing, commercial and agricultural interests than Mr. Coxe."* * *
" His banishment in a great raeasure frora his family connections, who have
separated theraselves from him on account of his sentiments and decided con
duct in favor of the cause of Republicanism, I hope wUl be an inducement
to bring him forward again into office. I beg of you to be assured that I
have no other interest in writing this lelter than a conviction that Mr. Coxe
deserves sorae allenlion from government ; that he be not forgotten, but that
his talents and indefatigable industry be usefully employed for the public
good." Etc., etc.

203
t66 Boudinot, Elias. President of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Camp,
September 30, 1777. To Elisha Boudinot.
" I write this by order of his ExceUency Gen'l Washington, who begs
that you will without a moment's delay, by all ways and raeans and in every
raethod in your power, immediately engage every Shoemaker in Newark,
Eliza'th Town, &c., &c., to deUver you all the shoes in their power, andif pos
sible to work night and day. They shall receive the price given by the
Clothier in Philadelphia when last there, unless you can get them cheaper. 1
know it was 2^ dollars if not three. As you get loo pair, send thera off.
The General sets his heart rauch on this, and desires me to assure you that
he will consider himself under a great obligation to you if you will raake it a
Business, so that he can get sorae of them without delay. The Magistrates
and Militia Officers are desired to assist you. If you should know of any
stock of them hoarded up and refused to be sold, let them be seized. The
Gen'l liraits you only to 5000 pair." Etc.
167 Boudinot, Elias. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
2 pages. Philadelphia, January 5,1801. To Jonathan
Dayton. Interesting letter in relation to the Presidential election.
« * * " I ara extremely apprehensive of the consequences of the equality of
votes for a President. I do raost sincerely hope the Federalists will act upon
principle and observe a dignified and disinterested conduct on this iraportant
occasion. " The Treaty also greatly agitates us in this City. Altho' some objec
tions appear to lye ag't the Treaty or Convention, yet I find the Merchants are
generally of opinion that it ought to be ratified, and that a rejection would prove
of the most ruinous consequences to trade. They appear to dread the effects
of being again afloat. There certainly is at present an iraraense capital in
Araerica, totally unproductive, waiting for some certainty in their political situ
ation to tempt them to launch again on the ocean. 'When I estimate this at
Ten Millions of DoUars in specie, I ara confident that I do not exagerate.
" An atterapt to set up a President pro tem. of the Senate to execute the
office of President, would be attended with very dangerous effects, at least
such as would not justify the experiment. It would rouse the People to revenge
themselves, and in a short time would return Mr. Jefferson again with an in
creased raajority. An Interregnum would be destructive to the United
States. The only alternative, then, is to raake a calm and judicious choice
between the two candidates, and let the people try the principle they have
chosen to adopt." Etc., etc.
168 Bowen, Jabez. Revolutionary Patriot. Delegate to the
Annapolis Convention. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. Providence, January 12, 1803. To Henry
Kuhl.
In relation to the negotiation of a bill.
169 Bradstreet, John. British General, distinguished in the
French and Indian Wars. Letter, signed. Folio. 2
pages, (with a postscript written by Bradstreet). Os
wego, May 29, 1755. To Governor Morris.
In relation to- the efforts of the French to oppose General Braddock's
expedition. * * * '< I am well inforraed there are raore men preparing to set out from Cata-
raque, and others daily expected from Montreal there, and the French are
" using

204
using all their power and artifice to get as raany Indians with them to oppose!
General Braddock as they possibly can, and openly declare to the Indians
they will send the whole force of Canada but they will carry their point."
* -x- -x- ¦< J have sent an Express with these accounts this day to the General
across the Country, and have wrote to the several Governors from New York
to Virginia also." Etc., etc.
170 Brainerd, David, Celebrated Missionary to the In
dians. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages,
Woodbury, March 25, 1745. To Rev. John Sergeant.
Interesting letter on the subject of his journeys to the Susquehannah
Indians and the Indians of Delaware, his missionary labors among them, etc.
Very rare.
171 Brearley, David. Signer of the Constitution of the
United States. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. New
Brunswick, September 24, 1789. To Jonathan Dayton.
In relation to the efforts of Elias Boudinot to obtain the appointment of
United States District Judge for Jaraes Kinsey. A very fine specimett.
172 Broom, Jacob. Signer of the Constitution of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Wilmington, July 16, 1807. To James M. Broom.
* * Jf- " It has been reported here that the President has a list of about 70 per
sons said to be iraplicated in the Burr business. Your narae has been men
tioned as one of them." * * * " It gives me no uneasiness, only as it re
gards the rumor. I am sure there is no foundation for it." ¦* * -* "I wish
you would communicate to me your ideas as to the result of the negotiations
between the two Governments respecting the late outrage. I cannot see how
war is to be avoided ; for altho' it is raost certainly the interest of both nations
to preserve peace, yet the outrage being so flagrant and the fighting spirit of
the people being so rauch excited, the satisfaction to be deraanded will be pro
portionate, and of course so rauch that the British Governraent will not yield
to. It therefore appears to rae that war is inevitable." Etc.
Very fitie specimen.
173 Brown, John. Member of the Continental Congress,
from Virginia. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. Prince William County, Virginia, April 20, 1785.
To John Nicholson.
In relation to the settlement of certain railitary claims. Very fine sped-

20^

Highly important military paper, asking
that General Benedict Arnold be ar
rested for the crimes therein
specified.
174 Brown, John. Distinguished Lieutenant-Colonel in
the Revolutionary War. Captured Fort Chambly, in
1775. Served at the attack on Quebec, the capture of
Fort Ticonderoga, etc. Temporarily retired from the
service on account of his detestation of Benedict Arnold.
Killed in an ambuscade in the Valley of the Mohawk,
in 1780. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 4 pages.
Albany, December 2, 1776. To Major-General Horatio
Gates.
" In the raonth of Feb'y last Brigad'r Gen'l Arnold transraitted to the
Hon'ble Continental Congress an unjustifiable, false, wicked and raalicious
accusation against rae and ray character as an officer in their service at the
tirae when I was under his immediate comraand. . That had there been the
least ground for such an accusation the author thereof had it in his power,
indeed it was his duty, to have brought rae to a fair trial by a general Court
Martial in the Country where the pretended crirae is said to have originated.
That I was left to the necessity of applying to Congress, not only for the
Charge given in against rae, but an order for a Court of Inquiry on my own
Conduct with respect thereto. That in consequence of my application I ob
tained a positive order of Congress to the then Gen'l Coraraanding the Northern
Department for a Court of Inquiry before whora I might justify my injured
character. That the said order was transmitted to your Hon'r at Ticonde
roga in the raonth of Aug't last, and notwithstanding the raost ardent solici
tation on my part the order of Congress has not yet been complyed with.
That upon ray renewing ray application to your Hon'r for a Court of Inquiry
you was pleased to refer rae to the Board of War. That I have been led an
expensive Dance frora Generals to Congress and from Congress to Generals,
and am now referred to a Board of War who, I will venture to say, have never
yet taken cognizance of any such matter ; nor do I think it, with great sub
mission to your Hon'r, any part of their duty. I therefore must conclude
that this Information, from the mode of its origin, as well as from the re
peated evasions of a fair hearing, is now rested on the author's shoulders.
I therefore beg your Hon'r will please to order Brigad'r Gen'l Arnold in ar
rest for the following criraes which I ara ready to verify, viz : —
1st. For endeavouring to asperse your Petitioner's character in the raost
infaraous raanner.
" 2'ly. For unwarrantably degrading and reducing the rank conferred on
your Petitioner by his, Gen'l Arnold's, superior officer, and subjecting your
Petitioner to serve in an inferior rank to that which he had been appointed to.
" 3'ly. For ungentleraanlike conduct in his letter to Gen'l Worster of
the 25th of Jan'y last, charging your Petitioner with a falsehood, and in a
private manner, which is justly chargeable on hiraself
"'4'ly. For suffering the small pox to spread in the camp before Que
bec and promoting innoculation there in the Continental array.
" c'ly. For depriving a part of the array under his coraraand of their
usual allowance of provisions ordered by Congress. " 6'ly. For

206
" 6'ly. For interfering and countermanding the order of his superior
officers. "7'Iy. For plundering the inhabitants of Montreal, in difect violation
of a solemn capitulation or agreement entered into with thera by our late
brave and worthy Gen'l Montgoraery, to the eternal disgrace of the Conti
nental arras.
" 8'ly. For giving unjustifiable, unwarrantable, cruel and bloody or
ders, directing whole villages to be destroyed, and the inhabitants thereof put
to death by fire and sword, without any distinction to Friend or Foe, age
or sex. " g'ly. For entering into an unwarrantable, unjustifiable and partial
agreeraent with Capt. Foster for his exchange of .prisoners taken at the Cedars,
without the knowledge, advice or consent of any officer then there present
with hira on the spot.
" lo'ly. For ordering innoculation of the Continental array at Sorel
without the knowledge of and contrary to the intentions of the Gen'l cora
raanding that Northern Departraent, by which fatal consequences ensued.
" ll'ly. For great raisconduct in his coraraand of the Continental
Fleet on Lake Champlain, which occasioned the loss thereof
" 1 2'ly. For great misconduct during his coraraand frora the carap at
Carabridge in the year 1775 until he was superseded by Gen'l Montgoraery
at Point aux Trerable near Quebec.
" 13'ly. For disobedience of the orders of his superior officers, while
acting by a Coraraission from the Provincial Congress of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay ; and for disobedience of the orders of a Comraittee of
the same Congress, sent frora that State to inspect into his conduct ; and also
for insulting, abusing and iraprisoning the said Committee ; as also for a
treasonable attempt to raake his escape with the Navigation then at or near
Ticonderoga to the eneray at St. Johns, which obliged the then comraanding
officer of Ticonderoga and its dependencies to issue a positive order to the of
ficers commanding our Batteries at Crown Point to stop or sink the vessels
attempting to pass that Post, and by force of arras raake a prisoner of the
said Gen'l Arnold (then a Coll.), which was accordingly done."
On the margin of each charge are given the naraes of the witnesses who
can prove the charge. Among these names will be found General Water-
bury, Colonels Hazen, Warner, Antill, Brewer and others.
175 Buchanan, James. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages. Wash
ington, January 19, 1827.
-* * * " As regards the prospects of General Jackson, they continue to brighten
daily." * ¦» * "The opposition, which was necessarily coraposed of hetero
geneous raaterials, has now become consoUdated. We move on with prudence
and with concert. No individual in the House of Representatives would ven
ture to commit his party in a party measure upon his sole responsibility.
Tbe cry of factious opposition is nearly at an end. No measures emanating
frora the adrainistration which ought to be supported will be opposed." -* -* *
"In the next Congress we shall have a majority in both Branches; but
whether that circurastance will be auspicious or not in its effects is perhaps a
raatter of doubt." * * * " The friends of General Jackson are generally, I
raight almost say universaUy, in favor of limiting the powers of the General
Governraent within the true raeaning ofthe Constitution. They beUeve that,
whatever raay have been the case in the origin of our Institutions, there is
now rauch greater danger of consolidation frora the increased power and
patronage of the General Government than of disunion.- They are anxious,
therefore, to preserve the State Sovereignties unimpaired. Virginia has al
ways been true to these principles, although in my opinion she has carried
her construction too far. New York, from self interest and from a desire
that the public Treasury should not be squandered in the West upon roads "and

207
and canals before there are people to use them, has recently come out and
denied the power of Congress to a great extent over the subject. It will per
haps be the interest of Pennsylvania, as she can expect no aid frora the Gen
eral Governraent in raaking her iraproveraents, to pursue the same course. At
all events, parties are rapidly forraing upon the ancient principles, by what
ever new names they may be called. They will develop themselves during
the present session. The Adaras men generally, whether Ihey have been
Qalled federalists or democrats, are ultra federal in the legitimate sense of the
word in their Constitutional opinions ; whilst, on the other hand, the friends
of Jackson pursue the contrary cause." Etc., etc.
176 Butler, Pierce. Signer of the Constitution. Member of
the Continental Congress. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. July 10, 18 16. To James Monroe,
President of the United States.
* * * " When Mr. Erwin, who the President appointed Minister to Spain, was
passing through Philadelphia on his way to the Northern States to embark
for Europe, he called on Col. Duane. ^fter sitting a little time, he asked
Col. Duane what part he intended taking in the approaching Presidential
election. The latter not answering iraraediately, he, Erwin, said : ' I hope
you raean to be with us.' ' Who are us ? ' asked D. ' Mr. Gallatin, raany Re
publican merabers of Congress, myself, and raany of the raost respectable
raen in the State of New York intend to support Mr. Crawford. He is a firra
man, and much fitter than Mr. Monroe.' Mr. D. replied, ' Mr. Crawford is
a public man of yesterday, not known by the citizens generally. Mr. Mon
roe has served the country in different stations for raore than thirty years. I
fhink him raore deserving of public confidence than Mr. C, and I believe
this is a very general opinion. It is ray own opinion.' After a pause, Mr.
E. retired. When Gallatin found there was no prospect of his candidate
succeeding, Mr. Duane told me that he went frora New York to Washington
to assure you that he took no part in the noraination of Mr. Crawford." * * -*
" I have no objection to Mr. Gallatin seeing and reading this letter. My
opinion of him has long been settled. I think the Country dishonored in
sending him Minister to France."
177 Campbell, Alexander. Theologian, and founder of the
Sect called " Campbellites," or " Disciples of Christ."
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 4 pages.
* * » " No Sect can endure a Reformer, and those in authority cannot be
taught anything more than they know : and he that would only create a'sus-
picion that everything is not just perfect becomes thenceforth a dangerous
brother, and it becomes a matier of righteous policy that one man should
perish rather than the whole nation should be endangered. It is an honor to
which few, indeed none but the high-minded and free-born sons ofthe King
dom, can aspire— to suffer shame or reproach for the sake of the name or
authority of the Lord Jesus. All this I have experienced ; and I have been
personally acquainted, both in Britain and in Ireland, with the first men in
point of talents, erudition, and raoral standing in the Presbyterian Church,
who have had to suffer reproach and to withdraw from the pale of that Church
for thinking, and sometimes hinting, that the church was not exactly up to
the model of the New Testament. Amongst my most intimate acquaintance
of this sort was Greville Ewing and Ralph Wardlaw in Glasgow : Alexander
Carson and Mr. Hamilton of Ireland :, men who have, or had, no superiors in
piety hterature, or high standing in their respective vicinities. Yet these all
becarae heretics Or schismatics. It is a dangerous thing lo examine the
Scriptures, dangerous even to the teachers of Christianity : for so sure as they
devoutly exaraine them, just to know whether these things are so, so certainly
thev begin to totter in their own minds and turable m the public esteera
However, I have believed the reward of such was great in the Reign of
Heaven, and I have seen it great even in the present state of thmgs. Etc.

2o8
178 Caswell, Richard. Member of the Federal Conven-
, tion, the Continental Congress, etc. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. North Carolina, January 12, 1787.
To the Governor of Pennsylvania.
In relation to the appointraent of delegates to the proposed Federal Con
vention. " Inclosed you wiU be pleased to receive an Act of the Legislature of
this State for appointing Deputies to a Convention proposed to be held in the
City of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of revising the Federal
Constitution. Our General Assembly were induced to pass this Act in fuU
expectation that the several States in the Union would co-operate with us in
this desirable object."
179 Chase, Samuel. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Document, signed. Small quarto.
January i, 1803.
Order for the payraent of his salary as a Justice of the Supreme Court of
the U. S. Fine specimeti, with full signature.

180 Clinton, George. Brigadier-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Vice-President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages. New
York, December 20, 1794. To Citizen James Monroe,
Minister to the Republic of France.
" I t^ke the liberty of enclosing to your care a letter frora Citizen Genet
to his sister, Mrs. Rousseau, and to request that you will be so obliging as to
secure it a speedy and safe conveyance to her. "The place of her residence I
ara informed is but four leagues from Paris. Mr. Genet was lately married
to my second daughter, and as I presume this letter is to announce that event
to his faraily, I feel an interest in its safe conveyance. It would be a great
gratification to rae to be informed of their situation, and also how he stands
with the present Rulers of the Republic. He has often mentioned to me
Roux Fazillac, Gregoire, Freron and Rorarae, in the Convention, and Rosent-
steel in the Departraent of Foreign Affairs, as his particular friends ; but
what their characters and influence are, I know not." ¦*-*-*" Soon after the
coraraenceraent of the present Session of Congress, the Secretary of the
Treasury notified the House of Representatives of his intention to resign the
last of next raonth. His friends give out that he was reduced to the neces
sity of doing so frora the incorapetency of his salary, and that he intends re
suming the practice of the law in this city ; while others allege that he was
influenced by the returns of the late elections of Merabers for the next Con
gress, a decided majority of whom will certainly be unfavourable to his sys
tera of Politics." Etc.
181 Clymer, George. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Document, signed. Quarto. April
18, 1776.
" The Sub-coraraittee appointed to consider what further defences are
necessary for the River, agree in opinion that a floating Battery of a similar
or nearly similar construction with the one now in service be iramediately
built, not doubting but the Comraittee, from their difi'erent contracts, will be
speedily supplied with a sufficient number of suitable cannon lo raount there-.
on." Etc.
Also signed by Dayid Ritltnhouse, Sarauel Miles, and Ovfen Biddle,

209
i82 Clymer, George. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
April 26, 1792. To General Hand.
In relation to an appointment.
183 CoUinson, Peter. English merchant and distinguished
naturalist. F"ranklin's first essays on electricity were
originally communicated to him. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. London, June 14, 1748. To Benja
min Franklin.
Introducing Mr. Kalm, a Swedish naturalist, " who visits America for
the purpose of improving himself in all Natural Inquiries " ; and recoramend-
ing him to Franklin's favor and notice.
184 Contee, Benjamin. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Baltimore,
August 28, 1787.
On business matters. Exceedingly rare.
185 Cooper, J. Fenimore. Celebrated novelist. Autograph
Letter, signed. Octavo. 3 pages. December 30, 1831.
To Carey and Lea.
" I hope you will be wrong in anticipating a bad reception for Bravo.
I cannot tell you much of its reception in Europe, though Gosselin says it is
very decidedly successful in France ; raore so, by his account, than any of its
predecessors." -* * -* "Araerica is, of all countries, one of the least favorable
to all sorts of works of the imagination. In Europe, or rather in England,
where there has existed a necessity of accounting for some success in the
very teeth of their prejudices and wishes, it has been the fashion to say that
no writer ever enjoyed so favorable an opportunity as I, because I ara an
Araerican and a sailor. As to the sailor part of the business, it is grossly ab
surd ; for what advantage has an Araerican sailor over any other ? They
know the falsehood of what they say in this respect, for I can get £ 3000 for
a nautical tale that shall celebrate English skill to-raorrow." * * -» " Why
has not Scott tried his hand with these fertile materials ? " * * -* " He has
not tried, because he is a master in his art, and he knows what to touch and
what to let alone. For myself, I can write two European stories easier
than I can write one Araerican, and they shall be better and more interesting
too. Why, Europe itself is a romance, while all Araerica is a raatter of fact,
huradrura, coramon-sense region frora Quaddy to Cape Florida." * ¦* *
" Heidenraauer is in press, and I will send you a few chapters by the packet
of the 20th of January. Heaven knows whether it will suit you or not, for I
begin to distrust ray ability to please gentlemen so exquisitely critical." Etc.
186 Cumming, John N. Lieutenant- Colonel of the Second
New Jersey Regiment in the Revolutionary War.
Document signed. Folio. Also signed by Luther
Halsey, Adjutant.
List of the officers of the 2nd New Jersey Regiraent, with the dates of
their comraissions.
187 Cushing, William. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto,
Scituate, July 29, 1806.
Relative to the payraent of his salary,

2IO
i88 Dawson, John. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. New
York, September 19, 1802. To Fulwar Skipwith.
" On yesterday I was inforraed of your wise conduct in taking to your
bosom the woman of your heart." * * * "Ifyou see any of our federal papers,
your indignation must be excited at the illiberal abuse poured forth against
the adrainistration of our Country. Notwithstanding which its popularity is
as great as that of any adrainistration ought to be, and its continuance in
office certain with the present temper of the tiraes. Pennsylvania and all
south and west thereof are decidedly with us, and we have good grounds to
count on the States of New Jersey, Verraont, and R. Island. Their elections
have been favourable. In N. Harapshire and Massachusetts we have very
strong and active minorities." * * * " I have been here for three days, and
shall return to Virginia in eight. By the first of December I shall be at
Washington." Etc., etc.
Rare.
189 Dayton, Jonathan. Signer of the Constitution of the
United States, member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Wash
ington, January 21, 1801. To Colonel Aaron Ogden.
A very remarkable letter in relation lo the appointment of John Marshall
to the office of Chief Justice ofthe Supreme Court ofthe United States.
" I was yesterday again mortified at another iraproper noraination by
the President, of Gen'l MarshaU, our present Sec'y of State, for Chief Justice
of the U. S. to the exclusion of our friend Judge Paterson, whose pretensions
to it are acknowledged by all to have been infinitely superior. Such was the
effect produced by it in the Senate that, notwithstancUng our respect for Mr.
Marshall, we should unquestionably put our negative upon this noraination
if it were certain that Judge Paterson would be the next proposed. But on
the other hand there is reason to apprehend that sorae character raay then be
selected by our strange President raore iraproper and more disgusting to the
bench. "The decision upon the noraination of L. H. .Stockton for Sec'y of
War has been postponed until I can get his answer, which it is hoped will be
such as to induce the President to withdraw it and give us some other. All
which I foretold to you last summer respecting Mr. Adaras is verified. His
whole conduct during the present Session has been so strange and absurd,
that the Federalists araong us, alraost without an exception, rejoice that he
was not reelected. He would, as far as it was possible for one raan to do so,
have brought disgrace upon our party and ruin upon our country." Etc., etc.
190 De Lancey, Oliver. Colonel of a New York Regiment,
under General Abercromby, in the French and Indian
War. Distinguished for his gallantry. Brigadier-Gene
ral in the Royal Service during the Revolutionary War.
Autogragh Letter, signed. Quarto. New York, Feb
ruary 29, 1774. To Major-General Bradstreet.
In relation to surveys of lands.
191 Dickinson, Jonathan. Eminent clergyman. First
president of the College of New Jersey (Princeton).
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. January 22, 1738-9.
" A raemorandum of what the wife of Jonathan Woodruffe desired should
be the disposal and division of wh.it estate sh,all be left by her, if it should
please God to take her out ofthe world."
Very rare.

^11
192 Duane, James. Signer of the Articles of Confederatioil.
Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Signed as Mayor of
New York.
The address of the Mayor, Aldermen and Coraraonalty of the City
of New York to the Honorable Frederick \\'ilUara, Baron de Steuben, late
Major-General and Inspector-General of the Arraies of the United States of
America, presenting him with the Freedom of the City, in recognition of the
important military services rendered by hira during the Revolutionary War.
193 Duer, William. Signer of the Articles of Confederation.
Letter signed. Folio. Fishkill, October 1 1, 1776. To
the Council of Safety of the State of Pennsylvania.
" I am directed by the Coraraittee appointed by the Convention of this
State for inquiring into, detecting and defeating all Conspiracies formed in
the State of New York against the Liberties of Araerica, to inform you that
they have sent into your State thirty-three Prisoners, raost of whora are
charged with treasonable Practices against the State, and the others too dan
gerous to be suffered to reraain within the sarae in its present critical situation.
This coraraittee lament the necessity which obliged thera to trouble their sister
State with Persons of this stamp ; but they trust that the peculiar and dan
gerous situation which the State of New York is in at present will apologize
for a raeasure dictated bythe raost cruel necessity." -* * * "In full confi
dence that the usual zeal which the State of Pennsylvania has always shown
to proraote the public Cause will be extended to this suffering .State," etc.
194 Dunmore, John Murray, Earl. Colonial Governor of
New York, and of Virginia. Letter signed. Folio. 7
pages. Williamsburg, May 26, 1774. To James Tilgh
man and Andrew Allen.
Long and interesting letter on the subject of the Western boundaries of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, the territory in dispute between these two Colo
nies, etc.
The letter concludes thus : — " I join with you in concern that we should
differ so widely in conception of the extent of Pennsylvania as it effects Vir
ginia, but must confess that your objections have not altered my opinion of
the construction of your Grant, notwithstanding you are so confident of being
supported in yours. However, I ara less anxious about the issue of these
different opinions than I am about the effects of them in the raeantirae. Your
proposals, araounting in reaUty to nothing, could not possibly be coraplied
with, and your resolution with respect to Fort Pitt (the jurisdiction over
which place, I must tell you, at all events will not be relinquished by this
Government without His Majesty's orders) puts an entire stop to further
treaty, and raakes rae sincerely laraent that you have put it out of my power
lo contribute to reestablish the peace and harraony of both Colonies and to
evince ray good intentions as well towards the one as the other."
195 Eden, Sir Robert. Colonial Governor of Maryland.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Clarges
Street, Piccadilly, April 17, 1778.
Interesting letter to General Washington, introducing his brother, Wil
Uara Eden, one of the three Coraraissioners sent by Lord North to treat with
the Araericans. " Notwithstanding the different parts. Sir, that we have taken in the un
happy differences still subsisting between Great Britain and Araerica, I flatter
"rayself

2ti
inyself there yet remains a mutual share of esteem between your Excel
lency and me ; and I hope you do rae the justice to think that should the
Coramissioners, by whora I have the honour of sending this, be fortunate
enough to accomplish a Reconciliation, it will give me the highest pleasure.
When I inform your Exc'y that my brother, Wm. Eden, whora I have a very
great regard for, is one of thera, I have no doubt of his raeeting with all the
civilities as you, in your station, can offer, or he, in his, desire. You may
believe rae when I. assure you that he heartily wishes success to his under
taking, and that you will find in hira as much candour and probity as you
could desire in a person you will probably have to treat with. He will assure
you that I have endeavoured at all tiraes to do justice to your character, and
that I shall be happy in raeeting your Exc'y again on the sarae free and
friendly terras we forraerly lived. I beg ray corapliments may be offered to
Mrs. 'Washington and Mr. and Mrs. Custis," etc.
196 Elliott, Jesse Duncan. Commodore United States
Navy. Highly distinguished in the War of 1812.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. West
Chester, February 27, 1844. To Hon. John C. Spencer.
Interesting letter in relation to the sword and medal voted him by the
State of Pennsylvania ; the accurate oil paintings of the battle of Lake Erie,
which he has had raade for, and has given to that State, etc.
197 Elliott, Jesse Duncan. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. Westchester, March 9, 1844. To
Hon. John C. Spencer.
" It seeras the raeasure of ray wrongs is never to cease filling. Here is
another junior officer nominated to a position I had solicited. I had hoped
that, with ray restoration, I would have been placed by the side of those who
had been my companions in arms." * ¦* * "I certainly have never done Mr.
Tyler wrong; for when called on by ray early companions at school to ac
count for raore than a (luarter of a century of my life, I did him no wrong,
but the reverse." Etc. etc.
198 Elmer, Ebenezer, Surgeon in the Revolutionary War.
The last surviving Revolutionary Officer of New Jersey.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages. Wash
ington City, December 11, 1801.
" The President's Message is exactly what I expected ; and wUl, I beUeve,
be the basis of legislation this session. The manner of his communicating,
and the true Republicanism therein contained, andby no means pleasing to a
minority; but on most of the subjects they will probably be raoderate in op
position. It is however difficult as yet to say what part they will take in a great
deal of the business. Indeed the weight of a nuraber of new Republican
raembers will probably impose some awe on the adverse party." * * * " The
plot of the City of Washington, and the scattered situation and structure
of the public buildings, appear to me to be marked with extreme extrav
agance and folly. The President's House and public offices are a full mile
apart from the Capitol, and a considerable ravine between ; the road through
which has already cost a great deal of money. The Capitol is on a plan that
wUl never perhaps be corapleted, and the President's House is of an era too
great by one half. The City is so large that it will not be filled up with
buildings in 500 years, and even if it should the public buildings will still be
inconveniently situated." Etc., etc.
199 Elmer, Jonathan. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Bridge-
ton, November 2, 1789. T?o Charles Jarvis. '
A very fine letter on business subjects.

