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LIYES OF TWELVE GOOD MEE"

BURGON

VOL. I.

(he c[)(OGTHpec ev Koajuw

Uvcb of twelve (Boob /Iften

i. MARTIN JOSEPH MOUTH
n. HUGH JAMES ROSE
in. CHARLES MARRIOTT
iv. EDWARD HAWKINS
v. SAMUEL WILBERFORCE
vi. RICHARD LYNCH COTTON
vii. RICHARD GRESWELL
vin. HENRY OCTAVIUS COXE
ix. HENRY LONGUEVILLE MANSEL
x. TF7Zi7^il/ JACOBSON
xi. CHARLES PAGE EBEN
xn. CHARLES LONGUET HIGGINS

By JOHN WILLIAM BURGON, B.D.
SEAN OF CHICHESTEB
SOMETIME FELLOW OP OBIEL COLLEGE
AND TICAE OF S. MABT-THE-TIEGIN'S, OXFOBD

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. I

FIFTH EDITION
Xonbon
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
1889

HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

DEDICATORY PREFACE ...

vn

Sketches of R. Hussey [p. xi] :—ofW. W. Shirley [p. xiii] :— of
Jaines Ricldell [p. xiv] :—of P. E. Pusey [p. xiv] :—ofE. C.
Woollcombe [p. xvi] -.—of W. Kay [p. xviii] :—ofR. Gandell
[p. xxi] :— of C. P. Golightly [p. xxiii].
TABLE OF CONTEXTS  xxix
(i) MARTIN JOSEPH ROVTH [1755-1854] i
(n) HUGH JAMES ROSE [1795-1838]  116
(in) CHARLES MARRIOTT [1811-1858] ... 296
(iv) EDWARD HAWKINS [1789-1882] ....

374
4674724804y 1
492
(G). — The Colleges of Orford intended for the culti
vation of learning in the sons of poor Parents 502

APPENDIX {A).— Dr. Routh's Library
,, (i?). — Dr. Routh's Latin Inscriptions
„ (C). — The Beginning of American Episcopacy
„ (D). — Authorship of the ' Tracts for the Times '
„ (E). — Irreligious character of the Oxford University
Commission of 1877-81. The Case of Mag
dalen College 

(F). — The Colleges of Oxford essentially Ecclesias
tical Foundations .....

DEDICATORY PREFACE.

To the Rev. Robert G. Livingstone, M.A.
Fellow and Ttjtob of Pembroke College, Oxfobd.
Mt dearest Livingstone,
Let me enjoy the satisfaction of inscribing these
volumes to yourself. I wish that they may prove an
enduring1 memorial of our friendship, and especially of the
happy days when we were associated at S. Mary's.
Not only because you have afforded me important assist
ance in the production of these ' Lives' — but also because
most of the 'Good Men' here commemorated were friends
of your own; and because, ever since you were elected to
a Scholarship at Oriel in 1856, you have resided con
tinuously in the scenes chiefly referred to in these pages ; —
you seem to have acquired a kind of right to have your
name connected with a book, which, more than any other
I have written, has carried me back at every instant to
Oxford and to you.
But these volumes may not go forth to the world
without carrying on their front the brief explanatory
statement which I proceed to offer. I wish it to be under
stood that the names, and the number, of the Friends who
are the subject of the ensuing pages, are, to some extent,
fortuitous. It has not been, I mean, the result of
deliberate plan that the names amount to just ' Twelve':
nor indeed has it been with premeditation that the book
has grown up at all. Let me be allowed briefly to relate
what has happened.

viii Dedicatory Preface.
Some thirty years ago, I wrote a slight Memoir of
President Routh, — only because I was unwilling that so
unique a personage, when he quitted the scene, should be
presently forgotten. But my MS . gave me no satisfaction ;
and it was not until the Spring of 1878, that, (yielding to
pressure.) I suffered it to eome abroad. — In 1879, I was
invited to recall, and to put into shape for the ' Quarterly"!
Review,' certain reminiscences of Bishop Wilberforce,— '
with which, about a year before, I had sought to entertain
my neighbour (Mr. John Murray) at dinner, at 'Nobody's
Club.' And thus the Ist and the Vth of these Lives are
accounted for.
The death of the Provost of Oriel, in 1883, suggested
the duty of writing some account of one who had been my
Chief for upwards of five-and-thirty years. So, — yielding ;
to the instinct of (what seemed to myself) ordinary filial
piety, — I fulfilled my self-imposed task, in 1883. — Straight
way it became a source of trouble to me to remember
that no Memoir had hitherto appeared of Dean Mansel ;
— a name specially dear to me, as of one who in his day
rendered splendid services to the cause of God's Truth.
At the end of 13 years therefore, (viz. in 1884,) — having
ascertained from his widow that such an effort would not
be unacceptable, — I compiled a short Memoir of one of the
most remarkable men of our generation. And thus it was
that the first draft of the IVth, and of the IXth, of these
Lives came to be written.
Something has here to be explained. I have long
cherished the conviction that it is to be wished that the
world could be persuaded that Biography might with ad
vantage be confined within much narrower limits than at
present is customary. Very few are the men who require
500 pages all to themselves : — far fewer will bear expansion
into two such volumes. Of how vast a number of one's
most distinguished friends would 40, 50, 60 pages, 

Dedicatory Preface. ix
contain all that really requires to be handed down to
posterity !
The thing desiderated seems to be, that, while yet the
man lives freshly in the memory of his fellows ; — (the chief
incidents of his life known to all; his sayings remembered;
his aspect and demeanour things of the present rather than
of the past ;) — that, with all convenient speed, I say, after
the departure of one whom his friends are unwilling should
be forgotten ; — one of them who is sufficiently a master of
the craft, should proceed faithfully to commit to paper a
living image of the man. The aim should be, so to exhibit
him, that future generations might think they had seen
and known him. . . O, of how many of the world's bene
factors does there survive no personal memorial whatever,
only because no one was found, at the time, to do the
thing I have been describing !
It might reasonably fare with a man's "Ufe," as with
his effigies. No great master, (suppose,) — undertook to
give us his full-length portrait. But who knows not how
charmingly, — how deliciously, — a master's hand could have
thrown off a living sketch; which, even if it did not
satisfy the cravings of posterity, at least would have proved
an effectual barrier against oblivion? ... To proceed,
however. I have but been explaining the spirit in which, —
as a matter of fact, — " Twelve Lives," (a few of them of
very great men indeed,) are here found compressed into
two ordinary octavo volumes.
In the meantime, I had published (in 'the Guardian')
very brief notices of Provost Cotton, in 1880; — of
Richard Greswell and of Henry Octavius Coxe, in
1881 ; — of Bishop Jacobson, in 1884. Let me be forgiven
for adding, that the commendation which, to my surprise,
I received in every instance for these sketches, — including
one of Charles Page Eden, in 1885,— proved so helpful; —

x Dedicatory Preface.
(and I required encouragement, for, to say the truth,,!
I had been greatly dissatisfied with my own work) ; — that |
I began to ask myself as follows:— Why should I not
enlarge every one of these nine Memoirs? collect, and
republish them? . . . The loss at this juncture, (viz.
the beginning of 1885,) of a dear brother-in-law (and in
love), Charles Longuet Higgins, was what decided me.
Already had I been constrained to prepare a hasty notice
of him for a local newspaper, — which I ardently longed
for an opportunity to remodel. Now therefore, (little aware
of the amount of labour I was courting,) I deliberately set
about a task, — which has grown into two considerable.
volumes, and has taxed me severely.
For my conscience really would not let me rest until
I had further undertaken to compile at least two other
Memoirs : — that, namely, of Hugh James Rose, — by far
the grandest, as well as the most important, life in the
present collection : — and that of Charles Marriott, —
the most singular, as well as the most saintly, character
I have ever met with. I will say nothing here about the
difficulty I experienced in trying to do justice to men of
so lofty a type, who have been with Christ, — one, for 50,
the other, for. 30 . years. I could not have achieved my
purpose at all in respect of H. J. R., but for Cardinal
Newman's kindness in permitting me to publish several
letters of his own : or, in respect of C. M., but for the
assistance which was at once freely afforded me by the
survivors of Marriott's family.
But, in fact, I desire in the most unqualified manner
publicly to acknowledge, as well as to return hearty
thanks for, the generous trust which in every instance has
been unreservedly reposed in me. To be admitted (so to
speak) to another's confidence : to be shown private letters,.
and to be entrusted with family papers ; — and then, when
I offered to submit my proof-sheets, to be with scarcely an

Dedicatory Preface. xi
exception told, — ' No. I had rather leave it all to you. I
would rather not see what you write until it is published ' : —
this, I confess, has more than touched me. Certainly,
it has had the salutary effect of making me exceedingly
careful ; and I venture to cherish the confident hope that
none who have acted so trustfully by me will have occa
sion to repent of their confidence. Every one of the ' Lives '
(except the sketch of Bishop Wilberforce) now appears
so much enlarged, as well as revised throughout, that the
present is practically a new book. The life of Bishop
Jacobson, for instance, has grown from 4^ columns in
' the Guardian' to 67 pages : while, of three of the Lives,
(the Und, the Illrd, and the Xllth; which extend col
lectively to nearly 340 pages,) — not even a first draft has
appeared in that journal.
And thus, I have already made it abundantly clear that
the Twelve names specified on my title-page claim to be
regarded as samples only of the many departed ones who,
during the long period of my residence at Oxford, were
special objects of my personal regard ; or at least seemed
to me more deserving than their fellows of biographical
record, but who died without, or with scarcely any, com
memoration. Two of the Twelve, in fact, (the Und and
the last), were not Oxford men at all, but members of the
sister University : while, of the remaining ten, no fewer
than seven belonged to one or other of the two Colleges
with which I have the happiness to be myself connected.
When I survey, in thought, the entire interval referred to,
how many names crowd on the memory, — how many
vanished forms seem to come back ! Among the clerics,
I bethink myself of Arthur West Haddan : James Bowling
Mozley : Benjamin Harrison : Robert Scott : — among
the laymen, — Manuel John Johnson : John Conington :
John Phillips : John Parsons, the banker. I have written
down the names of eight who present themselves among the

xii Dedicatory Preface.
foremost, But there are eight other worthies who, for
personal considerations, prefer still stronger claims for
biographical record, — which yet they have never received.
I will say a few words about each, and then conclude this
' Preface Dedicatory.'
Passing by Isaac Williams,— a man of whom it was im
possible to know even a little, without earnestly desiring to
know much more, — one of the earliest names which comes
back to me as deserving fuller record than it has found, is
that of Robert Hussey, B.D.,1 first Regius Professor of
Ecclesiastical History at Oxford. Widely, and in so many
respects, unlike the admirable and interesting person whose
name I mentioned first, — how grand a specimen was Robert
Hussey of what an Anglican Divine should be ! — sound in
the faith, well furnished with the best learning, unostenta
tiously pious. Delightful it was, after reading Eusebius or
Socrates under his guidance all the week, — or listening to
his faithful and fearless discourses from the University
pulpit, — to accompany him, on a Sunday, to his httle cure
at Binsey, (a short walk out of Oxford), where he did the
best he could for the little handful of men in smock-frocks,
women and children, whom we found assembled in Church.
From the catalogue of his writings — published as well as
unpublished — put forth by his excellent brother-in-law,
Jacob Ley,2 1 select for notice his triumphant ' Refutation '
of Cureton's ' Theory founded upon the Syriac fragments
of the Epistles of S. Ignatius,' — a theory which imposed
largely on the learned as well at home as abroad.
Singular to relate, the most conspicuous of Cureton's
English adherents, Bp. Lightfoot, in his recent elaborate
history of the Ignatian Controversy,3 makes no mention4
1 I. Oct. 7, 1801 : d. Dec. 2, 1856. Memoir of the Author,' — pp. viii—
2 Prefixed to the 2nd ed. (1863) xxii.
of Hussey' a three Lectures on ' The s ' Apostolio Fathers,' p. ii (1885),
Rise of the Papal power' (pp. xxiii- — Preface, pp. v-vii.
vii) : and subjoined to ' a brief * Ibid., pp. 267-73.

Dedicatory Preface. xiii
of Hussey's work, — which however, when it appeared in
1849/ effectually silenced Cureton. — The neglect of theo
logical study in our Universities was with Robert Hussey,
as well it might be, an abiding source of anxiety and
distress. I well remember how near his heart lay an
intention to provide that remedy for it, which did not
take effect until 12 years after his death; namely, the
establishment of a Final School qf Divinity. "Can I forget
the circumstances," — (I wrote in 1868) — "under which
Robert Hussey, eleven years ago, requested me not to
suppose; from his silence, that he had abandoned his inten
tion of pressing this matter forward? 'Next Monday,'
(said he), (I am to bring the subject before the Council.'
He was taking his afternoon walk with his wife. We met
just on this side of those quivering poplars which skirt the
western bank of the river, near Binsey. It was Saturday,
39th Nov. 1 856. When the Council met on the ensuing
Monday, Hussey was lying on the bed of death. Next
day, that truly noble heart had ceased to beat."6. . . He
enjoyed to an almost unexampled extent the respect and
confidence of the whole University. In token thereof, he
was elected a member of the Hebdomadal Council in 1 854,
almost by general suffrage. — He bequeathed his library to
his successors at Christ Church. I will but add that he
was manly in everything : in his views, — in his public
utterances, — in his table-talk, — in his recreations. I seem
even now to see him, on a sharp wintry afternoon, skating
on the Isis, with his little ' Bessie ' in his arms. And did
he not lay the foundation of that heart disease which
carried him off at the age of $$, by his youthful prowess
in the University boat ?
Hussey's next successor but one in the Professorship,
5 It was prefixed to a volume of 6 'Plea for a Fifth Final School,1
Hussey's 'Sermons, mostly Academi- —p. 9.
cal,' — pp. xxxix and 380.

xiv Dedicatory Preface.
was another loved friend, Walter Waddington Shirley,
D.D. : a truly dehghtful person, as well as a really enthu
siastic student,— a man of great power, originality, breadth;
one, whose life richly deserved that appreciative record which
nevertheless it seems still to wait for.7 He occupied the
Chair of Ecclesiastical History only long enough, (holding
it for scarcely three years,) to make the Church sensible of
the largeness of her loss when he was taken from her, aged
only 38. . . . Everything that proceeded from Shirley's pen
was admirable. His Sermons, — (I recall one in particular
on ' Christ, the good Shepherd,') — passed praise. His Lec
tures were most precious. One, on 'Scholasticism' delivered
in the year of his death, should be inquired after and pre
served. In the same year he contributed to the ' Quarterly
Review ' a masterly article on ' Simon de Montfort.' His
posthumously published 'Account of the Church in the
Apostolic Age' (1867) is a volume which no student of the
Acts of the Apostles can afford to be without. The volume
also contains an 'Essay on Dogmatic Preaching.' A few other
of his writings are enumerated at foot.8 He was snatched
away while affording in every Term fresh promise of a truly
brilliant Prof essorial career and a grand Historical reputation.
A widow and five delightful little children were left to mourn
their irreparable loss. He sleeps in ' the Latin Chapel ' at
Christ Church. Around his gravestone is aptly written, —
'Non enim quae longaeva est senectus honorata est, neque
numero annorum mult&rwm : sed jorudentia hominibus est
canities, et vita immaculata est senilis aetas.'
7 Only son of Walter Augustus, II' (1861) :—< Undogmatic Chris-
Bp. of Sodor and Man, he was born tianity,' a sermon, 1863 : — ' Cata-
at Shirley, July 24, 1828, — educated logue of the original works of John
at Rugby, and at University and Wyclif' 1865; whose 'Fasciculi
Wadham Colleges, — married July Zizaniorum' (1858) he edited for
4th, 1855,— departed Nov. 20th, the Master of the Rolls. He also
1866. (See the ' Stemmata Shir- edited ' Royal and other Historical
leiana ' for more.) Letters, illustrative of the reign of
8 ' Character and Court of Henry Henry III,' — 2 vols. 1862-5.

Dedicatory Preface. xv
The same year (1866) witnessed the abrupt close of
another precious life, — whose memory supremely merited to
be gracefully embalmed by some loving and skilful hand.
I speak of James Riddell, Fellow of Balliol9, — in whom
exquisite scholarship, fine taste, and splendid abilities were
united to singular holiness of character, purity of spirit,
and simplicity of life. He had prepared for the press ' The
Apology of Plato with a revised Text, English Notes, and a
digest of Platonic idioms' but did not live to publish it.
It was edited the year after his death1 by his admirable
brother-in-law, Archdeacon Edwin Palmer ; who also super
intended the publication of some of Riddell's most f elicitous
achievements in Greek and Latin Verse. The volume is
entitled ' Reliquiae Melricae.' I never recall the memory
of James Riddell without affection and reverence, as well as
grief for his loss. He was in every way a model man.
Strange to relate, whenever I seem to hear his voice, he is
delivering an extempore Address at S . Mary's, — his
features overspread with a heavenly smile : whenever I
picture to myself his interesting form, he is, with consum
mate skill but in widely different costume, — steering the
Balliol boat.
Another name which is exceedingly precious to me, I
cannot forbear to mention here, — that, namely, of Philip
Edward Pusey 2, — Dr. Pusey's only son. Disabled from
taking Holy Orders by reason of his grievous bodily infirmi
ties, his prevailing anxiety was to render God service in any
9 He was born at East Haddon, sometime scholar of Balliol, ap-
in Northamptonshire, (of which his peared in the 'Guardian ' : another,
Father was then Curate), — June in the 'Leamington, Courier.'
8th, 1823; the Bon of Rev. James l At the University Press, — 1867.
Riddell, M.A. of Balliol, and The volume had to be reprinted in
Dorothy his wife. He departed, 1877.
suddenly and unexpectedly, Sept. * 0. June 14th, 1830: d. Jan.
14th, 1866. — A brief notice of him 15th, 1880.
from the pen of Edw. Walford,

xvi Dedicatory Preface.
way that remained to him ; and, by his Father's advice, he
undertook to edit the works of Cyril of Alexandria.3 In
quest of MSS., he visited with indomitable energy every
principal library, — in France, Spain, Italy, — Russia, Ger
many, Turkey, — Greece, Palestine, Syria. At the Conventof
S. Catharine at the foot of Sinai, the monks remembered him
well. They asked me (March 1862) if I knew him. ' And
how is Philippos ?' inquired the monks of Mount Athos, of
their next Oxford visitor. With equal truth and tenderness!
Dean Liddell, (preaching on the occasion of his death),
recalls "the pleasant smile with which he greeted his
friends; his brave cheerfulness under life-long suffering;!
his delight in children," — (yes, Shirley's were constantly!
with him,) — "his awe and reverence for Almighty God.
Most of you must have seen that small emaciated form,
swinging itself through the quadrangle, up the steps, or
along the street, with such energy and activity as might
surprise healthy men. But few of you could know what
gentleness and what courage dwelt in that frail tenement,
... In pursuing his studies, he shrank from no journey,
however toilsome ; and everywhere won hearts by his simple
engaging manner, combined with his helpfulness and his
bravery. ... To such an one death could have no terror :
death could not find him unprepared." 4
Excluded as this dear friend seemed to be from every
ordinary sphere of distinction, he furnished a brilliant ex
ample of the sufficiency of God's grace to as many as will
dutifully avail themselves of the talent which God hath
entrusted to their keeping. Besides making himself largely
3 Besides his ed. of the Text of volumes, — p. 418-9, note.) Philip
Cyril, he translated the Com- also wrote ' The Russian Review,
mentary of that Father on S. John and other stories,' — published by
(i-viii) [1874] : and his treatise 'on the S. P. C. K.
the Incarnation against Nestorius,' * From the ' Guardian,'1 Jan. 2 IS
[1881]. (The reader is invited to 1880. See also the ' Undergraduate^
refer to the second of the present Journal,' Jant 22nd.

Dedicatory Preface. xvii
conversant with Patristic Divinity, Philip cultivated the
Syriac idiom with such signal success that, before his death,
he had well-nigh perfected, — what has so long been a prime
want with scholars who have made the Greek Text of the
New Testament their study, — a Critical edition of the
venerable Pesbitto Version. With that view, he collated
several ancient codices, and would have pubhshed the result
had he lived a little longer. Though too deaf to hear what
was being spoken, he was constant in his attendance at
the daily Service and at Holy Communion : yes, and was
absorbed in what was going on. A man, he was, of great
religious earnestness, and consistent heartfelt piety. I can
not express what a help and comfort dear Philip was to me,
nor how much I felt his loss : nay, how much I feel it still.
Second to no one in the heart's affections of many
besides myself, and as deserving of portraiture by a
master's hand as any who have ever adorned academic
life, was the dear friend to be next named, — Edward
Cooper Woollcojibe : 5 who, after residing as Fellow and
Tutor of Balliol for upwards of 40 years, accepted in
1879 a country cure (Tendring in Essex,) and died at the
end of less than two years. With as much truth as beauty
was it said concerning him, from the University pulpit,
shortly after his sudden removal, — "We miss the loving
and gentle scholar who but now went from us, to exercise
for long, as we hoped, in another field the faithful Christian
ministry which had been here the essence of his life : — the
guileless friend of all men ; the unwearied promoter of all
5 E. C. W., born at Plymouth, at Plymouth and at Repton School,
1 April 22nd, 1815, — the second son under the Rev. J. H. Macaulay:
j of William and Ann Elford Wooll- became a Commoner of Oriel, and
combe, — was deprived of his father's took a First Class at Easter, 1837.
1 counsel and guidance at the age of He departed on November 22nd,
t 7 : his father, a physician of repute, 1880.
dying in 1822. He was educated
VOL. I. b

xviii Dedicatory Preface.
good works; the embodiment of the charity that envieth*
not, that vaunteth not itself, that seeketh not her own,
that is not easily provoked, that thinketh no evil."6— A
loftier or more devout spirit, — a more faithful or more
fearless maintainer of the Right than Edward Woollcombe,
— never breathed. Unwearied too was he in all the offices ;
of disinterested friendship : as well as in the promotion, of
every scheme of Christian benevolence, — notably that
scheme which Charles Marriott had so much at heart,'
(Woollcombe and Marriott were kindred spirits), for pro
viding University education for Candidates for the Ministry
whose one hindrance was the 'res angusta domi.' Sacred I
science was his prime object of delight, — David's Psalms,
his "songs in the house of his pilgrimage," — Scripture,
his very joy and crown. The propagation of the Gospel
throughout the World was, I am convinced, the dearest
object of his earthly regard. I cannot say how nmchp
I regret that Woollcombe never gave to the world, except
orally from the pulpit, the result of his meditations on
Divine things. He published next to nothing.8 What
need to add that he was a delightful companion, — com
bining as he did a child's simplicity and purity of spirit,
with a sage's grave intelligence, and the thoughtfulness of
a learned Divine. A true specimen, he, of the guileless \
character. ... In his case, the end came quite suddenly,
and almost without warning : but Edward Woollcombe
6 From a sermon by Dr. Magrath, funeral sermon preached at White-
Provost of Queen's, — Dec. 9th, 1880. hall, July 22, 1855: — 'Self-En-
7 See below, p. 359 to 363. animation,' a Lecture read in Balliol ;
8 Besides the slight production College Chapel, 3rd Sunday in Lent,
mentioned below (at p. 361), I only 1848, — printed at the request|of
know of these, (for which I am the undergraduates. He told me
indebted to Prebendary Sutton of that he had written besides a Com- :
Rype) : — ' The Woe and the Bless- mentary on 'Hosea, Joel and Amm'
ing prepared for the Rich,' preached for the S. P. C. K.,— which he had
at Stirling, 1852 (not published) :— been constrained to abridge merci-
' The late F. M. Lord Raglan,' a

Dedicatory Preface.

XIX

was at any time of his life fully prepared to die. It was
at his sister's house in London that he departed, — while
conducting the Examination of Candidates for Ordination
by the Bishop of S. Albans, whose Examining Chaplain
he was. His loved remains were deposited in Brompton
Cemetery, — the most unobserved of funerals !
William Kay was another of the friends of other days
at Oxford, the story of whose studious and virtuous life
one would have been glad to see faithfully, lovingly told.
Never have I enjoyed the intimacy of a more thoughtful
and thoroughly well equipped Divine than he. All knew
him as a ' Fellow of Lincoln College, and late Principal of
Bishop's College, Calcutta,' — a profound Hebraist, a great
student of the Bible; but only his personal friends knew
what stores of the best knowledge he had at his command,
and what an interesting way he had of freely communicating
such knowledge to as many as cared to resort to him for
help. As ' Grinfield ' Lecturer on the Septuagint (i 869-70),
he was peculiarly dehghtful and instructive. His favourite
method was to track some remarkable word or significant
expression through Scripture ; and to illustrate, by means
of it, many distinct and apparently unconnected places,
until they had been severally made to impart and to
acquire lustre, — until, in short, they all shone out together
hke one beautiful constellation.
He was a singularly shy and reserved person, — one, who
seldom or never spoke about himself. Only since his death
have I ascertained that he was born at Pickering, in the
North Riding of Yorkshire, April 8th, 1820, — the son of
Thomas and Ann Kay, of Knaresboro', — being the youngest
of nine children. Not less than six of his ancestors had
been clergymen. He was educated at Giggleswick School,
under the Rev. Rowland Ingram, — for whom, throughout
life, he cherished a sentiment of "affectionate reverence."
b2

xx Dedicatory Preface.
(The italics are his own.) Leaving the school " in December
1835,— after two years of very great happiness spent-
there,"9— he obtained (March 15th, 1836) an open Scholar
ship at Lincoln College, being then not quite 16 years.
of age. (James Fraser, afterwards Fellow of Oriel and
Bp. of Manchester, was matriculated on the same day-
aged 17.) Kay graduated in 1839, and in the ensuing
year (Oct. 22nd) was elected to the Fellowship vacated by
his cousin and namesake, who had been Mathematical
Lecturer at Lincoln.1 In 1849, he left Oxford for India,
— where the next 1 5 laborious years of his life (with only
one break) were passed, as Principal of Bishop's College,
Calcutta. At the ' College Press,' he published several \
pieces:2 one, an exquisite Sermon on 'The influence of
Christianity on the position and character of Woman,' 3 which
well deserves reproduction. But his most important work
published at Calcutta, was his Translation of the Psalms,
¦' with Notes chiefly Critical and Exegetical ' : * — subsequently
reprinted in an enlarged and improved form. 5
Returning to England in 1864, Kay again established
himself in his old College quarters, to the joy of his friends!
I recall with delight the Long Vacation of that year,—
(which, because it was my first as Vicar of S. Mary's,
I spent mostly at Oriel,)— and the pleasant evening rambles
which he and I had together on the hills above Hincksey,
9 W. K. to the Rev. G-. Style, (Parkers, 1855, pp. 128),— a veij
Head Master, — Nov. 30, 1885. This interesting production. The next
gentleman refers me to the ' Gig- two, I have never seen: — (1)' Christ
glesicick Chronicle ' (July, 1885, and the Regenerator of all Natiom,'-
March, 1886), for several par- (2) 'A Lecture on S. Augustine 0/
ticulars,— derived chiefly from 'The Africa.'
Guardian.' s Calcutta,— 1859, PP- 55-— ^
1 From the Rev. Dr. Merry, 'Notes' (especially [E] on tie
Rector of Lincoln College. ' Song of Solomon ') are very in-
2 The first I know of is ' The teresting.
Promises on Christianity,' 1854, — 4 1864, — pp. 340.
which was reprinted at Oxford 5 Rivingtons, — 1871, pp. 470.

Dedicatory Preface. xxi
when we talked out many a hard problem, — much to my
advantage. (He was very fond of that walk.) His chief
effort at this time was his 'Crisis Hupfehliana' (1865), —
a masterly production, in which he fairly pulverized the
wretched ' Elohistic ' and 'Jehovistic' theory, recently revived
by Colenso. In 1866 he accepted the Rectory of Great
Leghs ; — from which period, to some extent, we lost sight
of each other. Meanwhile, his application to study was still
as intense as ever. He led the life of a recluse. In 1875
appeared his Annotations on Isaiah, — a contribution to the
' Speaker s Commentary.' I learn further, that in July 1879,
several of the Clergy living in the neighbourhood of
Chelmsford, having agreed to study the N. T. together,
placed themselves under the presidency of Dr. Kay.6
They got through the two Epistles of S. Paul to the
Corinthians, — finishing their task in October 1885. The
spring of the same year had seen the close of the labours
of the Old Testament Revisers; in which, since the year
1870, W. K. had taken a prominent part. But he knew
too much about the matter to be able to share the sanguine
dreams of certain of his colleagues. His own calm estimate
of the Revision will probably be acquiesced in by all
thoughtful Scholars and Divines : — " A work on which
a vast amount of care and attention was lovingly bestowed ;
so that, although there are not a few changes in it which
I disagree with, yet it must, from its very numerous in
disputable corrections, always continue to be valuable as
a book of reference."1 Kay's Annotations on the ist and 2nd
Corinthians have been published since his death, and
deserve to be better known.8 He left behind him besides,
6 From the Rev. John Slatter. — I only know besides of his, the
See below, note (2). following : — 'Is the Church of Eng-
7 From the letter to the Rev. G-. land duly fulfilling her office as a
Style, quoted above. Missionary Chwrch )' — An Address
8 They are edited by the Rev. J. delivered at a Conference of Clergy,
Slatter,— Macmillan, 1887, pp. 146. —Oxford, 1865, pp. 27. ' We have

xxii Dedicatory Preface.
in MS., a Commentary on Genesis,— which he had written
at Dr. Pusey's request, and which will be sure to prove very
valuable. He sank under an exceedingly painful malady,]
January 16th, 1886, — a prodigious student to the very end
of his days. But, (what is even better worth recording/)!
from the dawn of reason there had hung about William
Kay a peculiar ' halo of piety,' (to quote the language of
his only surviving sister,) which certainly never forsook ,
him until he gave back his pure spirit to God. He died
unmarried. The latest taken away of those who made the happiness
of my Oxford life was Robert Gandell, who ended his
days at Wells, of which Cathedral he was Canon : — but
who was chiefly known at Oxford, (where he had passed all
his time,) first,, as Michel Fellow of Queen's; then, as
Tutor of Magdalen Hall and Fellow of Hertford College;
but especially as Hebrew Lecturer, and Professor of Syriac
and Arabic. I have never known a man who with severe
recondite learning combined in a more exquisite degree that
peculiar Theological instinct without which an Englishy
Hebraist is no better than, — in fact is scarcely so goodl
as, — a learned Jew. Gandell's modesty — (it savoured of
self -mistrust) — was excessive, so that he published scarcely
anything : but the few things he did give to the world
were first-rate, and truly precious. His edition of Light
foot's 'Horae Hebraicae' should be in the hands of every:;
student of the Gospels. He also contributed to the
'Speaker's Commentary,' 'Introduction, Commentary, and
Critical Notes ' on Amos, Nahum, and Zephaniah. I only
know besides of two separately printed Sermons of his,— ^
¦-¦\
enough to do at home,'— Speech at Coll., July 6th, 1866, pp. 19. He
the S.P.G., 1867, pp. 3. 'The also wrote for the S. P. C. K. a brief
Church's Unity,'— & Sermon at the Commentary on 'Ezekiel.'
Conference of Clergy held in Queen's

Dedicatory Preface. xxiii
both very admirable.9 His critical judgment was exquisite :
his acquaintance with the details of Hebrew scholarship,
thorough ; and he possessed in a rare degree the faculty of
imparting his knowledge, and making his meaning trans
parently clear. How delightful too was he whenever he
would be at the pains to explain to one a difficulty ! I
recall with gratitude his indication of the first distinct
reference to the mystery of the Trinity, — viz. in Genesis
i. 27 : — his explanation of ' Mahanaim ' (bina castra) in
Gen. xxxii. 2 : — his translation of the ' still small voice ' in
1 Kings xix. 1 2 : — the rationale he proposed for such ex
pressions as are found in Ps. lxxx. 10 : xxxvi. 6;1 — and his
calling my attention to our Saviour's [probably elsewhere
unrecorded) saying, in S. James i. 12. But it would be
endless to particularize one's obligations. Gandell's re
marks on Scripture were always precious, — instinct with
piety and beauty, — the result, not so much of acquaintance
with learned Commentaries, as of prolonged personal
familiarity and frequent meditation over the sacred page.
His exposition of the latter part of S. Luke xxiv. 21 was
truly exquisite. His unravelment of how Enoch ' walked
with God ' (Gen. v. 22) amounted to a revelation.
Grievous it is to think what treasures of precious lore
have departed with Robert Gandell. More grievous still is
it to call to remembrance how unmindful one showed one
self of the blessing of having him at all times at hand to
whom to refer one's difficulties : ever bright and cheery, —
and never tired, apparently, of helping one to understand
an obscure place of Scripture. He did not live to attain to
the appointed span of human life; having been born on
the 27th January, 181 8, — and gathered hence on the 24th
9 'Jehovah Goalenu: the Lord of the Second Temple,'— preached at
our Redeemer,' — preached before S.Mary's, March 14th, 1858,— pp.24.
the University, March 29th, 1853, 1 'The cedars of God': 'the
—pp. 39. And ' The greater glory mountains of God,' &c.

xxiv Dedicatory Preface.
October, 1887. He sleeps beside his sweet wife (Louisa
Caroline Pearse) in the beautiful funereal garden of Holy
Cross,— hard by what had long been his happy home. He
is survived by seven of his children.
This imperfect enumeration of Oxford friends departed,
whose lives seemed to me specially deserving of a written
memorial, shall not be brought to a close until affectionate
mention has been made of Charles Portales Golightly,
— a man who enjoyed scant appreciation at the hands of
his Oxford contemporaries ; and who, in a recent biography
of note, has been even maligned and ungenerously misrepre
sented : 2 but who deserved far other treatment. Undeni
able it is that he was one who regarded the Tractarian move
ment with unmingled suspicion, and its latest developments
with downright abhorrence. Will anyone however deny
that the inexorable logic of facts proved him, by the result,
to have been not very far from right ? Wilberforce him
self, in 1873, denounced the final outcome of the later ;
Tractarianism far more fiercely 3 than Golightly had de
nounced its initiatory stages, 16 years earher. And, when
such an one as Charles Marriott, in 1845, could complain
of " the now almost prevailing tide of secession " to Rome,4
— is Golightly to be blamed for having taken alarm at the
fatal set of the current in 1841 ? But it is not my pur
pose here to renew a discussion concerning which I have
been constrained to say so much elsewhere. All that I am
bent on asserting in this place, is, that Golightly was one
of the most interesting characters in the University of
It must suffice to refer the Cuddesdon College Enquiry, and the
reader to Golightly's " Letter to the pamphlet 'Facts and Documents ' " :
Very Rev. the Dean of Ripon [Dr. — Simpkin & Co., 1881,— pp. 99.
Fremantle], containing Strictures " The reader is invited to refer
on the Life of Bishop Wilberforce, (above) to vol. ii. pp. 49-59.
vol. ii. [by Mr. Reginald G. Wilber- l See vol. i. 319-20.
force,] with special reference to the

Dedicatory Preface. xxv
Oxford : was a most faithfully attached and dutiful son of
the Church of England : was supremely earnest for her
uncorruptness in doctrine, — supremely jealous of any assi
milation of her Ritual practices to those of Rome. No
one will deny that in Oxford he pursued a consistent course
of unobtrusive piety and disinterested goodness, — through
half a century of years of fiery trial and even fierce an
tagonism. He had the reputation of belonging to a school of
rehgious thought greatly opposed to that which I had
myself early learned to revere and admire. But when,
much later on in life, I came to know Golightly some
what intimately, I found that practically there was very
little, — if any, — difference between us. He was of the
school of Hooker, — a churchman of the genuine Anglican
type. I had heard him spoken of as narrow and bigoted.
I will but say that, when I left Oxford, he was every bit
as fond of the society of Edward King, (the present Bishop
of Lincoln), as he was of that of Mr. Christopher. — He
was denounced by some as harsh and bitter. Opportuni
ties enough he had for the display of such a temperament
in my society, had he been so minded ; but I never heard
him speak cruelly, or even unkindly, of anybody. Nor
have I ever known a man who more ached for confidence,
sympathy, kindness ; or was more sincere and faithful to
his friends. Earnest practical piety had been all his life
his prevailing characteristic. The Rev. T. Mozley, (who
is not promiscuous in his bestowal of praise,) " acknow
ledges the greatest of obligations " to him. " Golightly "
(he says,) " was the first human being to talk to me,
directly and plainly, for my soul's good ; and that is a debt
that no time, no distance, no vicissitudes, no differences,
can efface ; no, not eternity itself." 5 On which, Dean
Goulburn remarks, — " But this was what Golightly was
* ' Reminiscences of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement,' — ii. 109.

xxvi Dedicatory Preface.
always doing ; and, for the sake of doing which, he culti
vated the acquaintance of all undergraduates who were
introduced to him; showed them no end of kindness,
walked with them, talked with them, took them with
him for a Sunday excursion to his little parish of Toot
Baldon." 6
Blest with ample means, he made it his delight to
relieve some disabled Clergyman by taking upon himself,
for a prolonged period, the other's parochial responsibilities.
He delighted in teaching in the village School; and cer
tainly he had the art of making his ministrations popular
in the Parish Church. The children were required to
commit to memory certain pithy proverbial sayings which
had the merit of wrapping up Divine wisdom in small and
attractive parcels. " Is that one of your boys ? " (asked a
lady with whom he was taking a drive near Oxford, —
pointing to a lad who passed them.) " I'll tell you in a
moment." 'Come here, my boy.' The boy approached
the carriage. Golightly, (leaning earnestly forward), —
' Rather die ?'...' Than tell a lie' was the instantaneous
rejoinder. " Yes," (turning to his companion) : " it is one
of my boys." . . . The older sort he ' caught with guile.'
His plan was to announce from the pulpit, on a Sunday
afternoon, what next Sunday afternoon the sermon would be
about. Of course he made a judicious selection of subjects,
— e. g. Noah in the Ark, — Jonah in the whale's belly, —
Daniel in the lions' den, and so on. The Church used to be
thronged to suffocation ; and Golightly, on emerging from
the vestry in his 'M.A.' gown, was devoured by the eyes of
the expectant rustics ; some of them, by a slight confusion
of ideas, seeming to suppose that it was Noah himself,—
Daniel or Jonah, as the case might be, — who had come
back in order to relate his experiences.
6 ' Reminiscences of C. P. Go- 36 : a very interesting and original
lightly,— a Letter,' &c, 1886, — pp. sketch, of which, see p. 33.

Dedicatory Preface. xxvii
He was every way a character, and a most interesting
one : his table-talk so fresh and entertaining ; — his remarks
so quaint; — his habits so original. Discovering that his
house in Holywell (No. 6) occupied the site of an ancient
tavern which had rejoiced in the sign of the ' Cardinal'*
Cap,' — he introduced that object unobtrusively over his
street-door. — He entertained at breakfast every morning,
at least 50 jackdaws from Magdalen Grove. It was quite
an institution. (He walked round his little lawn, whistled,
and flung down a plateful of bread cut into small cubes.
Then retired. The air suddenly grew dark, and almost as
suddenly the meal was over, — every jackdaw having appro
priated his own morsel.) — He had a delightful garden, and
cultivated the finest grapes in Oxford, — -for the benefit of the
sick poor. The Clergy of the city had but to communicate
with his gardener, and their parochial wants were supplied
at once. He was a great reader, and had always something
instructive as well as diverting to tell you as the result of
his recent studies. Large-hearted and open-handed too he
was, when a real case was brought before him. Thus, at
Abp. Tait's recommendation, he contributed 1000/. to the
fund for founding the Southwell bishopric. — His remarks
on Scripture were original and excellent. Sometimes they
were exceedingly striking. We were talking about the
character and sayings of Jacob, — so full of human pathos.
" Come now," (said I,) " tell me which you consider the
most human of all his utterances." Instantly, — in a deep
tone of mournful reproach which quite startled me, — he
exclaimed, "Wherefore dealt ye so ill with me, as to tell
the man whether ye had yet a brother?"
He read the Bible devotionally, — regarding it as God's
message to his individual soul. His piety was very sincere,
 very fervent. Never can I forget the passionate fit of
weeping into which he burst on my telling him that I had
accepted the offer of this Deanery. He considered my

xxviii Dedicatory Preface.
continued residence in Oxford important for the cause
which was nearest to his heart, — as it was (and is) to mine.
Had his remonstrance and entreaty come earlier, I believe
I must have remained in Oxford. His earnestness affected
me greatly, and comes back to me again and again.
I will supply only one omission in what precedes, and
then make an end. Charles Portales was the second son of
William Golightly, esq. and Frances Dodd, — whose mother,
Adelgunda, was the granddaughter of M. Charles de Por
tales,— a distinguished member of an ancient and honourable
Huguenot family. He was educated at Eton and at Oriel :
was born May 23rd, 1807, and departed on Christmas Day
1885. He sleeps — where I shall soon myself be sleeping
— in Holywell cemetery ; and is assuredly " in peace."
It only remains to be stated that the Memoirs which now
at last I have the satisfaction of placing in your hands, —
besides occasioning me a prodigious amount of labour, —
have exacted of me an expenditure of time for which I was
wholly unprepared when I undertook them. I shall re
gret neither the one nor the other if the object I have had
in view throughout may but be attained. That object has
been not so much to preserve the names of certain 'Good
Men ' from oblivion, as to provoke those who shall come
after us to the imitation of whatever there was of noble,
or of lovely, or of good report in their beautiful 'Lives.'
Forgive this long Dedicatory Preface, — which however I
could not make shorter. I take leave of you in thought
in Holywell. We part at our dear Golightly's door.
You know, my dearest Livingstone, that I am ever, your
very affectionate friend,
JOHN W. BURGON.
Deanery, Chichester,
Holy Week, A.D. 1888.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

(i.) Martin Joseph Routh : — The Learned Divine.
[1755-1854.] PACE
President Routh, an Academic link between the Present and the Past i
his Birth and Parentage ........ 3
6
13
'5 17
1823
242529
3234353844
45 4647
48 5°
515153 5455
56 59

Oxford in a.d. 1770 :— University life in A.D. 1770
M. J. Routh's correspondence with his father (Rev. Peter Routh)
He is elected to a Fellowship at Magdalen
Unsuccessful attempt 'to reach Paris,' about A.D. 1775
The Roaths, father and son, in correspondence .
Edition of Plato's ' Euthydemus ' and ' Gorgias ' (1784)
Edward Lister : — his epitaph (1782)
Routh's Latin Annotations (MS.) on the N. T. .
The American Church counselled by M. J. Routh
Dr. Seabury and the Danish Succession
Dr. Seabury's Consecration (1784)
Dr. Samuel Parr. — a.d. 1 775-1 788, a memorable epoch
The 'Reliquiae' and ' Opmcula' undertaken
Routh, elected President of Magdalen (1791)
his sister Sophia (Mrs. Sheppard)
Edition of the Vulgate Text of the N. T. (1795)
Samuel Rickards to James B. Mozley (1854)
Dr. Routh as Rector of Tylehurst
Letter to Rev. W. Aldrich (1815) commemorating Dr. Eveleigh
The President marries Eliza Agnes Blagrave .
Letter to Tawell (1845) under sentence of death
Theale Church.— Routh's ' Opuscula' (1832)
his edition of Burnet's 'History of his own Time' (1823) .
also, of Burnet's 'History of the Reign of K. James II' (1852)
His Political opinions. — His regard for Mr. Newman
Votes against Dr. Hampden. — Letter to Hugh J. RoBe

xxx

Table of Contents.

Personal characteristics and anecdotes of Dr. Routh .
the President's hospitality 
A visit to the President described (1846) ....
another visit, (' Verify your references ! ') .
another visit described ......
another visit. The Vulgate, valuable as a Commentary
Personal details concerning the President
Three Letters (Bp. Hobhouse to his father) about him (1847-9)
Dr. Routh, a great collector of books ....
Notices of his Library, now at Durham University .
Injury done to his leg by ' a worthless volume '
Fifth volume of his 'Reliquiae' (1848) ....
His last literary effort, — ' Treshreves Tractatus' (1853) .
Proposed epitaph for himself 
Close intimacy between the President and Canon Ogilvie
Letter to Rev. John Oxlee 
Meditations on the Holy Eucharist 
An Easter Meditation (a.d. 1854) 
The first ' Universities' Commission '
Personal details and anecdotes .....
Closing scene of the President's long life ....
His burial in Magdalen College Chapel (Dec. 29, 1854) •
Remarks on his Works. —His Character, — his Portraits .
' A Century of Verses ' 

PAGJS 6065
67 72
7476 77
79
8082
8788
9094
96 97
98
100101103105
107 109
ill

(n.) Hugh James Rose : — The Restorer of the Old Paths.
[1795-1838.]

Mankind forgetful of their chiefest benefactors
This life, and that of President Routh, contrasted .
Rose's Ancestry, — Birth, — Education .
Extraordinary precocity.— Dr. E. D. Clarke
Rose's boyhood. — Dr. Sims and his household .
The family at Sheffield Place . . . . " .
Rose goes up to Trinity College, Cambridge (1813) .
his learning, — how estimated by Bp. Blomfield
first appearance as an Author .....
His Ordination (1818) : — his Marriage (1819)
Vicar of Horsham (1821) : — writes in the ' Quarterly Review '
Is constrained by bad health to travel ....
Visits Germany and Italy (1824) 
his Discourses on ' German Protestantism ' (1825)
Sermons 'on the Commission and Duties of the Clergy' (1826)

116117118118
122
123-6 124"5127
12813° 132
133133134

Table of Contents.

xxxi

1831)

John Keble to Hugh James Rose. — His learned labours
Archbishop Howley on the Study of Theology (1829)
Mr. Rose's success as a public Teacher
His Sermons at Great S. Mary's, Cambridge .
his public reading of Scripture ....
He is transferred from Horsham to Hadleigh (1830)
Literary labours. — The 'British Magazine' undertaken (
Timidity, faint-heartedness and apathy of the period
Letter to Jo9hua Watson concerning the 'British Magazine '
Review of the state of affairs in Church and State (1812—29)
'Reform' mania (1830) ......
Precursors of the 'Church Movement' of 1833
Churohmanship evoked, not created, by ' the Movement '
The suppression of half the Irish Episcopate in 1833 brings things to
a climax .....
Hugh James Rose initiates ' the Movement '
William Palmer of Worcester College
Contributors to the 'British Magazine '
Letters from John Keble .
The ' Theological Library '
Letters of John Henry Newman to Hugh James Rose
His impressions on visiting Rome
J. H. Newman, and R. H. Froude, at Rome
J. H. Newman to Rose, concerning the 'Lyra Apostolica'
Newman's estimate of Hugh James Rose ....
The Hadleigh Conference (July, 1833). — Letter from Keble .
Mr. Newman commences ' Tracts for the Times "...
Rose's calamitous health at Hadleigh 
he is constrained to resign his Cure (Sept. 1833)
Bishop Van Mildert importunes him to repair to Durham
Letter to Joshua Watson : — to J. H. Newman ....
Rose, domiciled at Durham University as Professor of Divinity
His two Terminal Divinity Lectures 
Leaves Durham University (March 1834) ....
Is appointed Domestic Chaplain to Archbishop Howley .
Character and attainments of the Archbishop ....
His letter to Hugh James Rose (July 1834) ....
Rev. John Miller's account of Mr. Rose in 1835
Mr. Newman commences the ' Church ofthe Fathers' (Oct. 1833)
H. J. Rose to J. H. Newman (Oct. 14, 1833) ....
' Home Thoughts abroad.' — Mr. Newman and the ' Tracts '
Rev. Isaac Williams. — Mr. Newman concerning the 'Tracts' .
Progress and Authorship of 'Tracts for the Times'
Rose (writing to Mr. Newman) anxious for an Ecclesiastical History
Another letter to Mr. Newman : — Letter to Dr. Pusey .

xxxii Table of Contents.

PAGE

Mr. Newman in reply .....¦••• 204
Altered character of the ' Tracts for the Times ' (Jan. 1st, 1836) . 205
'Tract' No. 71 characterised by Archdeacon Harrison . . . 206
Rose remonstrates with Pusey (April 1836) ... .207
Newman in reply : — Rose's grand rejoinder  209
Hugh James Rose's splendid remonstrance addressed to Mr. Newman
and Dr. Pusey ......... 213
His letter (July 1836) closing the correspondence . . .221
Critical Remarks on the • Tracts for the Times' . . . .223
The praise and true glory of 'the Movement' of 1833 . . .225
Rose's calamitous health ...... . . 226
Extract from Newman's 'Apologia'  227
Remarks thereon. — Rose's life, one long conflict with Evil . . 228
Dr. Hampden. — Troubles in the Church.— Letter to Newman . .230
Rose's deplorable health. — ' Excitement in Religion' . . . 232
He contemplates accepting a Professorship in the Theological
Seminary of New York  233
The Principalship of King's College is offered him . . . -234
Dr. Hook's letter of congratulation (Oct. 1836) . . . .235
Rose enters on the duties of his new Office  236
letter to Bp. Doane on his appointment (Nov. 1836) . . . 237
'Library ofthe Fathers.'— Letter to Benjamin Harrison . . . 239
Dr. Manning's recollections of Mr. Rose at King's College . . 240
Mr. Newman to Mr. Rose, concerning his own literary occupations . 241
Rose renews his warning to Dr. Pusey  242
is prostrated by ' the Influenza '  243
and offers to resign the Principalship of King's College . 244
Archbishop Howley's friendship for Mr. Rose .... 245
Rose, battling ineffectually with disease . . ... 246
Letter to Dr. Pusey, describing his malady (1838) . . . -247
The last two letters which passed between Rose and Pusey . . 248
Their ' German War.' — Pusey's ' Fifth of November ' Sermon . 248
Pusey's account of his share in the controversy with Rose . .250
Rose's state of health grows desperate  252 _
He is ordered to go abroad. — Despondency . . 254
Picture of Rose at King's College at that moment . . . 255
His friends vie with one another in their solicitude for him . 256
Joshua Watson, — S. R. Maitland, — the Harrisons . . .256
Archbishop Howley, — Bishop Blomfield ..... 257
Dr. Lonsdale is appointed Rose's deputy at King's College . . 259
Rose prepares to leave England ....... 260
His warning to Mr. Newman two days before his departure . . 261
Anxiety occasioned him by the 'Tracts' after 1836 .... 263
and by the ' Tractarian ' leaders . . . . . .264
-Newman's proposed Dedication of his IVth volume of Sermons . 266

Table of Contents. xxxiii
'AGK 267

Rose's last letter to Newman (Oot. 12th, 1838)
He leaves England (Oct. 13th): — he reaohes Florence
The closing scene ' at an Inn.' — Rose's death
and burial, — his Epitaph : — grief of friends
His personal aspect : — his manner
Remarks on his Charaoter, and on his Work
His grand Example to the men of a coming generation
Postscript : — Henry John Rose. [1800-1873.]

270 271
276 280

Hugh James Rose's only brother deserves to be separately commemorated
(p. 284). — His University career : — his learning and attainments
(p. 285).. — He accompanies Hugh James to Germany and Italy
(p. 286) : — assists him in his literary labours (pp. 286-7) : — marries
(p. 287). — Houghton Conquest, and its Rectory house, described
[1838-73] (p. 288). — Henry John Rose restores his Parish Church
(p. 289). — Concerning his Library (p. 290) ; — and his literary work
(pp. 290-2). — He succeeds to the Archdeaconry of Bedford (p. 292). —
His Character (pp. 291-3) : — his Death (p. 294).

(in.) Chaeles Maeeiott: — The Man of Saintly Life.
[1811-1858.]
Birth and Parentage. — Notices of Rev. John Marriott, his father . 297
John Marriott's friendship with Sir Walter Scott . . . 298
Early years of Charles Marriott ... ... 300
He loses his mother (182 1 ), — and his father (1825) .... 301
Ib educated at Kynnersley under Rev. Andrew Burn . . 302
Is entered at Exeter College. — Obtains a scholarship at Balliol (1829) 303

Is elected Fellow of Oriel (1833) . . .
Intellectual activity (pp. 306 and 310). — He visits Rome .
Principal ofthe Theological College at Chichester (Feb. 1839)
his Lectures : — Course of Study in the College .
Letter to CF. Balston 
Resigns the Principalship, through ill health ....
Would have accompanied Bp. Selwyn to New Zealand
Critical period at which C. Marriott returned to Oxford (Oct. 1841)
his mental distress, — and letter to J. H. Newman

C. M. stands bravely in the breach when J. H. N. abandons his post 315
Prevailing perplexity, half-heartedness, unfaithfulness in Oxford . 317
Consequences of Mr. Newman's lapse to Romanism . . . . 319
Disastrous effect on the moral sense of the University . . -32°
VOL. I. c

3°53063°73083093103"312313

XXXIV

Table of Contents.

The burthen ofthe 'Library ofthe Fathers' imposed on Marriott.
is fatal to his undertaking a Commentary on 'Romans'
He becomes Vicar of S. Mary-the- Virgin's (1850)
The Cholera in Oxford (1854) ....
Marriott, Vicar of S. Mary's (1850-5)
His two published volumes of 'Sermons ' .
His rooms at Oriel described ....
Personal recollections of Marriott .
Holiness of his character ....
More personal recollections, and anecdotes
Prebendary Sanderson's recollections of him (1851) .
Further memorials of Charles Marriott
His sense of humour. — His child-like piety
His Printing establishment at Littlemore . .
The Books, &c. he caused to be printed there .
He ib drawn into a Commercial scheme of Benevolence
A Breakfast-party in Marriott's rooms described
Personal peculiarities , 
Marriott in- the domestic circle , ,
The charitableness of his disposition .
His desire to provide a College or Hall for poor Students
Oxford has become an University for the Rich
Marriott's scheme for the training of Missionary Clergy
Becomes the first Editor ofthe 'Literary Churchman'
Is struck down by paralysis, June 29th, 1855 .
His death (Sep. 15th, 1858), after three years of suffering
Survey of his career, Work, and Character
Enumeration of his Writings ....
His saintly life, anything but a failure

PAGE 32132332432532833°331
332 337
338- 34i344
346 349
350351352354357
358 3593603623643663^736837°372

(iv.) Edward Hawkins : — The Great Provost.
[1789-1882.]
Oriel College . 
Family History : — Col. Csesar Hawkins : — Dean Francis Hawkins
Sir Caesar Hawkins : — Edward Hawkins ¦
Birth and early education 
His mother left a widow. — Mr. and Mrs. Richard Buckle
Edward Hawkins at S. John's College
Elected to a Fellowship at Oriel : — Provost Eveleigh
Oriel College and Oxford, in 18 13 .
Rooms inhabited by Fellows of Oriel
Edward Hawkins at Paris in 18 15 .
Returns to England : — William Wilberforce

374375 377
378 380382383384 387389
39°

Table of Contents.

xxxv

v\or. 39 1
393 394
396
39«399
402 4°5
407408
410 411

Studies Divinity.— J. H. Newman elected Fellow of Oriel
Hawkins on the Doctrine of ' Tradition ' .
Other Writings.— His edition of Milton 
His great work as Vicar of S. Mary's.—* Rebecca ' .
Succeeds Dr. Copleston as Provost of Oriel
Letters of John Keble :— of Robert I. Wilberforce .
of E. B. Pusey :— of Richard H. Froude :— of J. H. Newman
Election to the Provostship :— Letters of Arnold and Conybeare
Marries Mary Ann Buckle
Letter of W. Wilberforce.— G. A. Denison's Recollections
Recollections of Oriel by William Jacobson
Purleigh Rectory. — The Rochester Canonry ....
The Provost of Oriel in relation to that Society . 412
Critical position of public affairs in 1830 .... 41c
The 'Tracts for the Times' (1833-41) . . 4I6
' Tract' No. 90, and the sentence of Condemnation (1845) . 418
Mr. Gladstone in correspondence with the Provost . 419
Issue of that strife. — The Provost's life embittered . . . 420
Mr. Newman forsakes the Anglican communion . . .422
The recoil. — Hawkins declines the Vice-Chancellorship . . . 423
Becomes the first ' Ireland ' Professor . ... 424
The ' Universities Commission ' of 1854 . . 425
Its revolutionary character  427
Sir Francis Grant's portrait of the Provost .... 429
Personal characteristics. — His conscientiousness and impartiality
Complexion of his Divinity. — Painful exactness about trifles .
Charles Neate, — Canon Eden, — Dean Church, on the Provost
Strong domestic affections : — letter of C. P. Eden
The Provost characterized by C. P. Golightly, and by D. P. Chase
Personal recollections of the Provost .....
His warmth and tenderness of heart
His love of his children. — His table-talk
The Saints' Day Sermons at S. Mary's . ... 443
Playful side of the Provost's character . . 445
He resigns his Office in 1874, (at. 85) 
Retires to Rochester. — His Writings . . .
Secularization of University Teaching effected by the ' Commission
of 1876  . .
The Colleges effectually de-Christianized ....
Poverty robbed of its birthright by the new Legislation .
The ' Unattached ' system, a retrogade movement
The Provost memorializes the Commissioners concerning the Statutes
framed for Oriel College ......
Earl Cairns on Ecclesiastical property held in trust
The Provost's Academic life one of prolonged Antagonism
c a

430433
436
437 439
440
441442

446
447
448 449
451
452
453
454 455

XXXVI

Table of Contents.

The last seven years of his life (1875-1882) restful and happy .
His domestic circle his prime solace : — his religious delight in the
common sights of Nature 
Reminiscences by the Bishop of Rochester (Dr. Thorold)
Canon Colson's account of the Provost at Rochester
Rev. R. G. Livingstone's last visit to the Provost .
The end, — on Saturday, 18th November, 1882
Funeral. — Cardinal Newman to the Provost's widow

PAGE 457
45«
459
460
461463464

(i). MARTIN JOSEPH BOUTH:
THE LEARNED DIVINE.
[A.D. 1755—1854.]
Who was ' reserved to report to a forgetful generation what was
the Theology of their fathers.' 1
FOUR-AND-THLRTY years have run their course
since the grave closed over a venerable member of
the University of Oxford, who, more than any other
person within academic memory, formed a connecting
link between the Present and the Past. In a place of
such perpetual flux as Oxford, the stationary figures
attract unusual attention. When a man has been seen
to go in and out the same college-portal for thirty or
forty years he gets reckoned as much a part of the place
as the dome of the RadclifFe, or the spire of St. Mary's.
But here was one who had presided over a .famous college
long enough to admit 183 fellows, 234 demies, 162
choristers. The interval which his single memory bridged
over seemed fabulous. He was personally familiar with
names which to every one else seemed to belong to
history. William Perm's grandson had been his intimate
friend. A contemporary of Addison (Dr. Theophilus
1 Newman's dedication of his services to the Church, and with the
' Lectures on the Prophetical Office prayer that what he witnesses to
ofthe Church,' (1837), — "inscribed, others may be his own support and
with a respectful sense of his eminent protection in the day of account."
VOL. I. B

2 Martin Joseph .Routh : [i7S5
Leigh, Master of Balliol from 1726 to 1785,) had pointed
out to him the situation of Addison's rooms, and narrated
his personal recollections of the author of the ' Spectator '
while a resident fellow of Magdalen. Dr. Routh had
seen Dr. Johnson, in his brown wig, scrambling up the
steps of University College. A lady told him that her
mother remembered seeing King Charles II walking
with his dogs round " the Parks " 2 at Oxford (when the
Parliament was held there during the plague in London);
and, at the approach of the Heads of Houses, who tried
to fall in with him, " dodging " by the cross path to the
other side. (His Majesty's dogs, by the way, were highly
offensive to the Heads.) It seemed no exaggeration
when, in the dedication of his Lectures on ' The Prophetical
Office of the Church,' published in 1837, Mr. Newman
described ' Martin Joseph Routh, D.D., President of
Magdalen College,' as one who had been ' reserved to re
port to a forgetful generation what was the Theology of
their fathers.' He was every way a marvel. Spared to
fulfil a century of years of honourable life, he enjoyed
the use of his remarkable faculties to the very last. His
memory was unimpaired ; his ' eye was not dim.' More
than that, he retained unabated till his death his relish
for those studies of which he had announced the first-
fruits for publication in 1788. Was there ever before an
instance of an author whose earliest and whose latest
works were 70 years apart 1 The sentiment of profound
reverence with which he was regarded was not unmixed
2 Many inhabitants of Oxford walk, enclosing a ploughed field,^
there must already be who will (a parallelogram it was, of con-
require to be informed that, forty siderable size), — afforded a capital
years ago, ' the Parks ' was the refuge for pedestrians who had no
familiar designation of the locality other object but to enjoy for a brief,
at present covered by the 'New space a dry healthy walk in the
Museum.' A broad raised gravel immediate vicinity of the Colleges.

1755] The Learned Divine. 3
with wonder. He had become an historical personage
long before he departed from the scene. When at last it
became known that he had gone the way of all flesh, it
was felt that with the President of Magdalen College
had vanished such an amount of trail if ion as had probably
never been centred in any single member of the Univer
sity before.
No detailed memoir of this remarkable man has been
attempted, and such a work is no longer likely to appear
— which is a matter for regret. Twenty years hence, it
will be no longer possible to produce any memoir of him
at all : and the question we have ourselves often com-
plainingly asked concerning other ancient worthies, will
be repeated concerning Dr. Routh : — Why did no one
give us at least an outline of his history, describe his
person, preserve a few specimens of his talk, — in short,
leave us a sketch ? Antiquarian Biography is at once
the most laborious and the most unreadable kind of
writing. Bristling with dates, it never for an instant
exhibits the man. We would exchange all our ' Lives ' of
Shakspeare for such an account of him as almost any of
his friends could have furnished in a single evening.
Ben Jonson's incidental notice of his conversation is our
one actual glimpse ofthe poet in society? In like manner,
Dr. John Byrom's description of a scene at which Bishop
Butler was present, is the only personal acquaintance we
enjoy with the great philosophic Divine of the last cen
tury.4 Suggestive and precious in a high degree as these
two notices are, they are unsatisfactory only because
they are so exceedingly brief. And this shall suffice in
the way of apology for what follows.
In the district of Holderness, not far from Beverley, in
s In his 'Discoveries' 4 Byrom's 'Journal,'— vol. ii. P. i. pp. 96-9.
B 2

4 Martin Joseph Routh: [1755
the East Riding of Yorkshire, is a village which early in
the twelfth century gave its name to the knightly family
of Routhe or De Ruda, lords of the manor in 1192.5 A
cross-legged warrior in Routh Church is supposed to
represent Sir John de Routhe, who joined the Crusades
in 1319. A brass within the chancel certainly com
memorates his namesake who died in i557> (' strenuus vir
Johannes Routh de Routh chevalier, et nobilis conthoralis ejus
Domina Agnes'). The president's immediate ancestors
resided at Thorpefield, a hamlet of Thirsk, where his
grandfather was born.6 Peter Routh [1 726-1 802] aman
of piety and learning, — (educated at Caius College,
Cambridge, and instituted in 1753 to the consolidated
rectories of St. Peter and St. Margaret, South Elmham,
Suffolk, which he held till his death,) — became the father
of thirteen children (six sons and seven daughters), of
whom the subject of this memoir was the eldest. ' I was
born' (he says of himself) 'at St. Margaret's, South
Elmham, in Suffolk, September 18th, 1755.'7 Strange
to relate, although throughout the eighteenth century he
kept his birthday on the 18th, he ever after kept it on
the nineteenth day of September. Like many others who
have attained to longevity, he was sickly as a child.
' When I was young I had a delicate stomach, and my
5 The manor of Routh continued Routh) first appear in 1280, — with
in the Routh family for 400 years, some variety.
viz. till 1584, when there was a ' The President's accuracy in
failure of direct male issue. this matter having been questioned,
6 " My father's birthplace was, it becomes necessary to state that
as you suppose, at Thorpefield, a the date of his birth (Sept. 18), as
hamlet of Thirsk. Routh is a village well as of his baptism (Sept. 21,
more in the neighbourhood of York 1755), is recorded in the Parish
... As to the coats-of-arms, none Register of St. Margaret's, South
was distinguished for place. But Elmham. (From the Rev. E. A.
Routh of Leicester, 3 peacocks."— Holmes, Rector of Harleston,— of
(Peter Routh to his son, Sept. 6, which South Elmham is a district)
1789.)— The arms of Routh (of

1758] The Learned Divine. 5
mother had great difficulty in rearing me.' So, during
his declining years, he often told his nephew.
Martin Joseph was named after his great-uncles and
godfathers, the Rev. Martin Baylie, D.D., of Wickle-
wood, in Norfolk (his mother's maternal uncle), and the
Rev. Joseph Bokenham, M.A., the learned and witty
Rector of Stoke Ash, who stood to him in the same
relation on his father's side. Like the rest of his
brothers and sisters, he was baptised immediately after
his birth.8 His mother (Mary, daughter of Mr. Robert
Reynolds of Harleston) was the granddaughter of Mr.
Christopher Baylie, of the same place, descended from
Dr. Richard Baylie, President of St. John's College,
Oxford, in 1660, who married a niece of Archbishop
Laud. Her first cousin and namesake died in giving
birth to Richard Heber, who represented the University
of Oxford in Parliament from 1821 to 1826.
When elected to the headship of his college in 1791,
it appears from some memoranda in his hand (written
on the back of a letter of congratulation), that the event
set him on recalling the dates of the chief incidents in
his thirty-six previous years of life. The second entry
is : — ' 1758. Removed to Beccles.' So that Peter Routh
transferred his family thither when Martin was but
three years old ; and at Beccles, eight out of the nine
brothers and sisters born subsequently to 1758 were
baptised. The reason of this change of residence is
found to have been that Peter Routh then succeeded to
a private school kept at Beccles by the Rev. John
Lodington. He also held the rectory for 'old Bence'
(as the Rev. Bence Sparrow was familiarly called) from
8 One of Peter Routh's children of the number) on the third day ;
was baptised on the fifth day ; two one on the second day; three on the
on the fourth ; four (Martin being first day after birth.

6 Martin Joseph Routh: [177°
1764 to 1774. But in 1770 he was appointed to the
Mastership of the Fauconberge grammar-school at
Beccles, — which he continued to hold till T794.9 At
Beccles, in consequence, Martin Joseph spent all his
studious boyhood, being educated by his learned father
until he was nearly fifteen years of age (i77°)> when he
went up to Oxford; and became (31st of May) a com
moner of Queens' College : 1 the Provost at that time
being Dr. Thomas Fothergill, who in 1 773-4 was Vice-
Chancellor. Oxford a hundred and seventeen years ago ! What a
very different place it must have been! The boy of
fifteen, weary of his long journey by execrable roads
rendered perilous by highwaymen, at last to his delight
catches sight of Magdalen tower, and is convinced that
he has indeed reached Oxford. It is May, and all is
beautiful. He comes rolling over old Magdalen Bridge
(a crazy structure which fell down in 1772); looks up
with awe as he enters the city by the ancient gate
which spans the High Street (" East-gate " demolished
in 1771), and finally alights from the 'flying machine'
(as the stage-coach of those days was called) ' at John
Kemp's over against Queens' College,' i.e. at the Angel
tavern, — where coffee was first tasted in Oxford in 1650.
. . . President Routh could never effectually disentangle
himself from the memory of the days when he first made
acquaintance with Oxford, — the days when he. used to
receive such parental admonitions as the following: —
" Only do not think of entering the Yarmouth machine
without moonlight, — the dark nights having produced
9 On this entire subject, see Rix's letter of p. 25, see p. 36, note 3.
'Fauconberge Memorial,'— (a, pri- 1,[i77o. Martin Joseph Routh,
vately printed 4to), 1849, pp. 29, Comr. May 31."— From the En-
30, 36-8. Concerning the initial trance Book of Queens' College.

1 77°] The Learned Divine. 7
more than one overthrow." 2 ' Sir,' (complained one of
the tutors in 1 850, or thereabouts, addressing him) :
' Mr. Such-an-one has only just made his appearance in
college,' — (he came out of Suffolk, and a fortnight of the
October term had elapsed,) — 'I suppose you will send
him down ? ' ' Ah, sir,' said the old man thoughtfully,
' the roads in Suffolk — the roads, sir — are very bad at
this time of the year.' 'But, Mr. President, he didn't
come by the road ! ' ' The roads, sir ' (catching at the
last word), ' the roads, in winter, I do assure you, sir,
are very bad for travelling.' ' But he didn't come by the
road, sir, he came by rail ! ' ' Eh, sir ? The — what did
you say ? I don't know anything about that ! ' waving
his hand as if the tutor had been talking to him of
some contrivance for locomotion practised in the moon.3
To return to the Oxford of May 1770, and to the
Routh of fifteen. When he sallied forth next day to
reconnoitre the place of his future abode, he beheld
tenements of a far more picturesque type than — except
in a few rare instances — now meet the eye. In front of
those projecting, grotesque and irregular houses there
was as yet no foot-pavement: the only specimen of that
convenience being before St. Mary's Church. The streets
were paved with small pebbles ; a depressed gutter
in the middle of each serving to collect the rain. At
the western extremity of High Street rose Otho Nichol
son's famous conduit (removed to Nuneham in 1787),
surmounted by figures of David and Alexander the
great, Godfrey of Boulogne and King Arthur, Charle
magne and James I, Hector of Troy and Julius Cijesar.
Behind it, a vastly different Carfax Church from the
present came to view, where curfew rang every night
at 8 o'clock, and two giants struck the hours on a bell.
2 Beccles,— Nov. 17, 1783. 3 From the late President Bulley.