^13
200 Episcopal Church. Bishops of the. Letter to the Presi
dent of the United States (Abraham Lincoln), dated
New York, -October ii, 1862, and signed by Bishops B.
B. Smith, Charles P. Mcllvaine, Samuel A. McCoskry,
Jack:- on Kemper, Alfred Lee, Manton Eastburn, Carl
ton Chase, Alonzo Potter, George Burgess, Henry W.
Lee, Thomas M. Clark, G. T. Bedell, Joseph C. Talbot
and William Bacon Stevens.
" The Subscribers, Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the
United States, desire to express to your Excellency their syrapathy with you
in the anxious and raost responsible cares with which you are loaded, and the
profound interest, with which they regard the effort now raaking to preserve
the unity of the Nation and to restore everywhere its constitutional authoiity.
They have evidence' that you recognize an Overruling Providence, and they
believe that, with them, you feel that without the guidance and blessing of
that Providence the most stupendous armaments and the mightiest efforts of
human wisdora and strength, whether in council or in the field, raay be en
tirely in vain. As a people we have, too often, forgotten that the Lord
reigns, and by our unmeasured self confidence as well as by our grievous
national sins have provoked Him to anger. The subscribers, then, would
venture to suggest that the appointraent, this year as' last, ofa day on which the
whole people can hurable themselves before God, and, suspending their usual
avocations, can devote theraselves, in public and private, to acts of Suppli
cation, would be acceptable throughout the land and would draw down
blessings frora the Most High."
201 Estaing, Charles Hector Theodat, Comte d'. Celebra
ted French naval officer. Comnianded the fleet sent
to aid the Americans during the Revolutionary War.
Autograph Document, signed. Folio.
Statement of the Services of Vicorate de Bethisy, Second Colonel of the
Regiment of Gatinois, who was distinguished at the siege of Savannah. Very
fine specimen. Rare.
202 Evans, John." Member of the Continental Congress.
Letter signed. Half quarto sheet. April 28, 1781. To
David Rittenhouse.
Request for the payment of traveling charges of William A. Atlee, as a
Judge of the Supreme Court. The letter is in the handwriting of, and is also
signed by Thoraas McKean, one of the signers of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Rare.
203. Fanning, Edmund. Noted Tory partisan in the Revo
lutionary War, and commander of the corps of loy
alists known as "the King's American Regiment." Docu
ment, signed. Folio. 3 pages.
204 Fitch, John. Inventor and builder of the first steam
boat in America. Document, signed. Quarto. Feb
ruary 19, 1784-
Receipt for Jonathan D. Sergeant's subscription to the " Surveys Over
Ohio."

^14
205 Fitzsimmons, Thomas. Signer of the Constitution of
the United States. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. l^"olio. 2 pages. Febru
ary 17, 1785. To the President and Supreme Execu
tive Council of Penn.sylvania.
" The capture of an Araerican vessel by the Corsairs of Barbary gives
this Committee real and just apprehensions of future depredations on our
trade from the same quarter. Upon an occasion so extremely important, it is
the duty of this Comraittee to intreat that Council will represent to Congress
the necessity of endeavoring speedily to conciliate the Stales of Barbary lo us
by presents, as is practised by raost of the Coraraercial Natiorls in Europe,
or by treaties to be entered into with thera, as shall be deeraed expedient by
the wisdom of that Body." Etc., etc.
The letter is also signed by George Clymer (signer of the Declaration of
Independence), Tench Coxe, Colonel John Nixon, and some others.
206 Franklin, Benjamin. Signer of the Declaration of In
dependence. Document, signed. May 11, 1741.
Agreement of the subscribers. Directors of the Library Corapany, to at
tend the appointed raeetings ; and that every one failing to do so will pay to
the rest one shilling.
Also signed by Sarauel Rhoads (raember of the Continental Congress),
and other directors.
207 Franklin, Benjamin. Autograph Document, signed.
Folio. August 15, 1787. To the Secretary of Council.
A direction, signed by Franklin, as President of the Supreme Executive
Council, for the issuing of a commission. Very fine specimen.
208 Franklin, Benjamin. Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages.
Passy, April 10, 1788. To Monsieur Dumas.
Also signed by Arthur Lee.
* «• » i< -vVe have now the pleasure of acquainting you that Mr. John
Adaras, a raeraber of Congress, appointed to succeed Mr. Deane in this com
mission, is safely arrived here. He carae over in the Boston, a Frigate of
30 guns belonging to the United Stales. In the passage they raet and raade
prize of a large EngUsh Letter of Marque ship of 14 guns, the Martha, bound
to New York, on whose cargo 70,000 £. sterling was insured in London. It
contains abundance of necessaries for Araerica, whither she is dispatched,
and we hope will get well in to one of our Ports. Mr. Adaras acquaints us
that it had been moved in Congress to send a Minister to Holland, but that
altho' there was the best disposition towards that country, and desire to have
and raaintain a good understanding with their High Mightinesses and a free
commerce with their subjects, the measure was respectfully postponed for the
present 'till their sentiments on it could be known, from an apprehension
that possibly their connections with England raight make the receiving an
Araerican Minister as yet inconvenient .ind (if HoUand should have the same
Good Will towards us) a little embarrassing. Perhaps as our Independency
begins to wear the appearance of greater stability since our acknowledg'd al
liance with France, that difficulty raay be lessened. Of this we wish you
would take the raost prudent raethods privately to inforra yourself. It seems
clearly to be the interest of HoUand to share in the rapidly growing com
merce of her young Sister Republick ; and as in the Love of Liberty, and
Bravery in the Defence of it, she has been our great Example, we hope cir
cumstances and Constitutions in many respects so sirailar, raay produce mu
tual Benevolence ; and that the unfavourable irapressions made on the minds
" of some

215
of some in America by the rigor with 'which supplies of arms and ararauni
tion were refused them in their Distress, may soon be worn off and obliterated
by a friendly intercourse and reciprocal good offices. When Mr. Adams left
America, which was about ihe middle of Feb'y, our affairs were daily im
proving, our troops well supply'd with arras and provisions and in good or.
der ; and the array of General Burgoyne being detained for Breaches of the
capitulation, we had in our hands above 10,000 prisoners ofthe enemy."
209 Franklin, William. Colonial Governor of New Jersey.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages. Bur
lington, January 5, 1771.
A very fine letter, in relation to lands, etc.
210 Gage, Thomas. British General in the French and
Indian War, and the Revolutionary War. Colonial
Governor of Massachusetts. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. New York, June 9, 1764. To Major-
General Monckton.
* * * " The young gentleraan you are pleased to recoraraend is a very
proper object to claira the protection of every railitary person who raay have
it in his power to serve hira. The father's services to his country surely
merit a consideration for his children, and raore particularly so when left
destitute of support, which by your letter I find is the case with Gen'l Pri-
deaux's faraily ; whichi ara really concerned at." **¦*'< I am sorry for
the loss of my old friend Gen'l Barrington. It seems he had been a long
time in a declining state of he.illh, from frequent attacks of the Gout, and I
believe too high living." * * * "The Duty's laid upon imports, andthe talk
of Internal Taxes, you will beUeve are not pleasing tothe Araericans." Etc.
211 Gaine, Hugh. Printer and bookseller. Publi-sher of
the " New York Mercury," which supported the Royal
cause in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter,
signed. Folio. New York, December 14, 1785. To
Honorable John Van Ness.
On business matters.
212 Genet, Edmond Charles. Minister from the French
Republic to the United States. Married a daughter of
General George Clinton. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. 7 pages. Albany, January 15, 1826.
Long and interesting letter on scientific subjects, in which he explains
a nuraber of his inventions and discoveries, and particularly enlarges upon the
practicabiUty of exploring the Polar regions in eerial vessels.
313 George I., King of England. Letter, signed. Folio. Feb
ruary 7, 1723-4. To William Burnet, Governor of
New Jersey.
Inforraing hira ofthe appointraent of James Alexander as Attorney-Gen
eral of the Province of New Jersey.

2X6
214 Gist, Mordecai. Brigadier-General in the Revolution-
ar}' War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Baltimore, April 29, 1777. To William Smith, member
ol Congress.
¦* * « <i By a letter from Colonel Rarasey I find that the evil genius of some
individuals has prompted them to vent their spleen and ill nature in a most
unmanly way, by propagating a report of ray having wrote to Congress and
General Washington, refusing for particular purposes to raarch to carap,
which the General considered as a resignation." * * * " I am truly con
scious that no action or conduct of raine can give a sanction to such report
with the least plausibility of truth ; and can assure you I never in ray life
had the honour to address Congress or General Washington by letter on any
subject whatever, except a few lines to Mr. Hancock." * -* * " Your knowl
edge of me for a considerable term of years has not only made you acquainted
with my principles and attachment to ray country, but also given you an idea
of ray business in trade, and of the unsettled raanner I was under the neces
sity of leaving ray books, both here and on the Eastern Shore, when under
raarching orders for carap last year." * -x- * " Private interest shall give way
to Public good, and the service of ray country shall engage my attention in
preference to every other consideration." Etc., etc.
215 Gordon, Patrick. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Document, signed. Folio. Philadelphia, March 4, 1732.
Order for administering the oath of office to the persons appointed Jus
tices of the Court of Common Pleas.
216 Grant, James. Noted British General in the Revolu
tionary War. Document, signed. Octavo. (Signed as
Major-General). December 12, 1776.
Certificate that Daniel Howell has taken the oath agreeable to the Proc
lamation of Noveraber 30, 1776.
217 Grayson, William. Member of the Continental Con
gress, and Aide to General Washington. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages. Dumfries, March
30, 1781.
In relation to the cession by Virginia of the Western territory, etc.
218 Greene, Christopher. Distinguished Colonel in the
Revolutionary War. Celebrated for his defense of Fort
Mercer and his defeat of the Hessians under Count
Donop. Killed by a party of loyalists in 1781. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Newport, October II,
1780. To Colonel Ward.
On Military affairs. Good speciraen, and extremely rare.
2ig Gunn, James. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph I^etter, signed. Quarto, 3 pages. OctO'
ber 23. To Seaborn Jones,
Rare.

217

220 Hale, Nathan. Captain in the Revolutionary War.
Executed by the British as a spy, September 22, 1776.
Endorsement of two lines, in his handwriting, on a let
ter written to him by Benjamin Tallmadge (afterwards
Colonel and Aide to Washington), dated Wethersfield,
July 4, 1774.
" Friend Hale. How do you do this cold weather ? I should be very
glad to have sorae direct news frora you, I do assure you ; for by the last ac
counts you was aU over (head and heels) in love. Now if you did not get
stifled in the scrape, I should be very glad to know of it. I can say, as an
Irishman has said before me, ' I know you are not dead, for if you was you
would have sent me word before now.' " Etc., etc.
Interesting and extremely rare.
221 Hamilton, Alexander. Signer of the Constitution of
the United States. Secretary of the Treasury. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. June 30, 1792. To
Colonel Benjamin Walker.
Very fine speciraen. On matters of business.
222 Hamilton, Alexander. Letter, signed. Quarto. Treas
ury Department, February 14, 1792.
On business of the Department.
223 Hamilton, Elizabeth. Wife of Alexander Hamilton,
and daughter of General Philip Schuyler. Autograph
Document, signed. Octavo. Philadelphia, December 1 ,
1794-
Order for payment of raoney. Rare.
224 Hand, Edward. Brigadier- General in the Revolution
ary War. Member of the Continental Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Folio. Fort Pitt, November i,
1777. 7o Colonel Archibald Lochry.
Interesting military letter.
" I hope before now that you have received ray letter from Fort Henry,
intimating that as I was uncertain what succour I might be able to draw
from Yohogania, Monongalia, Ohio, and your Counties, I beg'd to raeet the
Commanding officers of those Counties at this Place this day, in order to
have their positive ans'r; and, in case of the impracticability of an Expedi
tion, lo consult with them on the most advisable raode of Defence untili we
can be better prepared. I therefore raost Earnestly Entreat you to corae up
here as speedily as possible, and if convenient bring wilh you Col's Proctor
and Sraith and any other officers you think propper. I am just arrived from
Wheeling in consequence of my appointment, and assure you never was in
better spirits, as I can assure you that Gen'l Burgoyne and the survivors of
his Army are Prisoners, and expect that Gen'l Howe will shortly be in the
same situation. Gen'l Potter with the Cumberland MiUtia attacked looo
Hessians on their march frora Philad'a to Chester with baggage, killed some,
took 300 Prisoners, and seized all the baggage and 13 pieces of Brass Artil
lery," Etc.

2l8
225 Hardy, Sir Charles. Colonial Governor of New York.
Second in command at the taking of Louisburg in
1758. Letter, signed. Folio. New York, September
5> '755- To Governor Morris.
Informing him of his (Hardy's) appointment as Governor of New
York, and advising that the several Governors on the Continent shall main
tain an exact correspondence with each other, etc.
226 Harrison, Benjamin. Signer of the Declaration of In
dependence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Berk
ley, April I, 1789. To Colonel Meriwether.
Recomraending certain gentlemen for appointment as horse officers from
Berkley County.
Fine specimen.
227 Harrison, Benjamin. Letter, signed. Folio. March
22, 1782. To the Governor of Pennsylvania.
" The Executive of this State agree to your proposal of running a tera
porary Line between this State and yours, to serve as a boundary till the
States shall be in more tranquility and better circumstances to encounter the
expense that will attend the final settleraent of it, and have no doubt but the
Assembly at its meeting in May will concur with them in the raeasure. A
Coramissioner shall be appointed to raeet yours at the tirae fixed on, with
expUcit orders to proceed on the business, it not being the practice of the
Executive of this State lo act with Duplicity on any occasion. Why Mr.
Madison did not preceed in the business I do not certainly know, tho' I have
heard he was prevented by sorae of the inhabitants of that Country. The
Commissioner will be directed to begin the Line at the extremity of the Line
betwixt your State and that of Maryland, to which I suppose you can have
no objections." Etc.
228 Harrison, 'William Henry. President of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 'Vincen
nes, September 29, 1804. To the Ca.shier of the Bank
of the United States.
Requesting that part of his salary (as Governor of the Northwestern
Territory) be paid to William Bullitt & Co.
229 Hart, John. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Document, signed. Half quarto sheet. Had-
donfield, June 3, 1777.
Order (signed as Speaker of the House) on the treasurer, for paying
Captain Lewis' account of expenses in bringing up thirty-six prisoners frora
Frederick Town to Salera. Beautiful specimeti of a rare autograph.
230 Hawley, Gideon. Missionary to the Mohawk, Iroquois,
and other Indian tribes. Chaplain of Colonel Gridley's
regiment in the French and Indian War. Pastor of the
Indian tribes at Marshpee, Massachusetts. Autograph
Letter, signed. P'olio. 4 pages. Marshpee, December
31, 1770. To the Honorable Dr. Nathaniel P'reeman.
Long and interesting letter in relation to the longevity of the Indians,
narrating many special instances.

^i9
231 Heintzelman, Samuel P. Distinguished Major-General
in the Civil War. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo.
3 pages. Washington, December 13, 1874.
Interesting letter on raatleis relating to the war.
232 Herkimer, Nicholas. Noted Brigadier-General of New
York militia in the Revolutionary War. Died of wounds
received in the battle of Oriskany. Letter, signed.
Folio. Conajohary, May 22, 1777. To Major-General
Gates.
In relation to the delivery of powder, lead, and flints for his use. Fine
specimen, and extremely rare.
233 Higginson, Stephen. Member ofthe Continental Con
gress, and delegate to the Annapolis Convention. Au
tograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Boston,
March 26, 1791.
On business raatters.
234 Hindman, William. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Talbot
County, P"ebruary 5, 1776. To the Council of Safety
of Maryland.
Urging the appointraent of William Frazier as a lieutenant. Very fine
specimen. Scarce,
235 Hogun, James. Brigadier-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Baltimore,
January i, 1779. To Colonel H. Hollingsworth.
" I have just leisure enough before Marching this morning to adrait my
answering your favour of the 29th ult. I return you my sincere thanks for
your care and assiduity for which the whole of your conduct with respect to
my Brigade on the march has been remarkable. Your Waggons is all dis
charged at this Post, our own having Join'd us, by which I hope to make a
Steady march by Land to the Southard, finding it irapracticable to take Trans
ports at Annapolis. The Brigade is just now put under march, and must con
elude with wishes for your health." Etc.
Very rare.
236 Hopkins, Samuel. Celebrated theologian. Founder of
the "Hopkinsian" system of divinity. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. Newport, March 6, 1792. To
Rev. Levi Hart.
In relation to the proposed publication of one of his works.
237 Hopkinson, Francis. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. August
II, 1780. To Matthew Clarkson.
In relation to selling prize goods at public vendue. Fine specitiun.

220
238 Houston, William Churchill. Signer of the Articles
of Confederation. Autograph Document, signed. Folio.
6 pages. Trenton, March 17, 1784.
Interesting paper, discussing the question " whether the Liberty of the
Press cught lo extend so far as to justify the publishing of the narae of a per
son, with strictures onhis conduct, by an anonyraous author or with a fictitious
signature."
239 Howe, Robert. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Letter, signed. Quarto. Charles Town, South
Carolina, October 9, 1778. To Hon. Henry Laurens.
•• I am just this moment informed that a motion has been raade and car
ried in the Coraraittee ' that I should be recalled frora hence'; that to add to
the anxiety which I raust feel at being called away when Service is likely to
progress here, the raotion for reraoving rae was raade by a Member of Con
gress, iraraediately preceeding those for Troops lo be sent up to the support of
this place; as if I was nol worthy of being eraployed where Honor was to be
obtained. Think, Sir, the undeserved raortification I must feel upon an occa
sion like this. And can Congress suffer it to be inflicted upon me ! Have I
not sacrificed my Fortune and peace to the Service of my Country I Have I
not, by the most unwearied diligence and wiih a zeal which at least has sorae
raerit, attended to the duties of my Station, and by ray every effort endeavored
to do ray Duly ! And shall I, after being kept against ray wish frora the scene
of iraraediate Action, be recalled at that raoraent when this Country is likely
to becorae the Scene of it? How, Sir, have I deserved this disgrace ? I ara
conscious I have not, and therefore can never believe that Congress can con
sent to sacrifice so faithfuU a servant ! Upon you. Sir, I rely, upon your friend
ship I call, to avert frora me so unexpected, so undeserved, and so inexpress
ible a raortification and disgrace, which from ray inmost Soul I assert I have
not deserved." Etc.

240 Ho'well, David. Member ofthe Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages. Phila
delphia, October 9, 1782. To Hon. Welcome Arnold.
Interesting letter, written from Congress.
**•»"! expect Congress will deraand a Categorical answer from the
State in regard to the Impost at next session of Assembly. I cannot doubt
but it will be given with firmness." *-*-*" Should the Impost be adopted,
which God forbid, I should no longer suppose myself the Representative ofa
Sovereign and Free State ; but wish to be recalled by the sarae act, and sink
into my forraer retirement on ray little place where I have spent the pleasant
est part of my days. You cannot take too rauch pains in giving the raerabers
of the House due information previous to the iraportant vote being put, which
isto decide the fate of the Liberties not of one Stale only but of 13, and that
not only for the present generation but for all posterity." -* * * "Could
credit, public and private, for both in a certain respect depend on Govern
raent, be restored, it would be easy to carry on the war by credit and raode
rate taxes without an Irapost." Etc., etc.
241 HoweU, Richard. Major of the Second New Jersey
Regiment, which he commanded from 1776 to 1779.
Governor of New Jersey. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. Trenton, July 25,1794. To A. J. Dallas.
Relative to copies of the lawsof New Jersey and Pennsylvania.

221
242 Humpton Richard. Brevet Brigadier-General in the
Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. F"olio.
2 pages. Philadelphia, March 2, 1777. To Major Gen
eral Gates.
Suggesting a plan for forming a regiment of Grenadiers Cto be called the
Grenadiers ofthe United States), giving details of the method of forraation,
begging the favor of Gates's interest with General Washington to secure the
success of the plan, and asking that he (Hurapton) should be honored with
the command of the regiment.
243 Hunter, David. Major-General in the Civil War.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. (Signed " your
husband.") 8 pages. Port Royal, April 15. To his wife.
* * * "This day week we went for the second time to Tybee Island,
expecting to open fire on Wednesday, the gth ; but finding things not quite
ready, I postponed it to the loth." * * * "The faU of Pulaski is going to
make quite a change in the notions of our old fogies with regard to the value
of our old forts. Col. Totten wrote Gen. GUraore that to breach the wall
frora Tybee Island, our nearest battery being near a raile off, was simply
impossible, and that the ammunition would be completely wasted. Other
great engineers expressed the same opinion. Gen. Robert E. Lee, of the
Rebel Army, wrote Col. Olmstead, the Rebel coraraander of the Fort, that
we raight fill up the interior of the Fort with iron from our mortars, but that
he might rest content we could never breach his walls." *-*-*" Commodore
Dupont and myself are getting on nicely. I invited hira to send us a hun
dred men to assist in manning our batteries at Pulaski, and this pleased thera
very much. On ray return, they had all their raen up in the rigging, to
cheer us as we passed." Etc., etc.
244 Huntington, Samuel. President of the Continental
Congress. Letter signed. Folio. 3 pages. In Con
gress, May 19, 1780. To General Joseph Reed.
Informing him that the King of France is preparing to send a powerful
naval and land force to the assistance of the Americans ; urging the necessity
for speedily furnishing the requisitions of Congress, etc., etc.
" Congress have received authentic information that his raost Christian
Majesty is preparing to send a powerful Naval and Land force to sorae part
of the Continent of North Araerica. This force, generously calculated either
to produce a diversion in our favor, or to forward the operation of our arras
by being directed to the same object, raay either by our exertions be raade
the raeans of delivering our country in the course of the campaign from the
ravages of war, or, being rendered ineffectual through our supineness, serve
only to sully the reputation of our arras, to defeat the benevolent intention of
our great ally, and to disgrace our Confederacy in the eyes of all Europe."
-**-»« Xhe railitary departraents are at a stand for the want of raoney to
put thera in motion. Congress have no resources but in your spirit and
virtue. Upon these they confidently rely. You know the value of the prize
for which you contend, nor need you be inforraed how much you are inter
ested in a speedy terraination of this distressing and expensive war." Etc.
245 Hutchins, Thomas. Assistant engineer in Bouquet's
expedition in 1764. Geographer-general of the Ameri
can Army in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Let
ter, signed. Folio. Fort Chartres, September 13, 1770.
To George Morgan.

2i2
246 Irvine, William. Brigadier-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. March
17, 1782, To William Moore, President of Pennsyl
vania.
In relation to raeans for preventing British deserters and prisoners
from entering the Continental service. Very fitie specimen.

347 Izard, Ralph. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 12 pages. Charleston,
October 12, 1795. To Honorable Mr. Read.
-* * * " I ara sorry tbat the principle of free ships raaking free goods was
not adraitted in the Treaty, and that an explicit declaration was not obtained
to prevent provisions frora capture, except when bound to a blockaded port.
I know what Vattel and the other writers on the Law of Nations have said
on these points ; and I also know that Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Genet
of 24th July, 1793, has unequivocally given up the first. Mr. Jefferson, how
ever, does not appear to have been well inforraed on the subject. He says he
does not recollect that England has ever agreed to the raodification of letting
the property of the goods follow that of the vessel, except in the single in
stance of her Treaty with France : alluding to that of 1786. This error of
Mr. Jefferson on so raaterial a point must have embarrassed Mr. Jay and for
tified the British Ministry, I have taken the trouble of wading through
Chalmers's two voluraes of Treaties, and find that the principle of free ships
making free goods has, upon a variety of occasions, been adraitted by G.
Britain. It is therefore extreraely to be regretted that she should insist on
the right of harrassing our coraraerce in opposition to that principle, when she
must know that the advocates for war would not fail to take advantage of
this circurastance to irritate the rainds of the people and endeavor to plunge
thera into that dreadful calaraity." -* * * " I do not think that any blarae is
to be imputed to Mr. Jay for not having raade a more acceptable Treaty.
The erabarrassraent to which we are subjected appears to me lo be entirely
owing to the narrow policy of the Briiish adrainistration, and to their not
thinking it of sufficient iraportance to them to cultivate the good opinion of
this country. I think Mr. Jay has had a very difficult task to execute, that
he has conducted himself with honor and abiUty, and that his culumniators
deserve to be covered with infaray. I have no hesitation in declaring that I
think the majority of the Senate, in advising the President to ratify the Treaty,
with the exception of the 12th article, have acted with wisdom, and deserve
the thanks of their country." * * * "The President has been subjected to
the insults of the most infamous of mankind. It affords me no consolation
to reflect that all History is full of examples of the best man being exposed
to the raalice of the raost execrable miscreants. It is to be laraented that
another instance is now to be added to the black catalogue of the ingratitude
of raankind. The present disagreeable situation in whicli the President is
placed, and all the convulsions wliich have been excited throughout the United
States, may be attributed to the arabition of one man. Fostered in his bosom,
and covered with his kindness, he basely and ungratefully endeavored to un
dermine his reputation and to withdraw from him the public confidence.
Should the President decline serving again, after the expiration of the term
for which he was elected, that man will be a candidate for the office of Presi
dent and wiU have all the factious votes on the Continent ; a very consider
able nuraber of which will be found to the southward of the Potoraack. I
hope the Friends of this country, who have access to the President, will unite
their endeavors to prevail on hira to serve another terra of four years." Etc.
Highly interesting historical letter.

223
248 Jameson, John. Colonel of a cavalry regiment in the
Revolutionary War. The officer to whom Major Andre
was committed by his three captors. Autograph Let
ter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. December 5, 1778. To
a Colonel.
* * -* " After the Germans have crossed the Delaware and I have given the
necessary orders to the Escort &c., I have obtained leave from General Wash
ington to. go by Philadelphia and settle my last winter's account, so as lo
overtake the (jerraans again at Lancaster." Etc.
249 Jefferson, Thomas. Signer ofthe Declaration of Inde
pendence. President of the United States. Letter,
signed. Folio. 2 pages. In Council, April 17, 178 1.
To General Joseph Reed, Governor of Pennsylvania.
In relation to running the boundaries between the States of Pennsylvania
and Virginia, the necessary astronoraical observations, the appointraent of
Rev. Jaraes Madison and Rev. Robert Andrews as Commissioners on the part
of Virginia," etc , etc.