8 Martin Joseph Routh : [1770
Passengers up Corn-market on reaching the tower of
St. Michael's Church as they glided through the ancient
city gate called ' Bocardo ' — once the prison of Cranmer,
Ridley, and Latimer, and till 1771 a place of confine
ment for debtors — were solicited to deposit a dole in
the hat let down by a string from the window over
head. As yet neither the Radcliffe Infirmary nor the
Observatory was built. The way to Worcester College
lay through a network of narrow passages, and was pro
nounced undiscoverable. St. Giles's, on the other hand,
was deemed a ' rus in urbe, having all the advantages of
town and country — planted with a row of elms on either
side, and having a parterre of green before the several
houses.' ' Canditch ' was seriously encroached upon by
a terrace in front of Balliol College, shaded by lofty
elms and resembling that before St. John's. The un
wonted breadth acquired for the street, when this
excrescence was at last removed, procured that its old
appellation disappeared in favour of 'Broad Street.' A
double row of posts — where boys played leap-frog —
marked the northern limit of St. Mary's churchyard.
The Radcliffe Library was a rotunda without railings.
Hart Hall (which had come to be called ' Hertford
College,' and which recovered its ancient title yesterday
after its disuse for fifty years) had no street front ; and
where ' Canterbury quad ' now stands there were yet to
be seen traces of the ancient college of which Wickliffe
is said to have been Warden, and Sir Thomas More
a member. St. Peter's vicarage still occupied the north
east angle of St. Peter's churchyard, — where its site is
(or till lately was) commemorated by an inscription
from the President's pen.4 It was but fifteen years
4 It ran as follows: — ' Olim in hujus Ecclesiae Domus Par ochialis,
hoc angulo sita est Vicariorum quae, cum vetustate collapsa esset,

1 77°] The Learned Divine. 9
since, on St. John Baptist's day, the last sermon had
been preached in the open air from the stone pulpit in
front of Magdalen College chapel : the Vice-Chancellor,
proctors, and masters occupying seats in the quadrangle,
— which "was furnished round the sides with a large
fence of green boughs, that the preaching might more
nearly resemble that of John the Baptist in the wilderness.
And a pleasant sight it was," adds Jones of Nay land
who witnessed the spectacle. The ground on the same
occasion was " covered with green rushes and grass." 6
The preacher was Dr. Home.
The University life of 1770 presented even a greater
contrast. The undergraduates rose early, but spent
their days in idleness. Practically, the colleges were
without discipline. Tutors gave no lectures. It is
difficult to divine how a studiously-disposed youth was
to learn anything. ' I should like to read some Greek,'
said John Miller of Worcester to his tutor, some thirty
years later. ' Well, and what do you want to read 1 '
' Some Sophocles.' ' Then come to-morrow morning at
9 o'clock.' He went, and read a hundred lines : but
could never again effect an entrance. This state of
things was effectually remedied by the Examination
statute and by the publication of the Class-list; but
neither came into effect till the year 1801. The dinner-
hour was 2 ; and for an hour previous, impatient shouts
of ' Tonsor ! tonsor ! ' were to be heard from every
casement. The study, or inner-room, was reserved for
the ' powdering.' Blue coats studded with bright
auctoritate Episcopali remota est, to his 'Works,' vol. i. p. 117.
A.D. mdccciv : ut locus, hortuVus- Pointer's ' Oxoniensis Academia,'
que ei contiguus, Coemeterio adde- 1 749, p. 66, — quoted by Peshall, ad
rentur.' fin. p. 31.
s Jones' ' Life of Home,' prefixed

10 Martin Joseph Routh: [177°
buttons, shorts and buckles, were the established costume.
A passage from Scripture was still read during dinner,
— the last lingering trace of the ancient practice, enjoined
till yesterday by statute, of having the Bible read
during meals. At 8, all supped on broiled bones and
beer. There was not to be seen, till long after, a carpet
in a single Oxford common-room. What need to add
that undergraduates were without carpets? "Every
academic of any fashion resorted to the coffee-house
during the afternoon." 6 The ' dons ' frequented some
adjoining tavern or coffee-house. Mr. James Wyatt's
premises in High Street (known at that time as ' Tom's
coffee-house '), were the favourite resort of seniors and
juniors alike. The undergraduates drank and smoked
in the front room below, as well as in the large room
overhead which looks down on the street. The older
men, the choice spirits of the University, formed them
selves into a club which met in a small inner apartment
on the ground floor (remembered as 'the House of Lords'),
where they also regaled themselves with pipes, beer and
wine. The ballot boxes of the club are preserved, and
the ancient Chippendale chairs (thanks to the taste of
their recent owner) were, until' 1882, to be still seen
standing against the walls. It is related concerning
Queens' and Magdalen, that they "used to frequent
' Harper's,' — the corner house of the lane leading to
Edmund Hall."6 Drunkenness was unquestionably at
that time prevalent in Oxford. Irreligion reigned;
not unrebuked, indeed, yet not frowned down, either.
It would be only too easy to produce anecdotes in
illustration of both statements. Should it not be re
membered, when such discreditable details are brought
6 Bliss, note to the Life of Wood, Ed. of the Ath. Oxon., 8vo., 1848;
prefixed to the Eccl. Hist. Society's — i. p. 48.

1 77°] The Learned Divine. ii
before our notice, that our Universities perforce at all
times reflect the manners and spirit of the age ; and that
it is unreasonable to isolate the Oxford of 1770 from the
England of the same period? The latter part of the
eighteenth century was a coarse time everywhere ; and
the low standard which prevailed in Church matters
outside the University is but too notorious. Only
because her lofty traditions and rare opportunities set
her on a pinnacle apart, does the Oxford of the period
referred to occasion astonishment and displeasure.
We are about to show, on the other hand, that the
spirit of Oxford in her palmiest days was by no means
extinct during the last quarter of the eighteenth century.
And I take upon myself to suggest, that he would be
rendering good service to the cause of truth who would
be at the pains to convince a conceited and forgetful
generation that 'vixere fortes ante Agamemnona multi' -.
that classical scholarship and sacred Science were culti
vated at our Universities with distinguished success in
the worst of times ; and that it is a heartless misstate
ment to represent the unfaithfulness of the period
following the date of Bp. Butler's memorable ' Advertise
ment ' as universal, — a calumnious falsehood to blacken
the English clergy of more than a hundred years with
indiscriminate censure.
Such however as I have been describing was the state
of things when young Routh became a commoner of
Queens'. Jacobite sentiments he found universally pre
valent, and he espoused them the more readily because
they fell in with the traditions of his family. It will be
remembered that when he became a demy of Magdalen
only 28 years had elapsed since the death of President
Hough,— who had been deprived and ejected in 1687,

12 Martin Joseph Routh : [1771
and again restored in 1688. 7 He was remarkable even
as a boy. ' I like that little fellow in blue stockings,'
said the second Earl Temple (afterwards Marquis of
Buckingham), with whom Routh used to argue, when he
met him in a friend's rooms. (' I suppose,' remarked the
President at the end of eighty years, ' they [i. e. the blue
stockings] weren't very tasty.') But the topic of the hour
was the Act of Parliament which had been just obtained
for the improvement of the city, — an Act which in a
few years effectually transformed ancient into modern
Oxford. Meanwhile Dr. George Home and Dr. Thomas
Randolph were pointed out as the most conspicuous
divines in the University: Dr. Kennicott as the most
famous Hebraist: Tom Warton as the most brilliant
wit. In the very next year young Routh migrated from
Queens' to Magdalen. The record survives in his own
writing: — '1 771, July 24th. I was elected a Demy of
Magdalen, on the nomination of the President, Dr.
Home.' And now he came under improved influences
— the best, it may be suspected, which the University
had at that time to offer. Dr. Benjamin Wheeler, Regius
Professor of Divinity in 1776, was a fellow of the college,
(' my learned friend, Dr. Wheeler,' as Dr. Johnson calls
him ;) and Dr. John Burrough was his tutor. Especially
is it to be considered that young Routh now lived under
the eye of Dr. Home, who had been elected to the
Presidentship in January 1768, and was still engaged on
his Commentary on the Psalms. It is impossible to
avoid suspecting that the character and the pursuits of
this admirable person materially tended to confirm in
Martin Joseph Routh that taste for sacred learning
which was destined afterwards to bear such memorable
fruits. He listened to Home's sermons in the College
' He died Bishop of Worcester in 1 743.

1771] The Learned Divine. 13
chapel and at St. Mary's, and must have been delighted
with them : while, at the President's lodgings, he met
whoever at that time was most distinguished in or out of
the University for learning, ability, or goodness.
The youth (for we are speaking of a boy of sixteen)
had already established the practice of returning to
Beccles once a year, and spending some part of the
summer vacation under his parents' roof. This annual visit
went on till 1792. On such occasions it is remembered
that he sometimes 'acted as the assistant or substitute
of his father in the school-room, where his presence was
always welcomed by the pupils, on account of his urbane
manner and the happy ease with which he communicated
information.' 8 To this period belongs the following letter
from the Rev. Peter Routh to his son : —
'Dear Martin, — As you are so desirous of a letter
immediately, and have fixed no longer term than as
soon as it is possible for you to receive one, not to
disappoint you in your expectation, I write this evening.
. . . Your surplice, I hope, is not so different from the
generality as you seem to describe it, it being cut to the
best pattern here ; and others which are brought out of
the country I should think must vary enough not to
leave you singular.
' As to your studies, you may probably have better
directions than I can give you. But in general you may
remember what I said of the expediency of allotting the
time from chapel to lectures not ordinarily to breakfast
ing in company, but to the severer kinds of study, in
which, if you are not otherwise directed, as a Cambridge
scholar I must recommend Locke's "Essay" to be
seriously and repeatedly read and epitomized, but not
without Dr. Watts's "Philosophical Essays," to guard
against some ill prejudices apt to be contracted from the
former. The next division of time that you can with
most constancy engage to study in, I would have appro-
8 Fauconberge Memorial (already quoted), p. 37.

14 Martin Joseph Routh : [1774
priated to Latin and Greek, with a full proportion of the
latter, because you are like to be but little furthered in
it by the college exercises. English reading of all sorts
but what I mentioned under the first article, I used
myself, when at the University, to reserve for such
evenings as I spent alone.
' Of your moral conduct and religious principles I
have no reason to form any such apprehensions as would
make me uneasy, but persuade myself that, young as
you are, they are too well guarded for people exception
able in either, how much soever your seniors or superiors,
to pervert or unsettle you, even though you should meet
with any such among your acquaintance. It may not,
however, be amiss to repeat the same caution you have
often had from me — that your constitution and your
years will require more than ordinary precaution in the
article of good fellowship, which in your present college
you seem to have it much at your discretion to observe
or to neglect. Love from all here.
' Your affectionate father,
'Beccles, Oct. 9, 1771.' 'Peter Routh.'
In 1774 (February 5th) Martin took his B.A. degree:
and it was intended that he should at once 'go down.'
The interval before he could be ordained was to have
been passed at Beccles. His father had a large family to
provide for: two children had been born to him since
Martin had gone up to Oxford in 1770 ; and the expenses
of an University education already pressed somewhat
heavily on the domestic exchequer.
' I hope by this time you have passed the pig-market,'
writes the anxious parent (Feb. 4th, 1774), indulging in
an allusion which will be intelligible at least to Oxford
men. Then follow directions as to what the son was to
do with his effects before his departure : —
'This I mention' (proceeds the writer), 'on the sup
position of your not having a very near prospect of
returning to college, which must be the case unless

1775] The Learned Divine. 15
somewhat approaching to a maintenance could be con
trived for you there ; since, as you must be aware, your
education hitherto has been full as much as my circum
stances will allow of. The particulars now occurring
for the refreshment of your memory are all your cloaths,
linen, sheets, and table-linen, spoons, and such books as
you think may be useful, if Wormall should become
your pupil, in the use of the globes and a smattering of
astronomy. . . . Whether you will have heard the bad
news from London, I cannot tell ; but by a letter from
Kelsale on Wednesday, we are informed of the death of
Mrs. Heber, who was brought to bed of a son, heir to an
entailed estate of 1500^. per annum, on old Christmas
Day.' The father's wish was that, as Martin was to take
Cambridge on his way to Beccles, he might have the
advantage of making the acquaintance of Dr. Smith,
Master of Gonville and Caius College, — his own former
Head. He therefore furnished the young man with a
letter of introduction ; " indulging the partiality of a
father in thinking that the Master might find some
amusement in even his accounts of their sister Univer
sity." .... To Martin himself, the father writes : —
" When at Cambridge, do not neglect my proper com
mendations to all in due order : and 1 dare say you will
be attentive to their academical customs, and such of
the public Exercises as your stay there shall give you
opportunities of hearing, even more than to a comparison
of the Buildings, &c. with those at Oxford. I recollect
nothing more that is of importance at present, besides
putting you in mind to write before you leave Oxford,
and give us a detail of your intended route, and the
time of beginning it."
The election of Martin Joseph Routh to a fellowship
at Magdalen (July 25th, .1775) determined his sub
sequent career. He was now 20 years of age, and must
have henceforth enjoyed the privilege of frequent inter-

1 6 Martin Joseph Routh : [1775
course with his chief, — the admirable Dr. George Home,
who was President of the college until 1791. He under
took pupils,— one of whom (Edward South Thurlow 9)
was a nephew of the Lord Chancellor and of the Bishop
of Lincoln. Granville Penn [1 761-1844], grandson of
the founder of Pennsylvania, was afterwards another of
his pupils.1 This gentleman (whose name will come
before us again by and by) became famous as an author,
chiefly on subjects connected with Divinity, and is styled
by Routh, — 'vir nobilis, idemque in primis ornatus et
litteratus,' 2 in connexion with his " Critical Revision of
the text and translation of the N. T." And now Routh
wholly gave himself up to study. He was ordained
deacon at Park Street chapel, Grosvenor Square, by
Dr. Philip Yonge, bishop of Norwich, Dec. 2 ist, 1777.
He had already proceeded M.A. in 1776 (Oct. 23rd):
was appointed college Librarian in 1781 ; and in 1784
and 1785, junior Dean of Arts, enjoying the satisfaction
in the latter year of seeing his brother (Samuel) admitted
Demy. He had already been elected Proctor, 3 in which
capacity he was present at an entertainment given to
George III, who, with Queen Charlotte, visited the Uni
versity about this time. The first symptoms of the
King's subsequent malady had not yet appeared: but
Routh, in describing the scene, while he did full justice
to the intelligence and activity which marked the King's
face and conversation (he sat opposite to him), dwelt on
the restlessness of his eye and manner, — which was
afterwards but too easily explained.
In these days, — when College tutors avail themselves
of the Easter Vacation to "explore Palestine from
9 Eldest son of John Thurlow, of " Opuscula, — i. 93.
Norwich, esq., — matriculated as 3 ' 1784, April. I was elected
G. C. 9 Oct. 1 78 1, aged 17. Senior Proctor of the University in
1 See page 47. my twenty-ninth year.'— MS. note.

1775] The Learned Divine. 17
Hebron to Damascus, besides paying a visit to Alex
andria, Cairo and the Pyramids," — the following recital
of an unsuccessful attempt made about a hundred years
ago "to see France, and if possible to reach Paris,"
sounds fabulous. The exact date of the incident cannot
now be recovered, but it appears to have been about
1775. And "I believe" (says my accomplished in
formant4) "I can give you the exact words as they
were spoken to me on the occasion of my first visit to
Dr. and Mrs. Routh, towards the end of the year 1 845 : " —
"I had resided in Paris during the previous five
years, and I suppose the President thought that a con
versation about that capital would interest me more
than any other topic. He talked of the eglise S. Roch, —
and of Notre Dame with its two towers, — and the view
which might be seen from them ; — particularly asking
me about the new bridge across the Seine, close to the
Tuileries, which he thought must be seen from one of
those towers. I believed that no one who had not seen
Paris could know so much about it ; and inquired of
Dr. Routh how many years had elapsed since he was
last there ? He replied in the following words : —
"'A great many years ago, Madam, when I was a
student, I and two of my companions determined to see
France. I bought myself a pair of new shoes, and we
walked, — yes, Madam, we walked, — to Bristol ; intend
ing to find a ship which would take us across the
channel, and to proceed on foot to see as much as we
could of France, and if possible to reach Paris.
" ' But when we got to Bristol, I resolved ' — (with a
determined movement of the head) — ' to go no further ;
for the new leather, Madam, had so drawn my feet, I could
scarcely walk. So I returned to Oxford to read about
France in books.' "
4 Mrs. Sarah Routh, wife of the that she would give me the story
President's nephew (Robert Alfred), in writing. (Amport, July 15th,
in compliance with my request 1880.)
VOL. I. 0

1 8 Martin Joseph Routh: [1780
Later in life, Routh's desire to travel revived. In
April 1788, he planned a visit to some of the continental
libraries in order to collate MSS. His father was
averse from this scheme. He was himself unacquainted
with modern languages ; so, after an interview with the
gentleman who was to have acted as his interpreter,
which proved the reverse of encouraging, he abandoned
his project for ever. One would have thought that his
intimacy with so considerable and so interesting a
traveller as Dr. Richard Chandler [1738-1810], who was
a fellow of his own society, would have proved his
successful incitement to foreign travel at all hazards.
It was the belief of the President's widow, on being
interrogated concerning what she knew or had heard of
the remote past, that when ' her dear man ' first went to
Oxford, he interchanged letters with his father weekly.
The impression may have resulted from the very active
correspondence which certainly went on as long as life
lasted between Peter Routh at Beccles and his son at
Magdalen. Only a few of the father's letters yet
exist; but they betoken a good and thoughtful person:
grave, yet always cheerful; affectionate, and with an
occasional dash of quiet humour. Between the two there
evidently prevailed entire unity of sentiment. Peter
Routh keeps ' Martin ' informed of what is passing in his
neighbourhood : tells him the rumours which from time
to time reach remote Suffolk ; and relieves his parental
anxiety by communicating the concerns of their own
immediate circle. The son, in return, chronicles his
pursuits and occupations, which are, in fact, his studies;
and until long after he is thirty years of age — through
out his father's life, in short — submits his compositions
as deferentially to his judgment as when he was a boy.

i786} The Learned Divine. ig
of fifteen. 'I do not recollect' (he wrote in 1791, with
reference to his dedication of the ' Reliquiae ' to the
Bishops of the Scottish Church) ' that I was indebted for
any alteration of the original dedication I sent my
father, except in two instances. I adopted the words non
nisi precarium, and the fine sentence, et ipsi emineatis in
principibus Judae.'
In another place, Routh commemorates with evident
pleasure his father's correction of the Latin rendering
by Turrianus of a passage in a certain decree of the
Council of Antioch. " Utroque loco " (he says) " vocem,
&c. cum voce &c. conjungendam esse vidit pater meus
reverendus, 6 vvv kv elprjvri, quem consului, et in expo-
nendis verbis secutus sum."
It was with reference to the speech which, in pur
suance of ancient custom, Martin had to deliver at the
expiration of his Proctorship, that his father sent him
the following shrewd remarks (April 3rd, 1786) on
writing a speech for delivery : —
'In regard to the part of your speech transcribed in
your last, I have to remark that, upon revising it, you
must pay a particular attention to your own manner
of .speaking, and how the periods run off your own
tongue ; and that probably, where you find an obstruc
tion, it will arise from the feet not being sufficiently
varied, or the same endings or cases following close
upon each other. A little change, I think, would im
prove a clause which struck me for the last reason, viz.
" Si animos ex desidi improbaque muneris mei executione gra-
viori ictu," &c. Alter this, if you please, to per and the
accusative, and think of a better word, than executio.
Again, change some words which occur too often in so
short a composition, as orator, oratio and munus. After
cum, which you begin with, the subjunctive should fol
low, according to classical usage, even where the sense
is positive and without contingency. Not but I believe
there are instances to the contrary.' c 2

20 Martin Joseph Routh: [1786
At the end of a fortnight, the father enters into
minuter criticism, and discovers excellent scholarship.
But the correspondence is not by any means always of
this severe type. Father and son wrote about books,
because learning was with both a passion; and about
divinity, because it was evidently uppermost in the
heart of either. As a rule, however, these letters have
a purely home flavour ; and sometimes when Martin lets
out incidentally what a very studious life he is leading,
he draws down on himself affectionate rebuke. ' It may
be grown trite by repetition, and I shall not render it
more irksome by prolixity : — Air and exercise and, above
all, the cold bath is what you must pluck up resolution
to make use of.' The hint was not thrown away. A
shower-bath continued to be a part of the President's
bed-room furniture till the day of his death.
' I am glad you find more entertainment in Tertullian
than I am afraid I could do myself. All I know of him
is from quotations, very frequently met with, which have
seldom failed of puzzling me with some enigmatical
quaintness.' 5
Next year, Peter Routh writes : —
' Your acquaintance with the Fathers is leaving me far
behind ; and I am apprehensive of not being qualified to
talk with you about them when we meet. By the way,
Sam has given me some little hope of seeing you in a
wig, which I look forward to as the breaking of a spell
which has counteracted most of your purposes of exer
tion, excursion and amusement.' 6
Occasionally the old man indulges in a little pleasantry,
and many a passage proves that he was by no means
deficient in genuine humour. One of his daughters
5 Beccles, May 18th, 1786. • July 5th, 1787.

1786] The Learned Divine. 21
(' Polly ') was qualifying herself to undertake a school.7
After explaining the young lady's aspirations, he sud
denly breaks off: —
' But I think it is not impossible, from the rapid steps
taken by our present maccaroni towards working a con
fusion in the sexes, that if you should ever choose to be
a schoolmaster yourself, you may want her assistance to
finish the education of your boys by giving them a taste,
and a dexterity upon occasion, for tambour-work and
embroidery.' 8
It is, however, when he is communicating to his son
some piece of local intelligence, entertaining him with
the doings of some familiar friend of his early days, that
Peter Routh's wit flows most freely : —
' Last Tuesday, Mr. Elmy 9 derived immensity of hap
piness from the apotheosis of his daughter. Lest the rite
should be disgraced by inferiority in the sacrificing
priest, Mr. Prebendary Wodehouse came over upon the
occasion. I rather think Sam Carter is making a first
attack on Miss  , who has lately had an addition of
2C>oo£ to her fortune. Weddings have been very rife
here for half a year past.' 1
In the ensuing August (Martin being then in Warwick
shire), — ' Ought I ' (asks his father) ' to run the hazard of
spoiling your visit to Dr. Parr by transmitting Mr.
Browne's report that Miss Dibdin is not there, but on
the eve of marriage to a gentleman in the Commons ? ' 2
Ten years had elapsed when Peter Routh writes : ' If you
7 Eventually, two of the Presi- in 1835, but is we^ secured from
dent's sisters conducted a boarding- oblivion " by the fact that the poet
school at Brooke, near Norwich. Crabbe married Miss Sarah Elmy
(Fauconberge Memorial, p. 37, at Beccles church, Dec. 1783.
note 2.) (Life, i. 128.)
8 June 9th, 1773. 1 May 18th, 1786.
9 "The name became extinct on 2 August loth, 1786.
the decease of Mrs. Eleanor Elmy

22 Martin Joseph Routh: [1790
do not exert yourself shortly, your friend Boycatt is like
to get the start of you at least in the matrimonial
chase.' 3
One more extract from this correspondence shall suffice.
It refers to a public transaction which was recent in July
1790, and recalls two names which were still famous fifty
years ago, or, as the writer would have said, ' agone ' :—
'The immaculate patriots, so worthy of trust and
honour, are showing themselves every day more and
more in their true colours. Having gotten a substitute
for their old calves' -head clubs, they figure away with it
to purpose. At Yarmouth (where, by the way, but for
the tergiversation of Lacon, the Church candidate, they
would have been foiled at the election) an anniversary
feast was held, Dr. Aikin in the chair, in the national
cockade. He had been till very lately looked upon as a
candid moderate Dissenter; but has now vented his
rancour in a pamphlet which it has been thought proper
to buy in. His sister, Mrs. Barbauld, has signalized
herself in like manner.'
It would have been a satisfaction to have possessed
some specimens of Routh's letters written to his father
during these early years. His sisters are said to have
preserved some of them, and they may be in existence
still. The following note, evidently written before 1791,
must have been addressed to Dr. John Randolph (after
wards Bp. of Oxford, Bangor, and London), who was
Regius Professor of Divinity from 1783 to 7, and is
almost the only scrap of his early private correspondence
which has reached me : —
"Mr. Routh presents his respectful compliments to
Dr. Randolph, and is much obliged to him for his
"Bungay, February 15th, 1796. graceful memorandum in the 'Reli-
Concerning the Rev. W. Boycatt, quiae,' vol. ii. p. 329.
see the President's grateful and

1784] The Learned Divine. 23
excellent discourse ; which, in his poor opinion, if he
may be excused the pedantry of the quotation, e^u on
TtKiia-ra biavo-qixara afia ¦neitai&tviJ.ivov d(c/)t/3us Kal ov tv^ovtos
avbpos." The first-fruits of his studies saw the light in 1784
(the year of his Senior-Proctorship), when he was
twenty-nine years of age. It was a critical edition of
the 'Euthydemus' and 'Gorgias' of Plato,— with notes
and various readings which fill the last 157 pages:
a model of conscientious labour and careful editorship
which will enjoy the abiding esteem of scholars. He is
found to have cherished the design of editing something
of the same philosopher thirteen years before (Dec. 9th,
1771). Some account of the copies of Plato existing in
the President's library will be found in the Appendix
(A) to the present volume. Dean Church possesses
Routh's own annotated and corrected copy, — to which
however he had made no additions for 30 years (181 2-42),
though subsequently he made several. This honourable
beginning of a great career, he dedicated to Dr. Thomas
Thurlow, Bishop of Lincoln and Dean of St. Paul's,
brother of Lord Chancellor Thurlow, whose epitaph in
the Temple church Routh wrote. *
In correcting the text of this volume, he relates
{Preface, p. xiv.) that he had been greatly helped by
a youth of delightful manners and extraordinary intel
lectual promise, Edward Jackson Lister, between whom
and himself there evidently subsisted a romantic friend-
4 See the Appendix (B). This in- claimed indignantly to one who
scription is printed by Lord Camp- alluded to the fate his Inscription
bell in his 'Lives ofthe Chancellors' had experienced. Dr. Bloxam quotes
(v. 632), but ' merendo ' appears an amusing description of an inter-
instead of 'merendi,' which pro- view between Lord Campbell and
voked the old President immensely. the President, — (Register of De-
'His Scotch Latin, sir!' he ex- mies,— p. 24-5.)

24 Martin Joseph Routh: [1784
ship. He thus feelingly lingers over the incidental
mention of young Lister's name (he had been dead two
years) : — ' quem jam quidem ad sedes piorum transtulit
Deus O.M. ; cujus autem memoria ex hoc pectore nulla
vi temporis adimetur. Culti et elegantis ingenii speci
men ineunte vel prima adolescentia luci edidit, Bionis
epitaphium Adonidis, carmine Anglico expressum:5 vix-
dum autem decimum sextum annum superaverat, quum
terris seternum vale dixerit. *Ov yap <f>i\ei to ©etov,
a-nodvrjo-KU vios.' The tender regrets thus gracefully
recorded for a boy of sixteen the writer cherished un
impaired to the day of his death. In the north-east
corner of St. Michael's Church, on a small mural monu
ment, may be read the following words, which were
traced by the same hand in 1852 : — 'In ccemeterio sepultus
est inscriptione nunc carens Edvardus Lister, epitaphii Adon
idis Anglicus interpres. Vixit ann. xvi. Decessit anno
MDCCLXXXII. ; cujus cultissimum ingenium vel excel-
lentiora spondens ab amico septuaginta post annis hie com-
memoralur.'6 One's interest is not diminished by the
discovery that Lister was but a chorister of Magdalen,
being the son of a printer, and nephew of the first
editor of : Jackson's Oxford Journal.' I suspect that
the youth's family must have come out of Suffolk, — so
purely local is the intelligence with which Routh enter
tains his youthful correspondent in the only epistolary,
trace which survives of this friendship, — dated from
'Beccles, Sept. 18th, 1780.' It is related of Wilham
Julius Mickle (the translator of the 'Lusiad'), that he
» Oxford, 1786,— 8vo. pp. 24. It to Dr. Ogilvie, (Sept. 29, 1852):—
first appeared in print in 1780, — "I am about to copy for the stone-
" finished before the Translator had cutter's model the following Inscrip-
arrived at the age of fourteen." tion proposed to be placed in St.
6 From a letter of the President Michael's church."

1784] The Learned Divine. 25
frequently made Lister the companion of his walks, and,
as they rambled together, invented tales for his amuse
ment.7 But though the classics were ever Routh's delight,
and scholarship amounted with him to a passion, he had
long since given his heart to something nobler far than
was ever ' dreamed of in the philosophy ' of ancient
Greece or Rome. Having already laid his foundations
deep and strong, he proceeded to build upon them.
Next to the Scriptures (to his great honour be it
recorded), he saw clearly from the first, notwithstanding
the manifold discouragements of the age in which his
lot was cast, the importance to one who would be a
well-furnished divine, of a familiar acquaintance with
the patristic writings. ' Next to the Scriptures : ' for,
like every true ' master in Israel,' he was profoundly
versed in them. This done, besides the Acts of the
early Councils and the Ecclesiastical historians, he is
found to have resolutely read through the chief of the
Greek and Latin Fathers ; taking them, as far as prac
ticable, in their chronological order : — Irenseus, Origen,
Hippolytus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, Epipha
nius, Didymus, among the Greeks : Tertullian, Cyprian,
Optatus, Jerome, Augustine, among the Latins.
The nature and extent of his patristic reading at this
time may be inferred with sufficient accuracy from a
mere inspection of his MS. notes in a little interleaved
copy ofthe N. T. (Amsterdam, 1639); into the frequent
blank pages of which it is evident that he had been in
7 Bloxam's ' Register,' etc., vol. i. churchyard of Forest Hill, on the
p. 193. Mickle, who will be re- north side of the Church. I found
membered by his beautiful ballad his tomb-stone there, many years
on Cumnor Hall, sleeps in the ago.

26 Martin Joseph Routh : [1784
the habit from a very early period — indeed, he retained
the habit to the end of his life — of inserting references
to places in the writings of the Fathers where he met
with anything unusually apposite, in illustration of any
particular text. On the fly-leaf of the first volume of
this book (for it had been found necessary to bind the
volume into two) is found the following memorandum,
which (as the writing shows) must have been made
quite late in life : —
' Quae in sequentibus quasi meo Marte interpretatus
sum, ea inter legendum libros sacros a me scripta sunt,
raro adhibitis ad consilium interpretibus recentioribus,
qui meliora fortasse docuissent.' — M. J. R.
' At vero initio cceptis his adnotationibus, et per
longum tempus, meum judicium iis interponere haud
consuevi ; dum quidquid mihi auctores veteres legenti
ad illustrandam S. Scripturam faciens occurreret, illud
hie indicare volebam.'
The foregoing statement as to what had been his own
actual practice is fully borne out by the contents of
these interesting little tomes, where all the earlier notes
consist of references to the Fathers, followed occasionally
by brief excerpts from their writings. In a later hand
are found expressions of the writer's individual opinion ;
while the latest annotations of all, or among the latest,
are, for the most part, little more than references to
Scripture. These last were evidently traced by fingers ren
dered tremulous by age : and, to say truth, cannot always
be wholly deciphered. A few specimens will not perhaps
be unwelcome. When a young man, he had written
against St. Mark xiii. 32, — ' Fid. Irenae. L. 2, c. 28, p. 158
eel. Massueti. Exponere conatus est Didymus, L. 3, De Trin.
c. 22, et Tertull. adv. Praxeam c. 26.' Long after, he
added, ' Non est inter ea, quae ostendit Filio Pater, ut homi-

1784] The Learned Divine. 27
nibus significet, diei illius cognitio. Confer S. Joan. v. 19,
20, et cap. xiv. 28, et xv. 15, et xvi. 13, et Act. i. 7.'
The following is the President's note on 1 S. John v.
6 : — ' 6Y vSaros /ecu atp.aros. Deus et Homo. J id. Reliq.
Sacr. vol. i. p. 170, et p. 171, de hoc et commatibus sequen-
tibus. Interpretatio eorum impediii mihi videtur accessionibus
Latinis.' And on ver. 16 : ' eo-riv afxapria irpbs 6avarov.
Fortasse designatur peccatum de quo Dominus noster in evan-
gelio pronuntiat,' — referring of course to S. Matth. xii.
31, 32. — On St. Luke i. 32, he writes: 'Ostenditur his
verbis Maria ex Judae fribu orta.' On v. 23 : ' TC ivriv
evKoirdrepov, etc. Sensus verborum est, tC io-nv, etc. An
facilius est dicere, etc/ — On ix. 27 : ' ecos av lbcoo-i tt)v /3oo-t-
Xeiav tov &eov. Vidend. annon istud de sequentibus exponen-
dum sit. Confer comm. 26 et 32.' — On xiii. 11 : * Trvevp.a
a.o-0eveias. Confer Marc. ix. 17, fyovTa m>eC/xa a\a\ov.
Hujus capitis comm. 16, Satanae attribuit infirmitatem mulieris
ipse Dominus, ac similiter alibi.' — On St. Markxv. 21 : ' tov
iraripa ' Akc£avbpov Kal 'Povcpov. Christianorum, ut verisimile
est, quod dignum notatu est. Conf. de Rufo, Rom. xvi. 13/
But the most interesting of his annotations are often
the shortest ; as when, over against St. Luke xviii. 8, is
written : ' itXr\v 6 vlbs tov avOpcowov e\0ii>v apa evp-qo-ei T-qv
Tsia-Tiv enl ttjs yjjs (the old man had taken the trouble to
transcribe the Greek in a trembling hand, in order to in
troduce the pious ejaculation which follows), — Concedat
hoc Deus.' — With the same pregnant brevity, bis note on
St. Matth. xxv. 9, is but — ' rovs irooXovvTas. T ae vaden-
tibus ! ' — In truth, his suggestive way of merely calling
attention to a difficulty is often as good as a commentary ;
as when (of 1 Cor. xv. 23-25) he says, * Quomodo exponi
debent verba Apostoli, disquirendum' — Even more remark
ably, when he points out concerning St. Luke xi. 5, — ' Quae
sequuntur Domini effata, usque ad comm. 13, maxima observa-

28 Martin Joseph Routh: [1784
tione digna sunt.' — Of Hebr. vi. 1, 2, he says, — ' prjo-is
maximi momenti.' — Sometimes his notes are strictly critical,
as when against St. James iv. 5, he writes, ' Difficittime
credendum est, Apostolum non attulisse verba alicujus scriptoris
incomperti.' His translation of St. Luke vi. 40 is as
follows: — ' Discipulus non superat magistrum ; sed, si omni
parte perfectus sit, magistri aequalis erit.' — On St. Mark vi.
3, he says, ' a.beX<pbs 8e 'IaK<oj3ov Kal 'Icoerij. Constat ex cap.
xv. com. 39filios hos extitisse alius Mariae, non rrjs OeoroKov.'
— And on 1 Cor. xv. 29, ' tL koI J3airTi(ovTai, etc. Mos
fuisse videtur ut multi baptizarentur in gratiam Chrislianorum
jam defunctorum qui sine baptismo decessissent, ut vicaria
tinctione donati ad novam vitam resurgerent.' — On St. John
xxi. 23, he notes, — ' Senectus apostoli Ioannis ante scriptum
ab eo evangelium hinc fortasse colligenda est.' And on ver.
25, — 'Verba ostendunt plurima alia praeclara miracula fecisse
Christum ; et alia existere posse evangelia de iis scripta.'
Rare, indeed, are references to recent authorities and
modern books ; ^ but they are met with sometimes.
Thus, against St. Matth. xxi. 7, he writes: — 'His quoque
temporibus super asinos vecti iter faciunt pauperes Palaestini,
referente Josepho Wolfio in Itinerario [1839]^. 186. Humi-
liter, super asinos sedent.' And against St. John v. 17,
' 6 iraTrip p,ov epya(eTat. Relegat nos ad Justin. M. Dial.
cum Tryph., § 23, D'Israeli "Commentaries on Charles I,"
[1830], vol. iii. p. 340.' These are indications of a
degree of variety in the President's reading, for which
one is scarcely prepared. It is right to conclude with a
fairer specimen of his manner. The following is his
verdict on a famous critical difficulty (1 Tim. iii. 16):—
' Veruntamen, quidquid ex sacri textus historia, illud vero.
haud certum, critici collegerint, me tamen interna cogunt
argumenta praeferre lectionem ®eos, quam quidem agnoscunt
veteres interpretes, Theodoretus ceterique, duabus alteris bs et 0.

1782] The Learned Divine. 29
Haec addenda posui Notis ad S. Hippolytum contra Noetum,
p. 93, vol. i. Scriptor. Ecclesiast. Opusciilorum.'
But I suppose the most important annotation of all will
be deemed the following, — which clears up a place of
some obscurity in one of St. Paul's Epistles, by merely
pointing out that the Apostle's meaning has been
hitherto universally overlooked, and his sentiment
erroneously rendered in consequence. Against Philip-
pians ii. 26, having noted, — " ko.1 abrjuov^v, Siort ?}/coware.
Verba vix intelligo. For. legend um /ecu abr\p.ovovvTas ....
iTsvnoQ&v rjv. Confer 2 Tim. i. 4 tva \apas TtX-qpioOSi ; ' — the
President has added, in the same aged writing, — "At
vero, quod mullo melius videtur, ilia InntodSiv -qv -ndvTas vp.a.$,
ko.1 abr)ij.ov&v, de Apostolo ipso interpretanda esse, proposuit
vir amicissimus Carolus A. Ogilvie. Confer cap. i, comm. 8."
. . . Yes, he is right. S. Paul is speaking, not of
Epaphroditus, but of himself. We shall henceforth
translate the place, — (with Ogilvie and Routh,) — "For
/ longed after you all," etc. The Latin, Syriac, Egyptian,
Gothic and English Versions have all overlooked this
fact 8  These specimens of the President's private
Annotations on the N. T. may suffice.
In 1782, being then only in his 27th year, and again
in 1783 or 4, it became Routh's singular privilege to
direct the envoys of the American Church to a right
quarter for the creation of a native Episcopate. In
credible as it may seem to us of the present day, who
• Codd. »ACD E, etc. exhibit norm fjv. "I have sent him there-
a corrupt text,— assimilated to the fore," (he adds), tva . . . xaPVre, Kayw
place in Timothy already quoted, aXmrSrepos Si. [Cp. Matt. xxvi. 37,
and to I Thess. iii. 6. Cp. Rom. i. Ainrriffffai «al d%iovcii'.] The reader
11. will also recall the language of Phil.
The attentive reader will note i. 8 (kmiroBSi irivras v/ias); and of
the sequence of thought in ver. 28. 2 Tim. i. 4 (im-noBGw at XUiv ...tva.
St. Paul had said of himself— iSn- xaPSs «Aj/mi9w).

30 Martin Joseph Routh: [1782
witness constantly the creation of new colonial sees, it
is a fact that for nearly two centuries our American
colonies were left without a native channel of Ordina
tion. From the settlement of the first American colony
in 1607 to the consecration of Bishop Seabury in 1784
(Nov. 14th), or rather until his return home in 1785, all
clergy of the Anglican communion who ministered in
America were either missionaries, or had been forced to
cross the Atlantic twice, if not four times, for Holy
Orders. This necessity deterred many from entering
the ministry, and of those who ventured on the voyage
so large a proportion fell by the way that it was dis
heartening to contemplate the sacrifice.9 The difficulties
which attended the just demand of the American Church
for a native Episcopate grew out of the political troubles
of those times. Because episcopacy was identified with
the system of monarchical government, its introduction
was resisted by a large party among the Americans
themselves, who dreaded (clergy and laity alike) lest it
should prove an instrument for riveting the yoke of a
foreign dominion. On the other hand, the English bishops,
hampered by Acts of Parliament, were constrained to
exact oaths from candidates for consecration inconsis
tent with the duties of American citizenship. Hence it
was that the project of obtaining Bishops for members of
the Church of England settled in America, though " re
newed from time to time from the reign of Queen Anne
to that of George HI, had always been without result.
Petition after petition, appeal after appeal was sent from
America. The Episcopate of England was implored to
secure the appointment of ' one or more resident Bishops
in the Colonies for the exercise of offices purely Epi-
9 Beardsley's Life and Correspondence of Samuel Seabury, (Boston,
1881,)— p. 19.

1783] The Learned Divine. 31
scopal '" :l but their ability did not second their inclina
tion. In the beginning of 1783, the seven years' War of
Independence being practically at an end, it was felt by
Churchmen in America that the moment had arrived for
decisive action. The juncture was critical; for already
(viz. in the summer of 1782) a pamphlet had been issued
at Philadelphia recommending the temporary adoption
of a substitute for Episcopacy and recourse to Presbyterian
Orders, — the anonymous author of this sad production
being the Rev. W. White, who afterwards became Bishop
of Pennsylvania.2 Accordingly, on the Festival of the
Annunciation 1783, ten out of the fourteen remaining
Connecticut clergy, — faithful and clear-sighted men, —
" met in voluntary convention " (as they phrased it) in
the (once) obscure village of Woodbury ; 3 and, besides
uttering a grand protest against the fatal project which
had emanated from Philadelphia, * proceeded to nominate
one for Consecration as their Bishop. The venerable
Jeremiah Learning was the object of their choice. 5 As
an alternative name to be put forward in case of need,
the excellent Samuel Seabury of New York was further
designated. Learning, on account of his age and infir
mities, declined the appointment: and Seabury, as
bishop-designate of Connecticut, sailed for England in
the beginning of June, — reaching London July 7th, 1783,
four months before the evacuation of New York by the
British troops, and carrying with him a petition to the
English Bishops for Consecration. His testimonials were
dated April 21st.
1 Seabury Centenary (Connecti- pp. 25-6. "Dr. Beardsley stoutly
cut), 1885, — pp. 17, 18. holds " the same view. [The Living
2 Life of Seabury, — p. 97. Church, Aug. 27, 1881, — quoted by
3 Ibid., — pp. 76-8. Or. W. J. Seabury in his Discourse,
4 Ibid., — pp. 98-102. on the Election of his great ancestor,
5 See Bp. Williams on this sub- — p. 23.]
ject, in the Seabury Centenary, —

32 Martin Joseph Routh: [1782
While these negotiations were in progress, and while
these embarrassments were making themselves most
severely felt, the Danish government with well-meant
assiduity offered assistance. The Danish Church, how
ever, having only titular Bishops, was incompetent to
render the required help. We are assured by American
writers indeed, that "the offer of the Danish government,
made through Mr. Adams (at that time the American
Minister in England), related only to the Ordination of
candidates for the diaconate and priesthood." 6 Inas
much however as a Church which is competent to ordain
Priests and Deacons is competent to consecrate Bishops
also, we are not surprised to learn from unexceptionable
authority that the project was seriously entertained of
resorting to Denmark for Episcopacy on the present
emergency. As early as 1782, before the acknowledg
ment of American independence, Mr. Routh had been
invited by Bp. Thurlow to a party at his house in
London, where he met the Rev. Dr. Myles Cooper, presi
dent of King's (now Columbia) College, with reference
to this very subject; and succeeded in impressing Dr.
Cooper with the fact (well understood now, but not so
patent then?) that the Danish Succession was invalid.
Dr. Lowth, Bp. of London, was present and corroborated
Routh's statement.7
Quite certain it is (and this is the only important
6 Centenary, p. 43. Also Life of America the wished for assistance
, pp. 193-4. And seep. 121 in compliance with the request

where the Abp. of Canterbury (May which had been made to them on
3, 1784) tells of the encouragement behalf of the American Church by
given by the Danish Bishops to Dr. George Berkeley, — " till the
American application for Holy independence of America be fully
Orders. and irrevocably recognised by the
7 In the same year (1782) it is Government of Great Britain."—
found that the Scottish Bishops Ibid. p. 45.
declared their inability to render

1784] The Learned Divine. 33
matter) that Dr. Seabury, whose endeavours with the
English Bishops were of necessity unsuccessful, was
directed (by Lord Chancellor Thurlow) to repair to Routh
at Oxford, with a view to consulting the learned young
Divine as to the best source for obtaining valid Con
secration, and especially as to the validity of the Danish
succession : Seabury having been himself persuaded in
London that he might safely apply to the Bishops of that
country. The President of Magdalen was known in after
years to refer with excusable satisfaction to his own
share in that (and the- earlier) memorable interview.
" I ventured to tell them, sir, that they would not find there
what they wanted!' He convinced his auditory on both
occasions that the Scandinavian sources — including Nor
wegian and Swedish as well as Danish, — were not trust
worthy. It was Routh in short who effectually dissuaded
Seabury from the dangerous project: strongly urging
upon him at the same time the unimpeachable claims of
the Scottish Episcopate, — " of whose succession there is no
doubt." 8 The precise date of this incident is not recorded :
but it probably took place towards the close of the inter
val between July 1783, when Seabury arrived in London,
and the 26th of the same month in the ensuing year, when
he announced to his friends in America his intention of
" waiting the issue of the present Session of Parliament,
which it is the common opinion will continue a month
longer" ; adding, that then, — " If nothing be done, I shall
give up the matter here as unattainable, and apply to the
North, — unless I should receive contrary directions from the
Clergy of Connecticut":'11 — words, by the way, which
effectually dispose of the imagination that "the Con-
8 The reader is invited to refer * Beardsley's Life and Corre-
to what will be found on this subject spqndence of Bishop Seabury, — pp.
in the Appendix (C). I32_3-
VOL. I. D

34

Martin Joseph Routh: [1784

necticut clergy at their Woodbury Conference had given
instructions to . . . their candidate, that if he should fail to
obtain consecration in England, he should seek it at the
hands of the Bishops of the disestablished Church of
Scotland." 1 As a matter of fact, Seabury delayed to act
on Routh's sagacious counsels until the 31st August,
1784: and even then, it was through Dr. Myles Cooper
that he approached the Scottish Prelates 2 — who by that
time supposed "that the affair was dropped." Dr.
Seabury's " long silence had made them all think that he
did not choose to be connected with them." "We are
concerned " (they added) " that he should have been so
long in making his application, and wish that in an affair
of so much importance he had corresponded with one
of our number." 3 On the 2nd October, however, the
Scottish primus, — having in the meantime indirectly
ascertained from the Abp. of Canterbury that he and his
colleagues would run no hazard by complying with
Dr. Seabury's request4, — professed readiness to consecrate
him: and accordingly, on the 14th November, 1784, in
an upper chamber at Aberdeen, Dr. Seabury was conse
crated first Bishop of Connecticut by the Bishops of
Aberdeen, Moray and Ross 5 . . . . A great separation
was thus providentially averted : and it is found to have
been mainly due to the counsels of one young in years
(for he was but twenty-nine), yet mature in Theological
attainments, — a man of singular judgment and who had
given himself wholly to sacred learning, — Martin Joseph
Routh. In 1792, the spark thus providentially elicited ;
was fanned into a flame, — a flame which has kindled
beacon-fires throughout the length and breadth of the vast
1 Seabury Centenary, — p. 5. « Seabury Centenary, — p. 50.—
2 TAfe of Seabury, — pp. 136-8. Life, — pp. 138-9.
* Ibid.— p. 141. s Ufe of Seabury,— p. 145.

1784] The Learned Divine.

35

American continent. At the end of well-nigh a century
of years, the churches of England and America,— the
mother and the daughter church, — flourish with in
dependent life and in full communion. 6
In every notice which has appeared of Dr. Routh,
unreasonable space is occupied by his friendship with the
eccentric Dr. Samuel Parr, who was an enthusiastic (and
of course a grandiloquent) admirer of the future President
of Magdalen. Bloxam remembers the man's grotesque
appearance, in his " canonical full dress, with enormous
wig, surmounted by the old clerical three-cornered hat, —
jumping and skipping about like a boy, when he saw the
President's carriage driving up to his door on the occasion
of a visit." 7 Faithful to the friend of early life until the
time of Parr's death in 1825,8 Routh must yet have
shrunk from his adulation, — which can only be charac
terized as oppressive : must have been amused by his
foolish vanity : must have been annoyed by his pedantry.
" My mother told me " (writes Dr. Routh's nephew)
"that she was once at a party at the President's, at
which Dr. Parr was present. He asked her to light his
pipe, observing, — ' You can now say that you have lighted
Dr. Parr's pipe.' " . . . . " Any one who remembers the
President's face under the infliction of a prolonged
compliment, will easily realize the mixture of amusement
and impatience with which he must have read " certain of
Dr. Parr's pubhshed encomiums.9 He complained (not
without reason) that he was scarcely able to decipher
Parr's letters. John Rigaud expressed a wish to have
one (as he collected autographs), and was at once
6 See the Appendix (C). * Bloxam's Register of Demies, —
7 Register of Demies, — p. 14. pp. 12, 14.
8 Sunday, March 6, 1825, aged 79.
D 2

o

6 Martin Joseph Routh : [1784

promised a specimen. ' I have a good many of his letters,
sir. I haven't read them all yet myself! '
Rigaud remembers the President telling him of an
interview between Dr. Johnson and Dr. Parr, in the
course of which the former made use of some strong ex
pression which considerably stung and offended the
latter. " Sir," (said Parr to Dr. Johnson),—" you
know that what you have just said will be known, in
four-and-twenty hours, over this vast metropolis."
Johnson's manner changed. His eye became calm ; and
(putting out his hand), — " Parr, forgive me " (he said),
" I didn't quite mean it ". . ." But," — (added the President
with an amused and amusing look ) — " I never could get
him to tell me, sir, what it was that Dr. Johnson had said'.'
To myself, when speaking of inscriptive writing,
Routh once remarked that all of Parr's inscriptions were
to be traced to the pages of Morcellus. (' He got them
all from Morcellus, sir,' — with a little wave of his hand.)1
But he provided a shelter for Parr's books, (they were
piled in boxes under the principal gateway of the
College), when the Birmingham rioters threatened to
burn his library at Hatton, (as they had already burnt
Priestley's Meeting-house,) and often entertained him in
his lodgings at Magdalen. His dinner-table to the last
retained marks of the burning ashes of Parr's pipe.
Porson, another of his guests, shared his kindness in a
substantial form; for the President in 1792, with Dr.
Parr, raised a subscription for providing him an annuity.
In 1794, Routh did the same kind office for Dr. Parr
himself; with the assistance of Mr. Kett and Dr. Maltby,
raising for him a subscription which procured him an
annuity of 300^. a year.
1 Steph. Ant. Morcelli De stilo Inscriptionum Latinarum, libri iii.
[1780], 4to.

1788] The Learned Divine. 37
We are apt to forget that this was a period (1775-
1788) when a great stirring in sacred science was cer
tainly going on, both at home and abroad. Griesbach's
first edition of the New Testament (1775-7) marks the
commencement of a new sera. The great work of Gal-
landius was completed in 1781. In 1786, 'codex A'
was published by Woide, and Alter 's Greek Testament
appeared. Birch's ' Collations ' (and indeed his edition
of the Gospels) saw the light in 1788, and C. F. Matthtei
in the same year put forth the last two volumes of his
own edition of the Greek Testament. The Philoxenian
version also was then first published, and Adler in the
next year published his collations of the Syriac text.
After an interval of just a century of years, we note with
satisfaction a corresponding sudden revival of enthusiasm
in the pursuit of the same studies. Interesting it is to
have to record that at this very time we first hear of
Routh also as a student of divinity. He had taken his
B.D. degree in 1786 (15th July), — the subject of his ex
ercise being 'An Christus sit vere Devs. Asseritur! The
following paper (dated 1788) seems to have been drawn
up in the prospect of death : —
'I request that, after my decease, all the letters and
papers of whatever kind in my possession be burnt by
my brother Samuel and my friend Mr. John Hind,
excepting my Collectanea in three volumes, from the
Fathers, on various subjects ; my collections from the H.
Scriptures and the Fathers on the Divinity of the Holy
Ghost ; the papers relating to a projected edition of the
remains and fragments of those Ante-Nicene Fathers
who have never been separately published ; and finally,
an interleaved copy of my Plato, wherein the Addenda
are digested in their proper order amongst the notes.
These papers and books with my other property of
whatever nature, I leave to the sole disposal of my
Father, at the same time requesting him, if any overplus

38 Martin Joseph Routh: [1788
remain after paying my debts, to present the following
books to the following mentioned persons. To the
present Lord Bishop of Durham, Lord Clarendon's Life and,
continuation of his History. To Edw. Thurlow, esq., Bishop
Pearson on the Creed. To Granville Penn, esq., Ernesti's
edition of Livy. To the Rev. George Hirst, Forster's
Hebrew Bible. To the Rev. John Hind, Grotius' s comment on
the Old and New Testament, and Fell's edition of St. Cyprian.'
But it is time to call attention to the prospectus which
Routh put forth in the same year (1.788) of the work by
which he will be chiefly remembered ; the completion of
which proved the solace of his age, as the preparation of
it had been the delight of his maturity, viz. the 'Reliquiae
Sacrae' ; the first two volumes of which appeared in 18 14.
In the Preface he explains that this undertaking, though
discontinued about the year 1790, had never been for an
instant abandoned ; though it was not till 1 805 that he
was able deliberately to resume his self-imposed task.
The object of the work was to bring together and to
present, carefully edited, the precious remains of those
Fathers of the second and third centuries of our sera, of
whose writings the merest fragments alone survive,
and whose very names in many instances have only not
died out of the Church's memory. Let us hear his own
account of this matter : —
" While I was engaged in reading through the ante-
Nicene Fathers, I could not but linger wistfully over
many an ancient writer whose scattered remains are too
scanty to admit of being separately edited ; and in fact
have never as yet been culled out and collected together.
Inasmuch, however, as I had formed the intention of
acquainting myself with the constitution, the doctrines,
the customs of the primitive Church, by the diligent
study to the best of my ability of its own monuments, I
resolved to acquaint myself with all the writings of the
earliest age. And, to say the truth, on very many occa-

1788] The Learned Divine.

39

sions I found my determination to overlook absolutely
nothing, of the greatest use in clearing up the difficulties
which occasionally presented themselves. At all events,
systematically to neglect so many writers, strongly re
commended to us as they are by their piety, their learn
ing and their authority, simply because of the very
mutilated condition in which their works have come
down to us, was out of the question. On the other
hand, it became needful to submit to the drudgery of
hunting up and down through the printed volumes of
those learned men who have treated of patristic anti
quity, in order to detect any scrap of genuine writing
which they might happen to contain. Such a pursuit I
could never in fact so much as have approached, had I
not been resident in an University. The resources of
no private library whatever would have enabled me to
effect what I desired.
"While thus engaged, I was inevitably impressed with
the conviction that he would i-ender good service to the
cause of sacred learning who should seriously undertake
to collect together those shorter works and fragments ;
especially if he could be successful in bringing to light
and publishing any of the former which still he concealed
in Continental libraries, besides any genuine remains
contained in unedited Catenae and similar collections.
The labour of such an undertaking, I further anticipated,
would not prove excessive if I took as my limit the
epoch of the first Nicene Council. I fixed on that limit
because the period is so illustrious in the annals of the
Church, and because, in matters of controversy, those
Fathers are chiefly appealed to who preceded that epoch.
Moreover, I could not forget that although in respect of
number the writers with which an editor would have to
do would be by no means small, yet in respect of bulk
they would be inconsiderable indeed, one .or two writers
alone excepted, whose more ample remains make one
wish the more that we possessed their works entire. I.
knew that very seldom are passages from their writings
to be met with in Catenae, or in other collections from
the Fathers ; and I did not beheve that there were many

40 Martin Joseph Routh: [1788
works set down in Library Catalogues which have not
yet seen the light. But of this, hereafter.
" I hoped therefore, if I undertook to edit such a
collection, that its usefulness would not be materially
diminished by its bulk. I am well aware that Grabe's
' Spicilegium' (which was never completed) comprises
scarcely a hundredth part of what I here publish. But
then, his plan was to fill his pages with apocryphal
writings, heretical treatises, and those remains of ortho
dox Fathers which often appear in a separate form.
Grabe's work is famous and not without its own proper
use. For my own part, I strictly confine myself to
genuine remains, and prescribe to myself the limits of
Catholic antiquity, leaving all fragments of Fathers,
whose works it is customary to edit separately, to those
who shall hereafter undertake to produce new editions
of those Fathers' works."
Such was the plan of the -Reliquiae Sacrae' from the
first. The title originally intended for the work had
been — 'Reliquiae Sacrae: sive Opuscula et Fragmenta Eccle-
siasticorum, qui tempora Synodi Nicaenae antecedebant, et
quorum scripta vel apud opera aliena setvantur, vel cum varii
generis auctoribus edi solent! But when, at the end of six-
and-twenty years, the first two volumes of this under
taking appeared (viz. in 18 14), not only the Prospectus2
(freely rendered above) but the very title had under
gone material alteration and improvement. The Author
was probably already conscious of a design to edit
separately certain ancient Opuscula. All apart from
these, at all events, he proposed should stand his 'Reli
quiae Sacrae: sive Auctorum fere jam per ditorum secundi ter-
tiique saeculi post Christum natum, quae supersunt.'
Two additional volumes of this undertaking appeared
in 1 815 and 181 8 respectively; and, looking upon the
work then as complete, the learned editor added indices
1 It is reproduced in the ' Praefatio,' — pp. x-xiii.

1788] The Learned Divine. 41
and corrections — some of which had been furnished by
Dr. Parr, 'amicus summits, vir doctrina exquisite! ornatus.' It
was the President's wont in this manner to acknowledge
literary kindnesses : viz. by enshrining the friend's name
in a note, commonly with the addition of a discriminating
epithet or some well-turned phrase ; and the compliment
(as many living will testify) used to be exceedingly
coveted, and was regarded as no slight distinction. Thus,
speaking of an epistle of Cyril, — ' Ejus autem lectionen
variantes humanitati debeo viri reverendi Stephani Reay
e Bibliotheca Bodleiana, cujus facilitatem, verecundiam, ent-
ditionemque omnes agnoscunt ; ' 3 — as well merited a com
pliment (be it remarked) as ever was paid to a truly
pious and most guileless man. 4 The ' Muratorian frag
ment ' was collated for him through the good offices of
one whom he describes as " vir ornatissimus, et mihi dum
viveret amicissimus, Georgius Frid. Nott, pluribus scriptis
eximiis orbi litterato notus." 5
It is impossible to handle these volumes without the
deepest interest. The passionate yearning which they
exhibit after primitive antiquity, — the strong determina
tion to get at the teaching of the Church in her best and
purest days, ere yet she had 'left her first love' and
declined from the teaching of her Founder, or had shown
an inclination to corrupt the deposit ; — this, added to the
conscientious labour and evident self-denial with which
the learned Editor has prosecuted his self-imposed task,
must command the sympathy and admiration of every
3 ' Opuscula,' ii. 95. idge's work on the XXXIX Articles
4 He was Laudian Professor of was printed by the Delegates of the
Arabic, and died aged 78 years, Oxford University press in 1840
20 Jan. 1861. "Under the super- from the original MS. in Dr. Routh's
intendence of the learned Mr. Reay possession.
of the Bodleian library" (writes the 5 Reliqq. i. 403.
President of Magdalen) Bp. Bever-

42 Martin Joseph Routh: [1788
one who has toiled ever so little in the same fields. To
the diligent reader of the Ecclesiastical History of Euse
bius, Routh's Reliquiae will have a peculiar interest : for
it becomes more than ever apparent how precious are the
golden remains which that remarkable man freely em
balmed in his pages. Let the truth be added — for it
is the truth — that without. Eusebius there would have
scarcely been any Reliquiae Sacrae for learned men to
edit. Reckoning the patristic matter in these four
volumes (exclusive of Appendices) as covering 450 pages,
it is found that these would be further reduced to 260, if
the excerpts, for which we are, solely indebted to Eusebius,
were away: and with the 190 pages which would thus
disappear would also disappear the names of Quadratus,
Agrippa Castor, Dionysius Corinthius, Pinytus, Rhodon,
Serapion, Apollonius, Polycrates, Maximus, Caius, Alex
ander Hier., Phileas ; besides almost all that we possess
of Papias, Melito, Claudius Apollinaris and Hegesippus;
together with Anonymus Presbyter, Auctor contra Cata-
phrygas, the account of the Martyrs of Lyons, and the
famous epistle of the churches of Vienne and Lyons ;
besides the notices of the Concilium Caesariense and the
Concilium Lngdunense.
What, then, constitutes the peculiar merit of the work
now under consideration ? Chiefly the erudition and
sagacity with which whatever has been here brought
together is edited. Unlike the industrious Grabe, to
whom nothing came amiss that belonged to a primitive
age (no matter who was its author), Dr. Routh confined
his attention strictly to the undoubted remains of high
Catholic antiquity. He mighl easily have enlarged his
store from unpublished Catenae, and other similar sources;
but no one ever knew better than he with how much
caution such excerpts are to be entertained. Whatever

1788] The Learned Divine. 43
the President deemed open to suspicion, that he uncere
moniously rejected. A remarkable illustration of his
method in this respect is supplied by the latest of his
publications, a tract to be described hereafter, in the
course of which he edits from the Chronicon Paschale four
fragments of Petrus Alexandrinus— (thus, at the end of
thirty-nine years, adding ten pages to the twenty-nine
he had put forth of the same Father in 1814); because
he made the discovery in the last years of his life that
what he had formerly suspected of being a fabrication,
proved after all to be an undoubtedly genuine fragment
of the same Alexandrine Father.6
Next, the vast research with which, from about forty
different sources, the President had gleaned the several
articles which make up the collection (they are fifty
in all), merits notice. Very scanty in many instances,
it must be confessed, is the result. In the case of 'Aris
tides ' (a. D. 1 25) not a single word of what the man wrote
is preserved :7 while of many other authors (as of Aristo
Pellseus, Ambrosius Alexandrinus, Pierius, &c.) so won
drous little survives (a few lines at best), that it might
really appear as if the honours of typography and
the labour of annotation were thrown away. Learned
6 ' Haec S. Petri Alexandrini frag- 7 ' Reliqq.' i. 76. Note, that what
menta, quae in limine Chronici Pas- the Abbe1 Martin edited under this
chalis, seu Alexandrini, sita respu- name in 1883 [Analecta Sacra spici-
erunt critici, propterea quod Atha- legio Solesmensi parata, — Paris, —
nasius aliquanto post Petrum pp. 6-1 1; 282-6], is explained
scribens in iis afferri videbatur, in his Prolegomena (pp. x-xi) to
nunc ego caeteris S. Petri reliquiis, be the work of ' Aristeas ' : but
sed tardus addidi ob verum titulum because "nullum scriptorem anti-
eorum in MS. "Vaticano a Cardinali quum novimus qui nominis Ari-
Maio repertum, et a Dindorfio nu- steae gaudeat, haec est ratio cur edi-
perae Chronici editioni praefixum. tores  fragmentum homiliae
Quam quidem editionem, cum v66a retulerint apologetae Atheniensi,
esse haec Fragmenta crediderim, de quem uni versa laudavit antiquitas."
iis consulere neglexi.' — p. 19.

44 Martin Joseph Routh : [1791*
persons, however, will know better : and to have said this
must suffice. It is believed that one only article in the
entire collection first saw the light in the President's
pages : viz. a fragment of Africanus, about fifty lines
long, which he edited from two MSS. at Vienna and one
at Paris. 8 But he also recovered the Greek of a certain
fragment of Petrus Alexandrinus from a MS. in the Bod
leian, — the passage having been hitherto only known
in the Latin Version of Leontius Byzantinus9  A
second edition of the 'Reliquiae' was called for in 1846 ;
in preparing which for the press, C. A. Ogilvie, Richard
Walker, and William Henderson rendered valuable 1
help: — the first, — ' praemiis pietatis et doctrinae donatus' ;
the second, — ' ipsis deliciis bonarum litterarum contentus ';
the third, — ' vir lectissimus, amplis honoribus Academicis
haud ita pridem insignitus.'1
On Tuesday, April 12th, 1 791, Dr. Home, who in the
preceding February had taken his seat in the House of
Lords as Bishop of Norwich, sent in his resignation of
the Presidentship of the College ; an office which he had
held for 23 years ; and next day, (the 27th, having been
fixed for the choice of his successor,) Dr. Burrough,
Dr. Metcalfe, Mr. B. Tate, Mr. Parkinson, and Martin
Joseph Routh, announced themselves as candidates. The
election was made a matter of elaborate canvas. Next
to Routh, Parkinson was the greatest favourite. Those
who wrote to congratulate the new President on his
honours, naturally wished him length of days to enjoy
them. Seldom certainly have wishes more nearly re
sembled effectual prayers. But it was of course from
the modest parsonage at Beccles, (whither he sent at
8 Reliqq. ii. 228-31. » Reliqq. iv. 48, line 3. Cp. p. 77.
1 Reliqq. iv. 525.

1793] The Learned Divine. 45
once a thank-offering for distribution among the poor,)
— that ' Martin's ' heartiest congratulations proceeded.
And now an honourable independence, and the prospect
of learned leisure, together with as much of external
happiness as a reasonable man ought to desire for
himself, opened in large measure upon him.
Bishop Home's successor (henceforth [5th July]
1 Doctor Routh ') devoted himself forthwith to his new
duties, and obtained a mastery of the subject which
surprised the society which had elected him to be
their head. We hear little or nothing of him during
the next few years. But a passage in one of his
father's letters to him (dated April 9th, 1793), explains
how he proposed to supply an imperious want which
was sure to make itself felt by the newly made
(bachelor) President : —
" Your request of Sophia's company and attendance
will be complied with : with pleasure, I will say, con
sidering the mutual advantage you may derive from
it : but not without much abatement, from the regret
we shall both feel at parting from her. Your Mother
more especially, to whom she is truly a right hand."
This loved sister, who afterwards became Mrs. Shep-
pard, we shall presently hear about again. In the
autumn of the ensuing year, the President's father trans
ferred his family to Bungay. " His appearance made so
deep an impression on me, then a little child," (writes a
correspondent to Notes and Queries), " that it yet stands
forth clearly and vividly from the dim shadows of the
past. He always wore the gown and cassock."2 Con
cerning Martin himself we know nothing except that
he continued to be a devoted student of Patristic
Divinity. 2 N. & Q. ist Ser. xii. pp. 291, 2.

46 Martin Joseph Routh : [1795
Of the many precious letters he must have written,
none are forthcoming. They exist — if at all — among the
papers of departed scholars and divines. But here is his
own draft of one of them (to whom addressed does not
appear) which certainly deserves to be preserved : —
' Dear Mr.  As I had no permission to communicate
your papers to any one, I thought myself bound to keep
them as private as possible.
' I hope you will forgive my reluctance to entering into
a discussion of the terms of the proposition you have
laid down ; but I think myself obliged, for more reasons
than one, to declare I know of no method by which the
genuine doctrine taught by the Church, of the Son's being,
as well as the Father, very and eternal God, — and of
the Holt Ghost's being, as well as the Father, very
and eternal God, — can be defended against the charge of
Tritheism and idolatry ; but by stating ab initio that the
Church believes in one Eternal Being really distinguished
in its essence ; which Being is transcendently One, if
Unity admits of increase and diminution. If I am wrong
in my judgment of your mode of answering Dr. Priestly
or other heretics, I hope to be excused : and remain,
' Dear Sir, with very great regard, &c.'
To this period of the President's hfe belongs an in
cident of interest, concerning which however I have been
able to discover nothing beyond what I proceed to relate.
For the use of the Gallican Clergy who took refuge in
England during the horrors of the French Revolution,
the Convocation of the University of Oxford (March 10th,
1795) munificently voted that an edition of 2000 copies
of the Vulgate Text of the N. T. should be printed
at the University Press, and freely distributed among
the unfortunate exiles ; — " Namque " (to quote the words
of their spokesman) "et illud profugis ereptumfuerat solatium
ut Sanctos Libros secum adportarent, exilii sui comites dulcis-

1195~] The Learned Divine. 47
simos." 3 Most of them in fact had made their escape from
France in such haste, that they had brought away nothing
with them.4 A copy of this Edition, — in a solander
case lettered behind " M. J. Routh et G. Penn," — (with
Granville Penn's book plate inside the cover,) was pre
sented to me some years ago by one5 to whom I am
largely indebted for information concerning the President
of Magdalen. It is thought that the work was carried
through the press jointly by the President and by his
former pupil : but one would have been glad to repose
on something better than surmise in respect of so inter
esting an incident. It is clear at all events that the
copy which has suggested these remarks was Granville
Penn's, and that the President had some close connexion
with it; though the Annals of the University Press afford
no evidence that either ' G. Penn' or ' M. J. Routh ' was con
cerned in producing the edition of which it is a sample.
"Forty years ago," (wrote Samuel Rickards, sometime
fellow of Oriel, to James Mozley in 1 854), " I had a
friend at your college, a gentleman-commoner; and a
very odd, though well-meaning man he was, — especially
given to religious oddities. One of these was the turning
up the whites of his eyes in chapel, which was a very
3 From the prefatory "Literae ad 1729, d. in London 1806]
Academiam Osoniensem a Joanne * Cox' s Recollections of Ojford, —
Francisco Episcopo Leonensi datae, ist ed. p. 19.
et in domo Convocations die Mer- 5 My old friend, now my neigh-
curii i\m° Maii 1796 publice red- bour, the Rev. Dr. Bloxam, for 28
tatae." [M. l'Abbe Martin informs years fellow of Magdalen, now rector
me that the writer of this letter of Upper Beeding in this county.
was ' Mgr. Jean Francois de la His " Register of the Presidents,
Marche, eveque d'une petite ville Fellows, Demies," &c. of the College
connue sous le nom de S. Pol de which he has so long adorned and
Le'on, au diocese actuel de Quimper, faithfully served, will be an abiding
dans le departement de Finistere, a monument of his constancy, dutiful-
Texta-emiti de la Bretagne, dans ness, and pious zeal.
l'arrondissement de Morlaix ' : 6.

48 Martin Joseph Routh: [1810
visible token of some other things about him unseen.
This only brought the President to call upon him oftener
and more kindly, it seemed ; and he did not omit to tell
him that such ways were not a desirable distinction from
other people engaged side by side with him at their
devotions in a more usual manner. I remember on one
occasion, as he stood before the fire, just going away, his
eye fell upon a little bust of either Wesley or Whitfield,
(I forget which,) with a very impassioned expression on
the countenance. He asked who it was ; and on being
told, he said with great good-nature and seriousness
too, — ' Surely, for many reasons besides love for the col
lege, the spirit as well as the presence of Bishop Home
would be better dwelling here, than such a stranger!'
.... This rebuke had the desired effect, — as the person
to whom it was addressed admitted to me long after." 6
In 1810, he was presented to the Rectory and Vicarage
of Tylehurst, near Reading (worth 1000/. a year), by
Dr. Thomas Sheppard. The President had declined the
same presentation eleven years before, disapproving of
the condition subject to which it had been then offered
him : viz. that he should appropriate 300^. of his annual
income as President to the ' Livings' fund ' of Magdalen
College. Dr. Sheppard had in the meantime married
the President's youngest sister, Sophia, — who till then
had done the honours of his house ; and Tylehurst had
become again vacant by the death of Dr. Richard
Chandler, the celebrated traveller. At the mature age
of fifty-five, Dr. Routh therefore received priest's orders
at the hands of Dr. John Fisher, Bishop of Salisbury, in
6 Stowlangtoft Rectory, Dec. 27th, are again and again going over the
1854. — Mozley's correspondent con- loss that has fallen upon you, any
eludes, (referring to the President's remembrances of one so very vener-
recent death), — "It seems strange able may drqp upon your mind with
to write of things so long past ; but something of comfort in them. This
such an event brings one's recol- at least is my. way of consoling you,
lections into extraordinary fresh- and I will not doubt that you will
ness ; and it may be that while you take it in good part."

1810] The Learned Divine. 49
the Bishop's private chapel, August 26th, 18 10. (By the
way, Dr. Landon, Provost of Worcester, had enough
of humour to inquire whether the President was properly
examined on that occasion.) There were not wanting
some to insinuate that conscientious scruples had been
the cause why the President of Magdalen had continued
in deacon's orders for three-and-thirty years. He himself
not unreasonably supposed that his ' Reliquiae ' was the
best answer to such a calumny ; and explained that his
only reason for deferring priest's orders had been because
he had never before held any ecclesiastical preferment.
Henceforth then, in his case, the cares of the pastoral
office were superadded to the claims of a college, and the
occupations of a laborious student.
He made no secret that at Tylehurst he preached Town-
son's Sermons — abridged to a quarter-of-an-hour and
corrected — every Sunday to his rustic flock: though it re
mains a marvel how he could possibly decipher the manu
script which he carried with him into the pulpit. " There
are no better sermons, John," — (he used to say to his
nephew, who was also his curate,) — " and the people can
not hear them too often." He always preached at the
morning service, weather permitting, during his residence
of three months ; and always in his surplice : — yet not by
any means so much for conscience sake, as for a sanitary
reason. He was apprehensive of taking cold if he took off
his surplice. His practice therefore was, after giving the
blessing, to precede the congregation out of Church, — to
avoid encountering draughts. But he told his nephew,
(when the agitation on the subject was at its height,)
that in Suffolk, se puero, the surplice was universally and
exclusively worn. To his parishioners he was always
courteous ; kind to them all, and liberal in reducing the
tithe payments when there was any real call for it. One
vol. 1. E

50 Martin Joseph Routh: [1815
of the latest acts of his life was the enlargement of the
Church, and, — ' incolarum paroeciae suae aetate provectiorum
haud immemor,' — the erection of a porch on the south side.
To this period of the President's hfe belongs the
following letter, addressed by him to the Rev. William
Aldrich, fellow of Magdalen and Senior Proctor ; who, at
the conclusion of his period of office, having to prepare
his Proctorial speech, had evidently applied to the
President for a few appropriate sentences to commemorate
the chief event of the year, viz. the decease of Dr. John
Eveleigh [Provost 1781-1814] and the succession of Ed
ward Copleston to the Provostship of Oriel. Such a letter,
it is thought, well deserves to be placed on record : —
' Tylehurst, April ist, 1815.
' Dear Sir, — I omitted leaving the few sentences here
subjoined before I left Oxford, being at that time
unusually occupied and engaged ; but last night, as the
time pressed, I determined on making you wait no
longer, at the same time hoping that you might only now
be returned to Oxford : —
' Dein paucis mensibus interjectis e medio nobis ereptus
est vir gravis et sanctus, Orielensis Collegii praepositus,
qui, juncta doctrina turn sacra quam externa cum literis
Hebraicis, in scriptis suis non tantum divinas Scripturas.
feliciter exposuit, sed etiam fidem orthodoxam invictissime
defendit. Religionis praemia, quae innocentia vitae atque
inculpatis moribus Deo adjuvante meruerat, virtutibus et
annis plenus, jam melius nosse incepit.
' Huic egregio viro, quem diu lugebunt cum ecclesia et
academia, turn vero praecipue celebremusarum domicilium,
in quo habitabat, successit grande decus atque tutamen
rerum nostrarum, is, qui omnium tulit suffragia, nee meo
vel cujusquam alius egens prseconio.
' These lines such as they are I have sent, depending on
your secrecy, and remain your faithful servant,
' M. J. Routh.'

1820] The Learned Divine. 51
But the following memorandum, written by the Presi
dent's hand, refers to an event in his history of far too
much importance to be any longer withheld: — '1820,
September 1 8th, my birthday. I married Eliza Agnes,
eldest unmarried daughter of John Blagrave, esq., of
Calcot Park, in the parish of Tylehurst.' The marriage
was solemnized at Walcot church, Bath, — in which city
(as she explained to me) Mrs. Routh had been brought
up by her aunt. She resided at 22 Queen square, and
had known her future husband about seven years. He
was now exactly sixty-five. This lady (bom in 1790)
the tenth of a single family of twenty children, survived
him fifteen years, — dying(March 23rd, 1869) aged seventy-
eight, — and lies interred in Holywell Cemetery. Dr.
Chandler (she said) used to tell her that ' she was a
tithe, and belonged to the Rectory ' : it was but fitting
therefore that she should have married the next Rector.
Mrs. Routh loved to talk about her husband, — whom she
greatly revered. She remarked to me that he used
always to say his private prayers leaning against a
table and standing. He had told her (she said) that
when he was twelve years of age he wrote a sermon
which so surprised the family, that his sister was curious
to know whether it was his own. To convince her, he
wrote another. Far better deserving of attention, how
ever, is Mrs. Routh's share in the following incident
which I had from her own lips.
Many will remember a shameful murder committed in
1845 by a Quaker named Tawell. Some may be aware
that the telegraphic wires were first employed to pro
mote the ends of justice on the same occasion, and that
the murderer's apprehension was the consequence. This
man's relations lived about four miles from Beccles, were
well known to the Rouths, and were much respected in
E 2

52 Martin Joseph Routh: [1-845
the neighbourhood. One morning after breakfast, the
President, who had been perusing the sentence passed
on Tawell by Baron Parke, exclaimed — 'Eliza, give
me a pen.' She obeyed : whereupon he instantly wrote
the following letter, which was duly put into the hands
of the miserable man in his cell, and read by him before
his execution. The Chaplain of the gaol was brother to
the well-known Oxford bedell, Mr. Cox, — who, as a
former member of Magdalen, knew the handwriting.
The document appeared in some of the public prints
immediately after : —
' Sir, — This comes from one who, like yourself, has not
long to live, being in his ninetieth year. He has had
more opportunity than most men for distinctly knowing
that the Scriptures of the New Testament were written
by the Apostles of the Saviour of mankind. In these
Scriptures it is expressly said that the blood of Jesus
Christ, the Son of God, cleanses us from all sin ; and that
if we confess our sins, God, being merciful and just, will
forgive us our sins on our repentance.
' I write this, not knowing how long you have to hve ;
but in the name of the faithful, just, and merciful God,
make use of your whole time in supplications for His
mercy. 'Perhaps the very circumstances in which you are
now placed may be the means of saving your immortal
soul ; for if you had gone on in sin to the end of your
Ufe you would infallibly have lost it. Think, say, and
do everything in your power to save your soul before
you go into another life. 'Your Friend.'
But we were speaking of the President of Magdalen
as incumbent of a Berkshire village. His nephew
John thus writes : —
" His chief occupation at Tylehurst, when not engaged

1832] The Learned Divine. ¦ 53
in literary pursuits, was visiting Theale, (a hamlet of
the parish distant three miles from the rectory.) for the
purpose of superintending the building of the Church
there which was done at the sole expense of his sister
Mrs. Sheppard:7 begun in 1820 and finished in 1830, —
(as long he used to say as the siege of Troy,) — at a cost
of 26,000/. including the parsonage house : a sum which
in these days would have built, I imagine, three Churches
of the same size. I have known him walk to this Church
and back (6 miles) with a severe hill to climb, when he
was in his 94th year, and under a July sun."
The other work, on which the President of Magdalen
founds his claim to the Church's gratitude, appeared in
1832, with this title: ' Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Opuscula
praecipua quaedam.' Within the narrow compass of two
octavo volumes we are here furnished with what, after
exhaustive search, the learned editor deemed most pre
cious among the remains of primitive ecclesiastical
antiquity. The prefatory address 'To the Reader,' in
which the contents of the book are briefly reviewed and
explained, deserves very thoughtful perusal. Hippo-
lytus contributes a treatise on the Divine Nature.
Against heretical depravation, Irenseus and Tertullian
write. Some precious authorities concerning the doc
trine of the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood
follow. Against Gentile superstitions Cyprian furnishes
a treatise. The Creeds and Canons of the first four
General Councils witness to what was the faith, what
the discipline, of the Church Universal. And so much
for doctrine. Polycarp, Tertullian, Cyprian contribute
7 This loved sister sleeps in Am- lulii . xxxi . | anno . Salutis .
port church. Her tablet bears the mdccoxlviii . moerentibus . | undi-
following epitaph by the President : que . auxilio . orbis . et . perpetuas .
donante . Deo . in . \ lacrymas . fundente . domo . sua .

pace . Sophia . | vidua . Thomae . nisi. | viventem . cum . Christo . sem-
Sheppard . S. T. P. vixit . ann. | per . deflere . | nefas . esset . \ Vale .
lxxix . mens . ix . decessit . die . vale . quae .fuisti . cwrissima .

54 ' Martin Joseph Routh: [1823
what tends to practical piety. Lastly, the pretensions
of the see of Rome to authority and infallibility are
tested by an appeal to antiquity. We are shown that
Stephanus, Bishop of Rome, was held by the ancients to
have excommunicated himself when he excommunicated
the Orientals ; and that Honorius, another Romish
bishop, was first condemned by a general Council, and
then anathematised his own successors. To these, some
important treatises were added in 1840, when a second
edition ofthe work was called for. The late learned and
pious Bishop of Chester "(Dr. Jacobson) re-edited the
' Opuscula' in 1858, with much self-denying labour and
learning ; withholding nothing — but his name. It shall
but be added that every one aspiring to be a student
of Divinity should possess himself of Routh's Opuscula
and Reliquiae, and should master their contents. The
prefaces to both, — to the latter especially, — should be
carefully laid to heart. *
But it were a very inadequate sketch of Dr. Routh's
work and character which should represent him only
as a divine. In 1823, he relates, — (his autograph
memorandum lies before me,)—" I published an edition
of Burnet's History of his own Time, accompanied with
the hitherto unpublished Notes of the Earls of Dart
mouth and Hardwick, and the whole of Dean Swift's,
and additional ones of my own ; besides the passages
of the first volume in folio, which had been suppressed
by the first editors." Of this work, a second and en
larged edition appeared in 1833. His mind seemed
saturated with the lore of the period of which Burnet
treats; and (as Dr. Charles Daubeny, one of his
fellows, remarked) when he made it the theme of his
conversation —

1852] The Learned Divine. 55
' he seemed to deliver himself rather like a contemporary
who had been an eye-witness of the scenes he de
scribed, than as one who had drawn his information from
second-hand sources ; so perfect was his acquaintance
with the minutest details, so intimate his familiarity
with everything relating to the history of the indi
viduals who figured in those events. On such occasions
one could hardly help interrupting him in the course
of his narrative by inquiring whether he had not him
self witnessed the rejoicings at the signature of the
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, or shaken hands with Presi
dent Hough at the time of his triumphant return to
his college, on the restoration of the fellows. Availing
himself of the privileges of seniority, he had the tact
to lead the conversation into those channels with
which he was most at home, and astonished the eager
listener with the extent and accuracy of his know
ledge. It was thus, only a few years before his death,
that he surprised Mr. Bancroft, the American historian,
with his knowledge of the reign of James H, and of
the early settlements in America. Nothing in the
meantime can be conceived more dignified, more cour
teous, more ingratiating than his address and manner,
especially during his latter years, when the peculiari
ties of his dress and appearance were set down to his
great age, and the fashion of a period long gone by.
— which enhanced the effect of his affable and kind,
though formal deportment.' 8
In 1852 he published, in a single volume, with many
additional notes, Burnet's 'History of the Reign qf King
James II.' "I am going on at the press with King
James' Life," (he writes to Dr. Ogilvie, Oct. 4th, 1851),—
" but not at so quick a pace as I wish. It affords me
some amusement." The last words of his short Preface
deserve to be transcribed :— ' Under all our changes, the
public press by its disclosure and powerful advocacy
of the truth, has been found protecting right against
8 Biographical sketch,— a, leaflet, signed 'C. D.'

56 Martin Joseph Routh : [1852
wrong, and maintaining real hberty.' In the first draft
this sentence ran thus: — 'A free press will be found
as essential as ever to the preservation of real freedom.'
His own politics savoured altogether of a bygone age. He
belonged to no modern party. Daubeny relates (from
hearsay) that 'in early life, Routh's was a kind of
theoretical Jacobitism, such as had been cherished very
generaUy by the clergy and country squires of the last
century.' But disloyalty was abhorrent to his whole
nature. He was all for the prerogatives of the Sovereign,
and jealous of the encroachments of the aristocracy.
Thus his Toryism carried with it a dash of liberalism.
This endeared him to Sir Francis Burdett, who with
generous warmth paid an eloquent tribute to his friend's
merits in the course of a debate in the House, May 8th,
1 828. His churchmanship was that of the best Caroline
divines. Popery he abhorred. " They have no support
in the Fathers, sir. In the first three centuries, not one
word." 9 He recognised in the teaching of the reformed
Church of England the nearest approximation to the
teaching of the Apostolic age. On the other hand, he
formed no alliance with any party in the Church. He
was above party, taking his stand on Scripture and
primitive antiquity ; although concerning his sympa1
thies, there could be no doubt. " I never saw the
President look so black " (writes Dr. Bloxam) " as when
the epithets ' Tractarian ' or ' Puseyite ' were employed
in his presence." Keenly alive to politics, (for he read
' the Times ' to the last, and watched with extraordinary
interest the progress of the Russian war,) he chiefly
regarded the movements of the State as they affected
the independence and purity of the Church. Even
from the government and public business of the Univer-
9 To Dr. Cotton, Provost of Worcester College.

1852] The Learned Divine. 57
sity he kept himself aloof, contented to administer
his own college weU. But, as I have said, he was
an anxious, as well as attentive observer of what was
passing around him. The democratic tendencies of the
age fiUed him with alarm. The phrase ' Imperial Parlia
ment' so offended him that (January 17, 1800) it called
forth from him a long and indignant protest, — to whom
addressed, I know not. The vulgar error that our
tripartite Constitution consists of ' King, Lords, and
Commons,' — (whereas, as every student knows, the three
Estates of the Realm are ' the Spiritualty, the Nobility,
and the Commonalty,' the Sovereign being above and
over aU); — this also used greatly to disgust him. The
interference of the University Commission (of 1854), he
resented with unmingled indignation and abhorrence.
What would he have said to the revolutionary Com
mission of 1876? He would have despaired of Oxford
altogether could he have known what was in store
for the institutions he had loved so well, at the end
of thirty years.
The* present is the sketch of what was confessedly
an uneventful Ufe. The President grew very aged
amid the regards of a generation whose sires remem
bered him an old man. Well informed in every topic
of the hour, — weighty in his judgments, — animated and
instructive in his conversation, — he was resorted to with
affectionate reverence ; and every one on coming away
had something to relate in proof of his unfailing readi
ness, clearness, shrewdness, — the extent and minuteness
of his knowledge — his unique aptitude at reproducing
names and dates when he told a story. Everything
about him was interesting, — was marvellous : his cos
tume, his learning, his wisdom, his wit, his wig. He

58 Martin Joseph Routh: [1834
never came abroad ; so that, with the many, his very
existence rested on tradition. One of his fellows in
the beginning of February 1834 writes, — "Newman
was closeted the other day for two hours with Dr.
Routh, receiving his opinions as to his work [the
History of the Arians], which were very complimen
tary."1 It may have been in consequence of those
two hours of colloquy that the President used to speak
of him, as ' that clever young gentleman of Oriel, Mr.
Newman' : but there were several other interviews.
In the last volume of his 'Reliquiae,' (it was published
in 1848,) he designates him as "vir valde perspicax et
eruditus " 2 . . . He certainly cherished great personal
regard as well as respect for the vicar of S. Mary's :
sending him some of his books, and once going out
of his way to find and give him a copy of Casaubon's
'Adversaria.' " Up to 1845" (writes Dr. Bloxam) " when
Newman declined the appointment, he always sent me
over to Littlemore to ask Newman to be examiner
for the Johnson Scholarship. On the last occasion,
Newman wrote to decUne it in the foUowing words : —
" I wish I could convey to you how much I felt the
great kindness of your message to me by Mr. Bloxam.
It seems almost intrusion and impertinence to express
to you my gratitude, yet I cannot help it. You are the
only person in station in Oxford, who has shown me
any countenance for a long course of years ; and, much
as I knew your kindness, I did not expect it now." 3
" Up to the last," (continues my informant), " he used
to speak to me of Newman as 'the great Newman.'"
Routh's attitude, in fact, throughout the period referred
to, admits of no mistake. The appointment of Dr.
1 Mozley's Letters, — p. 39. for more on the same subject, see
'l Reliqq. v. 368. Bloxam's Demies,— pp. 34-7.
8 For the rest of this letter, and

1835] The Learned Divine. 59
Hampden to the Regius Professorship of Divinity (in
1836) aroused a storm of indignation in the University
which was never appeased. Convocation resolved to
petition the Crown against it, and an extraordinary
scene was witnessed in the Sheldonian Theatre (March
22nd) in which however the most interesting feature, —
(James Mozley calls it "one of the most pleasant
sights,") — " was old Routh, the venerable head of Mag
dalen College, who appeared for the first time, I suppose,
in these many years, in his place among the Doctors.
At the first glimpse of his wig, a general acclamation
was raised, which the old gentle*man returned with
several bows, in all the courtesy ofthe old school" 4 . . .
We smile, of course : and yet, when about this very
time we encounter the venerable President in person, he
moves before us like one of his contemporaries, and excites
nothing but grave respect. Take the following letter of
his to Hugh James Rose, — written at the same critical
period in the history of our Church : —
' Magdalen College, Oxford, March 31, 1835.
1 Reverend Sir, — I return you many thanks for the op
portunity you have given me of sooner reading your Concio
ad Clerum.5 The judicious remarks it contains on former
periods of our history, expressed in excellent Latinity,
afforded me much pleasure ; at the same time that the
apprehensions you entertain for the future safety of the
Church, corresponded with my own. Let us however
trust that God wiU favour our cause, which is that of
justice and truth.
' I have to request further favours at your hands : the
first is, to thank in my name, as I am ignorant of his
address, Mr. Maitland (the author of Letters to you on
Milner's Church History) for the perusal of his appro
priate and unanswerable Strictures ; the other is to offer
' Letters, p. 55.
5 At S. Paul's (20th Febr. 1835;, ' Jussu Reverendissimi,' — p. 19.

60 Martin Joseph Routh: [1851
my kind respects to Mr. Ogilvie, your coadjutor at
Lambeth. — I remain, Reverend Sir, with great esteem,
your obedient and obliged Servant,
'M. J. Routh.'
Something was said above about the President's
marvellous retention of his faculties, — his vivacity and
intellectual vigour. His clearness of mind and ready
recollection of dates gave him a great advantage in
conversation. He was once telling Dr. Daubeny of the
wish entertained by an illustrious person to be Chancellor
of the University. ' And why was he not elected V asked
Daubeny. ' Because, the ChanceUor chose to live, sir !' —
'But,' rejoined Daubeny, 'why was he not elected after
the Chancellor's death?' 'Because he was dead himself, sir',
he replied; — with a rapidity which was very diverting
to those who overheard the conversation.
The retentiveness of his memory, even in respect of
trifles, was truly extraordinary. His nephew, John
Routh, having had a seventh child born to him in 1851,
the President (who had entered on his 97th year) re
marked to John Rigaud (fellow of Magdalen) ' That was
your number.' How he came to know the fact — yet more
why he should have remembered it — no one present could
imagine. Shortly before his death, on being shown in a
newspaper 6 an account of himself in which his age was
mentioned, and the persons specified with whom he might
have conversed, he exclaimed — ' I am described as being a
little younger than Pitt. The blockhead, as he knew my
age, might have known that I was four or five years older!
Dr. Jacobson described to me a visit he once paid him ;
when, after a little talk, the President challenged him to
adjourn to the garden for conversation : remarking that
it was somewhat gloomy within, but cheerful out-of-
6 Maidstone Journal some time in 1853.

1844] The Learned Divine. 61
doors. (It was during the dog-days.) The clock struck
3 as they entered the old-fashioned demesne (part of the
garden of old ' Magdalen Hall,') and the venerable man
prolonged a most animated discourse concerning the '88,
until the clock struck 5, — when a servant came to
announce dinner. There was he, dramatizing every in
cident ; giving the actual words of the several speakers ;
relating the fortunes of the house of Magdalen at the
period ; " and, at times, looking uncomfortably over his
shoulder, as if not without a lurking suspicion that the
very gooseberry-bushes had ears." . . . My informant
greatly regretted that he had kept no notes of his many
conversations with the old President.
Side by side, however, with all this quick intelligence,
he would ever and anon betray the fact that he belonged
to a quite bygone generation. He retained many obsolete
expressions. For instance, he was known to exclaim to
his servant, — ' Bring it back, sirrah !'...' There comes
my lord of Oxford] he would say of the Bishop. . . . But
in fact, it was impossible even for those who revered
him most not to be merry over the little detaUs which
occasionaUy transpired. Thus (June 4th, 1844) he sent
the foUowing official note to H. P. Guillemard (Senior
Proctor): — 'Mr. Woodhouse, a gentleman commoner of
this coUege, has my permission to hire a one-horse chaise,
if it meets with the approbation of the Senior Proctor.' And
in the following October, R. W. Church, the present
Dean of St. Paul's (Junior Proctor), received a similar
message : — ' Mr. Wm. Woodhouse, a gentleman com
moner of this college, has my permission, if he obtains
the Proctor's consent, to make use of a vehicle drawn by one
horse.' .... Little did the venerable writer dream of the
metamorphosis which, on the other side of the Cherwell,
awaited the ' vehicle ' which had been ' drawn by one

62 Martin Joseph Routh : [1844
horse ' as far as Magdalen bridge ! . . . Add certain
peculiarities of costume and manner, and it will be
readily understood that there were many good stories
current concerning the dear old President, — some of
which were true.
I should despair of exhibiting a scene which I once
heard (or rather once saw) John Rigaud describe of an
examination at which he assisted in the President's
library, — the last which the President ever conducted in
person. The book was Homer, of which the youth to
be examined was profoundly ignorant. What with the
President's deafness and the man's mistakes, Rigaud
thought he must have expired. The President had two
copies of Homer, one at each side of his chair ; and with
immense urbanity handed a copy to the youth as he
entered. When the man read the Greek, the President
thought he was construing into English, and vice versa.
" What was that you said, sir ? " he would inquire
earnestly. The man confessed what he had said. One
of the examiners was down upon him in an instant.
The President stood up for the victim, on the charitable
hypothesis that, " perhaps he had been taught so." The
man speedily put it out of all doubt that his method
was entirely his own. Thereupon the President con
strued the passage for him. Rigaud was fain to conceal
himself behind the newspaper., and sat in perfect terror
lest he should be appealed to, and be compelled to
exhibit a face convulsed with merriment.
Dr. Routh was very fond of his dogs. It was his way,
when a superfluous bit of bread-and-butter was in his
hand at tea-time, to sink back in his chair and at the
same instant to drop the morsel to the expectant and
eager quadrupeds, which have been known so far to
take advantage of his good nature as fairly to invade

The Learned Divine. 6

.•>

his person, in order to get rather more than he had
contemplated bestowing. Very mournful was the ex
pression his features assumed if ever Mrs. Routh, in the
exercise of a sane discretion, took upon herself to expel
the dogs from the apartment. . . . The Vice-President
once informed him, in the name of the fellows, that they
had resolved to enforce the coUege order, by which it
was forbidden to keep dogs in college. " Then, sir," he
rejoined, "/ suppose I must call mine — cats.'" It was a
characteristic reply, as weU from its drollery as from the
indication it afforded of his resolution to stand up for
his favourites. His dogs must perforce be permitted to
reign undisturbed. At the same time, his respect for
authority and concern for the discipUne of the college
over which he presided would have made him reluctant
to violate any rule of the society.
John Rigaud helped him to prepare the single volume
of Burnet's work for the press. This brought him con
stantly into contact with the venerable President, and
rendered him so familiar with his manner, that he
narrates his sayings to the life. It also introduced him
to much of the President's mind on the subject of
Burnet, for whom he entertained wondrous little respect.
When the Bishop speaks of himself, — "Here comes P. P.,
clerk of this parish ! " he would say, ejaculating to himself
afterwards, — -"Rogue!" . . . ' Why is it, uncle,' (once asked
his nephew, John Routh,) 'that you are always working at
Burnet, whom you are always attacking?' To whom the
President, — 'A good question, sir! Because I know the man
to be a liar ; and I am determined to prove him so ' . . .
When Burnet was at last finished, he sent a beautifully
bound copy to the Chancellor, and pleased himself with
the prospect of receiving an autograph acknowledgment
from the great Duke, for whom he entertained an

64 Martin Joseph Routh: [1844
ardent admiration. Day after day elapsed, and still no
letter ; but the President suffered no one to know that
he was greatly vexed and disappointed. At last he
opened his grief to Dr. BUss, with the simplicity of a
child who has been denied a lawful gratification. The
Duke's letter, after many days, was discovered lying on
a little table by his side. It had been accidentally over
looked. One of the President's most characteristic stories re
lated to a privilege case, of which I am only able to
relate a portion. It exhibited the House of Commons
(for which he entertained very little respect) in an
tagonism to the Courts of Law. The Speaker entered
the Court, with purpose to overawe the Judge in the
administration of justice. "I sit here to administer the
laws of England," was the solemn dictum of the great
legal functionary. " And I will commit you, Mr. Speaker ;
yes, you, Mr. Speaker ; if you had the whole House of
Commons in your belly." . . . But no trick of style can
convey the least idea of the animation with which these
words of defiance were repeated. The President, having
brought the Speaker into the presence of the Judge,
grew excited, and his speech at once assumed the dra
matic form. At "I sit here," &c, his whole frame
underwent emotion: he raised his voice, and fixed his
eyes severely on the person before him. At " the laws of
England," he struck the table smartly with his extended
fingers. The threat to commit the Speaker was uttered
with immense gusto, and evidently repeated with in
creased gratification. But the concluding hypothetical
defiance was overwhelming. The patriotic narrator
chuckled and fell back in his chair, convulsed with
merriment at the grotesqueness of the image which the
Judge had so deliberately evoked.

1845] The Learned Divine. 65
What goes before reminds me of the zest with which
he used to repeat a quatrain relating to the threatened
fate of one ofthe seven deprived Bishops : —
' And shall Trelawny die ? . . .
And shaU Trelawny die ? . . .
Then thirty-thousand Cornish boys
WiU know the reason why ! '
The energy exhibited by the aged and enthusiastic
speaker wiU be readily understood by those who knew
him : some idea may be conveyed to those who did not.
The interrogation in the first line was exactly repeated
in the second. There was the same grand rolling
enunciation of ' Trelawny' : the same emphatic inter
rogating ' die ? ' : the same pause, as if waiting for an
answer at the end of the line. And the last couplet
foUowed as if the silence of the Government must be
interpreted fataUy : as if, therefore, those ' thirty thou
sand Cornish boys ' might be expected to enter the room
at any moment.
He delighted in the company of two or three intimate
friends at dinner, on Sundays especially : as Dr. Bloxam
(whose place was always next to him, on his left hand),
and the late loved President, his successor (Dr. Bulley) ;
James Mozley (also recently deceased), and John Rigaud
of his own college ; — or again, Dr. Bliss (Principal of
St. Mary Hall), Philip Duncan of New CoUege, and "Mo
Griffith," of Merton, &c. On such occasions he would
be very communicative and entertaining, abounding in
anecdote. He always drank the health of his guests
aU round ; once, so far deviating from his usual practice
as to propose a toast. It was the Sunday after the
Duke of WeUington's death : and he gave " the memory
of our great and good Chancellor, who never erred
VOL. 1. F

66 Martin Joseph Routh: [1849
except when he was over-ruled." . . . His way was, after
giving his cap to the servant, to say grace himself:—
before meat, — " For what we are about to receive,
the Lord be praised ! " Very peculiar was the em
phasis with which on such occasions he would pronounce
the Holy Name, giving breadth to the " o " till it
sounded as if the word " awe," as well as the sentiment,
was to be found in it ; rolUng forth the " r " in the
manner which was characteristic of him ; and pro
nouncing the last words with a most sonorous enuncia
tion. His manner at such times was to extend his
hands towards the viands on the table. After dinner,
" For what we have received," as before. . . . John
Rigaud could never forget the solemn emphasis with
which he pronounced the word " wrath " in the Com
munion service.
Favourably known to the dear old President, accept
able to his wife, and intimate with most of his Fellows,
— I could easily have got myself invited to one of those
quiet little Sunday dinners of which I had heard so
much. But I shrank from making the first move.
The reader is the gainer, for the description which
follows is from the pen of James Mozley's sister : —
"Yesterday we dined at the President's, — such a
curious, interesting scene! The President is more old
and wonderful-looking than anyone could imagine be
forehand. He must always have been below middle
height ; but age has bent and shrunk him to something
startlingly short when he walks. In his chair one does
not perceive it so much. The wig, of course, adds to
the effect, — such a preposterous violation of nature ! It
seems quite to account for his not hearing what people
say. His manner was most kind and courteous to
Mamma ; and he took the opportunity (in taking her in
to dinner) to say some complimentary things of James,
of whom I think he is very fond.

1849] The Learned Divine. 67
" It is really very nice to see his Fellows round him.
They seem so fond of him. An indulgent respectful
reverence, with a good deal of fun all the while, is the
general manner; and he is very cheerful, and often
laughs with the greatest heartiness. Mrs. Routh, in her
way, is as unusual a person to meet ; and harmonises
with the scene. She is extremely good-natured, and
probably had always something of the manner of a
child, — so wonderfully simple and unassuming ! James
says, ' What an absolute contrast their drawing-room
presents to that of any other Head of a House in Oxford,
in the terms of easy familiarity between the FeUows
and their Head ! '
"The look of things there was all so characteristic.
The house full of books : the dining-room filled with
foUos and quartos, — drawing-room, stair-case, passages
&c, with smaller books. Mrs. Routh complains she shall
soon not be able to get about, from the accumulation of
bookshelves: for he still buys, and knows where every
book in his library is. She took us into his dressing-
room. The appointments were of the most limited kind ;
but the waUs up to the ceiling are covered with books,
and there is a set of steps, which Mrs. R. said he could
ascend quite nimbly, to reach any book he wants.
" James was the one to talk to the President, and to
draw him out. They talked of Hume, Adam Smith,
Home, Parr, Hurd, Jortin, Dr. Johnson, — (whom, by the
way, Dr. Routh remembered on his last visit to Oxford ;
describing him to us, as though seeing him, in ' a brown
tradesman's wig '), — and discussing style, &c. ... I could
not hear much distinctly ; but knew what it was all
about . . . Mrs. Routh calls the President 'my own.'
(' Take care, my own] I heard her cry out.) She is very
attentive to him." 6
Let me recall the occasion, the pretext rather, on
which (Dec. 10th, 1846) I obtained my first interview
with Dr. Routh. I had been charged with a book for
him, and, having obtained his permission to bring it in
' Mozley's Letters,— (June n, 1849),— p. 200-1.
F 2

68 Martin Joseph Routh : [1846
person, presented myself at his gate. Moss received my
name in a manner which showed me that I was expected.
With a beating heart, I foUowed the man up the old-
fashioned staircase — grim old Doctors in their wigs and
robes, and bearded divines with little books in their
hands, and college benefactors innumerable, eyeing me
aU the way from the walls, with terrible severity. My
courage at last almost failed me; but retreat was im
possible, for by this time we had reached the open door
of the library, — a room completely Uned with books, (the
volumes in that room were reckoned at 5°00)i — the
shelves (which were of deal painted white) reaching
from the floor to the ceiling ; and the President was to
be seen at the furthest extremity, his back to the window,
with a blazing fire at his left. At the first intimation of
my approach, I noticed that he slipped the book that he
was reading into the drawer of the little table before
him, and hastened to rise and come into the middle of
the room to receive me. The refined courtesy which
evidently was doing its best to persuade me not only
that I was a welcome visitor but that I found the master
of the house entirely disengaged, struck me much. Most
of all, however, was I astonished by his appearance.
He wore such a wig as one only sees in old pictures:
cassock, gown, scarf and bands, shorts and buckles. And
then how he did stoop ! But besides immense intelligence,
there was a great deal of suavity as well as dignity in
that venerable face. And — "You have come to see a
decrepid old man, sir ! " he said, as he took me by the
hand. Something fell from me about my "veneration
for so learned a Divine," and my having " long coveted
this honour." " You are very civil, sir, sit you down."'
And he placed me in the arm-chair, in which he told me
he never sat himself.

1846] The Learned Divine. 69
After a few civilities, he began to congratulate me on
my bachelor's gown, pointing to my sleeves. I learned
to my astonishment that he supposed he was going to
have an interview with an undergraduate. He inquired
after my standing in the University, — my late, my
present coUege. "And you are a feUow of Oriel, sir?
A very honourable college to belong to, sir. It has
produced many distinguished men. You know, sir,
when you marry, or take a living, you can always add
to your name, 'late feUow.' I observe, sir, that Dr.
Pusey always does so." It was impossible not to smile.
My name (he thought) must be of French origin, — must
be another form of Burgoyne. It soon became painfully
evident that he was only talking thus in order to relieve
me from the necessity of speaking, in case I should be
utterly at a loss for a topic. So, avaihng myself of a
pause after he had inquired about my intended pursuits,
I leaned forward (for he was more than slightly deaf)
and remarked that perhaps he would aUow me to ask
him a question. "Eh, sir?" "I thought that perhaps
you would aUow me to ask you a question about
Divinity, sir." He told me (rather gravely) to go on.
I explained that I desired a few words of counsel, if he
would condescend to give me them — some directions as
to the best way of pursuing the study which he had
himself cultivated with such signal success. Aware
that my request was almost as vague as the subject
was vast, and full of genuine consideration for the aged
oracle, I enlarged for a minute on the matter, chiefly in
order to give him time to adjust his thoughts before
making reply. He inquired what I had read ? " Eusebius,
Hooker and Pearson, very carefully." He nodded. The
gravity which by this time his features had assumed
was very striking. He lay back in his chair. His head

70 Martin Joseph Routh: [1846
sank forward on his chest, and he looked like one
absorbed in thought. "Yes— I think, sir," (said he after
a long pause which, besides raising my curiosity, rather
alarmed me by the contrast it presented to his recent
animated manner,) " I think, sir, were I you, sir — that I
would — first of all — read the — the Gospel according to
St. Matthew." Here he paused. "And after I had read
the Gospel according to St. Matthew — I would — were I
you, sir — go on to read — the Gospel according to St. —
Mark." I looked at him anxiously to see whether he
was serious. One glance was enough. He was giving
me (but at a very slow rate) the outline of my future
course. " I think, sir, when I had read the Gospel ac
cording to St. Mark, I would go on, sir — to the Gospel
according to — St. Luke, sir." (Another pause, as if the
reverend speaker were reconsidering the matter.) "WeU,
sir, and when I had read those three gospels, sir, were I
in your place, I would go on — yes, I would certainly go
on to read the Gospel according to St. John."
For an instant I had felt an inclination to laugh. But
by this time a very different set of feelings came over
me. Here was a theologian of ninety-one, who, after
surveying the entire field of sacred science, had come
back to the starting-point; and had nothing better to
advise me to read than — the Gospel ! I beUeve I was
attempting to thank him, but he did not give me time.
He recommended me, with much emphasis, to read a
portion of the Gospel every day. " And after the Gospel
according to St. John," he proceeded: — {Now for it,
thought I. We are coming to the point at last.) "I
would in the next place, sir— I think " (he paused for an
instant and then resumed :) — " Yes, sir, I think I would
certainly go on to read the — Acts of the Holy Apostles :
a book, sir, which I have npt the least doubt was the

1846] The Learned Divine. 71
work of — St. Luke." " No more have I, sir." (I really
could not help it.) " No, sir. But what is quite evident,
it must needs be a book of altogether ApostoUc antiquity,
indeed of the age it professes to be. For you may have
observed that the sacred writer ends by saying that
St. Paul dwelt at Rome 'two whole years in his own
hired house.' Now, sir " (here he tapped my fingers in
the way which was customary with him when he
desired to enforce attention), "no one but a contem
porary would have ended his narrative in that way. We
should have had aU about St. Paul's martyrdom" (he
looked archly at me, and sUghtly waved his hand, — as
much as to say, ' And we aU know what kind of thing
that would have been ! ') — " aU about his martyrdom, sir,
if the narrative had been subsequent in date to St. Paul's
death." I said the remark was new to me, but I saw its
force. He only wanted me to nod. He was already
going on ; and, not to presume on the reader's patience
(for it cannot be a hundredth part as amusing to read
the story as it was to witness the scene), after mention
ing the seven Catholic epistles, he advised me to read
those of St. Paul in the order of Pearson's "Annales
Pauhni." He spoke of the book of Revelation, and
remarked that Rome is certainly there, whether Imperial
or Papal. Then he referred to Eusebius : to Scaliger's
shrewdness about his ' Chronicon ' ; and remarked that
there is no Arianism apparent in his ecclesiastical
History. Next, he advised me to read the seven epistles
of Ignatius, which he was convinced were genuine,
notwithstanding what Cureton had written ; also that of
Clement (for the Clement mentioned by St. Paul wrote
only one epistle. It had been doubted, he said, but the
extracts in Clemens Alex, are no valid evidence against
the authenticity of our copies). " Read these, sir, in the

72 Martin Joseph Routh: [1846
edition of my friend Mr. Jacobson." I said I possessed
the book. " Ah, you do, sir ? Well, sir, and after the
epistles of Ignatius " — I was longing for an opportunity
of showing him that I was not plane hospes; so I ventured
to say significantly that " I thought I knew which book
to read next ! " He understood me : smiled pleasantly,
and nodded. " You are very civil, sir !" . . . It was time
to go. Indeed the fire was so exceedingly hot that I
could bear it no longer. My cap, which I had used for
a screen, had been smoking for some time, and now
curled and cracked. What annoyed me more, if possible,
than the fire, was the President's canary, in a cage near
his elbow. The wretched creature was quiet till we got
upon Divinity ; but the moment his master mentioned the
Gospels, away it went into a paroxysm of song — scream,
scream, scream — as if on purpose to make it impossible
for me to hear what he said. If ever the President
dropped his voice, the bird screamed the louder.7
I said 1 had kept him too long ; but wished him to
know what a comfort and help his example and witness
had been to me. He spoke of Mr. Newman with many
words of regret ; declared his own entire confidence ;
assured me that the Truth is with us. Before leaving, I
knelt down and asked him for his blessing, which he
instantly proceeded to bestow. " No," he exclaimed,
" let me stand ; " and standing, or rather leaning over
me, he spoke solemn words. As I was leaving the room,
he very kindly bade me come and see him again.
A full year elapsed before I ventured to repeat the
intrusion. Mrs. Routh met me in the street, and asked
' why I did not go to see her dear man ? ' 'I was
afraid of being troublesome.' ' But he tells me that he
wishes to see you.' So I went. (It was Nov. 29th,
7 Strange to relate, that canary died on the day his successor was elected.

1847] The Learned Divine. 73
1847.) Would that I had preserved a record of what
passed! But I beheve it was then that I ventured to
address him somewhat as follows : " Mr. President, give
me leave to ask you a question I have sometimes asked
of aged persons, but never of any so aged or so learned
as yourself." He looked so kindly at me that I thought
I might go on. " Every studious man, in the course of a
long and thoughtful life, has had occasion to experience
the special value of some one axiom or precept. Would
you mind giving me the benefit of such a word of
advice?" . . . He bade me explain, — evidently to gain
time. I quoted an instance.8 He nodded and looked
thoughtful. Presently he brightened up and said, " I
think, sir, since you care for the advice of an old man,
sir, you wiU find it a very good practice" — (here he
looked me archly in the face), — "always to verify your
references, sir ! "... I can better recall the shrewdness of
the speaker's manner than his exact words; but they
were those, or very nearly those.
Several days before the visit just referred to, I left at
his door the first volume of my copy of his ' Reliquiae '
and ' Opuscula] with a request that he would inscribe his
own name besides mine on the first blank page of both.
Those two volumes he now restored to me, either of
them furnished with a graceful (and quite different)
inscription. We conversed about Patristic remains. I
suggested "that the Editor of Cyril of Jerusalem, — I
forget his name at this instant," — (" 0 but I don't, sir :
De Touttee. Go on, sir:") — "had not quite accurately
cuUed out the Creed of Jerusalem." " Ah, indeed, sir ? "
(thoughtfully) " I wiU look to it." — He informed me, in
passing, that he had a fifth volume of the ' Reliquiae '
ready for the press. I got him to tell me something
8 See below, — vol. ii. 347.

74 Martin Joseph Routh: [1848
about it. And so I left him. But imagine my surprise
at finding myself pursued in a few minutes by the
President's servant, who was the bearer of a note. It
was to say that, —
" Before Mr. Burgon left the lodgings, it occurred to
the President that as the measure of a fifth volume of
the Reliquiae had not yet met with the approbation of
the Delegates of the Press, it would be as well that it
should not be publicly spoken of. But Mr. Burgon was
not within hearing. Excuse this scrawl."
I came away from him with a truly golden precept :
but on a subsequent occasion he gave me another, which
I have many a time acted on with advantage. Of
course, I never approached him without some excuse or
provocation. Once, for example (it must have been in
1848), he sent me word that "he had a book for me,
and would be glad to put it into my hands, if I would
do him the favour to caU at his lodgings." It proved to
be the fifth volume of the ' Reliquiae.' I think it was on
that occasion that I ventured to ask him (I have often
been ashamed of the question since) if there was any
Commentary on Scripture which he particularly ap
proved of, and could recommend. He leaned forward,
murmured something to himself (of which all I could
catch was a prolonged and thoughtful " No — I don't
know, sir," or something to that effect), and so evidently
did not wish to make any reply, that I quickly changed
the subject ; thanking him again for the book he had
given me, and opening it with unfeigned interest and
curiosity. He took the volume out of my hands, and
proposed to show me something which he expected I
should " find worth my notice." He turned with diffi
culty to the last page, and drew me towards him. I
knelt. " Attend to this, sir ; " and he began reading the

1848] The Learned Divine. 75
long note which fills the lower half of p. 369. The print
was too small for his aged eyes : so I read aloud. I re
member his tapping my shoulder smartly with the ex
tremities of his fingers when I came to the words, " Et
velim animadvertas, decantatos Petri viginti quatuor annos ad
episcopatum pertinere universae ecclesiae, non itnius Romanae ;
etjunctos cum Lini annis .... complere tempus inter mortem,
Christi et martyria apostolorum Petri et Pauli computari
solitum.'' It was the President's wont, by the way, when speaking
with animation, to lay his extended fingers on your hand,
or even to seize it. Sometimes he would tap your hand
with his. Not unfrequently, in order to rivet attention
to what he was saying, — (his method certainly had the
desired effect), — he would draw his fingers together, and
as it were peck at your arm, or your shoulder, as might
happen. In the last year but one of his life (1853) he sent me
a httle tract (his last production !), in which he reprinted
the precious note described above, with important ad
ditions and corrections. It disposes of the pretence that
St. Peter was Bishop of Rome for twenty-five years, by
an appeal to dates furnished by the same ancient catalogue
on which we depend for the chronology of the early
Bishops. . . . When I was going away with the volume
of the 'Reliquiae' in my hand, he offered to send the
book after me by his servant. I assured him that I
would a great deal rather carry away the treasure home
myself. " You remind me," he exclaimed, " of " — (naming
some famous scholar,) — " who used to say he was not
ashamed of being seen carrying his tools!'
Another year elapsed. Mrs. Routh told me that the
President had remarked that I never caUed. To remove
aU ground of complaint, I speedily found myself again iu

76 Martin Joseph Routh:1 [1849
the President's library. I began to pave the way for
some patristic question. He turned to me, and said
rather abruptly, " When you have finished, sir, I have
something to say to you." I was dumb. " Do you re
member, sir, about a year ago asking me to recommend
to you some Commentary on Scripture ? " " Perfectly
well; but I am altogether astonished that you should
remember my having taken such a liberty." He smiled
good-naturedly; remarked, with a slight elevation of his
hand, that his memory was not amiss, and then went on
somewhat thus : — " Well, sir, I have often thought since,
that if ever I saw you again, I would answer your
question." I was delighted to hear it, and told him so.
He went on, — "If you will take my advice, sir — (an old
man, sir ! but I think you will find the hint worth your
notice), — whenever you are at a loss about the sense of a
passage in N. T., you will be at the pains to discover
how the place is rendered in the Vulgate ; the Latin Vul
gate, sir. I am not saying," (here he kindled, and eyed
me to ascertain whether there was any chance of my
being weak enough to misunderstand him :) " not that
the Latin of the Vulgate is inspired, sir ! " (he tossed his
head a little impatiently, and waved his hand). " Nothing
of the sort, sir : but you will consider that it is a very
faithful and admirable version, executed from the original
by a very learned man, — by Jerome, in the fourth cen
tury; certainly made therefore from manuscript authority
of exceedingly high antiquity; and in consequence en
titled to the greatest attention and deference." I have
forgotten what he said besides ; except that he enlarged
on the paramount importance of such a work. It was
very pleasant to hear him. He seemed happy, and so
was I. Very distinctly, however, do I remember the
impression he left on me, that, having fully delivered

1849] The Learned Divine. 77
this testimony, he did not care to prolong that topic of
conversation. I remember, in fact, being afraid to ask
him to give me just one illustration of his meaning. It
is only fair to add that I have since discovered for myself
several proofs of the soundness of his advice ; and the
anecdote is put on record in the hope that other students
may profit by it Ukewise. Consider, for example, the
Vulgate rendering of on in S. Mark ix. 11, 28, (Quid
ergo) : and of ckcwov in 2 Tim. ii. 26, (ipsius).
The President Uved habitually in his library, — a room
on the first floor, of which the windows looked out on
St. John's quadrangle.9 It was the same room, by the
way, in which the intruded President (Parker) had died.
There, surrounded by the books he loved so well, — (a
copy of Laud's ' Devotions ' x always lay on his table), —
he was to be found engaged in study : poring over small
print (by the hght of a candle), without the aid of
glasses, to so late an hour, that Mrs. Routh, in the
exercise of her conjugal discretion, has been known to
insist on taking away his candle. But she found him
an unapt pupil. It was commonly past midnight when
he went to rest ; and he would sometimes sit up till one
in the morning, without, however, rising later in con
sequence next day. At ninety-seven, besides admitting
the consolation of a cane, — which his friend " Walker
9 The lodgings occupied by Presi- dining-room: while windows lo
dents Home and Routh were de- and 15 lighted the staircase. The
molished in 1886. One surveying drawing-room was behind. While
a representation of the south front I write (1887) new lodgings are
of the old house will recognize three arising on the site of thatpicturesque
rows of windows, (1-5 : 6-10 : old house.
11-15): and may like to be in- * 'Oxford, 1667.' He had given
formed that windows I to 7 belong the copy to his sister Sophia, July
to bed-rooms : — that windows 8 and 1818. It was excepted from his
9 indicate the library : — windows gift to Durham.
13 and 14 (under the library) the

78 Martin Joseph Routh: [1847
has brought me, to support me in my occasional visits
to his garden," he acknowledges the benefit of " a sub
stitution of spectacles of a little higher number. Such I
have procured in London, and am now writing with. I
have found my eyesight of late much improved." This
was on the last day of July, 1852. On the 16th August,
— " I am no longer able to read by candle light." But
such revelations were only made in confidence to his
friend, Dr. Ogilvie. When he had occasion to approach
his windows, his wig was all that was discoverable from
the quadrangle beneath. During the latest years of his
life, being seldom or never able to attend the chapel
service, he was scarcely ever seen except by a privileged
few. ' For a long time ' (wrote the Provost of Oriel, Dr.
Hawkins, shortly after the President's death) 'I had
been in the habit of visiting him nearly every week when
I was in Oxford, and rarely saw him without learning
from him something worth the hearing.'
Another of my intimate friends who enjoyed the
privilege of visiting the President whenever he pleased,
was the Rev. Edmund Hobhouse, fellow of Merton, some
time Bp. of Nelson. Three short letters of his to his
father written about this time ([1847-49-50], when he
was Vicar of S. Peter's in-the-East,) will be acceptable to
the reader on more than one account : —
" [Merton Coll.] New Year's Day, at night, 1847.
" My dear Father, — I have been carousing with one of
my — (not the youngest, but most youthful-for-his-age,
which is 91), — parishioners, — the President of Magdalen.
I was obhged to leave the boy 'Moses' at home alone, for
although his young friend asked him to come under the
Subwarden's wing,2 his boyish feelings overcame him
2 ' The boy Moses ' is old ' Mo friend' being President Routh ; and
Griffith ' (concerning whom, see ' the Subwarden ' of Merton, Bishop
below, — vol. ii. 296-8) ; 'his young Hobhouse himself.

1849] The Learned Divine.

79

and he spent New Year's Day alone, — at least in single
combat with a turkey. We met a blooming bridegroom
of 70 [' the north-east side of 70,' as Mo declares,] Vaughan
Thomas, and a belle of 8o, who is as wonderful in her
way as most octogenarians.
"The good old President talked from 5 p.m. to 10 p.m.
on all subjects, almost incessantly : memory surprisingly
accurate. The only faculty that fails at all is the hearing.
It is quite a treat, intellectual and spiritual, for his
humility is as striking as his learning ; and his charity
in speaking of individuals is very admirable. He en
quired after you as a friend of Mr. Heber."
" [Merton Coll.] Sept. 19, 1849.
"Dearest Father, — This has been an interesting day.
The ven. President of Magdalen having completed his
94th year, laid the cornerstone of the new Grammar-
School of the College. After the ceremony, he expressed
a wish to say a few words, which were as foUows, —
'Floreat Grammatica.
Floreat hsec Schola GrammaticaUs, —
Academicis ohm propria,
Omnibus jampridem patefacta.'
" They are singularly appropriate, as they sum up the
whole matter which was at issue, and which was remitted
by the RoUs Court to the Visitor. They also record the
original intention of the School, and the wider scope
which has since been given to it. It was clearly proved
by evidence that the School was intended for the
Choristers and for the Demies who came up ignorant of
grammar. "The School is designed by Buckler. It is exactly
the same proportions as the old one, and much of the
elevation is borrowed from the Founder's School at
Waynfleet, Lincoln."
" Dearest Father, — I called on the venerable Routh the
day after he entered his 95th year, honoris causd, and
found him full of Macaulay. He thinks that M. is too
'onesided a gentleman' to hold high rank as a historian.
He disproved, from documents in his possession, the

80 Martin Joseph Routh: [1850
charge against Penn of tampering with Hough, the
President of Magdalen Coll. ; and showed that Macaulay
had suppressed facts relating to James Hnd's interview
with the Fellows of Magdalen Coll. in Ch. Ch. hall,
by which James's conduct appeared blacker: and also
facts relating to Charles I. seizing the four members
of the Commons, which would have put that act in a
fairer complexion. He has a MS. account of a conver
sation between James II and the Vice-Chancellor of
Oxford with whom he lodged, (Dr. Ironsides of Wadham),
which shows that the King viewed all opposition to his
Religion as personaUy insulting to himself.
" It was a very interesting interview with the good old
man. He apologized at the end for taking up so much of
my time."3
And now the reader has been presented with portraits
of President Routh by several different hands. It is
hoped that by this time he has obtained a living acquaint
ance with the man : can pourtray him to himself. It
will be observed that we all independently conspire in
exhibiting the same features, — for the most part, in
reproducing the self-same expression.
He had been all his Ufe a book collector : watching as
vigilantly the productions of the Continental press as
the home market. ' I should esteem it a favour ' (he
wrote to a bookseller in 1801) 'if you could procure
either at home or abroad any or all of the undermen
tioned books, as you mention your extensive foreign
correspondence.' And then he specifies twenty-five
recent foreign publications, the very titles of which
recall a remark of Dr. Bliss that the President's library,
though probably one of the most valuable in England, to
a superficial observer might have seemed of small ac
count. His habit of reading booksellers' catalogues
3 From Merton Coll., Sept. 27th, 1850.

1850] The Learned Divine. 81
enabled him in the course of a long life to form a truly
wonderful collection. It consisted of upwards of 16,000
volumes. An analysis of its structure, by the hand of
an accompUshed friend who has made personal acquaint
ance with its contents, will be found in the Appendix
(A) to the present volume. But in connexion with what
has last been offered, the following incident, related to
me (in 1856) by Dr. Jacobson, to whom it happened,
is perhaps sufficiently characteristic to deserve insertion
here. Once, on entering the President's library, he observed
three booksellers' catalogues standing on end open before
the fire ; and was presently asked, — ' Pray, sir, did you
ever acquire a habit of reading bookseUers' catalogues ? '
He answered in the negative, admitting however that he
had sometimes been guilty of the act. ' Then, sir, if you
never did acquire the habit, I would advise you to avoid
it : for it consumes a great deal of time.' — (The truth is
the dear old man used to insert into his books laborious
references to booksellers' catalogues ; — of which, as I
learn from Canon Farrar of Durham, he possessed so vast
a collection, annotated often by his own hand, that they
fill no less than thirty yards of shelves. To this practice
of his Peter Elmsley is thought to have playfully aUuded
when he spoke of the President as on j ob-t/ccoraros). Some
time after, being on a visit to his brother-in-law (Sir
Francis Palgrave) at Hampstead, Dr. Jacobson devoted
the evening to examining a catalogue of Rodd the book-
seUer's, which had just arrived damp from the printer.
Having marked about a dozen smaU articles which he
coveted, behold him early next morning in Newport
street, presenting to Rodd his list of desiderata. He
learns that scarcely half of the lots are any longer for
sale. ' WeU, that is odd ! why, it was only yesterday,'
VOL. 1. G

82 Martin Joseph Routh: [1851
&c, &c— Then, after a pause, — ' If it is not an unfair
question, — May I ask who has been beforehand with
me ? ' ' The President of Magdalen, sir, always re
ceives from our printer early proof-slips of our Cata
logues; and it so happens that, two days ago,' 
Further explanation was of course needless.
The library of the President of Magdalen, — the pro
duct of a long life devoted to sacred Science, — was
essentially the Ubrary of a 'learned Divine.' It had
been formed for use, and contained every work which
one engaged in Patristic research can require. Not
a few publications of this class — (as eager students fur
nished with a slender exchequer know but too well) —
are costly, as well as of rare occurrence. The prix de
collection, (so the French happily phrase it), is especiaUy
felt in a library which has been formed as his was.
Moreover the habit of collecting was persevered in to
the very end. In 1851 (Oct. 4), he told Dr. Ogilvie, —
"I am still buying scarce and estimable books that
are offered to me. Amongst others, I lately purchased
a MS. History in English of the English Bishops from
the first to the year 1670, when the unknown Author
discontinued his work. It is a folio volume, written
in a fair and legible hand." — [Again, in 1852 (Jan.
9th)],- "I have been lately buying more books than usual,
editiones principes, and other varieties. This would
scarcely be rational, if it was on my own account. Yet,
I confess, it amuses me. But enough of myself, although
I am writing to a friend."
Moreover, he loved his books, — was acquainted with
them, and appreciated them, singly. Though unsolicitous
about the external attractiveness of his copies, he was
at the pains, whenever he sent any to be lettered, to
design in capitals the precise formula . which he intended

[852]

The Learned Divine.

8

to have impressed on each.4 The result of so dis
criminating a taste, supported by a sufficient income,
might well prove extraordinary. The monetary value
of the President's printed books may be estimated by
the fact that Queen's CoUege offered him for the entire
collection, at the time of their receiving the Mason
bequest for the increase of their Ubrary in 1847, the
sum of lopool. The negotiations which ensued fell
through from the single circumstance that Dr. Routh
would only part with his books on the condition — (surely
not an unreasonable one !) — of being aUowed the use of
them for the remainder of his life; an arrangement
which the terms of the Mason bequest prevented the
College from acceding to. By consequence, the Library
became alienated from the University of Oxford. In
1852, (March 29th), 'being desirous that it might serve
the purpose of promoting the glory of God through the
advancement of good learning, and feeling a deep in
terest in the recently established University of Durham,'
the President of Magdalen carried out the intention he
had in the meanwhile formed of transferring his library,
(so far as the printed books were concerned,) by deed of
gift to the warden, masters and scholars of the northern
University ; and at Durham this inestimable treasure is
carefuUy preserved at the present hour ; — a remarkable
indication of the freshness of spirit which at the age of
ninety-seven could thus reach out with generous sym
pathy, and something more, to the youngest rival of our
ancient Universities. Singular to relate, the deed of

'E.g.

VSSEBII

MV8AE

OPVS

OXON

DVO

SVB
OLIVBRO

,

je half-be

una.

To be half-bound and lettered
on the side.
G 2
84 Martin Joseph Routh: [1852
gift in question was discovered after the President's
death, — " thrown, by accident apparently, into a portfolio
of waste papers." 5 . . . This unique collection of books
fills the upper floors of the ancient (xvth century) Ex
chequer buildings of the Prince bishops of Durham.6
Bp. Jacobson " mourned much over this transference
of the President's Ubrary in its entirety to Durham,
without aUowing the Bodleian first to select from it
some fifty or a hundred volumes as dpiirTpa.'1" Every
real student of Divinity must share his regret; and
some may be aware that a far larger number of volumes
would have to be claimed on behalf of Bodley. John
Rigaud recalls an occasion when the President remarked
in his hearing, — (he had been speaking of books of
criticism on the New Testament), — ' I do not say it
vauntingly, but there are there ' (pointing to a particular
part of his library) ' two hundred books which are not
to be found in the Bodleian.' 8
The reader may be glad of some further details, for
which I am indebted to Professor Farrar of Durham : —
" About half of the Library is Theological (Divinity
and Ecclesiastical History) ; the other half, secular,— the
larger portion of this latter being connected with Enghsh
History. In the Theological part, about .a fifth (roughly
speaking) relates to the Fathers ; about a fifth to
Dogmatic Theology proper (exclusive of Controversial
Theology). The Controversial part is very extensive
and almost complete. The most perfect part, a collection
probably without parallel, relates to the Romish con
troversy, and consists especially of works of the xviith
" From Dr. Bloxam. tatis Parisiensis Doctoris Sorbomci
B From Canon Farrar. De Vocatione . Ministrorum Trac-
7 From Canon Gray, — July 22, tatus, — Paris 1618," Routh has
1884. written " Liber haud extat in cata-
8 In some of these is an entry to logo Bibliothecae Bodleianae, de quo
that effect : e. g. in the work " Anto- videndus Antonius Wood in Athenae
nii Champnaei Angli, Sacrae Facul- Oxon, Tom. 1 mo. soceFrancis Mason."

1852] The Learned Divine. 85
century. It occupies (being works in 8vo. or 1 2mo.) no less
than about 20 yards of shelves ; the other miscellaneous
controversial literature only filUng about 25 yards. — In
the secular part of the Library, it is interesting to
observe that there is a small coUection of works on
Physical Science, on Topography, and on Political
Economy ; and a fairly large collection of materials for
the history of Uterature. The enormous collection of
materials for the history of the Enghsh nation has been
above named. It should be mentioned that this com
prises, besides Pamphlets hereafter described, an anti
quarian library of Heraldry, Family and County his
tories, and the like. It was said to be the intention of
Dr. Routh at the time when the first volume of Mac-
aulay's History of England was pubhshed, to write a
refutation of the statements of the celebrated iiird
Chapter on the social and moral condition of the Enghsh
Clergy at the Restoration. This portion of Dr. Routh's
Library had doubtless furnished to his mind the his
torical materials of which he would have availed himself,
had he executed his design."
The manuscript portion of his library fell into his
general estate, and was dispersed in 1855.9 The most
valuable MSS. were purchased by Sir Thomas PhUlipps.
Two of these were a Cyprian of the xiith (or early in the
xiuth century), " from the Meerman Collection and pro
bably used by Rigaltius, FeU, and Baluzius," which
fetched 26I. ; and an unpublished MS. (xii century) of
Floras Magister, diaconus Lugdunensis, [a.d. 837], which
sold for 63I. This portion of Routh's Library abounded
in curiosities, — patristic, theological, antiquarian, his
torical. Thus, it contained the original autograph of
Bishop Beveridge on the XXXIX Articles, from which
the Oxford edition was pubhshed in 1840.1 At one time
9 It was sold by auction by Sotheby specifies some Arabic and Persian
in July 1855, at prices lower than MSS.
was anticipated. The Catalogue 1 See above, p. 41 , note 4.
) consists of 29 octavo pages and

86 Martin Joseph Routh: [1847
the President had been possessed of a collection of
documentary annals of the Society of Friends, the first
volume of the Records of the Oxfordshire Quarterly
Meeting of the Quakers, from the establishment of their
Society to the year 1746. This volume had long been
missing, and till 1828 had been sought in vain. Having
ascertained that it was in the possession of the President,
two of their body waited on him. The account 'they
have given of their interview with Dr. Routh ' (so runs
the Quaker minute) 'has been very satisfactory. It
appears that the gratification he has derived from the
perusal of the volume (which from its instructive ten
dency he considers creditable to the Society) had in
duced a wish to retain it. Notwithstanding, he obligingly
offered to relinquish it, from the respect which he felt
for the Society, and a willingness to render complete
those records which ought to be in the possession of the
meeting. As he wished to transfer it through the
medium of some friends appointed by the body, William
Albright, Daniel Rutter, and John Huntley are directed
to wait on him for that purpose.' In ' grateful acknow
ledgment of his kind and liberal conduct,' the Quakers
presented him with 'a few volumes of our Friends
writings, both ancient and modern,' the names of which
follow. Among Dr. Routh's MSS. were several connected with
Genealogy, — a study which he was evidently very fond
of. It should be added, (but indeed it is very well
known) that he was exceedingly liberal in communi
cating his books and MSS. to scholars.
The President wanted (or thought he wanted) no as
sistance in finding his books ; and to the last would
mount his library-steps in quest of the occupants of the
loftier shelves. Very curious he looked, by the way,

1847] The Learned Divine. 87
perched up at that unusual altitude, apparently as en
grossed in what he had found as if he had been reclining
in his chair. Instead of ringing for Moss, his servant,
he would also on occasion help himself to a folio as
readily as to a smaller tome. Once (it was in February
1847) a very big book, which he had pulled out unaided,
proved ' too many ' for him, and grazed his shin. The
surgeon (Mr. Lewes Parker, who told me the story)
advised him to go to bed at once. ' No, thank you, sir '
(laughing) ; ' No, thank you ! If you once get me into
bed, I know you will never get me out again.' ' Then,
sir, you must really rest your leg on a chair.' This was
promised ; and a sofa, unknown before in his rooms,
was introduced. Two days after, the doctor reappeared ;
outstripped Moss, and, coming quickly in, found his
patient pushing about the Ubrary-steps. ' 0 sir,' (scarcely
able to command his gravity,) ' this will never do. You
know you promised' — 'Yes, yes, I know, sir' (laughing;)
' a httle more, sir, and I should have been in the right
position. You see, sir, you came in so quickly ! '. . . The
injury might have proved dangerous, and it did occasion
the President serious inconvenience for a long time. A
friend (I think it was Dr. Ogilvie) called to condole.
The old man, after describing the accident minutely,
added very gravely in a confidential voice, 'A worthless
volume, sir ! a worthless volume !' This it evidently was
which weighed on his spirits. Had it been Augustine
or Chrysostom or Thomas Aquinas, — patience! But to
be lamed by a book written by a dunce. . . .
His leg, however, was one of his weak spots : the
organs which are most affected by catarrhous colds (to
which he had been subject throughout his Ufe, and from
which he suffered severely) being another. In conse
quence, " he would not be five minutes in a room, if he

88 Martin Joseph Routh: [1848
knew it, with the window open," (writes his nephew),
" and he always had a fire. He told me that, as a young
man, he never went from the Cloisters to the new build
ings after dark without putting on a great coat." As
for his leg, — he confided to Dr. Jackson in his old age
that " he used to be fond of taking longish walks ; " but
that on a certain occasion, — (which Dr. Jackson ascer
tained to have been when the President was upwards of
sixty,) — having walked to Islip on one side of the Cher-
well, and returned on the other, when at Marston he heard
Magdalen bells begin to strike, up for afternoon chapel.
Dishking to be absent, he started off ' at a trot,' and
arrived only just in time. In chapel he felt something
trickling down his leg; and on coming out, found his
stocking and shoe saturated with blood, and sent for
Tuckwell. He had burst a varicose vein, which always
troubled him afterwards. In fact, the consequences of
that ' trot ' from Marston occasioned him inconvenience
to the last.2 But before that incident, his nephew notes
it as remarkable that although he remained for many
months within the walls of the College, he would some
times take a walk of nine miles round Oxford without
apparent fatigue.
It was in 1848, when he was ninety-three years of age,
that he pubhshed a fifth and last volume of his ' Reliquiae]-.
— just sixty years after the issuing of the original pro
spectus of the work. He had already printed, in two
Appendices, at the close of his fourth volume, several
pieces which do not strictly fall under the same category
as the ' Reliquiae ' proper ; and had only excluded the
Disputation held (a.d. 277) between Archelaus, Bishop
of Mesopotamia and the heretic Manes, because of its
bulk. (It extends over 200 octavo pages.) The publi-
2 From Dr. Jackson, — Holywell, Jan. 17, 1878.

1848] The Learned Divine. 89
cation of this remarkable monument is found to have
been part of the President's original design in 1788. On
the other hand, the prospectus of 1788 specifies the
following names which do not however re-appear in any
of the published volumes of the Reliquiae: — Sextus, —
Ammonius Alexandrinus, — Magnes Hierosolymitanus, —
Diodorus,- — SS. Anastasia and Chrysogonus. He styles
this fifth volume, ' Appendix iii,' into which, besides the
' Disputation ' already mentioned (first published in 1698),
he introduces two tracts, one by Augustine, the other by
an unknown writer, together with the creed of Aquileia.
But the most interesting feature unquestionably in this
concluding volume is the ' Catena,' with which it concludes.
He calls it ' Testimonia de auctoritate S. Seripturae ante-
Nicaena] and prefixes a ' Monitum,' which may be thus
freely rendered : —
'According to some of our recent writers, (followers
themselves of a teaching alien to that of our own Commu
nion), the primitive Church did not hold that the Christian
Faith is based on Holy Scripture, or that the Scriptures
are to be regarded as the Rule of Faith. How entirely
the Truth lies the other way may be easily shown by an
appeal to ecclesiastical documents of the earliest ages.
For the effectual refutation therefore of an opinion which
in itself is fraught with perilous consequence, behold,
thou hast here a collection of testimonies to the authority
of Holy Scripture, gleaned out of the writings of primi
tive Christendom, and disposed in long and orderly
series.' Accordingly, coUected from thirty-one several sources,
beginning with St. Peter (2 Pet. iii. 15, 16), — St. Paul
(1 Cor. xiv. 37, 38), — St. John (xiv. 26), — Clemens
Romanus (c. xlvii.), — and ending with Eusebius, — about
seventy-four important quotations follow. The same
volume, by the way, supplies (at pp. 251-2, — a cancelled

90 Martin Joseph Routh: [1853
leaf !) another interesting iUustration of the President's
favourite and truly Anglican method, namely, an appeal
to primitive Antiquity on the subject of the Invocation
of Saints. What he delivers on this subject will be found
of great interest by the general reader: but English
Clergymen should without fail acquaint themselves with
the well-weighed sentiments contained in the precious
foot-note just now referred to.
Even this, however, was not the President's latest
literary effort. It had always been the Academic custom
to issue something from the University Press at the
installation of a new Chancellor. Accordingly, when
the Earl of Derby became Chancellor of the University
of Oxford in 1 853, it seemed to the venerable President
of Magdalen a fitting occasion for producing a strena
(so he phrased it), or auspicious offering ; and there were
three distinct subjects on which he had thought much,
and collected something important, which, carefuUy
edited, he foresaw would constitute an interesting
pamphlet. This little work, extending to twenty-five
pages, appeared in the beginning of December 1853,
He was then in his ninety-ninth year. He called it
' Tres breves Tractatus :' the first, — ' De primis episcopis ;
the second, — ' S. Petri Alexandrini episcopi fragmenta quae-
dam f the third, — ' S. Ireniae illustrata p'/jcns, in qua ecclesia
Romana commemoratur! They are introduced by the
following brief notice ('Lectori S.'), bearing date 'A.D.
1853. Oxonio ex Collegio Magdal.' : —
' Inasmuch as there is perpetual discussion among us
at the present day concerning ApostoUcal Succession,
Episcopal Ordination, and the authority of the Church
of Rome, I judged that I should be rendering useful
service if I produced in a separate shape whatever

1853] The Learned Divine. 91
remarks on these subjects I had already put forth in
the Annotations to my "Reliquiae Sacrae." The object I
had in view in thus amplifying and adding to my old
materials was to illustrate how these several matters
were accounted of in the beginning, in order that thus
the Truth might be the more firmly established. Fare
well.' After this, follows the President's note (' De Episcopis et
Presbyteris Adnotata quaedam') on the Council against
Noetus,3 as enlarged by himself on two subsequent
occasions, and now amplified and added to until it
attains to more than twice its original bulk. Next
come four fragments from the lost work of Peter of
Alexandria 'De Paschate ' : and these are followed, thirdly,
by a restoration of the original text of a passage of
Irenaeus, (ui. 3,* — it exists only in Latin), — which is
minutely discussed, and shown to lend no countenance
to those pretensions which writers of the Romish com
munion have industriously founded upon it. He be
stowed on this subject an extraordinary amount of
labour, the rather because an Anghcan Divine of the
highest reputation for learning and orthodoxy (Dr. Words
worth) had in a recent work5 failed to fasten the true
sense on [the lost original of] the central expression in
the phrase, — ' Ad hanc ecclesiam, propter potentiorem prin-
cipahtatem, necesse est omnem convenire ecclesiam; hoc
est, eos qui sunt undique fideles.' The President (and
his friend Dr. Ogilvie) were strenuously of opinion that
' recourse to] (not ' consent with]) is the thing here spoken
of: ' concursum non consensvm] as the President neatly
puts it. Resort was to be had to Rome, by the faithful
3 'Reliqq.,' iv. 247. See pp. 526, Massuet's ed. -. — p. 428, ed Stieren.
and v. 369. 5 Hippolytus and the Church of
4 It maybe seen at pp. 175-6 of Rome, &o. (1853), — pp. 195-204.

92 Martin Joseph Routh: [1853
who lived round about, " in order to learn the tradition
which had been there preserved uninterruptedly from
the Apostles' time ; although not there alone" (as Ogilvie
justly points out,) "for Irenseus alleges afterwards, in
the same chapter, the examples of both Smyrna and
Ephesus." 6
Such then was the last literary effort of " the learned
Divine," of whom I have been solicitous that coming
generations should both cherish the memory and be
able to reproduce the image. It was, (as I have said,)
designed as a " festal present " to the new Chancellor of
the University, — who found in the copy which was sent
for his acceptance a highly characteristic inscription.
The author described himself as, — ' Collegii Magdalenensis
Praeses, possessorum priorum coheres, etsi olim suis sedibus
spretd Charta Magna expulsorum, tamen postliminio redeun-
tium.' The learned Chancellor returned the comphment
by addressing to the old President a copy of Greek
verses ; playfully assuring him that it was not without
dire self-distrust : —
"I have something of the feeling [with] which in years
earlier still I used to take up a copy of verses to my
tutor ; and I also hope that no flagrant blunders will
bring the Chancellor of the University into disgrace in
the eyes of its most venerable member." 7
There resulted from this little publication what must
have been Routh's latest literary annoyance. Dindorf
had recently produced a new edition of the ' Paschal
Chronicle,' — on the very threshold of which lie the four
fragments of Peter of Alexandria already referred to.
His revised text had perforce, in turn, undergone
critical revision at the hands of the President : and an
6 Ross, — July 18, 1853. ' From S. Leonard's, — June 25, 1853.