Commodore John Paul Jones's sarcastic
• comments on the tardiness of Congress
in forwarding to him their acknowl
edgment of his services.
250 Jones, John Paul. Celebrated naval commander in
the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 4 pages. Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Octo
ber 3, 1 78 1. To his Excellency Richard Howly, Esq.,
Governor ofthe State of Georgia, Member of Congress.
* * -* " I flatter myself the Report of the Admiralty and of the Special Cora
miltee (your worthy colleague, Mr. Matthews, and Mr. Clymer) on ray Exara
ination will not be disregarded by Congress and thrown out in the latter
Clause. It is not for rae to judge of ray own merit. But, if I have in any
measure deserved the Praises I have been Honored with in Europe by the
general Voice, and especially by the illustrious Ally of the United States; if
the marks of Honor I received frora a generous-minded Prince are well be
stowed and ' highly acceptable to Congress,' as would seem from the Journal,
would it be consistent with the generosity and Sovereign Dignity of Araerica
that these Honors, so highly acceptable to Congress, should operate against
me and be considered as a reason for withholding from rae the Guaranty of
the honorable Report raade of rae to Congress both by the board of Admiralty
and the Special Coraraittee? If I have supported the honor ofthe American
Flag with zeal, prudence and Intrepidity ; if my bold and successful Enter-
prizes have redeemed from Captivity the Citizens of these States whohad
fallen under the power of the Enemy ; and if in general ray good conduct
and erainent services have added Lustre to my character and to the Araerican
Arras, as would seera from the Act of Congress of April I4lh, would it not
have a strange appearance in History should the Emblera thereof, as men
tioned in the Report of the Admiralty and Special Committee already aUuded to, be

224
to, be refused ? Posterity will know that such Tokens of the public approba
tion have in this Revolution been bestowed on men who have never personally
encountered equal danger, either in support of the clairas of Huraanity or the
honor of the American Arms. I am writing to you only as a private friend,
and it is therefore I have expressed myself so plainly on so deUcate a matter."
* * * " We have no certain news of the operations in Virginia, except the
Action of the 5th ult. between the Fleets ; whereof we have not yet a clear
detail, and the reports differ widely." Etc., etc.
.4 magnificent specimen.
251 Jones, W^illie. Delegate to the Constitutional Conven
tion. Member of the Continental Congress. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. Halifax Town, July 17, 1783.
* * -* " I am told that the Executive of Virginia advanced a considerable
sum of money to our Continental officers on their arrival in James River from
So. Carolina. I am one of the Comraissioners appointed here to settle and
pay the accounts of the Continental officers of this State, and it is necessary
that we be inforraed of the amount, that we may debit the officers with it.
Your Excellency will oblige me by letting me know the sura, and to what
officer or officers it was paid." Ftc.
Very fine, atid excessively rare.
252 Kean, John. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Philadelphia, June
5, 1793. To Le Roy and Bayard.
On financial raatters. Very fine specimen.
253 King, Rufus. Signer of the Constitution of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. (Signed
with initials). 3 pages. Washington, January 29, 1 81 5.
To Stephen Van Rensselaer.
" The mail frora New Orleans arrived this morning and brings letters
dated 30th Dec. Jackson's forces had increased to upwards of 8 thousand,
and Adair with 2800 Kentuckians would join hira on the following day or on
New Year's day. The Enemy raade an attack upon Jackson's Unes, behind
which militia raen are as forraidable as Regulars, and were repulsed on the
27th ; between which date and the 30th nothing occurred except between
the Pickets." * * * "The letters are animated, affirm that there is great
unaniraity araong the Louisianians, that Jackson has obtained their entire
confidence, and express no doubt of their being able to save the City." *- * *
" They do not rate the Eneray above 7000, which nuraber they seera confi
dent of deing able to repulse." *-»•»" Should Jackson repulse the Enemy,
the consequences at home and abroad will be raost important. It will hasten
Peace, and moreover endear Louisiana to, and render it worthy of, the Union.
It will cover the Tennessee and Kentucky railitia with glory ; and you must
have observed that, in all parts, we are desirous of sharing the reputation in
arras that is acquired by our Countrymen. Hence we shall esteera the
Western people, and strive to continue, instead of dissolving, our connexion
with them."

225

Rufus King's Letter on Jackson's Victory
at New Orleans.
254 King, Rufus. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. To Stephen Van Rensselaer.
Giving an account of Jackson's victory at New Orleans.
•* * * " The news from Orleans is highly important, indeed glorious. The
Enemy on the Sth ult. were repulsed with the loss, as General Jackson reports,
of 2600 killed and wounded ; among them the three officers highest in cora
mand. The loss on our side ten or twelve only I ! ! If the Enemy fail in
getting his ships and bomb vessels up the river, the City is safe." * * *
"Larabert with 3000 men frora England arrived the day before the assault,
carrying the Eneray's force to 11,000 men. The blood shed by the Western
raen on this glorious day is a cement of our Union which will stand the as
sault of even time. Coffee and Carroll of Tennessee, with their Riflemen,
were placed on our left. The Coluran which assaulted thera advanced to a
station distant frora our works 150 yards, threw off their knapsacks, gave three
cheers, and advanced. After prodigious efforts on their part they were re
pulsed ; and in a sraall corapass within the first reach of the rifles, 300 men
were found dead after the battle, not a few of them perforated with flve or six
bullets." Etc.
255 Knox, Henry. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages.
New York, January 25, 1789. To Rev. David McClure.
* * * a Our juvenile sports, and the joyful sensations they excited, are fresh
in my mind; and what tb me renders the remembrance peculiarly precious is
that I flattered rayself our hearts and minds were formed on the same scale.
Our situations since, however, has been widely different. You have been
deeply exploring the moral and natural world, in order to impress on the
rainds of your fellow raortals their relative connection with the great scale of
intelligent beings, * * * while I have been too much entangled with the Ut
tle affairs of a little globe. But as it is a part of ray belief that we are re-
sponsable only for the light we possess, I hope we have both acted our parts
in such a raanner that, when we reflect, the past will give us raore pleasure
than pain." Etc., etc.
Fine friendly letter.

Lafayette's interesting Letter on the downfall
of Napoleon.
256 Lafayette, Marquis de. Major-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 6
pages. La Grange, December 26, 181 5. To General
Charles Colesworth Pinckney.
A very long and extreraely interesting letter on the character, career,
and downfall of Napoleon ; the hurailiation of the French nation; the state
of affairs in France, etc.
* * * " There has been a still greater lesson in politics to be taught. How the
Legitimate Monarchs, as they term theraselves, most of thera having been
" humble

226
hurable courtiers to the Emperor whom they call an Usurper, were roused by
the irritation of their own oppressed subjects, and invited by the madness
and blunders of the oppressor, lo put a stop to his ambitious strides ; and how,
when the number of their troops have put the power in their hands, these
raagnanimous Sovereigns have emulated the rapacity and surpassed the
Machiavelisra of that prodigious adventurer. For the truth of this double as
sertion, I shall only refer you to the transactions of the great powers and
bartering of souls at the Congress of Vienna, to the sharaeless contradiction
between the successive declarations of the Allies, and to their conduct after
this last Restoration, when, iraproving upon the policy of Napoleon with the
Bourbons of Spain, they have made those of France the instruments for the
disarraaraent of the country, before they did exact frora thera conditions still
raore oppressive and shocking than those for which their aid had been prof
fered. When you were in France, ray dear Sir, the principles of the Revo
lution had been distorted into excesses of every kind. Since that time, a
military Chief of uncommon parts, rising upon the errors and the crimes of
the preceding epochs and the disgust they had created, has raade a wicked
use of his talents to dissolve the spirit and the means of civil liberty, while
he improved the Revolutionary impulsion towards warlike achievements and
changed the flag of freedora into the standard of arabitious conquest. Never
were the raoral and raaterial resources of a nation, raultiplied as they were
by the Revolution, squandered away in so deplorable a raanner; yet its prira-
itive principles were so sound and so regenerative that the prosperity, cora
fort and information of the four-fifths of the population have increased with
a rapidity unparalleled in Europe." * * * "While the troops, abandoned
by their General on the field of 'Waterloo, were raUying towards the Capital,
a solemn appeal was made by an Embassy to the faith of those High Powers,
to agree to a suspension of arras for the sake of mutual explanations. They
preferred pushing their advantages; and before the plenipotentiaries were
allowed to reach their own lines on their return frora a fruitless raission, they
found that the elective Governraent and the chiefs of the array had, with the
assent of both Houses, stipulated the capitulation of Paris. Not that the
gallant remains of the array were deficient in the railitary ardor which the
known sounds of Liberty had raised beyond what Napoleon had ever ob
tained, but because, in addition to too many intrigues, there prevailed a ten
der reluctance to compromise, in the event ofa desperate battle, the fate ofa
large populous Capital The articles of the Capitulation, as well as the former
declarations of the coalesced Powers, have been violated in every instance
where not only their High politics but mere motives of spite or convenience
have been concerned." *-*-*>< I am returned to the solitary raansion where,
under the reign of Napoleon, I have lived in quiet retireraent. Nothing but
a desperate crisis, when the cause of Liberty and France was pressed and
endangered on all sides, could have prompted rae to corae out." * * * " The
great work of European freedora, notwithstanding the deviations of one
party, the illiberality of the other, has been moving along wilh an evident
progress of public good sense, and has past the danger of real retrograda
tion." * * * " It is not one of the least pecuUarities of this strange period
that Napoleon, when he had our assent and to the last day the raeans to es
cape to America, has preferred going on board the Bellerophon. I ara glad
his brother Joseph, whom I ever found very friendly to rae, has taken a wiser
course." -*¦*-¦*-" It is a long while, ray dear Sir, since I did address your
brother frora ray Prussian dungeon and receive frora him so great and multi
pUed marks of his friendship, or since my dear and heroic Huger so nobly
exposed his life, so precious to all who know him, lo rescue me from Austrian
captivity. .StiU a longer time has elapsed since I first was welcomed at his
excellent father's house ; and from the kind reception I raet in Charlestown
could anticipate ray future obligation to every part of the United States,"
Etc., etc.

257 Langvvorthy, Edward. Signer of the Articles of
Confederation. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Document, signed. Half quarto sheet.
September 29, 1774.
Fine specimen. Rare.
258 Laurens, Henry. President of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages.
Charles Town, March 24, 1776. To Colonel Lachlan
Mcintosh.
Congratulating him on his appointraent to the coraranad of the Georgia
Continental BattaUon ; inforraing hira that Thoraas Lynch, Sr., has had a
stroke of apoplexy, and that the younger Lynch has gone to Philadelphia to
succeed his father as a delegate, etc.
¦*¦**" The intelligence we received yesterday from Philadelphia, added lo the
late Act of Parliament which came through your Town, puts all possibiUty
of reconciliation with Great Britain, upon terms formerly proposed, aside ;
yet I feel myself lighter, I think better terras are not far distant. But I feel,
nevertheless, and I grieve for England : her glory and her honour are
eclipsed, her power will sink. I grieve for her as for the loss of an old and
much loved friend. In a word, I see the time advancing very fast when the
declaration which I have oft raade to raen of consequence in that island, and
perhaps oft in your hearing, will be accomplished : her Conquest will be her
defeat; possibly worse — if her ancient Rival should interpose in earnest, she
may suffer nothing but defeat." -* * * " We have lost one of the best friends
to this Country, and one of the ablest politicians in America, by a stroke of
apoplexy on the elder Mr. Lynch in Philadelphia. He had been twelve
days languishing, when the Messenger came away on the 3rd March, wholly
deprived of speech and understanding. His son goes to-raorrow to see and
also to succeed hira as a delegate ; for, if he survives, he must change his
habits and air. The messenger brought a private letter from a Doctor
Swendt, who writes that Quebec was taken. The letter was dated day after
that from Mr. E. Rutledge, and says the intelligence was just received. Gen
eral Lee as a Major and Gen. Armstrong as a Brigadier, are appointed for
Southern Department, and both will probably be here in a few days. Every
family in your Colony should iramediately set to making Saltpetre, and in one
raonth you would collect enough to make gunpowder to serve you six." Etc.
259 Laurens, John. Colonel in the Revolutionary War.
Aide to General Washington. Killed in a skirmish
near Combahee. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Brest, May 29, 1781.
A most affectionate and extreraely patriotic letter to his sister, Miss
Laurens, then in Languedoc, France.
" I am upon the point of departure, my sweet friend and Sister. A
moraent only remains for me to repeat the tender assurances of my unaltera
ble love, the ardent and incessant vows I offer to Heaven for your preserva
tion and happiness, and the cruel regret I feel at quitting France without
having the happiness of passing a moment with you except in imagination.
Devoted to the service of my Country, I subrait to this sacrifice. I love you
the raore for the patriotisra which aniraates you when you speak of Araerica.
In my separation from you it is a consolation that I ara serving our Common
Mother, and that our friendship cannot be affected by tirae, place or circura
stance. I can't express to you ray surprise at your application to our Minister
Plenipotentiary for a passport to go to England. I hope that our dear friends,
my uncle and aunt, will reconsider the raatter, and that your project will not
take place. It will have a very ill effect both in France and America, in a
public point of view, and I do not conceive any good that can arise frora it to
our dear and respectable father." Etc.
A very desirable specimen .

22^
260 Lee, Francis Lightfoot. Signer of the Declaration of
Independence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Philadelphia, May 3,1777. To Major-Gen
eral Adam Stephen.
"We hear there are some appearances ofthe Enemy quitting the Jer
seys. Will you let them get off unhurt ? Considerable reinforcements are
coming forward ; near 2000 are now raarching from hence. Great exertions
will be made against us this carajDaign. Our exertions must be proportioned ;
but I am sure it will not avail us rauch to have numbers in the field, if they
are not under proper discipline ; of which I almost despair, so very shameful
has been the conduct of our officers for sorae raonths past. Unless the Gen
erals take extraordinary pains and examine rainutely into every particular
relative to the troops, disease and despondency will raake thera an easy prey
to the Eneray. Cleanliness in lodging and diet, just payments, and martial
exercises will raake thera invincible. Tis true your troops are at present
raw ; but you may reraember that Eparainondas soon brought his disheart
ened countryraen to beat the best troops then in the world by his excellent
discipline and frequent judicious skirmishes. I know I incur the ridicule of
the orator who discoursed of war before Hannibal ; but I cant help it. The
subject Ues too heavy upon ray raind : the stake we play for is not a coraraon
one. Tis a pity so raany of our stores were laid up in that nest of Tories at
Danbury and its environs. The loss will not easily be repaired, and the dis
grace is injurious. These things hurt us exceedingly with our own people
and have a bad influence abroad. God send you raay soon give us something
to put on the other side of the account." Etc.
Fine specimen, with name signed in full.

261 Lee, Mary Custis. Wife of General Robert E. Lee,
and daughter of George Washington Parke Custis. Au
tograph Letter, signed. Octavo. 3 pages. Alexan
der, June 5, 1873.
" I have been out to see my early, indeed alraost ray life-long horae, en
deared by all the memories of my life, both of joy and sorrow. What I feel
to see it so changed, in the hands of strangers, covered with the graves of
those who have so trampled on and desecrated our beloved Virginia ! But
my visit produced one good effect : that the change is so entire, I have not
the %3.me yearning to go back there, and shall be raore content to resign all
ray right in it." Etc.

262 Lewis, Francis. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Admiralty office, April 21, 1781. To General Joseph
Reed.
In regard to offering bounties to searaen and landsraen to serve on the
" Trumbull " frigate, etc. Very fine specimeti.
263 Lewis, Meriwether, Celebrated explorer. Autograph
Letter, signed. Half quarto sheet. St. Louis, March
31, 1808.
Direction for the payraent of raoney.

229

Arnold's cruelty at New London.

264 Livingston, William. Signer of the Constitution of the
United States. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Trenton, September
14, 1781. To General Joseph Reed.
In relation to Arnold's conduct in burning New London, etc.
* * * " Clinton has a large nuraber of troops on Staten Island ; and Col.
Seely, conimanding our three months' raen at Connecticut Farms, writes me
that the enemy are all on the move, and, according to the best accounts that
he can get a great nuraber of them already erabarked, and a considerable
number of flat-bottomed boats are got and getting ready, but that their desti
nation is unknown. He adds, ' Sir Harry told a person, if I am rightly in
formed, that he would not suffer the troops to move until he knewthe event
of the Fleets, and that he would wait until Arnold returned frora the East
ward.' With respect to the Scoundrel last aforesaid mentioned, I have just
received a verbal confirmation by some travellers frora the Eastward of his
having burnt New London andkUled 500 of thelnhabitants, 76 of whom were
bayonetted in cold blood ; that his horse was shot under him, and his servant
killed next to his side. I believe he is not born to die in battle himself, but,
in Pomfret's words, ' to grace the gibbet and adorn the string.' " Etc.
Very fine specimen.

265 Lloyd, James. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Farley,
July 23, 1798. To Jonathan Dayton.
* * * " I feel rayself much obliged by the kind manner in which your par
tiality, rather than any desert of mine, leads you to estimate the acquaintance
I have had the honor and pleasure to form with you. Be assured that I en
tirely reciprocate all yotir favorable sentiments of me." Etc., etc.
Very fine atid rare.

266 Logan, James. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Stenton, July 30,
1737. To the Honorable, the Proprietor, at Philadel
phia.
•» * * « My head was so full of the business we talk'd of to-day, that I en
tirely forgot one article I fully inten.ded this morning to inquire into and take
some care of, that is how Lodgings may be got and to get them for the East
ern Gentleraan who, as I have been informed, raight be expected in town to
raorrow; and I ara now the more solicitous about it, because R. Peters as
sures rae he is truly what he pretends to be, that is, a Sovereign Prince, tho'
tributary to the Porte." Etc., etc.

230
267 Loring, Joshua. British Commissary of Prisonersj
Noted for his cruelty. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
Philadelphia, April 3, 1778. To Elias Boudinot, Com
missary-General of Prisoners.
His wife, whose influence wilh General Howe procured hira this appoint
raent, is thus commemorated in Hopkinson's " Battle of the Kegs ": —
" Sir William he, snug as a flea.
Lay all this time a-snoring;
Nor dreamed of harm as he lay warra
In bed with Mrs. Loring."
In relation to the exchange of General Charles Lee and Colonel Ethan
Allen. "Yesterday, by order ofhis Excellency Sir Williara Howe, I acquainted
General Lee that he had leave to go out as soon as he pleased. By his own
desire he tarry's tUl Sunday. I should be glad that Lt. Col° Campbell and
the Hessian Field officers were sent in here as soon as possible. "The order
for Lt. CoP Ethan Allen's being sent out frora New York of course raust be
altered ; but should the Coraraissioners meet again soon, I will corae out at
the sarae tirae and adjust these raatters wilh you." Etc.
268 LoveU, James. Signer of the Articles of Confedera
tion. Autograph Document, signed. Folio. 3 pages.
Philadelphia, February 15, 178 1. Also signed by Gen
eral Alexander McDougall, Governeur Morris, and Dr.
John Jones.
Urging the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania to grant Eliza
beth Pettit a passport to return to New York. " Tho' her eyes must there
again raeet with objects raortifying to her Love of the American Cause, yet
she can there still continue her ardent prayers for its prosperity."
Beautiful specitnen.
269 Lyon, Nathaniel, Brigadier-General in the Civil War.
Killed at the battle of Wilson's Creek. Autograph Docu
ment, signed. Quarto. August 31, 1859.
Account of moneys expended for his company.
270 Lyttleton, William Henry. Colonial Governor of
.South Carolina. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2
pages. Charles Town, May 20, 1758. To Governor
Denny.
" I have received a letter from Mr. Secretary Pitt, dated the 27lh day of
January last, wherein he is pleased lo say, • It is the King's Pleasure that you
do forwith use your best endeavours to procure, with as rauch secrecy and
dispatch as possible, experienced Pilots that can be depended upon and who
are knowing in the navigation of the Rivers of Mobile and Mississippi, and
you wiU cause such Pilots to repair in the raost expeditious manner to Hali
fax, in order to be employ'd in such attempts as Admiral Boscawen raay think
proper to direct, and care will be taken to reward the said Pilots for their
services.' I am informed that such Pilots as above mentioned may be pro
cured at Philadelphia, and I beg leave to apply to you. Sir, to procure and
send them to Halifax." Elc, etc.
Very fine specimen.
I'jY McClurg, James. Delegate to the Federal Convention.
Autograph Letter, signed. Half quarto sheet. Rich
mond, July 6, 1809
Requesting that a dividend on stock be sent to hira.

231
272 McKean, Thomas. Signer ofthe Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. York Town, May 30, 1778. To Honorable
George Bryan.
Relative to the proper disposition to be made, by the Treasurer of Penn
sylvania, of a box of the paper raoney issued during the Proprietary Govern
ment, etc. Fine specimen.
273 McKean, Thomas. Document signed. Quarto. (Signed
as President). In conference, June 25, 1776.
" Resolved unanimously, That it be recommended to the Committee of
Safety of this Province to confine the coraraand of Comraodore Davison to the
Ship of War and Floating Battery belonging to the Province, and to issue no
orders to the Captains or other officers of the Row Galleys, Fire Ships, or Fire
Rafts, through the said Coraraodore, until the Convention raeets ; and that it
be recomraended to the Captains and other officers of the Row GaUeys, etc.,
to pay all due obedience to the Coraraittee of Safety until that tirae, and until
a new appointraent shall take place."

On the necessity of giving aid to General
Washington in order to defeat Howe's
attempt upon Philadelphia.
274 McKinly, John. The patriotic Governor of Delaware,
during part of the Revolutionary War. Taken prisoner
by the British. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2
pages. Wilmington, April 29, 1777. To Brigadier-
General Caesar Rodney.
On the necessity of speedily raising a force of railitia, to aid General
Washington in -defeating an atterapt upon Philadelphia.
" Congress have raade a requisition of Fifteen Hundred of the Militia of
this State, who are lo be well arraed and accoutred, and to rendezvous in
Brandywine Hundred in this County by the 15th day next month, where a
Camp is to be formed, and where tents and carap equipage will be ready to
be delivered to thera. A Committee of three Merabers of Congress, with
General Mifflin, were appointed to confer with the President and Council of
this State, to enforce the necessity of coraplying with the above requisition ;
who met here yesterday accordingly, when they showed the necessity fully ;
as frora several circurastances General How will by that tirae raake an Atterapt
upon Philad'a, both by land and water, unless by our having a superior force
ready to oppose hira he raay be deterred therefrora altogether, which raakes
the aid of the Militia absolutely necessary for about six weeks, in which tirae
it is expected that General Washington (who is now very deficient, but whose
Army is daily increasing fast) will have a sufficient number of Continental
Troops under his coramand. So that it is thought the Salvation of our
Country, and everything that ought to be dear to us, depends under Providence
pn a hearty and speedy coraplyance. Another Camp is to be formed at the
sarae time of a suitable number of the Militia of Pennsylvania near Philad'a."
* * * a Pray exert yourself, and animate those under your command to a
speedy complyance, as it is hoped this may be the last time the MiUtia may
be wanted; but I have no doubt but you will. The, credit of our Slate and
the Liberties of America require it." * ¦*-*"! sincerely wish you success,
and wou'd fondly hope you will raeet with it, to the credit of the Slate and
the good of our great, glorious, and coraraon Cause." Etc., etc.

232
275 McLane, Allen. Distinguished Colonel in the Revolu
tionary War. Noted for his personal combat with three
British dragoons near Frankford, Pa. Autograph Let
ter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Baltimore, January 15,
1817.
In relation to his application to Congress for aid.
* * * " It was ray intention this morning before I left Washington to have sent
under cover a copy of ray raeraorial now before Congress, and several original
papers in support. Much will depend on the irapression you raake on the
Chairraan of the Coraraittee. If the Coraraittee raakes a favourable report,
those disposed to do rae justice will have easy work." -*-**« I have a great
desire that the President should see ray Meraorial, and to learn from you that
he approves of my persevering in calling the attention of Congress year after
year. The President, while a member of Congress at New York, fought a
hard battle to have soraething done for old Revolutionists ; but he was over
ruled by the raoney changers." -* * -* " I was an active Whig from the com
menceraent ofthe struggle that ended in our Independence." Etc., etc.

Patriot Parson McWhorter's Letter on the
cowardly conduct of General Gates
in North Carolina.