1854] The Learned Divine. 93
interview with the German was the consequence, — the
unsatisfactory nature of which might have been con
fidently predicted. But we are not left to conjecture.
The courteous old man wrote as follows to Dr. Bliss, who
was entirely devoted to him, and with whom he was on
the most confidential terms : —
" Professor Dindorf honoured me with a call ; but in
consequence of my deafness, and his broken English, his
visit was not long. I made him a present of my short
Tracts, for one of which he furnished the Text, — which
text I have endeavoured to amend. Perhaps I have
offended him, — which was far from my intention. I shall
be glad to see you."
A few days after, the President recurred to this inter
view (Sept. 1 6th, 1854,) in a letter to Dr. Ogilvie : —
" On Tuesday, my nephew and Dr. Bliss are coming
to Oxford to keep my birthday . . . After scrawling
short answers to my daily received epistles, I am stiU
able in a morning to peep into books. I have lately
been looking at the authors whose text required most
emendation, and have left behind me my second
thoughts. I have had Dindorf, a German scholar, calhng
on me, who seemed rather angry at my attempt to
correct his evidently faulty text."
I would fain proceed with what seems to be a very
interesting letter : but, — strange as it may sound, — it is
impossible to decipher what comes next. Presently, one
is able to grope one's way : —
" I have had a letter from my good friend Duncan at
Bath, who is unable to move thence, as he tiU lately
intended. I have reason to think that the Preface to
the reign of James II has given great offence. — I lately
purchased a MS. of a published work of Marcus Anto
nius De Dominis, Abp. of Spalatro, but containing at the
end of it a long inedited letter to him by Morton, Bishop
of Durham. — Dr. Jacobson has lately printed an edition
of Bishop Sanderson's works, and inserted six sermons

94 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
preached by the Bishop at Carfax, from a MS. which
I lent him. — I have lately recovered a document which
proves the villainous conduct of the Earl of Sunderland
more directly than has hitherto been done. — October
wiU soon be here, when I hope to see you again, for
altho' not stronger, yet I am in a better habit of
body than some time since. God bless you and
yours ! "
There is in all this — what need to say it ? — none of
the decrepitude of ninety-nine. Yet was it remarked
by many how freely during the last year or two of
his life the President aUuded to his own end ; speaking
of his approaching departure as one might speak of a
journey which had long been in contemplation, and
which must needs be undertaken very soon. " I some
times think of the possibility of retiring to Tylehurst
for the short remainder of my life," — he wrote to Dr.
Ogilvie at the end of August 1 854 : as if fuUy sensible
that there was now indeed but a step between himself and
death. Among his papers, — (but there is reason for
believing that what follows belongs to an earher date),
— were found several rough drafts of his own intended
epitaph, which may perhaps be thus exhibited : —
' O all ye who come here, in your Christian and
charitable hope, wish peace and felicity, and a con
summation thereof afterwards, to the soul of Martin
Joseph Routh, the last Rector of the undivided parish of
Tylehurst, and brother of the pious Foundress of this
Church. He departed this Ufe , aged
; dying, as he had lived, attached to the
Catholic Faith taught in the Church of England, and
averse from all Papal and Sectarian innovations."
But it should be stated that the writer had evidently
found it impossible to satisfy himself with the opening
sentence. At first he wrote, — ' Of your charity and
trust to God's mercy, wish peace and increase of bliss at

1854] The Learned Divine. 95
Christ's coming : ' and though he ran his pen through
those words, he was loath to part with that sentiment . ' Of
your Charity which hopeth the best, wish peace and
final felicity,' presented itself as an alternative. Then,
' Qf your charity ' began to sound questionable. ' In
your Christian charity ' seemed better ; but this had
given way to ' charitable hope,' when the pious writer
seems to have been reminded of the impossibility of
elaborating a sentence by processes like these. There
perhaps never existed a scholar who found it more
difficult to satisfy himself than Dr. Routh. A third
and a fourth draft of the above inscription has been
discovered. In one of these is found that he " Ues
buried in the adjoining crypt, with his wife, Eliza
Agnes Blagrave of Calcot, whom the Lord grant to
find mercy from the Lord in that day."
The fastidiousness of his taste in such matters was
altogether extraordinary. But in fact it extended to
everything he wrote for publication. It was as if he could
never satisfy himself. Addressing his friend OgUvie, —
" I send you " (he says) " the last corrected sheet. I
should be glad to have your opinion whether the comma
after ' veri ' (in the words I have added at the end) had
not better be removed. Your answer would oblige me,
sent at any time before one o'clock." 8
It should be added that his inscriptions (and he wrote
many) are for the most part singularly original and
fehcitous. Room has already been found for a few of
them : several others wUl be found collected in the
Appendix (B).
But a document of more importance than the Presi
dent's epitaph remained incomplete until the end came.
8 Nov. 1, 1853.-

96 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
He had postponed to the last month of the last year of
his life the business of making his wUl; and inasmuch
as the draft (prepared from instructions furnished a few
days previous), was only sent by the lawyer to Dr. Ogil
vie for the President's signature on the 20th, — that is to
say, two days before his death, his will was perforce never
signed at all. Its effect would have been to divert from
the family a large part of his property to charitable
institutions. The President was heard repeatedly in
quiring for ' pen and ink ' when it was all too late. . . .
Such an incident seems more impressive than any
homily. It is believed that at a much earlier period
Dr. Routh had made a will, which he subsequently
cancelled. "The last time he attended in his stall at Chapel at
the consecration of the Eucharist," — (writes one of his
Fellows, and as faithful a friend of the aged President
as ever lived, — Dr. Bloxam,) "knowing that he could not
come up to the altar, I took the elements down to him.
Seeing me approach, he tottered down the steps from
his seat, and knelt on the bare floor of the Chapel be
low, to receive the consecrated bread and wine, — ' out of
reverence ' as he told me. It was no common sight to see
the old man kneeling on the floor. I shaU never forget it."
I have reserved tiU now some account of a friendship
which, more than any other, was the solace of the latest
years of the venerable President's life. The strictest
intimacy subsisted between himself and Dr. Ogilvie (Pro
fessor of Pastoral Theology and Canon of Christ Church),
— a gentleman whose friendship I was so fortunate as to
enjoy, and to whose sound scholarship, admirable Theo
logical learning, and exceeding personal worth, it is
pleasant to be able to bear hearty testimony. I have

1852] The Learned Divine. 97
been shown a large collection of letters (most of them
short notes) which the President addressed to Dr. Ogilvie
between the years 1847 and 1854. It is a strange thing
to have to say, but it is idle to withhold the avowal, —
viz. that they are, for the most part, illegible. Even
where one succeeds in making out one or two connected
sentences, there is commonly a word or two about which
one feels doubtful to the last. Subjoined is a striking
illustration of the inconvenience complained of. The
letter which follows was addressed by the President (in
his 97th year) to the Rev. John Oxlee, — author of " Three
Sermons preached at three different limes, on the Power, Origin,
and Succession qf the Christian Hierarchy, and especially that
of the Church of England " 9 (1816-21), — a very remarkable
performance. The learned and faithful writer was one
of the many pioneers (overlooked by an impatient
generation) who, up and down throughout the country,
for 40 or 50 years had been preparing the way for the
revival which it is customary to date from 1833. But
now for the letter : —
"Magdalen CoUege, Oxford, July 23, 1852.
" Reverend Sir, — In the course of this year I saw in the
Oxford Herald, as it is called, an advertisement of your
[work] on ApostoUc Succession, which I sent for
and read with great satisfaction, particularly that part
of it which  that Jewish Presbytery and not the
Hierarchy  the Christian Church. But I
am surprised to find on looking at the title page, that
it was not recently pubhshed by you, as the date was
some years earlier.
" I hope God grants you the comfort of proceeding in
your learned researches for the benefit of His Church.
I am, Reverend Sir, with great esteem,
" Your faithful Servant,
"M. J. Routh."
8 York, 8vo. 1821,— pp. 94, 116 and 108.
TOL. I. H

98 Martin Joseph Routh: [1851
The four or five words above omitted have defied
the skill of many an expert:1 but the thing intended
by the writer is plain. The second of Oxlee's three
Sermons (which is to prove " that the Christian Priest
hood is a perfect Hierarchy, emanating immediately
from God Himself,") argues " that the primitive regimen
of the Church must have been a close imitation of the
Jewish presbyteral bench": and seeks to establish
" that the government instituted in the Church by the
Apostles was a mere transcript of the Jewish presby-
terate." 2 — No apology can be requisite for these details.
Apart from the interest and importance of the subject,
the proof of Routh's mental activity to the very last, and
the eagerness of his disposition on a point of sacred
science, fully warrants the foregoing brief episode.
It was of his confidential letters to Dr. Ogilvie that
I was speaking, — a few of them sealed with his favourite
impress, — IXOYC. Trivial as most of such letters per
force must be, they rise at times to the highest standard
of interest. Truly characteristic of the man is an
incident which belongs to the very close of the President's
life ; and which, on more than one account, deserves to
be recorded. It relates to the great mystery of the
Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood. But I must
first explain that three years before (viz. in 1851)
Dr. Routh had held many a colloquy with Dr. Ogilvie
on this subject ; in consequence of which he repeatedly
formulated in writing the result of his own frequent and
prolonged meditations. On Feb. 16th, 1851, he writes,—
" I am reading every day a portion of Holy Scripture,
and noting what makes me hesitate about its meaning.
1 'Concerns'? 'sums up'? 'secures'?: — 'was constituted in'?
' Title-page, and pp. 18 and 24.

[85i] The Learned Divine.

99

I am now able to do Uttle besides. I told you, I believe,
that I [have] been considering what was said in Scripture
respecting the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, without
any reference to succeeding writings. In confidence, I
wiU submit to your consideration the foUowing brief
result of my humble inspection of S. John's vith chapter ;
the account of the other EvangeUsts of the institution ;
and of S. Paul in i Cor. xi and Heb. [ix], xiii : —
" Take this Bread, representing the Bread which came
down from Heaven, and the Body which was crucified
and broken for thee. Feed on that life-giving Sacrifice,
by faithfuUy believing in, and thankfuUy remembering,
the Lord's death." 3
Later in the same year, on a fragment of paper, (the
contents of which may be gathered from what wiU
be found printed at foot),4 Ogilvie has written, —
"N.B. This Paper was put into my hands by my
revered friend, the President of Magdalen, in the evening
of July 29th, 1 85 1, after I had dined with him. It
relates to the subject of several conversations which we
had previously held ; and is intended briefly to express
the result of his meditations on the Holy Eucharist and
the participation of Christ therein: — meditations, to
which he had been led by views lately put forth in some
3 These last words ('Take . . . fully believing in, and thankfullyre-
death') I transcribe from the writer's membering, the Lobd's death, (un
corrected, formula, wrapped round certain date) . . or Eat of that Sacri-
the letter. fice by thy faith in it, and thankful
* Feb. 16th, (and July 29, 1851, remembrance of Chkist, for the ac-
except where indicated within square quirement of life eternal, and union
brackets): — Take this [+ blessed with Him (Apr. 27). . . or Eat of
(Apr. 27)] Bread [ + rightfully thine that one Sacrifice for Sin by faith-
(Apr. 27)], representing the Bread fully believing and thankfully re-
which came down from Heaven, and membering it, for the attainment of
the Body [ + which was (Apr. 27)] indwelling holiness and everlasting
crucified and [—crucified and (Apr. life (July 29) . . . or Feed by thy
27: July 29)] broken for thee. Feed faith, and by thy thankful remem-
on, by thy believing, this Sacrifice brance, on that one Sacrifice for
for the acquisition of everlasting Sin ; that Christ may dwell in thee,
life, in thankful remembrance of and thou mayest have everlasting
Christ's dying for thee, [or Feed on life (Dec. 17).]
that life-giving Sacrifice by faith-
H 2

ioo Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
quarters; but according to his sound judgment and
weU-ordered affections, utterly irreconcilable with Holy
Scripture and the sentence of Antiquity. C. A. 0."
But on the 5th June 1854, (when he was within a few
months of his departure), he wrote as follows and gave
the paper to the same friend, with the remark that this
statement of his belief was the one on which his mind at
last rested : —
" The Bread broken and the Wine poured out, symbols
in the Eucharist of the Body and Blood of Christ, impart
to the recipient, through his faith in the Sacrifice on the
Cross, [or in Christ's Passion for him], life spiritual, — the
abidance of himself in 'Christ, and of Christ in him.
Our Saviour, interpreting His own words, saith that
they are Spirit and Life : [or explaining His precept of
eating His flesh and drinking His blood, saith that His
words are ' Spirit and Life.' "]
President Routh's desire to give deliberate expression
to his own settled convictions on this great subject is
observed to have become intensified as he drew nearer to
his end. Once and again did he preface his paraphrase
with such words as these, — " On account of the existing
differences about the Eucharist, the following is with all
humility offered as a strictly Scriptural exposition of the
doctrine." Quite in harmony with what goes before is the record
which survives of what had been the President's Easter
meditations on the latest Easter of his life. " Soon after
my return to Oxford after Easter 1854," (writes Dr.
Ogilvie), "my revered friend put into my hands a paper
of which the following is a copy, — the result of his
Easter meditations and reflections " : —
" In our own and other Liturgies, on Easter Eve and
Easter Day, the occurrences of each day are related on

1854] The Learned Divine. 10 i
the same day. This has occasioned the omission of an
additional proof of the truth of the Resurrection from
the publicly recited relation of the event on Easter-Day.
" It is related (in the Gospel for Easter Day) that two
Disciples of Christ, Peter and John, 'went into the
Sepulchre and saw the linen clothes lie, and the napkin
that was about His head, not lying with the linen
clothes, but wrapped together in a place by itself; — and '
[of the latter, it is said that he] ' saw and believed ' —
that He was risen from the dead.
" The Jewish story of the body being taken away, while
the Roman guard, known by aU to be placed at the
Sepulchre, were asleep, is thus refuted ; for no persons
would spend their time in a leisurely disposal of the
investments, after having taken them from the body,
whilst they were in danger of perishing, if the soldiers
should awake. But the time which it would take to
divest is much increased by what is recorded in the
verses of the xixth Chapter of S. John's Gospel, im
mediately preceding the verses of the xxth chapter
that form the Gospel of Easter Day; and therefore
not read to the congregations of our churches, on that
Festival :
" ' Nicodemus brought a mixture of myrrh and aloes,
about an hundred pound weight, — and they wound the
Body of Jesus in linen clothes with the spices, as the
manner of the Jews is to bury.'
" A long process would have been necessary to effect
the divestment of a body thus bound in swathes and
with ointments.
" It is to be regretted that, in consequence of what has
been before mentioned, this additional proof is omitted."
Who can read such remarks on S. John xix. 38-42,
without a secret aspiration — 0 that so occupied I may
pass the last Easter of my own earthly pilgrimage ?
The President's latest literary annoyance has been
described above. Infinitely more serious was the sorrow
of heart which the Universities' Commission of 1854

102 Martin Joseph Routh : [1834
occasioned him. On the 3rd of Aug. he complained to
Dr. Ogilvie, —
"I have no one, either niece or nephew, with me. I
have no friend to write my thoughts to, on the all
interesting state of affairs, but yourself. Can you account
for the desertion of the Bishops from the protection of
the Church and University ? "
The Commission feU— (as weU it might)— like a dark
shadow over the close of his long Ufe ; the harbinger of
worse things to come, — viz. the DisestabUshment of
Religion in Oxford, and the Dechristianizing of the
University at the end of six-and-twenty years. I for
bear to enlarge on this subject, or even to insert the
protest of the President of Magdalen,5 on the occasion of
forwarding to the Commissioners, as demanded, a copy of
the Statutes of his College. The reader will scarcely
require from me the suggestion that it was as if with Dr.
Routh the old order of things departed from the Univer
sity, and the irrehgious Revolution began of which it is
to be feared that we have not yet seen the bitter end.
But, in all this, as I have said, and as the reader sees, the
President's chief earthly consolation was derived from
sympathetic intercourse with his friend, Dr. Ogilvie.
What need to say that his one great resource was the
same which has been the stay of God's Saints in every
age? " I wish " (he says) " I was saying my prayers at
Tylehurst before I go hence. But a notion that I may
be in some way serviceable in the crisis that is approach
ing, keeps me here." 6
Let me not however end the story of such a life, with
words of evil omen. "In the autumn of 1853,"7 (relates
6 Having delivered my own senti- a paper in the Appendix (E).
ments on this sad subject very 6 June 30th, 1853.
plainly in another place, I pass it 7 The President furnishes the
by here. The reader is referred to approximate date of this visit ; an-

1854] The Learned Divine. 103
Bishop Hobhouse,) "when I was going with the S. P. G.
Deputation to attend the triennial Convention of the
U. S. Church in New York, the President sent by my
hand, as a present to the Presiding Bishop, the Tractate
which he had just republished from the ' Reliquiae.' He
added a message, — (which however I did not deUver) — as
an apology for his presumption." s
The keepsake I carried was " an evidence " (says Hob
house) " of the deep interest which he had felt for the
Church of the U. S. ever since 1783 : " in which year, (as
already stated),9 Dr. Seabury came to England as Bishop-
elect of Connecticut to seek Consecration, and was by
Routh persuaded to go for that purpose to Scotland. On
Hobhouse's return from America the old man immediately
sent for him, and required an account of his mission.
He " inquired with keenest interest of the proceedings of
Convention," — " repeated the main facts above stated, —
and expressed his joy at hearing that the infant over
whose birth he had watched, had grown to be so prolific
a mother." "His interest in the whole business was
surprisingly Uvely." " At the end of this amazing span
of years, he finds himself transmitting a message to the
President of 40 Bishops." . . . This incident (which
belongs to the last days of 1853) must have brightened,
like sunshine, the latest year of President Routh's pro
tracted Ufe.
His earthly span was brought to a close on the even
ing of Friday, December 22nd, 1854. For several days
nouncing to Dr. Ogilvie (Aug. 5th, paragraph is contemporaneously
1853), — " Mr. Hobhouse is going to written (by Bp. Hobhouse) inside
the great triennial meeting of the the cover of the copy of Routh's
American Episcopal Church at New pamphlet which the author gave
York." him on his return from America.
8 Letter to myself, — Lichfield, ' See back, pp. 29-35.
Nov. 28th, 1878. The next ensuing

104 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
he had been fully conscious that his end was approach
ing : and on the previous Sunday, though ill and weak,
had left orders that the Provost of Oriel (Dr. Hawkins)
should be admitted if he called ; explaining that he had
done so, ' Because I thought perhaps I might never see
you again.' He was singularly talkative on that day
(Sunday) : but " a change was observed in him. Still,
he had his usual party at dinner ; and though he did not
join his guests at table, he saw them at tea. He was
more sleepy than usual then. The next day he was
worse ; but on Tuesday he revived so much that Bloxam
lost all immediate apprehension, and the President himself
said, — 'I think I shall be a little longer with you, sir.' "1
He requested Bloxam, who had called by the President's
request, to guide his hand in signing a cheque for some
charitable purpose, and to convey it to Dr. Macbride. —
" He spoke " (writes Dr. Hawkins) "with animation and
cheerfulness, sometimes with more than his usual felicity
of expression. ' Richard Heber ' (he said), ' collected more
books than any other person ; he had four hbraries, one
at his own place, Hodnet, another at Paris, another at
Brussels, another at Amsterdam. His library at Hodnet
sold for 53,000^ ; and his Paris library was very good.
I have the catalogue, sir, in my room. "Mr. Heber,"
said Porson to him, with his usual caustic humour, " you
have collected a great many books : pray when do you
mean to begin to read them ? " But the present Dean of
Christ Church, sir, a great authority, told me that he
never asked Mr. Heber about a book without finding
him well acquainted with it.' Thus, even in respect of
a trifling matter, the speaker's nature became apparent."
The Provost of Oriel (from whom I am quoting) remarks,
on what goes before, —
1 Mozley's Letters, (Dec. 23, 1854), — p. 225.

1854] The Learned Divine. 105
" Though he enjoyed a joke, he was supremely anxious
that whatever he said should be true. The very accuracy
and retentiveness of his memory had probably been
assisted by this constant anxiety for Truth. And in his
later years, when it was not quite so ready and alert as
formerly, it was curious to observe the working of his
mind, intent to gather up again any fading recollections,
and not permitting you to assist him, but recalling his
thoughts, and regaining any lost clue himself.
" For some time past," proceeds Dr. Hawkins, " he had
rather lain on his chair than sat upon it ; and on this
occasion, in order to support himself, he grasped one arm
of the chair with his right hand, — with his left, stretched
over the other arm, touching or clasping mine. He said
emphaticaUy that he was 'ready.' On my observing
that a very long life had been assigned him with very
little illness and many sources of happiness, — ' Yes,' he
said, he was deeply grateful. ' Sir, I believe everything
is ordered for the best. Do not you believe that, sir ? ' "
Later in the day, (Tuesday, 19th Dec), Dr. Cotton
(Provost of Worcester) visited him : ' You are come, sir,'
said the President, ' to one that is going.' He conversed
cheerfully with Dr. Acland next morning (Wednesday) :
regretted that the new Museum was to be placed in the
Parks ; and remarked, — ' We are said to have the air in
the Parks from the Highlands of Scotland. I do not know
whether this is correct, sir ; I think the hills in West
moreland must intervene : but I have not inquired into
the fact.' To Dr. Jackson, his physician, (who for ten
days had been unavoidably away from Oxford, and in
whose absence Dr. Acland had attended the President,)
— ' I will do what you desire, sir ; take anything you
please; but I know that it is useless. I shaU go to
morrow.' He went to his bed reluctantly on that same

106 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
night, — Wednesday, December 20th : went, for the last
time. He was in a state of great prostration.
He used to sleep in the 'Founder's Chamber,' — ('King
Charles's room,' as he himself called it,) — the ancient
apartment over the CoUege gateway, in which no less
than seven royal personages have been entertained ; an
old banqueting-room therefore. Dr. Jackson, paying an
early visit on the morrow, which was Thursday, was
informed by his patient, that " it was the first time that
a physician had ever seen him in bed. He had been seen
by a surgeon," (instancing Tuckwell,) " on more than one
occasion." Jackson visited him a second, and a third
time. On Friday (22nd December) he was clearly sink
ing ; but at 2.30 p.m. spoke a little, and was quite
sensible. He expressed a wish to see Dr. Ogilvie, — who,
as he knew, had his unsigned will in his keeping, — ' to
morrow ; ' a to-morrow he was destined never to know.
It was plain to Dr. Jackson that the time for transacting
business of any kind was past. ' The President ' (he
wrote to Dr. Bliss) ' is as iU as he can be to be alive.'
In the evening, when Esther Druce, his faithful old
servant, was standing at the foot of his bed, — ' Now,
Esther, I seem better.' He crossed his hands and closed
his eyes. She heard him repeat the Lord's Prayer
softly to himself. 2 Presently she proposed to give him
some port wine, as the doctor had recommended. He
drank it ; feebly took her hand, thanked her for aU her
attention to him, and remarked that he had been 'a
great deal of trouble ; ' adding that he had made some
provision for her. His leg occasioned him pain. ' Let
me make you a little more comfortable,' said the poor
woman, intending to change the dressing. 'Don't trouble
* I obtained all these particulars from her. The truthful simplicity
of her narrative was very striking.

1854] The Learned Divine. 107
yourself,' he replied. Those were the last words he
spoke. It was near upon half-past seven in the evening.
Folding his arms across his breast he became silent. It
was his Nunc dimittis. He heaved two short sighs and all
was over. . . . ' I have just seen bim,' wrote Dr. Jackson.
' He lay perfectly placid, with his arms crossed just one
over the other, as if asleep. May my end be like his, at
a much less advanced age !'
"The representatives of my dear uncle," (wrote his
nephew 3 on the 24th) " have decided that he shah be
buried within the walls of the College.
"This decision has been come to in consequence of
a strong and unanimous wish expressed by the members
of the College that his remains should not be taken from
them. I confess, after reading the very precise manner
in which he has given directions [for his burial at Theale],
I could hardly bring myself to consent to their non-ful
filment ; but my Aunt concurring with the view taken
by his other friends, that if he had known the grief it
would occasion them to lose the last relics of their be
loved and venerated Head, he would, — (as he has uni
formly done on other occasions in matters relating to
himself, — [the taking his portrait for instance4]), — have
sacrificed his own feelings to the general wish of the
[Society over which he presided], — I have at length ac
ceded to their views."
In the beautiful chapel of the CoUege of which he
had been President for 63 years, Dr. Routh was accord
ingly buried (Dec. 29th, 1854) on the Friday after his
decease ; being followed to the grave by a vast concourse
of persons, including the principal members of the Uni
versity, the fellows and demies of his own college, and a
troop of friends. The funeral cortege filled two sides of
the cloisters. ' It was the most touching and impressive
3 To Dr. Ogilvie. The words in * Concerning portraits of the
square brackets are from a duplicate President, see Bloxam's Demies,
of the letter addressed to Dr. Bliss. iv. 31-4.

io8 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
scene, I think, that I ever witnessed,' wrote one of the
fellows a few days after. But the weather was intensely
cold, — the wind blowing strong and bitter from the north
east, as Bodley's librarian (H. 0. Coxe) remarked in a
letter to a friend. Not a note of the organ was heard ;
the whole body of the choir chanting the Psalms without
music. The open grave was immediately in front of the
altar ; and on the coffin was recorded the rare circum
stance that its occupant was in his hundredth year. 5
" I remember when our President died," — (I am quoting
the words of the most thoughtful member of the Society
over which Dr. Routh presided, 6) — " making the obser
vation to myself that one is more surprised at the death
of old persons than at the death of young ones. I mean
that, though the laws of nature prepare one for it, when
it actually takes place it is more of a downfall, and what
one may call a crash, than the younger death is. There
is so much more fabric to fall down.
"The old man does, by his very length of life, root
himself in us ; so that the longer he lives, the longer, we
think, he must live; and when he dies it is a kind of
violence to us.
"I do not know whether you at all recognise this
aspect of the departure of a long life," — (proceeds the
same writer, addressing the same friend,) — " or whether
you partake of the impression. I recollect I had it very
strongly when the whole College, with all its train of
past generations that survived, followed the old Presi
dent to the grave. The majestic music and solemn
wailings of the choir seemed to mourn over some great
edifice that had fallen, and left a vast void, which looked
quite strange and unaccountable to one."
There is no reason why this narrative should be
further prolonged. If I have not already succeeded
6 Anyone desiring a particular de- (The Demies.) — iv. 26-31.
scription of the President's funeral 6 Mozley's Letters, — (Jan. 31,
is referred to Bloxam's Register, 1873): p. 300-1

1854] The Learned Divine. 109
in setting before the reader a living image of the man
whose name stands written above these pages, — by
nothing which can now be added shall I effect the
object with which I originally took up my pen. Martin
Joseph Routh belonged to a class of Scholars and
Divines of which specimens seem Ukely to become more
and more rare in England as the ages roll out : but the
example which he has left behind him of reverence
for cathohc Antiquity and inflexible attachment to the
Church of his Baptism, — above all, of an ardent faith,
and an absolute prostration of the intellect before the
revelations of God's written Word ; — this is for every
succeeding generation.
As a literary man, he lays no claim to originality
of genius, or power of imagination. His marveUous
memory (so accurate and so comprehensive), his quick
perception, his tenacity of purpose, his indomitable in
dustry and calm judgment, — these stood to him in
the place of genius. But here again he invariably
proposed to himself a far loftier standard of critical
excellence than he was capable of attaining : while
yet he resolutely strove to attain it. He was a truly
remarkable instance of self-culture. Humour he had,
and a certain genialness of nature which greatly en
deared him to those with whom he had to do. Above
all he had an unfailing courteousness of mind and of
manner, — courtesy based on charity, — which became in
him a power, and prevailed. His knowledge of human
nature was great, and he was skilful in dealing with
men. Apt was he to form a kindly estimate of every
body. Firm as a Governor, on matters of principle he
was inflexible : but his administration of disciphne was
weakened by the tenderness of his disposition. Though
of a somewhat choleric temper, his fit of passion was

no Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
soon over and there was ever a ready apology at hand.
He was of a truly kind and affectionate nature. ' Given
to hospitality ' too he was, but whoUy without ostenta
tion. His repasts, when he entertained, were even
severely simple. It should be added that in his private
charities, he was prompt and munificent. As his sister's
steward, he gave away very large sums to Church in
stitutions. The deep unobtrusive piety of his spirit, —
the rehgious calmness of his habitual temperament, —
caused him to be greatly revered by those who knew
him best. He was observed to fast — -from dainties. His
reverence for Antiquity was great : for Authority, far
greater. He would not however have been a Non-juror.
(He said so.) The abuses in Church and State of his
early days, he thoroughly abhorred. He was by no
means the blind laudator temporis acti. On the contrary.
He took a hopeful view of the issue of all the move
ments of mind around him. He was so heartily
Anglican, because he knew — to an extent not attainable
by most men — that the English Reformation was
achieved on the primitive lines, and was the nearest
return to primitive Catholicity possible. It was the
supreme desire of his soul to be remembered as one
who "died, as he had Uved, attached to the Catholic
Faith taught in the Church of England, and averse
from all Papal and Sectarian innovation." His calm
delight in the Gospel : his adoring admiration of its
perfections : the childlike spirit in which he sustained
his soul by feeding upon its very letter to the last
hour of his Ufe : — these are a legacy for all time.
And " There are no colours in the fairest sky
So fair as these!"
One cannot, as it seems, too greatly admire the in-

1854] The Learned Divine. iii
domitable energy of character, — -the consciousness of
high and holy purpose, — which, at a period when
Churchmanship was at its lowest ebb, (the last quarter
of the 1 8th century, I mean,) — could deliberately gird
itself up for such an undertaking as that which the
President commenced in 1788, 7 as well as faithfully
prosecuted throughout all the ensuing years of his Ufe.
Among his contemporaries he was unapproached for
Patristic learning. Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, the
great Bishop of Lincoln [1869-85], might reasonably
experience gratification when, after reading his work on
Hippolytus, the President, in his 98th year, sent him
word 8 that he found it " the production of a writer
better acquainted with primitive Antiquity than any
man I supposed to exist among us."
Then further, — The generous sympathy with which in
his extreme old age he reached out hopefully to a new
institution like the young Church University of Dur
ham: — his affability to strangers, and the unwearied
kindness he was prepared to lavish on such as loved
sacred Science, but knew next to nothing about it: —
above all, the affectionate cordiality which subsisted
between himself and the Fellows of his CoUege ; — these
are features of character which will endear his memory
to not a few who shall come after him. And yet this
was not nearly aU. To the very last he was a faithful
and true man, — with nothing of the timidity of age,
though the experience of a long life had taught him
caution. He was one of those who signed the petition
to the King against the appointment of Dr. Hamp
den to the Regius Professorship of Divinity (Feb. 11,
1836). A fortnight later (29 Feb.), a Requisition
having been addressed to the Hebdomadal Board that
7 See back, pp. 38-40. 8 July 30, 1853.

ii2 Martin Joseph Routh: [1854
Hampden's Works should be brought before the Convo
cation of the University, the Heads divided, — 20 against,
and 4 for it. The minority consisted of Routh, Gaisford,
Gilbert, and Jenkyns. He was a fearless Confessor,.
Had his lot fallen in times of cruel persecution, he
would have been prepared to die a Martyr's death.
No worthy pictorial representation of President Routh
exists, — a circumstance which is much to be regretted:
for his was a face and a form which really did deserve
commemoration by the hand of a consummate artist.
His eyes beamed with inteUigence : his features bore the
impress of character. A general impression of his ap
pearance is all that can now be derived from a survey of
the efforts of Thompson, PickersgiU, Hartmann. The
attempt to pourtray him should have been made fifty,
forty, at least thirty years sooner ; and then by a first-
rate hand. Concerning his portraits, see above, p. 107,
There appeared in the University on the occasion of
the venerable President's departure ' A Century of
Verses,' — which, it is hoped, may without impropriety
be reproduced here. They are the work of one who
knew him only slightly, but who revered him greatly,
and to whom he had been exceedingly kind: — one on
whom the stroke of domestic affliction had recently fallen
heavily; and who, on returning to Oxford after the
Christmas Vacation, sadly bent his steps in the direction
of the President's lodgings. To go back to his own
College, and write such ' a Century of Verses ' as the
following, was a kind of instinct of nature : —
" Grief upon grief! it seems as if each day
Came laden with a freight of heavy news
From East or West. My letters, fringed with black,

A Century of Verses. i i
Bring me but sighs : and when the heart is full
One drop will make the bitter cup o'erflow.
Grave, reverend sir ! I scarcely knew how dear
I held thy mem'ry, till I stood before
Thy darkened gate, and learnt thy message kind, —
' When next he calls, he must be made come in.'
Alas, 'twas now a message from the grave !
There was no voice nor motion : calm the scene
Around me, as the mem'ry of the blest.
For still, the quiet precinct of thy home
Seemed Uke some Uttle favoured nook apart,
Where no rough wind might enter, no harsh sound
Make itself heard, nor chance nor change intrude.
Waynflete's time-honoured gateway, decked about
With kneeling Saints, and shielded from rude hands
By the low fence which girds thy modest lawn,
O'erhung me hke a blessing ; and a few
Faint flowers were lingering near me ; and no sound
Broke the sweet silence, save a bird that trill'd
Farewell to Summer from a wintry thorn.
Would I had seen thy honoured face once more !
So loath was I to weary thee ; to tax
Thy reverend courtesy; and add the weight
Even of a feather to thy pUe of years,
That still I keep aloof from one whose words
Were ever words of kindness ; whose discourse
Was pleasant to me as a skilful song
Which haunts the heart and brain, and wiU not die.
How could it fail be so ? for who like thee
To talk of ancient times, and ancient men,
And render back their image ? who like thee
For sacred lore ? Thy speech recalled the days
When Truth was deemed eternal : when men's eyes
vol. i. i

114 A Century of Verses,
Were taught to hail the everlasting hills
As beacons of their journey; and their hearts,
Not tossed as now on wretched waves of doubt,
Were anchored fast to that eternal shore
Where thou didst make, and now hast found, thine home.
And there already, — (for not mine the creed,
O no, not mine the cold unlovely creed
Which dreams of treasures lost when good men die,) —
Already, doubtless, on that starlit strand
Hast thou been welcomed with glad words, as when
Some voyaging barque, long time detained at sea,
Looms in the offing, and a thousand hearts
Flock to the beach, impatient for their joy.
There, as I think, thou wilt behold the eyes
And hear the voices of those ancient Saints
Whose few yet precious pages, once the sport
Of gusty winds, became thy pious care :
The Sardian Melito, — Polycrates, —
Papias the Phrygian, — Pinytus of Crete, — •
Julius, — and Hegesippus, — and the rest ;
Who lived before those Seven, to whom St. John
Spake words of warning, gave their souls to God.
Calm life, that labouring in forgotten fields
Didst hive the sweets of each ! calm happy life
Of learned leisure and long studious days,
Spent in a curious Paradise of Books ;
How wert thou spared to witness to the sons
The manners and the wisdom of their sires !
ResembUng more some marvel of the past
Than aught of modern fashion. Let me long
Cherish thy precious mem'ry ! long retain
The image of thy venerable form
Stooping beneath its century of years,
And wrapped in solemn academic robes,

A Century of Verses. i i 5
Cassock, and scarf, and buckles, bands and wig,
And such a face as none beheld before
Save in an ancient frame on College walls,
And heard of as ' the portrait of a grave
And learn'd Divine who flourished years ago.'
Yet would thy sunken eye shine bright as day
If haply some one touched thy favourite theme, —
The martyred Monarch's fortunes and his times :
Yet brighter, if the mem'ries of thy youth
Were quickened into sudden life : but most
'Twas joy to hear thy solemn voice descant
Of Fathers, Councils, and the page Divine :
For then thy words were precious and well weighed,
Oracular with wisdom. Or if men
And manners were thy theme, — scholars and wits,
The heroes of past years, — how rich thy vein !
Thy speech how courteous, classical, and kind !
Each story new because so wondrous old:
And each particular exactly given,
The name, the place, the author, yea the page, —
Nought was forgotten. ' But I tire you, sir,'
(So would he say :) ' I fear I tire you, sir ?
'An old man, sir ! ' — while one's heart danced for joy.
He sleeps before the altar, where the shade
He loved will guard his slumbers night and day ;
And tuneful voices o'er him, like a dirge,
Will float for everlasting. Fitting close
For such a life ! His twelve long sunny hours
Bright to the edge of darkness : then, the calm
Repose of twilight, and a crown of stars."
beati mortvi, qvi moritntvr in domino.
1 2

(n> HUGH JAMES ROSE:
the restorer of the old paths.
[A. D. 1795-1838.]
' Who, when hearts were failing, bade us stir up the gift that was
in us, and betake ourselves to our true Mother.'
MANKIND show themselves strangely forgetful of
their chiefest benefactors. The name above written,
besides being a boast and a praise, was reckoned a tower, of
strength by Churchmen of a generation which has already
well nigh passed away. Pronounced now in the hearing
of those who have been in the Ministry ten, fifteen, twenty
years, it is discovered to be unknown to them. And
yet this was the man who, sixty years ago, at a time of
universal gloom, panic, and despondency, rallied the
faint-hearted as with a trumpet blast ; — awoke the
sleepers; — aroused the sluggish; — led on to glory the
van of the Church's army. It shall be my endeavour,
however feebly, to repair the omission of half a century
of years, (for Hugh James Rose died in 1838) ; the rather,
because his only brother was also mine. But his was a
life which deserves to have been written by some far
abler hand. Moreover, it should have been written long
long ago.
Not unaware am I what it was that originally de
terred the Rev. John Miller of Worcester College, (another
sometime celebrated, but now scarcely remembered name,
to whom aU the materials for writing Mr. Rose's life had

1795] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 117
been entrusted), — from accomplishing his task. The
discovery was speedily made that to write it adequately
would be to write the History of the Church of England
during the same brief but eventful period ; and such
an ample Memoir was expected at the hands of the
Biographer. Many words on this pari of the subject
are unnecessary. The events were all too recent in
which Mr. Rose had played a prominent part, for he was
" taken away in the midst of his days." Under incon
veniently reversed conditions the selfsame problem now
solicits me. But besides that I enjoy access to the same
written evidence, I have lived continuously with those
who revered Mr. Rose's memory supremely, and whose
discourse was perpetually of him. I wiU therefore do
my best to relate, at least in outline, the story of his
important Ufe. Long have I been troubled by the con
viction that it would be a shame if I were never to
make the attempt ; and an opportunity has at last unex
pectedly arrived.
A singular contrast wUl the present biography be ob
served to present to that which immediately precedes it.
Routh's was the longest of the Twelve Lives here re
corded ; Rose's, the shortest. He was yet unborn when
Routh saw his 39th birthday, and Routh survived him
sixteen years. Rose, driven from place to place in quest
of health, succumbed at last in a foreign land to the
malady with which he had wrestled in agony throughout
eighteen years of intellectual warfare. Routh, — who
until after he had entered his 100th year had never been
seen by a physician in bed, — passed 83 calm studious
years within the walls of the College from which he had
never wandered. He died in his nest. Both ahke bore
unfaltering witness to the same Divine truths ; but they
served their Master in vastly different ways, and their

118 Hugh James Rose: [1795
pathways in life never met. I have already sought to
embalm the memory of Martin Joseph Routh. It is of
Hugh James Rose that I am to speak now.
And first, — He was lineally descended from one of the
oldest of Scottish houses ; his grandfather, Hugh Rose of
New Mill, Aberdeenshire, — (who by the way narrowly
escaped hanging after the field of Culloden, for all the
Roses were on the Prince's side,) — being a cadet of the
Roses of Kilravock.1 Dr. William Rose of Chiswick,
the translator of SaUust and friend of Johnson, was this
gentleman's brother. Samuel Rose therefore, his son, the
friend and correspondent of the poet Cowper, was Hugh
James Rose's second cousin.
Hugh James, — elder son of the Rev. William Rose
[b. 1J66, d. 1844] and Susanna his wife [b. 1762, d. 1839],
— was bom in the parsonage house of Little Horsted, in
the county of Sussex, where his father was at that time
Curate, — on the 9th of June 1795. His young nurse,
who had never before had the care of an infant, is re
membered to have delighted in the child greatly and to
have taught him the alphabet before he could speak : —
" In a lobby of the house we inhabited at Uckfield, to
which place we removed when he was about a year old,"
(writes his Mother,) " there hung some maps and charts
of History in which were many large letters. Martha
Summers used to show him the letters, until the baby —
if you asked him where any particular letter was —
would look at the chart, and if held up to it, would put
his httle finger on the letter required."
For a prolonged period, during which (owing to indis
position) his Mother was unable to have him with her, —
" his Father took him into his school to keep him out
of the way of mischief. When I proposed to take him
1 See the ' Genealogical deduction — 1848, (printed by the Spalding
of the Family of Rose of Kilravock,' Club), 4k).

1800] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 119
again, — ' No,' (said Mr. Rose) ' he is learning the Latin
grammar. He wanted to read so much English every
day, that, not having time to hear him, I gave him a
Latin grammar to employ him.' Before he was four
years old he had mastered it. I have often heard him
say he could not remember the time when he did not
know the Latin grammar. How he learned to read at
all, I am unable to say. I suppose his maid helped him.
I recoUect one summer morning, (he then slept in our
room), — knowing he was awake and yet not hearing
him, — his Father asked — ' What are you doing ? ' ' Read
ing Knox's Elegant Extracts.' ' You can't understand
what you are reading ? ' ' O but I can, Papa,' and he
told us what it was. He was then about four years
old. " Sent, a few weeks after to Seaford, for the benefit of
sea air and bathing, his great amusement was to read the
newspaper and the Arabian Nights to some ladies there.
They said it was not hke the reading of a child, but
really a pleasure to listen to. — I recoUect his once asking
his Father for a book, when the only one at hand was a
volume of French plays. In order to keep him quiet,
his Father said — ' Read Le Cid.' Two or three hours
after, he had finished it. ' You cannot have read the
play ? ' ' Yes, I have ; ' and he instantly repeated the
plot, and then construed every sentence his Father pointed
out. To me he never seemed to read a book ; but to cast
his eye over the page and to know its contents."
From Little Horsted then, the Rev. Wm. Rose removed
to Uckfield, about two miles off, a chapelry of the parish
of Buxted. His change of abode was chiefly occasioned
by his desire to increase the number of his pupils. These
now grew into a considerable school which he grafted on
a small parochial foundation endowed by a former
rector of Buxted, Dr. Saunders. Mr. Rose afterwards
became curate of Uckfield, under the then rector of
Buxted, Archd. D'Oyly; and here his only other (sur
viving) child (Henry John) was born, 3rd January, 1800.

120 Hugh James Rose: [1801
Both sons alike inherited from their Father, besides
a singularly calm and equable temperament, the same
inflexibly upright and guileless nature; — from their
Mother, the same mascuUne good sense, clear under
standing, and strength of purpose. They grew up, until
they went to College, under the parental roof, — severed
from one another by no other barrier but that formidable
span of five years of early life. I am here to speak
exclusively of Hugh James Rose ; but I propose not
to lay down my pen until (however briefly) I have
separately commemorated the singular goodness, the rare
gifts and graces, of Henry John, his younger brother, —
who, by his marriage with my sister, became an elder
brother to me. Yes, and the best of brothers.2
A few other incidents remembered in connexion with
Hugh's boyhood are not without interest. Foremost
in respect of date is the friendship of Dr. E. D. Clarke,
the accomphshed traveller [b. 1769, d. 1822], whose
grandfather and father had been successively rectors
of Buxted, and whose widowed mother continued to live
at Uckfield with her family. A mind intelligent and
appreciative as his, joined as it was to a disposition
singularly generous and enthusiastic, could not fail to be
attracted by the youthful promise of such an one as
Hugh James Rose, who was all the while pursuing his
studies with rare diligence under his father's roof: Not
withstanding their great disparity of years, a strong
attachment sprang up between them, which only ended
with Dr. E. D. Clarke's death in 1822. But it com
menced a long way back ; for Clarke is remembered to
have taught the child, when only four years of age,
to repeat the Greek alphabet. " To be heard say his
Geek " was thenceforth a prime satisfaction to the youth-
2 See below, page 287,

1802] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 121
ful Hellenist. The preceptor's endeavour to instil in the
same quarter at the same tender age a taste for fossils
and mineralogy, by showing him choice specimens in
a glass case, broke down calamitously. To the philo
sopher's discomfiture a preference was candidly avowed
for the look of the sugar-plums in the window of the
village 'shop' . . . Dr. Clarke evidently delighted in
the chUd, and must have had his full share in developing
his powers.
The calamitous health from which Hugh suffered so
direfully later on in life had its beginning when he was
five years old. An attack of croup, though effectually
subdued, left him liable to frequent inflammation of the
lungs. Always patient under suffering, it is remembered
that he was perfectly satisfied while able to read and
amuse himself. When too iU for this, he would urge his
maid (if his mother was not with him) to read to him :
and so excellent was his memory that he retained all he
heard. During a prolonged confinement to the house, some
one suggested to the chUd collecting impressions of seals.
The armorial bearings on several of these set him on
the study of Heraldry, — which his parents encouraged
by procuring for him the best books they could on
the subject. Blazoning coats-of-arms was a delight
to him, — till a neighbouring gentleman, weary of the
study of Chemistry, sent him all his retorts, crucibles,
&c. Hugh at once transferred his homage' to the new
science, — which he cultivated with assiduity and success.
"We indulged him in these pursuits" (writes his
Mother) "as he was never able to join in the active
sports of other boys." It may be added that he acquired
early in hfe great proficiency in the use of his pencil. A
water-colour drawing of the interior of Buxted church
survives to attest his youthful skill. " Yes, that was our

122 Hugh James Rose: [1808
family pew ! " — remarked the late Bp. of Lincoln with a
sad smile, when I once showed him the representation of
his Father's church. Poetry was already one of his
delights ; a taste which grew with his growth and never
forsook him.
Besides such instances of mental activity and extra
ordinary precocity of intellect, the fond Mother treasured
up many an interesting trait indicative of her son's
singular lovehness of character : as, his considerateness
for the feelings of others, — his anxiety to relieve suffering
and to mitigate distress, — his entire dutifulness to his
parents. No young man's heart ever pointed more faith-
fuUy to " home," as the scene of his greatest enjoyment, —
the haven of his fondest hopes. The "Commandment
with promise" was written indelibly on his inmost
nature. To the very end of his life it was his supreme
delight to repair back to his Father and his Mother.
But, as hinted already, his health became early a
source of anxiety to his parents. Especially from the
age of 11 to 14 his state was such, (he had in fact out
grown his strength,) that the best medical advice became
a necessity. In a happy hour Mrs. Rose resorted to the
admirable Dr. John Sims, who became to Hugh James
Rose much more than a physician. His house3 was
looked upon by the youthful student as a second home ;
while, between the children of Dr. Sims and himself,
there sprung up a warm friendship, — but in fact it was
love, "love stronger than death." Rose revered and
loved Dr. Sims with something of filial piety, and was
cherished by that accompUshed physician with almost
parental tenderness.
Better deserving of commemoration perhaps than any
other incident of this period of his life, is the friendship
3 At that time, 67 Upper Guildford Street.

1812] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 123
Hugh Rose enjoyed with the family of John, first Earl
of Sheffield, a nobleman of excellent character and first-
rate abilities. Owing to the proximity of Uckfield to
Sheffield Place, (but indeed it was for a better reason,)
from very early days Hugh had attracted the Earl's
notice and become a favourite with him. At the aare of
o
fourteen he was in consequence invited to take up his
residence for the Midsummer holidays at Sheffield Place,
in order to read with Lord Sheffield's Uttle son, George.
The old peer showed his discernment ; for not only were
Rose's classical and Uterary attainments already those
of a much older person, — (his translation of Simonides'
' Danae ' written before this time reads Uke the produc
tion of one-and-twenty,) — but his pure sentiments and
lofty example were beyond price. The honorarium with
which his services were rewarded, he dutifully forced on
his Mother's acceptance,— who relates that she invested
it for his benefit in an exceUent watch. For many
succeeding vacations he was an inmate of Sheffield
Place, — indeed he spent aU his leisure time there.
" I shall offer to return " (he wrote to his parents in
July 1 81 2) "for a week before George goes to school,
just to put him in training. More than this I cannot
do . . . The loss of this month wiU throw me grievously
back, or at least wiU give me double fag for a long time.
Another month, I should hardly recover before coUege
time. Only /can know the additional fatigue of mind
and vexation of spirit produced to me by a loss of time."
[Next day (27th July), he wrote,] — "I am sure, when
you consider that I cannot study at all here, and of how
much consequence it is to me to lose nothing in my
learning, since everything depends on my own exertions,
— you will see that I cannot, consistently with any
rational ideas of progress in my studies, consent to stay
longer, even were I asked. Eight or nine weeks idleness,
I should scarcely recover before I go to Cambridge."

124 Hugh James Rose: [18

12

At the close of the ensuing month (24 August 181 2)
Hugh James was entered as a member of Trinity
College, Cambridge : and went up to reside in the
October term of 1813, — being then 1 8 years of age. His
tutor was Dr. Monk, afterwards Bp. of Gloucester and
Bristol, who proved his constant friend, and was the
great encourager of his studies. In the next year (1814)
he gained the first Bell's Scholarship, and in 18 15 was
elected Scholar of his College. The tidings were con
veyed to his Father in this characteristic letter :—
" Cambridge, April 8th, 1815.
" Dear sir, — I could bite my thumbs ! This is Satur
day night and there is no such thing as throwing a letter
at you, so as to hit you before Tuesday. I suffered last
night's post to slip through my fingers, — else could 1
have told you a piece of News. Now perhaps it is " no
News." But your son has got all that he wished to get
in consequence of his perilous journey into the midst of
the fever. He is one qf the Scholars of Trinity. They
brought the list to me, and I read his name there : so,
joy to you all !" — (A deal of general gossip follows. The
letter ends,) — " xaV£j which does not mean farewell, but
hail ! E. D. Clarke."
That the subject of the present Memoir should have
drawn to himself the most intellectual of his Cambridge
contemporaries was inevitable. That he became a de
voted student does not require to be told. He also made
a great figure in the Cambridge ' Union.' But in fact I
may not linger over this interesting period of Hugh's
life. From a boy he had been a prodigious reader, and
cherished, as a very young man, a burning desire to
acquaint himself with every department of polite learn
ing. It was a thirst for knowledge, of which ordinary
spirits seem scarcely to have a notion. To the writers
of antiquity he chiefly devoted himself, and not a few
trustworthy tokens survive of his exhaustive method

1815] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 125
of study. His copies of the classics, interleaved and
laboriously annotated in Latin by his own hand through
out, witness eloquently to the extent of his reading, and
the accuracy with which he read. So considerable and
excellent are the critical helps now-a-days provided for
beginners that it sounds fabulous to be told that, 80
years ago, if a student coveted for himself exacter and
fuller information than the ordinary schoolboy Greek or
Latin grammar furnished, his only resource was (Uke
Ehud) to manufacture the weapon for his individual use
with his own hands. One is the less surprised, after all
this, to learn that so early as in the spring of the year in
which he went up to Cambridge, Rose addressed C. J.
Blomfield (whom the public only knew as yet as a
scholar) on the subject of his edition of ' The Seven against
Thebes] which had just appeared : offering critical sug
gestions and pointing out inaccuracies. Blomfield took
the remarks of his youthful critic, (as might be expected,)
in very good part, — admitted the mistakes, — encouraged
him to write to him again freely,4 — and on learning six
months later that Rose was proposing to go up to Cam
bridge, "rejoiced to hear that Alma Mater was about to
have so promising a son." 5 When two years had elapsed,
and Hugh James was but 20 years of age, C. J. Blomfield
(Sept. 6th, 1815) addressed him as follows : —
" I shall always have pleasure in hearing from you on
these subjects. There are not more than five people
in England who really understand or care about these
things ; and I am glad to perceive that you are going to
be a sixth. Let me exhort you not to lay aside your
classical pursuits as soon as you have taken your
degree." It will have been shortly after Mr. Rose's lamented
decease (in 1838) that his aged Mother, being entreated
1 Dunton, — March 17th, 1813. 5 Dunton, — Oct. 5th.

126 Hugh James Rose: [1816
to commit to writing a few recoUections of this period of
her son's life, penned the memorial page from which I
have already once and again quoted. She relates that
" he was a weekly correspondent during the whole of his
residence at Cambridge. His college vacations were our
delight : — ¦
"He was much beloved by his Father's pupils: much
regretted by them when he left home. He made himself
very pleasant to them, and selected from them the friends
of his after Ufe. As a token how tenderly he loved
them, — The servant coming in one day when we were at
dinner and telling us suddenly that young Chatfield, who
had left us some time before for Cambridge, was dead;
he fell forward on the table, and fainted."
" I recollect once saying to Lady Louisa Clinton, —
(who was gratifying his fond Mother by her praise of
him and his gentlemanly manners,) — ' I think, for his
manners, he is indebted to the society he meets here]
(i. e. Sheffield Place.) 'No,' she answered, ' he came here
with manners as perfect as if he had lived in a Court all
his life ; and what I particularly admire is this, — His
conduct towards my Father, who is not famed for his
patience. But he bears with contradiction from your
son, — who always treats him with due respect, but con
trives to maintain his own opinions without giving the
smallest offence. He does this by his good sense and
good feeling.' "
Immediately after his Ordination (Jan. 4th, 18 19), the
aged Earl appointed Mr. Rose his domestic Chaplain.
At Cambridge, he was joint author of a jeu d' esprit
which occasioned much merriment in the University.
The mock examination-paper referred to attained more
enduring celebrity than usually falls to the lot of such
effusions, having been transferred to the 'Annual Register '
for 1816. It is noticed here as affording evidence of
that vein of humour which seems never to be wanting
from minds of the highest order.

1818] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 127
In 1 81 7 Rose took his B.A. Degree : his name appear
ing in the Tripos as fourteenth wrangler of the year.
His great powers would have inevitably won for him
much higher mathematical honours had he been willing
to do as so many far less highly gifted men than himself
have done, viz. sacrifice everything to his place in the
honour hst. The mischievous tendency of an exclusive
devotion of the mind to Mathematical science finds fre
quent expression in his writings, and was one of his
most deliberate convictions. Thoroughly persuaded of
the danger of such exclusive study, he had the courage
to act accordingly, and to lay his foundations on a
broader and securer basis. Scholarship with him amounted
to a passion. He cultivated the acquaintance of a far
greater number of the writers of antiquity than are pre
scribed for, or indeed are supposed to come within the
purview of, the University curriculum. It was no matter
of surprise to find that his classical success was complete,
for he was declared first Chancellor's medaUist of the year.
(The classical Tripos it will be recoUected was not estab
lished until some years later.) To him also was awarded
in 1 81 8 the first Members' prize for a dissertation in
Latin prose, of which the subject was a comparison of
the Greek and Roman historians, — among whom Rose
awarded the palm to Thucydides and to the Greeks. He
had already (18 17) distinguished himself by the publica
tion of some learned " Remarks on the first Chapter of
the Bishop of Llandaff's [Marsh's] Horae Pelasgicae," in
which he shewed cause against some of the propositions
of that prelate, and still stronger against some of the
conclusions of Dr. Jameson, in his ' Hermes Scythicus.'
In the ensuing October (181 8) he was, to his infinite
disgust, an unsuccessful candidate for a fellowship at
Trinity, and it was out of his power ever to sit again.

128 Hugh James Rose: [1S1S
By the result, it was the College rather than he that
lost an accession of honour. Relinquishing University
residence at once, and giving up his pupils, Rose trans
ferred himself to the family of John, fourth Duke of
Athole, in order to become private tutor to Lord Charles
Murray, the Duke's son. His pupil's illness however
brought this engagement so speedily to a close that he
was at liberty to receive Deacon's Orders (Dec. 20th) at
the hands of Bp. Howley, at Fulham ; and to accept the
Curacy of Buxted, March 16th in the ensuing year, —
1 819. His Mother relates that, —
"from the time he could speak, he always said he
would be a clergyman ' like Papa.' I remember seeing
him one Sunday put on his Father's gown, stand up on
a chair and speak with great energy over the back of it
to his brother and cousins."
So true is it that ' the child is father to the man/ At
a very early period Divinity held the highest place in his
regard : and it is remembered that throughout his Col
lege career, he had been girding himself up to what was
shortly to become the one business of his life. The
examining Chaplain declared with astonishment that
Mr. Rose's papers (for Priest's Orders) displayed the
knowledge and attainments of a man of forty.
His affections had in the meantime been drawn to
a young lady who, in 18 16, had been on a visit to his
Parents, — Anna Cuyler Mair, youngest daughter of Capt.
Peter Mair of the Hill House, Richmond, Yorkshire ;
and this attachment, ripening with his return to Uckfield,
effected a change in his immediate plan of life. " I am
sure I shall not do for an old bachelor," (he had written
to his Mother at the age of fifteen from Sheffield Place) ;—
" for if I have not some one to whom I may communicate
my happy and my unhappy sensations, I lose half the

1818] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 129
pleasure that the former might impart, while the weight
of the latter seems doubled." He was united to Miss
Mair in 1819 (June 24th), and found in her the most
devoted and helpful of wives.6 — In the days of her
widowhood, after an interval of some twenty-five years
from the period of which we are speaking, I knew
this lady intimately : and now find it impossible to with
hold the tribute of a few words of loving remembrance.
She was less demonstrative of her feelings than any
woman I have ever known ; but her affections were
wondrous deep and strong. Constitutionally reserved
too she was ; but she could throw this off entirely when
she felt sure ofthe person she was addressing. Her under
standing was exceUent : her piety ardent and humble.
AU her instincts were good. She adored as well as
revered her husband, over whom she watched with
unwearied devotion until in a foreign land she closed his
eyes in death, while yet in the zenith of his reputation
and of his powers, — cut off by disease midway in his
career of earnest, holy zeal for his Master's service. She
returned at once, with love's true instinct, to the darkened
home of his parents, and did a daughter's part by them
to the last hour of their lives. — Let us go back.
Hugh James Rose's Rectors were successively Dr.
D'Oyly, Rector of Lambeth, and Dr. Wordsworth, Master
of Trinity : both of whom became his fast friends and
eager patrons. At Christmas, 181 8, he removed to the
neighbouring village of Maresfield, carrying with him
the pupils whom he had begun to take at Uckfield, but
retaining his curacy. Here he continued, with his
labours divided between parish and pupils, (who were
chiefly young men of rank,) until he was presented by
6 The only issue of this marriage was a son, born in 1821, who lived
but a few days.
VOL. I. K

130 Hugh James Rose: [18 19
Abp. Manners Sutton to the Vicarage of Horsham. He was
ordained Priest (Dec. 19th, 1819) by Bishop Law, at
St. James', Piccadilly; and in the ensuing year (1820),
published, with his name, a pamphlet, bearing the title
of " A critical examination of that part of Mr. Bentham's
Church-of-Englandism which relates to the Church Cate
chism!' Bentham's pedantic scurriUties, which have
long since been forgotten, scarcely deserved the honour
of such notice. — In October, 1821, there appeared in the
' Quarterly Review ' a powerful and justly severe article
from Rose's pen, on Hone's 'Apocryphal New Testament ;'
concerning which, in December, Mr. Gifford (the editor)
wrote to him as follows : —
" I have seen Hone's Advertisements, and he probably
means to publish something. Your Article has evidently
stung him to the quick ; and I am happy to inform you
that it has given very great satisfaction to the Clergy in
general." (The writer mentions Dean Ireland as his
authority.) " Hone has had the impudence to address a
letter to me, requesting to know the writer of the Article.
I answered him as he deserved."
At the end of a few months (April, 1822), Mr. Gifford
sent him a second encouraging message : —
" I had felt some anxiety about Belsham's translation,
and mentioned to one or two of my friends how happy
I should be to get it well reviewed. Your letter is
peculiarly acceptable to me, and I receive your kind
offer with pleasure. May the result be as important as
that of your former paper, which has completely de
stroyed the sale of the spurious Gospels."
Gratifying it is to be able to add on the authority of
the publisher, that Hone himself afterwards bitterly re
pented of his detestable publication. — About the same
time Mr. Rose contributed to the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge a little tract, included in its

1821] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 131
catalogue of books intended for the counteraction of
infidel writings, with the title, " The Folly and Danger
of Reading Irreligious PubUcations." — At the close of
1 82 1, the Curate of Uckfield found himself established
in the Vicarage of Horsham.
A large and important sphere of labour thus opened
on him, and he threw himself into his new duties with
the zeal and earnestness which characterized all he did.
He enlarged the church accommodation for the poor, —
made the schools more efficient, — addressed himself to
organizing the parish. His teaching made a profound
impression on the people. There had prevaUed much
irreligion in the place with which the Vicar proceeded
to battle : not however by having recourse to strange
methods of excitement and the now fashionable process
of " Home Missions," but by the earnestness and power
of his simple and affectionate Addresses. To those per
suasive teachings, hundreds of the humbler sort long
after eagerly attributed their first impressions of religion.
An eye-witness of his labours, who evidently knew him
well, writes as follows concerning his ministerial work at
this time : —
" It would be an insult to the memory of so great and
good a servant of Christ, to say that he was an attractive
preacher ; though his preaching not only captivated all
hearts, but was the admiration of aU who had either the
taste to discern, or the virtue to honour, excellence in
that most difficult and rare of all sacred accomphsh-
ments, — the art of speaking with power and inteUigi-
bility to a congregation composed of the various grades
of society. Perhaps no preacher was ever more free
from the ambition of making proselytes to himself than
Mr. Rose was ; and no man probably ever made more
than he did, or in a more legitimate way. Spurious
eloquence he had none. All gUtter he shrunk from, in
the pulpit and in his mode of Uving, as unworthy of the
K 2

132 Hugh James Rose: [1821
sacred mission upon which he had been sent forth, and
of the self-denying character of Christianity. Nothing
could be more dignified than his appearance and manner,
when clothed in the robes, and engaged in the offices, of
his profession. In the tones of his voice there was even
much to favour the peculiar and impressive form in
which his ideas were conveyed to the ears of his
audience."7 It scarcely needs to be added that the rehgious tone
of Horsham under such a Vicar exhibited a marked
change. The attendance at the ordinary services and
at the Sacrament increased largely. He published for
the use of his Parishioners (in 1828) a Form of Family
Prayer for Morning and Evening. But Rose carried
with him that " thorn in the flesh " which rendered his
public ministrations an abiding distress to himself. The
Church was large, and to one suffering from asthma was
trying both in the desk and the pulpit in a high degree.
Maresfield (where, perhaps, decided asthma first appeared)
had ill agreed with him ; but Horsham, from the low
and damp situation of the vicarage, proved still worse ;
so that, between the labours of his parish and his pupUs,
it was found, by the end of a second year (1823), that a
complete change of air and scene, — foreign travel in
short, — had become little short of a necessity. " His
pupils," I say, — for he had two curates to maintain: to
dispense with pupils was therefore impossible.
Never by overworked parish priest has such refresh
ment been turned to better account than on the present
occasion. Rose's whole heart was in his Master's ser
vice, and his footsteps were directed in the first instance
to a region where "Protestantism" was to be seen bearing
'Prom the Brighton Gazette, Brit. Magazine, for the same month,
17th Feb. 1839, — quoted in the p. 227.

1824] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 133
its bitterest fruits. Little as yet was known about the
matter here in England, for " 'tis sixty years since."
It was the phenomenon of German Protestantism, as
the system was to be seen at work in Prussia, which
shocked his piety, aroused his worst fears, exercised his
intellect. A rationalizing school, of which the very
characteristic was the absolute rejection of a Divine
Revelation, dominated at that time in Prussia, and fur
nished the subject of these pages with materials for
raising his voice in solemn warning to his countrymen,
at a time when in high places the fires of faith and love
were burning very low. The travellers, who had left
England in May 1824, having visited Bavaria, Austria
and Italy, returned home at the end of a twelvemonth
exactly. — It deserves to be mentioned in passing that at
Rome, impressed with the need of more systematic
ministrations to the English visiting that capital than
were as yet provided in the bouse of Mrs. Stark, — Hugh
James Rose made himself personally responsible (with
Lord Harrowby, and Sir James Clark,) for the mainte
nance at Rome of an English Chaplain : and at the same
time secured for the Enghsh congregation those very
commodious (if not strictly ecclesiastical) quarters near
the Porta del popolo which continued until yesterday to be
the scene of the daily worship of the Enghsh residents.
At Rome also it was that Rose cemented that intimate
friendship with Bp. Hobart which he was accustomed
to regard as one of the greatest privUeges of his Ufe.
The Discourses on " the state of the Protestant Religion
in Germany," having been delivered at Cambridge in
May 1825, in the discharge of his duty as Select Preacher,
were published by their Author in the ensuing Septem
ber, and made a great impression. A warning voice

134 Hugh James Rose: [1826
they also proved to those many unstable spirits here at
home who, half unconsciously it may be, had become
infected with the virus of infidelity ; and who in divers
quarters were ventilating wretched crotchets of their
own on the Right of private judgment, — Articles of
Faith, — a fixed form of Liturgy. The strangest circum
stance in connexion with the publication of these
Discourses was that the opposition to them proceeded
from — Dr. Pusey. In the year of his appointment to
the Professorship of Hebrew (1828), appeared his "His
torical inquiry into the probable causes of the rationalist
character lately predominant in the Theology of Germany." 8
Rose repUed in 1829, in a second and enlarged edition
of his ' Discourses ' with an Appendix : to which Pusey
rejoined in 1830 by publishing a " Second part " of his
former work, "containing an explanation of the views
misconceived by Mr. Rose, and further illustrations."
It is needless to add another word on the subject of
this controversy, which has long since lost aU its
interest.9 Pusey's religious views underwent a serious
change about the same time ; and shortly after, his two
learned and interesting volumes were by himself with
drawn from circulation. The result of this controversy
benefited the Church chiefly in that it helped to bring
Rose prominently before the public (outside his own
University) as a fearless champion of Catholic Truth.
He had however already fully established his reputa
tion as an able maintainer of Apostolic Order and
vindicator of half forgotten Church Principles by his
Four Sermons preached at Cambridge in April 1826, —
" On the Commission and consequent Duties of the Clergy!'
Written without any idea of publication, these Sermons
3 " To which is prefixed a letter the German." 8vo.
from Professor Sack, translated from 9 See infra, pp. 248-52.

1826] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 135
were deemed so important by those who heard them,
that their Author was persuaded in 1828 to give them
to the public with a considerable apparatus of " Notes."
A second edition was called for in 1831, when the
volume was enlarged from 180 to upwards of 300

Addressed in the first instance to those who were
about to become Ministers in the Church of Christ,
these Sermons, — more than anything else which pro
ceeded from the same faithful pen, — served to stir up
men's minds and effectuaUy to put the Clergy in re
membrance of those ancient Truths which the Clergy
least of all can afford to forget. Never at any time
has the Church of God been without faithful men so to
witness to a forgetful and a careless generation : and the
first quarter of the present century (when the outlook,
it must be confessed, was dismal indeed,) presents no
exception to the gracious rule. He would be rendering
a good service to the Church who should coUect, and
ever so briefly annotate, the names of those who bore
their testimony bravely in that time of general dis
couragement. We are speaking just now of Sermons
preached in the year 1826. In 1827 Keble published
" The Christian Year." His acknowledgment of Rose's
volume pubhshed in 1828 wiU be read with interest: —
" Fairford, Gloucestershire, 29 Sept. 1828.
" Dear sir, — I am deeply ashamed to be so tardy, but,
believe me, I am not the less sincere, in offering you my
best acknowledgements for your kindness in sending me
your Sermons on the Duties of the Clergy. I say
nothing of your too partial mention of my little publica
tion in one of your notes ; 2 but you perhaps will give
1 The 'Advertisement to the first 'Hadleigh, Suffolk, September 26,
edition' is dated 'Horsham, May 1831.'
19, 1828,' — to the second edition, ' Page 176 [=p. 162 ed. 1831]

136 Hugh James Rose: [1825
me credit for an Author's feelings in thinking the more.
But I had rather tell you of the delight (I hope not
unimproving) with which I have read your animating
appeals, and mean to read them over and over again ;
and of the satisfaction it has afforded me to find my
own notions and criticisms, on some favourite subjects,
exactly coinciding with yours. Let me venture particu
larly to thank you for that part of the fourth sermon,
in which you point out the effect of Christian Know
ledge in elevating the minds as well as correcting the
hearts of labouring people : (p. 83-85,) for the recom
mendation of Miller's ' Bampton Lectures ' : and for the
hint about village preaching in p. 169."
It was in 1826, at the Cambridge 'Commencement,'
that Mr. Rose preached a Sermon often reprinted after
wards, which made its author famous, entitled, — " The
tendency of prevalent opinions about Knowledge considered!'
We have already been reminded that the infirm health
which constrained Mr. Rose in 1824 to have recourse to
foreign travel resulted in good to himself and the
Church. A similar reflection is forced upon us by the
discovery that, in 1825, he was an unsuccessful candidate
for the Regius Professorship of Greek at Cambridge, —
when the lot fell to Scholefield. Reasonably might so
excellent a Greek scholar as Rose aspire to an office
which he would have so greatly adorned, and which his
passion for sacred Science would have inevitably turned
to good account for the criticism of the N. T. But the
duties of the Regius Professorship of Greek, had he
been elected to that Chair, must inevitably have made
exorbitant demands on the time of one whose heart was
given to Divinity: must have drawn him to some
extent into secular reading: must have interfered in
short with what Rose sincerely desired to make the one
great business of his life. Previously to going abroad,

1825] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 137
(that is, some time in 1823,) he had seen through the
press his ' Inscriptions Graecae Vetusfissimae,' — a work
however which was not published until his return from
the Continent in 1825. The second of those very
ancient inscriptions (" Inscriptio Burgoniaua") he came
to our house in Brunswick Square to see, in November
of the same year. A letter from him to my Father,
(dated 'Horsham, Nov. 3, 1825') lies before me, de
scribing a similar (Panathenaic) amphora which General
Koller had shown him at Naples. His pen-and-ink
drawing from memory of that object is surprisingly
accurate. " On the top of each column should be a cock,"
he remarks, " but that is beyond my graphic powers." —
While on the subject of Greek, it may be here mentioned
that in the first days of 1829, Rose produced his edition
of Parkhurst's " Greek and English Lexicon to the New
Testament" — a work which I take leave to say will
retain its value to the end : notwithstanding the labours
of Schleusner and of Wahl in the same line, — and not
withstanding the Hebrew deficiencies of Parkhurst him
self. The bracketed portions are all by Rose : and
these are invariably conspicuous for that excellent
judgment, sound scholarship, and sterling sense, — not
to say that healthy Divinity — which characterized
everything that proceeded from his pen. One does but
wish that he had contributed more ; but his hands were
always full, his health was always feeble, and he was
constrained to give to this great work the margins only
of his time.
Belonging to this period of Rose's life, and apt to the
subject already presented to the reader's attention, is
the following letter of Abp. Howley, then Eishop of
London. His remarks on the best way of studying
S. Paul's Epistles strike me as being so truly admirable

138 Hugh James Rose: [1829
— so likely to be of real service to students of the
inspired page, — that no apology shall be offered for
introducing them here. The learned prelate seems to
be replying to some inquiries of Rose on the subject : 3 —
"June 28, 1829.
" My dear Sir, — I do not know how your time can be
employed with greater advantage to yourself than in
selecting the notes of the best Commentators on the
Epistles, weighing their comparative merits, and fully
considering the accordance of their several interpretations
with your own notions of the meaning of the sacred text.
To do this with effect, you should acquire a very familiar
acquaintance with the originals ; and a readiness in
referring by memory to the passages which treat on
similar subjects. You should go through them, at some
times, with accurate attention to every particular
sentence and word ; and at others, should read them
with a view to the general scope of the argument, the
connection of parts, and the main design of the writer.
I would advise you to look with attention at Erasmus's
paraphrase, and the explanations of the several Greek
commentators. — In this way, by taking your time, and
frequently meditating on these invaluable works, you
will fix in your mind an inexhaustible store of original
theological knowledge, and may produce a work which
will supersede the compilation of Rosenmiiller, and the
ponderous and ill digested commentaries of Macknight.
A really valuable work of this kind is not to be pro
duced in haste. It must be the fruit of labour continued
for years ; and if properly executed, would confer the
highest credit on the author, and be of unspeakable use
to the young student. No man is a true Theologian
who does not understand the Epistles ; and we learn
from the various errors of sectaries how easily their
sense is misconceived and distorted by unstable and
illiterate men.
3 I may mention that H. J. R.'s the date of the same year (1829).
interleaved travelling copy of the The Epistles are largely annotated
N. T., (it was presented to me by in this copy.
his widow,) bears on the fly-leaf

1 831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 1^9
" Indeed, I much approve of your plan, which even if
not fully accomplished, will repay your labour at every
step, — conducting you by degrees, with a sure footing
and a firm step, to the heights of Theological knowledge.
For myself, I can say that almost all I know of Divinity
is derived from repeated perusals of the New Testament
in the original language, and in the method I have
recommended to you.
" I remain, my dear sir, with sincere regard,
" Truly yours,
W. London."
The most eventful as well as most anxious period of
his hfe was that which began with the year 1829, — the
first of the four years during which he held simul
taneously the offices of ' Christian Advocate ' and of
Select Preacher at Cambridge. Those were years of
great intellectual activity, during which he partially
resided at the University, and delivered (namely, in
1830 and 1 83 1,) those grand "Eight Sermons" which
made his name everywhere known and revered.
There is but one opinion concerning Mr. Rose's power
and success as a pubhc Teacher. Not only was his
matter in the highest degree important and weighty,
but his dehvery was earnest and impressive beyond
example; his grand ecclesiastical presence contributing
not shghtly to give effect to all he said. There were
with him none of the arts — still less any of the tricks —
of oratory. He eschewed action, was perfectly natural
in his manner, and his solemn voice, exercised with
manifest effort, testified but too plainly to the broken
health and exhausted natural powers with which he
was resolutely contending. In spite of bodily infirmity,
his whole soul seemed to find utterance in the words
he delivered. Supremely conscious of the importance
of his message, he was evidently making it his one object

140 Hugh James Rose: [1833
to convey to his auditory the same certainty of con
viction which he himself enjoyed.
The auditory at Great-St.-Mary's, the University
Church, — (I have been assured of this as well by some
who, at the time referred to, occupied the undergraduates'
gallery, as by some of the loftiest consideration who
were present,) — set a higher value on his discourses, —
attended them in greater numbers, and listened to them
with more marked attention, — than in the case of any
other teacher of his time. "He was the first preacher
who ever really impressed me," says one who from 1 833
to 1837 was an undergraduate. "His words seemed to
take hold of you." * — Others have remarked to me that the
air of authority with which he spoke suited well his
dignified aspect and commanding figure, and was in
strict keeping with the solemnity of his deportment.
But beyond all things men are found to have been
impressed by his faithful and fearless witness. He was
the brave and uncompromising Apostle of Truth. ' Prin
ciples ' to be maintained in their integrity against craven
counsels of expediency and the base truckling of an
ungodly age, ever ready to surrender what is unpopular,
— such was the frequent keynote of his discourses in
public. He was pleading for some half-forgotten, but
vital ancient verity; or vindicating some neglected
fundamental of the faith. Else, he was stimulating his
hearers to 'the duty of opposing evil'; or he was
insisting on 'Man's need of a sanctifying purpose'; or
he was exposing the ' Effects of sensuality on the moral
and intellectual frame.' On one such occasion, — (as the
Rev. George Williams, who was present," told me,) — the
subject of his discourse being the duty of contending for
the Truth, — a violent thunderstorm came on. Once and
4 Prom the Rev. H. Raymond Smythies.

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 141
again, at the close of a long and impassioned paragraph,
a loud crash of thunder was heard, followed by " a sound
as of abundance of rain." "It was really" (added my
informant with deep emotion) "as if high Heaven, by
its artiUery, were bearing witness to the faithfulness of
the solemn message which the preacher, as an ambassador
from the skies, was dehvering to a careless generation."
Some weeks after I had written the foregoing sentences
the Rev. H. R. Luard, Registrar of the University,
obligingly sent me from Cambridge what follows. " I
found the enclosed" (so he wrote) "among Mr. Brad-
shaw's papers. You may hke to see it: —
"Even deeper than Simeon's influence was that of
Hugh James Rose, — the man who, of all Cambridge men
of that time, was the leading spirit in the great Church
revival. George WiUiams often afterwards spoke of
the effect his words had upon him, as well as upon
others. There is one sermon in particular (' On the duty
of maintaining the Truth] 5) which was preached before
the University on Whitsunday, 1834, — which no one
can now read without seeing how they stamped them
selves upon him and helped to form his character. Two
paragraphs from this sermon wUl show what I mean : —
' If one were asked to state shortly the substance of
this one great direction and command as to the method
of propagating the Truth,6 it would seem to be that the
Truth should be proclaimed at all events, without fear
and at any sacrifice ; the only caution being that it should
be proclaimed without unnecessary and useless offence, —
without any courting of persecution. It is a noble
lesson against worldly tactics and PoUtics, that simply
and boldly to speak the Truth, — is esteemed direction
and guidance enough.
5 ' Published by desire of the darkness, that speak ye in light :
Vice - Chancellor and Heads of and what ye hear in the ear, that
Houses,' — pp. 26. preach ye upon the housetops' Mr.
6 The preacher's text was S. Bradshaw quotes from p. 8 of the
Matth. x. 27, — ' What I tell you in Sermon.

142 Hugh James Rose: [1834
' Short therefore of the fanaticism so guarded against,
the first duty of a Christian to Christian Truth, is to
proclaim and maintain it at all times, and in all places,
— against all opposition; — in spite of all persons, — in
spite of Public Opinion, — in spite of the fashion of the
day, — in spite of changed and changing circumstances, —
, in spite of expediency, real or fancied, — in spite of all the
usual cry of bigotry, and intolerance, and ignorance.' " 7
I pass on with the remark that while all that was
noblest in the University responded eagerly to the
message of the Preacher, his fearless addresses provoked
the sneers of the less earnest, the opposition of the less
loyal sort. Where will not base compromise find its
advocates? And when will the faithful proclaimer of
God's Truth cease to incur the cordial hate of the anti-
Church party ? . . . The younger men, at all events, who
were then (as they are now) the hope of either Uni
versity, received the preacher's lessons into an ' honest
and good heart,' and with the divinely predicted result.
One such undergraduate hearer was George Selwyn, the
Apostle of New Zealand. Another was Bp. Abraham ;
and Sir William Martin was another. " I could hardly
express my husband's regard and reverence for Mr. Rose
7 Obvious it was to assume that to hear Rose, whose text was ' What
Mr. Bradshaw's statement, and the ye hear in He ear that preach ye
anecdote of my own which went o» the housetops' It was an in-
immediately before, relate to one temperate, uncompromising, High
and the same occasion. I have en- Church sermon. The language was
deavoured to verify both, by in- very beautiful and eloquent, and
quiries at Cambridge ; and learn the delivery admirable : but I think
that the late Rev. J. Romilly, in a more inflammatory party Sermon
his MS. Diary, (Whitsunday, May has hardly been preached since the
18, 1834,) writes as follows : — days of Sacheverel." — I owe this
"Going out of [S. Botolph's] Church, extract from his uncle's diary, to
a heavy storm of rain. So we stood the courtesy of G. B. Allen, esq., —
a long while, a dense mass, in the to whom the Rev. H. R. Luard
porch. — At 2 we went to S. Mary's obligingly referred me.

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 143
too strongly," — writes Bp. Selwyn's widow. " He often
said that to him he owed more than to most others ; ascrib
ing results to him who had sowed the seed." 8 In a sermon
preached before the Universitj7 in 1 854, Selwyn himself
bore the same testimony. Sir William Martin, when the
thickness of the globe was interposed between him and
England, recalled the wisdom and truth of Rose's
teaching concerning the quasi-miraculous progress of
the Gospel in the world, considering the difficulties
which it had to encounter. Abraham could reproduce
phrases of his on ' the Truth,' and remembered walking
and talking with men about the sermon afterwards, —
a rare occurrence at that time. Not until that Day
when the great Head of the Church shall come to " take
account of His servants," will be known aU that was
effected by Rose's teaching at Cambridge from the
University pulpit.
Those who have bestowed attention on such matters
will not be surprised to be assured that Hugh Rose's
public reading of Scripture— (an act which Hooker in
a famous place declares to be "Preaching]' 9) — partook of
the same weighty and impressive character. A very
competent judge once assured me that his reading of the
liiird of Isaiah in a vUlage Church in Sussex so affected
him, that at the end of many years he was able to recall
his grand intonation, and the solemnity with which he
deUvered those awful words. Something similar the
same friend related to me concerning the way he had
heard Mr. Rose read the parable of the Prodigal son. . . .
The subject of impressive reading having once cropped
up in Exeter College common-room, — (we were a small
8 Letter to me, — 'Lichfield, Nov. 26, 1886.'
8 Eccl. Polity, Book V. xxi. 4.

144 Hugh James Rose: [1830
party sitting round the fire after dinner), — I mentioned
the substance of what immediately precedes ; when one
of the Fellows (the Rev. Henry Low) to the surprise of
us aU, in the quaintest manner, and with no little
emotion, thrust out his legs on the hearth-rug and, —
with an ejaculation expressive of his entire assent to
what I had been saying, — broke out somewhat as
follows : — " Never heard him read but once ; and shall
never forget it as long as I live. It was the Ten Command
ments. Never heard anything like it. Never!" ... I re
marked to the speaker that it is difficult to read the Ten
Commandments with any special propriety; and asked
him what it was that had so struck him. " O " (exclaimed
Low), "it was as if Mr. Rose had been personally commis
sioned to deliver the decalogue to the congregation."
The beginning of the year 1830 witnessed his sever
ance from Horsham. To the great joy of his friends, he
had been appointed by the Archbishop to the important
parish of Hadleigh in Suffolk.
"If the situation is such as to enable you to reside
there with safety to your health," (wrote his friend and
patron) " I shaU rejoice in having been able to give you
an advantageous exchange. But if you cannot reside, I
should consider it as more advisable that you should
wait till something falls in a better situation." 1
This cure had every external attraction, and was
entered on by Rose with much zeal. He rebuUt the
parsonage, so as to restore to use " an ancient gateway
and tower, which had probably stood there from the
time of Rowland Taylor." 2 Fully were the hopes of his
friends shared by himself that the new locality would
suit him better, prolong his days, and afford him scope
1 The Abp. to H. J. R., — " Churton's Memoir of Watson,
y, Croydon, Jan. 4, 1830.' — i. 307.

1 831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 145
for the display of his powers which were now con
spicuous to all. Unhappily, such hopes were doomed to
utter disappointment. In the meantime, in 1829-30-
31-32 appeared his 'Christian Advocate' publications for
those four years, which will be found described at foot
of page.3
Here also room must be found for a brief reference to
Rose's important edition of Bp. Middleton' s great work
on ' The Doctrine of the Greek Article applied to the Criticism
and Illustration of the N. T.] — ' with Prefatory Observations
and Notes] by himself. It belongs (according to Miller)
to the year 1831. The only editions with which I am
acquainted bear date 1833 and 1841. The book is too
well known to require any commendation of mine ; but
I desire to record the Editor's generous anxiety to find
out privately whether 50/. (i.e. half of the sum which he
received from the publisher) was likely to be acceptable
to the Bishop's widow.
The next year (1831) was made memorable to the
subject of these pages and to the Church by the in
ception of the ' British Magazine! Mr. Rose had long
been deeply impressed with the absolute necessity of
estabhshing some monthly organ for the dissemination
of sound Church views : — not a quarterly collection
of Essays, (like the 'British Critic' or the 'Christian
Remembrancer '), but a Magazine of general Ecclesiastical
3 1829," Christianity always Pro- Opinions and Pursuits." — 1831,
gressive" — (sent forth as the Chris- "Notices ofthe Mosaic Law: with
tian Advocate's publication for the some account of the Opinions of
year, but embodying the substance recent French writers concerning
of his discourses as Select Preacher it." — 1832, " The Gospel an abiding
in 1828.) — 1830, "Brief Remarks system: with some remarks on the
on the dispositions towards Chris- ' New Christianity ' of the St. Si-
tianity generated by prevailing monians."
VOL. I. L

146 Hugh James Rose: [183 i
intelligence, — of which the main object should be the
defence of the Church, her institutions, her doctrines.
He had consulted the most thoughtful and trustworthy
of his friends and had uniformly received from them
words of encouragement. The need of such a medium
of communication had in fact for some time forced itself
on the attention of thoughtful men among the Clergy, —
as Churton, in his 'Memoir of Watson]* shows.
" I am sure " (wrote Bishop Blomfield) 5 "that it ought
to give intelligence of all religious proceedings in and
out of the Church ; that it should deal but sparingly
with Reviews ; and that its tone should be, though firm
and decided, yet gentle .... If you can take it in hand,
there will be an end of the difficulty."
Joshua Watson, with intense sympathy for his friend,
while he encouraged the enterprise, dissuaded him in the
strongest terms from becoming its Editor. His brother
Henry once described to me the circumstances, — (but it
is so many years ago that I can only relate them gener
ally,)— under which Hugh Rose was induced to take the
decisive step. He was on a visit at his Father's modest
vicarage of Glynde, (near Lewes, in Sussex,) when to his
surprise one afternoon he received a visit from a London
publisher, whose purpose in searching him out in that
remote locality was to announce his willingness to
undertake the commercial responsibility of a monthly
religious journal, provided only that Mr. Rose would
consent to become its Editor. Its main object was to be
that already defined ; yet must not the Magazine be ex
clusively Theological. It was to embrace topics connected
with public improvement. Cordially hating periodical
literature, Rose was about the last person to be solicited
on such a behalf with any prospect of success. But the
* Pages 276 to 281. 5 12 Aug. 1831.

1831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 147
publisher knew very well what he was about, and the
kind of man he was addressing. He succeeded in over
coming the doubts and scruples — (they were neither
slight nor few) — with which his project was encountered.
But in fact he had an ally in the juncture of which he
had avaUed himself to make his proposal, which effec-
tuaUy bore down opposition.
The times were critical in the highest degree. There
was a great and admitted want of some medium of com
munication between the Clergy and the outside world, as
well as with one another. For it wUl be remembered
that in 1 83 1 none of those multitudinous organs which
at present flood every bookseller's counter and encumber
our hbrary-tables, were in existence. Faithful men were
not wanting to whom the cause of the Church was very
dear; but these too often lived in practical isolation.
There prevailed also throughout the period (1830-4) a
terrible faintheartedness which is too often the prelude
and the token of a lost cause : —
" We are dying of timidity, and the dread of responsi
bility," (wrote Mr. Newman a little later). " The Bishops
must come forward ; else, it is intolerable that all sorts of
nonsense should be thrown out by Churchmen on the
side of innovation, without the Bishops saying a word,
and yet it should not be allowed us to agitate on the
other side." 6
Even more ominous was the seeming apathy which men
exhibited, even when vital interests were at stake : —
" I suppose there can be no doubt," wrote Keble from
Fairford (21 Feb. 1833), "that the die for a separation
is now cast. The most frightful thing to me is the
apparent apathy of most of the Clergy even, both in
Oxford and here in the country."
6 J. H. N. to H. J. R.,— Jan. I, 1834.
L 2

148 Hugh James Rose: [1831
Even when the Bill for the suppression of half the
Episcopate of the Church of Ireland was passing through
Parliament, (writes WiUiam Palmer,) the same apathy
prevailed. Sadly was the want felt of the faithful
spirit which should fearlessly proclaim itself ready to
contend for the Truth : the bold articulate cry which
should arouse the sleepers, rally the wavering, invigorate
the weak.
It was clear to Mr. Rose that the overture which had
come to him thus unexpectedly might be converted into
a great opportunity for good. Here would at all events
be a raUying point for the friends of the Church, a
mouthpiece for the enunciation of Church principles,
and an organ for their dissemination. He foresaw too
that the Clergy might be thus induced to communicate
the information which would benefit their common cause,
if they could but be got to take the thing up in a
generous, trustful spirit. " The practical question is.
whether those members and ministers of the Church,
and those laymen who have a sincere interest in its
welfare, and who think that a periodical work like this
wiU tend to promote that interest, wUl attend to the
caU that is now made to them." So wrote the Editor
in 1831-2. " One great evil I fear admits of no remedy"
(he added a fuU year afterwards) ; — " namely, that I
cannot devote aU my time to it. I have a large parish
of 3500 people, my health is dreadfully broken, and I
cannot give up entirely my own reading. The only
thing to be said on the other side is that I happen to
have a large acquaintance among the Clergy." It was
a great thing to him to find that men of excellent
judgment thought well of the undertaking. In brief,
it became the Church organ of the period, — numbered
among its contributors the most able churchmen of the

1832] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 149
day, — and proved a mighty instrument for good. On
the ist March 1832, the first number of ' The British
Magazine ' 7 appeared.
The foUowing letter from Hugh James Rose to his
friend Joshua Watson respecting the Magazine when it
was not yet half a year old, will be perused with
interest : —
" I hope that on the whole the ' British Magazine ' satis
fies you. I feel that I could make it much better if I
could give my time to it, and I would wilhngly give it
up to somebody who could. But till it is more fully
established, I know by experience that the more valuable
contributors and Clergy wiU not communicate with a
person whom they do not know, or know something
about. There is one sad evil attending it just now which
nothing can overcome, — and that is, the state of the
times, which makes one hopeless, humanly speaking,
of doing good ; and so leaves only the languid movement
arising from the impetus given in former and better
days ; or, at best, imposes that hard task for human
constancy, — the doing from a sense of duty what you
feel a moral certainty will be unsuccessful. God, in His
justice, we must say, may well destroy our Church. The
spirit of unbehef even may spread to an extent, the very
thought of which shocks and appals the heart : and such
seems, at least, to our little wisdom the present tendency
of things. We, of a surety, in this our day, at the best
can hope only for a series of dreadful and difficult, even
if ultimately successful, struggles against it. And these
are thoughts which tend, in a degree that I could hardly
have fancied before experience, to deaden the active
spirit of exertion in defence of secularities however
valuable, (or rather invaluable,) as means. There is no
rest for the sole of the foot, no reposing point for the
1 — "and Monthly Register of the Poor, progress of Education,
Religious and Ecclesiastical In- etc."— The first number is prefaced
formation, Parochial History, and by the Editor's 'Address,' — pp. lo.
Documents respecting the state of

150 Hugh James Rose: [1831
wearied spirit, till it has passed over this dark and
stormy ocean of thoughts, and remembered that the fate
and fortune of the various branches of the visible Church
of Christ are things on which the Book of God's
wisdom gives but a dim and obscure light, seeming even
to foretell a general apostasy ; — but that this does not
affect the hopes and prospects, nor diminish the aids, of
the believer. His hopes do not fail with a faUing
Church ; and it is in that remembrance that he must
seek the strength and resolution (as far as in himself and
his own thoughts he is to seek them) necessary to dis
charge his duties towards it to the utmost while it re
tains its existence ; and to witness its fall, if it is to fall,
not indeed without the bitterest regret, but yet without
dismay. But enough of this. These are thoughts which
are familiar to you. Perhaps it is because 1 know this,
that I have written thus, and relieved myself, without, I
trust, annoying you." 8
And now it is high time that a pause should be made
in order that the reader may be definitely introduced to
what was the alarming position of affairs in the Church
of England at the period which we have already reached.
Without clear notions on this subject, he cannot possibly
appreciate the characters which group themselves round
the central figure of the present narrative : nor indeed
can he understand why the men should express them
selves, and should act, as they are observed to do. I must
myself have recourse to the pages of one9 who had
personal experience of those gloomy times, if I would

8 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson, — with the publication of the Tracts
dated ' Glynde, Lewes, July 30, for the Times, with an Introduction
1832. and Supplement extending to the
0 Rev. William Palmer, of Wor- present time.' — Rivingtons, 1883,
cester College, — in a volume which (pp. 293). I have ako availed my-
will prove an important contribu- self of an article contributed by the
tion to English Church history, — same friend to the Contemporary
'A narrative of events connected Review, (C. R.) for May, 1883.

1 831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 151
report this matter faithfully. We shall find it our
wisdom in fact, with him, to go back a little.
Enormous material prosperity had engendered over
weening pride in the nation, and a shameful forgetful-
ness of God, the giver : —
" Allusions to God's being and providence became dis
tasteful to the Enghsh parliament : were voted Ul-bred
and superstitious : were made the subjects of ridicule.
Men were ashamed any longer to say Family-prayers, or
to invoke the blessing of God upon the food which He
alone had provided. The mention of His Name was
tabooed in polite circles. In proportion as Religion
openly declined, a human element made progress under
the name of PhUosophy and Science, — which knew of
nothing except what is of human origin. The super
natural was made to disappear. The consequence was,
that society began to demand the exclusion of the super
natural from the Christian system, on the pretence of
wishing to make it more widely acceptable. Did they
not consider that to exclude the supernatural is to destroy
Christianity, to proclaim it an imposture and a he ? " 1
Few men now living have before them the condition of
the Church itself as it was some sixty years, and more,
ago. Her fortunes had sunk to the lowest ebb. Hope
itself was nearly extinguished. The Church's days
seemed numbered : —
" A Revolution had taken place in the relations of
Church and State. Political Revolution had followed,
and society and Christianity along with it seemed in
danger of subversion. Reversing the policy which for
three centuries had intimately connected the Church with
the State, — a policy which had been handed down from
the introduction of Christianity, — the Government of
that day had made up its mind to aUy itself with the
Church's foes. 1 Palmer's 'Narrative,' &c. p. 21.

152 Hugh James Rose: [1831
" We can now look back from the vantage ground of
time upon the agitating contests from 18 12 to 1829, con
nected with the grant of ' Emancipation.' We can smile
at the notion that men could have been so deeply moved
by such a question as that of the grant of political power
to Roman Catholics. There are, however, two sides to
most questions ; and in this case, a very serious alter
native presented itself to the minds of Churchmen.
They saw that the grant of pohtical power to the Church
of Rome meant the use of that political power against
the Church of England. They were convinced by the
teaching of ages, that the exaltation of the former meant
the injury, perhaps the destruction of the latter. Ex
perience has unfortunately shown that they were right,
and that those who ridiculed their fears were no
prophets." 2
In the meantime, a school of men arose, (the Clergy
themselves contributing some of its most dangerous
elements,) whose conceit led them to imagine that they
were competent to reform every institution and to
amend the whole world : —
" The press groaned beneath the perpetual issue of
pamphlets, treatises, discourses, — all bent on the refor
mation and correction of the Church, from head to foot.
To open one of these disquisitions, — which undertook
at a week's notice to present a spick-and-span new
creation, in which imperfection was to be unknown, —
you might suppose that the Church of England was a
mass of corruption, folly, and bigotry. Everything was
wrong, and required a radical change. Nothing could
be hoped for, except after the expulsion of Bishops from
the House of Lords, — the overthrow of Chapters, — the
abolition of Religion in the Universities, — the radical
reform of the Worship and the Doctrine of the Church
in a liberal direction. The Prayer-Book was to be
divested of its antique rubbish,— swept clean of the
supernaturaUsm which had descended to it from tbe
2 Palmer in the 'Contemporary Review! p. 637.

1831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 153
Middle Ages, — relieved of those continual professions of
belief in the Trinity, the Deity of Christ, the belief in
Divine Providence, and other points which so greatly
troubled the delicate consciences of those Christians
who were anxious to fraternize with Unitarianism and
Infidelity. The Church of England of the future was to
become a congeries of sects, at utter variance with each
other in doctrine and discipline, each preserving its
distinctive peculiarities, — with the single exception of
the present Church of England; which, by authority
of ParUament, and without any reference to the wishes
of its Bishops, Clergy, or People, was to be arbitrarily
remodeUed and vitally changed." 3 " Such was the
disorganization of the public mind, that Dr. Arnold of
Rugby ventured to propose, that all denominations
should be united by Act of Parhament with the Church
of England, on the principle of retaining all their dis
tinctive errors and absurdities." 4
" What claims special notice in aU these proposed
changes was the spirit of irreverence which was widely
characteristic of the period, together with the prevailing
want of principle. All who have written on the events
of that time, have noticed the extreme and dangerous
unsettlement of opinion which manifested itself about
the year 1830, — the era when the Reform mania was at
its height, and when ' Reform ' was decided to be the
panacea for every human iU. In the midst of this
revolutionary turmoil, the Church and Christianity
were in danger of being swept from their old founda
tions, and replaced upon the philosophic basis of the
nineteenth century." 5
Such a deplorable state of things — (what need to say it?)
— was not arrived at without protest and remonstrance.
The circumstance is too much lost sight of by those
who have discussed the events of the period. To read
ofthe great Church Revival of 1833 as it presents itself
3 Ibid. p. 639. 4 Palmer's ' Narrative,' p. 99. 5 Md. p. 29.

154 Hugh James Rose: [1831
to the imagination of certain writers, one would suppose
that in their account the publication of the earliest
of the ' Tracts for the Times ' had the magical effect of
kindling into glory the dead embers of an all-but-ex
tinct Church. The plain truth is that the smouldering
materials for the cheerful blaze which followed the
efforts made in 1832-3-4 had been accumulating un
observed for many years : had been the residuum of the
altar-fires of a long succession of holy and earnest men.
Not only here in England had there been many to bear
faithful and fearless witness but the great American
Church had done her full part in " preparing the way."
Bp. Hobart of New York [1775-1830], — Bp. Doane of
New Jersey [1 799-1 859], — Bp. Whittingham of Mary
land [1 805-1879], — are the names which more readily
present themselves ; but there were in truth many others,
— names which will not go unremembered or unrecorded
" in that Day." The result was at first unperceived, but
it was very real, and only waited the arrival of the
occasion to make itself distinctly felt and seen. As at
another famous occasion of national apostasy, God was
found to have " reserved to Himself seven thousand" who
had retained their hold on Catholic Truth amid every
discouragement. A very facile proceeding truly it is to
speak in a patronising way of " the old-fashioned piety"
of such men as those whose names will be found col
lected at the foot of the present page.6 Would to God
6 Thomas Randolph [1701-83]: Thomas F. Middleton [1 769-1822] :
ThomasTownson[i7i5-92] : George JohnBowdler [1754-1823] : Charles
Home [1730-92]: William Jones Daubeny [1744-1827] : Reginald
(of Nayland) [1726-1800]: Samuel Heber [1783-1826] : Charles Lloyd
Horsley [1733-1806] : William [1784-1829] : Alexander Knox
Stevens [1732-1807]: John Ran- [1758-1831]: John Jebb [1775-
dolph [1749-18 1 3]: William Cleaver 1833]: John Davison [1777-1834]:
[1742-1815] : John Frere [1740- Thomas Sikes [1766-1834]: Richard
1807]: John Shepherd [1759-1805]: Laurence [1 760-1839]: William

183 1] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 155
that we had among us at the present day a httle more
of that ' old-fashioned ' thing, — a little less of that
spurious novelty which is " Cathohc" in nothing but in
name. Church feeling was EVOKED, not CREATED, by the
Movement of 1 833.
Undeniable however it is that at the juncture of which
we speak the outlook was the gloomiest imaginable. The
Church was weak and divided : —
" There was no means of offering an effectual resist
ance to the spreading evil of unsettlement and infidelity.
The lines of religion needed to be restored and deepened.
Principle had to be infused where there was none to fall
back upon. It was in vain to appeal to principles
which were not understood. There was no foundation,
or an uncertain one, on which to build."7
" At the beginning of the summer of 1 833, the Church
in England and Wales seemed destined to immediate
desolation and ruin. We had seen in 1828, the repeal of
the Test and Corporation Acts cutting away from the
Church of England one of its ancient bulwarks, and
evidencing a disposition to make concession to the
clamour of its enemies. In the next year, — the fatal
year 1829, — we had seen this principle fully carried out,
by the concession of what is called 'Roman Catholic Eman
cipation ' ; a measure which scattered to the winds public
principle, pubUc morality, public confidence, and dis
persed a party, which, had it possessed courage to adhere
to its old and popular principles, and to act on them
with manly energy, would have stemmed the torrent of
Revolution, and averted the awful crisis which was at
VanMildert [1765-1836] : William And more recently, John Miller : —
Howley [1 765-1 848]: Christopher John Keble :— W. H. Mill:—
Wordsworth [1774-1846]: H. H. William Palmer of Worcester: —
Norris [1771-1851] : Martin J. Benjamin Harrison: — Christopher
Routh [1755-1854] : John Oxlee Wordsworth. But ' the time would
[1779-1854] : John Kaye [1783- fail me,' were any thing like a
J853]: Joshua Watson [1771- complete enumeration to be at-
1855]: C.J. Blomfield [1786-1857] : tempted.
Hugh James Rose [1795-1838]. 7 Palmer's ' Narrative,' p. 30.

156 Hugh James Rose: [1831
hand." 8 " In the year after passing this measure, which
was to hold out the olive branch to contending parties,
the Irish peasantry entered into a conspiracy to despoil
the clergy of their tithes. The alliance with the Papal
priesthood, formed in the vain hope of conciliating Irish
discontent and closing the agitating career of O'Connell,
who had been permitted for so many years to keep that
country on the verge of rebelhon, had rapidly borne
fruit. Whoever ventured to levy tithes was doomed to
death. Several of the Clergy were accordingly murdered,
and the rest reduced to starvation. The end of the
Church had come sooner than was expected. The Clergy
would have no remedy except to escape to England.
" The withdrawal of all support from Church institu
tions : the open and violent demands for the legal aboli
tion of the Irish Church : the transfer of Irish education
from Church management to other hands ; all indicated
the change which was rapidly passing over the relations
of Church and State."
In the meantime, the lesson which English statesmen
had given in 1829 in remodelhng Constitutions, speedily
bore bitter fruits. Their policy had recoiled upon them
selves : —
'• England at once found itself in a revolutionary
vortex. The Reform Bill was resisted. It was enforced,
and carried by threats of rebellion. The mob rose and
burned down the Castle of Nottingham, the owner of
which had made himself obnoxious. The palace of the
Bishop of Bristol was burned by the mob. Bishops were
hable to insult and violence if they appeared in the
streets. They were recommended by Lord Grey to ' set
their house in order.' At Oxford the inhabitants were
in alarm, for it was understood that the Unionists,
100,000 strong, were about to march from Birmingham
and raze the colleges. In London great bodies of revo
lutionists were under regular military training, prepara
tory to an outbreak in the event of the Reform Bill being
8 Ibid. p. 96.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 157
rejected ; and it was a matter of uncertainty whether the
House of Lords or the Crown would survive the crisis,
and whether the next year might not find England a
RepubUc. When the new parhament met, its character
was apparently revolutionary. The House of Commons
was prepared for any course of action however dangerous.
There was an increasing attack upon the Church of
England in every direction, and few indeed, and weak,
were the voices which in timid deprecation were raised
on its behalf. . . . The press, with a few exceptions, was
ranged on the side of revolution and hostility to the
Church. So violently were men's passions excited, that
an inconsiderable event might, like a spark appUed to a
barrel of gunpowder, have led to a fatal explosion." 9 . . .
It was at such a juncture then in the state of pubhc
affairs, secular and religious, that in his father's humble
parsonage, on a breezy slope of the Sussex downs, Hugh
James Rose determined to try what could be effected by
the aid of a monthly journal towards reviving the hopes
and rekindling the aspirations of English Churchmen. It
was a bold venture of Faith — -pro Ecclesia Dei.
"The cUmax was reached in the beginning of 1833.
The most startling iUustration of the new attitude of the
State and of Parhament towards the Church of England,
and of the character of measures which had now become
possible under the pretence of Reform, was at that time
afforded when the Ministry of the day introduced their
BiU/or the Extinction often Bishoprics and two Archbishoprics
in Ireland, and pressed it through Parhament. Churchmen
were told that they had reason to be thankful that the entire
Episcopate had not been swept away, with the exception
of four, or even one Bishop ; that they were to consider
themselves fortunate in being allowed to retain Bishops,
or Clergy, or Churches at aU.
" This Act of the Government it was which brought
matters to a crisis. Its result was the Oxford movement,
9 Palmer in the ' Contemporary Review,' p. 638-9.

158 Hugh James Rose: [1833
— which, however some may have sought to explain it,
reaUy sprang from necessity; the need felt by various
minds, agreeing in their essential feeling towards the
Church of England and its principle's. It became evident
to them at once that something required to be done,
in order to meet dangers which had become tangible, and
which threatened to become intolerable." 1
" The necessity of associating in defence of the Church
had already suggested itself to many minds. In a letter
dated Hadleigh, February 1, 1833, Mr. Rose wrote, — 'That
something is requisite, is certain. The only thing is,
that whatever is done ought to be quickly done : for the
danger is immediate, and I should have little fear if
I thought that we could stand for ten or fifteen years as
we are. z
It will become more and more apparent, as we proceed,
that if to any one man is to be assigned the honour of
having originated the great Catholic Revival of our
times, that man was Hugh James Rose. For my own
part, I am inclined to think that it fares with such move
ments as it fares with rivers. Their true source, their
actual fountain-head, is remote, is insignificant. A con
fluence of brooks produces in time a stream, — into which
many tributaries discharge themselves. The channel
deepens, — widens, — receives somewhere a considerable
accession of waters. And now, behold, it has become
a mighty river ! ... So was it with the great Cathohc
Revival of which we speak. But it remains true, for all
that, that amid the forms which crowd around us and
the voices which make themselves heard above the
' hurley burley,' when the history of a great work is to
be deliberately committed to writing, one authoritative
voice, one commanding figure, becomes conspicuous
beyond the rest : and posterity wiU recognize the fact
that it was Hugh James Rose who was the true moving
1 Ibid. pp. 639-41. 2 Palmer's ' Narrative,' p. 101.

1831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 159
cause of that stirring of the waters which made an
indehble impress on the Church of England between
fifty and sixty years ago, and which it is customary to
date from the Autumn of 1833. It was he who so early
as the year 1822,3 had pointed out to the Clergy "Internal
Union " as " the best safeguard against the dangers of the
Church." In 1825, as we have seen, from the University
pulpit at Cambridge, he had directed attention to the
state of German Protestantism, — a spectacle of warning
to the Church of England. But it was by his soul-
stirring discourses on the Commission of the Clergy,
preached before the same University in 1826, that he
chiefly recaUed men's attention to those great Church
principles which had all but universally fallen into
neglect, if not obUvion. His eagle eye was the first to
discern the coming danger, and his commanding intel
lect was incessantly occupied with the problem of how it
was to be effectuaUy dealt with. By the earnest tone
and by the sterling soundness of his writings he had
won the respect and confidence, as weU as the admiration
of the Church. He was already the trusted ally of not
a few of the faithful laity also. Now therefore, when
the sky grew darkest and most threatening (1 829-1 831)
and the muttering thunder was filling men's souls with
a terrible anticipation of the coming storm, all eyes were
instinctively turned to him as the fittest to lead and
to guide. The Bishops should have taken the initiative,
and put themselves at tbe head of the movement: but
not one of them stirred, and no one dared approach
them. The diocesan organisation to which the genius of
3 Mr. Rose's first published Ser- Lewes Deanery Committee of the
mon (I Cor. iii. 8, 9) bears date S.P.C.K." It breathes the self-same
Sept. 30th, 182 1, and was "preached earnest spirit as his later and better
at the parish church of Brighthelm- known discourses.
ston, in aid of the funds of the

160 Hugh James Rose: [1832
Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, some twenty years
later, imparted such efficient flexibility, as yet existed
only in theory. Let it in fairness be confessed that the
traditional cumbrous exclusiveness of their exalted
station, not to say the suspicions under which they
laboured as a body, disqualified our then Bishops from
the kind of action which at the close of the first quarter
of the present century had become a necessity. Thus it
happened that a standard-bearer had to be sought for
elsewhere ; and, as we have said, the man on whom
Churchmen fixed their hopes was Hugh James Rose.
The same year which witnessed the establishment of
his Magazine had been already rendered memorable by
the pubhcation of William Palmer's " Origines Liturgicae,
or Antiquities qf the English Ritual, with a Dissertation on
Primitive Liturgies," — a work too well known to need
description here. But a forgetful generation may require
to be told that it marks an epoch: for those volumes
gave the first impulse to inquiries of which the Church
is reaping the beneficial results at the present hour. A
careless age may also with advantage have it pointed out
that the ' Origines ' are not so much a reminder that
almost every "form of sound words" which we employ
has been transmitted to us from the remotest antiquity,
as a witness that the sentiments and principles which
those time-honoured words embody have descended to
us from the primitive age. By Palmer's ' Origines] in
short, men were taught that our Book of Common
Prayer is a testimony to our fidelity to the great
principles which have descended to us from the Apostles,
— a record of ' one Faith ' never to be forsaken, — a guide
amidst the perplexities and uncertainties of human
opinion. The author writes of himself as foUows : —

1832] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 161
" From Hugh James Rose, soon after the publication
of my book in 1832, 1 received a communication asking
my aid as a contributor to the 'British Magazine! I
accordingly contributed a series of articles in reply to the
truculent attacks of the pohtical dissenters ; which, by
means of a large mass of evidence derived from dissenting
publications, directed public attention to the smaU
number, the difficulties, and declining state of the
dissenting interest.
" Rose, with whom of all men hving I most deeply
sympathized, and in whom I placed the most entire
confidence, (as far as confidence in man is allowable), was
in his time a bright and shining Ught of the Church
of England. He had been Christian Advocate of the
University of Cambridge. He was the most powerful
and most followed preacher there : a profound scholar, an
eloquent orator, a deep thinker, and an admirable theo
logian. When we add to this, accomphshments the most
varied, judgment the most enlightened, and manners the
charm of which were universally felt, we have a com
bination which has been rarely if ever exceUed in the
Church. The only drawback was declining health.
This highly gifted and admirable man was a victim
to perpetual suffering, which in a brief space consigned
him to the sick chamber and to death. Even when
I first knew him, his taU, bending, and attenuated form,
and aquiline features — which, amidst their intellectual
and commanding character, gave evidences of deep
suffering — indicated but too truly the sad presence of
dechne. But in society, that grave, and even sad and
solemn expression, gave way at once to the radiance
of intellect, benevolence, and wit. Had this noble man
hved, he would have been the greatest ornament and the
most trusted leader of his Church." 4
Palmer himself [b. 1 803] was a younger man. Educated
at Trinity College, Dublin, he enjoyed one considerable
advantage over the Divines with whom he shortly found
himself associated, viz. that he had studied the claims to
4 Palmer in the ' Contemporary Review,' p. 644.
VOL. I. M

1 62 Hugh James Rose: [1832
Catholicity of the Churches of England and of Rome a
vast deal more carefully than they had. The ' Origines' had
been commenced in 1826. He went to reside at Oxford
in 1828, became a member of Worcester College, and
devoted himself exclusively to the study of Divinity.
The appearance of his work in 1832 brought him at
once into intimate intercourse with Rose, — who enter
tained the highest opinion of his learning, judgment,
and orthodoxy. At his solicitation it was that Rose
visited Oxford in the summer of 1832, — not a httle
influenced doubtless by anxiety to enlist under his banner,
as editor of the 'British Magazine] the services of the
chief men of promise in that University. Besides Dr.
Fuse}', Mr. Newman (as the reader is aware) was known
to him already. John Miller was another of his most
esteemed friends. Froude, Harrison, Perceval, Williams,
and many others were drawn more or less into relation
with him about this time. Palmer writes of that visit, —
" It was indeed the greatest pleasure that could well
be imagined to have your company at Oxford, and we
shall always remember it with delight. It is a matter
of rejoicing indeed, when those whose objects and views
are in perfect unison, and on whose exertions under
Providence such precious interests may depend, are
brought, to know and value each other, and are thus
enabled to band themselves into an united phalanx
against their enemies. I know your visit to Oxford will
have been very useful in this respect, and I shall only
add that every one seemed to feel pleasure in seeing you,
and expressed the greatest value and respect. This I
know, and I could also mention some persons to whom
your conversation and sentiments gave the most heart
felt satisfaction." 5
Individuals were found to remonstrate with Mr. Rose
for seeking help at this time exclusively from Oxford :—
5 Leamington, — July 18th, 1832.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 163
" I am a httle perplexed " (he writes) " by Archdeacon
Thorpe's account of Oxford, — at least if he looks at it
with a Churchman's eye. / get no help whatever from
Cambridge. What help could I get equal to Keble,
Miller, Palmer, Newman, Froude, Hook, Ogilvie ? I
love Cambridge to my heart : but Divinity is not her
tower of strength just now." 6
Another frequent contributor to the 'British Magazine '
at this time was the Author of the ' Christian Tear! " I
am delighted," he wrote, (26 Feb. 1833), "to think that
persons so weU quaUfied to judge as yourself and Mr.
Watson account those hasty thoughts of mine to be not
without a chance of doing some good in so noble a cause."
From some corrections which the writer proposes, it is
found that the paper referred to is one of a series on
' Church Reform ' (pp. 360—78) signed " K." Five son
nets too are his (at pp. 273-4), and another on " Oxford
from Bagley, at 8 o'clock in the morning," (at p. 422.)
On the ensuing 24 April, enclosing a paper on ' Church
Reform ' (which appears at p. 726-34), Keble writes, —
" If you feel dissatisfied with what you have written,
what ought I to feel ! but I don't aUow you to be a fair
judge, especially now that I fear you are unwell. All I
know is that others whom I meet with don't find fault
with you, and that I am more and more convinced of the
importance and usefulness of the Magazine  I don't
wonder that you are more tired than your readers of this
eternal Church Reform subject. But what can one do?
Whilst Grey and Co. go on, we must go on too, as we
may. And I must say, without bandying compliments,
that your way of putting these matters appears to me
more readable, more lively without pertness, and more
likely to do good, than anybody's else whom I have
faUen in with. Please therefore not to leave off ; except
you find it too worrying for your health  Will you
« To Joshua Watson,— Hadleigh, June 19th, 1833.
M 2

164 Hugh James Rose : [1833
excuse my mentioning to you one word which vexes me
in every number of yours ? ' Notices of the Olden Time.'
I don't know why, but I suppose from some odd association,
that phrase sounds to me affected. Don't alter it, please, un
less you find that other ears are like mine in this respect."
In his next letter (May 13th, 1833), Keble writes, —
" Would not 'Antiquarian Notices ' suit your purpose weU
enough? It would, I think, include such remarks on
language as you speak of, quite as correctly as the pre
sent title, to which I so hypercritically objected. I
certainly shall be glad when it is changed.
" Talking of Titles, I cannot at once reconcUe myself
to Newman's 'Lyra Apostolica! I am sure it wiU not
give the idea he intends. But perhaps he depends on
being able to get people to associate his meaning with
the phrase. If he can do so, well and good."
This allusion to the 'Lyra] — of which however the
first four poems did not appear in the British Magazine
tiU the month of June 1833 (at pp. 656-7) — reminds me
that I am proceeding too fast. As early as the year
1830, in connexion with his friend and colleague at
Lambeth, Archd. W. R. LyaU, (afterwards Dean of Canter
bury), Mr. Rose had undertaken to edit the ' Theological
Library] which was to consist of a series of manual
volumes on various subjects, but which might all be
included under that common title. The first volume
contained the 'Life of Wiclif by Le Bas.7 Rose himself
was to have contributed a ' Life of Martin Luther! The
publication extended eventually to fifteen volumes.8 This
undertaking it was which first brought him into personal
relations with John Henry Newman, — a name insepar
ably identified with the great Church movement which
immediately followed, and of which I am now to speak.
7 Published Dec. 22, 1831. ii.) was published Feb. 6th, 1839.
8 The last volume (Evans' ' Bio- I am indebted for these details to
graphy of the Early Church,' vol. Mr. F. H. Rivington.

1 831] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 165
It must have been in the beginning of 183 1 that Rose
invited Mr. Newman, — (for, in introducing him into this
narrative, I must be allowed to designate him by his old
familiar name), — to furnish a History of the principal
Councils. Newman's reply shaU be given in fuU. It
was as foUows : — "Oriel College, March 28, 1831.
" Sir, — I have allowed myself to delay my answer to
your obliging letter from a sense of the importance of
the undertaking to which you invite me. I am appre
hensive that a work on the CouncUs will require a more
extensive research into Ecclesiastical History than I
can hope to complete in the time to be assigned me for
writing it. Otherwise, I am weU disposed towards it.
You do not mention the number of Councils you intend
should be included in the History. May I trouble you
to give me a description of the kind of work you
desire ? and what books you especiaUy refer to in your
letter as the sources of information? and what time you
can grant me?
" I fear I should not be able to give my mind fully to
the subject till the autumn, though I wish to commence
operations sooner. If I undertook it, it would be on
the understanding that it was to be but introductory to
the subject which Mr. Jenkyns mentioned to you, — the
Articles. " I had considered a work on ' the Articles ' might be
useful, on the following plan. First, a defence of Articles :
— then, the history of our own : — then, an explanation of
them founded on the historical view : — then, a Disserta
tion on the sources of proof, e.g. Revelation or Nature,
the Bible or the Church, the Old or New Testament &c. :
— then, some account of the terms used in Theology as a
Science, — e.g. 'Trinity,' 'Person,' 'Merits of Chbist,'
'Grace,' 'Regeneration,' &c. And lastly, some general
view of Christian doctrines, to be proved from Scripture,
and referred to their proper places in the Articles. It
seems to me much better thus to collect the subjects of
the Articles under heads, than to explain and prove each

1 66 Hugh James Rose: [1831
separately, — with a view both to clearness of statement
and fulness in the proof from Scripture.
"Will you consider it out of place in one so little
known as myself, to add that, — though I am most
desirous you should be put into fuU possession of my
views, and at all times wish to profit by the suggestions
of others, and am not aware I differ in any material
point from our standard writers, — yet, intending to take
upon myself the entire responsibility of everything I
write, I should be unwilling to allow any alteration
without the concurrence of my own judgment : and, if
the change required were great, should cheerfully
acquiesce in my MS. being declined, rather than consent
to suppress or modify any part of it I deemed of import
ance? In saying this, perhaps I am raising actual
difficulties in my wish to avoid possible prospective
ones: yet, in a matter of this kind, I deem it best to
use as much openness as possible, begging your indul
gence towards it, and being entirely disposed to welcome
in turn any frank statement of your own sentiments
which you may find it necessary to communicate to me.
" I am, Sir, your very faithful servant,
"John H. Newman.''
The generous earnestness of the writer was the cause
that he scarcely appreciated the extent and largeness of
his subject. By September 1 2th, its vastness was evidently
overpowering him. At the end of ten months, however,
by severe industry and not without injury to his health,
he had brought his labours to a close and proposed that
their title should be ' Notices of the Principal Councils of th
Primitive Church in illustration qf the fundamental doctrines
of Christianity! Not until 1833 did the volume appear,
and then as an independent publication, as well as under
an entirely different title, — ' The Arians qf the Fourth
Century'; — the delay having been occasioned by Hurrell
Froude'sjourney tothesouth of Europe, in which Newman

1832] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 167
accompanied him. This proved Newman's great work,
— the work by which he wiU be chiefly remembered.9 It
was ready for publication however, as already stated, by
the month of August 1832 ; in which month, by the way,
the author ran over from Brighton to see Rose, who was
then on a visit at his father's vicarage, Glynde, near
Lewes, — himself in broken health. A letter which he
received from Newman later in the year wUl be read
with interest on more accounts than one : —
" Oriel CoUege, Nov. 26th, 1832.
" My dear sir, — Your account of your health has caused
me very great concern. I sincerely wish you could get
away for some months, — or rather I wish I could take
the liberty of urging you so to do. Is it not possible for
an Editor so to arrange his prospective business as to
intrust it to others for a few months? Any use you
could make of myself among others (on my return) to
accomphsh so desirable an object, shall be yours. I
know indeed how valuable personal superintendence is,
and on this account feel bound always to pray for the
increased personal influence of one whose continuance in
active exertion is of such moment to the Church ; yet it
is far the lesser of the two evUs to suspend exertion than
to lose the power of making it.
" You must not suppose that Froude and I are running
away as truants for mere pleasure. He goes for his
health, having a consumptive tendency which alarms his
friends. I have been for years suffering from duties too
many for me, and take the opportunity of recruiting
myself for further service : but it makes me ashamed
almost to go, when I see persons labouring who are more
indisposed. " We propose, if you will let us, on our return, to
systematize a Poetry department for you, — which I am
8 ' Let me take this occasion of permanent stand in our literature."
offering my grateful thanks to Mr. — Rose's ' Apology for the Study of
Newman for his invaluable work Divinity' [see below, p. 185], 1834,
on Arianism, which will take its — p. 41.

1 68 Hugh James Rose: [1832
sanguine wiU be above the ordinary run of such ex
hibitions, and may be useful. We shall ask for 2 pages
in each No., and shaU insert in that space 4 brief compo
sitions, each bringing out forcibly one idea. You will
smile at our planning such details, before you have heard
a word about it : but if it interferes with any plan of
yours, of course we shall take a negative from you very
lightly. Our object is, to bring out certain truths and
facts, moral, ecclesiastical, and rehgious, simply and
forcibly, — with greater freedom and clearness than in
'The Christian Year! I wiU not go on to say, with greater
poetry. If it answered on trial, we should be content to
carry it on ad infinitum. It might be called ' Lyra Apostolica!
" When you see or write to Archd. Lyall, wUl you thank
him for me for a very kind letter, which- 1 did not answer
for fear of troubling him? He made me the desirable
offer to form a personal acquaintance with him, half
asking me down to see him. I hope some time or other
I may enjoy the benefit he proposes, though my journey
prevents my doing so now."
The friends set out in December 1832. ... "I came to
Rome from Naples," writes Mr. Newman ; who (in the
pages' of the 'British Magazine' J) presented his country
men, on his return, with his impressions of the place and
its Religion. He begins by describing, with his usual
felicity of phrase, his feelings on first approaching
Rome. " Let me think awhile " (he proceeds) " on the
subject thus given me " : —
" It cannot be denied that Rome is one of the four
monsters of Daniel's vision. Do Christian travellers
keep this enough in mind ? I think not  But
further, Rome is put on a level with Babylon, in Scrip
ture ; nay it is worse than it. The vengeance has fallen
on Babylon, and it is no more. On Rome, too, plagues
have come ; but it survives. What does this circum
stance imply.? that further judgments are in store? I
fear it does. Rome, the mightiest monster, has as yet
' Vol. v (Jan. 1834),— pp. i-«. See below, p. 197.

1832] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 169
escaped on easier terms than Babylon. Surely, it has
not drunk out the Lokd's cup of fury, nor expiated
the curse ! And then, again, the fearful Apocalypse
occurs to my mind. Amid the obscurities of that holy
book, one doctrine is clear enough,— the ungodliness
of Rome ; and further, its destined destruction. That
destruction has not yet overtaken it; therefore it is
in store. I am approaching a doomed city."
This is terrible reading truly, though it be scrip-
turally true. We are surprised to be presently assured
j^hat, —
" In the book of Revelation, the sorceress upon the seven
hills is not the Church of Rome, as is often taken for
granted, but Rome itself, — that bad spirit which, in its
former shape, was the animating principle of the Fourth
Monarchy, and now has learned by experience a deeper
cunning." "If any one thinks this a refined distinction,"
(proceeds the pious writer) " difficult to enter into,
and useless if understood, I admit it is most difficult,
but not useless."
The question however at once arises, — (we ask it
respectfully,) — But is it logicaUy possible ? We are in
vited to believe that " the animating spirit of the
Fourth Monarchy " is also, as far as Rome is concerned,
the animating spirit of the Fifth and last. But the Fifth
and last Kingdom is confessedly ' the Kingdom of God,'
— the Christian Church,— of which the animating spirit is
God. When therefore the same writer asserts that,
" not in good only, but in evil also, the old spirit
has revived ; and the monster of Daniel's vision, un
tamed by its former judgments, has seized upon Chris
tianity as the, new instrument of its impieties, and
awaits a second and final woe from God's hand";2 —
what else does he assert but that the Church of Rome —
forsaken by the Holy Spirit of God — is under the
2 Ibid. pp. 124 and 123.

170 Hugh James Rose: [1833
usurped dominion of Satan ; and therefore, as a Church,
awaits a tremendous doom ? All doubt on this sub
ject is in fact removed by what we shaU hear from
him by and by.3
In his " Apologia," 4 Mr. Newman writes, — " Froude
and I made two caUs upon Monsignor (now Cardinal)
Wiseman at the Collegio Inglese shortly before we left
Rome." To which, Froude adds the startling intelli
gence that their object had been to ascertain on what
terms they might be admitted to Communion with
Rome, and that they had been surprised to learn that an
acceptance of the Decrees of the Council of Trent was a
necessary preliminary.5 To ourselves, the only matter
of surprise is that two such learned Anglicans should
have thought it worth their while definitely to make
such an inquiry., It is gratifying at all events (as a
friend of theirs well remarks) to know that Froude's
opinions were only in the course of formation ; and
that in the following year, when approaching death,
he expressed himself as foUows : —
" If I was to assign my reason for belonging to the
Church of England in preference to any other religious
community, it would be simply this, — That she has
retained an apostolical Clergy and exacts no sinful
terms of communion : whereas on the one hand, the
Romanists, though retaining an apostolical Clergy,
do exact sinful terms of communion : and, on the
3 See below, pp. 264-5. a whole." (Froude's ' Remains,' pp.
4 Page 97. 304-7). — " I say nothing here of
0 " We got introduced to him to her intense hatred of us," wrote
find out whether they would take Newman at this very time: "and
us in on any terms to which we the iron temper with which she
could twist our consciences ; and resists all proposals of ever so little
we found to our dismay that not concession." (' British Magazine!
one Btep would be gained without vol. v. p. 131.)
swallowing the Council of Trent as

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 171
other, no other religious community has retained such
Clergy." 6
His language at least establishes that this bold and
adventurous reasoner, whose sole object was Truth,
wherever it might be found, was to the last a faithful
adherent of the Church of England. At the period
referred to however Mr. Newman, with entire sincerity,
would have expressed himself in the same terms. It
was from Rome, in the meantime, that he sent the first
number of the ' Lyra Apostolica ' to England, accom
panied by the foUowing letter : —
"Rome, March 16th, 1833.
"My dear sir, — I send two numbers of the 'Lyra]
which if you think them worthy, may be inserted re
spectively in the Magazine for May and June. But if
you prefer waiting tiU we come home, weU and good.
" I wiU make two requests : first, that no poetry from
other correspondents should foUow the 'Lyra' so closely
as to seem to come under its title. Next, (which your
better judgment may decline granting,) that you would
put a line of notice before every number of the ' Lyra '
to signify that ' The Editor is not responsible for the
opinions contained in it.' This would set us at liberty
to speak freely, which might be inexpedient in a known
person such as yourself. The motto is part of Achilles'
speech on returning to the battle. If you think that
beginning with yvolev 5' is harsh and unprecedented,
pray put yva>ueo-ff, though this is flat : or omit it
altogether, or substitute another.
" We were very sorry to see at Malta an announcement
in the paper that you had resigned the Christian Advo
cateship. Is this from ill health ? anyhow it is grievous.
"We have received great civUities from M. Bunsen,
who is a most amiable and accomphshed person.
"How pleased we should be to get a peep at the
'British Magazine' here, and see the state of feeling in
6 Froude to Perceval, Sep. 9, (p. 41) of Perceval's ' Letter to Dr.
1834. I quote from the Appendix Arnold' &c. 1841.

172 Hugh James Rose: [1833
the Church upon that cursed spoliation bill which the
Papers give us notice of!
" With Froude's best regards and good wishes, ever
yours very truly " John H. Newman.
"We intend being in England by the middle of
June."7 It was the 9th of July before Newman (who had
lingered behind his companion) set foot in England.
" When I got home from abroad," (he writes), " I found
that already a movement had commenced in opposition
to the specific danger which at that time was threaten
ing " the Church. " Several zealous and able men had
united their counsels, and were in correspondence with
each other."8 As already explained, the sacrilegious
Bill for the suppression of half the Episcopate of the
Church of Ireland which was then being eagerly pressed
through Parliament, had brought matters to a crisis.
Newman reached Oxford at what proved to himself a
critical moment : for on the very next Sunday after his
arrival (July 14th, 1833) Keble preached from the Uni
versity pulpit his famous Assize Sermon, which was
published at once under the title 'National Apostasy!
This, in Newman's case, was like the application of
a spark to a train of gunpowder. Throughout his
travels, but especially as he drew nearer home, he had
been visited with strange spiritual impressions that a
great work was awaiting him in England. "I began
to think that I had a mission."9 He walked back to
7 Immediately follows, written in These poems are to be found in vol.
the same beautiful handwriting, iii. p. 656-7 (June) — and (with the
No. I, — (1) The Course of Truth: Commune Doctorum by Isaac Wil-
(2) The Greek Fathers : (3) David liams prefixed) in vol. iv. p. 24-5
numbering the people : (4) The Saint (July) of the 'British Magazine ' for
and the Hero . . . Also, No. II,— 1833.
(1) The Chwrch of Rome: (2) IIAT- 8 Apologia, — pp. 103-4.
AOT MIMHTH2 : (3) Moses seeing 8 Ibid.— pp. 99-100.
the Land: (4) The Pains of Memory.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 173
Oriel from St. Mary's, — deeply moved by what he had
heard, (though indeed the sermon in question is by no
means extraordinary), and " ever considered and kept the
day, as the start of the rehgious movement of 1833."
For ' rehgious,' read Tractarian in the foregoing sentence,
and the statement is historically correct. But the religious
movement, as we have seen, had made its beginning
" not with observation " several years before. I chiefly
avaU myself of Mr. Newman's truthful reminiscences
of this period, because he pays at the outset a graceful
tribute to the subject of these pages, and furnishes us
with another portrait of the man as he appeared in the
eyes of those who from personal intercourse were alone
competent to describe him. After enumerating "Mr.
Keble, Hurrell Froude, Mr. WUliam Palmer of Worcester
College, Mr. Arthur Perceval, and Mr. Hugh Rose," the
writer proceeds as foUows : —
" To mention Mr. Hugh Rose's name is to kindle in the
minds of those who knew him, a host of pleasant and
affectionate remembrances. He was the man above all
others fitted by his cast of mind and Uterary powers to
make a stand, if a stand could be made, against the
calamity of the times. He was gifted with a high and
large mind, and a true sensibility of what was great
and beautiful ; he wrote with warmth and energy ; and
he had a cool head and cautious judgment. He spent
his strength and shortened his life, pro Ecclesia Dei, as he
understood that sovereign idea. Some years earlier he
had been the first to give warning, I think from the
University pulpit at Cambridge, of the perils to England
which lay in the biblical and theological speculations of
Germany. The Reform agitation followed, and the Whig
government came into power. . . . He feared that by the
Whig party a door would be opened in England to the
most grievous of heresies, which never could be closed
again. In order under such grave circumstances to unite
Churchmen together, and to make a front against the

174 Hugh James Rose: [1833
coming danger, he had in 1832 commenced the 'British
Magazine] and in the same year he came to Oxford in the
summer term, in order to beat up for writers for his
publication. On that occasion I became known to him
through Mr. Palmer. His reputation and position came
in aid of his obvious fitness, in point of character and
intellect, to become the centre of an ecclesiastical move
ment." 1
I was unwilling to interrupt this retrospect : but we
have to resume our narrative at the period immediately
antecedent to Mr. Newman's return from his travels :
and I again prefer to avail myself of the statements of
an eye-witness and chief actor in the scene to be
described, — WiUiam Palmer :
" When the month of June 1 833 arrived, those friends
who had been in correspondence upon the prospects of
the Church, from Surrey, Suffolk, Hampshire and
Oxford, felt that the time had come for personal confer
ence and comparison of views upon the all-important
subject which occupied their thoughts. The suggestion
for a meeting presented itself contemporaneously to
several minds ; and Rose took the initiative by inviting
Froude, Perceval, Keble, Newman, myself, and those
who thought with us, to a conference at Hadleigh
Rectory, to meet in the latter part of July. We met
there on July 25 for the transaction of business. Those
present were, Hugh James Rose, Richard Hurrell Froude,
Arthur P. Perceval, and myself. Keble had been expected
to be present, but he did not appear."
His reply to Rose's invitation — dated 'Fairford, 16th
July 1833,' — follows:
"My dear Friend, — Mr. Palmer has communicated to me
your kind and tempting invitation, which I heartily wish
it was in my power to accept. Believe me, few schemes
would be more pleasant to me, if I was in a condition to
indulge in schemes at all. But my Father's great age
1 Apologia, — pp. 104-5.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 175
and failing health, and the circumstance that he has no
one to be with him in my absence but my sister, who
is never well, make me quite a home-bird, — unless when
I can get my brother or some of his family to take my
place : and then I am bound to be working at Hooker,
who hangs on hand sadly on account of these my
engagements. Nevertheless I would put by every thing
and come to you, if I could persuade myself that I could
be of much use in discussions such as you and our
friends are meditating : but I know my own deficiency
in ecclesiastical learning so well as to be quite prepared
to hear or read with great profit what might pass on
such an occasion, but very unequal to suggest or argue
points at the time. And this is really the plain truth,
and makes me tolerably sure that altho' / should deeply
regret missing such a visit as you offer me, your counsels
will have no great loss."
Keble therefore was not one of those who attended
the Hadleigh Conference. Neither was Newman present.
It was in fact but a fortnight since he had returned
from the Continent. But it is evident from what he
has stated in print on the subject,2 that he was bent
on independent action. " We, however," (writes Palmer),
" met to do what we might towards the defence of the
Church." In anticipation of their visit on the morrow,
Mr. Rose remarks (in a letter to Joshua Watson), — " Le
Bas is with me for a day or two. The Oxford friends
have begged to bring down Mr. Copeland, as a good
man and true. Would that you were here to moderate
and guide us ! " 3
It is remembered, (and is not likely to be soon for
gotten), that the friends met in the chamber over
the entrance of the old tower built by Archdeacon
Pykenham in 1495, — having one large window over the
doorway, — and two windows at right angles looking the
2 Apologia, — pp. 107-112. s July 23rd, 1833.

176 Hugh James Rose: [1833
other direction. I may add that the late Archbishop of
Dublin (R. C. Trench) at the period referred to was Rose's
Curate.* " I remember very well the room at Hadleigh Rectory
where our Conference was held in 1 833," — (writes William
Palmer, in reply to a request of mine many years after
that he would favour me with his reminiscences of what
took place on the occasion referred to) : —
" It was in the back of the house, looking towards the
garden. I think it was Rose's study. Here we met
after breakfast for some hours each day for three days,
sitting round the room. Each in succession spoke on
the dangers of the Church and the remedies suggested ;
after which, we all expressed opinions. The publication
of Tracts and other works was much dwelt on, but we
could not settle any details. All, I believe, felt the
seriousness of this, — the first attempt to combine for
the preservation of great essential principles. I know
I was myself impressed with the importance of what
we were about, but on the whole the result was dis
appointing : it did not lead to the practical agreement we
needed. We had to adjourn the whole matter to Oxford."
At Oxford therefore, on their return, the friends (with
Newman and Keble) took counsel together ; — Froude
(a man of splendid abilities and real genius, but sadly
wanting in judgment and of fatal indiscretion, 6) rendering
the good cause the greatest disservice in his power by
speaking of the Hadleigh Conference in a letter to a
friend as " the conspiracy" : which letter was soon after
wards pubhshed. Undeniable however it is that the
Hadleigh Conference had given definite form and sub
stance to the idea of united action, — which had only
been adumbrated by Rose's visit to Oxford in the summer
4 The foregoing details are sup- lars to refresh his memory, just
plied by the Very Rev. E. Spooner, before his death."
Rector of Hadleigh, — who adds that 5 See Churton's 'Memoir,' — ii.
Trench " wrote to ask for particu- 139-41.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 177
of the preceding year.6 They spoke of themselves,
among themselves, as " the Society." 7 Not that the
Oxford friends were altogether able to agree as to the
method to be pursued. Palmer was for strictly corporate
efforts: Newman, for individual and separate action.
" No great work " (he says) " was done by a system ;
whereas systems rise out of individual exertions. Luther
was an individual." 8
It was the Long Vacation of 1833, and the friends met
at Oriel, — to which College they almost all belonged.
Before the 3rd of September, Newman had put forth the
first three of the Series which soon became famous as
the " Tracts for the Times."9 These were followed before
the close ofthe year by seventeen others, — of which seven
were by Newman, — two by John and one by Thomas
Keble, — two by Benjamin Harrison, — and one apiece
by J. W. Bowden, R. H. Froude, Alfred Menzies, E. B.
Pusey. One (No. 15) was a joint composition and has
a pecuUar history.1 Something more wiU have to be
said concerning these ' Tracts ' by and by [pp. 194-226.]
While however the efforts of Churchmen at the period
we have reached are being reviewed, it requires to be
stated, that at Palmer's instance, an Association was re
solved upon to maintain pure and inviolate the Doctrines,
Services and Discipline of the Church of England ; and
an 'Appeal to Churchmen ' (also from his pen) to unite
with that object, met with an instantaneous and hearty
response from all quarters. An Address to the Primate
was drawn up ; which, by the beginning of 1 834, had
6 See above, — p. 162. 9 Mozley's Letters,— pp. 33, 34.
7 See J. B. Mozley's Letters, — x See Newman's Apologia, — pp.
PP- 33> 34> 3*>> 37- H5-6. The reader is also referred
'Apologia, — p.m. See below, to the Appendix (D).
p. 198. VOL. I. N

178 Hugh James Rose: [1833
been signed by 8000 Clergy, — the greatest combination
hitherto known in the Church of England. A strong
desire was now expressed by lay churchmen to take
part in the movement. This was formulated by Joshua
Watson : 2 and the result was, that —
" From every part of England, every town and city, there
arose an united, strong, emphatic declaration of loyalty
to the Church of England. The national feeling, long
pent up, depressed, despondent, had at length obtained
freedom to pour forth ; and the effect was amazing.
The Church suddenly came to life. ... To its astonish
ment, it found itself the object of warm popular affection
and universal devotion. Its enemies were silenced."3
This preliminary chapter in the history of the Oxford
movement has been somewhat overlooked by those who
have undertaken to describe its origin and progress.
Quite plain is it that the heart of the Church of England
was still sound. Churchmanship (it deserves to be re
peated) was evoked — not created — by these appeals. The
fact is unmistakable, and is very much to be noted. All
that was henceforth needed was sound guidance on
genuine Anglican lines, and a strong continuous impulse
from head-quarters. Beyond all things, (as I venture to
think,) the stimulus of a ' final School of Theology '
which was withheld from Oxford until 1869, should then
have been applied. But to return.
Little can the friends who met in conference at Had
leigh have imagined on what a painful tenure their en
tertainer was holding his life : —
"I have been up three nights," (he wrote to Joshua
Watson on the 19th June). " I should not mention this,
but on many occasions I am so jaded by want of rest that
I really believe I write in a sad careless and dejected
2 Churton's 'Memoir,' — ii. 33-4.
3 Palmer in the C. R., (May, 1883), p. 653-4.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 179
way. It is reaUy only the body which guides the pen in
such cases, and to this I hope you will impute it." 4
As little can the friends have known that the deplor
able state of his health had already constrained him to
surrender in intention the pleasant Rectory-house in
which they were among the last to enjoy his hospitality.
His friend Lyall had been down to visit him, had wit
nessed his sufferings, and had persuaded him to consent
to some plan of exchange. In July, Rose writes, —
" It is difficult to say how much I regret the loss of
Hadleigh. No place which I have ever seen as a clerical
residence had the same character or the same attraction
from the memory of predecessors, as this : and there is
no country place where one could be more useful both to
the parish and the neighbourhood. But I have not had
one day's health, and hardly one night's rest, since I
came in the beginning of January. I am tongue-tied
and hand-tied, doing nothing in my parish, and so ex
hausted by sitting up at night that I can hardly read or
write in the day. There was therefore no possibihty of
refusing such kindness, or passing such an opportunity
which seemed providential. If it should please God that
I can be of service by being in health, I shall rejoice
indeed. And if otherwise, I shall at least know that I
have tried what I could try. . . . My wife," (he adds in a
post-script) " who loves this place exceedingly, behaves
hke a heroine about it." 5
It is due to the exceUent woman thus referred to, that
I should transcribe the words with which Palmer dis
misses his recollections of the Hadleigh Conference : —
" Mrs. Rose, whom I knew, seemed to be admirably
suited to be a help meet for him. Her excellent sense,
firmness of character, and unfailing affection, were his
great support during the sad years of suffering which he
* From Hadleigh, 1833.
5 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson, from Hadleigh, 5 July, 1833.
N 2

180 Hugh James Rose: [1833
had to endure. What a flood of memories and thoughts
too deep for expression must have been in that woman's
mind ! "
The essential feature of the plan which Archdeacon
Lyall had designed for the relief of Mr. Rose's health
involved exchange for a considerable London cure. This
part of the scheme (which was the feature which chiefly
recommended it to Rose's acceptance, and which his
physician greatly applauded,) was doomed to disappoint
ment. Thus driven away from Hadleigh, — without plans
for the future, but with a profound conviction (the words
are his own) that " all was for the best," and " more than
contented to go where he might be at all useful," — Rose
resigned his valuable preferment in Suffolk, accepting in
exchange the small cures of Fairstead in Essex, and S.
Thomas's, Southwark. The latter he retained till his
death. The reluctance with which he submitted to these
repeated enforced migrations, — so fatal to that repose of
mind which beyond all things he craved for himself as
the condition of toiling successfully in his Master's ser
vice, — is more easily imagined than described. Of a
truth, the phenomena of this mortal life of ours, always
a mystery, are sometimes felt to be beyond measure per
plexing. Some satisfaction in the meantime it may well
have been to him, at this juncture, to be addressed as
follows by an attached and deservedly honoured neigh
bour, — (rector of Whatfield, the adjoining parish to
Hadleigh,)— the Rev. F. Calvert Wheatfield6:—
" You have the satisfaction in leaving Hadleigh of
knowing that you have deputed an old friend to repre
sent you : that in providing that parish with an incum
bent, you have thrown . your mantle upon a worthy
successor, who is ofthe School of the Prophets;' and
6 The letter is dated Oct. 16, 1833.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 181
that you have earned there and in the neighbourhood
as much esteem and more regrets than any reasonable
man would wish for."
Rose however was not kept long in doubt as to the
further service for which his Master designed him. The
University of Durham, a new foundation, was at that
moment struggling into existence. LiberaUy endowed
out of the ample resources of the see, its object was to
secure for the Northern counties educational advantages
corresponding to those for which the youth of England
had hitherto been constrained to resort either to Oxford
or to Cambridge. It was further wished that Durham
University might become a school for the special educa
tion of the Clergy. The scheme had been elaborated by
the provident wisdom and munificence of William Van
Mildert, the iUustrious prelate who, happily for the new
University, was at that time [1826-1836] set over the
See of Durham. But aU was as yet in an inchoate
state. Two years later Van Mildert was still aiming at
the annexation of prebendal stalls to Academical Offices,
and hoping to obtain a royal Charter for his University,
— which however was not obtained until the year after
his death, viz. in 1837. His watchful eye and appre
ciative judgment had in the meantime marked out
Hugh James Rose as the one man in England who was
fittest by his sound theological learning and orthodoxy,
— the breadth of his views and the ardour of his dis
position, — to set an impress on Durham as a School of
Divinity, if he might but be persuaded to become the
first to occupy the professorial Chair. Accordingly, the
Bishop had already caused overtures to be made to
him through their common friend — Joshua Watson. To
the latter, on the 19th June, Rose had replied as
follows : —

1 82 Hugh James Rose: [1833
" With respect to Durham, I feel the full kindness of
your letter, and I have every incUnation to the post
which a hope of usefulness could give, and which the
connexion with such an Institution, such a Cathedral,
such a Bishop, and with books, could cause to me
who like all such things. But still, I know too what
embarrassment to myself and others I might cause and
how much and constantly my infirmities must, in that
case, be considered and brought forward. This would
be wrong, degrading and bad. I now know what I have
to endure. And one sacrifice will be all, and will save
farther necessity of worrying people with tales of illness
and representations of infirmity." 7
There was, in the meantime, but one opinion on the
part of those whose voice in such a matter was entitled
to most deference, as to what, for the Church's sake, was
most desirable. The Archbishop made no secret of his
distress that there should be any difficulty in the way of
his accepting the Divinity Professorship at Durham : —
" It would in my opinion " (he writes) " be of the
greatest advantage to the infant institution to have the
credit of your name in that office ; not to mention the
still more important advantage which the students
would derive from such an instructor." 8
Thus in short it came to pass that, at the end of
several weeks, Mr. Rose, anxious though he was to be
spared the responsibility, yielded to the earnest solicita
tions of the excellent Northern Prelate. He was in fact
left without alternative. This appears from what he
wrote to Joshua Watson on the 27th of September. The
Bishop of London, having objected to the scheme, had
addressed some inquiries on the subject to the Bishop of
Durham : —
" He has received in return really an affecting letter,
7 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson,— 8 The Abp. to H. J. R.,— 'Lam-
dated Hadleigh, 19 June, 1833. beth, Sept. 17, 1833.'