276 McWhorter, Alexander. Patriotic Presbyterian Cler
gyman. Sent by Congress to Western North Carolina,
to persuade the Royalists to unite with the patriot cause.
Chaplain of Knox's Artillery Brigade. Autograph
Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages. November 18, 1780.
To Elisha Boudinot.
A letter of the greatest historical interest and iraportance. Written when
he was President of Charlotte Acaderay, in Mecklenburg Co., N. C.
* * -* " Let rae go where I will, it seems as tho' I must be drove by the Brit
ish. Who would have thought that the infatuated British would have even
invaded the back woods of N. CaroUna, 2CO and near 300 miles from the
Sea ? Our public affairs in the South have been conducted wretchedly, and
in raany instances dishonorably and sharaefully. The ignorant, self iraport
ant gentry of Charlestown as it were compelled Gen. Lincoln to shut hira
self up in that place. Southern judgraents are feeble, and Southern imagi
nations and fancies are very strong ; and they possess the powers and arts of
persuasion, considering their understandings, to an exceedingly great degree.
To these Lincoln fell a sacrifice. He resigned his own judgment, in depend-
ance upon the opinion, integrity and honour of others. When C. Town fell, the
enemy instantly flashed over their whole State, which did not raake the least
attempt to defend itself, but taraely, like a set of poltroons and disaffected
wretches as they are, bowed their necks lo the yoke. There are a few good
people in the State, for whora I ara sorry; but the great raajority ofthe
people are suffering nothing raore than they deserve. And the English are
making them feel the severity of conquest, above anything that has been
practised in the North. They that would nol lift an hand to saye their State
" and

-o3
and their liberties, raust now fight for the English, have no property that
they can call their o*n, and are in the raost wretched circurastances. North
Carolina will raake sorae struggle for her liberties ; but her Tories are so .
very nuraerous and violent, that without considerable aid she cannot stand. And
this grand raanouvre of the eneray, throwing a body of troops into Virginia
to keep their people at horae until CornwalUs has fixed his posts in N. Carolina,
greatly endangers that State. But the State is so exhausted of provisions, I
know well it is irapossible for an army of friends or foes to subsist in it this
winter unless they derive their provisions and forage from sorae other State.
Our militia has had great success against the Tory insurgents this suraraer.
We defeated them in 7 dift'erent battles, besides sorae Uttle skirmishes But
every defeat afforded a considerable reenforcement to Cornwallis, except this
late one of Ferguson. For when they were defeated, except the few that were
killed or taken, they ran directly to the English. Altho' we had success
against the tories, we were shamefully defeated and infamously surprised
often by the English. Gen. Uge was stupidly surprised at Monk's Corner.
Col. Washington was again surprised not far from the same place, and only
personally escaped by swimraing over a river. Col. Beaufort was caught
unprepared to receive the eneray, and entirely cut to pieces. Gen. Surapter,
with 700 men who had, with thera above 200 prisoners and a fine booty they
had taken frora the eneray, was surprised at raidday by about 100 English
horse, and lost all. And Gates's defeat was infaraous and ruinous." * * *
" No such thing as retreat, if I have any just idea of what is meant by
the term, at all took place. It was a most perfect rout and dispersion ;
and if any raan deserved thanks for running away, it was Gates, for he far
distanced every raan in his army. He hiraself brought the first news of his
defeat into Charlotte the same night after the action, between 10 and 11
o'clock, 76 miles from the scene. He was so terrified, he would not alight
from his horse in town; nor would he Ught in Salisbury, 116 miles from the
action. At Gilford, 177 railes from the action, he and the few that were with
him denied him to be Gen. Gates ; and he never stopped till he got to HiUs-
borough, about 220 railes from the terrific ground. And whether the creat
ure is yet got over his panic, I cannot tell. As soon as his shattered troops
carae up with hira at Hillsborough, he set them to fortify a hiU in the
neighborhood of that town, and ordered a party to build boats at Taylor's
Ferry on the Roanoke, about 70 mUes east of hira, to secure his retreat over
a river fordable alraost everywhere. If he had calculated his measures to
ruin, affright and discourage N. Carolina, he could not have taken more effect
ual steps. The raan has acted as if he was bewitched. For amidst all the
odium and contempt that are cast upon him, I did not find hira accused of
treachery by sensible people. The universal opinion in the South of hira is,
that he would raake an excellent post rider, but that he does not possess one
accoraplishraent fit for a general. The late defeat of Ferguson and his Tories
I hope will in sorae degree derange Cornwallis's measures." * * *
The rest of the letter narrates the actions of the Tories in North Caro
lina, the difficulty he had in escaping them, etc., etc.
277 Madison, James. Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Vir
ginia. President of William and Mary. College. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. October 24, 180 1. To
Janies Madison, Secretary of State, Washington.
* * * i> I observed, in the different papers, such harping upon the introduction
of Godwin in Wm. and Mary, that I determined to check, if possible, the
current of malevolence ; especially as your Inquiry evinced that the sripposi-
' lion of such an Introduction was one of the Engines which was occasionaUy
played off against Virginia. For this purpose, I have sent to the National
Intelligencer a fictitious Letter, stating, however,, Facts with a few observa
tions Nothing so strongly raarks the virulence and the raeanness of the dis
appointed Party, as these Uttle Tricks to excite popular odium. They carry
with thera the strongest evidence cither of the raost pitiful Hypocrisy or the
most bigotted Ignorance. But I believe the first is really the case. Etc,

234
278 Madison, James. President of the United States.
Member of the Continental Congress. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Philadelphia, Au
gust 20, 1782. To the Auditors of the Commonwealth
of Virginia.
In relation lo the settleraent of his pay as a raember of Congress.
" As the General Assembly have fixed a daily rate for the subsistence of
the Delegates, which I understand is to be retrospective as well as future in
its application, you will now, I presurae, be able to strike the balance due to
rae. The tirae of ray attendance on Congress is to be computed from March
20, 1780 ; the length of ray journey hither at 260 railes." Etc.
279 Malcom, William. Colonel of a New York regiment
of the Continental line in the Revolutionary War.
Deputy Adjutant-General of the United States. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. October 17,
1777. To Colonel Aaron Burr.
" I had just resolved to set off for Pennsylvania, as Mr. Munnell carae
in and told me the fate of Fort Montgomery, etc. ; adding that the Governor
and several principal MiUtia officers from this quarter were prisoners ; and
suggested the propriety of my imraediately pushing down to take command
of the scattering stragglers that had escaped, as also of the militia. This
measure I agreed to, and directly set off; but raost fortunately found the
Governor just corae in. However, he would by no raeans consent to my
leaving him, and insisted, with Gen. Putnam, that I should continue. In
deed it was necessary. It's irapossible to describe the scene of confusion
that was araong us for two or three days." * * -* " Yesterday the fleet of 26
. sail passed Wendron, and we immediately raarched after thera, supposing
thera a relief to Burgoyne. This defeated a purpose concluded on to attack
Fort M. the same day from both sides the river." * -a- * " I hope the trouble
in this quarter is near an end, as we have just heard that Burgoyne is shut
up and raust subrait. General Gates is informed of the fleet going up, by
Express ; consequently, will press. If with success, the re-enforcement will
speedily return." Etc.
280 Mansfield, Joseph K". F. Major-General in the Civil
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Fort Mon
roe, December 23, 1830.
Fine specitnen, in relation to moneys for railitary disbursements.
281 Martin, Alexander. Member of the Federal Conven
tion. Colonel in the Revolutionary War. Autograph
Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Salisbury, September
21, 1770. To James Madisoil.
Pathetic letter in relation to the death of his (Martin's) elder brother.
282 Martin, Luther. Member ofthe Continental Congress.
Delegate to the Federal Convention. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. Richmond, September 15, 1807.
To Aaron Burr.
Informing him (Burr) that he has been acquitted in the trial ou the
charge of misderaeanor.
" It is with pleasure I communicate to you, and to my much esteemed
and beloved friend, your amiable Lady, that this day the Jury have returned
a verdict of ' nol guilty ' in the misdemeanor. \N'e are now at all events
clear of Ihis da-mneil Dislricl. I enclose ,1 colored Engraving which Mrs.
i\. will do me the honor to accept. Assure her nothing can render me hap
pier than that she may be happy." Etc.

23S
283 Montgomery, John. Member of the Continental Cori-
gress. Autograph Document, signed. Half quarto
sheet. Annapolis, March 22, 1784.
His account with the State of Pennsylvania for attendance in Congress.
284 Montgomery, Joseph. Memberof the Continental Con
gress. Document, signed. Quarto. (With one line in his
handwriting). Philadelphia, April 14, 1781.
Order, signed by General Joseph Reed, for his pay as a member of Con
gress ; below which is a receipt for the pay, written and signed by Mont
gomery. A fine specimen of an extremely rare autograph.

Colonel Morgan's account of the Western
Indians, and recommending that forts
Pitt and Randolph be garrisoned.
285 Morgan, George. Colonel in the Revolutionary War.
Agent for Indian afifairs. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. 3 pages. Baltimore, January 4, 1777. To
Honorable John Hancock.
" I have the Pleasure to inforra Congress that the Western Indians
are now altogether quiet. No Parties have been out to War or committed
any Hostilities since the Return of the different Nations from the Treaty.
And I flatter myself with the agreeable Hope that the Banditti who were so
troublesome last Sumraer will be kept in awe from renewing their attacks.
But least they should again coraraence their Barbarities the ensuing Spring,
would it not be expedient to lay in a stock of Provisions at Pittsburgh, build
a few Boats, and authorize certain Persons on the Frontier, to be named by
Congress, to call out a sufficient number of Voluntiers, in case of a Rupture,
who could be speedily collected, to go and cut off their Town ? The
Delawares and Shawnese are already prepared for such an Event, and
approve of it on Condition that Care be taken no injury is offered lo
them." * *' * "Col. Mackay's Reg't is by this Tirae at Shippensburgh or
Carlisle. Should Congress have occasion to draw further Reinforcements
from the Westward, I understand Col. Wood's Reg't is nearly compleated.
Two hundred and fifty men of that Corps now garrison Forts Pitt and Ran
dolph, whose Places if necessary might be supplied by the railitia of the Fron
tier Counties. Or, a sufficient nuraber of raen raight readily be induced to
inlist into the Continental Service under good officers, for the express purpose
of garrisoning those Posts during the war." * * * " I inclose the present
state of the Navy and Garrison at Detroit. Also a speech of the Corn Stalk,
a Shawnese Chief, and one of a Seneca War Chief, relative to our settling on
their Lands. The latter was delivered in public Council at the late Treaty,
but as it was oraitted to be so particularly minuted as I thought it ought to
have been, I now give it to Congress in the words it was spoken, as it cer
tainly merits their attention." Etc., etc.

236

Robert Morris writes a facetious letter on
the subject of his financial distress,
the suits brought against
him, etc.
286 Morris, Robert. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 3
pages. Hills, November i, 1797. To John Nichol
son.
An extremely interesting letter, reraarkable for the huraorous expres
sions he raade use of notwithstanding the financial difficulties he was in.
Three months after this letter was written he was confined in a debtor's cell
in the Prune street prison, Philadelphia, where he remained until liberated
by the passage of the national bankrupt law in 1802.
"Your several favours of this day (if distressing Billets can be called
famous), Nos. I to 5, were brought out by Charles this evening." **-*"!
see by your No. i that you will need sleep to-night as well as rayself; and
when I go to bed I will say , as they do in England over a pot of ale, ' Here's
to you.' My letter to the Trustees is a reply to this of yours without com
raent. Poor Boone, Poor Nicholson, Poor Morris, Poor Sterrett, Poor Sheaff,
Poor  . But who is not poor, except Ashley & Co. ? This replies to Xo.
2. I have sworn to let nobody inside of ray house, and not to go outside of
the walls rayself. If I see thera, it is out of a window, I being upstaire and
they down. When I snuff the open air it is on the Top ; and there is some
thing else to snuff there, unless you keep to windward as you know. I wish
I had some persons that I could name to take a smell to Leeward, until they
would consent to do not their needs but ours. That's a good one. You have
got a Boone, but it is of that sort that you and I have too many of. What
the plague will you do with it ? I wish to answer this question myself, but
cannot, and fear it will equally puzzle you. No. 3. Damn the actions,
Descript atid tion Descript. I hate thera all, and have a great raind not to
' tir one tep.' Chas. Young, I do not like thee Chas. Young, neither do I
Uke thy business Chas. Young, but I feel for thy situation and regret that my
Friend and I even suffered thee to whistle away a segar in our Company.
No. 4. Suits again. A curse on all suits say I. If they were good, com
fortable winter suits, one might dispose of them, the more the better; but
these daraned suits wherein a Lawyer is the Taylor are neither good forman,
woman, child or beast. Away with them, away with them, to Chief Justice
McKean. He will dispose of them." -* * * "So rauch for No. 5. And as
to No. 6, and last, to fulfill the Scripture I made it first. However, a word
raore to it. Don't you think Mr. Ashley's leading strings may give way if
the Corara'rs should take the Studd ; and I fear they will, for some of thera
we know arc apt to ride resly. Did you mark, ' yes, I ara sure you did,'
Gen'l Forrest's expressions about the dapper little Dorsey ? Has not he got
the Trustees in leading strings? Now if we could cast a noose around his
rauzzle we raight lead him, he would lead the Trustees, and they would lead
the Corara'rs. I think this would raake as good a scene as Bates with Eo,
Meo and Pleo, or what the Devil are their names, for I believe I am near
them, but not quite right. Do I write like a man in distress, or one deranged.
Perhaps I am both. Good night. I wish yon rest."

2 5?

An address of Condolence on the death of
George II.
287 Norris, Isaac. Memberof the Congress of 1754. (Al
bany Convention). Letter, signed. Folio. January
29,1761. Signed as Speaker of the Assembly. Tothe
Governor of Pennsylvania.
" Truly sensible of the great Loss which the English Dominions in gen
eral and these Colonies in particular have sustained in the Death of His late
most excellent Majesty, we hold it our indispensable Duty to present to His
Majesty an address of condolence on this afflicting Occasion, and at the same
Tirae to congratulate His Accession to the iraperial Throne ofhis Ancestors
which he has ascended with the universal Assent and Applause of an affec
tionate, loyal and united People. But as we apprehend that distinct Addresses
from the different Branches of the Legislature are not only supported by Pre
cedents, but appear to us more dutiful in the Manner, we incline to address
His Majesty separately on behalf of the People we represent. Nevertheless
we beg Leave to return you our hearty Thanks for your kind offer on this
Occasion."

On a love affair of Aaron Burr.
288 Ogden, Matthias. Brevet Brigadier-General in the
Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
2 pages. Elizabethtown, March 18, 1775. To Aaron
Burr.
-**««! read with pleasure your love intrigues, your anonymous corres
pondence with Miss T., etc., and, with as rauch seriousness, the part that is
relative to Miss C. T. B's overtures, etc. Steadily, Aaron." * * * "Per
haps she is worthy your love, and if I could think she was I would not say a
single thing to discourage you. But here is the rub with me. From the in
formation I have had from you I understand her fondness for C. was after
she was acquainted with you. Had it been before, I should think nothing of
it. Be cautious, Aaron, weigh the raatter well." * * * " I heartily pity the
innocent that broke through the rules of raodesty, and contrary to her sex's
pride first owned her passion for a Man, tho' in the least I do not blarae her.
Here you have a difficult part to act. If you reject, she curses ; if you pity,
she takes it for encouragement." Etc.
289 Osgood, Samuel. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Board of
Treasury, September 17, 1788. Also signed by Arthur
Lee. To Nathaniel Appleton.
In relation to the fraudulent alterations of Treasury certificates. Fine
specimen.

23§
ago Page, John. Revolutionary patriot. Governor of Vir
ginia. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Rosewell,
Virginia, August 6, 1792.
Recommending certain persons for office.
291 Parsons, Samuel H. Major-General in the Revolution
ary War. Letter, signed. Quarto. J pages. Philadel
phia, April 6, 1789. To Governor Huntington.
Long and interesting letter on the subject of the proposed negotiations
and Treaty, on the part of the State of Connecticut, with the Indians residing
on or claiming ah interest in the lands reserved by the Stale and lying west
of Pennsylvania.
292 Paterson, William. Signer of the Constitution of the
United States. Judge of the Supreme Court of the
United States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. The Ponds, March 18, 1779. To Colonel
Aaron Burr.
Interesting friendly letter ; in which he tells Burr that he is married and
happy, and that he cannot form a higher or a better wish than that Burr raay
soon be in the sarae line.

General Patterson's Letter referring to the
duel between Generals Conway and
Cadwalader, and on the Court-
Martial of General Charles Lee.

293 Patterson, Samuel. Brigadier-General of Delaware
State troops in the Revolutionary War. Autograph
Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Philadelphia, July
6, 1778. To His Excellency, Csesar Rodney.
Interesting letter on the subject of the duel between Generals Conway
and Cadwalader, the court-martial of General Charles Lee, the second anni
versary of the Declaration of Independence, etc.
" General Cadwalader and General Conway had a Duel last Saturday
raorning at Center in this city, and General Cadwalader had the first shot by
winning it, and both had seconds. When the American shot, the ball went
through his (Conway's) head, about ^ an inch above the upper side his lip
and on the right edge ofhis mouth, and came out behind. He fell, and has
never spoke since. I saw Doctor Shippen, who first dressed hira, and says
he thinks he raay live yet. The challenge was by Conway ; the German-
town the cause, when in the battle he left his division. As to General Lee's
behaviour on the day of battle, it is mysterious. He is under trial of General
Court Martial ; Lord Stirling President. General Washington's letter, en
closed, will set the charge in its full light. The city anniversary Independ
ence entertainraent I was at. It was Grand — Music, a Regiraent drawn up,
artillery, fireworks, etc., and firing, etc. (rary show)." Etc.

239

James Wilson, a Lawyer, and Signer of the
Declaration of Independence, defeats
an armed mob, which sought to drive
him from his home in Philadelphia,
for acting as counsel for per
sons charged with treason.

294 Patterson, Samuel. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
2 pages. October 9, 1779. To His Excellency, Csesar
Rodn-ey.
Interesting letter, giving a particular account of the riotous proceedings
in Philadelphia at the time of the attack on James Wilson's house.
-» * -» <i On Monday raorning a hand bill appeared for the railitia to collect
on the commons, in order to fall on a plan to drive off from the city all dis
affected persons and those who supported them, and made out a list of their
naraes th.at they intended to seise and put on board the prison ship to be sent
to New York. Araongst those naraes was Buck Sims, Thos. Story and John
Drinker. Those they catched and had thera prisoners at Paddy Burns till
they got the whole. The next they were after was Jaraes Wilson, the Law
yer, who had always plead for such. He applied to the asserably for protec
tion, on hearing he was araongst the nuraber. They referred hira over to the
Governor and Council ; but in the mean tirae he found the railitia were cora
ing before civil aid was at hand, called in a nuraber of his friends, and armed
them and secured the doors. However, a firing began when they were op
posed. Sorae say one began first, and the oihers contradict it. The firing
continued on both sides sorae time. In the house fell Capt. Caramel of In
valids, wounded Sam'l Cad. Morris through the arra, John Mifflin a ball
through both hands. Sharp Delany a slight wound — the others doing well.
Four of the raob and a negro boy were killed; in all 14 wounded. In the
raean tirae the Governor had ordered out the light horse of the city, who just
carae in time to save the lives of all in the house, for they had forced the doors
and the cry was blood for blood. The Governor ordered thera to charge with
swords. They did, and after some cutting they broke thera for that time. The -
Governor, hearing the Gerraans were coming down to resent the loss of their
countrymen, as 3 killed were Dutch, went up with a Troop and pacified them
for the present. At present there is a parley. The President, Magistrates,
and clergy of all denominations raet the militia, and with very great difficulty
prevailed on them to lay their grievances before the assembly." Etc.

295 Penn, Richard. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Letter, signed. Foho. March lo, 1772.
A mess.age lo the Assembly, stating his objections lo a Bill for emitting
Vnoney.

240
296 Pettit, Charles. Member of the Continental Congress.
Colonel in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter,
signed. Folio. 2 pages, Fredericksburg, October 5,
1778 To Nehemiah Hubbard.
In relation to provisions for the army and the fleet, etc.
297 Pickett, George E. Major-General, Confederate States
of America. Celebrated for his charge at Gettysburg.
Military endorsement, being five lines written and signed
by him as Major-General commanding, on the back of
a quarto document containing charges againt Captain
Campbell G. Lawson. Headquarters, July 31, 1863.
Extremely rare.
298 Pinckney, Thomas. Major in the Revolutionary War.
Governor of South Carolina. Minister to England. Au
tograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. London,
January 30, 1795.
Personal letter to General Washington, thanking hira for the kindness
and delicacy with which the writer has been desired to make such arrange
ments as may be necessary previous to his mission as Envoy Extraordinary
to the Court of Spain.
299 Polk, Leonidas. Lieutenant-General, Confederate
States of America. Protestant Episcopal Bishop of
Louisiana. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. New
Orleans, April 20, 1847.
Fine specimen, with full signature. Very rare.
300 Randolph of Roanoke, John. Celebrated orator and
statesman. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
New York, March 8, 1789. To his stepfather, St.
George Tucker.
Letter written while he was a student at Columbia College, N. Y., in
which he mentions his studies, etc.
" The New Congress (both Houses) met the other day, but there was
not a sufficient nuraber to proceed to business. However, there was as great
a fuss raade as if the world was to be annihilated. There was a speech in
the papers as long as my arm, in which it was said that the old Constitution
expired in a Blaze of Eloquence, and that this Phoenix which had sprung
frora its ashes was to be productive of the greatest Happiness, and a great
deal raore of such finery." Etc.
301 Rail, Johann Gottlieb. Hessian Colonel in the Revo
lutionary War. Killed at the battle of Trenton.
Document, signed. Octavo. Headquarters, (1776).
A protection, issue4 by order of General Howe, to Nejlsori Yiird.

241
302 Reed, Joseph. Brigadier-General in the Revolutionary
War. Aide to General Washington. Letter, signetd.
P^oHo. 3 pages. Philadelphia, June 14, 1780. To
Colonel Samuel J. Atlee.
* * * " The interesting and alarming accounts, received from General Wash
ington, of the progress of the Enemy, and their apparent intentions again to
penetrate the Country, and perhaps invade this State, raake it absolutely ne
cessary to forward the recruits raised under the new law without loss of tirae.
Those frora your County, under this change of circumstances, are to be for
warded to this City. 'The recruits of this City and County are sent in well
cloathed, which we hope will be the case with yours ; but we would not have
thera delayed on this account. Arms and accoutrements will be prepared for
thera here, or at Camp." -*-»--*- " At all events, the raen must come on as
fast as possible. General Washington's leiters are as alarraing as those in
1776, and have operated here so as to call fbrth twoclassas of Militia, and lay
an embargo on the vessels. In short, there never was atime when aniraa-
tion and exertion were raore necessary." Etc.
303 Reed, Joseph. Letter, signed. Folio. 3 pages. Philadel
phia. November 15, 1779. To his Excellency Caesar
Rodney.
Very interesting letter on the subject of the enorraous prices charged for
commodities needed for the Array, the disinclination of the holders of provi
sions to sell, the raeasures adopted by the State of Pennsylvania to effect a
reduction of prices, etc.
304 Reid, James R. Member of the Continental Congress.
Major in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. Philadelphia, May 5, 1788. To
General Peter Muhlenberg, Vice-President of Pennsyl
vania.
On the subject of his pay as a Meraber of Congress.
Splendid specimen. Rare.
305 Roberdeau, Daniel. Signer of the Articles of Con
federation. Brigadier-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
York Town, October i, 1777. To Thomas Wharton,
President of Pennsylvania.
* * -s- "The Express gives a verbal account that two Spys were discovered
by sorae Continental Troops round our General Clinton's quarters, habited
like unto the British Soldiers for the very purpose. The Spys asked * -» -*
where General Clinton was, for they had sorae things to communicate. They
were told they would be conducted lo hira. When they came into his pres
ence, with rauch surprise, they said he was not the Gen. Clinton they inquired
for. He replied he could do their business, and accordingly ordered thera to
be hanged in an hour; but, upon discovering some important intelligence, they
were respited. In consequence of this information, etc.. Gen. CUnton, Gov.
CUnton and Gen. Putnam were suddenly in motion. The nuraber of Troops
under their coramand, or the number of the Eneray, or their raoveraents, are
all unknown. A singular anecdote I must not omit. One of the Spys,
when discovered, swallowed a small silver ball, which he was raade to dis
gorge by the iraraediate application of an Eraetic. It contained intelligence
frora the British officer Clinton, who coraraanded at the Highlands, to Gen.
Burgoyne." Etc.

242
3o6 Rodgers, John. Patriotic Presbyterian Clergyman.
Chaplain of the New York Provincial Congress and of
General Heath's brigade. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 3 pages. Amenia, February IO, 1779. To
Elisha Boudinot.
•X- -» « " The prospect of the evacuation of New York rather darkens. I have
very little hope of getting into it next .Spring for my own part, tho' there are
many I find have. Should Britain in the madness of her Pride declare war
against France, it will doubtless be the Gibraltar of America. lara waiting,
with the Prophet Jonah of old, under ray Gourd, to see what will becorae of
the City, tho' I trust with a belter teraper. I ara however laying out my
affairs for another Sumraer's Exile, tho' I know not where I shall spend il,
here or elsewhere." Etc.

Letter of Csesar Rodney, giving an account
of the uprising of the people of Massa
chusetts and Connecticut against the
British, one year before the
Battle of Lexington.
307 Rodney, Caesar. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages.
Philadelphia, September 19, 1774.
Extretnely interesting historical letter.
-*-**" Some tirae ago, I do not doubt but you were all rauch alarraed on a
Report that the King's ships were firing on the Town of Boston. When that
news came to this City, the Bells were muffled and kept ringing all that day.
However, in a few days after, that news was contradicted here, and hope by
this lirae it is so with you. By sorae late very authentic accounts frora Bos
ton Governraent to the gentlemen of that place now at the Congress we are
informed that there was about three days between this Report's passing
through the Massachusetts and Connecticut Governraents and its being contra
dicted. That when the Expresses went to contradict this false Report, they
found in those two Governraents, in different parties, upward of fifty thou
sand raen, well arraed, actually on their march to Boston for the relief of the
inhabitants ; and that every farmer who had a cart or waggon, and not able
lo bear arms, were with them, loaded with provisions, araraunition and bag
gage, etc. ; all headed by experienced officers who had served in the late
American War; and that vast numbers more were preparing to raarch. Upon
the news being contradicted, they returned peaceably to their several places
of abode; but not till they had sent some of their officers frora the different
parties to Boston, to know the real situation of afi'airs there, and to direct them
what principal officers in the different parts of the country they should here
after send Expresses lo, in case they should stand in need of their assistance.
It is supposed by some of the friends of Liberty at Boston that the alarm was
set on foot by some of the friends to the ministerial plan, in order to try
whether there was that true valour in the people. If this was the case, I
suppose you will think wilh me that by this time they can have no doubts re
maining. Indeed I think it is proved by the General's own conduct ; for
ever since that, he has been fortifying himself, which I imagine is more for
his own security than to attack the inhabitants." Etc.

Hi

Colonel Rodney at the Battle of Trenton,
and his narration of the vision which
appeared to him just previous
to entering the army.
308 Rodney, Thomas. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Colonel in the Revolutionary War. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. 3 pages. Prison, September
18, 1791. To Abraham Pryor.
Remarkable letter, written from prison (where he was confined for debt),
giving an account of the part he had taken in the battles of Trenton and
Princeton, and narrating a curious dreara or vision that he had just prior to
entering the army.
* * * <i At the most important period of the Araerican Revolution, to wit, in
Deceraber 1776, when the mind of America seemed to fail and a general
damp of spirit seemed to indicate that all was lost, I turned out at the head of
a small voluntary corps ; and at the head of this corps, al the most iraportant
crisis, the raost critical raoment of danger, lead the van of the Ainerican Army
on the night of the Second of January 1777, from Trenton to Prince Town,
and was in the thick of the fire of that glorious action next morning which
restored the affairs of America ; and then lead the van of the American Army
in Triumph to Morris Town, where the light Infantry Regiment I then com
manded (composed of ray own Corapany and four of Philadelphia) acted
as guards to the Commander in Chief until I left Morristown to return horae,
leaving all in prosperity. Since which I have experienced the highest honors
and confidence the State had to bestow, and am conscious of having dis
charged my duty in all of them with a degree of integrity and faithfulness,
and perhaps with a degree of ability, which the State itself is unacquainted
with. Yet what persecution have I suffered since! Where ara I now?
Whence do I write this to you ? Is it not frora Prison ? " * * * " I raust
tell you one thing more, that Human mind alone is incapable of performing
what I have already passed through. Before I went out in Deceraber 1776, [
was visited by that Prime Archangel, who araong men is called Michael.
He appeared in all the lustre and splendor of Celestial ExceUence, and con
versed with me as a man with his friend, and showed me what should be ira
raediately done for America, and with all delivered the awful raessage and
proraise of ' The Most High God,' for so he styled the Deity, ' That if there
was but one perfect man found in America, that he would save the country
by his hands or for his sake.' Believe not that the American Revolution was
the mere act of man ; for it was most certainly conducted by the Providence
of the ' Most High God.' It was this that actuated ray raind ; and I saw
within thirty days afterwards the success which he had shown me accom
pUshed ; and this is the power that has supported my raind through every dif
ficulty." Etc.
309 Root, Jesse. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Coventry,
January 2, 18 19. To Honorable Sylvester Gilbert.
Interesting historical letter, in which he narrates the facts relating to the
supply of raUitary stores sent by the King of France to the Americans, under
cover of a commercial transaction between the latter and Beaumarchais.
* * •* "The claim of Beaumarchais is before Congress in favour of his heirs.
I being a Member of Congress in A. D. 1778 would state some facts that came
" within

i44
within my knowledge. The King of France, being in favour of the Revolu
tion of these Colonies before the treaty of alUance formed with them, sent the
sujDpUes, for which this claira is raade, under cover ofa raercantile transaction,
of which Beauraarchais was the constituted agent, and the business to be
transacted for the Crown under cover of his name. The supplies were
received and acknowledged as coming from the Crown, with the strongest ex
pressions of gratitude ; not the least idea suggested or entertained of being in
debted for them to anybody ; and this was to be kept a profound secret. After
this transaction, the British Court, being jealous of the King of France, de
manded of hira a categorical answer to the question whether he had not aided
and assisted the Colonies by sending thera railitary stores and munitions of war;
to which a direct negative was given. After this, the Committee of Congress
for Foreign Affairs appointed Thomas Paine their Secretary, who was a flaming
Whig and wrote much. He pubUshed in one of the newspapers the grand
present we had received from the King of France, under the signature of
Secretary of Foreign Affairs. This paper went to England, and excited strong
feelings towards the King of France, and he was charged with directly falsi
fying the truth. Upon which he sent over to the French Minister then re
siding at Congress, for thera to vindicate his character by contradicting the
publication in the paper by Thomas Paine. Accordingly, a Memorial was
presented' to Congress for that purpose. Congress was in great perplexity
what lo do ; but nothing short of a direct contradiction of the account pub
lished in the paper would be accepted. And thereupon Congress was obliged
to pass a Resolution that the account in the paper of the present of railitary
stores from the King of France, published under the signature of Thomas
Paine, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, was a falsehood ; as it was in one sense ;
it being a direct violation of our engageraent to keep it a profound secret."
Etc, etc.

Patriotism of the inhabitants of Lancaster
County as shown in their petition that
the whole strength of Pennsylvania
and neighboring States be
called into service.
310 Ross, George. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Letter signed. Folio. 2 pages. (Also signed
by William Henry, Christopher Marshall and others).
December, 1777. To the General Assembly of Repre
sentatives of the State of Pennsylvania.
The earnest and patriotic request of the inhabitants of Lancaster County,
that the whole strength of Pennsylvania raay be called into the field against
the enemy. " We have with the highest concern, as well as wonder, looked on,
while an Army of about Ten Thousand Men have taken frora the Continent
the Capital of this State and have seated theraselves down in the (almost)
quiet possession thereof And our breasts already anticipate those scenes of
woe and desolation which must be the propable consequences of next Sum
raer's campaign, in case the Eneray now here should not only remain unsub
dued but be made strong by large Reenforcements. For a time we hoped " that

245
that, before the end of the Carapaign, sonic good iraproveraent would have
been made of our great successes at the Northward ; which put it in the
power of the Continent to turn their united force against the remaining Array
of the Eneray. When this hope failed, we then looked forward to that season
wherein it is expected the Eneray, with a large part of their Fleet, will be
shut up in the heart of our Country ; and flattered ourselves that sorae effectual
blow would then be struck. That season now draws near, and we see no
preparation making for that purpose ; which constrains us to speak out, and
look up to you. Sirs, as the Guardians of our devoted State. And, Gentlemen,
what we devoutly wish for, and pray you to consider of, is that the most im
mediate and effectual measures be taken to call forth (as near as possible)
the whole strength of this, and the neighboring States, against our Enemies ;
and especially to improve the favourable opportunity which Nature, or rather
the God of Nature, may afford, while the Schuylkill is froze and the naviga
tion of Delaware obstructed, to raake the raost vigorous efforts to destroy or
get into our hands both the Array and Fleet of our Enemy. This, in our
opinion, is an Event at once so practicable, so great in itself, so happy and
glorious in its consequences, and at the same time so much danger in the
neglecting of it, as to be highly worthy of the most iraraediate and vigorous
pursuit, even in the face of all the incleraency of the season and every other
difficulty which stands in the way." Etc , etc.
311 Ross, George. Autograph Document, signed. Quarto.
August 17, 1776. Signed as Colonel "of the Flying
Camp."
Acknowledging that he has taken out of the Public Stock the sum of
three hundred pounds, to be applied lo the payment of the bounty ordered
by the Convention to the volunteers of his battalion.
Fine specimen, dated the month after the Declaration of Independ
ence.
312 Rutledge, John. Signer of the Constitution of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages.
Charles Town, November 29, 1777. To Henry Laurens.
Interesting letter on pubUc affairs ; congratulating Laurens on his elec
tion as President of the Continental Congress ; expressing his opinion of
Dtich^'s letter to General Washington, etc.
" I thank you for the copy of Mr. Duche's letter, and reaUy know not
which to be most araazed at, his "Villainy or his Impudence. I think, how
ever, it was a pitiful Shift of General Howe's. How little does he yet know
of America !"***" Give me leave to congratulate you on being elected
President of Congress. I know the office will involve you in a multiplicity
of business and great fatigue; but you are a man of business, and will disre
gard fatigue when the enduring it assists our Cause. The choice affords me
much pleasure, because, without compliraent, I ara certain Congress have
not a raember so fit for the chair; and they have, in this instance, not only
shown themselves sensible of Merit, but paid it due Honour." Etc.
313 Schuyler. Peter. Colonial Governor of New York.
Commanded the army that was sent against the French
and Indians in 1 69 1. Document, signed. Folio. Al
bany, August 5, 1702.
Report upon the petition of some military officers that certain necessaries
may be allowed them.

^46
3i4 Schuyler, Philip. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Member of the Continental Congress. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Albany, De
cember 8, 1781. To Lord Stirling.
* * * « gt. Leger left Chimney Point on or about the Sth instant with his
troops in batteaux, but the vessels did not sail until the 19th or zoth ; and I
have no doubt but that they are prevented from reaching St. Johns, as the
frost has undoubtedly rendered the lake impassable frora Windmill Point to
that place. In eight or ten days I shall be able to ascertain this matter; and,
should my conjecture be realized, I think it would be an object for a small ex
cursion. Major Ross arrived at Buck Island with 210 raen only, and these
in such a shocking condition that the better half will probably never recover.
This account coraes by a Sergeant of the levies, who was taken last suraraer
and raade his escape from Buck Island." Etc.

315 Searle, James. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Bor-
dentown, March 14, 1788. To Peter Borgen.
On business and family affairs.

316 Sedgwick, John. Major-General in the Civil War.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo, 2 pages. Head
Quarters, April 8, 1862.
Recomraendation for military appointraent. Rare..

317 Sergeant, John. Missionary to the Indians. He trans
lated the New Testament, and some portions of the Old,
into the Indian tongue. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. 2 pages. Housatunnuk, May 14, 1739. To Rev.
Stephen Williams.
Long and interesting letter, giving an account of the propagation of re
ligion " among our Indians," a literal translation of sorae very remarkable
messages sent by the Showanoos, etc.
After giving the translation, he continues : " The Showanoos live scarcely
200 miles distant frora us towards the West. They are in strict alliance with
the River Indians, whora they acknowledge as their Patrons ; having been
transplanted by them sorae years ago out of their own Country, which is at a
great distance towards the 'West or South West, after they were almost rooted
out and destroyed by their eneraies, and settled down upon Susquahanna
River. They live in three Towns. Alkhauwaurauk, I suppose, is the big
gest; having by all account near five hundred souls in it. 'The Town upon
the river Spunnauwah is about 40 railes distant frora it. The Great Island,
I suppose, is not far distant from Alkhauwaurauk. There is frequent inter
course between our Indians and the Showanoos. The River Indians live in
terspersed with them. Annauwauneekheek (who is a Christian and one of
our coraraunion) has lived in their Country and married his wife from thence."
¦* * * " I have long entertained a design of making a visit to these Showa
noos, and to open a way, if possible, for the introducing Christianity among
them. And if God has a design of mercy on thera, I doubt not but his gra
cious Providence will find persons qualified to undertake a Mission to them,
and support thera in it." Etc.

247
3i8 Sherburne, John S. Major in the Revolutionary War.
Lost a leg at the battle of Butt's Hill, Rhode Island.
United States District Judge. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 3 pages. Portsmouth, New Hampshire, June
21, iSoi. To Honorable James Madison.
Expressing his pleasure at the appointment of Madison as Secretary of
State; relating how, under the previous Administration, New Harapshire had
been insulted by the appointraent of old Tories and the raost erabittered Fed
eralists, etc., etc.
319 Smith, Charles Ferguson. Major-General in the Civil
War. The hero of Fort Donelson. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. 3 pages. West Point, June 15, 1842.
To Lieutenant Irwin McDowell.
Relative to the regulations for the governraent and discipline of the
cadets at West Point. Fine specimen. Very rare.
320 Smith, James. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. (Also signed
by Abraham Clark and John Henry). 2 pages. York,
March 18, 1778. To His Excellency Thomas Wharton,
Jr., President of the State of Pennsylvania.
Letter of a Committee of Congress, relative to the case of Hon. John
Penn and Benjamin Chew, held as prisoners of the Uniled States.
" Your Excellencies letter in Council of the 7th instant, relative to ,lhe
Prisoners sent from the State of Pennsylvania to 'Virginia, was read in Con
gress; and a resolution thereupon entered into, directing the Board of War
to deUver them to the order of your State." -*-»-*" The latter part of the
letter, which mentions the case of the Hon'ble John Penn and Benj'n Chew,
Esquires, occasions the subscribers lo trouble your Excellency herewith ;
they having been appointed by Congress a Comraittee to correspond with
your State and bring in a report to Congress on that subject. Those gentle
men as Crown officers, and holding Coramissions under the authority of the
King of Great Britain prior to the Declaration of Independency, and yet
taking no active part (that we know of) against us since that period, renders
their situation very pecuUar. In the first point of view, they seem, under
their present restraint, prisoners of the United States. What is to be done
with them, consistent with justice and the public safety, is a question of much
iraportance. If enlarged, and permitted to go into Philadelphia, what mis
chief may our enemies do, under a colour of their authority, even without
their consent. If perraitted to go at large in those parts of Pennsylvania in
possession of the Whigs, as they are so intermixed with Tories, very mis
chievous consequences may arise. If confined in Pennsylvania for refusing
a Test, it may occasion discontent and caballing. Congress have no objection
(we are inclined lo think) to their being returned, under the authority of the
State, provided it can be done without danger to the State of Pennsylvania in
particular, or the United States in general." Etc.
Splendid specitnen.
321 Smith, Jonathan Bayard. Signer of the Articles of
Confederation. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Lancaster, December 22, 1777. To the President of
Pennsylvania.
On public affairs.

248
322 Smith, Thomas. Member ofthe Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Bedford,
March 31, 1777.
Interesting letter in relation to the alarraing situation of the frontiers in
Pennsylvania, etc.
¦* * * "I find the situation of the Frontiers is truly alarraing. The
rumor which we at first heard, and which we were afterwards lead to disbe
lieve, is I doubt but too well founded. The bearer has letters which will in
form you of one man being killed, another missing, and of such other circum
stances as will, I hope, induce you to use your influence to prevent Craw
ford's Battalion from being called down. Ifyou only consider that there has
been 1500 men raised in that part of the country in little more than a year,
and that above 1000 of them have already been called away, you must be
convinced beyond a doubt that, if this Battalion is also to leave the frontiers,
the Inhabitants will be in a raost defenceless and deplorable situation, and
will be entirely at the raercy of Indians conducted by Britons, who, by what
we have lately experienced, we have the greatest reason to believe will lead
thera to corarait acts of Barbarity which, inhuraan as they are, they have
been hitherto strangers to. Add to this that the country has been drained of
arras, far beyond what in prudence ought to have been done. But we trust
that that assistance which they have been so ready to give to other parts of
the Continent in the day of need, will be araply returned to themselves."
¦* * * " Those conteraptible wretches, the Assembly as they call themselves,
would really divert me by their conduct, were we not in the situation we are
at present. Conterapt and indignation could not prevent you from srailing
were you to hear bf the ridiculous lies, old woraen's stories, and poor pitiful
shifts they make use of through the country to prop their usurped authority.
I ara sure there are sorae raen even in that House who are asharaed of such
conduct in the rest." -* -* * "Again ray attention is recalled to ray first
subject. For these two days our Town has been like a fair with the poor
People, with their Uttle all, flying and panic struck. Indeed, ray dear Sir,
it will be inviting the Indians to fall on us, if at least a part of the Troops
are not left to guard us." Etc.
323 St. Clair, Sir John. Brigadier-General in the French
and Indian War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio.
Philadelphia, April 20, 1758.
Letter written to Colonel George Washington, expressing pleasure at
hearing the news that he is well enough to raake the campaign with General
Forbes, etc.
It * * « It vj,as very acceptable news to Gen'l Forbes, Major Halkett
and rayself, to hear you was so well as to be able to raake the Carapaign
with us." * * * " Be so good as to tell Mr. Gist that I received his Letter
last night, and have received orders from Gen'l Forbes to provide everything
the Indians may want. I have sent to Winchester about 60 fuzees with 100
raatch coats, and ara now about collecting 300 arras raore, with other Indian
goods, all which shall be sent frora hence so soon as possible." Etc.
324 Stephen, Adam. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Berkeley
County, December, 6, 1778. To John Pemberton.
In relation to the death of Captain White Eyes, of the Dela-vvare Indians ;
Mr. Wharton's return frora exile, etc,
Fine specimen, Rare,

249
General Steuben's military career, as narrated
by himself; and complains of Congress
acknowledging the services of other
foreigners, while not his.
325 Steuben, Frederick W^illiam Augustus. Baron. Major-
General in the Revolutionary War. Letter, signed.
Folio. 6 pages. To the President of the Continental
Congress.
Important historical letter, in which Steuben narrates his miUtary services
here and abroad, urges Congress to give him sorae adequate payment, etc.
After stating the various railitary appointments he has held under the
King of Prussia and the Margrave of Baden, he continues : — " It is not my
intention. Sir, to hold rayself up, during the course of five carapaigns, as claim
ing any singular merit. I feel peculiarly happy in the reflection that I have
done my duty to the utraost of ray power. Let ray services speak for thera
selves. Yet I ara authorized to observe that they have been such as ought to
have entitled me at least to equal attention with other foreigners, though Facts
speak otherwise. The late Baron de Kalb obtained of Congress fifteen thou
sand livres to defray the expenses of his voyage to America. Monsieur de
Coudrois and raany others have received acknowledgraeuts ofa similar nature.
Congress voted General Lea thirty thousand dollars to indemnify him for
monies said to have been lodged in English funds ; while my situation has
been passed by coraparatively unnoticed. On my arrival at York Town, Con
gress deputized a Committee to confer with me on the conditions under which
I proposed to enter their service, and enquire what engagements I had entered
into with Doctor Franklin and Mr. Dean at Paris. I told thera that I had not
entered into any conditions with the American Ministers, neither was it ray
intention to enter into any with Congress ; that I only desired to serve as a
'Volunteer, without either rank or pay ; and that I required no other reward
than the necessary expenses of ray table, until my services should prove
my title. In the year 1779, when I saw that no attention was paid to
my unwearied exertions, and that the distresses to which I was reduced,
without resources and without friends, were utterly neglected, I deterrained
to retire frora service. I coraraunicated ray intentions to the raerabers ot
the Board of war, who proposed a personal application to Congress ; but
as I had previously deterrained on the contrary, a representation was
made on their part. Congress accordingly appointed a Committee to ex
araine my Pretentions, and in consequence of their report granted rae the
sura of two hundred and fifty guineas,- to defray the expenses of ray voyage
from Europe and about four hundred and fifty guineas more, on account."
* * * "Previous to my leaving Philadelphia, I represented to the Min
isters of War and Finance the absolute necessity there was, frora my pecu
liar situation in the Army, to have ray ordinary expenses paid. That
while other officers were stationed with their respective Divisions, Brigades
and Corps, and could consequently avail theraselves of their ordinary supplies
the nature of ray duty kept rae in constant raotion from one Division of the
Array, and even from one Army to the other; necessarily subjecting rae to aU
the expences incident to travelling." * * * "1 have even been cheerfully
disposed to draw an equal lot with those truly brave raen whose sufferings
have long since caUed aloud for speedy redress ; with them have I frequently
wanted the conveniences and even necessaries of life ; and if my duty con
fined me to Camp or Quarters, I should not conceive rayself entitled to any
extraordinary privilege. Hitherto Ihave never made a Requisition of any
kind to Congress, and I entreat your Excellency to be persuaded that it is
with singular pain I am compelled lo make one at this time." » -* * " Do
Congress then conceive the Department of Inspector General to be neccessary
in the Army or not ? If they do, should it not be su])ported in the discharge
of those duties which alone constitute its utility ? If they do not, should it
not be annihilated? " Etc,

250
326 Stewart, Charles. Member of the Continental Con-
•gress. Colonel in the Revolutionary War. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. Camp, June 30, 1781. To
Colonel Humphreys.
In relation to supplies of provisions for the army. Fine specimen.
327 Stirling, William Alexander. Lord. Major-General in
the Revolutionary War. Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. July 6, 1755. To Governor Morris.
* * * " Gen. Shirley arrived at New York last Wednesday evening, and
embarked again for Albany on Friday in the evening. Yesterday was a week
since he left Boston. His stay at that place so long was absolutely necessary.
Indeed, if he had not stayed the Crown Point Expedition must have been
given up, for it has been with the utmost difficulty that he has got a Train of
Artillery for that service." * * * " The stores of all kinds for our Expedition
are gone forward. Col. Schuyler with his Regiment is by this tirae, I suppose,
gone frora Skenaclady ; and Col. Ellison about setling out frora thence, for he
arrived there with the whole of that Regiraent last Monday. Col. Mercer,
with the reraaining six corapanies (which are about 500 each) of Sir. Wil
liara's Regiment, is about three miles ahead of us on his way to Albany."
**-»(< We left New York in high spirits, as we had just received the con
firmation of the good news from Admiral Boscawen. A war seeras now really
unavoidable, and it's like to be a new fashion one ; an Array and a prodigious
Fleet in North Araerica, and the English Nation behaving with Spirit enough
to terrify all Europe !" Etc.
328 Stockton, Annis. Wife of Richard Stockton, Signer of
the Declaration of Independence, and sister of Elias
Boudinot. Weli known for her literary attainments.
Wrote a number of poems. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. To Major Aaron Burr.
Sending a poem on the death of General Richard Montgomery. (The
poera is raissing).
" As some weeks elapsed before anything appeared on the death of your
friend, the enclosed lines was wrote by a Lady as an apology for the public
and at the same time her raits in the treasury to the raighty debt due from
America to the raemory of that brave raan. A copy of thera is presented to
you by one who clairas a share in your friendship both on her own account
and on account of that place she once had the happiness of possessing in the
hearts of both your worthy parents; whose remembrance is still dear to her
and ever will. May the recollection of their characters make you strive lo
imitate them in virtue and piety until you becorae a finished Christian and raay
rhe example of your beloved friend, Montgomery, raake you a hero. May
God preserve you in the day of danger, shall be the prayer of your friend,"

25i

Graphic description of St. Clair's defeat by
the Indians.

329 Symmes, John Cleves. Member of the Continental
Congress. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 14 pages.
North Bend, January 12, 1792. To EHas Boudinot.
A very long and highly interesting historical letter on St. Clair's defeat
by the Indians, its causes, the character of Indian warfare, etc.
* * * a Before this tirae you raust have been raade acquainted with the
dreadful misfortunes attending the last sumraer's operations. I expect that
reasons have been assigned to governraent for the total overthrow of our
army. It is natural for doctors to assign causes for the death of their patients,
but the causes assigned are not always the real ones." *-**"! will ac
knowledge I had no idea that our array would have been destroyed in the
course of three hours ; for it was irapossible for any one to suppose that the
array was at any tirae to be crowded together on a few acres of ground, and
liable to be surrounded by half their number of Indians, whose every shot
could not fail of killing or wounding three or four of our raen, while our pla
toons, in returning their fire, three tiraes in four saw not an Indian, they be
ing hid behind trees. But still our raen fired on, mechanically, at they knew
not what. From the first week in June onward till I went to Gallipolis in
October, I discovered evident symptoras of very great disappointments and
miscarriage in the course of the campaign. I knew with certainty that there
must be a great failure in the supplies for the array as they advanced to the
Northward, if the early part of the season was lost." -* * * "There were
three or four corapanies then at Headquarters which might have been em
ployed to much better purpose in building a fort and cabins at New Chilo-
cothe, than to be kept shut up in the town of Cincinnati for several months,
where they were debauching themselves and the citizens by their mischievous
intercourse with each other." * * * " Frora New Chilocothe detachraents of
horse should have been frequently sent, sometimes towards Sandusky and
soraetiraes towards the Mauraee viUages. These should have blazed the
trees on every of their routs, as tho they were raaking the way for a much
larger army to follow in a short time. 'This would have kept the Indians in
continual alarms frora Sandusky bay to Eel River, that they would never have
known at what point to have collected their force ; as the inhabitants of each
village would not have forsaken the defence of their own horde ; and the
grand raovement might have been raade in Septeraber, after all the troops had
arrived, without any considerable opposition. New Chilocothe, or sorae bet
ter ground near it, is raore proper, on every account, than the place where
Fort Jefferson is built, to be raade our barrier to the Indians, until we can
possess ourselves of their country." -x- -*- * " The delays attending the raove
raents of our army were ruinous to the last degree. From June to September
the array seemed motionless. It is true all the troops expected had not ar
rived, but the greatest sufficiency had arrived in this period to have built a
chain of small forts along the East bank of the Miami frora Colerain to New
Chilocothe. This work raight have been done while the troops which had
already arrived were idle, and would have wholly saved the months of Sep
tember and October, which were lost in building Fort Harailton and Fort
"Jefferson

^2
Jefferson. Another advantage would have accrued. By lining the east bank
of the Great Miami with a chain of small forts in the former part of the sea
son, and raaking a long stay at New Chilocothe frora June to September, the
Indians would have been deceived in our main object. They would have
considered our plan of operations rather as defensive than offensive." -* * *
" But the moraent that the troops crossed the Miami at Fort Hamilton,
every old squaw raust have known that the views of the raain army were of
fensive and against what towns their designs were." * * * "The array
seemed unwieldly. Too great a proportion of the privates appeared to be
totally debilitated and rendered incapable of this service either from their
youth (mere boys) or by their excessive intemperance and abandoned habits.
These men who are to be purchased from the prisons, wheelbarrows and
brothels of the nation at two dollars per month, will never answer our pur
poses for fighting of Indians." -* * -* " It is to be considered that every In
dian is in fact a general in his way, and must be opposed by a combatant
equally skilled in all their cunning and artifice. Sure I ara that one hun
dred Marlboroughs could not fight fifty Indians in the woods with success.
What then had we to expect frora the dint of so unequal a conflict, when
three fourths of our troops were altogether unworthy such service, unless
their great inferiority could be more than compensated by the superior and
brilliant talents of their general, as well with regard to his alertness and ac
tivity in his motions, as with respect to his wise and judicious plan of deci
sive operations, in which his abilities were raore than a match for Indian
subtlety." * * ¦*" Not only many of the militia had absented theraselves
previous to the day of action, but the first regiraent, which was in fact the
best part and flower of the array, all things considered, was also absent. The
Indians no doubt took advantage of this defection in our nurabers, as they
certainly were apprized of the return of so considerable a part of the array.
This circurastance, added to the unaccountable disposition of our array, so
favorable to the views of the enemy, could not fail of inviting them to the at
tack, in which they saw success certain." Etc., etc.

330 Tallmadge, Benjamin. Colonel in the Revolutionary
War. Aide to Washington. Had the custody of Major
Andre until his execution. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. Washington, January i, 1803. To Colonel
Stockholm.
Business letter.

331 Taylor, Zachary. President of the United States.
Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Baton Rouge, Au
gust 14, 1848.
In relation to the loss of his grade and rank as Major-General, after the
close of the Mexican War.
* * * " It would be deeraed an act of supererogation in rae now to address to
the War Department such a coraraunication as that indicated in your letter.
It was always ray expectation to have been dropped as the junior officer, in
accordance with the established usage of the array in such case, had the Pres
ident been called upon to execute the law of June '46, authorizing an addi
tional Major-General ; and I was accordingly prepared to receive, at any rao
ment, an order to that effect." Etc.

2S3
f*atriotic Letter on the subject of the at
tack on the United States frigate
" Chesapeake."
332 Telfair, Edward. Signer of the Articles of Confede
ration. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Savan
nah, August 6, 1807. To Major-General David Mitchell.
* * * " I say that George the Third of England, before and ever since the Tea
experiment at Boston, has been and ever will be the enemy of these United
States, and of that great body of tlie people who are the defenders and sup
porters of thera. To support ray position, I have only to look back to the
ratification. Says he to his Parliament, " I have ratified the independence of
the L'nited States, and hope to God that the Nation raay not repent of it. I
have not yet lost sight of the Americans.' I cannot longer dwell on such a
wretch and bloody beast. — The people here do believe from what they have
seen of the proceedings of the Executives of the other Slates, that the Secretary
of War raust have transraitted to our Governor the requisition for our quota
of the one hundred thousand men for the defense ofthe United States, to be
drawn and ready at a moment's warning." Etc.
333 Tennent, ^A^illiam. Presbyterian clergyman of New
Jersey. Noted for his trance ; a full account of which
was published in his Memoir. Document, signed. Folio.
November 16, 1767.
Relating to the settleraent of the estate of his brother, the celebrated Gil
bert Tennent.
334 Thompson, William. Brigadier-General in the Revo
lutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages
Fort Lyttleton, August 17, 1756.
Letter written when a Ueutenant in the French and Indian War ; telling
of an alarra in the middle of the night, the expectation of an attack by the
French and Indians, and the determination to make the best possible defense,
etc., etc.
335 Thompson, Charles. Secretary of the Continental
Congress. Document, signed. FoHo. April 8, 1781.
"The United States in Congress assembled having received inteUigence
that an embarcalion of a body of troops is in forwardness at New York, the
object of which is the taking possession of the neck of land lying between the
head of Chesepeak bay and the river Delaware, whereby aU the stores and-
provisions on the peninsula may fall into the hands of the Enemy unless ira
mediately removed : Ordered, That the Board of War take immediate meas
ures for the removal of the public stores within the said peninsula. And that
it be and hereby is recommended to the Executives of the States of Delaware,
Maryland and Virginia, to take the like measures with respect to all the pro
visions and forage belonging to the said States respectively, or to the citizens
thereof, which will not be necessary for the consumption of the inhabitants."
336 Tilghman, Tench. Colonel in the Revolutionary War.
Aide to General Washington. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. Head-Quarters, October 6, 1776. To
the Deputy Commissary at Rye.
Stating that General Washington desires him iramediately to forward
tents, etc.
337 TrumbuU, John. Celebrated painter. Aide to General
Washington. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. London, September 5, 1800. To Samuel M.
Hopkins.
Fine personal letter.