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 183
describing his own anxiety in such terms as could not
be resisted, and setting a value on my going there far
beyond what justice warranted." "At last therefore,"
proceeds Rose, " aU my plans for the long space of three
months seem settled. Hadleigh I left finally on
Wednesday, — with what a sorrowful heart, I cannot tell
you ; though (true to the end) it dismissed me with a
violent fit of asthma. Syren-like it looked pleasanter
than ever while it stabbed me. It is a sad blow and break
up altogether, on which I have no heart to dwell."9
No one with a human heart can read such words, —
wrung out of such an one as Hugh James Rose, — without
experiencing a pang of the liveUest sympathy. We have
already heard his estimate of his delightful home. To
its exquisite beauty, grandeur even, aU who have visited
the locality bear testimony. Behold him driven forth
from it, after three years of painful occupancy, by an
invisible Hand! ... A further extract from the same
letter wiU not be unacceptable : —
" Having by law four or five months my own, I have
placed them at the Bp. of D.'s disposal ; and contrary
to my expectation, he has accepted this wretched pro
posal, and I am going. I am sorry to go, because I fear
that I am unfit ; but seeing the sacrifices the Bishop
makes, and his present wretched state from Mrs. Van
Mildert's fresh attack, I would not fail for any consider
ation. The house at S. Thomas's must be painted and
this will be done whUe we are gone. Whether I shall
return after the first term, and go for six weeks in April,
or stay on at once till March, I must leave to circum
stances. At all events, I shall (D.V.) be in London part of
the Spring. And this is a great comfort to me. For I
cannot say how much in these critical times I want to
talk to you, nor how anxiously I look forward to seeing
you again.
" I ' read in ' at S. Thomas's on Sunday ; and shall,
9 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson, — dated Fairstead, 27 Sept., 1833.

184 Hugh James Rose: [1833
I believe, be at Addington from the next Tuesday or
Wednesday till Friday, — returning here on Saturday,
and starting for Durham very soon, for I must have
a week's quiet talk with Thorpe. I fear sadly that
there is no plan. He says that they await my arrival in
order to settle most important matters as to the Theo
logical Degrees. Of all this I know nothing, — nay, do
not even know what he means, and only know that in
a former letter, he said that everything was left un
decided for me. Now, however fine it is to legislate, it
is also very nervous. O that I could take you down
with me! Might not Durham be made a grand Theo
logical School, where, even after the Universities, they
who could afford it might go for a year or two ? Think
of this, and teU me any thing which strikes you."1
The following extract from a letter addressed a few
days later to Newman will be read with interest : —
"You have perhaps heard from others that I am in
future to divide my time between a cure of about 250
people in Essex, and a very small one in London, where
however I think some sphere of usefulness among the
medical men seems to offer itself. However this may
be, very small cures are the only fit ones for me just
now. Whether it may ever please God to restore me to
a capacity for more active exertion again remains to he
seen, with patience.
" Till my house at S. Thomas's is ready for me, I am
going down to Durham, at the Bishop's earnest request,
to do what I can towards laying a good foundation
there. The prospect has its bright and its dark side
also. There are many difficulties ; but I have views
which, if they could be realized, would make Durham
a stronghold for the Church. How ardently do I wish
that my health had been such as to have enabled me to
take the appointment permanently ! These things how
ever are ordered for the best." 2
1 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson,— a H. J. R. to J. H. N— [Fair-
Fairstead, 27 Sept, 1833. stead] Oct. I, 1833.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 185
Under such circumstances then, and with such aspira
tions, Hugh James Rose repaired to Durham in order to
keep the Michaelmas Term of 1833. He reached the
scene of his destined labours in the latter part of
October. Some may care to be told that the house he
occupied was that adjoining to the gateway of the Close
(in Durham caUed "CoUege") on the North side; and
that his study was the room on the right of the
entrance-hall. The Lectures for the Students in Divinity
were given in private, catechetically, day by day, — on
the Exegesis of the New Testament. On Sunday even
ings, Mr. Rose gave a general Lecture addressed to the
whole University. His drawing-room, where he received
his pupils after lectures on Sunday evenings, was the
right hand of the two rooms facing a visitor who entered
the hall.3
The Dean and Chapter having decided that each
Professor in the University should deliver besides a
public Lecture in the course of every Term, Rose took
for the subject of his own inaugural Address, ' Au
Apology for the Study of Divinity' ; delivering it in Bp.
Cosin's Library. This was afterwards published. Far
more brilliant and effective however was his terminal
Divinity Lecture for the ensuing Lent Term, which he
delivered to the same auditory, and from the same place,
April 15, 1834. This second Lecture is entitled ' The
Study qf Church History recommended! It is indeed an
admirable composition, and should be placed in the
hands of every candidate for the Ministry. Newman
writes concerning it, —
" I have just been reading the second Durham Lecture
on the study of Church History. It is one of the most
enthusiastic compositions I ever met with, and en-
3 From my friend, Professor A. S. Farrar, Canon of Durham.

186 Hugh James Rose: [1834
thusiasm we know is catching. I trust it will carry
away, as well as inform and convince, a great many
readers. It is scarcely becoming to say all this; but
I have been talking of it to every friend I come near,
and cannot refrain unburdening myself to you in the
number." 4
To the "exquisite peroration" of this heart-stirring
production, the Rev. John Miller used freely to invite
attention. After quoting it in full, he points out that
"not even this deep tone of heart-felt earnestness and
loftiness of view could save the writer from the sensitive
attacks of party-spirit. The lecturer had pronounced an
unfavourable opinion of Milner, as a Church historian.
This was presently denounced as a designed attack in
gross upon an entire body of men and principles, and
as a manifesto on the part of the new University
of Durham to such effect. It is needless to revive
forgotten names, and to rekindle the ashes of a spent
volcano ; but the extreme sensitiveness thus indicated
was a curious (and to Mr. Rose, at the moment, a rather
painful) indication of human infirmity." I venture to
add that it is a fortunate circumstance that neither
Jortin nor Mosheim found living patrons ; for the
lecturer denounced them both, but especially the former
and the school of which he was a chief exponent, in
terms of unmeasured condemnation5: —
"I could hardly describe a good Church historian
better than by saying that he ought to be exactly what
Jortin was not." With characteristic warmth Rose pour-
trays and condemns " that most unwholesome tone of
mind which is disposed to consider anything which is
not commonplace as extravagant ; everything bold, as
rash ; everything generous, as foolish ; everything like
inflexible adherence to principle, as bigotry and violence.
4 J. H. N. to H. J. R.,— Oriel, June 2nd, 1834. 5 PP- 4° to 6o-

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 187
To fight for principles, in the eyes of such persons," —
(he is speaking of typical Divines of the last century,) —
" can arise only from madness or wickedness ; and they
use the weapon of ridicule or censure accordingly."
He adds, — " If we wish for any proofs of this, and of
the harm done by it, let us look to the notions enter
tained as to Church Government in the present day,
which are to be ascribed whoUy to these writers." 6
Had these two terminal Lectures been aU the visible
fruit of this venture of faith and enterprise of love, (for
only in some such light can Mr. Rose's brief occupancy
of the Divinity Chair at Durham be regarded,) it might
not be said that he had attached himself to the new
University in vain. But he achieved a vast deal more.
Towards the close of February 1834, he writes (from
" CoUege, Durham,")—
" I have been here nearly six months, and have now
so arranged matters as to courses of lectures, etc., that
twenty-four out of the twenty-six Prelates have agreed
to accept the full education here, (i. e. three years before
B.A., and two at Divinity,) or a B.A. degree from the
older Universities with our Divinity lectures."
Such would have been his prospects of more than
ordinary efficiency in this new and honourable post,
had health allowed of his retaining it. But though he
found, contrary to expectation, that the air of Durham
agreed with him at least as weU as any he had lately
tried, it was impossible for him to undertake the quan
tity of required labour, with any hope of continued
power to discharge his duties to his own satisfaction.7
"They overwork me here," (he wrote to Joshua
Watson in the same month of February 1 834), " for
while my brother Professor has two Lectures a week
6 P. 52. ' From the Rev. J. Miller's brief ' Memoir.'

1 88 Hugh James Rose: [1834
I have seven days' lectures, and the Sunday evening
lecture is a very distressing and weary one." The
consequence was, that in February, Rose was looking
forward to a southward journey with much eagerness.
Every discouragement notwithstanding, out of his very
modest salary, (it was but £500 a year, and no house
had been attached to his Divinity Chair,) — " I have
induced the Bishop " (he writes) " to fix an Assistant
on me ; and have urged Thorpe to make it open to the
Bishop and Chapter to call on me to find Assistants,
if things prosper." . . . The prospect of being of use in
educating a considerable body of the younger clergy,
was what determined him to persevere, if it were
possible, at Durham. A certain measure of improved
health he looked upon as " creating an obligation in
conscience." But the measure of health of which he
spoke thus hopefully would, by any one else, have been
called grievous bodily infirmity. On his way to London,
he paid a short visit to a friend, and was forced to pass
the whole night sitting upright in a chair, — wholly
unable to endure a recumbent posture in bed.
To the same friend (writing from London about the
end of March) he pleaded as an excuse for not having
written sooner, an attack of asthma which had disabled
him ever since, and which nothing but a fortnight's
residence in the smoke of London had availed to relieve.
His whole life may be truly described as one persistent
endeavour, " in much patience, in weariness and painful-
ness," to approve himself a faithful servant of his Divine
Master. He wrote to Newman (from " College, Durham."
March 10th, 1834), — "I leave this beautiful place with
great regret ; uncertain as it is whether I shall ever
return." The end of the matter was, that he finally
announced his determination not to accept the pro-

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 189
fessorship, and he visited Durham no more ; his brother,
the Rev. Henry John Rose, then Fellow of St. John's,
Cambridge, having attended there for him in the summer
term of 1834. And thus his connexion with the north
ended. One of the most gratifying incidents in his life was his
appointment, (in February, 1834,) while yet at Durham,
to be Domestic Chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Since October 1829, he had stood in the same relation to
the Bishop of London. Hence, Blomfield writes, —
" You wUl render more service to the Church, as things
are, in the character of his Grace's Chaplain, than you
could do as mine : and therefore I freely relinquish you,
with a view to the Church's good, and yours — not
mine. 8
That this was no sudden choice, the reader is already
aware. It was in fact the result of friendly relations
which had subsisted for upwards of sixteen years. Dr.
Howley's first letters to him are dated 181 8, while Bishop
of London. Rose thus found himself brought into close
intimacy with one of the wisest prelates who ever graced
the throne of Augustine. Because Dr. Howley was no
author, — was neither famous as a preacher, nor impres
sive when he spoke in public, — he has left a name with
which churchmen of the present generation are only
slenderly, if at all acquainted. But those who knew him
best, bear eager testimony to a singularly lofty as weU
as lovely and attractive character. Lord Aberdeen, who
had seen as much of the world as any statesman, declared
" that after forty years of intimate acquaintance, he had
found less of human infirmity in the Archbishop, than in
any man, without exception, he had ever known."9
8 C. J. B. to H. J. R., 17 Feb. 9 Churton's Memoirs of J. Watson,
1834. — ii. 262.

190 Hugh James Rose: [1834
There was an exquisite tenderness in all his domestic
relations. A man of genuine yet most unobtrusive piety,
he stayed his heart upon his God, and enjoyed the
covenanted reward of "perfect peace."1 His calm
and admirable judgment, — clear understanding, — fine
tact, — never forsook him. Singularly conscientious in
the exercise of his patronage, Abp. Howley was besides
a great discerner and rewarder of merit : he instinctively
attracted to himself good and learned men : was a muni
ficent encourager of sacred learning in others, as well as
a great proficient in such lore himself. 2 It will be re
membered that from 1809 to 181 3, he had been Regius
Professor of Divinity at Oxford. His special claim to
the Church's gratitude is founded on the fact that he
presided wisely at the helm during a season of extra
ordinary trial to the Church, and under the Divine bless
ing piloted the good ship safely through the storm, at a
time " when neither sun nor stars in many days appeared,
and no small tempest lay on her." Guarded in his
utterances, of necessity he was, (for indeed, his exalted
station recommended an amount of caution which to a
common observer might easily have been mistaken for
timidity) ; yet was he by no means deficient in moral
courage. On a certain occasion " when there was reason
to fear a calamitous nomination for a vacant bishopric,
the Archbishop told Joshua Watson that he had fully
made up his mind, if such nomination were made, to
refuse to consecrate. He would sooner sacrifice fortune,
office, and even life." 3 Even his acceptance of the dedi
cation of the ' Library of the Catholic Fathers] — of which
Newman, Pusey and Keble were the responsible Editors,
— at the end of all the controversy of the anxious year
1 Is. xxvi. 3. « See above,— pp. 138-9.
3 Churton's Memoir, — ii. 261-2. The person alluded to was of course
Dr. Thomas Arnold.

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 191
1836, was a spirited and faithful act. Rose then wrote to
Pusey,— " I have quietly ascertained from the Archbishop that
he would very gladly accept the dedication of your
work, with the plan of which he is much pleased. I
think you must alter the last word of the dedication.
' Grace,' per se is a very awkward word. Perhaps a few
words might be altered in the Prospectus. What relates
to deciding on controversies without discussion, will be
misunderstood — without a few words to guard it.
" The more I think of it, the better I am pleased. For
the ordinary men to read the large and Christian views
of the Gospel which they will find in the Fathers, will
be of great consequence. The only objection I have, is,
that it wiU be a coup-de-grace to all Greek among Divinity
students. It is very hard for a Chaplain to extort any
from them now. A few used to think of reading the
Fathers in Greek. But if they can get them in Enghsh,
adieu to Greek in this labour-hating age.
" Yours ever very truly,
"Addington, Oct. 8, [1836]. "H J. R."
" Excuse this scrawl : but as I have had 27 letters
to-day, I am reaUy not up to anything better or
clearer." " Mr. Rose's friends" (writes the excellent Rev. John
Miller) "cannot easily forget the delight with which,
in moments of unrestrained intercourse, he would ex
patiate in terms of heartfelt gratitude on the blessings
to which a good and gracious Providence had introduced
him, — by thus bringing him into intimate acquaintance
with aU that was most dignified in station, most engaging
in private Ufe : the near observance of a deep and un
affected piety with which none could be conversant
without being the better for it; and the tender and
unvarying kindness which in sickness and in health
ever made Lambeth and Addington more than a home
to him."
Hugh Rose spoke to his brother Henry with enthusiasm

192 Hugh James Rose: [1834
of the pleasure and profit he had derived from occa
sionally reading a portion of S. Paul's Epistles with the
Archbishop during some of their short journeys together.
The following letter from his Grace, written about this
time, exhibits in an interesting manner the oneness of
sentiment which prevailed between them. It refers to
Rose's Visitation Sermon preached at Chelmsford (July
25, 1 834), — ' Christians the Light of the World! From page
18 onwards, the subject of Excitement in Religion is dis
cussed 4 : on which Archbishop Howley remarks, —
" I have read your Visitation Sermon with great
pleasure : you have taken the elevated ground of true
Christian Philosophy, — of that Philosophy which exalts
and invigorates the principles and the understanding,
and warms and delights the heart. I entirely agree
in your general view of the duty of individuals and
communities, and of the system of excitement by which
we endeavour to advance good works ; a practice which,
with little consistency, is more peculiarly adopted by
men who are ready to condemn aU resort to secondary
motives, for the purpose of quickening dUigence or
awakening attention to Truth.
" I have not either time or strength for entering into
discussion on any of these matters in writing ; but con
ceiving them to be of the greatest importance, I should
like to talk them over with you with your Sermon in
my hand, and with reference to other points immedi
ately connected with the propositions asserted in it 6."
I gladly avail myself here of a passage in the brief
Memoir of Mr. Rose which the Rev. John Miller con
tributed to the pages of the ' British Magazine ' : —
"The succeeding year, 1835, seems to have been, on
the whole, one of comparative bodily quiet, though
4 This is pointed out to me by the 5 Abp. Howley to H. J. R.,—
accomplished and obligingsub-libra- ' Addington, Sept. 6, 1834.'
rian ofthe Bodleian, F. Madan, esq.

1835] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 193
bringing little or no reprieve from constant exertion in
other ways ; for many painful public questions variously
affecting the prospects of the Church, some of them
connected with Government measures, and others with
proceedings of the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, aUowed no mental rest to Mr. Rose ....
During this year, nevertheless, he seems to have obtained
a three months' respite from his more absolutely wearing
toils, at his father's vicarage in Sussex ; from whence
the following lively picture of his state and feelings
cannot faU to be read with interest. It may be recol
lected that the summer and autumn of that year were,
in general, remarkably fine : —
" ' Well, after all, loving the country as I do, and
daily bemoaning myself because I cannot live in it,
I doubt whether, even if I did hve in it, or any country
divine of you all, loving the country as much as you
may, can enjoy it half as much as I, now a regular
London parson, have done this very evening, Saturday,
July 4. My father's vicarage is in the midst of our
Sussex hills, and the perfect quiet of the out-of-the-way
viUage, the extreme gentleness of the form and outline of
the downs, as well as of their swell and fall, were always
delightful ; but now, coming in contrast with all the
remembrance of the borough of Southwark imprinted
by familiar converse of the last six months, I can hardly
express the pleasure which they give me. But how
singular it is, on suddenly coming to a seene of this kind,
to observe the storm and tempest of remembrances of
old times which it conjures up ; and how the events and
feelings of past years drive one another on, almost with
a drawn sword, the one not tolerating the other's stay
but for an instant ! '
" In his next letter Mr. Rose says : —
" ' I am deUghted at your confessing your delinquencies,
at the very moment when I was thinking of writing to
confess mine. With me, I believe it is, if not old age,
at least decline. I answer to the whip as I did formerly,
but I do not volunteer exertions.'
vol. 1. 0

194 Hugh James Rose: [1833
" It is too plain that he himself perceived his health
to be departing from him now continually more and
more ! Still, as already said, this year (1835) was one
of comparative external quiet."
I have proceeded with my personal narrative up to
this place, unwilling to distract the reader's attention :
but we may no longer lose sight of the progress of that
great Ecclesiastical movement which, as we have seen,
Rose had been largely instrumental in originating, and
which had reached a memorable epoch when we referred
to it last. With this view, we must go back a little, —
go back to Oxford and to the Long Vacation of 1833.6
It wiU be recollected that Mr. Newman and his friends
were at that time eagerly prosecuting their noble design
to arouse Churchmen to a sense of their danger, — to
remind them of certain neglected or forgotten funda
mental truths, — to convince them of the Church's in
herent privileges and glorious destiny. Of the twenty
" Tracts for the Times " which appeared in quick suc
cession between September 9th and the end of the year
1833, a few words have been already offered. Before
penning the first of these, Mr. Newman (in a letter dated
August 1 6th) had written to Mr. Rose as follows : —
"I have been writing some sketches of history from
the Fathers, and send you four of them. Should you
think they will suit your Magazine, you are welcome
to them : and may call upon me for as many more as
you please. — As to the subject of ' Canonical Obedience]
I fear it lies out of my line. It is either a point of
English Ecclesiastical History (I suppose), or of Casuistry.
Froude sends a number of his 'Becket! And I have
transcribed the 'Lyra Apostolica' for October."
Thus began that interesting series of papers (they
were at first called "Letters") which appeared in suc-
6 See back, p. 174 to p. 177.

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 195
cessive numbers of the 'British Magazine] and which
were eventuaUy (viz. in 1840) collected into a little
volume by their accomplished Author, and published
under the title of " The Church of the Fathers." The
first of this series appeared in October 1833.7 Rose
thought very highly of them. In April 1 835, he writes
from Lambeth : —
"First, I rejoice more than I can easily say, at the
renewal of the ' Church of the Fathers! Secondly, I shaU
be in great despair if the ' Lyra ' is silent, as I think it
the best part of the Magazine. Thirdly, I wish you
would send me in very short space, what is to be said
against your detestable (proposed) change of Statute." 8
Again, in September of the same year : —
"It is a shame to ask you for more papers on the
Fathers, but I am so satisfied of the great good they have
done that I shall truly rejoice if you can resume them."9
And in the ensuing December : —
" I am persuaded from all I hear that your ' Church of
the Fathers ' has done more good than almost any thing
which has come forth of late — and heartily do I wish it
could go on. Your ' Home Thoughts ' wUl be put in type
directly." *
These later notices however belong to a subsequent
period. Only four ofthe 'Tracts' had appeared2 when
Rose, on the very eve of his departure for Durham, sent
the Author of the first three the following encouraging
letter, — dated 'Fairstead, Oct. 14th' [1833] : —
7 Brit. Mag., — vol. iv. p. 421. mission, respectfully addressed to
8 H. J. R. to J. H. N.,— April the Clergy :— (No. 2) The Catholic
21, 1835. Church: — (No. 3) Thoughts respect-
9 Waldershare, — Sept. 28, 1835. /M% addressed to the Clergy on
1 S. Thomas's, — Dec. 10, 1835. Alterations in the Liturgy: — (No.
2 Their subjects were, — (No. 1) 4) Adherence to the Apostolical
Thoughts on the Ministerial Com- Succession the safest course.
0 2

196 Hugh James Rose: [1833
" My dear Newman, — I wish I had time or strength
to answer all your most interesting Letters. — (1) I say
that, as far as my opinion goes, your Tracts are excel
lent, and not too strong. They will, I think, tell better,
if separate. And I should perhaps, in reprinting them,
alter a phrase or two. For example p. 3, — ' gave us the
Holy Ghost,' should either be omitted, or explained in
its full sense. 3 As a single phrase, it is not understood,
as I have generally [observed 1], but is either explained
below its real meaning, or supposed to mean on the other
hand what it does not.
" (2) Your ' trash ' is so admirable that I should have
kept it in spite of all you say, and used it in my next
' No.' ; only that you have left blanks which I have no
books to enable me to fiU up. Pray go on with this, and
if you can let me have this very chapter very soon. The
order of your travels hardly signifies, — and the chapter
on Rome will strike people very much.
"(3) I go along entirely with every word as to the
Liturgy, the Burial Service, and alterations in them.4
" (4) With respect to what is advisable for your Asso
ciation to do at the present moment, it is very hard to
say. I cannot but think that a general Declaration of the
Clergy in opposition to Whately's horrid speech, and
statement of the opinion of some 3 or 400 Clergy, would
do great good ; and if judiciously drawn up might be very
generally signed. Could not your Association take this
quietly in hand? I wish Froude would communicate
confidentially with Lyall at Hadleigh, (saying it is at my
request.) on this matter. I mean to work the thing in
the North.
" Your 'Ambrose ' paper I have not yet had time to look
at, but I take it with me. 6 Once every week a parcel
is to be sent down to Durham from 250 Regent Street.
"I can [add] no more. For with all my concerns
pressing on me at this moment, just on the eve of a long
journey, I have some difficulty in snatching a minute.
s The reference is to 'Tract No. i.' — ch. ii. (That paper appeared in
* The reference isto 'Tract No. 3.' the November No. of the Brit.
5 See the Church of the Fathers, Mag., vol. iv. p. 540.)

1833] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 197
I start to-morrow for Durham, where I hope to be on
Saturday, or Monday.
" Pray let me hear again there what you are doing and
how I can help you. I shall on the whole be more quiet
there, if I am at all well, and may be more useful. The
great matter is how to circulate your Tracts. — I have
thought it very advisable to tell a great man who has
written to complain of the Article on the Election of
Bishops,6 that there is a very large number of persons
who hold such opinions and are ready to avow them. It
is reaUy weU that this should be known. It will frighten
some great men and strengthen others.
" Ever yours, H. J. Rose."
The ' trash ' (in paragraph 2,) is Newman's designation
of the first number of his "Home thoughts abroad" which
appeared in January and February, 1 834. 7 The second
and last number of " Home thoughts " was not pubhshed
till March and April 1836,8 — the March instalment being
prefaced by a commendatory and somewhat remarkable
Editorial note. Shortly after (Nov. 23, 1833), Newman
writes : —
" I am in aU sorts of scrapes with my Tracts, — abused
in every quarter, (amid some cheering criticisms), and I
doubt not with considerable reason. No one person can
hit off the exact truth, much less exact propriety : yet
individual exertions have a force about them, which
perishes in the hands of a Committee. So I must be
forced to suffer criticism, in order to tend towards effect
ing certain ends, — and take blows and wounds as in a
battle ; — only, alas ! they are not generaUy considered so
honourable as scars. If I can but get half-a-dozen
friends to give me an opening, I do not care. Turrill's
is our depot. You may get them aU there, and make
6 The reference, I presume, is to ' Brit. Mag., vol. v. pp. I to ii, and
a Letter signed 'F' [Froude?] on pp. 121 to 131. See above, p. 168-9.
the "Appointment of Bishops by 8 Ibid., vol. ix. pp. 237 and 357.
the State," — which appeared in — At foot of p. 237 occurs the note
Sept., 1833 (Brit. Mag., iv. 290). by Rose, referred to in the text.

198 Hugh James Rose: [1833
what use of them you please, with whatever corrections you
like : for, as much as possible, we desire to avoid the pre
tence of authorship. I have spoken all along as if I were
the only writer, — which I am not ; but seem to be the
chief, and am the Editor.
"Palmer's Address is milk and water. However, it
effects three points : — it teaches the Clergy to reflect
and combine : it strengthens the Archbishop against his
opponents : and it brings out the Church as a body and
power distinct from the State. How the plan of Asso
ciations goes on, I hardly know. In some parts it suc
ceeds capitally ; but I am not sanguine as to the good of
any formal bodies, — and I cannot relish moving without
our Bishops. I wished to secure in each neighbourhood
(i. e. two or three in a county) some energetic man who
would be in correspondence with the rest elsewhere;
and would be an organ of communication with his im
mediate neighbours. Thus, we might pick our men,
and throw and keep the power in our own hands. How
ever it is a matter of practicabilities, — and I have not
the means or experience to do more than theorize
about it." 9 (So far, Mr. Newman.)
From Durham, at the end of less than a fortnight,
writing to Newman, Rose says : —
" I am very glad to hear that you are decided to go on
with the Tracts. I can see no other way; and the
giving them up, which Palmer advertised me of, quite
put me out and perplexed me, — as I told him in a letter
sent two days ago. We are justified in circulating Tracts
in defence of that which we have sworn to maintain ; and
we are bound, if necessary, to do it. Nor do I care how
few at first support them. If they are right and just
and true, they will make their way, by God's blessing." 1
Some communications to the " British Magazine " from
the excellent Isaac Williams are thus referred to by the
9 J. H. N. to H. J. R., — Nov. Newman's 'Apologia,' — pp. 110-2.
23rd, 1833. In illustration of this * H. J. R. to J. H. N.,— from
letter, see above, p. 177. Also, cf. 'College, Durham,' Dec. 5, 1833.

1834] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 199
Editor. Characteristic enough is the acknowledgment
of the criticism. The two passages may as weU be set
down in close succession : —
" May I beg you to thank Mr. Williams most heartily
for his papers, which every one likes 1 I wish I knew
him well enough to advise him to do himself more justice
by finishing his Poems more."2 (So, Rose.)
" Thanks for your note about Williams. He is a care
less fellow and wants rowing, and I am glad I have your
authority for doing so. The worst is, he smiles and con
fesses it. I wish you knew him." 3 (So, Newman.)
On New Year's Day, 1834, the Editor of the ' Tracts for
ihe Times ' writes thus loyaUy to Mr. Rose at Durham: —
" Not a day passes, at least not two days, without my
complaining at your absence from us ; if it were only
for this reason, — that you would settle half a hundred
amicable differences between Palmer and myself. Never
had I such proof of the necessity of the Episcopal system,
or such bitter thoughts about the present widowed state
of our Church, — the members of which are surely as
sheep without shepherds. Had you been near us, you
should have had sovereign control and direction of what
ever was done, as far as I was concerned. If I differed,
still I would have submitted, — if only on the selfish
principle, that union is a first condition of success. And
if I do not exactly give you now the same supreme
management of our conduct, it is only because you are
distant, because you have not followed us into, and
cannot duly enter into, our present position, (however
many words I may use in explanation ;) and cannot be
consulted on an emergency. Often have Palmer and I,
both of us, thought of writing to you, — but a decision
was necessary before your answer could come."
It is indeed for every reason deeply to be deplored
that, at so critical a period of the Church's history, the
2 H. J. R. to J. H. N.,— 'Dur- 3 J. H. N. to H. J. Vi.,—' Oriel
ham! Dec. 29, 1833. College,' Jan. 1, 1834.

200 Hugh James Rose: [1834
only man in England who was competent to guide the
movement should have been so entirely severed from the
head-quarters of intellectual activity. We are speaking
of fifty years ago. To be residing at Durham then was
like residing in Shetland now. In explanation of the
interval which had occurred between Tract No. 4, (dated
21 Sept.) and No. 6 (dated 29 Oct.), Mr. Newman writes
concerning the " Tracts for the Times" as follows : —
" Their history is this. We began them at the end of
August ; stopped them at Palmer's wish, who wanted
an Association, and feared them: began them again at
your encouragement at the end of October, and are now
continuing them with all our might." 4
And continue them they did. By the end of 1834,
thirty more of the Tracts had been published. Of these,
eleven were reprints only : (7 from Bp. Wilson's writings,
3 from Bp. Cosin, 1 from Bp. Beveridge) : the remaining
nineteen were the work of Newman (8), — Perceval (3),
— Thomas Keble (2), — Benjamin Harrison (2),— John
William Bowden (2) — C. P. Eden (1),— John Keble (1).
All had been well done so far. Neither indeed was any
fault to be found with the work of 1835, — which wit
nessed the publication of twenty-one more Tracts (Nos.
47 to 67). Seven, in fact, of these were but reprints
(as before) from the writings of our older Divines (Bps.
Wilson and Bull). Of the rest, Keble was responsible
for 4: Froude and Pusey, — for 2: Newman, Harrison
Wilson, Bowden, — for 1 each : 2 are of unknown author
ship. But then of these, at least 5 had been written in
the previous year ; and the rest bear date in the first half
°f l835- This, I suppose, explains why Rose, writing
to Newman from S. Thomas's, 10th Dec. 1835, says,—
" I hear you are going to stop your issue of Oxford
* As before, — Jan. I, 1834.

1835] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 201
Tracts. When you have decided on doing so, let me
know, as I wish to write a paper on them, — tolerably
strong, as to the stupid folly which could not understand
or value them."
Thus heartily did Rose stand up for the Tracts, at the
period of their commencement. But, as his letters show,
he was all this time bent on something of a loftier kind, —
something at once more systematic and more enduring.
Accordingly, in more than one letter he urges upon
Newman his sense of the paramount necessity of pro
ducing some great work on Ecclesiastical History. Hear
him, in a further extract from the letter last quoted : —
"But now as to the great matter, — Church History,
Church History, Church History. I confess that this
weighs on my mind with the weight of a duly — not
from any notion of capacity or capability — but from a
sense of the dreadful mischief daily done from want of
it, and the duty of doing all that can be done to supply
the want. I have told Maitland my conviction, after
thinking of the thing more carefully, that Fleury, as it
is, would be too long ; and that, without suppressing a
detail or a word which would give light or life to the
narrative, very many words (surplusage) may be abridged.
He sa}s, in reply, that the book could not then be
thought of or appealed to as the old, standard work.
This is true. But then we could not have a Translation,
— with such additional notes, corrections, &c. as would be
necessary, — under 40 octavo volumes, as far as I can see.
This would never do as a work to be almost required of
every Divinity student. One might insist on his reading
18 or 20; and into this compass I think Fleury might
be brought, without injury to his vitality or readableness.
In short, what can be done effectuaUy to correct present
ignorance and prevent future, is the question, — not what
one would like or wish.
" The present translation is, I fear, dreadfully bad, but
we could perhaps find translators without much difficulty.
Would it then be impossible to find 6 or 8 persons

202 Hugh James Rose: [1835
who would portion out this work, and from a sense of
duty and hope of doing good, undertake — some to verify
every reference (this would not be so bad as it seems, for
Fleury generally relies on Tillemont, and Tillemont gives
the references) ; and others to read the works not used
by Fleury, and to look at other modern Church His
torians in order to see what views are taken by different
writers 1 I can only say for myself that I am ready for
one to enlist and begin at once. It seems to me that
there would be one or two difficulties only : and those,
such as must press on any work of the kind undertaken
by more than one person, — as, difference of opinion on
some few topics. (The working rules might be drawn up
very easily.) For example, as to. the Disciplina Arcani.
But there I think, and in all such cases, one easy rule
would do. Let the Editor for that part, state all the
facts of the case in a manner so full and careful as to
satisfy all his collaborateurs, — and then state also the
two different views taken. I know not that anything
would be much better than this. There is little fear
that people will not take a strong opinion enough on
most points : and where good and learned men differ,
(the difference not being one of principle, but of judg
ment on facts,) is there any harm in a suspended
opinion? I feel my own necessarily suspended from
ignorance in so many cases, (and in some at least not
from my own fault), that I am not sensible of this being
a very great evil. Then again, if there was difference as
to the character of a particular person (Hildebrand was
mentioned) and his views, yet surely two persons differ
ing about them, might be satisfied with the same account,
i.e. that account being drawn up not by a partisan of
either, but by one, who being aware that men equally
capable of judging differed, was anxious to state every
act fairly and fully. I at least have often felt and said
' I do not agree with such a view, but the writer is so
fair and honest in stating the opinion and views of those
from whom he differs, that I have no objection to make.'
" Forgive all this long letter. The matter is very near
my heart. ' The night is far spent,' and my own deep

1835] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 203
feeling is, ' What have I done ? What am I doing in the
cause, — what account can I give of time and oppor
tunities, if all are allowed to pass by without my doing
even the little which by strenuous efforts I might ? ' This
indeed does not apply to others. But here is a sad and
mischievous deficiency producing daily and fearful evil :
and it wants many to combine and remedy it.
" Ever yours, H. J. R.
" I have kept this for 2 days from a misgiving whether
I was right as to TiUemont. I think so, but have not
looked at him for years, and cannot go to Lambeth to
look. Can you not come and see us this vacation ?" 6
What precedes was written in December 1835. Rose
had been long insisting on the great need of producing
an Ecclesiastical History. Thus, in the month of Sep
tember, he had urged the same topic on Newman's atten
tion : —
" The one thing to be kept in mind is, that every day
lost is mischievous. The second, that under these cir
cumstances we cannot do what we would, but must
submit to do what we can. We must, I fear, attend to
this, for we see now and shaU see every day more, (as
the circumstances of the time call more loudly for
knowledge of the past, if there is to be wisdom in our
counsels, or acts,) the mischief of our present destitute
condition on this great point. Waddington's 2nd edition
is, I fear, getting into large circulation. But to talk of
original works of any length and rapid production in the
same breath is absurd." 6
In writing to Pusey about the same time (September
8th), Rose expresses a sentiment closely resembling
something in the foregoing letter, which it seems to me
impossible to read without emotion. Surely his words
5 H. J. R. to J. H. TS.. — S. 28th, 1835. The reference is to
Thomas's, Dec. loth, 1835. Dean WaddiDgton's 'History ofthe
6 As before, — Waldershare, Sept. Church.'

204 Hugh James Rose: [1835
are destined to awake a mournful echo in every thought
ful heart !
" As life goes on, how humbling and depressing it is
to think what means and opportunities have been
granted to one for being an instrument in God's hand, —
and how they have been neglected ! how life is wearing
away without presenting — (not, God knows, as a matter
of pride or merit, but of comfort and consolation,) — the
remembrance of good even attempted, far less done ; how
it has been wasted on things of no account, to say the
best, and too often on things far worse. Would to God,
that when the last hour comes, such remembrances may
not haunt it." 7
In the meantime the reader will be inquiring for
Newman's reply to Rose's letter given above : and it is
a real pleasure to transcribe the loyal terms in which he
responded to the importunity of his chief : — ¦
" My dear Rose, — As to the Church History, I for one
shall be ready to undertake it according to my ability,
and am at your service. I never should stickle (I think)
for any but Catholic truths, therefore you need not fear
I should fidget about the Disciplina Arcani . . .
" As to characters, I think that would be a difficulty :
yet it may be avoided by keeping to Fleury, and to
facts. " We can do nothing without an Editor. I will readily
submit to any one you name, — though I had much
rather it should be yourself, if your time permits. I do
not mean you should formally be Editor, but should be
referee and should have power of suppressing matter,
and should apportion out our work for us.
" Further we should have, first of all, tables of authori
ties drawn up: e.g. a man taking the 10th century
would feel indebted to Mr. Maitland if he would tell
him where to go, &c.
" I cannot rely on my French enough either to trans
late or abridge. I am pleased to hear you think the
7 H. J. R. to E. B. P.,—' Glynde by Lewes,' Sept. 8, 1835.

1835] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 205
' Church of the Fathers ' useful. The first leisure I have,
I wiU attempt some more. We are not quite certain
whether to continue or suspend the Tracts. I am ready
to correct the type of the ' Home Thoughts ' at any
time."8 And thus we are brought back to the subject of the
' Tracts for the Times ' : and the interruption already
adverted to in their production, — viz. throughout aU the
latter half of the year 1 835.*
But at this point, a distinct change came over the
complexion of the work. It was partly external. The
first 66 ofthe Tracts, — (1833-34-35), — averaged 9 pages
each: the last tract which appeared in 1835 (No. 67)
extended to 400 pages. This was in fact Pusey's volume
on Baptism, — which had the miserable effect of giving a
party name to what ought to have been, and at the
outset actually was, a Catholic movement. The pious
author of the Tract in question (in reply to certain
observations of H. J. R.) explained that he " regarded it
as in itself incomplete, and that it ought to be followed
by a fuUer consideration of ' Absolution ' and the ' Holy
Eucharist,' as far as they are means, or tend to assure
us, of forgiveness of sins. And this I hope to do here
after, if God permit." 1 It was however the altered spirit
of the subsequent Tracts which effectually distinguished
them from their predecessors. The first which appeared
in the ensuing year (No. 71, dated Jan. ist, 1836) was by
Newman, — "against Romanism, (No. i)." And this Tract it
was which effectually inaugurated a new epoch. I gladly
avail myself here of the remarks of a learned and faith
ful Divine (the Ven. Benjamin Harrison), — himself a
8 J. H. N. to H. J. R.— Oriel, l E. B. P. to H. J. R.— Ch. Ch.
Dec. 15, 1835. Mar. 22, 1836.
8 See above, — p. 198 to 201.

206 Hugh James Rose: [1836
contributor to the Tracts, — who is at once a competent
and an impartial witness on this subject : —
"A re-opening of the controversy between the two
Churches had been pointed to with far-sighted clearness
long before, by a learned Prelate who at that time
[1816-20] ably filled the office of Professor of Divinity
in the University of Cambridge. ' If we mistake not .
the signs of the times,' (said Bishop Kaye, of Lincoln,)
'the period is not far distant when the whole contro
versy between the English and Romish Churches will
be revived, and all the points in dispute again brought
under review.' And he observed, speaking with special
reference to one main point at issue, that it was ' most
essential that they who stand forth as the defenders of
the Church of England should take a correct and rational
view of the subject, — the view, in short, which was taken
by our Divines at the Reformation;' and in regard to
which, 'we in the present day,' (said his Lordship,)
' must tread in their footsteps, and imitate their modera
tion, if we intend to combat our Roman Cathohc adver
saries with success.' But when at length the controversy
came, some of those who might have been supposed to
be best prepared for it, spoke of it as having ' overtaken'
them ' like a summer's cloud ' [the first words of Tract
No. 71] ; and whilst the line of defence marked out at
that time [1836], was strong and unassailable, so far as
it represented faithfully that which had been taken of
old by the chief Reformers and great Divines of the
Church of England, it was far otherwise in regard to
certain modifications and concessions which, — honestly,
no doubt, but, as the event proved, unwisely, — were
thought necessary to meet the requirements of the
day."2 It is not needful further to transcribe Archdeacon
Harrison's remarks on Mr. Newman's proposed method
of handhng "The Controversy with the Romanists." The
Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of Maidstone,
I851,— pp. 23-4.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 207
second Tract "against Romanism" (No. 72) had for its
subject ' Prayers for the Dead! Tract 75 (pp. 207) was
a partial Translation of ' the Roman Breviary! Enough,
it is thought, has been said to explain the following
correspondence, — in which, for obvious reasons, Hugh
James Rose shaU be the chief speaker. No one can
affect surprise at being told that he had already taken
serious alarm at the course affairs were pursuing at
Oxford, — the altered tone of the ' Tracts for the Times.'
An essential change had in fact come over the spirit of
the movement. Rose's earhest words of serious remon
strance were addressed to Dr. Pusey : —
"You must deeply feel our great misfortune in the
Church of England, — the total want of any substantive
School of Divinity. We have nothing which deserves
the name of a School among us ; but we have, in that
lamentable absence, one large active agitating Party, bound
together, not (as a School) by common views founded on
learning, but by common vulgar mischievous feelings
based in ignorance. And to oppose this, what have we ?
" Nothing but individual and isolated efforts of solitary
students, and the somewhat low tone of the mass.
There is no value for deep learning or for thorough
knowledge of Antiquity ; and still less for those great
Catholic principles on which alone (under God's blessing)
reliance can be placed. There are no heads to guide, no
strong hand to rule us. We are like sheep without a
shepherd. The very magnitude of the evil has produced
something of a reaction and feeling after a better state of
things. Too many indeed fall into the hands of the
party, because they feel their own weakness ; and in a
painful sense of it, feel also that they want some tangible
leaders, and guides, and rallying points. But some who
cannot embrace the doctrines of the party, yearn after
the older and sounder views ' if haply they might find
them.' The first real ground of hope which has been
has been the existence of a body of men at

208 Hugh James Rose: [1836
Oxford, with many close friends through the country,
whose characters and reputation stood high; whose
learning could not be doubted ; and who have fearlessly
stood forward in combination to speak the old truths
together, and thus to give confidence and hope to the
individuals who in various parts of the country had
from time to time 'in much fear and trembling' ventured
to proclaim the same truths after their strength, or their
feebleness. " Considering the immense importance of strengthening
and propagating the impression made by these truths,
and of consolidating into one body, (which may be
respectable and even formidable by its strength,) those
who hold them, — so that the young men may have a
distinct and visible light before them, towards which
and by which to move, — I can hardly describe my own
sense of the importance of your movements just now.
If you leave our present standing-point, very many from
fear, very many from conviction, will break away. The
enemy will have the best possible handle to use against
you, and for himself and his own ends ; i. e. the increas
ing his strength and scattering to the four winds of
heaven all united elements of opposition to it. We can
not expect in our time again to see even the first stone
laid of the building which has been so long ' the desire
of our eyes.'
" I will not apologise again for so writing, because I am
sure you will give me credit for not presuming to inter
fere from any value of my own opinions: but simply
from the strong feelings and persuasions to which I have
referred. " Yours ever most truly,
H. J. Rose."
"Lambeth, Saturday April 30th [1836]."
It would be, in my account, a violation of the sacred-
ness of what was evidently meant to be a strictly
confidential communication that I should transcribe
more than the opening sentences of Mr. Newman's reply
to the foregoing letter of Hugh James Rose to Dr. Pusey.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 209
Indeed, those opening words I only insert because they
are the necessary introduction to Rose's letter which will
immediately foUow : — "Oriel CoUege, May ist, 1836.
" My dear Rose, — Pusey has sent me your note. I have
not yet seen him, nor do I know what he will say to it :
and I put this down on paper at once, that his and my
impressions may be both our own ; and you, if you do not
mind the trouble, may have them both. Your note is
very important, and I hope you will not consider me but
partially aUve to its importance, which I try to be fully.
From your silence about my letter of this day fortnight
or three weeks, and your letter now to Pusey, I con
jecture thus much, — that you are not satisfied, and are
afraid: yet have nothing very definite to say."
Hugh James Rose replied as foUows : —
"[Lambeth], 9 May, 1836.
" My dear Newman, — I am inclined to think that your
account is very nearly right, viz. that I am not quite
satisfied and yet do not know exactly what to say.
I wiU however endeavour to teU you the sort of feeling
which I have on the subjects which we have been dis
cussing, that you may judge how far I am wrong.
" First of aU, I must premise that I consider the English
as an eminently anti-reading nation, and that of course
the Clergy partake of this character : — that there are 1 4
or 16,000 of them ; — and that in any nation the far larger
part of such a body would not be students, and there
fore still less so with the English ; — and that, of those
who wUl more or less be students, a very large pro
portion can hardly be left safely to their own guidance,
but want direction and authority as much as the others.
One may lament that all this is so. One may say that
they who are to teach others ought to be, — or at least
that it seems very desirable that they should be, — of a
different genus. But lament and think as one will, I
hold it to be beyond all controversy that such we are,
vol. 1. P

210 Hugh James <Rose : [1836
and, for a very long period at least, shall be. And if
this is so, although it may also be grievous to deal with
such persons, in some respects, and tedious in comparison
with dealing with those on whose industry and whose
judgment we can rely, we must bear all this strictly and
constantly in mind, if any good is to be done.
" Now, take the matter of Antiquity into consideration in
connexion with all this. With the non-reading part, it
may be of very little consequence, perhaps ; but I will
honestly confess that I am a little apprehensive of the
effects of turning the readers, such as they are, out to
grass in the spacious pastures of Antiquity without very
strict tether. All that is in Antiquity is not good ; and
much that was good for Antiquity would not be good for
us. Yet it seems to me that without the tether, without
strict and authoritative guidance in short, they are just
as likely to get harm as good : to deduce very false and
partial conclusions from very insufficient premises ; and
to set up as objects for imitation what may catch the
fancy and strike the imagination, but what is utterly
unfit for our present condition. The Homilies of the
Fathers may be studied with the greatest advantage by
those who can exercise their judgment ; but to attempt
to address audiences now in such or such a manner, —
because it was done by this or that Father, (and only and
simply because it happened to be the style of his day in
all ¦ public speaking), in the 4th or the 5th century, —
cannot, I think, lead to good, and may lead to a good deal
of evil. I mention this as a very simple and short
instance to explain my meaning by. I wish, in a word,
considering what English readers commonly are, that
Antiquity should be studied by them only with full,
clear and explicit directions how to derive from it that
good which is to be derived from it ; and to avoid the
sort of quackery of affecting Antiquity, which is very
likely to lay hold of quick, but not very comprehensive,
minds. " Again, — (and to lead me on to the next pdint), — if such
minds are led to search out all the opinions and practices
of Antiquity as of great value, because they are derived

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 211
from Antiquity, — where they and we shall get to, it
seems hard to tell. It is an expedition in which I most
earnestly desiderate good guides and experienced drivers ;
and then, we shall return from it rich in health and in
knowledge. Without these requisites, I eschew the under
taking. We have all a love of change, and of finding
out that they who went before us passed by or mistook
some things or many things, and that this should be set
right. But there are very very few who are fit for the
task  It is on this ground that I regret your
declaration of preference for a somewhat different Liturgy,
and somewhat different usages, from the present. Could
aU this be confined to persons hke yourselves, no possible
objection could be felt to it. But what you say and do,
will set five hundred heads agog, which it wiU be very
hard to set at rest again. It is only real learning, and
long thought, and sober reflection (like yours), which can
discern what has some real ground for consideration and
acceptance ; while quick and ingenious men, once set on
the track of thinking that we are in a very imperfect
state, and that we have deserted Antiquity, will pour a
thousand follies and falsehoods out upon us, and in
dispose very many to aU such fair consideration as
I speak of.
"On the same sort of ground, I wish that you had
somewhat more represented the Apostolic Succession as
a regular, undoubted doctrine, held undoubtingly by all
true Churchmen, and only a little neglected, — than as a
thing to which we were to recur as a sort of ancient
Novelty, — a truth now first recovered. I do not mean that
you have done this, as I put it broadly ; but I mention
it to illustrate the kind of use to be made of Antiquity
with the common run of Clergy. We must find out what
is really fit to be taught, and teach it as of Authority, —
as a doctrine which has always been held, — not as a
thing which they are to go and look for, and find out,
and prove by themselves. On this account too, however
grievous in some respects, I am persuaded that it is our
wisdom to keep our ground, and not to change it at all : to
keep it well and soundly, and not as we have done it : to
P 2

212 Hugh James Rose: [1836"
keep it by showing that such was the teaching and belief
of Antiquity, and that it is only novel ignorance which has
deserted or abandoned the grounds which the Reformed
Church always meant to hold.
" It may be true, as you say, that our orb of doctrine is
not entirely teres atque rotundus. But I am persuaded
that these additions (not being essentials) cannot with
¦safety be proposed to the mass. If they are once impressed
with the notion that we are imperfect, and require improve
ment and change, they have not the means of knowing or
discovering how much or how little ; and are merely
converted into ignorant Reformers. I am well aware that
to you, — knowing so fuUy and thoroughly, and having
,so often gone over, the solid reasons from antiquity and
argument by which the ground on which we do stand is
to be defended, — the simply defending that may appear
tedious. But as far as my opinion goes, you will do the
greatest possible service, (and it is one which will more
than exhaust the Uves of any living men), if you wiU go
on quietly indoctrinating the mass of the Clergy with
these reasons ; with teaching them the real strength of
their grounds ; and inspiring them with that respect for
the discipline, and the practices which they have been
taught, which ought to arise from a respect for Antiquity
and from a knowledge of the fuU extent to which we
have it with us. You have probably a set of ingenious,
clever, promising and highly endowed students to deal
with. But if you will examine a few dozens of Candi
dates for Orders, rough as they run, I think you wiU come
to my side of the argument.
" To conclude my homily. It seems to me that if you will
have the patience to go on teaching the younger Clergy
-what the Church is : what are the true notions of the
Sacraments and the Ministry : how entirely what we teach
has ever been taught by the Catholic Church ; — if you
will give its full colouring and relief to all those parts of
our system, about the actual existence of which no one
can doubt, (Commemorations of Saints and Martyrs,
Fasting, &c), but which have been thrown into the shade,
¦¦¦ — by pouring in the light of Antiquity through your own,

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 213

> ; — you will do the greatest service. But for the
mass, I am persuaded you must confine yourself to that ;
and to giving them specimens of the pure moral and
doctrinal tone (not manner) of teaching in the early
Church. " For the next class, you will do the greatest service if
you will direct and closely confine them in their study
of Antiquity, as weU as warmly exhort them to it ; teach
ing them especially, / think, to study the wholesome
tone of doctrine contained in the writings of the great
Lights of the Church, rather than to look for supple
ments and corrections of any defects of our own.
" I have very ill explained what are perhaps vague and
unreasonable notions. But, looking asldo to you Oxford
men with great hope, I am most anxious that no chance
of good shall be lost, — no road to evil opened. I am
aware that my notions will seem dull, limited and stupid.
But I do beseech you to look at the numbers and the
kind of our instruments ; and to remember that ' the
speed of the horseman must be regulated by the powers
of his horse.' God has so decreed, and we must abide by
His decree, and do the best we can with things as they are.
Ever yours,
" H. J. Rose.
" P.S. / of course can have no objection to your repub
lishing the ' Lyra! But must it cease ? " 3
The foregoing admirable letter produced a joint reply
from Mr. Newman (nth May), and Dr. Pusey (12th
May, Ascension Day, 1836), on a single sheet of paper.
It does not require insertion. But Mr. Rose's splendid
rejoinder, — which was suggested by a perusal of New
man's 71st "Tract for the Times," — may on no account be
withheld. No faithful Enghsh Churchman will ever read
it without emotion. No one, truly loyal to the Church of
s Referring to the post-script of October the 'Lyra' in a volume.
Newman's letter of May ist, — "I It will probably come to an end in
havethoughts, with your andRiving- a month or two."
ton's concurrence, to publish in

214 Hugh James Rose: [1836
his Baptism, who reads it once, will fail to read it a
second and a third time ; and to bless God that senti
ments so truly Catholic should have been so emphatically
dehvered, and at such a time. I purpose that they shall
remain on record, as the grand witness of one who under
every discouragement "held fast the form of sound
words " ; earnestly " contended for the faith which was
once for all delivered to the Saints " ; and remained
" faithful unto death." Well would it have been for the
Church of England had his spirit, his counsels, guided the
Tractarian movement of 1 833 !
" Lambeth, May 13 [1836].
" My dear Newman, — Endure me for once more ; re
membering always, if you please, that I speak with perfect
sincerity when I express my own consciousness of inferi
ority to yourself and Pusey in all respects : that I do not
venture therefore to speak in any other way than as a
seeker of Truth for myself, — not as a guide or monitor
to others. Remember, if you please, also, that our evil
Cambridge habits often induce or permit us to speak
more broadly, strongly and straightforwardly than we
ought ; but, as speaking in real regard, affection, esteem
and reverence, so, without a notion that any offence can
be given or taken where such sentiments animate the
speaker. I only mention this because I have, I know,
grievously offended Perceval by my bad habits of free
thought and speech. — After this preamble, I must first
formally give up Abp. Wake, and any other Abp. you
please : and 'Revolution-Protestantism,'4 and any other
Protestantism you please (except my own) entirely to
your tender mercies. I have nothing to say for the
delinquents ; and only rather wonder how and why they
were brought into court to receive judgment on this
occasion. You shall brand them as Socinian, or Infidel,
4 Newman, in his letter of May Rome": and had enlarged with
nth, had said that he "could not severity on the "Revolution-Pro-
endure the mode in which Wake testantism" of 1 688.
(e. g.) conducts the controversy with

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 215
or anything else you please, — and deliver them over to
the secular arm afterwards. I am no soldier of theirs.
" But to have done with folly. I have been reading
your 1st No. against Romanism 6, — the last half of which
is admirable. Towards the first, I feel somewhat as
towards part of your 'Home Thoughts abroad] and
several other papers and letters. Perhaps, to say all in
a few words, I should say that the impression which they
would produce on my mind, if I did not know you, and
therefore which I cannot but suppose they will produce
on others, is this nearly : —
" ' The hearts and affections of these writers are not with
us. Their judgment, arising from deep learning, thought
and piety, is against Rome decidedly; whUe stiU they
think that she has much which we want. In this
unhappy state, they feel that in the Church of England,
— and there alone, — is safety : but they feel that there is
nothing more. A good deal to tolerate, — a good deal to
deplore ; — something no doubt to be thankful for, on the
principle of regard for the bridge which carries you over,
— but little or nothing to love. They join her on the
principle of ' any port in a storm] — of a pis-aller. They
can find nothing better, nay, nothing else, — and therefore
they are thankful that there is any port where they can
be moored in perfect safety.'
" Do not suppose that I am giving this as mt conception
of your views ; but I am much, very much inclined to
beheve that such is the conception which would be
forced on a stranger. A young and ardent mind, whose
learning did not represent to it the impassableness of the
gulph to Romanism, would jump to the conclusion that
that form which did not satisfy the heart and the affec
tions, must, on that ground, be false : — that though there
may be errors in Romanism, yet they are not fatal : —
and that by taking the Bossuet picture of doctrine as
true, and then adhering to Rome, he should at once
satisfy his judgment and his affections. One of a
sterner stamp and of more learning would perhaps be
indignant, and say that what you tolerate, he loves ; and
5 Tract, No. 71, — dated Jan. ist, 1836. (See back, pp. 205-7.)

216 Hugh James Rose: [1836
that ' you too must love it, ere to you it can seem worthy
of your love ' : — that it has, in fact, what is necessary to
call forth and hold the affections, when duly and fully
considered and appreciated.
" But however that might be, what you say is that we
are now in too cold a state ; and that there ought to be
something more calculated to lay hold of the affections :
— that unless the Church pour forth her treasures, and
people feel it to be & privilege to be a Churchman, we can
have nothing to expect but schisms and heresies. Now,
(fully agreeing with this), I am here a little perplexed as
to what you wish to be done now; because you very
justly say that nothing material can be done till the
feeling of the Church at large goes with you : that, e.g.
Monasteries, — a better Liturgy, — a different form of
Confession of Faith, — and so on, could not be achieved
now. What then can ? what, I mean, material enough to
give you any chance of winning hearts, which you have not
in fact now ?
" I shall not allow you (see the Cambridge impudence !)
to speak of the right doctrine of the Sacraments, or the
Ministry, AS such things, — because they are not addi
tions to our present Faith. Too much neglected, un
doubtedly, they have yet always been held and taught
by a very large body of Churchmen as being, what they
really are, — the true doctrine of the Church. What then
is it ? I really apprehend that what can be ' added is
so little that it cannot be very effectual.
" I am looking to practice. In argument one may argue
abstractedly for Monasteries, or any thing else. Surely
' Prayers for the dead ' (a most deceptive phrase), and
' Exorcism before Baptism,' for example, will go a very
little way, even if they could be introduced. (By the
way, I utterly eschew that phrase ' Prayers for the dead '
instead of ' Prayers for departed Saints.' It is a sort of
enlisting of some of our strongest sympathies under
false colours. It is too painful a subject to dwell on.
You perhaps do not know the bitterness of clinging with
passionate love to the memories of some, of whom, rich
as they were in human gifts, the cold judgment cannot

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 217
but doubt whether they were not lacking in one thing ;
and can therefore httle estimate the temptation which
the Romanist notion (a little misunderstood it may be)
holds out. The Catholic notion has, in fact, nothing of
that (delusive) comfort. And, however valuable sub
jectively, is objectively a matter which will never lay
strong hold of the suffering heart. For whether I only
commemorate, and bless God for, those who are de
parted in His faith and fear and are now in His Hand,
expecting their full consummation, — or whether I pray
that they who are of a truth in his Hand, may have more
of his joy than He ha.s yet given, — can never make any
strong difference to my feelings. Make men understand
what we mean by ' the Holy Catholic Church ' and ' the
Communion of Saints] and what can be done by any
power to win the heart, will be done.)
" I must therefore say, — You perplex me. Bring out
(as I said in my last letter) into their full reUef, that
which we have, — Fasts and Feasts, — more frequent Com
munion, — more thorough understanding of the Nature
of the Sacraments, — the Powers of the Ministry, — the
Privileges of Members of Christ's Holy Catholic
Church. Bring into play (what our German friends
would call) the Historic Element ; — not trying the
vain course of reproducing the Past, which can never
be ; but giving to our whole condition, by the Historic
Element, that continuity and connexion with the Past,
which throws such chains round the individual's affec
tions, and is so precious for Society itself: — all this
is not only feasible, but full of hope, powerful to win,
to charm, to attract, to hold. I do not say that by
degrees nothing more may be done. I should be slow
to reject the assistance of Art, or the assistance of
sound Legends, as parts of the Historic Element. Nor
do I see why, prudently introduced, they should offend,
if they could be had, — which is the doubtful point.
Neither do I say that a Liturgy fuller of variety, such
as you suggest from the analogy of the Easter An
them, — (for I rather shrink from the introduction of
what Coleridge caUed 'New former Prayers '), — might not

218 Hugh James Rose: [1836
be productive of good. But you yourself seem to hold
out this, that any considerable movement towards im
provement or addition, (or supplement rather), could
not be made till the whole Church was in a frame to
admit or reqtdre it. What then is it precisely and
distinctly which you aim to do NOW ?
" The search for Catholic Antiquity must, rely on it,
be made eoe nine-tenths of the Ministry at least, and
the results given them. Take the Romanist Priest
hood in their very most palmy condition, and in any
country you please where they Uved undoubtedly on
this notion. How many ever acquired it from their
own individual studies ? (Earnestly do I wish you
were Examining Chaplain in a large Diocese for a
few years.) Knowing the value of the treasure, and
knowing its practical use to the Romanist, we take
for granted (as is natural) that he has dug for the
precious ore himself. But it is not so, speaking of the
large mass of them ; nor, I apprehend, can it ever be
so. We may inspire the mass with the reverence .for
it, and give them the practical element resulting from
it ; but nothing more. This (the reverential feeling) is
all that is really of consequence practically.
" I will shut up what I have ventured to say on this
head with the simple expression of my own full be
lief that if we know how to use what we really have,
without any of the 'supplements,' — (which after all are
infinitely small when compared with what we have),
— we have all which is wanted to win and to hold;
and, at the same time, to purify and exalt. For un
questionably, by a freer and fuller appeal to the sen
suous, — (such as the Romanist in one way, and the
Wesleyan in the other, make), — we can win (and hold
perhaps) : — but as to purifying and exalting ! . . . The
progress and the real victories of the Gospel principle
must not be numbered but weighed.
"Under this view you must let me not endure, but
love — and warmly and passionately love — my Mother
Church. I will not talk of the glorious Reformation
[you forbid me] : — but deliverance is deliverance. And

1836] Ihe Restorer of the Old Paths. 219
though we may deplore that there were evils to be de
livered from, that was not our fault. And we must
bless God for rescuing us from them, — as the daughter
of an ancient house would grieve indeed that, when
her parents and brethren were gone to their rest, the
heir turned the pure and happy home of her infancy
into a brothel : — but she would and must bless God,
and rejoice that she was able to escape from pollution,
and from the bondage and sin to which a continued
stay within the venerable walls would have condemned
her. "You must let me believe that though there is not
the glare and glitter round 'my Mother's sober brow'
which exists elsewhere, — there is what will win aU
hearts, and charm aU eyes which wiU study her coun
tenance, and are capable of improvement,— of reverence,
— of affection : — that she is a true daughter and co
heiress of that ancient House, — with all the family linea
ments on her face, and no small portion of the family
jewels in her keeping: — that she will not only safely in
troduce me into the bosom of the famUy here below
and above, — but has green pastures and waters of com
fort in abundance, to cheer me on the journey.
" To Pusey I have only a word or two to say, and
therefore do not trouble him with a separate letter.
I would only suggest that in any possible incursions
into Antiquity, we are not hke our own Reformers,
looking for Truth and not knowing what wiU break
upon us. We know exactly what the Truth is. We
are going on no voyage of discovery. We know ex
actly the extent of shore. There is a creek here, and
a bay there, — all laid down in the charts ; but not often
entered or re-surveyed. We know aU this beforehand,
and therefore can lay down our plans, and not, (as I
think), feel any uncertainty where we are going, or
feel it necessary or advisable to spread our saUs and
take our chance of finding a new Atlantis. 6 If we
6 Dr. Pusey had written a joint Day, 1836), — from which a brief
letter with Mr. Newman (dated the extract is all that needs to be sub-
day following his, viz. Ascension joined: — "I thank you much for

220 Hugh James Rose: [1836
had any hopes of this kind, I would say too of the
good ship, (perhaps, alas ! with the same ambiguity as
of old), — "Itu> kot' ovpov.
" One thing more to him. Surely, a practice not noticed
in Scripture, and the interpretation of a doctrine noticed
there, do not stand on the same ground! God has
committed Truth to the Church and to the Scripture, — to
their joint keeping. To resist the consent of Catholic
Antiquity, therefore, as to the interpretation of doctrine,
or as to Church Government, must surely be madness or
unbelief on every ground. But does it really follow, that
on this account, I must defend & practice on an indifferent
matter ; and that I must hold up ' Exorcism before
Baptism,' because I would have the verdict of Catholic
Antiquity as to ' Regeneration in Baptism V . . . Is this
so ? And if so, why 1 . . . Surely, as far as doctrine is
involved, I might believe in Demoniacal possession in
our Lord's and the Apostles' time, — as firmly as in
His Miracles, and in the spiritual gifts given to the
early Christians ; and yet hold that Satan was chained
now, and has long been : that his power in that way has
been contracted for ages ; and that we no more suffer
from ' Possession ' than we enjoy Miraculous Gifts, — as
a matter of fact: and that consequently, Exorcism might
have been even necessary in the Apostles' time, — supposing
it then to have been used ; but that there was no reason
for continuing a custom of so pecuhar a kind, except
on proof of its continued necessity.— I here give you every
our letter, and hope to profit by it. if he be told that he is to look
But I trust that there are practical for certain herbs which have been
cautions, which we generally give, planted everywhere, and that he is
which will remove some of your not to bring away any things which
apprehensions. Thus, we do take he does not find in every part of
care not to build on one or the the field, — why, a volatile labourer
other Father, but on Catholic An- will soon lay down the business
tiquity. Now, if a person be sent altogether, and an ardent one will
to any one field to bring all he can be sobered " . . . . And further on, —
out of it, he will bring the infelicc " And this is what I meant by saying
lolium as well as other things, and that we must spread our sails, not
perhaps be more taken with it than knowing whither we should be car-
with good seed ; the steriles avenee ried."
being constantly the tallest. But,

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 221
advantage, — the supposing a custom built on a necessity
and a truth. But many customs, though good and
innocent, may have been buUt on neither ; and surely
cannot therefore be raised to the same consequence as
the interpretation of great doctrines of the Gospel. I
may appeal to Cathohc Antiquity for the one, without
binding myself to receive the other.
"Now, I reaUy do not contemplate troubling you any
more. I have ill explained what I mean. I only want
justice done to what we have ; love felt to it ; and a strong
belief felt too, that if justice be done to it, it can win love
and keep it.
"You will forgive (I beseech you to do so) any Cam-
bridgeisms; and believe me, not inform only but in fact,
heartUy and affectionately, in regard and respect, yours
ever' "H. J. Rose."
It is not needful that I should pursue this corre
spondence any further. It was practically closed by
a long letter from Mr. Newman (dated ' Iffley, May 23rd,
1836 ') ; and the subject shall be here dismissed with the
single statement that, in his 'Apologia] the same writer
has with perfect truthfulness and candour summarized
what were his feehngs towards the Church of England
at this time : —
" I felt affection for my own Church, but not tender
ness. I felt dismay at her prospects, anger and scorn at
her do-nothing perplexity ... As to leaving her, the
thought never crossed my imagination." 7
But the letter in which Mr. Rose finaUy withdrew from
the discussion is too valuable to be withheld. It was
written from Lambeth, on the 20th of July, 1836, and
ran as follows : —
" I did not answer your last very interesting (painfully
so in some points) letter, for I think we now understand
7 Apologia, — p. 95.