2S4
338 Truxton, Thomas. Commodore United States Navy.
Served in the Revolutionary War, etc. Congress gave
him a gold medal for his victory over th.e "Vengeance."
Autograph Letter, signed. . Quarto. 6 pages. Perth
Amboy, March 19, 1804. To Aaron Burr, Vice Presi
dent of the United States.
Long and interesting letter on the subject of the conduct on the Tripoli-
tan War; giving his opinion ofthe raerits and demerits ofthe different Naval
officers engaged in the blockade of Tripoli, and severely criticising Coramo
dore Preble and some others.
339 Van Dam, Rip. Colonial Governor of New York.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. New York, June
r, 1732. To Mr. Morris.
Directing hira to grant a license to John Morgen for a ferry, to be kept by
hira at Staten Island to the " Jarseys."

General Van Schaick's account of the On
ondaga expedition.
340 Van Schaick, Gozen. Distinguished Lieutenant-Colo
nel in the French and Indian War. Brigadier-General
in the Revolutionary War. Served at the Battle of
Monmouth. Commanded the expedition which de
stroyed the Onondaga settlements in 1779; for which
service Congress gave him a vote of thanks. Document,
signed. Folio. 4 pages. Fort Schuyler, March 14,
1779.
Historical docuraent of the greatest interest and importance ; being Van
Schaick's journal or detailed account of the Onondaga expedition; The docu
ment is perfectly preserved and in beautiful condition.
341 Varnum, James Mitchel. Brigadier-General in the
Revolutionary War. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Document, signed. Folio. Octo
ber I, 1788.
Acknowledgment of the enlistment of a soldier, and his oath of fidelity,
taken before 'Varnum as a Judge of the North West "Territory.
342 Ward, Samuel. Colonel in the Revolutionary War.
Member of the Annapolis Convention, and of the Hart
ford Convention. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
New York, January 12,1797. To Henry Kuhl.
On financial business.
343 Washington, George. President of the United States.
Document, signed. Folio. Head-Quarters, June 11. 1783.
Certificate, given as " General and Commander-in-Chief of the Forces of
the United States of America," of six years' faithful service of John Desmond
in the Invalid Regiment, and of his discharge from the American Army.
Also signed by Jonathan Trumbull, Aide to Washington, and by Colonel
Lewis Nicola.

2SS
344 Wayne, Anthony. Major-General in the Revolutionary
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages.
Lancaster, May 16, 178 1. To General Joseph Reed.
On the subject of necessaries for the supply of his array, then on its
march to Yorktown, Va. ; the critical situation of Southern affairs, etc.
-*-*¦*" I am next to inform Council that cattle are wanted, and may be pro
cured to serve the Detachment until we arrive in Virginia, provided the
contractors of Lancaster and York counties had orders for the purpose. I
wish, if possible, to receive about sixty head by next Monday or Tuesday, at
which period the Fifth Regiment wUl reach Yorktown." «-*-*" In order that
no time raay be lost, I will endeavor lo have everything in perfect readiness
to take up our line of raarch frora the General rendezvous immediately after
their arrival. 17th N. B. Before this was dispatched, I rec'd letters from the
Board of War, the Gov'r of 'Virginia, and the Marquis Lafayette, of the most
alarming nature, and pressing for the advance of the troops under my com
mand with all possible expedition. I have therefore directed Mr. Henry to
begin his work, and shall call upon the purchasing Commissary for sorae
cattle, in full confidence that Council will adopt the measure and raake due
allowances for a Conduct only warranted by necessity and the critical situation
of our Southern affairs."
Fine specitnen.
345 Wayne, Anthony. Document, signed. Quarto. (With
one line in his handwriting). Philadelphia, December
24, 1784.
Receipt for his pay as a meraber of the Assembly.
346 Webster, Fletcher. Son of Daniel Webster. Colonel
of the 1 2th Massachusetts regiment in the Civil War.
Killed at the second battle of Bull Run. Autograph
Letter, signed. Octavo. 2 pages. Department of
State, February i, 1842. To Messrs. Breckenridge
and Marcy.
Introducing Mr. Ayres.
347 Weiser, Conrad. Indian interpreter. Noted for his in
fluence with the Indians. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. Heidleberg, Lancaster County, Feb
ruary 20, 1750. To Governor Hamilton.
In relation to a coraplaint made lo him, as a magistrate, that " one John
Toby, a Nanticook Indian, had ravaged or atterapted to ravage a girl of about
eight years of age " ; staling that he had comraitted the Indian, had had the
girl examined, etc.
348 Wharton, Samuel. Member of the Continental Con
gress. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. February
IS, 1782. To John Todd.
Rare.
349 White, Anthony Walton. Colonel in the Revolution.
ary War. Commanded the cavalry after the defeat at
Monk's Corner. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
New Brunswick, October 22, 1788. To John Neilson.
On business affairs.

256
Interesting Letter in relation to Philadelphia
during the prevalence of the yellow
fever.
350 Wilkinson, James. Brigadier-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3
pages. Fort Jefferson, December 11, 1793. To Gen
eral Anthony Wayne.
" Conceiving it possible that you may not have received any very recent
or particular information from Philadelphia, I consider it my duty lo inform
your Excellency that by letters (which came to hand last evening), as late as
the IOth ultimo, 1 ara well assured that the fatal disease which had over
whelraed the Metropolis of the Nation in sorrow and distress, had absolutely
ceased, and that four or five thousand of the fugitive citizens had returned to
the City ; that Market street was then as full of waggons as usual ; and that
business in general had begun to assume its usual aspect. Mr. Biddle writes
me that the President was at Germantown on the 6th ultimo, and that all
the great officers of State had returned and were within the City or its vicin
ity. Yet the people of New York were intriguing to carry the ensuing Ses
sion of Congress to that City ; and as they practice all raanner of falsehood
and iraposition to accoraplish their point, theevent reraained doubtfuk" * * -*
"4031 deaths only are registered; so that it is probable the whole amount do
not exceed 5000. During the rage of the raalady, 17000 persons withdrew
frora the Metropolis, and the scenes which took place within it exceed all
credibility. Husbands flying frora wives, wives from husbands; parents
frora children and children from parents ; servants and masters, abandoned
alike and left to perish for want of assistance, make a part of the horrible
picture." Etc.
351 Willett, Marinus. Colonel in the Revolutionary War.
Commanded Fort Stanwix at the time it was invested
by Colonel Barry St. Leger. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. Wilmington, December 14, 1796.
Very fine specimen, with full signature. On business affairs.
Letters of the Rev. John Williams, of Massa
chusetts, and members of his family, who
were captured by the Indians in 1704.
352 Williams family. A series of letters of Rev. John
Williams (first Minister of Deerfield, Massachusetts),
his children, and a number of his descendants, etc.
On February 29, 1704, the town of Deerfield was taken and burnt by
a party of French and Indians, a nuraber of the townspeople slain, and about
100 of thera carried into captivity to Canada. Araong the number taken
captives were Rev. John Williams, his wife (who was murdered on the way),
and all his children except the two youngest (who were killed) and the eld
est, Eleazar (who was not at home). They were taken to Montreal, where
they reraained until October 25, 1706, when the survivors were sent to Boston.
Mr. Williams pubUshed " The Redeeraed Captive," an interesting narrative
of his adventures.
The series contains the foUowing letters : —
A Williams, Rev. John. First minister of Deerfield. Author
of "The Redeemed Captive." Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto, Deerfield, February 3, 1726-7. To
his son.

2S7
B Williams, Rev. Stephen. Son of Rev. John Williams. Car
ried captive to Canada. First minister of Long Meadow,
Massachusetts. Chaplain in the French and Indian
War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Stillwater,
July 28, 1755. To his wife.
C Williams, Rev. Warham. Son of Rev. John Williams. Car
ried captive to Canada. Minister of Watertown, Mass
achusetts. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages. College, March 13, 1723. To his brother.
D Williams, Esther. Daughter of Rev. John Williams. Be
came the wife of Rev. Joseph Meacham. Carried cap
tive to Canada. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Watertown, May 9, 171 2. To her brother.
E Williams, Rev. Eleazar. Son of Rev. John Williams. The
only one ofthe family who was not either killed or car
ried into captivity in 1704. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. Marshfield, January 9, 1729-30. To his
brother.
F Williams, Rev. Solomon. Minister of Lebanon, Connecti
cut. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages. Octo
ber 9, 1 741.
G Williams, Rev. Abraham. Minister of Sandwich, Massa
chusetts. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Sand
wich, June 17, 1 761. To Rev. Ezra Stiles.
H Williams, Rev. William. Minister of Hatfield, Massachu
setts. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Hatfield,
August 27, 1739. To Rev. Stephen Williams.
I Williams, Rev. William. Minister of Weston, Massachu
setts. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Weston, April 25, 1720. To his father.
J Williams, Rev. Warham. Grandson of Rev. John Williams.
Minister of Northford. Autograph Letter, signed.
Folio. 2 pages. Northford, June 30, 1769. To bis
father.
K Williams, Rev. Stephen. Grandson of Rev. John Williams.
Minister of Woodstock, Massachusetts. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. Woodstock, January 19, 1767.
To his father.
L Worthington, Rev. William. Minister of Saybrook, Con
necticut. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Say^
brook, April 28, 1752. To Mr. Gale,

2S8
533 Wilson James. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Philadelphia, July 19, 1792. To Charles Carroll nf
CarroUton.
Spletidid specitnen, on the subject of Carroll's purchase of lands in
Pennsylvania.
354 Wooster, David. Brigadier-General in the Revolu
tionary War. Mortally wounded at Danbury. Docu
ment, signed. Folio. January 17, 1759.
Bond given to "the Governor and Corapany of His Majesty's English
Colony of Connecticut," conditioned for the faithful discharge of Wooster's
duties as paymaster of a corapany of foot soldiers in the carapaign against
the French possessions in Canada. Fine specimen.
354a Zubly, John J. Member of the Continental Congress.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Middlesex, March
19. '779- To Mrs. Mary Thomas.

m

ADDENDA.

355 Adams, John. Second President of the United States*
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Paris, December
24, 1782.
-*-»*« -We cannot say whether we are to have Peace or not. I wish the
definitive Treaty raore Signal or the Negotiations broken off that I raay re
turn to you."
356. Adams, John Q. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. The Hague, Feb
ruary 5, 1797. To S. Bourne.
* ¦» * " I see from a, Stateraent of the votes at Philadelphia of December
17th that the Election stood a little different from what Mr. Johnson raentions
to you. The votes are for Mr. Adaras 71, Mr. Pinckney 53, Mr. Jefferson
49. But the returns frora Kentucky and 'Tennessee as well as frora South
Carolina and Georgia, are not included in this return. AU these will prob
ably be for Mr. Jefferson, except perhaps a vote or two in Carolina. The.
difference therefore will not be of more than two or three votes decisive of
the Election even if the Statements hitherto are accurate. So that it is yet
very uncertain how it will turn, nor do I believe it material. From the re
ception of the President's address all over the Continent, judge whether any
successor would H&xe or could effect a total departure frora his systera of
administration."
357 Buchanan, James. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Lancaster, May il,
1835. To Charles B. Penrose.
358 Buchanan, James. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
3 pages. Washington, March 15, 1844.
" I have been honored by the receipt of your kind invitation to dine with
the Irishmen and the friends of Ireland of the city of Philadelphia on the ap
proaching anniversary of Ireland's patron saint. I can assure you, with un
affected sincerity, that it would afford me heartfelt pleasure to accept your
invitation, and therefore, I deeply regret that my public duties in the Senate
prohibit me from leaving this city at the present period ofthe Session."
359 Buchanan, James. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Wheatland, near Lancaster, May 2, 1864.
360 Buchanan, James. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo.
Washington, July 8, 1859.
361 Fillmore, Millard. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. Buffalo, February
16. i860.

260
General Grant's letter declining to be pres
ent at the ceremonies of unveiling the
monument to Abraham Lincoln, at
Fairmount Park, Philadelphia.
362 Grant, Ulysses S. Famous American General, and
President of the United States. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Lebanon, Pennsylvania,
September, 12, 187 1.
" Mr. G. D. Coleraan, at whose house I arrived an hour ago, has just
handed rae your letter of yesterday, urging upon rae to accept an invitation to
be present at the unveiling of the raonuraent to Abraham Lincoln, in Fair-
mount Park, on the 22d inst. I regret that I cannot be present on so inter
esting an occasion. Had I known of this event before other arrangeraents,
which can not well be changed, had been raade I certainly would have en
tered into no engageraent which would prevent ray presence. But I ain now
on ray way with ray faraily, to visit relations & friends among whora I was
raised, and who I left thirty-two years ago, and who have been advised of the
tirae of ray coraing. I do not see how I can raake a change now, but permit
rae to express, through you, the regret I feel for it.
"There are no Patriots, dead or alive, who will be reraerabered raore
gratefully for their loyalty and services to their country than the raan who's
raeraory will be coraraeraorated at Fairraount Park, Philadelphia, on the
22nd of this Septeraber, nor none whora I more honor as a good, as well as
a great raan.
" I know the occasion will be an interesting one, and one long to be re
raerabered by thera who witness it, and by posterity through the accounts of
it which will be published.
" With expressions of regret that I ara to be debarred the duty of being
with you on the 22nd inst., and of the kindest regards for the Committee who
have invited rae, and for yourself, I subscribe myself " With great respect
"Your obt, sevt.
"U. S. GRANT."
363 Harrison, William Henry. President of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. North
Bend, December 25, 1839. To John Talliaferro.
" I take the liberty to enclose to you ray answer to our friend Taylor's
letter. I have scarcely recovered frora the effect of the enorraous Ara't of
postage I had to pay during the last contest for the Presidency & frora the
specimen I have had of the present instead of being marched to Washington,
at its close I may be marched to Jail.
" We are going on here prosperously in our assaults on the 'Van Buren
ranks."
General Jackson calls Henry Clay a polit
ical gambler.
364 Jackson, Andrew. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Her
mitage, April 30, 1825. To Henry Baldwin, Esq.
" Your observations on the circular of Mr. Clay accord entirely with the
sentiment of the people in this section of country. It is noticed as the dying
struggle of a Political Gambler. For my part I must pity hira, for he seems
willing to accept that of rae when he throws himself into the sanctuary where
Posthumous honors are paid, and where it is said there should be an end of
wrath as well as oblivion of errors."
365 Jackson, Andrew. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Nashville, Februaiy 23, 1817.

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26 1

Franklin Pierce's letter to William H.
Seward, which created much ex
citement at the commencement
of the Rebellion of 1861-65.
366 Pierce, Franklin. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages. Andover,
Massachusetts, December 24, 1861. To Hon. William
H. Seward, Secretary of State.
" A package endorsed < Department of State, U. S. A.,' franked by ' W.
Hunter,'_&c., &c., and addressed to ' Franklin Pierce, Esquire, Concord, New
Hampshire,' was received by me to-day, having been forwarded from the place
of ray residence. But for the Staraped Envelope, and the hand-writing of
Mr. Hunter, with which I am farailiar, I should probably have regarded the
enclosures as an idle atterapt at imposition, in which your name had been
surreptitiously used. I must, I suppose, though I do so reluctantly, now view
it in a different light. In the note bearing your signature, you say :' I en
close an extract from a letter received at this Uepartment from which it would
appear that you are a member of a secret league, the object of which is to
overthrow this Government. Any explanations upon the subject which you
may offer would be acceptable.' It is not easy to conceive how any person
could give credence to, or entertain for a moraent, the idea that I ara now, or
have ever been, connected with a secret league, or with any league the object
of which was, or is, the overthrow of the Government of ray country. Sur
prise, however, only increases as I pass from your note to the ' extract ' to
which you refer as a sufficient basis for an official communication. Incohe
rent and meaningless as this extract, from the vagaries of an anonyraous corres
pondent, seems to rae to be, it is not a little singular that it should have been
sent for explanation to one who, during his whole life, has never belonged to
any secret league, society or association. My name does not appear in the
' Extract,' and as there is not the slightest ground for any reference to me in
the connection indicated, I lake it for granted that your inference is wholly er
roneous, and that neither I, nor anything which I ever said or did, was in the
mind of the writer. Nothing but the gravity of the insinuation — the high offi
cial source whence it emanates, and the distracted condition of our recently
united, prosperous and happy country, could possibly Uft this raatter above
ridicule and contempt. Not, therefore, because ' Explanations would be accept
able,' but because the correspondence is to hold a place upon the files of the
Department of State, long beyond the duration of your life or mine, and be
cause I would leave, so far as I am concerned, no ambiguity upon the record,
it is proper, perhaps it is ray duty, to add, that my loyalty will never be suc
cessfully impugned, so long as I enjoy the constitutional rights which pertain
to every Citizen of the Republic, and especially the inestimable right to be
inforraed of the nature and cause of accusation, and to be confronted face to
face with ray accusers. Love for our whole country, respect for the reserved
rights of the States, reverence for the Constitution, and devotion to the noble
Union which for so many years reposed in security upon that sacred instru
ment, have been interwoven with ray best hopes for civil Uberty, my deepest
eraotions and my sternest purposes frora youth to age. If I have failed to
illustrate this in official station — in private life, and under all circurastances,
when it becarae rae to speak or act, I have labored under a singular delu
sion consciousness of which would erabitter, raore than anything else, the pres
ent hour and such remaining hours or years as raay be in reserve for rae."

262
367 Polk, James K. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Washington City,
December 13, 1827.
368 Polk, James K. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
Washington, April 13, 1846.
369 Lincoln, Abraham. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Springfield, Nov
ember 25, 1849. To Honorable J. M. Clayton.
Fine specimen.
370 Madison, James. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. New York, July
21, 1791.
371 Madison, James. Autograph Letter, signed, in the
third person. Quarto. Montpellier, February 11, 182 1.
372 Monroe, James. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. November 14, 18 14.
373 Monroe, James. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Oak Hill, December 16, 1827.
374 Taylor, Zachary. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed, Octavo. Washington City,
June 9, 1850. To Honorable John M. Clayton.
Fine specimen, written one month before his death. See plate.
375 Tyler, John. President of the United States. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Senate Chamber, March
19, 1832.
376 Tyler, John. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. New
York, October 26, 1853.
377 Van Buren, Martin. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, sgned. Quarto. 2 pages. Linden-
wald, March 12, 1844.
378 Washington, George. Letter signed. Folio. Head
quarters, West Point, September 28, 1 779. To Monsieur
Mountflorence. With signature on franked address,
and Washington's seal in red wax.
" I received by yesterday's Post your letter of the 30th of August and
ara much obliged by your power to avail myself of it. The appointment ot
officers is not with rae, and therefore I cannot give you any assurance of your
being employed ; and besides this consideration, the state of the Army with
respect to officers does not require any new appointments to be made. Under
these circurastances I cannot think myself at liberty to encourage you to hope
that one in your favor would take place — and to induce you, in consequence,
to raake a long, fatiguing and expensive journey.
" I am Sir
" Y'r Most obe't servant
" Geo Washington "

M,m^aA^.

263
379 Washington, George. Document signed. Quarto
October 6, 1777.
" By virtue of the power delegated to rae by the Hon'ble the Continental
Congress, I hereby authorize you to take all such Shoes, Stockings & Blank
ets as can possibly be spared by the Inhabitants of the Neighborhood of
Bethlehem for the use of the Continental Army ; the person appointed for this
purpose to give certificates of the Quantity & Quality which will be paid for
by the Clothier General at a reasonable price.
,, _ " Given at Head Quarters
i° ,. ^ "October 6th, 1777
Brigadier General Woodford .. Geo Washington "
" at Bethlehem "
380 Wayne, Anthony. Distinguished General of the Revo
lutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 3
pages. Headquarters, Detroit, Septembers, 1796. To
Major William Winston.
381 Wayne, Anthony. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Light-Infantry Camp, October 27, 1779. 2
o'clock, morning. To General Woodford.
With address, and seal in red wax.
382 Lincoln, Benjamin. Distinguished General of the
Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Charlestown, March 1780. With address.
Interesting letter relating to the siege bf Charlestown.
383 Stirling, Alexander William. Earl of. Major-General
in the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. Morris Town, October 27, 1779. To General
Woodford.
" I wrote you yesterday evening, since which I have good reason to be
lieve the Eneray have quited this State, and therefore raust request you will
not move further in consequence of the directions I sent you last night, untUl
you have his Excellency General Washington's direction. The Object of the
Eneray seeras to have been the burning a few flat bottomed boats we had at
Raritan. They must surely be much afraid of our attacking them. Their
expeditions appear to rae almostas ridiculous as the famous Battle ofthe Kegs."
384 Waughe, A. " The Fighting Parson." Noted patriot
of the Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 2 pages. Port Royal, July 13, 1778. To
General Woodford. With address.
Interesting letter imparting information of the movement of the enemy,
etc., etc.
385 Lee, Henry. " Light-Horse Harry." General in the
Revolutionary War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto,
Richmond, February 27, 1794. To Mr. Greenleaf.

264
Lafayette's Letter of thanks to the Ameri
can people, and speaking of the won
derful achievements of Napoleon.
386 Lafayette, Marquis de. Distinguished General in
the American Revolution. Autograph Letter, signed.
Quarto. 4 pages. La Grange, November 15, 1806.
To James Madison.
In referring to the grant of land presented to him by Congress for his
services in the Revolutionary War, he says : " I find that the Value of the
Grant is far Superior to my Expectations and even to those which M. Jeffer
son, in his eager infinite kindness to rae, had been led to conceive. It appears
the pretention of the City to sorae part of the Ground, and that of M. John
Gravier, are totaUy without any foundation, so that the last act of Congress so
kindly directed in my favor had reraoved the only obstacle to the full execu
tion of your kind intention in ray behalf" -**-*" The grateful feelings of
ray heart are above expression. I am proud of my obligations to the United
States, to Congress, to the friends, and the friends who have so kindly planned,
so happily effected this Restoration, and even increase of my family fortune.
What we receive does exceed not only our expectations but our utmost wishes.
It will propagate affluence through a tribe of offsprings who promise to be very
numerous, and who will be equally happy in hereditary Sentiments of Grati
tude. Be so good, ray dear Madison, as to let me know as soon as you can
that you have received this letter, which I hope will receive the President's
approbation and yours.
" A letter of thanks has been sent by rae to the Secretary at War — has
this official tender of my Gratitude been presented to Congress, and through
the papers to my Araerican fellow-citizens ?
" To your Diplomatic correspondence I refer you for European intelli
gence. The Prussian Power is no more. Evei-y Prince of this side of the
Vistule is depending on the Conqueror's nod for his Reward or Punishment.
The French arms have been this fall raore irresistible than .ever. The
European Continent will be, in the course of the Winter, new modelled as far
as novelty can be produced in Royal moulds. My Son and Son-in-Law have
hitherto been unhurt. The Achievements of this Campaign are truly mar
vellous." See fac-simile of last page.
387 Paine, Thomas. Author of " Common Sense," etc.
America's friend. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
3 pages. (Paris) 23 fromaire, year 10.
" Mr Livingston brought me a book frora N. York. It is a collection [of]
discourses preached by Elihu Palraer. He was a priest, but is now one of
ray converts, and has opened a raeeting house at New York, to expose the
lies of the Bible, and show it is a forgery."
Fine specimen.
388 Jefferson, Thomas. President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Washington, Oc
tober 3, 1 80 1.
Beautiful specimen.
Farragut as a Midshipman.
389 Farragut, David G. Commodore in the American
Navy. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Boston,
United States Ship " Washington," April 9, 18 16.
Requesting that he be ordered to the " Macedonian," then putting out,
as he would like to sail with Captain AVarrington,

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265
390 Morse, Samuel F. B. Inventor of the telegraph, and
celebrated artist. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto.
2 pages. Boston, December 30, 1815. To Charles
King. With address.
" I have been busily engaged since my return in fitting up rooras for my
self. I have opened an Exhibition of lo of ray pictures, and have succeeded
thus far beyond my expectations. I have got the first rooms in the U. States,
(so all the painters say). My painting roora is 19 feet long, 18 feet wide and
19 feet high, and ray Exhibition Room, which is contiguous, is 19 feet every
way ; both rooras papered with grey paper ; the light in ray painting room
about 4 feet square, and 9 feet from the ground in the north corner of the
Room. Will you inforra rae what Mr Sully's prices are for portraits frora
^'s to whole length ? And also your own ?
" There is rauch talk here of getting up an Academy of Arts. I hope
it will not all end in talk ; and I trust it will not. We shall strive hard to
set it a going."
James Wilson's letter, on the sentiments of
various States respecting the Federal
Constitution.
391 'Wilson, James. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Phila
delphia, January 22, 1788. To Samuel Wallis. With
address.
" Appearances with Regard to the new federal convention are very fa
vourable on every side. Its Friends increase in Virginia. In Maryland, op
position has ceased almost everywhere. The Convention of Connecticut have
adopted it by a raajority of more than three to one. It is more than probable
that, by this Tirae, it is adopted by the Convention of Massachusetts. It met
on the 9th inst, and things wore then a favourable aspect. Mr. Hancock was
chosen President — Some agreeable Pieces of Intelligence have been lately re
ceived from New York ; but we know not what the Assembly will do, tho'
there seeras greater Reasons for Hope than for apprehension."
Fine specimen.
392 Wilson, James. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. De
cember 16, 1793. To Samuel Wallis. With address.
393 Dayton, Jonathan. Signer of the Constitution. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Friday morning, (Feb
ruary, 1809). To Elias B. Dayton. With address.
394 Dickinson, John. Member of the Old Congress, opposed
the Declaration of Independence. Signer of the Con
stitution, etc. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2
pages, Philadelphia, July lo, 1784. To James Booth.
Although John Dickinson opposed the Declaration of Independence (fear
ing the strength of the country insufficient to take so important a stand), he
was the only member of Congress to face the enemy a few days after the pub
lication ofthe Declaration, He was also President of Ihe State of Pennsyl-

266
395 Dickinson, John. Member of the Old Congress, etc.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Wilmington, Oc
tober 10, 1787. To Matthew Carey. With address.
396 Ross, George. Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence. Autograph Document, signed. Small quarto.
To Edward Shippen.
397 Rittenhouse, David. Treasurer of Pennsylvania during
the Revolution. First Director of the Mint. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. March 21, 1793. To
Matthew Clarkson, Mayor. With address.
* ¦* * "Our Furnace at the Mint, for raeiting copper in large quantities, is
in such a situation, on account of surrounding wooden Buildings, that I think
it will not be safe to raake use of it in the Summer season when all combus
tibles are dry, and, not knowing any plan raore suitable and convenient, lam
under the necessity of applying to the Mayor and Alderraen for permission,
if it shall be thought proper, to erect a small temporary building and Furnace
on the public Square at the North and Seventh Street. Your good offices in
this raatter will be gratefully acknowledged."
398 Barry, John. First commander in the United States
navy. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Straw
berry Hill, February J, IJ?>J. To Henry Mitchell.
399 Kinsey, James. Member of the Old Congress, and
Chief Justice of New Jersey. Autograph Letter, signed
twice. Quarto. July 29, 1789. To Thomas Rodman.
With address.

400 Penn, William. Founder of Pennsylvania. Autograph
Document, signed. Pennsbury, May 22, 1684. Small
quarto. With impression ofhis seal in red wax.
401 Penn, John. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania. Docu
ment, signed. Folio. Newcastle, October 21, 1774.
Message to the Asserably in reference to the boundary between Penn
sylvania and Maryland.
402 Penn, John. Proprietor of Pennsylvania. Autograph
Letter, signed. (Signed also by Richard Penn). Folio.
3 pages. London, January 30, 1737.
A long and interesting letter referring to Conrad Weiser's journey to the
Five Nations of Indians, and to the boundary dispute between Pennsylvania
and Maryland.
403 Barlow, Joel. American poet and patriot. Autograph
Letter, signed. Octavo. No date.

267
404 Fulton, Robert. Inventor of the steamboat. Auto--
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. New York,
November 8, 18 14. To Commodore Porter.
In the body of the letter is a draft for an iraproveraent in the rigging of
a vessel, and he says : — " I have opened this letter to beg of you when you
return to New York to bring with you one of ray fulrainating torpedo locks
which are in the possession of Mr Henry." * * * "My corapliments to Mr
Henry, tell hira to persevere. Important events will result frora submarine
explosiotts."
405 Fulton, Robert. Inventor of the steamboat. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. New York, November
28, 18 14. To Henry Baldwin, with address.
406 Houston, Samuel. President of the Republic of Texas.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. February 20, 1851.
407 Davis, Jefferson. President of the Confederacy. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Octavo.
408 Porter, David. Celebrated American Commodore.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Chester,
September 21, 18 10. To James Madison.
409 Porter, David. Celebrated American Commodore.
Autograph Document, signed. (General order). On
board the " Sea Gull," May 11, 1823.
410 Decatur, Stephen. Celebrated American Commodore.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. New
York, March 22, 1815. To Commodore Porter.
" I have received your friendly letter & thank you for your attention, in
the moraent of my tribulation ; you can judge of a man's feelings who has lost
a ship, even altho' he has the proud consciousness of having discharged his
duty weU."
411 Perry, Oliver Hazard. Celebrated American Commo
dore. " The Hero of Lake Erie." Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. 2 pages. United States Steamer
"Java." New York, December 22, 1 81 5. To Commo
dore Porter.
412 Bainbridge, William. Celebrated American Commo-
dore. Commanded the "Constitution." Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. 4 pages. Boston, December
20, 181 5. To David Porter.
Long and interesting letter to Commodore Porter, explaining his
trouble with Captain Hull. * * * " I wUl here quit it, by saymg that Capt.
Hull and rayself cannot be on friendly terras." * * *
413 Jones, Thomas ap Catesby. American Commodore.
Letter, signed. Quarto. Callao Bay, May 10, 1826;
Autograph Letter of Charles W. Goldsborough, quarto ;
and Autograph Letter, signed, of Commodore M. C.
Perry. Quarto. 3 pieces.

268
414 Wirt, William. Eloquent American lawyei". Aut6-
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. Washington, April 6,
1826.
415 Burr, Aaron. Vice-President of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. No date. To
Colonel John Nicholson.
416 Hancock, John. President of the Continental Con
gress. First to sign the Declaration of Independence.
Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. Philadelphia, Jan
uary 17, 1776. To the Committee of Trenton.
" I have the honor of enclosing you sundry resolutions passed by Con
gress respecting the officers who are prisoners, you will please to have them
imraediately carried into execution." Etc.
417 Pendleton, Edmund. Delegate to the Continental
Congress. President of the Virginia Convention, etc.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Williamsburg,
December 22, 1775. To Colonels Howe and Woodford.
With address.
418 Jay, John. Delegate to the Continental Congress, and
President of Congress. Negotiated the Treaty with
Great Britain. One of the editors of the " Federalist."
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Bristol, January
8, 1784. To Peter Verplanck.
419 Morris, Robert. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Member of the Old Congress, etc. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Quarto. New York, February
5, 1790. To John Nicholson. With franked signature
on address.
420 Thomson, Charles. First Secretary of Congress. Au
tograph Document, signed. Quarto. In Congress,
November 30, 1779.
Autograph copy of a Resolution.
421 Lafayette, Gilbert Metier, Marquis de. Celebrated
General in the American Revolution. Autograph
Letter, signed. Small quarto. With his seal, in red
wax, of head of Washington.
422 Stockton, Richard. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Delegate to the Continental Congress. Au
tograph Document, signed. Small quarto. May 5,
1772.
423 Report signed by Jared Ingersoll (signer of the Con
stitution), Miers Fisher and Samuel Powell, commit
tee, relative to a bequest made by Doctor Benjamin
Franklin to the City of Philadelphia. Quarto. Phila
delphia, June 18, 1790.

269
424 Autographs of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison,
and scrap of writing by Alexander Hamilton, 3 pieces.
425 Marshall, John. Chief Justice of the United States.
Author of the " Life of Washington," etc. Autograph
Letter, signed. Quarto. Richmond, May 21, 183 1.
426 Putnam, Rufus. General in the Revolutionary War.
Founder of the city of Marietta. Autograph Docu
ment, signed. Half of quarto sheet. Marietta July
30, 1803.
Draft on the Bank of the United States for part of his salary as Sur
veyor-General of the United States.
427 Rodney, Caesar A. Attorney-General of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. Wilming
ton, March 26, 1804. To Samuel Carswell. With ad
dress.
" Mrs. Rodney presented rae last Tuesday with a fine Boy."
428 Kinsey, James. Delegate to the Continental Congress,
and Chief Justice of New Jersey. Autograph Opinion,
signed. Folio. 2 pages. July 13, 1783.
429 McKean, Thomas. Signer of the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Delegate to the Continental Congress. Gov
ernor of Pennsylvania, etc. Document, signed, and
partly filled in with his handwriting. Folio. May,
1761.
Alexander Wilson's description of his trip to
Boston, the theatre of that city, etc.
430 'Wilson, Alexander. Eminent American ornitholo
gist. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 4 pages.
Windsor, Vermont„October 26, 1808. To Mr. Daniel
H. Miller. With address, and five portraits engraved
by Baralet.
-*-**" I also visited the theatre, where, besides Bainard, I found Mills, Ruth
erford, Taylor, Mrs. MiUs, Mrs. Windham, Mrs. Cunningham, &c. The house
is tolerably neat tho' far inferior lo Philad'a Theatre. Between every scene
the audience in the pit stand upon tbe seats and are very noisy — as soon as
the next scene coraraences a roar of ' Down ! Down ! Off hats ! Off hats ! '
rethunders through the house. I thought Bainard very insipid. Mrs. Wind
ham is the great favorite here at present."
431 Dupont, Samuel Francis. Rear-Admiral in the United
States navy during the Civil War. Autograph Letter,
signed twice, (once with initials). Small quarto. 3
pages. Louviers, April 15. (Circa, 1855). To Hon.
John M. Clayton.
¦*•**" I hear old Sam Houston has been prowling about the Navy Depart
ment, to find raaterial wherewith to raake another attack upon rae." Etc.

'IJC)
432 i<"erry, Orris S. Brigadier-General in the Army of the
United States during the Civil War. Autograph Let
ter, signed. Quarto. Head-Quarters, Pottsville, March
25, 1864. To Major D. Taggart.
433 Dana, NapoleOn J. T. Brigadier-General in the United
States Army during the Civil War. Autograph Letter,
signed. Octavo. Head-Quarters, Texas, Matagorda
Bay, January 26, 1864. To Major David Taggart.
434 Meagher, Thomas Francis. Escaped from the British
Penal Colony, Australia, to which he had been trans
ported for treason. Escaped to the United States and
commanded the celebrated " Irish Brigade" in the
Civil War. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. New
York, December 6, 1861. To William McGarahan.
435 Baker, Edward Dickinson. Colonel of the Seventy-
first Pennsylvania Regiment. Killed at the Battle of
Balls Bluff. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. Wash
ington, December i, 1849. To Hon. John M. Clayton.
Fine specimen. Rare.
436 Muhlenberg, Frederick Augustus. Delegate to the
Continental Congress. Member and Speaker of the First
Congress. Letter, signed. Quarto. Philadelphia, March
3, 1791. To the Mayor, of the Corporation of the City
of Philadelphia.
437 Peter, Richard. Delegate to the Continental Congress.
Judge of the District Court of Pennsylvania. Auto
graph letter, signed. Quarto. War Office, March 21,
1 78 1. To Thomas Smith. With address.
In reference to the payraent of the Pennsylvania troops.
438 Dickinson, Jonathan. Early Mayor of Philadelphia.
Document, signed. With corporate seal of Philadel
phia. Folio. December 16, 171 8.
439 Ingersoll, Charles J. Author of the " History of the
Second War with Great Britain." Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. 8 pages. Washington, March 9,
1844. To John Binns.
Advocating the holding of raeetings throughout Ireland to agitate the
repeal of the Union with Great Britain.
440 Warton, Joseph. English poet and critic. Editor of
Pope's Works. Autograph Document, signed. Quarto.
January 18, 1782. To James Dodsley.
Receipt for raoneys paid for copyright for two works written by Mrs.
Jane Warton.

271
441 White, William. First Bishop of Pennsylvania. Doc
ument signed. Quarto. January 6, 1797.
Certificate, to Francis Gurney, of Ufe merabership in the Sunday-School
Society of Philadelphia.
442 Mifflin, Thomas. Governor of Pennsylvania. Letter
.signed. Folio. Philadelphia, October 3, 1791. To
the Mayor, etc., of Philadelphia. With address.
Letter from the Governor requesting an account of disbursements made for
Ihe accommodations of the President of the United States (George Washing
ton) and members of Congress.
443 Early New Jersey Indian Deed. Small quarto. Dated
May 25, 1713. Ceding lands to the Robert Rhe for
the Governor and Proprietors of the Pro-vince of East
New Jersey. Signed by three Indian Chiefs (with their
totems) and the Commissioners.
444 Logan, James. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Owned the largest library in America. Parchment
Document, signed. Folio. April 16, 1781. Signed
also by Thomas Grififiith, Thomas Broatjgate and Isaac
Norris, Jr.
Jeff, Davis as a Soldier.
445 Davis, Jefferson. President of the Confederate States
of America. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 4
pages. Monterey, January 26, 1847. To his brother.
A long and interesting letter written from the field of battle, criticising
General Scott's raoveraents, iraparting inforraation in reference to General
Taylor's command, and regretting that he cannot participate in every battle
to be fought.
446 Penn, William. Founder of Pennsylvania. Parch
ment Document, signed. Folio. April 12, 1684.
Early Pennsylvania deed. Fine specimen.
447 Logan, James. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania.
Parchment Document, signed. Folio. January 12,
1704. Signed also by Edward Shippen, first Mayor
of Philadelphia, and Thomas Story.
448 Hamilton, James. Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania,
Parchment Document, signed. Folio. August 21, 1752.
449 Thomas, Sir George. Colonial Governor of Pennsyl
vania. Parchment Document, signed. Folio. Oc
tober 8, 1746.
450 Letter of invitation to James N. Barker, to participate
in the ceremony of General Lafayette's reception at
Philadelphia, September 28, 1824. Also an invitation
to the dinner to him, Signed by Joseph S. Lewis.
Quarto.

272
451 Chew, Benjamin. President of the High Court of Ap
peal of Pennsylvania. Document, signed. Folio. Phil
adelphia, December 4, 1773. Signed also by Thomas
Willing, Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania.
452 Yeates, Jasper. Judge of the Supreme Court of Penn
sylvania. Autograph Letter, signed. Folio. 2 pages.
Lancaster, May 21, 1 81 5. To Redmond Conyngham,
Luzerne Co., Pa.
453 Hendricks, Thomas A. Vice-President of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. India
napolis, November 11, 1870.
454 Cameron, Simon. United States Senator from Penn
sylvania. Autograph Letters, signed. Quarto. January
8, 1827, and Middletown, December 22, 1833. 2 pieces.
"The Job is an iraportant one, and will afford profit enough if well
arranged to raake all our fortunes," referring to the building of the Potoraac
bridge. -*¦ * * "The Senate have passed a Bill doubling the nuraber of
Paraphlet Laws, and I presurae it will pass the other House." * ¦* * « I
jDresurae too there will be about loo rearas raore derai wanted." Addressed
to John Snyder, Paper Mills, Selin's Grove, Pennsylvania.
455 Brownlow, William G. (Parson). East Tennessee.
Loyalist during the Rebellion. Autograph Letter,
signed. Folio. 4 pages. Cincinnati, December 8,
1862. To the editor of " The Press." (Cut in five pieces.)
Highly interesting letter urging a winter carapaign.
456 Brownlow, William G. (Parson). Autograph Letter,
signed. Octavo. 4 pages. Crosswicks, N. J., May 3,
1862. To the editor of " The Press."
On the Southern Confederacy.
457 Siegel, Franz. Brigadier-General in the United States
Army during the RebelHon. Autograph Letters, signed.
Quarto. November 6, 1863, November 16, 1 863, and
February i, 1864. 3 pieces.
One letter is in Gerraan.
458 Biddle, Nicholas. President of the Bank of the United
States. Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages.
Philadelphia, February 21, 1834.
459 Seward, William H. Secretary of State under Lincoln.
Autograph Letters, signed. Quarto and octavo. Various
dates. 4 pieces.
460 Clay, Henry. Eminent Statesman. Autograph Letter,
signed. Quarto. Washington, March H, 1841,300!
Newport, August 20, 1 849. 2 pieces.

273
46i Spinner, Francis E. Treasurer of the United States.
Autograph Letter, signed. Quarto. 2 pages. Wash
ington, March 24, 1868. To Doctor William Elder.
462 McClellan, George B. Major-General in the United
States army. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. 2
pages. New York, June 8, 1863. To Hon. S. S. Coxe.
Declining a nomination for Governor of Ohio. With the letter is included
a McClellan and Pendleton badge.
463 Sumner, Charles. Eminent Statesman. Autograph
Letters, signed. Quarto and octavo. Various dates.
3 pieces.
464 Cobden, Richard. Eminent English Statesman. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Small octavo. Westminster,
June 16. [No year].
465 Bright, John. Eminent English Statesman. Auto
graph Letter, signed. Small octavo. 3 pages. Roch
dale, February i, 1864.
466 Beranger, Pierre Jean de. Celebrated French lyric
poet. Autograph Letter, signed. Octavo. 3 pages.
[No place ; no date].
467 Cut Autographs. Including that of Abraham Lincoln,
Andrew Johnson, James Monroe, James Madison, John
Tyler, James K. Polk, James Buchanan, Martin Van
Buren, General U. S. Grant, Robert Morris, Thomas
McKean, John Dickinson, Robert Proud, Jefferson
Davis, Sam Houston, George G. Meade and others. 42
pieces.
468 Twenty-five Autograph Letters, etc. : — Bishop Wil
liam B. Stevens, Bishop Alonzo Potter, Bishop J. H.
Hobart, Benjamin Rush, signer of the Declaration of
Independence ; Janies Logan, Josiah Quincy, Charles
O'Connor, the great lawyer; Peter S. DuPonceau and
others.
469 Fifteen Autograph Letters, etc. :— George 'Wolf, Gover
nor of Pennsylvania ; James Pollock, Governor of Penn
sylvania ; Judge James Kent, J. J. Crittenden, John
Covode, John Forsyth, Secretary of War, and others.
470 Fifteen Autograph Letters, etc. :— John H. Eaton, Sec
retary of War ; Lewis Cass, John M. Berrien, John B.
Gibson, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, and others.

274
471 Fifteen Autograph Letters, etc. ; — ^Joseph Ritner, Gov
ernor of Pennsylvania; C. J. Ingersoll, R. T. Conrad,
Mayor of Philadelphia ; Commodore Charles Wilkes and
others.

472 Fifteen Autograph Letters, etc. : — Daniel W^ebster,
Reverdy Johnson, Salmon P. Chase, General David
Hunter, Alexander H. Stephens, Thomas Cadwallader
and others.

473 Fifteen Autograph Letters, etc. :-— Horace Binney, S. P.
Chase, General Robert Patterson, Henry A. Wise, Gov
ernor of Virginia ; Joseph Delaplaine, Louis Agassiz,
the naturalist ; Commodore Jesse D. Elliott and others.

474 Scrap-Book of Colonial, Continental and Confederate
Notes: 4 Continental Notes, 12 Colonial Notes and
8 Confederate Notes, of various denominations; in all
24 pieces.

475 Historical Scrap-Book: — Containing two documents,
signed by James Hamilton, Colonial Governor of Penn
sylvania ; an original poem by James J. Jackson, the
assassin of Colonel Ellsworth ; autograph letter, signed,
of Tench Coxe, Washington's aide; autograph letter,
signed, of Jared Ingersoll, member ofthe Old Congress;
signatures of William Denny, William Forbes, Lord
Mayor of London ; Thomas Willing, Benjamin Chew,
Arthur Middleton, signer ofthe Declaration of Independ
ence'; William Budgen, Lord Mayor of London, and
John Sergeant; seals of the United Irishmen, in 1798,
and various other interesting relics of Colonial times and
the War of 1812.

476 Journal of Margaret C. Drane, commenced in Boston,
January, 1840, and ending at Fort Mifflin, March 27,
1843. Quarto, half roan.
477 Washington, General George. Letter, signed. Quarto.
Mount Vernon, March 12, 1789.
A business affair.

^n

The anonymous letters sent to General
Washington by Joseph Ravara, Consul
from Genoa, for the purpose of ex
torting money.

478 Ravara, Joseph. Consul from Genoa. Anonymous
letters by, to the President of the United States, the
English Ambassador, and the Post-office. Quarto and
folio. Also the copy of the commission of Ravara,
signed by Thomas Jefferson ; and the notes ofthe hear
ing before the Magistrate and at the trial, taken by
Hilary Baker ; also the deposition of John Baptist Gil-
lioux, his accomplice.
Through these letters the writer (Joseph Ravara) tried to induce General
Washington and the British Consul to lend hira a sum of monfey, and threat
ened to coramit all sorts of criraes, as well as inflict bodily injury, if they did
not comply with his request. Washington was requested to send the money
in a letter to the Post-office, directed to " Miranda " and " Fagot," and not to
inquire into the identity of the writer. The letters are dated Philadelphia,
May IO, 12 and 14, 1793. On the back of oue, that was addressed to Wash
ington, Tobias Lear has written : " This letter was brought frOra the Post-
Office and delivered to the President on Thursday, the 9th inst — T. Lear."
The culprit was apprehended through the arrest of John Baptist Gillioux,
hair dresser, who had been eraployed by Mr. Ravara to go to the Post-office
for the letter he expected the President of the United States would send there
for hira; a fact which is borne out by Mr. GlUioux's deposition, and acknowl
edged to by Ravara, although he denied that he was the writer, " but was
only performing a friendly act for a stranger who represented hiraself as a
foreign diploraat who did not wish lo be known."
The letters are curious, the spelling, bad ; the writing in script and
block-letter, and together certainly forra a very interesting historical curiosity.

Ijh
BOOKS
From General Washington's Library.
WASHINGTON'S COPY OF " SIMES'S MILITARY
COURSE."
479 A Military Course for the Government and Conduct of
a Battalion : designed for their Regulations in Quarter,
Camp or Garrison : with useful Observations and In
structions for their Manner-of Attack and Defense; or
namented with a frontispiece and twenty copperplate
plans (in colors). By Thomas Simes, Esq. Octavo.
Contemporary calf binding. London, 1777-
From the library of General George Washington, with his autograph on
title-page, and presentation on fly leaf : — " For his Excellency General 'Wash
ington, frora his Ob't Hurable Servant, Williara McCreery, Bordeaux, 22
Feb. 1778." This volurae appears in the inventory of the Mount Vernon li
brary, as raade by Edward Everett, and is accorapanied with a certificate of
genuineness by Lawrence Washington, who inherited the sarae, in a direct
Une, frora General Washington.
A raore desirable volurae than this frora the Mount Vernon Ubrary can
not be found, as frora the character of the work it is not unlikely that Wash
ington gave its contents more study than any of the large number ofhis books.
It is also interesting frora the fact of it being a gift on his birthday, February
22, 1778, from the Minister at Bordeaux.
WASHINGTON'S COPY OF " LORD NORTH'S AD
MINISTRATION."
480 A View of the History of Great Britain, during the Ad
ministration of Lord North, to the Second Session of
the Fifteenth Parliament : in two parts, with statements
of the public expenditure in that period. 2 parts in I
volume. Octavo. Contemporary calf binding. n
G. Wilkie, London, 17/2.
From the library of General George Washington, with his autograph on
title-page, and his book-plate. This volume is raentioned in the list of books
forraing the library at Mount Vernon, as printed in Everett's " Life of Wash
ington," and is accorapanied with a certficate of genuineness from Lawrence
Washington. The book is actually one of the earliest histories of the American Revo
lution, as the work details the occurrences anterior to and during that raighty
struggle, down to the surrender of Cornwallis.
Page 208 — " Congress being soon after re-assembled  now be
gan to assurae the executive powers of governraent, and appointed Mr. George
Washington (a native of Virginia, and possessed of landed property there
to the amount of 5000 ;£'. per annura), commander in chief of their forces.
This gentleraan had been trained to arras frora his youth ; but few opportu
nities had occurred in which he could gain railitary renown. His first ex
ploit in arras, about the year 1754, proved unfortunate, but not disgraceful.
The Americans esteeraed the raan, because they believed him to be as much
distinguished by his personal virtues .and talents, as by his fortune."

MILITARY COURSE
FOR THE
GOVERNMENT and CONDUCT
OF A
BATTALION, DESIGNED
For their Regulations in QJJARTER,
CAMP, or GARRISON;
¦WITH USEFUL
OBSERVATIONS and INSTRUCTIONS.
For their Manner of ATTACK and DEFENCE.
Ornamented with a FRO»fTispiECE and Twenty Copper-
Plate Plans.
By THOMAS SIMES, Esq.
Late ofthe Queen's Royal Regiment, Author ofthe Military
Guide, &c. Governor of the Hiberniah Society for the
Orphans and Children of Soldiers.

LONDON.-
Printed for the AUTHOR;
And fold by Almon, Piccadilly; H o o r e r, Ltidgate-ftreet;
Richardson and U r q^u h a R t, Royal Exchange; and
Walter, Spring-Gardens.
Price Bound, and the Plans coloured, los. 6d. in Boards 5s. 6 d.
M.DCC.LXXVII.

V

I E
OFTHE

w

HISTORY

O F

GR Ey4r-BRirJIN,

DURING THE

ADMINISTRATION

O F

LORD NORTH,
TO THE
SECOND SESSION OF THE FIFTEENTH
PARLIAMENT.
IN TWO PARTS.
WITH STATEMENTS OF THE PUBLIC EX
PENDITURE IN THAT PERIOD.

¦ Mer for civilibus undis. HoR.

L O N D ON:
PRINTED FOR G. WILKIE, ST. PAULs CHURCH-VARD.

MDCCLXXXII.

iJJ
481 Attorneys' Complete Pocket-Book : containing above
Four hundred of such choice and approved Precedents
in Law, Equity and Conveyancing, as an Attorney may
have occasion for when absent from his office. 2 vol
umes. Post. Octavo. Contemporary calf. London, 1767.
From the Ubrary of General George Washington, and is enumerated in
the inventory of his personal effects. Has in each volume the autograph of
Bushrod Washington, who inherited it from the General's estate. Accom
panied with Lawrence Washington's certificate of genuineness.
482 A Narrative of the British Embassy to China, in the
years 1792, 1793 and 1794. By ^Eneas Anderson.
i2mo. Contemporary sheep. New York, 1794.
From the library of General George Washington, and is enumerated in
the inventory of his personal effecls ; also mentioned as being purchased for
Mrs. Martha Washington, in the journal (kept by B. Dandridge) of Wash
ington's expenses during his second term as President, under date of January
3, 1796. Accompanied with Lawrence Washington's certificate of genuine
ness.
483 The Law Against Bankruptcy : or, a Treatise wherein
the Statutes against Bankrupts are Explained, etc.
Post. Octavo. Contemporary calf. London, 1704-
From the library of General George Washington, and was purchased by
him at the sale of the effects of W. Fairfax, whose estate he settled. Has au
tograph of Mr. Fairfax on fly-leaf and on title-page. Accompanied with Law
rence Washington's certificate of genuineness.
484 Travels in Norway, Denmark and Russia, in the years
1788, 1789, 1790 and 1791. ByA. Swinton. With
engraved view of the equestrian statue of Peter the
Great. Octavo. Contemporary calf. London, 1792.
From the library of General George Washington, and also contains the
autograph of Bushrod Washington, who inherited it from the General's es
tate. Accompanied with Lawrence Washington's certificate of genuineness.
485 Poems, by J. Aikin, M.D. Octavo, large paper, uncut.
Original boards. London, 1791.
From the library of General George Washington. Enumerated in the
inventory of his personal effects. Accompanied with Lawrence Washington's
certificate of genuineness. A presentation copy from the author.
This little volume contains, at page 76, a sonnet " To his Excellency,
George Washington " : —
" Point of that Pyratnid, whose solid base
Rests firmly in a nation's trust.
Which, while the gorgeous palace sinks in dust.
Shall stand sublime, and fill its ample space ;
Elected chief of Freemen; greater far
Than kings whose glittering parts are fix'd by birth ;
Nam'd by thy country's voice, for long tried worth,
Her crown in Peace, as once her shield in War.
Deign, WASHINGTON .¦ to hear a British lyre.
That ardent greets thee with applausive lays.
And to the Patriot Hero homage pays.
O, would the muse immortal strains inspire,
That' high, beyond all Greek and Roman fame,
Might soar to times unborn thy purer, nobler name ! "

^?8
486 The Family Physician and the House-Apothecaf-y. Sy
Gideon Harvey, M.D. i6mo. Contemporary calf.
London, 1678.
From the library of John Custis, father-in-law of Mrs. Martha Washing
ton ; with his autograph on the title page.
This volume, no doubt, at one time rested on the shelves in the library
of General Washington, at Mount Vernon.

RELICS.
GENERAL WASHINGTON'S FOWLING-PIECE.
487 A single-barrel shotgun, iiint-lock, of unusual length
and bore, fn jirst-rate order. Made by Wilson, of Lon
don.
This interesting relic was, no doubt, used by General Washington in
gunning for ducks and game of a like sort ; the barrel is unusually long, and
somewhat resembles the famous Kentucky rifle of Revolutionary times. The
lock is a little out of order, but the gun, as a whole, is in as good condition as
could be expected, not having been used for nearly a century.
Accompanied with a certificate of it being genuine, from H. L. D. Lewis,
who inherited it from his grandfather, Lawrence Lewis, Washington's favor
ite nephew, and husband of Nellie Custis, Washington's adopted daughter.
NELLIE CUSTIS'S HOCK GLASSES.
488 Six purple-colored hock glasses.
Belonged to Nellie Custis, Washington's adopted daughter, and wife ot
Lawrence Lewis. No doubt they were presented to her by her adopted father.
Accompanied with a certificate of genuineness, by H. L. D. Lewis, grandson
of Nellie Custis.