222 Hugh James Rose: [1836
one another pretty well. — I would only say that some of
the points of which you complain, seem to me either
susceptible of easy remedy or hardly to require any. For
example, as to a formal recognition of the American
Episcopal Church. When she actuaUy emanated from us
only half-a-century ago : derives her Orders from us : and
those, formaUy given, after the fullest, most formal and
definite consideration and consultation ; — what other
recognition could be wanting 1 If any is wanting, I am
persuaded it would not be withheld. But a formal re
cognition would only be either ( I ), Recognising ourselves ;
or (2), Saying that the Consecration of the American
Bishops was duly performed, and therefore valid. With
respect to their officiating here, they are only on the same
ground as the Church in Scotland; and unless they
are to be aUowed to hold preferment here (i. e. if the
line must be drawn somewhere), I think it is perhaps
at the right place. They who officiate once, may
surely officiate often. Then, they might be Curates:
and to say that a man to whom you give cure of
souls at a low price and on a temporary agreement,
is unfit to hold that charge as a permanent one with
more advantage to himself, would be very objectionable
indeed. "Then, as to the Breviary. Do you mean that the
Church itself ought to undertake to publish an amended
Breviary1? For such a publication by yourself, or
Wilhams, or Keble, or any other person of sufficient
name in the Church, would, I am sure, be hailed not
with objections, but joy. But I hardly see how the
Church could undertake it, though I do not believe that
any objection would be felt, if it was set forth by authority
as a book for the voluntary use of Christians, — either
Ministers, or private Christians. Surely, our Church
cannot be said to fail in good feeling to the Breviary
when her daily Service is so much taken from it ! The
question whether she might not take a little more is a
very fair one, but is not, I think, a reason for complaint.
I think the enjoining, or compelling the public use of a
very long book would be difficult and not advisable.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 223
But, short of that, I do not conceive there would be
any difficulty whatever.
" Ever, my dear Newman, most truly, heartily, and with
sincere regard and attachment, yours, 'H.J.Rose."
Here too, with a few brief remarks, we may take
leave of the ' Tracts for the Times] — which pursued their
brilliant course untU the pubhcation of Tract No. 90
(Jan. 25th, 1841) brought the series to a calamitous close.
They had begun admirably in the Autumn of 1833, and
continued to do good service until the middle of 1835,
when there was a sudden halt. They were resumed, as
we have seen, in the first days of 1836, under seriously
altered conditions : whereupon they encountered rebuke,
suspicion, disfavour at the hands of their best friends.
But all this has been already placed before the reader
with a fulness which has never been attempted before.
We can but regard the famous pubhcation in question
as a grand opportunity misused, as weU as calamitously
lost. The attention of religious persons had been irre
sistibly drawn to the contemplation of many a half (not
whoUy) forgotten Cathohc truth. Weary of modern no
velties and the nostrums of rash and incompetent advisers,
men were heard on every side confessing that " the old
is better." The discovery was straightway made that
there had been reserved an armed host ready to respond
to the voice of the trumpet when it should utter no
uncertain sound. A little patience would have lived
down hostile clamour: a little consistency must have
disarmed suspicion : a little prudence might have silenced
censure. But on the contrary. All was done as if to
frustrate and disappoint expectation. The Tractarian
leaders of the movement, strange to relate, seem to have
been haunted by a suspicion that the office of the

224 Hugh James Rose: [1836
Theologian is to exaggerate sacred Truth, — the business
of a Divine, to 'startle' mankind. Accordingly, they
went off on 'Prayers for the dead' and 'Purgatory] — as
if forgetting that even the Intermediate State was scarcely
recognized by the generality of their readers. — 'Exor
cism' before Baptism, was pleaded for at a time when
Baptismal 'Regeneration' itself was generally discre
dited. — " The Breviary," (and " the Roman Breviary " of
all documents ! 8) — was recommended to the notice of
a Church which had become forgetful of the structure
and method of her own matchless 'Book of Common
Prayer.' — 'Reserve in communicating Religious Knowledge] —
was advocated for a generation singularly unacquainted
with Divine things, and largely addicted to Unbelief. —
How did it ever come to pass (one asks oneself), that
men so intelligent, as well as so learned, should have so
entirely overlooked the actual needs of those with
whom they had to do? Inspiration, — Miracles, — Pro
phecy, — were all left to take care of themselves! No
where do we find the severe historical truth of the Old
Testament Scriptures (e. g. of Genesis i, ii, iii,) insisted
° On this subject the reader is viary, Pontifical, Manual, and other
referred to M. l'Abbe" Laborde's public service-books of the Church
' Lettres Parisiennes, ou discussion of Rome ; with brief annotations,
sur les deux Liturgies, Parisienne shewing the rise of all that is foolish
et Romaine, pour eclairer la diter- and superstitious, and the antiquity
mination de ceux qui ont 6, pro- of what remains good and commend-
noncer entre le Missel et le Briviaire able in them. This might be done
Romain, et entre le Missel et leBri- - in a very few volumes, and those
viairede Paris,' — Paris, 1855. The not very large. . . It is certain that
author pertinently asks, — " Que the leaders in the Church of Rome
diront de nous les Protestants ? Que would with reason look upon it as
diront de nous les savants ?" . . . "I a terrible blow given them, if such
have often been thinking" (wrote a translations could be published in
learned non-juror [1720]) "that all the vulgar tongues of Europe."
one could not do a greater service — Preface to Johnson's ' Collection
to the Reformation than by trans- of Canons ' &c. § xi.
lating into English the Missal, Bre-

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 225
upon, — side by side with a vindication of the mysterious
(ot: prophetical) texture of Holy Writ. It is a memorable
fact that throughout this period (1830 to 1850) Holy
Scripture itself experienced marked neglect. No Com
mentary in the vernacular tongue was so much as
attempted. The Romish controversy was revived ; but
nowhere (that I can discover) was the impassable barrier
between England and Rome explained with the vigour,
the clearness, the fearlessness which characterized the
writings of our elder Divines. The sufficiency of our
Baptismal and Communion Offices was by no one loyally
maintained. On the contrary. There is a tone of dis
content, — an undutiful disposition to find fault, — almost
everywhere discernible. The Editors of the later " Tracts "
did not perceive that by the course they were pursuing,
(intending nothing less,) they were bringing discredit
on Cathohc antiquity generally; — sowing distrust and
suspicion in a thousand quarters ; — paving the way for
many a dreary secession to Rome, on the one hand, —
many a lapse into blank unbelief, on the other. To the
partial miscarriage of the Tractarian movement is to be
attributed, in no slight degree, that miserable lawless
ness on the part of a section of the Clergy, which is
among the heaviest calamities of these last days ; as
well as, in an opposite direction, that ugly recoil which
has already disestablished Religion in our ancient Uni
versities, and of which we have not yet nearly seen
the end.
The praise and true glory of the rehgious movement
which it is customary to connect with the year 1833,
consisted in the mighty impulse which was then given to
religious thought and sacred learning on the ancient lines.
Two publications, known as the " Library of the Fathers "
and the "Anglo-Catholic Library," — (they are but a part
TOL. I. Q

226 Hugh James Rose: [1836
of the Uterary product of the period), — led to the
dissemination of a vast amount of the best Church
teaching. The publication of new and improved editions
of the works of all our greatest Divines largely increased
men's acquaintance with the resources of our own
Anglican Divinity. The movement, notwithstanding
every discouragement and drawback, was to an extra
ordinary extent over-ruled for permanent good : but, —
Why [we sorrowfully ask ourselves), — whywa,s it so largely
frustrated? and why, to so great an extent, disfigured
with evil 1
Posterity, because it can only contemplate a man and
his times in perspective, — in other words, can only survey
results, — is apt to think of such an one as the subject
of the present memoir as eminently successful in the
battle of life, — foremost among the winners of the
race. And no doubt, essentially, Hugh James Rose did
outstrip his fellows, — did win for himself (as we may now
confidently declare) " a beautiful crown." But let any
one read through bundle after bundle of his corre
spondence with attention, and he wUl arise from the task
with a woefully different impression on his mind. The
man who wrote those and received these letters, (he will
secretly tell himself,) — was living in a state of perpetual
harass, — was in the very centre of an agony of strife.
Ever on the unpopular, and (as it seemed) the losing
side, he knew that he had the powers of the World against
him, — a host of opponents, and wondrous few to help
him to bear the brunt of the battle. By the common
run of men, he was stigmatized as illiberal, narrow,
bigoted, — because he unflinchingly upheld the Church's
teaching. His earnestness in his Master's cause was
regarded as fanaticism : his eagerness in contending for

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 227
the Truth, was denounced as "inflammatory." Easy
going people were afraid of him : the lovers of expediency
and counsellors of compromise hated him very cordially.
On the other hand, by the firebrands of his party he was
suspected of being half-hearted. His devoted attachment
to the Church of his Baptism was in their account
" Erastianism." They had all manner of bad names
for him : —
"There were other reasons, besides Mr. Rose's state of
health," (writes Mr. Newman in his Apologia,) — " which
hindered those who so much admired him from availing
themselves of his close co-operation in the coming fight.
United as both he and they were in the general scope of
the Movement, they were in discordance with each other
from the first in their estimate of the means to be
adopted for attaining it. Mr. Rose had a position in
the Church, a name, and serious responsibUities ; he had
direct ecclesiastical superiors ; he had intimate relations
with his own University, and a large clerical connexion
through the country. Froude and I were nobodies ; with
no characters to lose, and no antecedents to fetter us.
Rose could not go a-head across country (sic), as Froude
had no scruples in doing. Froude was a bold rider, as
on horseback, so also in his speculations. After a long
conversation with him on the logical bearing of his
principles, Mr. Rose said of him with quiet humour, that
' he did not seem to be afraid of inferences.' It was
simply the truth ; Froude had that strong hold of first
principles, and that keen perception of their value,
that he was comparatively indifferent to the revolu
tionary action which would attend on their application
to a given state of things ; whereas in the thoughts
of Rose, as a practical man, existing facts had the pre
cedence of every other idea, and the chief test of the
soundness of a line of poUcy lay in the consideration
whether it would work. This was one of the first
questions, which, as it seemed to me, ever occurred to his
mind. With Froude, Erastianism, — that is, the union
(so he viewed it) of Church and State, — was the parent,
Q 2

228 Hugh James Rose: [1836
or if not the parent, the serviceable and sufficient tool, of
liberalism. Till that union was snapped, Christian
doctrine never could be safe ; and, while he well knew
how high and unselfish was the temper of Mr. Rose, yet
he used to apply to him an epithet, reproachful in his
own mouth ; — Rose was a ' Conservative.' By bad luck,
I brought out this word to Mr. Rose in a letter of my
own, which I wrote to him in criticism of something he
had inserted into the Magazine: I got a vehement
rebuke for my pains, for though Rose pursued a con
servative line, he had as high a disdain as Froude could
have, of a worldly ambition, and an extreme sensitiveness
of such an imputation." 9
All this is faithfully stated,—" vehement rebuke " and
all. (But that rebuke elicited an apology, truly honour
able to him who penned it.1) .... Nothing is more
certain than that "going a-head across country" was never,
at any time, one of Hugh James Rose's accomplishments.
Rather was ' stare stiper antiquas vias] the very motto of
his soul : a true ' Catholic ' he ! " averse " (as President
Routh phrased it) " from all Papal and Sectarian innova
tion." ... I am provoked to recall the speech of a French
dancing-master to Rose's father, who had sent Hugh
James and Henry John, when boys, to be instructed by
him in the orchestric art. " Sir," (exclaimed the despairing
dancing-master when the lads returned home re infectd),
— " I do most sincerely pity you for being the father
of two such sons." The wretched man only meant that
neither of the boys displayed the slightest aptitude — for
cutting capers. To return however to what I was saying.
Rose used " great plainness of speech " : and this too
gave offence. His vigorous handling of the questions of
the day— his 'straight hitting '—conspicuous in every
9 Apologia,— pp. 105-7. 1834 (81 Pall Mall) : the latter,
1 The former is dated March 24th, March 30th (Qriel College).

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 229
number of the " British Magazine," created for him many
enemies. By consequence his experience was that " the
race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." He
had to look on, while the chief rewards were freely
assigned to candidates of second, or even third-rate
ability; himself not without serious secular anxieties,
alike for the present and the future. God be praised that
" there remaineth a rest," (an eternal sabbath-keeping)
" to the people of God " : and that " a crown of Ufe " is
in reserve for those who have been "faithful unto death " !
But, with his mortal eyes, the man whose life I am
writing saw nothing — either of rest or of reward.
As I have said, his whole life is found to have been
one long weary conflict with evil, — moral, political,
social, spiritual. At the very outset of his career, when the
coarse vehemence of Cobbett was employed in some of
the latest efforts of his pen on the side of destruction, it
was Hugh James Rose who came forward to answer him
in his ' Six Letters to the Farmers of England!2 But it is im
possible in a memoir Uke the present to do justice to the
zeal which he brought to the cause of order and public
safety. 3 What is certain is, that from the time that he
came to the front there has been no interval during which
the Church has been in want of well-organized literary
support in that kind of periodical literature, which is so
needful for the changeful exigencies of the day. The
"British Magazine" was the first endeavour to supply this
public want.4 To a superficial observer he might have
2 — ' On Tithes and Church Pro- calumnious falsehoods which had
perty,' — 2nd Edition, ' revised and been anonymously promulgated
corrected,' — 1831, pp. 79 : an admir- concerning the Clergy of the Church
able production. of England, — with a view to alien-
3 In 1832, Mr. Rose published a ating the people from the Church.
vigorous ' Letter to the Inhabitants * Churton's Memoir of Joshua
of Hadleigh and its neighbourhood' Watson, — vol. ii. 7-8.
(pp. 33), — in refutation of certain

230 Hugh James Rose: [1836
seemed to be allowing himself no rest : but the truth
was that he was allowed none. We have reached an
epoch in his brief history (1835-6) which indeed brought
him comparative bodily quiet, yet it yielded him no
rehef from mental distress. The season, in fact, to
aU true-hearted and reflecting churchmen, was one of
most disquieting anxiety. Thus, in March of this year,
he says to a friend : " I write in haste, and not in good
spirits ; as you may discern. What is hanging over us
— the ' clouds and darkness ' of the Church Commission
— weigh one down a good deal." Again, with reference
to the Education and Charity crotchets of the time — '' I
feel the magnitude of the subject oppress me, and my
own inability to do it justice at all times, but especially
under such pressure of business." The threatened spolia
tion of our Cathedrals, — the scandalous appointment of
Dr. Hampden to the Regius Professorship of Divinity at
Oxford, followed by his yet more scandalous elevation to
the Episcopate : 5 — the mischievous counsels which, pre
vailed in respect of the S. P. C. K.'s publications, and the
irregular proceedings of the ' Church Pastoral Aid Society':
— not to mention the conflicting schemes for Church
5 Those who care to pursue this Oxford.' With reference to Hamp-
subject are invited to read Dr. W. den's 'Moral Philosophy Lectures,'
H. Mill's 'Letter to a Clergyman in Hugh J. Rose thus wrote privately
London on the Theological Character (Aug. 12th, 1836) to Benjamin Har-
of Dr. Hampden's Bampton Lectures, rison: — "But the book is so atro-
and the extent and value of subsequent cious — is so mischievous in tendency
justifications of their meaning,' — — so indecent in expression and so
1848, pp. 32: together with the miserably vague and weak in Philo-

four papers by Archdeacon Har- sophy, — that it must be exp
rison (in the " British Magazine," and held up to the scorn and de-
for February, March, April, May, testation which it deserves. These
1848), — on 'the Theory and Theo- are strong words, but I really do
logy of Dr. Hampden's Bampton not think that less strong words (of
Lectures, and the Censure passed course, in private) would describe
upon them by the Convocation of it."

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 231
Building which were then sorely exercising men of such
different schools as Bishop Blomfield and Dr. Pusey, (as his
correspondence with both abundantly attests) : these, and
many like matters, pressed heavUy on one who, through
broken health, was hardly able " to hold his own." A
multitude of pubhc questions there were, of more or less
painful interest, in addition to the direct Acts of the
Government, which exercised and troubled him. Pre
cious to him as the apple of his eye, the Church was
passing through an ordeal of severe humiliation and
affliction, not to say of actual danger. Hear him
addressing Mr. Newman at this very juncture : —
" I confess that my feelings are dreadfully embittered
and my hopes dreadfully lowered jusb now, when I see
the clouds gathering as they are. Within the Church, I
fear faction more than ever. You have heard, I conclude,
that the Church Missionary Society is about to erect a
CoUege at Calcutta to educate Missionaries in the teeth
of Bishop's CoUege, and without even telling their own
friend, Bishop Wilson. Then, in another quarter, the
Chester and Lichfield Church-Building Societies, striking
at the root of our whole Parochial System of Church
Disciphne, — such as it is. And without the waUs of Troy,
if anything can be done to twist all Education out of the
hands of the Church, it will now ; while some of the Heads
of the Church are anxious to do just as much mischief
and show as much folly in the matter where it is in their
hands. On this 'subscription' question, I greatly fear
the exhibition of their opinions in the Lords. A few
days however will shew .... God be merciful to us !
Humanly speaking, it seems to me that the darkness
and storm are gathering, — the Ught vanishing fast
away."6 6 Dated " S. Thomas's, June 1 7th do ad Clerum, full of dreary pre-
[1835]." The reader is invited to Bage, which H. J. R. must have
refer back to p. 59, — where in- written about this very time.
teresting mention is made of a Con-

232 Hugh James Rose: [1836
In the case of Mr. Rose, as already hinted, bodily
infirmity was superadded to every other trial and form
of trouble. In October 1835, he gives a deplorable
account of his own health: recognizes tokens "how
heavily Time lays his hand" upon him : declares that he
has now no exertion in him, no voluntary exertion at
least. " I can answer to the whip still : but do nothing
till the blow descends . . . For oneself, these things are,
or ought to be, warnings how fast the allotted time is
going ; and disease effectually doing the work of years." 7
To the same faithful friend, (but this was in 1834), he
had described himself as " having almost always written
under the actual pressure of disease, and known that in
all probability he must print under the same circum
stances." 8 ' I am reminded of the terms in which (in a
letter to Mr. Newman) he refers to a sermon which he
had pubhshed in the autumn of the same year : —
" I hope you have received a Visitation Sermon of
mine, in which, under miserable circumstances of Ulness
and haste, I have most unworthily handled a very
important topic, — Excitement in Religion. I wish some
one would take it up who could do it justice. It is the
pivot on which most of our religion, as now vaunted,
turns." 9
In this instance however we have already heard the
highly eulogistic sentence pronounced by a most accom
plished critic and thoroughly competent judge, — Arch
bishop Howley.1
It will be remembered, — notwithstanding the intro
duction of a few extracts from letters of an earlier date,
— that we had brought our narrative down to the spring
7 To Joshua Watson,— Oct. 28th, 1 See above, — p. 192. The Ser-
J835. mon is called " Christians the Light
8 To the same,— Feb. 20th, 1834. qfthe World."
9 S. Thomas's, — Sept. 9th, 1834.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 233
of 1836. The adverse course of Church matters about
that time, and notably the disgust and alarm with which
the " Reports " of the Church Commission inspired him,
acting powerfully on his already greatly enfeebled frame,
are found to have induced, in the case of Hugh James
Rose, a sentiment of despondency amounting to despair.
Weary of the unavailing struggle (June 1836) he enter
tained serious thoughts of accepting his American friends'
strongly urged offer of a Professorship in the Theological
Seminary at New York. He already numbered among
the American Bishops some of his own dearest and most
attached personal friends, — men of primitive piety, lofty
attainments, and truly Apostohcal soundness of teaching.2
The prospect seemed to him the best, which at this time
suggested itself, as far as usefulness went. He saw that,
superadded to great opportunities of promoting the cause
of Catholic Truth, and training a considerable body of
Clergy in sound Church principles, he should in this way
at least secure for himself a moderate competence with
out the labour of periodical authorship (so hateful to him),
— under which his spirits failed, yet without which he
could not hve. This modest prospect, added to his
hopelessness as to pubhc matters, arising from the almost
universal cowardice, led his thoughts beyond the Atlantic.
What alone made him hesitate was the question of
duty. But, — (and this is the second occasion on which we
3 Rev. John Miller, in his brief lina, the son-in-law of Bishop Hobart.
Memoir of H. J. R., remarks, — • Before leaving the subject of the
'¦' Among the ornaments of that protestant episcopal church in
church, whose society during their America, it is right to state that the
sojourn in England gave him both defence of Bishop Hobart against
pleasure and satisfaction, it would the ' Theological Quarterly,' which
be injustice to an inestimable per- appeared in the ' Christian Remem-
son not to mention the name of brancer,' was written by Mr. Rose "
Dr. Ives, the Bishop of North Caro- [vol. viii. 542-50].

234 Hugh James Rose: [1836
have had to make a precisely similar remark,) — he
was not suffered to remain long in doubt as to what
were the designs of a gracious Providence with regard
to himself. The consecration of Dr. William Otter to
the see of Chichester (Oct. 2nd, 1836), left King's Col
lege, London, without a head; and all eyes were in
stantly directed to Hugh James Rose as the fittest
person to preside over the infant Institution. His
personal predilections of course lay altogether with
our older foundations : and had he enjoyed any pros
pect of that learned leisure which it would have been
his supreme ambition to devote to the defence and
service of the Church, he might have hesitated. But
here was a post of honour and great usefulness coming
to him unsolicited, and presenting a greater concur
rence of advantages than were to be met with else
where in the range of his horizon. He thought
therefore " that he ought on all accounts to be thank
ful, and say, Yes." Without candidature, much less
solicitation of any sort on his part, he was proposed
as Principal in August, and appointed to the office on
the 2 ist October. It was the joint act of Abp. Howley
and of Bp. Blomfield.
"If," — (wrote Mr. Rose to Joshua Watson),^" my
responsibihties do not press me quite down, and things
go on as quietly and satisfactorily as I hope they
may, I shall only be too happy in thinking that my
staff is set up for life, and that no more changes await
me, till the last." 3
His main regret was that his future duties would
sever the precious link which for the last two-and-a-
half years had connected him with the Archbishop.
Some compensation it was that he should henceforth
B From S. Thomas's, Oct. 24, 1836.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 235
be nearer to '6 Park Street, Westminster,' — where his
friend Joshua Watson resided ; and he could not
forget that he should be henceforth spared those daily
joumeyings from Lambeth to S. Thomas's which had
ahke consumed his time and overtaxed his bodily
strength. The satisfaction which this appointment afforded to
churchmen is eloquently expressed by the following
hearty letter of congratulation addressed to the new
Principal of King's College by one of kindred spirit, —
Walter Farquhar Hook : — "Coventry, Oct. 17th, 1836.
" My dear Friend, — I have just heard from Mr. Le
Bas that the newspaper report is correct, and that
you are indeed to succeed Bp. Otter at King's College ;
and bored to death as you must be by letters, I cannot
refrain from expressing my exceeding great joy at this
appointment, — my rapturous delight ; for really nothing
for a long time has given me such pleasure. I rejoice
at it, as one who has the privilege of calling you his
friend, because it provides you with a comfortable resi
dence in London, where, and where only, as I have
heard you say, you enjoy anything Uke health : — and
I rejoice at it much more on public grounds, for if
we had sought through the wide world, we could never
have found a man so admirably qualified for the situa
tion as you are. This will be admitted by those who
only look to learning and talents ; — how great then must
be the joy of those who regard, as far superior to learn
ing and genius, the possession of sound Cathohc prin
ciples ! Since I first heard of the chance of your being
appointed, I have prayed that so it might be : and
I do really think that the appointment of such a man
to such a post at such a time, is a subject for devout
thanksgiving; while I humbly pray that God, of His
infinite mercy, may bless your labours to the good of
His Church, and grant you many many years of health
and strength to labour in this field."

236 Hugh James Rose: [1836
In the meantime, a delightful prospect of usefulness
was opening upon him. The religious supervision of
the College was to rest with himself, and to lecture
to about a hundred young men in Divinity was to
be his own special province. It became at once a
prime subject of solicitude with him to raise the
Medical students and to encourage a better class, by
founding small medical fellowships where Classical and
Mathematical attainments, as well as Religious know-1
ledge, should be the subjects of examination. The
essential feature of this scheme was munificently sup
plied by Joshua Watson. Rose entered on his active
duties as Principal in the last week of October 1836,
having already announced his intention to resign his
little cure of Fairstead, in Essex.4 His wife, whose
long and dangerous illness throughout the greater part
of the year had contributed no inconsiderable element
to his mental distresses, was by this time, to his great
joy and comfort, very much better. Affectionate and
able assistance in all the heavier labours of the Magazine
had been already secured. The misgivings which had
been entertained, as well by himself as by his friends,
on the score of his own health, for the moment seemed
groundless. So far all was cheering.
A letter which he wrote at this juncture to his friend
Bp. Doane claims insertion here, as well for its in
trinsic interest as from the circumstance that it seems
to have never reached its destination. I the more
willingly give it place because of the affectionate warmth
with which the writer mentions certain great lights of
4 "I have to-day resigned Fair- therefore for a little more than three
stead for ever," — (King's College, years. (In legal documents, I find
Jan. 4th, 1837.) He had held it the place spelt, ' Fairsted.')

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 237
the American Church, — men who are known to have
contended earnestly for the faith, and borne fearless
witness to the Truth (all honour to them !), at a period
long anterior to the Oxford Revival, — true pioneers they,
of the great Religious movement which is popularly
held to have commenced in 1833.
"King's College, Nov. 3rd [1836].
" My dear and valued Friend, — Such a letter as yours
ought not to have been unanswered a day. Its warmth
and kindness went to my heart, and I felt that if it had
pleased God that I could have followed the dictates of
my inclination and visited you, I should have found
one to whom I could at once open my whole heart, and
to whom I could speak, as I never could to any but the
friends of early life, with one exception, — and that ex
ception was our beloved and lamented Bishop Hobart.
Let me now assure you that I did feel all your kindness
most sensibly and deeply, and that I must indulge the
hope that, although circumstances seem now to remove
farther than ever aU hope of moving on my part, the
Mother Country and Church may prove a magnet which
shall operate across the ocean, and bring you — like
Bishop Ives — for a season among us. That would indeed
be a source of most heartfelt gratification to me ; and I
should depend on your bringing Mrs. Doane to us at once
and considering my house as your Enghsh home, which
you should use as your own and as should suit your
convenience and comfort in aU ways during your sojourn
amongst us.
"The reason for my silence was that just as your
letter came, the Principalship of King's College had been
placed at my disposal, although quietly : that I was in
some doubts and embarrassments about it; and that,
without telling you a longer story than was worth
telling, I could not explain to you what my condition
was at the moment, and I did not like to answer such
a letter except as one old friend to another. Suffice it
now to say that I resolved finaUy to take the station,
and that last week I was appointed and confirmed in

238 Hugh James Rose: [1836
my office, and am now commencing to exercise it, re
taining however my little Church at St. Thomas's, which
is very near me and where I shaU officiate as I have
done. " I will not now enter into the painful question of our
Church condition. In the ' British Magazine ' for Sep
tember, I stated the facts of the case, — and you would
see from it that with a Government so weak as the pre
sent, and perhaps any Government which can be formed
for some years, the course of Legislation whether on
Church or State affairs must be perfectly uncertain ;
that the Government itself can never say, till the time,
what it can do.
" You wiU see with pleasure the announcement of the
Translation of the Catholic Fathers, which will, I trust,
tend to spread Catholic principles among us. My only
objection to it is that if they can be got at in Transla
tions, the originals wUl not be read ; and that thus,
another of the few remaining motives to the study of
Greek and Latin will be done away. In an age so
impatient of labour and so determined to produce effects
rapidly, the study of language is of course distasteful in
the extreme ; and it requires great exertion to keep it
up. " Dr. Wordsworth's Compilation from our best writers
will be a most valuable book. It will, in some degree,
supply our sad want of a Work on Systematic Divinity,
as you will see by looking at his plan ; and wiU, at the
same time, bring young men acquainted with our great
writers. " A thousand thanks for your excellent Charge and
Sermon. The Archbishop spoke to me of the Charge,
which he had read immediately on receiving it, with
great pleasure.
" I very much wish that I could find some young man
among you, who would undertake, — say twice in the
year, — to send me a precis of what has taken place most
interesting in your Church. If it extended to six or
eight pages, it would not be too much. I wish to make
the British Magazine a sort of general Episcopal Register.

1836] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 239
Do you know of any such person ? The publishers would,
I am sure, be very glad to pay for this. Then- rate of
payment is £10 10*. per sheet.
" Give my best and kindest compliments, and those of
my wife, to Mrs. Doane and say how glad we should be to
welcome her to England. From my windows at King's
CoUege you have the finest view of the Thames to be
found in London. Ever truly and affectionately yours,
" H. J. Rose."
In connexion with what goes before, one word may be
allowed here on the subject of the 'Library ofthe Fathers]
— an undertaking which lay very near to Rose's heart.
The first volume (a translation of Augustine's ' Confessions])
was not actually published tiU November 1838. Rose did
not live therefore to see the first of those 39 volumes
which gave so important an impulse to the study of the
Patristic writings, and were not discontinued tiU January
13th, 1858. Field's admirable ed. of Chrysostom's ' Homi
lies on S. Matthew's Gospel' appeared at Cambridge in
1839, and was speedily followed by an English transla
tion. Something will be found offered elsewhere con
cerning this important undertaking. . . . But it may not
be overlooked that Rose's prime sohcitude was to induce
the Clergy to acquaint themselves with the Greek and
Latin Fathers in the original idiom. Thus, writing to
Benjamin Harrison (August 12, 1836), he says : —
" I have been talking to Newman about a plan I have
of printing with a few notes and general remarks, Chry
sostom's Commentary on two of the shorter Epistles, just
to convince young men that they are easy reading. Lf
we could coax those who do read to such studies, instead
of the everlasting crambe about Justification, and thus
teach them that the Gospel is something larger and better
than the range of the Quinquarticular Controversy, it
would surely be good. But the question is, — WiU any
one buy such a book 1 "

240 Hugh James Rose: [1837
The writer of the foregoing letter to Bp. Doane, it is
plain, was buoyed up by a cheerful hope. Nor is proof
wanting that he got through the winter of 1836-7 with
comparative immunity from suffering. He dehvered to
the Divinity Students of King's CoUege (1836-7) a
Course of Lectures on the "Evidences qf the Christian
Religion," which were received with enthusiasm as well
as listened to with marked attention. During the first
term also, and during part of the second, he had preached
in the College Chapel. At the end of 50 years, the
effect of the Principal's solemn Addresses remains un-
effaced. One who remembers those days very freshly, —
Dr. Manning, who, by an interesting coincidence, is also
Mr. Rose's most recent successor at Fairstead Rectory, —
writes : — ¦
" Under God, I think I may say that I almost owe my
spiritual life to Mr. Rose. I was at King's CoUege,
London, during the time that he was Principal there, and
I shall never forget the impression which his teaching
and his holy hfe made on me and a large number of my
fellow students."
1 ventured to ask for more. Dr. Manning proceeds : —
" He was with us for so short a season, and during that
period out of our sight for so considerable a time through
illness, that it was more the general tone of holiness
about him, than the result of personal intercourse, which
influenced us. His manner was very dignified, and
apparently a little stem, — perhaps he was more looked up
to and reverenced than beloved. He had a high sense of
discipline. I well remember the effect which an unwise
reception of his first lecture, or a speech, (by the applause
of the students), had upon him. Dr. Otter (whom he
succeeded) had just been made Bishop of Chichester. He
remained for a short time at King's College, and he and
Mr. Rose used to come to the Chapel together. After
prayers, on the morning following the event I have

1837] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 241
mentioned, as they were going out of the Chapel, they
both stopped ; and Dr. Otter told us that Mr. Rose wished
us not to applaud : — Dr. Otter adding, that, though well
intentioned, it was hardly consistent with proper respect
for one who held that office over us."
As was hinted above, — the letters of his correspondents,
his own letters, ahke attest that at the coming in of the
new year (1837) the Principal of King's College was
in the fuU enjoyment of his usual mental vigour. Part
of a communication from Mr. Newman (Jan. 3rd, 1837)
will be perused with interest. The references to the
' Lyra] and to his actual occupations, are occasioned by
the editorial importunities of his correspondent : —
" /3 is Froude's initial in the ' Lyra.' I was very sorry
it had to stop, but the reason was simply this, — the only
ones I could rely on as forthcoming, were my own ; and
they were all written when I was abroad, with the
exception of two and-a-half. It went on then till the
supply was exhausted. I should have run out sooner,
unless I had stimulated Keble to send some contri
butions. "I have been wishing, ever since I left off, (that is,
the last two or three months,) to send more 'Churches
qf the Fathers ' ; but my time and thoughts have almost
been absorbed with books, questions and compositions
on the subject of Romanism. I am pubhshing a sort
of Via Media as far as it goes, and of course it makes
me very anxious to be accurate.3 I do not think I
deviate from our great writers in any point, — certainly
any point in which they agree. Doubtless I shall make
some mistakes after all: but not for want of pains.
Most of it has been re-written, not re-transcribed,
several times : good part, from four to six times. This
will account for my apparent idleness.
"You deserve some rest by this time. No one can
" Referring to his 'Lectures on Popular Protestantism.' It was
the Prophetical Office ofthe Church, published in 1837 : tne 2n<i edition,
viewed relatively to Romanism and in 1838.
VOL. I. R

242 Hugh James Rose: [1837-
doubt the ' British Magazine ' has been of extreme ser
vice to the Church since it appeared. It is too valuable
a work to let drop." 6
To Dr. Pusey, a few days later (January 9th), Rose
renewed the warning which he had repeatedly uttered
to the Editor of the ' Tracts ' since the beginning of
1836:- " As to my fears of your Oxford proceedings, I only
say, — Keep where you are, and go no further. I do
not say that the English are a people of good sense,
but I say they abhor extremes, and always fly off from
those who carry things too far. I mention this as
a fact. Now, I certainly saw, or rather heard read,
articles in the 'British Critic' from Oxford, containing
expressions which it seemed to me could only provoke
jealousy and suspicion. I can see no good in that.
I stick entirely by Bp. Sanderson's doctrines on these
matters : and if you will cast your eye on the extract
from him (in Dr. Wordsworth's new work) on 'Expe
diency] I should be very glad. I do not think it
justifiable to say exaggerated things in order to startle
people. We have an uphill game to fight. We want
courage and perseverance to fight it. But it is the
Truth, and by God's help it wiU prevail, if we do
justice to it. If we do all we can to provoke
opposition and cause suspicion, the case may be very
different." Happy would it have been for the Church's peace and
prosperity had Rose's sober counsels prevailed. He had
said something very similar to Newman on an earlier
occasion (Oct. 22nd, 1834), and in his usual kind and
indulgent way. There is only room for one brief ex
tract from that letter : —
" Your letter to me touches one topic which I want
fairly argued out. It is one of Hare's notions, as well
6 J. H. N. to H. J. R. (at King's Coll.),— Jan. 3, 1837.

1837] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 243
as yours, that saying startling and extravagant things
is very good. And I feel that there are some ad
vantages in it. But still, what does permanent good
and produces permanent conviction, and correction, and
improvement, — is the more perfect and calm state
ment, free from aU extravagance ; to which we can
resort in all moods of feeling and on all occasions.
Do argue this out for me, for I am suspended in mind
about it."
At the commencement of his Principalship then, (Oct.
1836 to Jan. 1837), as we have said already, Rose's
prospects at King's College were cheering. But, with
the early Spring of 1837, all his sky became heavily
overcast. "I do not yet get down stairs," — he wrote on
the 4th of February. The prevalent scourge of that
period, ('the influenza' as it was called), fastening on
a frame already greatly debilitated, brought matters to
a crisis. " I have been shut up for weeks in my bed
room," (he writes of himself on the 4th March), "with
a fierce spasmodic cough, not yet subdued." And though
he partially rallied in the Spring, there came on a relapse
in the ensuing May, from which he never recovered.
" I am stUl confined to the bed-room, and half to bed," —
he wrote on the 28th June : and though in the same
month he left London, yet was he "too ill to write or
speak to almost any one." He was conveyed to the
Isle of Wight for change of air ; and for three months
was the cherished guest of his ancient friends, the Sims
famUy, at Niton. A two days' visit there from his
accomphshed physician and friend, Dr. Todd, 7 was re
assuring: but the patient gives but a sad account of
himself in the following affecting lines which he ad-
' Robert Bentley Todd, M.D. and Physiology at King's College, Lon-
F.R.S. [1809-1860],— Professor of don.
R 2

244 Hugh James Rose: [1837
dressed to his faithful ally and confidential adviser,
Joshua Watson, in July : —
" I can sit up longer in the day and walk a hundred
yards with as little fatigue as fifty. If pure air, perfect
quiet, and an utter — I will not say mere idleness but —
torpor, vacuity, apathy of mind as to all mental employ
ment, are means of cure, these I have in full perfection.
.... I feel very strongly every day what a warning my
condition gives as to the necessity of caring for those
things which belong to our peace in other days than
those of languor and indisposition ; for, earnestly as I
may desire to give my thoughts to them now, no small
share of the same vacuity and torpor of mind prevails
with respect to those great concerns, as does towards the
worthless objects of time."8
This last year but one of Hugh James Rose's hfe
(1837) was in fact nothing else but one long agonizing
conflict with disease ; of strenuous and persistent efforts
on his part to give a lofty impress to the teaching of
King's College, — only not entirely frustrated by the in
veterate character of his malady. The state of his health
became so serious that, in the month of September, he
wrote to the Bishop of London to say that he "placed
himself in his and the Council's hands, and that his
resignation was ready if they thought that his absence
could by possibihty prejudice the College." 9 His pro
posal was not entertained for a moment : —
"The Council of King's College" (repUed the Arch
bishop, to whom it is evident that Rose's letter was
communicated) "will, I am certain, be too happy to
make any arrangements which may ensure the con
tinuance of your services when, by the blessing of God,
you have recovered your health, and are enabled to
resume your laborious duties with safety to yourself.
8 H. J. R. to J. W — July 7, • To the same,— Clapham Com-
1837. mon, Sept. 23rd, 1837.

1837] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 245
"We are disappointed at the postponement of your
visit, and expect to be compensated for the delay by the
pleasure of having you with us for a longer time. We
hope indeed to keep you many weeks. You can hardly
be in a place better suited to the comfort of an invalid.
The distance is not so great as to prevent you from
visiting London whenever your presence may be re
quired at the College ; and Mrs. Howley and I can
mutually vouch for each other, that there is no house in
the kingdom where you and Mrs. Rose would be more
truly welcome." *
From a letter of Mrs. Rose to the Rev. John Miller, it
is found that after the three months spent in the Isle of
Wight, she and her husband had first repaired to Glynde
in Sussex, in order to pass a few days with Rose's aged
father and mother. Thence, (Sept. 1 9th) they had pro
ceeded to the Harrisons at Clapham, where they were
domiciled for three weeks. After this, it was settled
that it would be better for Mr. Rose not to attempt
residence at King's College during the October Term,
but to estabhsh himself somewhere in the neighbour
hood, — where he could maintain some httle superinten
dence of the CoUege, without being sufficiently near at
hand to be perpetually harassed by its requirements.
Accordingly, avaiUng themselves of the Archbishop's
gracious hospitahty, early in October Mr. and Mrs.
Rose repaired to Addington, and remained .there tiU the
beginning of 1838.
MeanwhUe, Hugh James Rose's exertions for the Col
lege were most strenuous, and, all circumstances taken
into account, may be declared to have been even extra
ordinary. He had prepared his course of Divinity Lectures
(for 1837-8) on "Ecclesiastical History," though he was
1 Addington, 29th Sept. 1837.

246 Hugh James Rose: [1837
obliged to deliver them, at least in part, by deputy. His
devoted friend, Mr. Allen, Chaplain of the college, (since,
Archd. of Salop,) read them for him : he himself being
confined to his sick chamber. He also preached oc
casionally in the College Chapel, but found it dreadfully
fatiguing. No wonder ; for his organs both of respira
tion and speech were by this time thoroughly impaired,
and no longer capable of abiding relief, — much less of
permanent cure. As might have been expected, the
return to King's College (about the middle of January)
promptly undid whatever of benefit had accrued from
the delightful repose and salubrity of Addington Park.
The season was unusually severe. Rose was entirely
confined to the house. " The worry of College business,"
— (a thing inevitable to the Principalship of a new
Institution, but which was minimized in his case >as far
as was practicable), — proved more than his strength could
endure. It became plain to the loving eyes which watched
his frail condition with incessant anxiety, that he was
losing, not gaining ground.
As this sketch of a Ufe, — whether to be more fitly
characterized as ' sorrowful ' or ' glorious,' I really know
not, — draws to a close, one feels as if, with breathless
anxiety, one were watching the fortunes of a runner
engaged in a race — with Death. The brave heart, sus
tained by a secret consciousness that the well-being of
the Church of Christ depends in a measure on his
prolonged exertion, makes another and yet another
desperate effort, as scorning to give in. Are not his
faculties as clear as ever? his powers of mind even more
vigorous ? May he not yet hold out for a time ? But it
is evidently a terribly unequal contest. There is no
chance for him. He will have to give in soon, — must be

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 247
beaten at last. To talk of the " health " of one in such a
state is to misuse words. There is not enough of life
remaining in him to enable him to do the work which
yet he is resolved to do. But in the meantime, strive to
the end he evidently must and will. Thus, he had
undertaken to seek to enlist, by private correspondence,
the practical sympathy of many of high position in the
Church in an edition of Chrysostom's Homilies on S.
Paul (for the 'Library of the Fathers'), and thus excuses
himself to Dr. Pusey (Feb. 3rd, 1838) for his silence as
to the result : revealing incidentally how great a sufferer
Hugh James Rose had been from sickness during the
last year but one (1837) of his Ufe : —
" You wiU naturaUy say, Did you never enquire the
result ? The answer shaU be frankly given. I heartily
pray you may never know its force. The Influenza is
a most extraordinary disease in one respect. It pros
trates mind, in many cases, quite as much as body ;
and the recovery of each is equally slow. For months
I felt that writing a Letter, or a paragraph of half-a-
dozen lines, was terrible: and although, with the partial
return of bodily strength with which it has pleased
God to bless me, something of former feehngs shows a
tendency to return, yet stUl the apathy, the indifference,
— to things which a few months ago would have haunted
me day and night tiU I had written and done what I
could, — the listlessness and the inaptitude for exertion,
exist to a degree, which if I did not view them as a
trial, (and therefore, I firmly beheve, a blessing,) would
be most painful. To say the truth then, under the
passiveness of this incubus, I never did write to enquire
what had been the result of the correspondence.
" What I have just said will serve to show how sincerely
I must rejoice that a publication which I think likely
to do so much good as Chrysostom on S. Paul is to go
on without my being obliged to bestir myself. Other
wise, I should indeed have rejoiced at being united

248 Hugh James Rose: [1838
with you : and still, if life should be continued and
energy return, I should hope that some other point of
union may offer. I hope that your last word but one
about -Field ('he cd not') was 'could] not 'would!"
The last two letters which (so far as I am aware)
passed between Mr. Rose and Dr. Pusey shall be given in
full. Both are in a high degree interesting : —
[King's College,] "March 14, 1838.
" My dear Pusey, — I should have answered your kind
and most welcome letter before, had I not been rather
pressed by business.
" First, let me say, as to the Advertisement,2 that I had
not seen it : and that if I had, I should never have
thought of it again, as I am quite sure that you would
do nothing intentionally unkind. I should have con
cluded it a mere bookseller's transaction. On one
account I am glad you mentioned the matter, for I really
was not aware before, that directions on these matters
were advisable. It never occurred to me to give any ;
but if they are given by authors commonly, of course
one ought to attend to the point more.
"Most heartily do I wish that we had known each
other personally before that German War, and I am
sure it would never have taken place. I should have
profited by your very far superior knowledge of the
subject, and should have done the work of warning the
English student more effectually, — a work which you
would have rejoiced to see done as much as I could.
That was the real point of consequence. It was in some
degree gained, but not wholly. I find now (and Mr.
Becker observed the same to me) marvellous things
thought of men of whom the Germans have spoken only
with just contempt for years and years.
" My fears — (and perhaps in my present condition of
health they are more easily excited) — as shadowed out
in a former Letter, were, that there was a tendency to
exaggerate differences on minor points ; so as to array
those who have one common end in view, — and would
2 I presume, of Pusey's work mentioned above, — p. 134.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 249
arrive at it by almost, if not precisely, the same road, —
if not 'against, at least apart, from each other. I deeply
regret, as far as I am myself concerned, (and I only
presume to allude to myself as having been mixed up
with these matters constantly in the management of a
Periodical), that we, i.e. Oxford and London, are not
nearer : for a few words would often explain that
that to which it might not be unnatural to attribute
much meaning, had really none at all. As an example,
take your ' Fifth of November' Sermon,3 which has not
been noticed. I daresay it has been thought that this
was in consequence of our views not agreeing. The
real fact was that I had no one to whom I could
with comfort assign the task of reviewing it : that
it could not be passed over with a mere 'Dr. Pusey's
striking and valuable Sermon ; ' and that therefore I
felt I must take it in hand myself. I soon found that
I was quite inadequate, at present, to cope with the
fair and full consideration of so deeply interesting and
very wide a subject, — and so, the matter has died away.
My wife and I read the Sermon with great eagerness,
and with a strong sympathy with great part of it. But
for want of power to apply myself to the minute exami
nation of aU the great questions raised in it, I could not,
if asked at this moment, say either 'Yes' or 'No ' to the
question, — Do you entirely take Dr. Pusey's view ?
There were one or two points about which I was going
to write to you when preparing to review the Sermon,
which I did not quite make out. One related, I know, to
certain modern miracles. I really did not know to
what you alluded, while I fully agreed in generally repro
bating the spirit of unbelief which would turn away
and scoff at all the evidence which could be brought on
such a point.
" In my Lecture to-day I made a solemn cohortation to
aU the Students who were to be Divines, to study here
after Chrysostom's HomUies on S. Paul ; and told them
they would probably soon have a good edition of the
work. I had proposed (and in some degree begun to
3 'Patience and Confidence ihe strength of the Church,' — 1837.

250 Hugh James Rose: [1838
collect materials for the purpose) to show, in a Preface,
how very accurate the Criticism of the words and style
of S. Paul, which we find in these Homilies, is. In one
respect, this is an inferior merit ; but it has its intrinsic
value, and as a proof of minuteness and perseverance in
the study of the Apostle's writings, is very important,
as we thus learn to repose extensive confidence in our
guide. " I hope to hear a better account of Mrs. Pusey as the
Spring advances. This (March 14) is really a genial day,
with a gentle free air, worthy of May.
" Beheve me to be, ever very truly yours,
"H. J. Rose."
" P.S. I wish very much that I could get more people
to send Reviews of Books they may be reading, such as
have sometimes appeared, prefixed to the regular Reviews.
Would any of your friends about you send such an
account of poor Froude's most interesting ' Remains ' ?
I do not know to whom to give them for Review. For
very few can understand or appreciate his very peculiar
excellencies. A book so miscellaneous, touching on so
very many points, is a very hard matter for a regular
Reviewer; and a sketch, such as could be given in the
kind of Review I mention, would be far preferable.
"I have mentioned in two cases difficulties about
Reviews. I find it pressing very often on me. Young
men, whatever be their talents, are not good at giving a
just judgment of books, — and one can hardly ask older
persons to take up such small matters as Magazine
Reviews which are necessarily so short. The Correspond
ence Reviews, so to speak, would be very useful."
What follows is Dr. Pusey's answer to part of the
foregoing letter. It is undated, but clearly belongs to
the March of 1838.
" My dear Friend, — I thank you most truly for your
kind words about our ' German War,' which I too have
long regretted ; and the more, since, though I thought at
the time your blows were the heavier, I (which at the
time I did not think) commenced it. It had indeed not

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 251
taken place, had we known each other then: but I
thought you attached an undue weight to things ex
ternal: I mean, to the authority (as distinct from the
inward hfe,) of the Church, — of its Articles, — and its
Liturgy. And myself did not sufficiently realize the
blessing attending on our own Church, as distinct from
other reformed bodies ; nor had observed the Providence
which has watched over her ; or the way in which (as
distinct from any ' binding force ') our primitive Liturgy
must have supported the faith of many who, in the last
century, were probably far from entering into its full
meaning, but of themselves would have sunk far lower.
I thought again that you laid too much stress on the
' binding force ' of Creeds and Articles ; and myself did
not sufficiently appreciate the inward power of Creeds
in moulding the mind, and keeping it from straying.
Such, at least, is my impression ; though it is now long
since I have looked into what we wrote.
" But this is past and gone. The most grievous part,
as you say, is that the work was but half done ; and,
what is for me the saddest, that I have been thought
(though I protested against it in the 2nd volume), to
have been opposed to you, where I felt altogether with
you, as to Rationalism itself. I thought we differed
about the causes and extent of it ; not, for a moment, as
to its perniciousness and shaUowness ; and I feared
people in England were verging towards [it] in a way
which I thought you did not see. I feared lest cold dry
views on the one hand, and especially a decayed Pietism
on the other, might find their paraUel among us, and
bring in Rationalism here also. We ought to have been
fighting side by side, instead of with each other : you,
against the impugners of Church Discipline, Subscription,
Authority ; which, in those quiet days in Oxford, I did
not even know of : you upholding Creeds ; and 7,
opposing 'human systems' (as distinct from Creeds,
and indeed, as I have since seen more distinctly, opposed
to their very r\9os). However, I trust that we were even
then friends in heart. (I grieved at the time when I
heard of your ill-health, which the worry of this contro-

252 Hugh James Rose: [1838
versy must have aggravated.) And, since 'precious are
the wounds of a friend,' our mutual blows may have
done us each good ; and any hastiness I trust [has] been
forgiven by Him, whom we both meant to serve, — as
we long ago cordially forgave and forgot any pain which
either may have caused the other.
" I only wish there were any way in which we might
co-operate : yet so, I trust, we have been doing ; for, if
right principles prevail, the shallow works you speak of
(such as Rosenmiiller I suppose) must fall of themselves.
But I wish they had been got rid of long ago : and so,
I the more regret that we were ever opposed; and
seemed to be so, more than we were.
" With every good wish, ever yours,
[March 1838.] "E. B. P."
The history of 1838, — the concluding year of Hugh
James Rose's earthly life, — presents an exaggerated
repetition of what had been the history of 1837. As
already hinted,4 it was one brave, but hopeless as well
as incessant, battling with disease. We have already
heard of his lecturing to the students in Divinity in
March, and urging them to the study of Chrysostom.
His last course of lectures was read for him by Arch
deacon Allen ; to whom, on the 1 ith of June, he wrote, —
"I. am rather inclined, as no other regular Lecture day
will occur, to take some extra day, as for example
Monday the 18th, for a concluding Lecture of my own.
But I will not yet give notice of it." When the day
came, he found himself utterly unequal to the effort.
Deeply did he deplore his inability; for the occasion
(the close of the Academic year) was a memorable one,
and his mind was full of anxious forebodings concerning
himself. He wrote a short valedictory Address (which
Allen read to the young men) on two sheets of paper : —
4 See above, p. 246-7.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 253
"Believe me," — (these were among his latest words,)
— " that although I have been unable from illness to hold
much personal intercourse with many of you, I consider
you as a very solemn charge committed to me. I
earnestly pray to God to bless and lead you in the right
way, and to send His blessing on such humble endea
vours as I can make, whether in the Lecture Room or
the Chapel, to lead you to a knowledge of His truth and
Salvation. I am unable to go into any practical details
now ; but be assured that if it pleases God to permit me
to return with renewed strength, I desire nothing so
much as that you should come and hold free and unre
served intercourse with me on these most important
topics." As a further indication of his energy and mental
activity throughout this period, in addition to that which
his letters furnish, it may be recorded that it was in this,
his last year (1838), that he induced the learned Dr. Alex
ander McCaul to translate 'Kimchi on Zechariah! He would
have got the whole of his Commentary on the Prophets
executed, had he lived. But by this time his disease
was gaining rapidly upon him. Trial was again made
of Niton in the Isle of Wight, and with about as much,
— or as Uttle, — success as in 1837. To the Rev. John
MiUer he wrote in July, —
" I continue much in the same state as I have been in
for some months : not going back ; perhaps, since I came
here, going a Uttle forward. But the specific complaint
remains much the same, and whUe it does, I cannot gain
strength, as the expectoration keeps me down. I am
tolerably weU for the first half ofthe day, and then long
to go to bed."
Subsequently, to ensure a more complete change, a
little continental excursion was tried. He visited Paris
for a short time, and returned to Niton on the ist Sep
tember; whence he repaired into Sussex, in order to repose

254 Hugh James Rose: [1838
— (it was destined to be for the last time!) — under the
shadow of his anxious parents' roof. Writing from his
father's vicarage, (Glynde, 10 Sept. 1 838), he tells a friend, —
" Our winter destiny is yet unsettled. I fear being
sent abroad, and I can ill describe how heavUy the
thought sits on me." [And, to another intimate, writing
about the same time, he says, — " You can little imagine
how the thought depresses and wears me, when I remem
ber how much I must break up, and alter, and leave to
others 5."] " The warm dry air of Paris, however, did so
well, and the sea has latterly done so ill for me, that I
think it probable they may give up Madeira, which was
the scheme, for some continental residence. We go
hence in a day or two ; after which King's College will
be our address till we go, if we go." 6
There is a dash of intense melancholy in everything he
wrote about this period. How sad is the avowal in the
words which follow — addressed (Sept. 24th) to his bosom-
friend, Joshua Watson : —
" Composition, I find, becomes a much heavier task as
I grow older, instead of a more easy one : and to some
men, — I mean, even superior men. — it is unspeakably
burthensome. Two of the best Clergy I know, spend
their Uves — I might almost say without a figure — in
misery, on this very account. They think they ought to
write ; but though they have exceUent sense and con
siderable acquirements, this power they have not."
It must have been at an advanced period of 1838, that
a little incident of interest occurred which displays
the Principal of King's College, while in a state of great
bodily prostration, labouring to do his Master's work
with zeal beyond his powers. An alumnus of the
College, then about 1 7 years of age, — (one of those who
5 To Rev. Benj. Harrison, — Niton, Sept. 4th, 1838.
6 To Rev. John Miller.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 255
had attended his Divinity Lectures), — for whatever
reason, had attracted his favourable notice. Let the
young man himself, at the end of fifty years, be invited
to tell us the rest : —
" Mr. Rose had been, I think, for two or three months
confined to his house by illness. One of the CoUege
servants informed me that the Principal wished to see
me in his room, at two o'clock. On entering, I suppose
I must have exhibited some surprise or alarm. I well
remember what I felt on seeing him, — pale and emaciated,
— propped up with piUows in an easy chair by the fire
side, fie said to me, — ' Don't be frightened at the sight
of death, — if it is death you see.' He made me sit down
by his side. He told me that ' he was being sent away
from England ; he thought it was to die, but if he should
live tiU I had taken my degree at the University, he
wished me to promise that I would come and see him
when I entered into holy Orders.' He said such kind
things, and gave me such good advice, as touched my
boyish heart very deeply; and I have never forgotten
the impression made upon me. I then learned for the
first time that I loved him, — whom I thought I only
reverenced." 7
In reply to further inquiries, the same gentleman
(Oct. 6th) writes : —
" I cannot remember the exact date of that interview ;
but I know that it was very shortly, if not immediately
before he left England. After so many years I find it
impossible to recall all that he said to me. From the
state of his health the interview was necessarily a short
one ; and what he said was of so kind and personal a
nature, that I should not hke to reproduce it, even if
I could accurately remember his words  I was sent
for to what was called ' The Principal's Room,' — which
communicated with his house and also with the College.
It was upstairs. At the moment I entered by the door
7 MS. communication from the Btead Rectory, — Sept. 28th, 1886.
Rev. F. J. Manning, D.D., Fair- See above, p. 240-1.

256 Hugh James Rose: [1838
communicating with the CoUege, a lady (whom I
supposed to be Mrs. Rose) left the room by the door
communicating with the house. He had not been seen
by any of the students for a very long time previously, —
I cannot remember how long, but it must have been
some months. I feel quite sure that I was the last who
saw him."
If Hugh James Rose's trusted intimates were not
many, yet must it be confessed that firmer, or more
generous, or more enthusiastic, friends, no man ever had.
This remark is specially suggested as his earthly hfe
hastens to its close. They seem to gather round him : to
claim the privileges of affection : to vie with one another
in seeking to diminish his anxieties and lighten his
burdens. The admirable Joshua Watson,8 whose name
has already more than once come before the reader, was
strenuous with him — (quite vainly however) — to regard
him as his banker all the time he should be away from
England. He was Rose's habitual confidant and coun
sellor, — his senior by some four-and-twenty years. The
Sims family have been already mentioned as the loving
intimates of his youth, — his devoted nurses at the close
of Ufe. S. R. Maitland, (librarian of Lambeth,) the witty
and accomplished author of so many precious contri
butions to the Ecclesiastical literature of that time,
yielded to no one in attachment to Rose's person and
devotion to his service. It was he, in the main, who
now made himself responsible for carrying on the "British
Magazine." And in this connexion I may not fail
to mention the Harrisons (to whose house on Clapham
Common Rose used to resort as to a home) ; the rather,
8 The reader is referred to a valu- notices of his contemporaries, and
able ' ' Memoir of Joshua Watson," spans an important but neglected
by the late Archd. Churton, — 2 vols. period of our Church's history, — the
1861. It abounds in interesting former half of the present century.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 257
because it was the appointment of Archd. Harrison
to be his colleague at Lambeth, which proved one of the
most comforting incidents which attended Rose's ex
patriation. At Mr. Harrison's house, Rose and his wife
spent their last days in England, and from it they
started on their sorrowful journey to the South.
It has been justly remarked concerning him that he
possessed in a supreme degree the art of inspiring
confidence, — of winning the trustful esteem and regard
of all with whom he had to do. But there really was
no ' art ' in the case. He was born to be a leader of
men. He naturally inspired confidence, — unconsciously
communicated to others a measure of the generous
enthusiasm of his own noble nature. Let it be added
that he invariably conciliated the affection also of
those who came much in his way, and knew him best.
In a letter to Benjamin Harrison, written from Niton
(Sept. 4th, 1838), a few weeks before his final departure,
he says : —
" Of the Archbishop's and Mrs. Howley's kindness
it is impossible to speak too highly. I owe more than
I can say to both, for the degree of it shown to us.
And to him I owe yet higher obligations than even
for any kindness of a temporal nature : for I have
learned more from him than from aU my teachers
put together, — too happy if I could carry into prac
tice the lessons of true wisdom, human and Divine,
which I have gathered from him. You may think
this strong language now ; but if he lives, you will
find every year that your opinion of his powers, of
his very large views, — his very long weighed views of aU
great subjects, (brought forward as if casuaUy and with
the simplicity of a child), — increases more and more." 9
' Postscript (p. 78) ofthe Charge offered (pp. 189-92) concerning tbe
quoted above, at p. 206. The reader Archbishop's character. See also
is referred to what has been already pp. 244-5 and 258.
VOL. I. S

258 Hugh James Rose: [1838
It wiU be freely admitted that such words from Hugh
James Rose are no common testimony. His sentiments
moreover were freely reciprocated by the illustrious
object of his admiration and regard. The Archbishop
remarked to Joshua Watson how greatly beloved Mr.
Rose was throughout his household : — " Each one, from
Mrs. Howley to the lowest servant, would do anything
for Rose." x . . . . Some, whose high Ecclesiastical position
perforce suggested a cautious mode of address, are
observed to break through the conventional restraints of
office in order to assure him, — when at last his health
hopelessly gave way, — that "he was to consult no one's
convenience but his own; to obey no orders but those
of his physician."- — This was in 1837. At the end of
a year (Aug. 7th, 1838), the same friend (Bp. Blomfield)
writes : —
" I see all the inconveniences of putting the Principal-
ship in Commission for a time .... One thing however
must be looked upon as settled ; viz. that you must
do whatever your medical advisers tell you ought to
be done ; and we will do the best we can for the
College. Do not therefore suffer yourself to be made
uneasy by any anxiety on this head." [And again
on the 26th Sept.] — " I have just received your letter,
and have only time to say that you must not wait
for the final arrangement which may be made for
supplying your place during your absence from Eng
land, although no time will be lost in taking it into
consideration. I wiU desire Mr. Smith to call a Council
for Friday in next week (I shall not be home till the
Thursday) and I wiU bring the matter forward. But do
not wait for this.
" I am truly sorry not to receive a more favourable
report of your health. The good wishes and prayers of
many wiU go with you into Italy: those of all who are
1 Memoir, by Churton, — ii. 183.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 259
connected with the College I am sure will follow you.
Pray let me hear from you from time to time after you
have left England.
" With regard to the ' Warneford prize,' I think you
had better give out the subject at once, if the time
is come. How the Essays are to bear directly upon
Revelation I do not see. I will think of the Library
scheme, and see Mr. Brewer when I am .settled at
Fulham. " With earnest prayers for your restoration to health
and continued usefulness, I remain always your sincere
and faithful friend, " C. J. London."
Three " Lieutenants " had in the meantime presented
themselves : — Lonsdale (afterwards Bp. of Lichfield),
Archdeacon LyaU, and Dr. W. H. MU1. The last named
being in Italy, his address could not be obtained when
the Council of King's College met. Lyall's faithful
friendship, Rose was unwilling to tax. The first was
deemed the fittest person, being one of the Council ;
and on him the appointment fell. 2 But Mill, (whose
writings, it is to be feared, are far too Uttle known
by the Clergy of the present generation,) was im
measurably the greatest man of the three, — a name
to be remembered in the very foremost rank of Anglican
Divines : " one of the few men who, in this day, in
their reading and acquirements, recaU to us the memory
of the giants." 3
Within a few days of his quitting the shores of
England, Rose was anxiously making provision for
" the Geological Lectures required for the Engineering
class," and other claims of King's CoUege. Eut his
work was already clearly over. The end had aU
2 H. J. R. to Joshua Watson, — J H. J. R. to Joshua Watson, —
8 Oct. 1838. Sept. 14, 1831.
S 2

260 Hugh James Rose: [1838
but come. His friend C. J. Blomfield writes to him (8th
Oct.),— " If I should not have the pleasure of seeing you
again before you take your departure, let me offer
you a Bishop's blessing, and the best wishes of a friend.
Write to me as soon as you are settled."
But, whatever interest may attach to such expres
sions of friendship, we seem rather to desire that the
subject of the present Memoir should be heard, — speaking
of, and for, himself during these, the last days of his
life. Three weeks before quitting the shores of England
for ever, he wrote as follows (Sept. 24th, 1838) to his
loved Joshua Watson, with reference to the destined
place of his exile : —
" Rome is doubtless far preferable to Madeira, although
a long and serious journey. But stiU, it is exile. I am
ashamed of being so ill able to contend with myself on
this point. But I cannot get over it as I would. I feel .
it very much in one respect : — I have just got to that
point when I can do the pleasantest of aU things to me,
i. e. helping on good men. This wiU be aU broken off
and go into other channels. Still, do not think that I
am blind to the kindness with which I am treated, and
the great and undeserved mercies which I receive. To
yourself I never can be grateful enough."
With such feehngs Hugh James Rose was preparing
to quit his native land. Buoyed up he naturally was by
the hope, not to say the desire, to return : but it is evi
dent that he was visited by many a sad presentiment
that the end was approaching, though he cannot have
anticipated that he was destined not even to reach the
proposed goal of his journey. " Of myself " (he wrote to
Joshua Watson on the 8th of October,) —
" I hardly know what to say. Sometimes there seems
a spring of life which hints at recovery, but conviction or

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 261
depression at other times teUs a tale of speedier conclusion.
If this is so, I am sure that any aid or advice you can
give my Wife will not be wanting  I should be
very glad that she kept up intercourse with those who
have been my best friends, and to whom she is deeply
grateful." The valedictory sound of these mournful words would
lead one to suppose that, as far as the writer was con
cerned, all correspondence on ordinary topics was by this
time at an end. It was not so. And I the rather insert
the calm argumentative letter which follows, because it
conveys a liveUer notion than any words of mine could
possibly do of the inteUectual vigour and earnestness of
the man : his indomitable energy in giving expression to
his more important convictions ; and the resolute witness
which he was ready to bear, almost within the very jaws
of Death, to the sacred cause of Truth. He was to leave
England for ever on Saturday, the 13th October. On the
preceding Thursday, he wrote to Mr. Newman as foUows : —
" My dear Newman, — I am ordered to pass the winter
at Rome, and I cannot leave this country without a line
of farewell and kind wishes to yourself and to those who
are labouring with you in the good cause at Oxford.
Pray remember me most kindly to Dr. Pusey and Mr.
Williams in particular. TeU the latter that Mr. Mait-
land has chief charge of the ' British Magazine] and would
be most glad to receive anything from him ; and that
Harrison and some of his friends will look after it also.
Maitland is so exceUent in aU points byegone, (which is,
by the way, an exceUence in itself,) that he cares very
httle about what is going on now. On this account it is
that I have begged my brother, Harrison, &c. to look
after Church matters.
" Your new No. of the ' British Critic ' is full of talent
and very amusing ; but there are two points urged very
strongly in it, about which I doubt, — in one case, as to
the thing itself, and the manner of putting it ; and in the

262 Hugh James Rose: [1838
other, as to the latter. This second is, — The urging the
necessity of making Religion mysterious, in such an age
as this. Now, as far as I understand the writers, I agree
with them, i.e. I think that the strong and constant
inculcation of the Communion of God with Man, and
those ordinances which He has planted in the Church,
and so on, is indeed a most wise and necessary measure.
But it is to be observed that, in aU these cases, the mys
teries are built on God's express promises, as recorded in
Scripture and preserved by the Church. But one of tbe
writers (on ' Sir F. Palgrave ') so puts the matter as to
appear to recommend adopting mystery, in any shape we
can get it, as a counterpoise to Utilitarianism. The
question is, — Can we, have we the right to introduce any
mystery for which we have not authority ? If it is said
that this is only a strong way of putting the matter, I
doubt the expediency; for it obviously lays us open to
very plausible misrepresentation. And besides, I really
think Truth so awful a thing, that we have no right to
exaggerate it on one side, either to startle and draw
attention, or to compensate for abandonment on the
other. " The other point is, — The vehement rejection of all
Evidence, except that of Testimony of the Church, and
of all appeals to Reason. Now, it is singular that the
writer (on 'Magnetism') so forgets his own point, that
he builds his assertion on the fact, that this reliance on
the Church is more logical, than reliance on any other
Evidence. This I do not deny. But if we are thus to
recur to Logic, to Reason, — why may I not do it in one
way as well as another ?
" But the fact is that this rejection of what are com
monly called ' the Evidences] excludes wholly all con
sideration of Unbelievers and of faint Believers. Happy
they who, having received the Faith as He would have
them, are so strong in it, as to want nothing more. But
think of the vast variety of human minds ! How often
is Doubt sent as a trial of the Soul. And if, under its
severe trial, the mind can find its views — derived from
the Church, but not held as strongly as they ought,—

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 263
confirmed by thoughts from other quarters, Why reject
them ? Again : What can be done with actual unbe
lievers ? They may say that they will hear the Church,
when convinced that Scripture is true and that God has
ordained a Church. But how do you teach them this ?
I may lament that there are such men, but surely we
must not overlook them. 4 And again : If we are only
to receive what is handed to us, how should we have
escaped from Romanism ? I do not see the clue to this.
" Excuse my thus writing ; but I feel anxious on these
points, and know that they have alread}r excited a good
deal of attention. Again, fareweU ! you and your labours
will have my warmest wishes and most hearty prayers.
Everyours' "H.J.Rose.
" We hope to go on Saturday." 5
We have just hstened to words, — ("Ifeel anxious on
these points,") — which afford the true solution to the phe
nomenon of such an one as Hugh James Rose writing
such a letter as the preceding under circumstances so
unfavourable in every way to the effort. Let the plain
truth in this matter for once be plainly stated. Writers
of the Tractarian school, — their tone and spirit even more
than their actual utterances, — had been causing him, ever
since the first months of 1 836, a vast amount of mental
anxiety and grave spiritual disquiet : —
"I think that review of Froude," (he had written to
4 " Being asked his opinion of study of such arguments ; and some
Bishop Butler's 'Analogy,' Hugh J. appear to shrink from the study, as
Rose said : ' The best answer I can suggestive of doubts which they
give is, that my own copy is worn have never felt. But if I had the
out by frequent use. It is a, book charge of the education of a young
that grows more and more upon enquiring spirit, I should think it
you, as you become intimate with my duty to provide all safeguards
it.' This led to a conversation on against danger.'" Churton's Memoir
the subject of Evidences. 'There of Joshua Watson, — ii. 8,9.
are many minds which seem happy 5 Clapham Common, [Thursday]
and safe in themselves without the Oct. 11, 1838.

264 Hugh James Rose: [1838
Joshua Watson a few months before, speaking of what
had recently appeared in the 'British Critic]) "the
most to be regretted of anything which I have seen
from our Oxford friends. It shows a disposition to find
fault with our Church for not satisfying the wants and
demands, — not of the human heart, — but of the imagina
tion of enthusiastic, and ascetic, and morbid-minded
men. This no Church does, or can do, by any honest
means. He who has these desires may satisfy them
himself. The mass of men have them not. To quarrel
with the Church on this ground is to show a resolution
to quarrel with her." 6
The extravagances of the leaders of the Movement had
in fact become by this time an aggravation of Rose's
disorder. So near to his heart of hearts lay the Church's
malady, and so large had been his share — ever since
1825 — in reviving the hopes of Churchmen when those
hopes had all but universally failed, that he could not
but regard with alarm and dismay symptoms of inse
curity in the bulwarks which he had been mainly instru
mental in erecting against the enemy's assaults. Not,
of course, that he dreamed of open unfaithfulness, actual
tergiversation, in any quarter; least of all in a chief
standard-bearer, like John Henry Newman. How, in
fact, was it possible, in 1837 and 1838, to anticipate an
actual lapse to Romanism on the part of one who in
1837, and again in 1838, published such a terrible denun
ciation of the Romish Church as the foUowing ? —
"If we are induced " (wrote Mr. Newman) " to believe
the professions of Rome, and make advances towards
her as if a sister or a mother Church, which in theory
she is, we shall find too late that we are in the arms of
a pitiless and unnatural relative, who will but triumph in the
arts which have inveigled us within her reach. . . . Let us be
6 This was written in January, 1838. (Churton's Memoir of Joshua
Watson,— ii. 63.)

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 265
sure that she is our enemy, and will do us a mischief when
she can .... We need not depart from Christian charity
towards her. We must deal with her as we would towards
a friend who is visited by derangement; in great affliction,
with all affectionate tender thoughts, with tearful regret
and a broken heart, but still with a steady eye and a
firm hand. For in truth she is A CHURCH beside herself,
abounding in noble gifts and rightful titles, but unable to
me them religiously; crafty, obstinate, wilful, malicious, cruel,
unnatural, as madmen are. Or rather she may be said
to resemble a demoniac .... Thus she is her real self only
in name ; and, till God vouchsafe to restore her, we
MUST TREAT HER AS IF SHE WEKE THAT EVIL ONE WHICH
GOVERNS HER." 7

No one may for an instant doubt that the pious and
truthful writer really meant what is contained in the
foregoing awful passage. It was the deliberate result
of all his study and observation, aU his reading and
reflection on the subject of the Romish branch of
the Church CathoKc, down to the time of his writing.
Rose therefore, I repeat, would have refused to entertain
the faintest suspicion of defection at any future time
in his correspondent. For that is no obiter dictum which
I have been transcribing ; but a passage from a published
volume on the very subject to which it relates. And the
sight of it, when he saw it in print in 1837, did not
daunt its author; for he republished it in 1838. Equally
certain however it is that the same keen eye and quick
perception which had enabled Rose to discern Theologi
cal abUity of the highest order in certain of the Oxford
men of 1831 and 1832, qualified him now to descry
deadly mischief in the altered tone and method of some
' Romanism and Popular Protes- Rome is spoken of, and that by
tantism, — pp.102-3. Note, that here name. The reader is reminded of
not the 'City* but the ' Church' of what was said above, at pp. 168-70.

266 Hugh James Rose: [1838
of them. In 1838 moreover Newman was responsible
for the "British Critic"; and therefore to some extent
was identified with the prevailing sentiments of that
periodical. " The 'British Critic ' under your hands is no
ordinary matter, and of course will be read," — Rose had
pointed out, with something like severity, a few months
before.8 Hence then it was that his latest act before
leaving England was to examine the latest number, and
to commit to writing the foregoing remonstrance on what
he had been distressed to discover there.
One more letter — a very short one — " from the same to
the same," is the last with which the reader shall be
troubled. I would gladly have introduced (but I do not
find) the communication to which it was a response.
The purpose of Mr. Newman's missing letter was evi
dently to obtain his friend's sanction to the exquisite
Dedication with which he proposed to adorn the forth
coming (ivth) volume of his own admirable Sermons.
It claims introduction in this place for the second time :
— " To the Rev. Hugh James Rose, B.D., Principal of
King's College, London, and Domestic Chaplain to the
Archbishop of Canterbury ; who, when hearts were
failing, bade us stir up the gift that was in us, and
betake ourselves to our true Mother, this volume is
inscribed by his obhged and faithful Friend." It is but
right to add, — as well for his sake who penned these
beautiful words, as for the sake of him to whose sad
heart those words ministered comfort, — that this Dedica
tion was not the language of ordinary complimentary
address. Mr. Newman had concluded the latest of his
previous letters (it bears date 8th July 1838),—" Believe
me, my dear Rose, if you will let me say it, that you are
" H. J. R. to J. H. N.,— Clapham Common, July 7th, 1838.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 267
ever in my prayers, morning and evening, — knowing
your value and loving you." There was profound regard
and real admiration, — the sincerest affection too there
was, — on either side ; and, (it is a comfort to know it,) it
prevailed to the very last.
Neither, — (it will not be out of place that I should add,)
— was the subject of this Memoir one to whom the
proposed Dedication appealed in an ordinary way. In
the earlier part of this same year (1838), the Rev. John
MiUer had asked his permission to pay him a similar
compliment by dedicating to him, (in a prefatory letter),
ihe third edition of his famous Bampton Lectures. Rose
wrote concerning it as foUows: —
" What MiUer proposes gives me more pleasure than I
can express. I could say with truth, and if you saw me
for a day you would be sure that I do say it truly now at
aU events, that most of the things of this world have lost
their value for me. Rank, reputation, riches, except so
far as the last might give me what I want, rest, are all
gone by ; but I have stiU, in all its strength and fresh
ness, the sense of pleasure at any public testimony that
they whom I really esteem and value feel so far at least
kindly towards me, that they are not unwilling to speak
of me or to me in pubhc as their friend. I feel this to be
perhaps the best and most satisfactory testimonial which
a man can leave behind him."9 ... "I shall not leave
children to come after me who will care for my name ;
but if I did, I should rather leave them such records than
almost any thing else." 1
Hugh James Rose's last letter to John Henry Newman
— (the occasion of which has already been fully explained)
— follows : —
" My dear Newman, — I Uttle thought, when I wrote
yesterday, what pleasure was in store for me to-day. Be
9 To J. W. (?),— March ist, 1838. 1 To the same, Aug. 8th, 1838.