COMMUNION CHALICES FROM WASHINGTON'S
CHURCH.
489 Two silver-plated chalices, used for communion ser
vice at Christ Church, Alexandria, Virginia, Washing
ton's place of worship.
These chalices are very fine specimens of early American repoussi work.
On one side (in high relief) is a view of Mount Vernon, and on the other
side a view of Christ Church, Alexandria. They were evidently in use during
Washington's lifetime, as he was one of the vestrymen of Christ Church,
owned a pew, and occupied it invariably after 1783, until his death. They
were no doubt abstracted from the church during the late Civil War.
See plate.

oro

H
O
1-^

279

WASHINGTON'S LAMP.
490 Old English silver-plated (on copper) study-lamp,
•urn shape, Pompenan design, with handles.
See plate.

WASHINGTON'S KNEE-BUCKLES.
491 Pair of beautiful knee-buckles, each encircled with
hfty-two brilliants, mounted in silver. Inlaid with gold
and enamel work.
Both the Study-Lamp and Knee-Buckles were inherited by H. S. Stabler
trom General Washington's effects in the following manner: Mrs Betty
Lewis was Betty Washington, General Washington's sister. These relics
came from her to Otwayanna Carter, her grandmother, who married Dr.
W. O. Owen, of Lynchburg; from Dr. Owen they were bequeathed to
Jennie Woodville Latham, his adopted daughter, who married Thomas S.
btabler, the father of H. S. Stabler, and were inherited by him from his
lather s estate.
A certificate of authenticity will accompany each lot.
MARTHA WASHINGTON'S FRUIT STAND.
492 A beautiful French china comport, or fruit stand,
decorated in gold and colors. The centre being a star
with refulgent rays in gold ; in the body of the star is
the monogram, in green, •' M. W.," under which is the
motto, " Decus et Tutamen ab Illo." On the inner
margin are fifteen dark-green links, connected with fifteen
small links ; in the centre of each of the large links is
the name of one ofthe fifteen States. The outer edge is en
circled by a snake in dark-blue and gold, the mouth
holding the tail.
Martha Washington was presented with a set of this chinaware by
General Lafayette ; a very few pieces of it remain, and these are much sought
after by collectors.
WASHINGTON-FRANKLIN CUP.
493 Royal Dresden china cup and saucer, exquisite in de
sign ; bleu-du-roi background, decorated with gold gilt,
with handle ; bust of Washington on one side ; bust of
Franklin on the other, and eagle with spread wings
with a scroll, upon which is the lettering, " E Pluribus
Unum," on the front.
Made about 1790 in honor of General Washington and Benjamin
Franklin. The only other known specimen is in the '< Prime " collec
tion, and not equal to this.
See plate.

280

"THE PROSCRIBED PATRIOTS" PITCHER.
494 A large water-pitcher, Liverpool ware, decorated on
one side with portraits .of Samuel Adams and John
Hancock ; a monument to the memory of Washington,
a bee-hive, and a cornucopia, surrounded with the mot
toes: — " The Memory of Washington andthe Proscribed
Patriots of America." " Liberty, Virtue, Peace, Justice
and Equality to all Mankind." " Columbia's Sons In
spired by Freedom's Flame, Live in the Annals of Im
mortal Fame." On the other side a full-rigged ship,
flying the American flag. In the front, a shield and an
eagle with outspread wings, surrounded with stars, and
the motto : — " Peace, Commerce and Honest Friend
ship with all Nations — Entangling Alliances with None.
— Jefferson, Anno Domini, 1804."
Very rare. In excellent order.
WASHINGTON PITCHER.
495 Small Parian pitcher, with full-length figures, in re
lief, of Washington : one — taking leave of his mother,
and the other in full military uniform.
Not known to collectors.
MANLY WASHINGTON MEDAL.
496 Bronze medal : obverse — bust of Washington (after the
Wright portrait), "George Washington, born Virginia,
February 11, 1732"; reverse — "General of the Ameri
can Armies, 1775 — Resigned, 1783; President ofthe
United States, 1789." "Manly,* 1790." One and
seven-eighths inches in diameter.
Very rare. The first Washington. medal made in America.
GOLD WASHINGTON-JACKSON MEDAL.
497 Gold medal ; obverse — bust of Washington ; reverse —
bust of Andrew Jackson. Neatly mounted between
crystals ; bound with gold, and ring pendant.
Private medal. Very rare.
CONFEDERATE SWORD.
498 Sword carried by an officer in the Confederate navy.
Made by Firmin & Sons, London. Brass hilt, shark's
skin, handle, with engravings of Confederate flag, muni-
tions of war, cotton and tobacco plants, on blade,
Very rare, aud ill fine order, A few only made,

By Charles Willson Peale.

28l

LOG-BOOK OF THE CONFEDERATE STEAMER
"FLORIDA."
499 The original log-book, from January 9 to August 13,
1864, of the Confederate steamer "Florida," com
manded by G. M. Morris. The log written by G. D.
Bryan. 220 pages. Folio. Half sheep.
Gives very interesting accounts of her cruising in search of Union vessels
and narrates the capture of several. The log stops very abruptly on Au
gust 13, 1864, when the vessel was evidently overtaken by a Union cruiser,
captured and probably sunk, as this book has been water-soaked.

500 Thompson, Hon. J. Autograph Letter, signed (in pen
ed on silk). Small quarto. January 8, 1865. To Hon
orable J. P. Benjamin.
A curious relic, written on silk. Relates to the St. Alban raiders.
501 Confederate navy buttons. 17 pieces.
502 Confederate army button.
A staff button from the coat of General, R. E. Lee.
503 Eighteen photographic portraits of Confederate officers.
Carte-de-visite size.

PORTRAITS.
PEALE'S PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.
504 Life-size oil portrait of General George Washington,
painted by Charles Willson Peale.
This portrait bears unmistakable evidence of having emanated from the
brush of Charles Willson Peale. It was purchased at the sale of the effects of
Colonel John Custis Wilson, of Maryland. Mr. Peale, somewhere between
1 8 10 and 1820, went to the residence of Mr. Wilson to paint some family por
traits, and he- evidently painted this portrait at the same time.
See plate.
STUART'S OIL PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.
505 Life-size oil portrait of General George Washington,
painted by Gilbert Stuart.
This portrait, which is a very striking and characteristic portrayal of the
beloved face of our venerated Washington, is reasonably attributed to Gilbert
Stuart. We can say, earnestly, that a glance at the painting will convince
any one that it is the work of a master, and conveys a very pleasing impres
sion of the likeness of the man, as painted by the great artist,

282

CHINESE PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.
506 Life-size oil portrait of General George Washington,
painted, from Stuart's portrait, by a Chinese artist.
Very rare. Painted on glass. The only other known copy is now in
the possession of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. This copy is
said to have been at one time the property of Thomas Jefferson.
WATER-COLOR PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.
507 Portrait of General George Washington, beautifully
painted in water-colors, after the original by Rembrandt
Peale.
A very clever and pleasing portrait, as well as a copy of one of the few
portraits of Washington in military costume.
ROBERTS'S ENGRAVED PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON.
508 Portrait of General George Washington. Engraved
in mezzotint, by John Roberts, from a miniature by
Trott, after Stuart's portrait. Octavo. (See Baker, 314).
Exceedingly scarce ; only one other impression known of, and that in
the possession of Mr. W. S. Baker, of Philadelphia. After a few impressions
were taken the plate was defaced by the engraver. It is now one of the
rarest of Washington portraits.
LEFORT'S ETCHING OF WASHINGTON." •
509 Life-size portrait of General George Washington.
Etched b}' Lefort, of Paris, from the Stuart portrait in
the Boston Athenaeum ; Remarque proof on India
paper ; with signature. Paris, 1881.
This magnificent etching, in its depth of tone and boldness of execution,
leaves nothing to be desired. It is by far the best reproduction of Stuart's
celebrated portrait.
WASHINGTON AS A MASON.
510 Original painting in black-and-white of a full-length
portrait of General George Washington, attired as a
mason. In emblematic gilt frame. Size, 13x10 inches.
This painting was executed about i8lo, and is the original from which
the engraving was made.

511 Portrait of General George Washington. Full length,
after Stuart's Lansdowne portrait. Stipple.
Very curious. Supposed to be by Yeagei". In the engraving the figure
of Washington is frightfully proportioned.

NiNi's Plaque.

i§3
Si4 Allegorical print— "To the Memory of George
Washington and his Lady."— Drawn on stone by A.
Huffy; lithographed by P. S. Duval, and published by
T. Sullivan, Philadelphia, 1840.
513 Oil portrait of General Andrew Jackson. Full length,
with left arm resting on horse.
A curious work of art.
514 Portrait of Honorable Augustus Keppel. Mezzotint,
after J. Reynolds. By Edward Fisher.
A contemporary transfer on glass, in original frame. Very rare.
515 Rare engraving—" The American Star," embodying
a beautiful portrait, in stipple, of Washington, Jefferson,
John Adams and Madison, surrounded with drapery
and flags. Designed and engraved by Thomas Gim-
brede. Printed by Andrew Maverick, New York, Janu
ary 30, 1 8 12. Full margin.

THE NINI FRANKLIN PLACQUE.
516 A beautiful circular terra-cotta placque, with bust of
Franklin in high relief, designed and sculptured by the
artist Nini, in 1777, after the Houdin portrait.
Exceedingly scarce. Size four and a-half inches in diameter.

FRANKLIN'S COMPOSING STAND.
517 The composing Stand used by Benjamin Franklin,
during his career as a compositor and publisher.
This interesting relic of Dr. Franklin, has a printed label pasted on the
side (but which has been partially scraped off) which reads :
CAUTION.
All you that [come] this curious Art to see,
Sp handle a[nd you] must cautious be.
Lest by a [slip] ere you are aware,
That misch[ief will be] done you can't repair ;
Lo ! this a[dvice I] give to every stranger.
Look o«an[d see] me, but to touch there's danger."
This stand was purchased by Joseph Rakestraw about 1804, at the sale
of the effects of the printing establishment of Hall & Sellers, successors to
Benjamin Franklin, and at the death of Rakestraw, who carried on the
business for many years at 402 Appletree alley (now street) until 1S60, it
was purchased by the late William K. Bellows, who continued the business
at the same place until his death in 1890.

2 §4

FARLY AMERICAN LOTTERY TICKETS.
518 A collection of early and rare American lottery tickets,
viz : " Connecticut Lottery for the Benefit of the Col
lege of New Jersey, 1753," — signed by John Lloyd;
" New Jersey College Lottery, 1763," — signed by Wil
liam Smith; " Conestogse Bridge Lottery, 1761," —
signed by Joseph Simon; "Lottery for Paving Phila
delphia Streets, 1761," — signed by Thomas Riche;
"Delaware Lottery, 1772," — signed by Lord Stirling;'
"The Petties-Island Mill and Cash Lottery, 1773," —
signed by John Douglass ; " St. Thomas' Church Lot
tery, Alexandria, 1773," — signed by R.Stevens; "United
States Lottery, Philadelphia, November 18, 1776," —
signed by Y. Searle, (2 pieces) ; " United States Lottery,
Philadelphia, November 18, 1776," — signed by R.
Ritchie ; " Lottery Authorized by Law of the State of
Pennsylvania, for the Schuylkill and Susquehanna, and
Delaware and Schuylkill Canals, May 18, 1795," — signed
by T. Matlack and W. M. Smith ; and " Washington City
Canal Lottery/' — signed by Daniel Carroll. 12 pieces.

FIRST KINDERGARTEN USED IN AMERICA.
519 Johnson's Kindergarten: comprising fifty-four sheets
of engravings, embracing 342 different subjects, for the
education of children. Two small volumes containing
"The Mother's Remarks," on a set of cuts for children ;
another small volume, being a dictionary or index to
a set of cuts for children ; an advertisement of the same
in pamphlet form, and four sheets of letters of the al
phabet, etc., all encased in a neat box. The whole. pub
lished by Jacob Johnson, 147 Market street, Philadel
phia, 1804.
Probably the only perfect one in existence. This one has never been
used.
RARE FRANKLIN IMPRINT.
520 Increase Mather's Soul-Saving Gospel Truths. i6mo.
Original calf. Philadelphia. Printed by Benjamin
Franklin, 1743.
A good copy, with the exception of the outer edge of the title-page
which has been cut off.

THE
DUGH^ LETTER
TO
GENERAL WASHINGTON

-'yi,..'X - '''"¦ '-"TV

Rev. JACOB DUCHE'S LETTER

TO

GENERAL QEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, Oct": 8th, 1777.
Sir, If this Letter should find you in council or in the field, be
fore you read another Sentence, I beg you to take the first
opportunity of retiring — and weighing its important Contents. You
are perfectly acquainted with the part I formerly took in the
present unhappy Contest. — I was, indeed, among the first to bear
my public Testimony against having any recourse to threats, or in
dulging a thought of an armed Opposition. The Current however
was too strong for my feeble efforts to resist. I wished to follow
my Countrymen as far only as virtue and the Righteousness of
their Cause would permit me. I was however prevailed upon,
among the rest of my Clerical Brethren in this City, to gratify the
pressing desires of my fellow-citizens — by preaching a Sermon to
the 2d City Battalion. I was pressed to publish this Sermon and
reluctantly consented. From a personal Attachment of near 20
years standing, and a high respect for your Character in private
as well as publick life, I took the liberty of dedicating this Sermon
to you. — I had your affectionate thanks for my performance in a
Letter — [where] in was expressed, in the most delicate & obliging
terms — your regard for me and your wishes for a Continuance of
my friendship and approbation of your Conduct.
Farther than this I intended not to proceed. My Sermon
speaks for itself and wholly disclaims the Idea of Independency.
My Sentiments were well known to my friends : — I communicated
them without reserve to many respectable Members of Congress
who expressed their warm approbation of them. I persisted to
the very last moment to use the prayers for my Sovereign— tho'

threatened with insult from the violence of a party. Upon the
declaration of Independency I called my Vestry — and solemnly
put the Question to them " Whether they thought it best for the
peace and welfare of the Congregation to shut up the Churches —
or to continue the Service without using the prayers for the Royal
Family ? This was the sad alternative. I concluded to abide by
their decision as I could not have time to consult my spiritual
Superiors in England. — They determined it most expedient —
under such critical circumstances — to keep open the Churches,
that the Congregation might not be dispersed — which we had
great reason to apprehend. A very few days after the fatal de
claration of Independency I received a Letter from Mr. Hancock
sent by Express to Germantown — where my family [were] for the
Summer season — acquainting me I was appointed Chaplain to the
Congress, and desired my Attendance next Morning at 9 o'Clock.
Surprised and distressed as I was by an event I was not prepared
to expect — Obliged to give an immediate Attendance, without the
opportunity of consulting my Friends, I easily accepted the Ap
pointment. I could have but one Motive for taking this Step^ I
thought the Churches in danger, and hoped by this means to have
been instrumental in preventing those ills I had so much reason
to apprehend. I can, however, with truth declare, that I then
looked upon Independency rather as an Expedient and hazardous,
or indeed, thrown out — in Terrorem — in order to procure some
favorable terms — than a Measure that was seriously persisted in
at all Events. My sudden change of Conduct will clearly evince
this to have been my Idea of the matter. Upon the Return of
the Committee of Congress appointed to confer with Lord Howe,
I soon discerned their whole Intentions. The different accounts
which each member gave of this Conference— ^the time they took
to make up the matter for public view, and the amazing Dis
agreement between the News-Paper accounts and the Relation I my
self had from the Mouth of one of the Committee — convinced me
—that there must have been some unfair and ungenerous Procedure.
This determination, to treat on no other Strain than that of Inde
pendency (which put it out of his L'dship's power) to mention any
Terms at all was a sufficient Proof to me, that Independency was
the Idol they had long wish'd to set up, and that rather than sac
rifice this, they would deluge their Country with Blood. From
this moment I determined upon my resignation, and in the be
ginning of October 1776 sent it in form to Mr Hancock, after

having officiated only two months and three weeks; and from that
time, as far as my safety would permit, I have been opposed to
all their Measures.— This circumstantial Account of my Conduct
I think due to the Friendship you were so obliging as to express
for me, and, I hope, will be sufficient to justify my seeming incon
sistencies in the part I have acted. And now. Dear Sir, Suffer me,
in the language of Truth and real affection, to address myself to
you ! All the world must be convinced you are engaged in the
bervice of your Countiy — from Motives perfectly disinterested.
You risqued every thing that was dear to you — abandoned the
Sweets of domestic life which your affluent fortune can give the
uninterrupted enjoyment of. — But had you, could you have had
the least Idea of matters being carried to such a dangerous ex
tremity — Your most intimate Friends shuddered at the thought
of a separation from the Mother Country, and I took it for granted
that your Sentiments coincided with theirs ; what then can be the
consequence of this rash and violent measure, and degeneracy of
representation ? Confusion of Councils — blunders without num
ber I The most respectable characters have withdrawn themselves
and are succeeded by a great Majority of illiberal and violent men.
Take an impartial view of the present Congress — and what can
you expect from them ? Your feelings must be greatly hurt by
the representation of your natural Province. You have no longer
a Randolph, a Bland, or a Braxton — Men whose names will ever
be revered — whose demands never ran above the first ground on
which they set out, and whose truly glorious and virtuous senti
ments I have frequently heard with rapture from their own lips !
O, my dear Sir ! What a sad Contrast of Characters now present !
Others whose friends can ne'er mingle with your own. Your
Harrison alone remains, and he disgusted with the unworthy As
sociates. As to those of my own Province — some of them are so
obscure that their very names were never in my ears before, and
others have only been distinguished for the weakness of their
Understandings, and the violence of their tempers. One alone I
except from the general charge, — a man of virtue drawn reluc
tantly, and restrained, by some false ideas of honor, from retreating,
after having gone too far. You cannot be at loss to discover
whose name answers to this Character.
From the N. England provinces can you find one, that as
a Gentleman you could wish to associate with, unless the soft and
mild Address of Mr. Hancock, can attone for his want of every

other qualification necessary for the seat which he fills. Bankrupts,
Attorneys, and Men of desperate fortunes, are his Collegues.
Maryland no longer sends a Tilghman and a protestant Carrol.
Carolina has lost its Lynch, and the elder Middleton has retired.
Are the dregs of Congress then still to influence a mind like yours ?
These are not the men you engaged to serve ; these are not the
Men America has chosen to represent her. Most of them were
chosen by a little low faction, and the few Gentlemen that are
among them now — are well known to lie on the balance, and look
ing up to your hand alone to turn the beam : 'lis you. Sir, and
you only, that support the present Congress; — of this you must
be fully sensible. Long before they left Philadelphia, their dignity
and Consequence was gone ; — what must it be now since their
precipitate retreat? I write with freedom, but without invective.
— I know these things to be true, and I write to one whose own
Observations must have convinced him it is so. After this view
of the Congress, turn to the Army : the whole world knows that
its only existence depends upon you ; that your death or Cap
tivity disperses it in a moment ; and that there is not a Man on
that side the Question in America capable of succeeding you.
As to the Army itself, what have you to expect from them ?
Have they not frequently abandoned you yourself in the hour of
extremity ? Can you, have you the least Confidence in a set of
undisciplined men and officers, many of them have been taken
from the lowest of the people, without principle, without Courage ;
— take away them who surround your person, how very few are
there you can ask to sit at your Table ? As to your little navy,
of that little, what is left ? Of the Delaware fleet part are taken,
the rest must soon surrender; of those in the other provinces,
some are taken, one or two at sea, and others lying unmanned
and unrigged in your harbours ; and now where are your Re
sources ? Oh I my dear Sir, how sadly have you been abused by
a faction void of truth, and void of tenderness to you and your
Country ? They have amused you with hopes of a declaration of
war on the part of France : Believe me, from the best Authority,
it was a fiction from the first. Early in the year 1776 a French
Gentleman was introduced to me, with whom I became intimately
acquainted. His business to all appearance — was to speculate in
the mercantile way; but I believe it will be found, that in his
Country he moved in a higher sphere. He saw your Cause ; he
became acquainted with all your military preparations; hewas

5
introduced to Congress, and engaged with them in a commercial
Contract. In the course of our intimacy — he has frequently
told me — that he hoped the Americans would never think of In
dependency ; he gave me his reasons : " Independency can never
be supported unless France should declare War against England.
I well know the state of her Finances — years to come will not put
them in a Situation to enter upon a breach with England. At
this moment there are two parties in the Court of Versailles ; one
inlisted under the Duke de Choiseul, the other under Count
Maurepas. Choiseul has no chance of succeeding, tho' he is vio
lent for war ; Maurepas must get the better, — he is for economy
and peace." This was his information, which I mentioned to
several Members of Congress ; they treated it as a Fable — depend
ing entirely on Doctor Franklin's intelligence. The truth of the
matter is this. Doctor Franklin built upon the success of Choiseul ;
upon his Arrival in France, he found him out of place, his Coun
cils reprobated, and his party dwindled into an insignificant fac
tion": This you may depend upon to be the true state of Affairs
in France or the Court of Doctor Franklin. And further by vast
numbers of Letters found on board prizes taken by the King's
Ships, it appears, that all commerce with the Merchants, thro'
whom all your supplies have been conveyed, will be at an end ;
the letters being full of complaints of no remittances from Amer
ica, and many individuals having generally suffered. From your
Friends in England you have nothing to expect, their numbers
have diminished to a Cypher; the spirit of the whole nation is in
activity, a few sounding names among the Nobility, tho' perpet
ually rung in your ears, are without character, without influence.
Disappointed ambition has made them desperate, and they only
wish to make the deluded Americans instruments of revenge. All
orders and ranks of men in Great Britain are now unanimous, and
determined to risque their all with Content. Trade and Manu
factures are found to flourish, and new Channels are continually
offering — that will perhaps more than supply the loss of the old.
In America your harbours are blocked up, your cities fall one
after another; fortress after fortress, battle after battle is lost. A
British Army after having passed unmolested thro' a vast Extent
of Country, have possessed themselves of the Capital of America.
How unequal the Contest? How fruitless the expence of
blood ? Under so many discouraging Circumstances — can virtue,
can honor, can the love of your Country-^piompt you to proceed ?

Humanity itself, and sure humanity is no stranger to your breast,
calls upon you to desist. Your army must perish for want of
common necessaries, or thousands of innocent Families must
perish to support them : Wherever they encamp, the country
must be impoverished ; wherever they march, the troops of
Britain will pursue and must compleat the destruction which
America herself has begun. Perhaps it may be said — it is better
to die than to be made Slaves : This indeed is a splendid Maxim
in Theory, and perhaps in some instances may be found experi
mentally true ; but when there is the leftst probability of an ac
commodation, surely wisdom and humanity call for some sacri
fices to be made, to prevent inevitable destruction. You well
know there is but one invincible bar to such Accommodations,
could this be removed, other obstacles might readily be removed.
It is to you and you alone your bleeding Country looks
and calls aloud for this sacrifice, your Arm alone has strength
sufficient to remove this bar ; — May heaven inspire you with this
glorious resolution of exerting your strength at this Crisis, and
immortalizing yourself as friend and guardian to your Country ;
your penetrating eye needs not more explicit language to discern
my meaning ; with that prudence and delicacy therefore, of which
I know you possess'd, to represent to Congress, the indispensable
necessity of rescinding the hasty and ill-advised declaration of
Independency. Recommend, you have an undoubted right to rec
ommend, an immediate cessation of hostilities. Let the Contro
versy be taken up where that declaration left it, and where Lord
Howe certainly expected to find it left. Let men of clear and
impartial Characters, in or out of Congress, liberal in their senti
ments heretofore, independent in their fortunes (and some such
may be found in America) be appointed to confer with his Majes
ty's Commissioners. Let them, if they please, prepare some well-
digested constitutional plan, to lay before them at the commence
ment of the Negotiation ; when they have gone thus far, I am
confident the usual happy consequences will ensue; unanimity will
soon take place thro' the different provinces ; thousands who are
now ardently wishing and praying for such a measure, will step
forth and declare themselves the Zealous Advocates for Constitu
tional Liberty, and Millions will bless the hero that left the field
of War, to decide this most important Contest with the weapons
of wisdom and humanity. Oh ! Sir, let no false idea of worldly
honor deter you from engaging in so glorious a task ; whatever

1
censures may be thrown out by mean illiberal minds, your charac
ter will rise in the estimation of the virtuous and noble, it will
appear with lustre in the Annals of history, and form a glorious
contrast to that of those — who have fought to obtain conquest,
and gratify their own ambition by the destruction of their species
and the ruin of their country. Be assured. Sir, that I write not
this under the eye of any British Officer, or any person connected
with the British Army or Ministry. The sentiments I express
are the real sentiments of my own heart, such as I have long held,
and which I should have made known to you by Letter before,
had [I] not fully expected an opportunity of a personal conference
with you. When you passed thro' Philadelphia on your way to
Wilmington, I was confined by a severe fit of the Gravel, to my
chamber; I have since continued so much indisposed, & times
have been so distressing, that I had neither spirit to write a letter.
nor an opportunity to convey it when written, nor do I yet know
by what means I shall get these sheets to your hands ; I would
fain hope that I have said nothing by which your delicacy can be
in the least hurt ; if I have, I assure you, it has been without the
least intention, and therefore your Candor will lead you to forgive
me. I have spoke freely of Congress and the Army, but what I
have said is partly from my own knowledge, and partly from the
information of some respectable members of the former, and some
of the best Officers in the latter ; I would not offend the meanest
person upon earth ; what I say to you, I say in confidence to
answer what I cannot but deem a most valuable purpose. I love
my Country, I love you ; but to the love of truth — the love of
peace and the love of God, I hope I should be enabled, if called
upon to the trial, to sacrifice every other inferior love. Ifthe ar
guments made use of in this Letter should have so much influ
ence, as to engage you in the glorious work, which I have warmly
recommended, I shall ever deem my success the highest temporal
favor that Providence could grant me. Your interposition and
advice, I am confident, would meet with a favorable reception
from the authority under which you act ; if it should not, you
have an infallible recourse still left^ — negotiate for your Country
at the head of your Army. After all it may appear presumption
as an individual to address himself to you on a subject of such
magnitude, or to say what measures would best secure the interest
& welfare of a whole Continent. The friendly and favorable opin
ion you have always expressed for me emboldens me to under-

take it ; and which has greatly added to the weight pf this motivd.
I have been strongly impressed with a sense of duty upon the
Occasion, which left my conscience uneasy and my heart afflicted
—till I fully discharged it. I am no Enthusiast — the cause is new
and singular to me, but I could not enjoy one moment's peace
till this Letter was written. With the most ardent prayers for
your spiritual, as well as temporal welfare — I am,
Sir,
Your most obedient and
humble Friend and Servant
JACOB DUCHE.
His Excellency General Washington.