268 Hugh James Rose: [1838
assured that your letter, in giving me such an assurance
of your regard, sends me off on my winter's exile much
more cheerful. I shall consider (not making fine speeches)
the placing my name where you propose to do, as a very
great honour publicly, — and privately a very very high
gratification indeed.
" This last day, my head (feeble now at best) is quite in
a whirl. I will only therefore say again ' pray God bless
you and prosper your labours in His cause.'
" Ever most truly yours,
"H. J. Rose.
" King's College, Oct. 12th, 1838."
It is plain therefore that the foregoing incident was
almost, if not quite, the latest which Rose will have
associated with his departure from the shores of England.
If the actual terms of the proposed Dedication (which
however bears date 'Nov. 19th') were at the same time
sent him, it would not surely be fanciful to regard
the incident as a premonitory token of the blissful greet
ing which was awaiting the "good and faithful servant"
at the end of his journey, — that is, beyond the grave.'
His work — (excepting indeed so far as to suffer is to work)
— was already ended.
A short sad story is all that yet remains to be told. —
His last week or two in England, Rose spent at the
house of his friends, the Harrisons, at Clapham, — Mrs.
Rose going daUy to and from King's College to 'pack
up.' They embarked at Dover (one faithful female
servant with them) on Saturday the 13th October; and
after a very stormy passage, landed at Calais. At Paris,
a new ground of uneasiness appeared in the distressing
symptom of a tendency to swelUng in the limbs.
Mr. Rose felt unwell, but the physician thought it was
nothing, and that they might safely proceed on their
way. Travelling by the route of Geneva, which promised

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 269
to be attended with fewer inconveniences than that of
Marseilles, the party reached Florence about the middle
of November. Glad they were to get there, for a very
suffering journey it had proved. The dropsical symptoms
were on the increase, — which rendered locomotion pain
ful, and changes of whatever kind irksome in a high
degree. They took up their quarters in the hotel known to
English travellers as " il Pelicarw," (or, by another title,
-the "Arms of Great Britain") where Mr. Rose had stayed
during his former visit to Italy in 1824. Here, he
received all the attentions which, under the circum
stances, were possible : but the rapid progress of his
malady soon made it apparent that it would be imprac
ticable for him to proceed any further on his journey.
Meantime, he had the advantage of a kind and skilful
physician, (Dr. Harding), who attended him most dili
gently and watched his case with real interest. What
need to add that, above all, he enjoyed the consolation
of the tenderest and most devoted of nurses, — not to
mention the loving care of his wife's faithful attendant ?
All was in vain. Complications of disease came on
which no art could check. He could never again be
moved from the room into which he had been first
carried on his arrival. It became plain that he was
destined to end his days, Uke the saintly Leighton, " at
an inn." Nothing, in the meanwhile, could exceed the
calm, tranquil condition of his mind : contented with, —
entirely resigned to, — whatever might be God's wUl
respecting him.
I am sure that if Mrs. Rose were Uving she would
have allowed me to transcribe her own description of
the closing scene. Unwilling that her friend Mrs.
Harrison should receive from any one but herself the

270 Hugh James Rose: [1838
tidings of. her beloved husband's departure, she wrote to
her on the ensuing day as follows : —
"On Friday, the 21st December, he seemed so tran
quil and so free from annoyance, — spoke so much and so
delightfully, — that I really flattered myself all would
yet be well. The medical man too said he was certainly
better, and had every chance of a quiet night, and left
him with satisfaction. In less than an hour he became
very uneasy, and passed a very sad night. When
morning came and I saw his countenance by daylight, I
'was certain that, humanly speaking, hope was at an end.-
He desired me to tell him what the Doctor thought of
him, and if he was much worse. . . . He passed the day
tranquilly and happily : told me what he wished to be
done : begged I would not give way, as he could not bear
that. During the day, from time to time, he listened to
such portions of prayer and Scripture as were most fit
for a person so circumstanced; and the last thing he
seemed to take pleasure in was ' the Litany for a soul
departing ' in Bp. Cosin, (except a few detached verses at
the very last). At half-past-four the Doctor came and
wished him to take some broth. He assented with his
usual gentleness, and I left him for a moment while the
doctor gave it. A look from him recalled me. A slight
obstruction in swallowing occasioned him inconvenience,
and I offered to sustain his head. He looked at me as if
to thank me,— tried to say something, but could not
articulate. He then turned on me a look so full of
peace, and holy hope, and tranquillity, that I felt sure
that, in that awful moment, his God and Saviour
comforted him with an everlasting comfort. For the
few moments that life remained, he seemed wholly free
from pain, and passed away like an infant falling to
sleep. But he never, while life remained, took his eyes
off me ; and the remembrance of that holy and happy
look will be my comfort, when the bitterness of death is
past." Thus, a little before five o'clock in the afternoon of
Saturday, the 22nd of December a.d. 1838, when he had

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 271
attained the age of 43 and-a-half years, ended the earthly
career of Hugh James Rose. How forcibly is one re
minded of what is read to us on 'All Saints' Day' out of
the book of Wisdom, — an apocryphal work truly, yet
full of Gospel teaching, Gospel hope : — " The souls of the
righteous are in the hands of God, and there shall no
torment touch them. In the sight of the unwise they
seemed to die, and their departure is taken for misery.
But they are in peace!"
On S. Stephen's Day, his remains were attended to
their last resting-place by his truly bereaved widow.
As no strangers had been about him in his last illness, so
neither in death were any hands but her own and those
of her faithful servant suffered to perform towards him
the last ministrations of love. Together, (for " Love is
strong as Death ! " 2) they laid his shrouded body where
it will slumber on untU the Archangel's trumpet shall
wake it from its last long sleep. Together, they
foUowed it to its last abode, and had the comfort of
seeing it deposited in a locality which at that time must
have been one of even affecting beauty. Mrs. Rose
used to describe it as " a retired and lovely spot, within
the last few years permitted by the present government
of Tuscany to be purchased for a protestant cemetery,
situated just without the Umits of the city of Florence,
on the road to Fiesole." She explained that " the large
size of the cypress trees indicated it to have been a
garden for a long time past, and contributed an appro
priate feature to the scenery of a locaUty now conse
crated to a higher and hoher use." It may be sufficient
that I should describe in a note the painful change
which has since come over this sacred locality. 3 As
2 Song of Solomon, viii. 6. 1871, in company with my nephew,
3 When I visited Florence in Sept. the Rev. William Francia Rose, vicar

272

Hugh James Rose:

[1838

soon as the last offices of love had been fully dis
charged, Mrs. Rose hastened back to England: did not

of Worle in Somerset (the Rev.
Hugh James Rose's only surviving
nephew), we were supremely anxious
to visit this sacred locality, — the
burial place of the English. Its
beauty had often been vaunted in our
hearing. We had always heard of a
walled enclosure on a little declivity,
seemingly shut out from the world :
the dark foliage of the funereal
garden contrasting grandly with the
everlasting hills which form the
background of the picture. It was
distressing as well as perplexing to
find ourselves driven to a new and
populous quarter of the city, entire
ly built over with houses of the
better class ; and in the centre of
(what in London would be called)
" a Square," to halt before a small
oval mound-like enclosure, sur
rounded by iron railings, and full of
memorials of the dead. The reader
will divine what had happened.

Florence has spread in the direction
of the English burying ground.
The soil surrounding it perforce was
levelled wherever houses had to be
built ; the boundary walls of the
cemetery-garden were demolished,
and the cypress trees hewn down.
But it was determined that the
English Campo Santo should be
spared; and an iron railing seems
to have been thought the least un
sightly way of keeping that little
hill of graves inviolate.
In the south-east corner of this
cemetery we found the monument
we were in search of. It is a marble
altar-tomb, with the following in
scription on its upper surface. The
memorial had evidently been un-
cared for during the thirty-two
years since its erection, and pre
sented a neglected look which gave
us pain. Of course we did not leave
it altogether as we found it.

£

HUGO JACOBUS ROSE S.T.B.
Anglus
Reverendissimo in Christo patri
Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi a sacris domesticis
Collegii Regalis apud Londinenses Praefectus
qui
cum jam- in Academia Cantabrigiensi
quid egregia posset indoles
rectissimis studiis informata
haud obscure significaverat
id deinceps
quum ex umbra in solem processerat
clarissimis patefecit indiciis
Totum se dedit Ecclesiae
In concionibus
quarum permultas easque gravissimas
coram academicis suis habuit

1839] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 273
rest in fact until she reached the darkened vicarage of
Glynde, — the abode of her husband's parents.4
Many were the letters of sincere condolence written on
the occasion : many the expressions of bitter regret, on
public as well as on private grounds. A few brief
specimens of either deserve insertion. Mr. Newman thus
addressed the desolate widow : — •
"I will only say that in sorrowing for the loss the
Church has sustained in Mr. Rose, I am sorrowing
particularly for one who was always a kind, condescend
ing friend to me. In fact it was he who has brought me
into notice. He was the first to induce me to write on
Theological subjects, and then to praise me when I had
written. So generous, so noble-minded and warrn-
magna vultus formae staturae dignitate
canorae vocis dulcedine
sancta copiosa flexanima eloquentia
oculos aures mentes omnium
tenebat in sese defixas
In scriptis
strenuus fidei Christianae defensor
insanientem redarguit sapientiam
Ingravescente Ecclesiae et reipublicae periculo
de neutra desperavit et ut alii bene sperarent
inter primos effecit
Felicissime in sacris litteris versatus
Graecarum Latinarumque scientissimus
animi candore eximio
singular! morum suavitate
omnium omnis aetatis et ordinis
mirifice sibi concilians benevolentiam
per brevis sed actuosae vitae curriculum
et in valetudine semper infirma
consulens aliis prodigus sui
domi maximis laboribus
non tam fatiscens quam fractus
hospes eheu
in hac urbe Florentina placide conquievit
xi kal. Jan. mdoccxxxix. a. aet. xliii.
Have anima generosa dulcis et pia.
4 The reader is invited to turn back to p. 129. See also pp. 179-80.
VOL. I. T

274 Hugh James Rose: [1839
hearted in all he did and thought ! This I have ever
kept in mind, and may I never forget it.
"The recollection of the last seven years is full of
sad yet soothing thoughts to me. How wonderfully
things are carried on ! Each has his part in the great
work. Mr. Rose was favoured to begin, what he has
not been given to finish. I associate him in memory
with a dear and intimate friend, whom he knew and
valued, and who in like manner had his part assigned
him, did it, and was taken away." 6
Dr. Pusey wrote to Benjamin Harrison, —
" Our friend Rose is taken to his rest, from what would
year by year more have worried and vexed his noble
and anxious spirit. It is a sad void to us all : but we
know not how his spirit is employed, and whether he
may not have some office of interceding for the Church,
higher and more holy and more unintermitting than
when in the body. ' They live to God.' " 6
Dr. Wordsworth (Master of Trinity) expressed the
apprehensions of a thousand hearts when he declared, —
" His uses to his Church and country at this most
needful time were of a kind and degree, which, I deeply
fear, we must in vain look for again ; with aU their
promise, had it so pleased God, of increasing power and
efficiency." 7
" Pardon my poor memory," wrote Bp. Inglis (of
Nova Scotia) many years after, to Joshua Watson, —
" for recollecting your feelings and your expression of
them, when you were all struggling and praying that
even the last flickerings of life should be prolonged in
such a man as Hugh James Rose. All hope of active
employment had vanished; but you said, with very
forcible expression, that his very name was a treasure ;
and, until the vital spark was gone, King's College,
and the Church, and his friends would still possess more
B Oriel College, Jan. 29, 1839. ' Churton's Memoir of Joshua
6 Ch. Ch., 13 Jan. [1839.] Watson,— p. 65.

1839] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 275
than common riches in his name. You infused your
own feeling into mine, and there has been no change or
perversion since."8
Archdeacon Churton also, recalling the occasion long
after, says : —
" It is not easy to estimate the loss of such a man to
the Church of England at such a time. It is certain
that while he Uved, his eloquence in the pulpit, his
ability as a writer, his wisdom in counsel, his learning
in controversy, and the many graces of his personal
character, had raised him, without his seeking it, to the
rank of a Master in the Schools of the Prophets ; and
enabled him to guide and animate the efforts of a large
body of men of the highest promise at either University.
When he was removed, the best of them were full of
mournful forebodings. The bolder and less patient
proceeded to those extreme expositions of opinion, which
he had never ceased to deprecate ; and the effects were
in many ways disastrous."9
Enough of this however. Besides the fine inscription
(from the pen of Bishop Lonsdale) on the marble altar-
tomb which covers his mortal remains at Florence, there
was set up a memorial tablet to Hugh James Rose (the
inscription being the work of Bishop Copleston) in King's
CoUege Chapel, London. But, to my mind, no tribute
to Rose's memory suggests a more affecting image than
that of the aged Archbishop, his attached friend and
patron, who, — on receiving from Mrs. Rose a manuscript
which she presented to the Ubrary at Lambeth, — wrote
on the first leaf,
Multis Me bonis fiebilis occidit,
Nulli ftebilior quam mihi. — W. Cantuar.
His Grace one day asked Joshua Watson whether he
could name any one to succeed their lost friend as Chaplain
" Churton's Memoir, — p. 67. » Ibid., — p. 63.
T 3

276 Hugh James Rose: [1838
at Lambeth. "I do not ask," (said the Archbishop), "for
a man to supply Mr. Rose's place. That is impossible ;
it can never be supplied. But he must have a suc
cessor." 1
Greatly is it to be regretted that no adequate portrait of
this admirable man survives to acquaint posterity with
his personal aspect. A spirited chalk drawing which
hangs upon the walls of this Deanery is the only pic
torial representation of him known to exist. It has
been very well lithographed: tbe artist, — ' F. Tatham:'
the date, — ' 1834.' I only know besides2 of a striking
marble bust which was executed for Archd. Harrison by
a private friend ; but it is a posthumous effort. Of this,
I believe, replicas have been made. His personal aspect
was certainly most striking ; his figure tall and com
manding, — a grand " ecclesiastical " presence, as one of
his pupils remarked: a singularly intellectual brow,
a wondrous grave and thoughtful countenance. You
could not talk with him, or indeed be in his company,
without at once recognizing in him a being of no
common order. From personal observation I am unable
to say more ; for it was only in the last year of his life
that I was introduced to him. From that time forward
however, through many years (1839-73), I heard him so
frequently spoken of by his brother (and mine), as well
as by his widow (who did not foUow him till April 6th,
1855) that I seem to know him more intimately than
many of his contemporaries can have done.
Some notices of Hugh James Rose as a preacher and
as a reader have been offered in a former page.3 Arch-
1 Churton's Memoir, — ii. 66. referred to in a subsequent page [p.
2 The profile portrait on his mural 293], scarcely deserve notice.
tablet in the chapel of King's Col- s Supra, p. 139 to p. 144. Also
lege, London, and the slight thing pp. 131-2,

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 277
bishop Howley was often heard to declare of him that
" he was the best preacher in England." His dehghtful
address and conversation have already once and again
been adverted to.4 " On the whole," writes Wilham
Palmer, (who knew him intimately, and at my request
sent me, in his old age, a sheet of reminiscences), —
" I do not think that I have ever met elsewhere any
thing like his charm of manners, intellect, goodness,
sweetness, strength, wit and acuteness, and breadth of
view, combined with rare common sense and varied ac
complishment. Alas, we shall never see his like again.
Would that I could recaU his words, but my memory
does not extend to words. His candour was remarkable,
and he never was restrained by politeness from stating
his full and sincere opinion. I have given an instance
in the ' Narrative.' 5
"I have not mentioned his exceeding kindness and
benevolence of manner. If ever there was a perfect,
pohshed, dignified gentleman, it was he.
" I did not very often see him. I was busy in Oxford
and he was at Hadleigh, — then in London, sometimes
lodged in his Chaplain's rooms at Lambeth Palace. He
resigned Hadleigh not long after our meeting there. He
was obliged when in London, as Archbishop's Chaplain
and Principal of King's CoUege, continually to go out of
town at night to some environ, deep in fog, in order to
obtain relief from asthma by the thickness of the air.
He was in perpetual suffering."
Superfluous surely it is, after aU that has gone before,
that I should seek to draw out in detail the character
of Hugh James Rose. The single word which expresses
the result of a perusal of the many memorials of his
early life, is his dutifulness, — first, and above aU, to his
Parents. This disposition may be declared to enfold
within itself the germ, not only of all the human charities,
' Supra, pp. 161-2: 173-4. 5 New edition,— pp. 224-5.

'278 Hugh James Rose: [1838
but of those also which are due immediately to God.
In the case before us, — next to religious veneration and
pious awe, — the prevailing characteristic of the man,
beyond controversy, was a burning zeal for his Master's
honour and glory. It was shown by his supreme
solicitude for the well-being of the Church, as the
authorized channel of God's Grace, and His one appointed
instrument for the Salvation of Mankind. To those who
witnessed his efforts for the attainment of this sacred
object, his straightforward independence was conspicuous,
— his noble disdain of worldly ambition, — the utter
absence in him of anything like self-seeking. His con
scientiousness and candour scarcely struck men less.
His life of suffering had resulted in weaning him effectu
ally from this world and its concerns. Thus had there
grown up in him that absolute resignation and sub
mission of himself to the Divine Will, which seems to
belong to the very essence of the saintly Ufe.
Nor will the attentive and thoughtful reader have
failed to note, in passing, how singularly, under the
mysterious shaping of Providence, Mr. Rose's wretched
health, his actual bodily infirmities, were made sub
servient to God's purposes : certainly proved conducive
to the welfare of Christ's Church. That absolute neces
sity of foreign travel which drove him from his cure at
Horsham, in 18 24/ became the occasion of his writing
his earliest work, which resulted, (so to express the
matter,) in the first influential stirring of the waters.
His expulsion from beautiful Hadleigh, in 1833,7 by
conveying him first to Durham, then to King's College,
London, largely extended his sphere of influence and
caused his ' light to shine before men ' to a degree which
would have been impossible had he been permitted to
6 See above, pp. 132-4. 7 See above, pp. 179-83.

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 279
end his days in the tranquil enjoyment of a delightful
country cure. The Hand which shaped his painful
destiny thus, to some extent, becomes visible to one who
is contented to give attentive heed to the strange sad
story of his earthly career. That such a life remains,
after aU, a mystery, is undeniable: yet even to us
there are traces discernible in it of a gracious and lofty
purpose, a wise and beneficent plan. Of the extent to
which the individual character may have become
moulded by such a discipline of pain and sorrow, I
forbear to speak. This point has been sUghtly touched
upon already. 8
I have nowhere adequately spoken of his love of poetry.
He accounted himself "a vehement Wordsworthian."
He found reUef under pubUc anxiety in sacred poetry,
and spoke of Cowper as one of his sources of comfort : —
"The nightingale in the hymn 'Far from the world,
0 Lord, I flee/ especially pleases me. But I cannot
always read Cowper. His melancholy, though morbid,
was so real, and the pathos of his language goes so
directly from the heart to the heart, that, having passed
the age when 'sad fancies we affect,' I cannot always
bear it." 9
The truth concerning Hugh James Rose, in a word, is
this, — that whatsoever things are pure, are lovely, are
of good report, — whether in Providence, in Nature, in
Literature, or in Art, — he loved those things with aU
his soul. His intense appreciation of natural scenery, —
in particular the Down scenery of his native county, of
which he would discourse with a kind of rapture, —
amounted in him to a passion. Some of his written
thoughts on this subject are wondrous beautiful. But
his one supreme object of meditation and delight was
8 See p. 267. 9 Churton's Memoir of Watson, — ii. 9, 10.

280 Hugh James Rose: [1838
the Word of God. At an earlier age and to a far greater
extent than is given to most men, he made the sublime
discovery that there is that in those blessed pages which,
while it affords the largest exercise for the loftiest
faculties of the mind of Man, alone satisfies every noble
and generous craving of the heart, as well as every
grand and devout aspiration of the spirit. Had his
lot fallen on quieter days, and had he been blessed with
learned leisure, (instead of having to toil for his UveU-
hood), he would have enriched the Church's treasury
with many a fruit of his large knowledge, matured
wisdom, sound scholarship, exquisite taste. But he
succumbed in what seemed to himself a struggle for
the Church's very existence ; and scarcely hved to see
more than the dawn of the fruition of his soul's devoutest
hope. HOW IS HE NUMBERED AMONG THE CHILDREN OF GOD,
AND HIS LOT AMONG THE SAINTS I

The lesson which the foregoing grand life reads to
a future generation is a precious and a practical one.
Should a season of fiery trial again overtake our beloved
Church, — days of persecution, or of defection from the
Faith, or of darkness, — let not despondency prevail in
any quarter. There may be no mistrust of the love or
of the power of Him who hath shown Himself, all down
the ages, our Church's sufficient strength and stay.
"Only" let men "be strong!" Above all, let them
beware of resorting to strange expedients for the recovery
of peace within, or for the procuring of safety from
without. Away, especially, with the preposterous imagi
nation that some sort of union may yet be patched up

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 281
with the Apostate Church of Rome ! Rome, in England's
day of greatest trouble, wiU prove England's deadliest
foe. And does she not Ue unmistakably under the
tremendous curse of God ? The one only essential unity,
— the unity which alone has our Lord's assurance of
abiding safety, — is that which subsists between "the
branches" and "the Root," — (which is Himself). "I am
the Vine," saith He: "ye are the branches."1 It is
Rome that hath severed herself from England, — not
England from Rome ; she that is un-catholic, not we :
witness her two latest acts of Apostasy, — the dogma of
' the Immaculate Conception ' of the Blessed Virgin, and
the dogma of the Pope's ' Infallibility.' What would
the ancient Cathohc Fathers, — Athanasius, and the two
Gregories, Chrysostom, and Cyril; Cyprian, and Ambrose,
and Augustine, and Leo, — have said to Rome now ?
When the evil day comes, our greatest source of
weakness (I grieve to know it) wiU be our own "un
happy divisions," — the fruit, to some extent, it must be
sorrowfully admitted, of the fatal misdirection given to
the Tractarian movement at the end of about two years
after its beginning ; namely, in 1 836. Only let Church
men beware of multiplying those divisions needlessly.
Rather let them insist on waiving differences on points
confessedly non-essential. Beyond all things, if men are
wise, their grand sohcitude wiU be ' stare super antiquas
vias! They wUl republish, — if need be, they wUl strive
to the death for, — "the Faith once for all delivered to
the Saints." The three Creeds of the Church, they will
at aU hazards insist on retaining in their integrity : the
creed called ' Athanasian ' in particular ; impressed with
the solemn fact insisted on by Dr. Waterland,2 that
1 S. John xv. 4, 5 : xvii. 21. 2 Works, iii. 256, ed. Van Mildert.

282 Hugh James Rose: [1838
" as long as there shall be any men left to oppose the
Doctrines which this Creed contains, so long wiU it be
expedient, and even necessary to continue the use of it,
in order to preserve the rest: and, I suppose, when we
have none remaining to find fault with the Doctrines,
there will be none to object against the use of the Creed,
or so much as to wish to have it laid aside."
Supremely careful to "strengthen the things which remain"
men will be content to let our Book of Common Prayer alone.
When hearts are faiUng, each faithful son of the Church,
— not separating himself from his fellows, — will, on the
contrary, (like Hugh James Rose,) call upon them to
take heart, and ' stir up the gift that is in them, and
betake themselves to their true mother ' : resolved that,
tide what tide, (God helping him) nothing shall ever
shake him from his steadfastness in the faith of the
Gospel, — Mm from unflinching loyalty to the Church of
his Baptism. There is no telling what great things God
may be pleased to work by the instrumentality of one :
one, with neither rank, nor station, nor wealth, nor
worldly influence, nor high office in the Church3 to
support him: but on the contrary, one weighed down
(it may be) by incurable malady, and burthened with his
own full share of secular anxieties. . . . Surely, (I have
once and again told myself, as I have slowly unravelled
the history of this noble life,) the method of God's
Providence hath ever been the same : working out ' the
counsel of His will' by instruments the feeblest and
most unpromising, — and they, having often to contend,
as in the present instance, with disadvantages of the
gravest and most discouraging kind !
3 The titular dignity of ' joint- lated to the Prebend of Middleton
Dean of Booking,' Rose ceased to in Chichester Cathedral, — which, in
enjoy when he resigned Hadleigh Nov. 1833, ne als° resigned. Such
1111833. In Feb. 1827, he was col- were his ecclesiastical honours !

1838] The Restorer of the Old Paths. 283
So only may the men of a coming generation reason
ably cherish the conviction that although every human
help shall faU them, yet, inasmuch as this our branch of
the Church Catholic unquestionably holds God's Truth,
it will never be by God Himself forsaken, nor indeed
seem to be by Him forgotten long. The rain may
descend, and the floods come, and the winds blow, and
beat upon this House. But it cannot fall ; because it is
founded upon a rock. ' And that Rock is Christ.'

Note, — That Mr. Rose's published writings (of the years indicated) will
be found mentioned in the Memoir in the following places, viz. : —
Of a.d. 1817 and 1818 [p. 127]: — of 1820 and 1821 [p. 130]: —
S. P. C. K. Tract (which was a Sermon preached at Uckfield Oct. 31,
1819,) [p. 131] : — of 1821 and 1822 [p. 159] : — three of 1825 [p. 133-7] :
— of 1826 [p. 136]: — of 1828 [pp. 132-4-5] : — of 1829, 1830, 1831, 1832
[p. 145] : — two more of 1831 [pp. 229 and 139] : another of 1832 [p. 229] :
— of 1833 [P- I45]; — TOUr of l834 [PP- i4Ti r92) an<i 185-6]: — of 1835
[pp. 59, 231] : — Defence of Bp. Hobart [p. 233].
I have omitted to notice two very remarkable Sermons : one, ' in aid of
the Refuge for the Destitute,' — April 24th, 1831 : — the other, 'The
Churchman's Duty and Comfort in the present times,' — July 18, 1833.
[This latter Sermon was therefore preached seven days before the Hadleigh
Conference.] Also an Article in the 'Quarterly Review' (April 1837), —
' Manners of the xith and xiith Centuries'
The following short Papers, Paragraphs, and Notices in the 'British
Magazine,' are marked (in his own copy) by Henry Rose as having been
written by his brother Hugh : but, extending no further than November,
1834, i* is evidently a very imperfect enumeration of his brother's
contributions to the Magazine. — Vol. I. pp. 60: 273: 376 (Dale): 377
(Tyler): 439: 484 (Tiptaft) : 486 (?)— Vol. II. pp. 26: 45 note f: 61
(Watson): I36(?): 140: 144 (continued) : 195: 285: 399: 416: 417. —
Vol. IV. pp. 261: 390: 508: 617 (being 'Prayers by Robert Rolle, the
Hermit of Hampole,' — which H. J. R. printed in pamphlet form in 1833,
' with Notes '). — Vol. VI. 86 : 205 : 212: 308 (foot-note) : 31 3 (' Statesmen's
Morality') : 314 ('Conciliation) : 437 ('the Newspapers') : 552 'Liberal
notions of Equity and the Law of the Land ') : 553 (' The " Patriot".')

Post-script.— lTENBY JOHN EOSEi
[A.D. 1800—1873.]
It would have been to mar the unity of the foregoing
grand life, to attempt to weave into it, however briefly,
the story of another and a kindred hfe. ' Kindred ' in
every sense : for, with corresponding views and aims,
identical antecedents and traditions, Henry John Rose
was Hugh James's only brother.
What gives him a claim to be distinctly commemo
rated in this place is the fact that he it was who, under
every emergency, with entire self-denial and always in
the most ungrudging manner, came forward to relieve
the overtasked brain and exhausted bodily powers of
that illustrious brother whose career, from the cradle
to the grave, forms the subject of the preceding 167
pages. And yet, the picture of so beautiful a character
as that of Henry John Rose would have deserved ex
hibiting for its own sake.
His parentage, — the entire framework indeed of his
early life, — has been already set forth particularly.1 He
was born at Uckfield in Sussex, on the 3rd of January
1800, and like his brother received his early education
entirely at his Father's hands. No thoughtful person
will affect to doubt the unique advantages of education
at a public school: yet is one for ever reminded, as
by the instances before us, that real proficiency in learn
ing is only attainable when a man is resolved to take
exceeding pains with himself. At the age of 1 7, Henry
John Rose was sent up to Cambridge and was admitted
a pensioner of Peterhouse, — June 35th, 181 7. Thence
(October 3rd, 1818,) he migrated to S. John's College.
His name appeared, in 1821, bracketed fourteenth in the
list of Wranglers ; having enjoyed yet higher distinction
in the Classical Examination of the same year. He was
1 See above, pp. 118-20.

Henry John Rose. 285
admitted shortly after (6th April 1 824) foundation FeUow
of his College, and at once devoted himself to the cultiva
tion of Classical learning and Divinity. He made
himself a capital Hebrew scholar at a time when none
of those aids were avaUable which now-a-days solicit
aspirants after such lore ; without also the advantages
which a well-furnished exchequer is everywhere able to
command. " I knew Henry John Rose at Cambridge,"
(wrote the late learned Dr. Field :) " We sat together for
a Hebrew Scholarship in 1823 : I being the successful
candidate." 2 By such an one it was no discredit to have
been surpassed in any branch of human learning. Later
on in life he was attracted to the study of Syriac by
Cureton's revival of the Ignatian controversy, and
acquired a thorough knowledge of that precious idiom.
At Cambridge also he made himself a complete master
of the German language, as his translation of Neander's
1 History of the Christian Religion and Church during the first
three centuries] in two volumes (1831 and 1841), attests.
He became chiefly known, however, from his Hulsean
lectures delivered in 1 833, and pubhshed in the ensuing
year : — ' The Law of Moses viewed in connection with the his
tory and character of the Jews, with a defence of the Book of
Joshua against Professor Leo of Berlin! By these two
pubhcations he established a high reputation as an
accompUshed scholar, as well as a learned and philo
sophical Divine. He resided at S. John's College for
about seventeen useful and happy years. No man
was ever prouder of his University or more sincerely
attached to his College than he. For a short period (viz.
from March 1832 to September 1833) he was Minister3
of S. Edward's Church in Cambridge.
He found time however at CoUege for something
2 Letter to myself, — ' 2 Carlton a monastery suppressed in the xvth
Terrace, Norwich,' April 3, 1884. century. Hence its immunity from
3 " The term ' Minister ' has al- Episcopal jurisdiction. I believe it
ways, until very lately, been applied holds an altogether unique position
to the Incumbent of S. Edward's, in this, respect." — (From the Rev. J.
— which is a donative, and came J. Lias.)
into the hands of Trinity Hall rom

286 Henry John Rose. [Post-
else besides Classical Uterature and Divinity. He lived
throughout the unquiet and unsettled period which pre
ceded and followed the passing of the Reform BiU, and
took a prominent part with his pen in politics. Scarcely
need it be added that he was as strong a Conservative
as he was an earnest Churchman. He published besides
" an Answer to ' The case of the Dissenters] " in 1 834 : also
a letter addressed to Professor Lee (June 13, 1834), —
which I do not remember to have ever seen.
But throughout all that period of College residence,
Henry Rose's home affections were paramount. In 1824,
his Father had been presented to the Vicarage of Glynde,
near Lewes, (by Dr. J. S. Clarke, in right of his canonry
at Windsor) ; and thither it was as much the delight of
Henry John, as of his brother Hugh James, at every
opportunity to repair.4 His presence always brought
light and life to the little household. His Mother, who
was very observant of character, shrewdly remarked of
him, — " Henry never hangs up his fiddle." It was her
idiomatic way of indicating an equable temperament
which requires neither auditory nor excitement in
order to prove habituaUy cheerful and communicative,
pleasant and entertaining.
In 1824-5 ne accompanied his brother and Mrs. Rose
in their tour through Germany and Italy, — a tour which
was destined to bear such memorable fruit : Mr. Henry
Tufnell (one of Mr. Hugh Rose's pupUs) being another of
the party.5 — In 1827-8 he is found to have executed
a considerable portion of his brother's edition of Park-
hurst's ' Greek and English Lexicon of the New Testament],
which appeared in 1829. (The preface is dated 'Hors
ham, Jan. 2nd.') All the matter (writes his brother)
"from Kapwos to Svp&oo, from 'Taxivdivos to 'YwooTeAAwj
and from X6pros to 'li/uos," is by Henry Rose.6
I had the happiness to make his acquaintance during
4 See above, pp. 122, 126, 146, 6 See above, concerning this work,
150, 167, 193, 245, 253-4, &c. —p. 137.
s See above, pp. 132-4.

script.] Henry John Rose. 287
a youthful visit to Cambridge ; and in the December of
1836, being in London, he came to seek me out in
Brunswick Square. He had already (namely in the
spring of 1834) carried forward his brother's work as
Divinity Professor at Durham for one or two terms ;7 and
now that the same brother was domiciled in King's
College, his httle parish of S. Thomas's in Southwark
requiring a locum tenens, Henry Rose took up his residence
at the Vicarage. At this time moreover it was that, in
consequence of Mr. Hugh Rose's deplorable health, Henry,
further to reheve him, undertook the Editorship of the
' Encyclopaedia Metropolitana] as well as of the ' British
Magazine! s Both publications were still superintended
by Hugh James, — but the labouring oar, in respect of
both, devolved to Henry, who carried on the former
long after his brother's death. The 'Biographical
Dictionary] at first, at all events, was under his sole
management ; while, for the ' Encyclopaedia] he wrote the
later portion of the Ecclesiastical History, — namely,
chapters x, xi, xii (a.d. 1700 to 1858); which form
the last 115 pages of a volume which has since been
separately pubhshed.9 We saw a great deal of him at
my father's house during this period. The society he
occasionally met there dehghted him greatly, and he was
with aU of us a cherished guest.
In the Spring of 1838 (24th May), — which was
destined to be the last year (22nd December) of his
brother's Ufe, — Henry John Rose married Sarah Caroline,
eldest daughter of Thomas Burgon, esq. (subsequently
of the British Museum), having been already (viz. in
1837) presented by bis CoUege to the Rectory of
Houghton Conquest in Bedfordshire. In that moated
parsonage house, — erected by Dr. Zachary Grey,1 (the
editor of Hudibras,) — for about thirty years (1842-72), I
passed all my vacations, and still can but linger fondly
over every mention of its name. My brother possessed
' See above, pp. 188-9. from the Xiiith century to the pre-
8 See above, pp. 261. sent day! — 1858.
9 'History of theGhristianChwrch, 1 Rector of Houghton 1726-66.

288 Henry John Rose. [Post-
a capital library, consisting chiefly of works of Divinity,
— which proved to me an unspeakable help ; for he was
as willing as he was apt to guide me to sources of infor
mation, — to teach and to communicate his knowledge.
In short, I owe to him, and to the calm seclusion of his
delightful home, more than I am able to express. There it
was that I toiled, at an as yet unpublished ' Harmony of the
Evangelists' — which I always hoped would be my first
essay in Divinity : and there ' a Plain Commentary on the
Gospels' was entirely produced. The consequence has
been that while life lasts I shall find it impossible to
dissociate those accidents of time, place and occupation.
All have got woven into one another. The blessed pages
(strange to say) ever seem to me to have for their near
foreground the little orchard which all day long I used
to look down upon from the windows of my bed-room
(which was also my study), and the pleasant avenue of
umbrageous limes beside it and beyond. How also shall
I ever be able — even if I desired it — to divest my
memory of that perpetual click of the gate at the end of
the avenue, throughout the live-long day, which be
tokened the approach or the exit of another and yet
another pensioner on the unfailing bounties of the
household ?
Henry Rose found that ' the lines had fallen to him in
pleasant places.' The scenery round about his secluded
Rectory was of that sweet domestic character which,
without ever aspiring to the praise of being actually
beautiful, yet in effect always pleases, — never tires. In
a sheltered hollow of the chain of hills which form the
southern limit of the landscape, were to be seen, till
1 856, the remains of ' Conquest Bury,' — the ancient
homestead of the Conquests, who had been lords of the
soU thereabouts for 400 years. In a westerly direction
stretched Houghton Park, in which the Countess of
Pembroke (' Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother,') in
1615 built herself a stately mansion which was only
reduced to a shell in 1794. It was there she passed her
widowhood. Those picturesque ruins, surrounded by

script.] Henry John Rose. 289
fine forest oaks, are approached from the North and
West by an avenue of wych elms, — from the South by
an avenue of chesnuts. At the foot of one of those oaks,
commanding a charming view of ' the Ruins] is a seat
which was inscribed — tiU time and weather rendered
the letters illegible — ' John Hookham Frere.' A plea-
santer walk is not to be found in aU that neighbourhood
than the walk from Houghton to Ampthill, a distance o'f
about two mUes. I speak of the way over the hill,
which may be greatly varied and made fuU of interest
and beauty. Contiguous is AmpthiU Park, — famed
for its giant oaks ; some of which in the time of the
Commonwealth were pronounced too aged for shipbuild
ing purposes. In the same park an obelisk marks the
site of Ampthill Castle, — where Queen Catharine of
Arragon resided while the business of her divorce was
pending. A superb lime-tree avenue contributes another
charm to this classic locality. — But indeed the walks
about Houghton, in whichever direction, are aU delight-
ful ; and every walk conducted to the abode of a kind
and congenial neighbour.
Once established at Houghton, Henry John Rose gave
himself up to the duties of the Pastoral office, never
thenceforward absenting himself from his post for more
than two successive Sundays in the space of four-and-thirty
years. Besides re-edifying the parish School of Houghton,
— (an endowed foundation which has long since lapsed
into insignificance,) — he accounted it his singular felicity
that he was enabled, before he died, to superintend the
complete restoration of his own beautiful parish Church ;
as successful a monument of the skiU of Sir G. Gilbert
Scott as is to be anywhere seen in England. Rose
certainly found it in a deplorable condition, — the chancel
in particular (for which, as Rector, he was personaUy
responsible) having faUen into a state of even squalid
neglect. Thanks chiefly to the munificence ofthe pre
sent Duke of Bedford and the liberahty of the late Lord
John Thynne of Haynes Park, nothing remained to be
desired for Houghton Conquest Church, when he left it.
vol. 1. u

290 Henry John Rose. [Post-
The chancel he restored to far more than its original
beauty. His large-hearted brother-in-law C. L. H., (the
name last commemorated in the present volumes), by
subscriptions collected throughout the Archdeaconry,
provided the parish Church with an excellent organ.
The "village minstrelsy when Henry Rose first knew the
place was certainly of a type which would now-a-days
be pronounced fabulous.
The best traditions of an English country parsonage
were to be witnessed at Houghton in perfection. Real
learning and sound Divinity, pure taste and graceful
hospitality, — flourished there and abounded. Within
doors, there was unfaUing loving-kindness, — unbroken
peace and joy: without, there was (with all their faults) a
GoD-fearing, — a weU-disposed and affectionate peasantry.
No place was ever more fortunate in its neighbouring
Clergy than this : good and faithful men, all of them,
with whom it was always a privilege to be brought
into familiar intercourse. Rose's secluded dwelling
was sought out by many a Continental scholar, — (as
Lepsius, Land, and Lagarde) ; as well as by many whose
names Englishmen agree to hold in honour ; as P. F.
Tytler, Dr. Corrie, Temple Chevalier, Dr. W. H. Mill,
J. B. Mozley, A. C. Fraser, H. L. Mansel, William Kay,
Charles Marriott, Bishops Cleveland Coxe and Quintard.
Quite as well deserving of commemoration, in my account,
as anything, is the act (or rather the habit) of faith
which left the Rectory, — (a lone house at the end of
a lane leading from the vUlage,) — wholly without an
occupant every Sunday, in order that the entire house
hold might be enabled to attend Divine Service.
Concerning the Parson's library I have already spoken.
His books had been collected for use, — not for ornament:
and it was remarked, when specialists or men of great
attainments visited him, that it seemed as if there was
something to be found in the library on every subject
that could be named. — It wiU be remembered that
Henry Rose was one of the contributors to ' Replies to
Essays and Reviews] (1862), — having selected for his

script.] Henry John Rose. 291
province the wretched sophistries of Dr. Rowland Wil
liams. He undertook, besides, a ' Commentary on the Book
of Daniel' for the Speaker's Commentary, — which how
ever unhappily remained unfinished at the time of his
death. He also became one of the Revisionists of the
Authorized Version of the Old Testament Scriptures, and
took part with his pen in all the great Ecclesiastical
questions of the day. At an earlier period, he had been
joint-editor of several collections of ' Scripture Prints for
Cottage Walls! He further edited Berkeley's private
papers, (which he had inherited from his brother.) for the
late collected edition of Bishop Berkeley's ' Works';
and occasionally contributed articles to the ' Quarterly]
the ' English] and the ' Contemporary Review! To the
' Literary Churchman ' he also communicated not a few
Reviews of foreign pubhcations.
I Cannot, in this place, withhold an expression of dis
appointment and regret that one so accomplished and so
learned did not leave behind him some more considerable
monument of his attainments and his genius than any
which have been hitherto enumerated. But he was a
singularly modest man : was the reverse of ambitious
and self-seeking : loved learning for its own sake : was
at all times willing rather to toil for, and to bestow him
self upon, others, than to assert and to contend for
himself. It was indeed a very lovely character. His
sweetness, gentleness, consideration, forbearance, refine
ment, were apparent to all. Large-hearted and liberal-
handed too he was, beyond his means.
Let me be allowed here to pourtray him yet further.
He was of a most calm temperament : possessed a singu
larly quick and clear understanding ; and was endowed
with an extraordinary memory. His regard for Truth
was conspicuous in the accuracy with which he would
repeat a story: and he told a story particularly well.
His library seemed, — nay, was — all in disorder ; but he
could always find a book with ease, almost in the dark ;
and he would turn to the place required with surprising
u 2

292 Henry John Rose. [Post-
readiness. Quite characteristic of him was his exceed
ing fairness. This quality of mind it was which, combined
with his generous warmth of heart, conciliated to him in
so eminent a degree the Clergy of his neighbourhood.
He was the President of a Clerical Society which used
to meet once a month at one another's houses from
March to October inclusive, for mutual edification. At
one time, discussing the Rubrics, — at another Parochial
difficulties, — at another, hard places of Scripture, — it shaU
but be added that, under his Presidentship, those gather
ings of brethren became a great instrument for spiritual
improvement, as well as a delightful social bond. Pro
ductive were they of unmingled good to aU the neighbour
ing parishes, as some, yet living, would eagerly attest. —
And now, to proceed.
In 1866, Henry John Rose succeeded Dr. Tattam as
Archdeacon of Bedford, by appointment of Dr. Harold
Browne, Bishop of Ely; and was ever after a regular
attendant at all meetings of Convocation. In consequence
of his office, he became also, from this time forward, the
author of many ' Charges ' and ' Sermons ' on the questions
which have of late years disturbed the peace of the
Church. Some of these will be found noted at foot of
the page.2 Here also should be commemorated the great
interest he took in the proceedings of the ' Bedfordshire
Archaological Society] — to which indeed he contributed
some valuable and very interesting papers.
2 The English Liturgy a Protest wardens of the Archdeaconry of Bed-
against Romish Corruptions, — (Two ford, — May 31st, 1867. — Another,
Sermons), 1850. . . The question — June 23rd, 1869. — Another,—
' Why should we pray for fair Juneist,i87o. — Another, (his last),
weather?' answered, — (Harvest — May 14^,1872. — Healsoputforth
Home, Market Harborough), 1 860 papers on the following subjects : —
. . . Position of the Church of Eng- Documentsrelatingto Miltonthepoet,
land as a National Church histori- [1845], — (Brit. Mag.) . . . On the
cally considered, — (PrimaryCharge), Jewish Shekels, 1853, — (Num. Soe.)
— 1868 . . . Christian Charities . . . Remarks on documents relating
cleared from the misrepresentations to John Milton and Isaac Barrow,
of 'Ecce Homo,' — at Cambridge, [1856]. . . . Bp. Home's Life aid
1868 . . . Charge to the Church- Letters, — (Cont. Rev., 1867.)

script.] Henry John Rose. 293
But it was not so much by his singularly varied learn
ing and vast stores of general information, or even by
his published writings, that Archdeacon Rose was known
in the county where he lived and among the large circle of
attached friends of which he was the centre and chief
ornament. It was his genuine sympathy : his inflexible
integrity: his singleness and sincerity of purpose: his
correct judgment : the moderation, courtesy, and kind
ness which he displayed on aU occasions, public as well
as private ; but above all, his unswerving Churchman
ship and uncompromising zeal for the Truth, which drew
men to him and made him universally respected and
beloved. Nothing knew he of the hollow arts and
supple tricks whereby popularity is sometimes courted,
or of the spurious liberahty which is at aU times ready
to surrender to pubhc clamour the things which are not
its own. He was an Enghsh Churchman ofthe good old
type ; of which, (be it remarked in passing,) samples are
not by any means so rare as certain of the new school
would have us beheve. I have spoken of him as the
very model of a dutiful Son, a devoted Brother. It can
not be improper to add that he was also the tenderest of
Husbands, the most loving and indulgent of Fathers, the
faithfuUest of Friends. His singular sweetness and even
ness of temper : his unfailing playfulness of disposition
and cheerfulness of spirit, — a feature of his character
which did not forsake him to the last : but above all his
deep unaffected piety, made his home ever bright and
happy. AU who came within its influence acknowledged
its charm ; and not a few have been known to speak of
it as their ideal of an abode of pleasantness and peace.
In person, Henry John Rose considerably resembled
his brother Hugh James. There was in both the same
exalted stature, — the same inteUectual forehead, — the
same dignified presence. A spirited crayon drawing,
(executed, I think, in 1839,) by the accomplished hand of
E. U. Eddis, R.A., is the only portraiture of him which
is known to exist : for a representation of him (at Durham )
as his brother's shadow, scarcely merits notice.

294 Henry John Rose. [Post-
The end came suddenly, after a few days of very acute
suffering, on Friday the 31st of January, A.D. 1873, —
when the Archdeacon had just completed his 73rd year.
A more interesting group of meritorious Clergy and
faithful Laity, than the incumbents and gentry of the
neighbouring parishes who followed him on foot, in long
procession, to the grave, — I have never met with in any
country district. Few of them indeed are anywhere
alive at this time : but at first the void which the Arch
deacon's death occasioned was acknowledged as well as
very painfully felt by them all  He was survived by
his wife and five children, — two sons, both in Holy Orders,
and three daughters ; the eldest of whom was married in
1870. He sleeps in the south-eastern angle of Houghton
Conquest churchyard. His eldest son (named after his
illustrious uncle 'Hugh James' [b. 1840, d. 1878]), M.A.
of Oriel College, rests by his side, and is survived by
two little children of delightful promise, — Theresa and
Charles Henry. The Archdeacon's younger son, Rev.
William Francis Rose, M:A. of Worcester CoUege, —
(Hugh James Rose's only surviving nephew), — was
appointed by Lord Chancellor Cairns to the vicarage
of Worle, Somerset, in 1874. I shaU only say of him,
that he is treading closely in the footsteps of his Father.

Obvious it is, — and to no one more obvious than to
the present writer, — that the task of writing the ' Life of
Hugh James Rose ' should, for every reason, have devolved
on his younger brother Henry. There had subsisted
between them throughout life the most loving confidence.
Henry knew Hugh's mind on every subject ; and could
have produced a hundred sayings as well as details of
interest, without effort. During my frequent sojourns at
Houghton, I did not fail, — sometimes with earnestness,
— to urge the Rector to undertake this task, even as a
duty. Finding however that I could not prevail, I at
last abstained from reviving a subject which I saw was

script.] Henry John Rose. 295
inexpressibly painful to him. He could never converse
about his brother for long without exhibiting emotion.
Hugh James Rose's early death, which was to the Church
the ruin of a great expectation, the disappointment of a
grand promise, — was to his Parents, to his Widow, and
to his Brother, also a sorrowful legacy of tears.
May I be permitted to add, that it has been a real
solace and support to me during the compilation of that
earlier Memoir, to know that I was achieving, however
imperfectly, a work which hundreds besides his Widow
and his Brother, (though no one nearly so ardently as
they,) supremely desired to see at last undertaken by
some friendly hand ?

(iii). CHARLES MARRIOTT :
THE MAN OF SAINTLY LIFE.
[A. D. 1811-1858.]
WHAT is here proposed is not so much to write
a Life, as to pourtray a Character. Greatly
do I regret that I did not long ago fulfil the intention, —
(long ago conceived and never consciously abandoned), —
of committing to paper some recollections of the holy
man whose name stands written above the present page.
At the end of thirty years, the more delicate traits of
such an one as he are apt to grow blurred and indistinct.
His obiter dicta, in particular, can no longer be recalled.
It is only the general result which remains so indehbly
impressed on the memory. Since however an opportunity
for repairing this long-standing omission at last presents
itself, it shall not be let slip. It would be a reproach if
no written memorial were to survive of a character
so unique, so beautiful, so saint-Uke, as that of Charles
Marriott. And certainly the thing must be done now, or
it will never be done at all.
Utterly at a loss should I have been concerning the
first chapters of his history, but that I have been allowed
access to a short biographical sketch which his brother
John drew up in 1 859 ; and have been entrusted with
certain "Memoranda concerning Charles Marriott and
his Parents," — the work of an accomplished first cousin ;

1811] The Man of Saintly Life. 297
of which documents I shall, without further acknowledg
ment, freely avail myself.
Charles Maeriott, third son of the Reverend John
Marriott [1 780-1 835],— Rector of Church Lawford in
Warwickshire, and Curate of Broad Clyst, Devon, — was
born at Church Lawford on the 24th of August, 1 8 1 1 .
Certain interesting features of character are perceived
to have descended to him from an earher generation. His
grandfather's house is described as " a happy home 
fuU of bright minds and warm hearts, — a little needing
regulation perhaps, and severally somewhat overapt to
do what seemed right in their own eyes ; but, in every
essential respect, thoroughly at one. All made the
service of God their end : all were attached members of
the Church of England ; and, — (what in those days was
essential to domestic concord), — aU were of the same way
of thinking on pohtical questions. Loyal-minded Tories
were they all, and staunch Anti-Gallicans. A passion
for reading prevailed throughout the household." My
informant adds, — "When our Father,1 then at Christ
Church, told Dean Cyril Jackson that he had a younger
brother (John) coming up to matriculate, who he hoped
might be admitted to ' the House,' the old man's answer
was, — ' Glad of it. Like the breed! "
John, father of John and Charles Marriott, more
than justified the Dean's anticipations. Five years
before the institution of the " Class-Ust," viz. at the
Easter of 1802, (in which year the Examination statute
came into force), the only successful Candidates for
honours were " Abel Hendy [Bible clerk] of Oriel, and
1 George Marriott, esq., barrister, — and Sophia, (whose words I am
father of the Ven. Fitzherbert Mar- in the main quoting,) — Charles Mar
riott, (Archdeacon of Hobart Town), riott's first cousins.

298 Charles Marriott: [181 i
John Marriott ofCh. Ch." The books taken up were Cicero,
Quintilian, Livy, Juvenal, Lucretius, Aristotle (Ethics and
Rhetoric), Thucydides, Sophocles, iEschylus ancLPindar.
In externals, John Marriott presented a remarkable
contrast to his son, — (the subject of the ensuing memoir) ;
being a man of peculiarly charming manners, with an
almost dangerous facility of expression, and a fascinating
address which made him the darling of society, especiaUy
among woman-kind. Besides his classical attainments,
he was singularly felicitous as a poet. He could throw
off graceful English verses with as much readiness as
most men can write an ordinary letter, and is the author
of several well-known hymns : 2 but he is chiefly
remembered as the author of the "Devonshire Lane." s The
charm of his conversation and character won for him,
(when he was for a short time in Scotland as tutor to
the young heir of Buccleuch), the friendship of Walter
Scott, who dedicated to him the 2nd canto of ' Marmion.'
In those introductory verses, Scott testifies that his
friend's " harp, on Isis strung, To many a border theme
had rung;" and affectionately reminds him of their
joyous rambles "up pathless Ettrick and on Yarrow,"—
the scene of many a prouder hunting in ancient days.
But (adds the Minstrel of the Border), —
" Our mirth, dear Marriott, was the same.
Nor dull, between each merry chase,
Pass'd by the intermitted space ;
2 The hymns^^Thou, whose Al- Princess the other day inquired
mighty Word,' — and^ffon who modest after it ! ) It begins, — ' In a Devon-
earth and heaven,' — are by him. He shireLaneasItrottedalong | T'other
also contributed^ballad to Scott's day much in want of a subject for
' Border Minstrelsy.' song, | It came into my mind, p'rhaps
3 This jeu d 'esprit is not known inspired by the rain, | Sure Marriage
to have been ever printed ; yet has is much like a Devonshire Lane.'
it got about strangely (An Austrian

1811] The Man of Saintly Life. 299
For we had fair resource in store,
In Classic and in Gothic lore,
We marked each memorable scene
And held poetic talk between."
John Marriott was in fact one of the most polished
and accomphshed gentlemen of his time. His wife,
Mary Ann Harris, (of a Rugby family,) Charles's Mother,
is known to have been a lady of exceeding piety, and
was gifted with a very fine understanding.
The sons of this couple, John and Charles, loved to
believe that their Father's religious principles were
identical with their own. In the early days ofthe Oxford
movement, thirteen years after their Father's death, they
even published a volume of his sermons 4 to estabhsh the
point. His pulpit teaching, in the main, may very well
have been what they could have themselves adopted ;
but it is certain that his sympathies and friendships were
rather with the most large-minded and cultivated sec
tion of the Low Church party of his day, — with men
like John Bowdler and the Thorntons, rather than with
the Watsons and their school. Whatever his opinions
may have been, his piety was warm and genuine. Of
his winning personal qualities, I have spoken already.
More than twenty years after his death, his memory was
affectionately cherished in his parish in Devonshire.
Some lines written on Charles's christening-day by
his father are preserved. They conclude with an
aspiration which enjoyed abundant fulfilment: —
' ' Sermons by the late Rev. John Edition. " My father's sermon on
Marriott, M.A. Rector of Church ' Union with Christ ' is the one I
Lawford and Domestic Chaplain to value most highly in the new
the Duke of Buccleugh and Queens- volume." — [C. M. to Rev. A. Burn, —
berry, — edited by his sons,' &c. ' Chichester Dioc. College, Feb. 6th,
This volume reached a Second 1840'].

300 Charles Marriott: [1820
"Grant to this child the inward grace
While we the outward sign impart.
The Cross we mark upon his face
Do Thou engrave upon his heart.
May it his pride and glory be
Beneath Thy banner fair unfurl'd
To march to certain victory,
O'er sin, o'er Satan, o'er the world."
Charles's earliest lessons in reading and writing were
from the village schoolmaster of Broad Clyst, — a humble
functionary who lived to hear of his pupil's subsequent
honours at Oxford. Greatly dehghted with the intelli
gence, the old man lifted up his hands and exclaimed, —
" Why, I should think he could teach me now !".... In
due course, Charles came under his father's guidance with
other pupils : —
" I well recollect " (writes his brother) " the satisfac
tion my Father used to express at his rapid progress in
learning. His childhood gave promise of his great
powers. He very early acquired the habit of thinking
out subjects for himself; and used to form his own con
clusions with great distinctness, and often with a degree
of judgment far above his years, on matters of difficulty
and importance. From the very commencement of his
education he showed singular aptitude in acquiring
languages. Indeed, no kind of knowledge seemed to
come amiss to him. When quite a child he preferred
reading on any subject that happened to be uppermost
in his mind, to the out-of-door amusements which occupy
the leisure of most boys : never happier than when
ensconced behind the window-curtain (where he could
sit unobserved and unmolested) he was devouring the
' Encyclopaedia Britannica! From this source he picked up
a vast amount of miscellaneous information, and laid the
foundations of knowledge which he turned to good
account in after years."
So far, his brother. His cousin writes, — " When taken
with the chUdren to see Exeter Cathedral, while the

1825] The Man of Saintly Life. 301
elder ones were trying to measure the circumference of
the great bell with bits of string, Charles was heard from
behind to deliver (in his small pecuhar voice) the oracular
counsel, — ' Take the diameter.' "
" Another incident strikingly foreshadowing a prevail
ing disposition of his after life is remembered of him at
the same early period. No one could make out what
became of his pocket-money. It was neither spent nor
hoarded. When the famUy left Broad Clyst, a waU from
the old almswomen — (they lived close to the Parsonage
gate) — revealed the secret. ' How they should miss
Master Charles ! he always brought them his money of a
Saturday.' "
He once told his cousin Sophia that questions about
the Morahty of Trade used greatly to exercise him while
yet very young. He would ponder, — How it could be
right to buy, and then sell for more than the thing had
cost you ? And this problem again re-asserted itself later
on in life, and led him to risk aU that his profuse alms
giving had left him of his private fortune, in an attempt
to set on foot a system of trading on improved principles.
It was a clear going beyond his measure, and ended
(as might have been expected,) in disappointment and
disaster. But to proceed in order.
It was the dehcacy of his Mother's health, requiring
a warmer climate, which constrained the removal of
the family into Devonshire, — in which county Charles
accordingly passed most of his earliest years. His
parents both died when he was yet a boy : his Mother
in 1 8 21, when he was only ten years old; his Father
in 1825, when he was not quite fourteen. They were
residing at Broad Clyst at the time. The Mother,
though a complete invalid during the whole of his
chUdhood, and for some years too ill to take any
part in his education, may weU have left the impress

302 Charles Marriott: [1825
of her own deep, reverential earnestness and holiness
of spirit upon her children's minds. It is impossible
to read certain letters which her husband wrote on
the occasion of her death, and which have been pre
served, without suspecting that we know whence were
derived to John and Charles Marriott, her sons, the
singular simphcity, sincerity and humility of character
which afterwards were so conspicuous in both ; 5 in
Charles especiaUy. How tenderly the memory of this
beloved wife was cherished, is attested by some lines
written by her husband on hearing his little daughter
play one of her first tunes. He was taken ill, of a
painful and distressing disorder, in the summer of
1824: was removed to London for better advice, but
without avail ; and died on the 30th of March, 1825.
The guardianship of John Marriott's children was left
to their mother's sister, Miss Frances Octavia Harris.
For about two years they lived with her, under the roof
of their father's youngest sister, Miss Sophia C. Mar
riott, at Rugby. Then it was that the attempt was
made to send Charles, as a day-boy, to Rugby school ;
but the experiment proved hopeless. He was so utterly
miserable, so unfit to cope with other boys, that the
plan was abandoned at the end of one term.6 Their
aunt, Miss Harris, afterwards married the Rev. Andrew
Burn of Kynnersley, in Shropshire, who had been the
Rev. John Marriott's Curate at Church Lawford :
whereupon, John and Charles became his pupils until
5 There was a younger brother, of the late Rev. J. Marriott, aged
George, who died young, after a 13, Aug. 24th.' And I find his
long period of failing health. name in the School List at the
6 " In the Rugby School Calendar bottom of the Upper Remove (Form
appears in the January Entrances below the Fifth). He must soon
of 1825, — 'Marriott, Charles, son have left." (From Dr. Bloxam.)

1829] The Man of Saintly Life. 303
they went to College. At Kynnersley therefore, where
Mr. Burn resided, first as Curate and afterwards as
Rector, the remainder of Charles' youthful days were
chiefly passed. There were five or six other pupils in
the house, amongst whom Charles always held the
foremost place in ability and acquirements. His brother
adds, that " though his quaint sayings and doings were
often a source of amusement to his companions, he
was looked up to by them, both for his superior
understanding, and on account of the high standard by
which all his conduct was regulated."
" The sort of hfe which he led at Kynnersley pro
bably suited him much better than the hfe at a
public school would have done. His health was al
ways delicate, and I think it is very doubtful whether
he could have borne the roughness and exposure in
cident to a more public education. As it was, his genial
temper and his desire to be on the most friendly terms
with his companions, led him to share most of their
amusements in a way that was beneficial to him, devoted
as he was by nature to study and retirement."
In the year 1828 he stood for a scholarship at Balliol
CoUege, but failing to obtain it, he entered at Exeter
CoUege on the 24th March 1829. In the ensuing
November being 18 years of age he competed, and
this time successfully, for an open Scholarship at
BaUiol, — a considerable achievement for a youth who
had enjoyed such slender educational advantages. An
drew Burn was a good man, of 'Evangelical' senti
ments, and must have been a competent scholar ; but
it was rather " as having been a second Father to him "
that he was gratefuUy remembered by Charles Marriott
to the last days of his life. His cousin "doubts if
Charles was strongly influenced by any one, till he
went to Oxford."

3°4

Charles Marriott: [1832

" We cousins " (proceeds my informant) " saw but Uttle
of him ; but I remember he always seemed to know
something of every subject that was started, however
remote from his own sphere of study. It was once
remarked as strange that any should ever have thought
of educating/ea*. ' How ' (it was asked) ' were they to
set about it ? ' Charles looked up from his book, — ' The
first thing to be done is to put them in a pill-box, till
they are quite tired of jumping.' — He had a very power
ful memory. After reading Wordsworth's ' Vernal Ode]
(a poem of 135 hnes with very recondite thoughts), once
through, and glancing at it a second time, he repeated
the whole by heart.
" In the little intercourse we had, I remember best his
manner when anything was discussed in his company.
He would almost always wait ' till liveUer tongues from
emptier heads had spoken,' and then would drop a few
weighty words which put the whole matter in a new
light. The question was once started, how ' the wisdom
of the serpent ' came to be held up as a pattern, seeing
that in practice what passes for ' wisdom ' is often action
severed from high principle. After one and another had
tried to explain it, Charles said, 'The Fathers explain
it thus — the serpent always takes care of its head, so you
are to take care of your principles.' " Y
In the Michaelmas Term of 1832, after an under-
graduateship marked by the highest standard of moral
conduct as well as by close appUcation to study, Charles
Marriott obtained a first class in Classics and a second
in Mathematics, — which was a great disappointment to
many besides himself. They had made up their minds
that he was to take a " double first " ; and, but for his
persistent bad health, he would certainly have achieved
it. He had not the physical power to read for both
schools .... Already did he number among his friends
all the more intellectual men of his day: not that he
7 A mistaken Patristic gloss on Hebrew : but affording a capital
Gen. iii. 15, founded on the (utterly moral lesson.
false) Septuagintal rendering of the

1833] The Man of Saintly Life. 305
confined his regards to such, for he was always ready to
become the friend of anyone whose conduct gave proof
of high principle, — however inferior to himself in abUities
and attainments. And his friendship once given, was
not easily lost. " I believe " (writes his brother) " there
was nothing within his power that he was not ready to
do for a friend who wanted his help. Many such
instances have come to my knowledge, and I beheve
there were many more known only to himself." At the
ensuing Easter (1833), he was elected to a Fellowship at
Oriel, in the room of Robert Isaac Wilberforce. Frede
rick Rogers (now Lord Blachford) was elected at the
same time. He was at once appointed Mathematical
Lecturer, and afterwards became a Tutor of the CoUege.
It was a memorable epoch, for in the autumn of that
same year (1833) the ' Tracts for the Times' were com
menced. Newman and Froude were away from Oxford
at Easter, (when the Oriel feUowship election takes place),
but Marriott made the acquaintance of both, if he had
not made it already, on their return in the autumn:
and the Society numbered besides among its members
Keble and Jenkyns, Dornford and Denison, Christie and
Mozley, Walker and Eden.
Marriott was in consequence something more than an
eye-witness of the Tractarian movement from its original
inception to its close. He was throughout this period
a great student, and became devotedly attached to
John Henry Newman; the attractive charm of whose
mind and manner, converse and teaching, was a thing not
to be described. There probably occurs in most studious
men's hves an interval of a few precious years during
which they have been able to devote themselves exclu
sively to the cultivation of their favourite science : and
these were Charles Marriott's years of severest thought
VOL. I. X

306 Charles Marriott: [1838
and toil. But the brief entries in the private Diary
which he kept about this period indicate an amount of
inteUectual activity and manysidedness which is even
perplexing. He was studying with Johnson (late Dean
of Wells) the higher Mathematics and Astronomy : was
obtaining help from another source in Music (organ and
piano) and singing : was entertaining himself at the same
time with poetry (Shakspeare, Milton, Wordsworth,
Southey), Biography, contemporary History and Meta-
physic. As if this were not enough, his mind was at
work on Aristotle and Cicero, — Irvingism and Astrology,
— Agriculture and tithes, — Logic and Political Economy,
— Pantheism and the Poor Laws, — Comets and Geology,
— Utilitarianism and Ontology, — the Progress and Pro
spects of Society. He was also an active member of
a Moral Philosophy society, which I believe owed its
beginning to William Sewell, and died of neglect some
thirty years ago. But, as I have said, Divinity was the
business of Marriott's Ufe. He was already recognized as
a student ofthe highest type, and in 1838 found himself
importuned by Bp. Otter, in the second year of his brief
but admirable Episcopate [Oct. 2nd, 1 836- Aug. 20th, 1 840],
to undertake the Principalship ofthe 'Diocesan Theological
College' (for preparing Candidates for Holy Orders) which
the Bishop was anxious to establish in Chichester.
Marriott yielded to the sohcitations of this excellent Pre
late, but determined first to recruit his health by spending
a winter in the south of Europe.
Leaving England on the 16th of October 1838, he
journeyed leisurely south : visiting Lyons, Nismes,
Avignon, Genoa, Leghorn, Pisa, and reaching Rome on the
30th November. At Rome he found Benjamin Harrison
and Manning, Gladstone and George Richmond, besides
other Enghsh friends, — the society to which Hugh James

1840] The Man of Saintly Life. 307
Rose was to have contributed one more conspicuous
element. Aware that Rome had been Rose's destination,
Marriott made repeated inquiries after him, and at last
learned his death when he was himself on the eve of
departing (January 18th, 1839), in order to return north
ward. At Florence (on the 22nd) he " went to look for
Mrs. Rose, but found that she had been gone some time."
So he repaired to the Cemetery and saw his friend's
grave,7 — "dictis quae dico ad sepulcra eorum qui re-
quiescunt in Christo." Ten days after reaching England,
he repaired to Chichester, and unpacked his books on the
26th February, 1839.
The Theological CoUege, which in his time was
located at ' Cawley Priory,' — (the name of a dehghtful
residence surrounded by an ample garden, situated in
the South Pallant),8 — was singularly fortunate in being
at its outset presided over by so accomplished a scholar,
so judicious a Divine, so pure a spirit. He had for
his colleague the Rev. Henry Browne, — (author of that
remarkable, but little known work, 'Ordo Saeclorum])
—of whose abihties he entertained a very high opinion.
I have heard him say that he never knew a man who in
so eminent a degree possessed the art of making his
often abstruse meaning intelhgible to others, as Henry
Browne. At the opening of the Lent Term in the en
suing year (1840), Marriott delivered an inaugural
' Lecture ' (on the Studies preparatory to Holy Orders,
7 See above, p. 271-2. was declared to be in a state of non
8 These pleasant quarters were esse. Reviving at the end of nine
abandoned in the Spring of 1844. — months under the Principalship of
Marriott's colleague succeeded him the learned Philip Freeman, it
as Principal in 1841. The institu- again became prosperous; and has
tion declined, and at the end of a flourished and been successful ever
few years (viz. at the close of 1845) since.
X 2

308 Charles Marriott: [1840
which he afterwards printed, " together with the Rules
of the College, and an Appendix containing a List of
Books used and referred to in the Course of Study.")
He also edited critically for the use of his students the
(so-called) " Canons of the Apostles " in Greek, with John
son's English Version reprinted from 'The Clergyman's
Fade mecum ' [ed. 1714], together with Johnson's English
Notes. This is in fact a very valuable pamphlet. The
'Praefatio' is dated ' Peterport, Guernsey, Nov. 13th,
1840.' An admirable Address, ' The Church's method of
communicating Divine Truth] — which on the title-page
is stated to have been "a Lecture delivered at the
opening of Lent Term, 1841," — completes the enumera
tion of the printed Memorials of his connexion with
this Theological College. It was by Bishop Otter that
he was ordained Priest on Whitsunday, 1839, at All
Souls', London, — of which church Dean Chandler was
at that time Rector.
Some notion of his method with his students is to be
derived from a letter of his to the Rev. J. Bliss, dated
from the 'Diocesan CoUege, Feast of S. Matthias,
1840:'— " At present we read in the Bible daily from twelve
to one ; construing from the Greek, whether in the Old
or New Testament, and considering both language and
sense in some degree critically. Then we take half an
hour either at Hooker [bk. v.], with reference to the
Prayer-book, Canons, &c, or Justin Martyr's ' Apologia]
construing slowly on. Pearson might take Hooker's
place, or Beveridge on the Articles, another term. And
Justin might be replaced by S. Clement, or S. Ignatius,
or the Canons of the Council of Nicaea, &c. At break
fast and tea we read Ecclesiastical History, Biography,
&c. As to exercises we have done but little. A com
parative table of the Baptismal Services, — a short
instruction on Confirmation, — are some of those which

1840] The Man of Saintly Life. 309
I have set. I hope we shall do more in this way in
future. But I am only just learning my way. On
Saints' days we read a Psalm, comparing lxx, Vulgate,
&c, and looking at Commentaries. Theodoret, S. Au
gustine, Chrysostom and Jerome are aU most useful
as Commentators. Theodoret is the most handy. The
Students are expected to abstain from public amuse
ments, and from sporting, and to inform me beforehand,
if they conveniently can, when they wish to be absent
from our meals, and never to miss Lecture without
leave. I have begun a course of weekly Lectures on
Ecclesiastical History."
Subjoined is a characteristic extract from another of
Marriott's letters written at this same time. It was
addressed to C. F. Balston, esq., — who had consulted
Marriott concerning Coleridge's 'Aids to Refection.' The
letter is sure to be perused with interest : —
"I well remember that in my last term 'in rooms,'
having already made some httle progress in Coleridge,
I somehow or other found time to read the first book of
Hooker's 'Ecclesiastical Polity! I did not then master it,
nor have ever done so since ; but I found within the
first few pages of it enough to stay my mind in aU after
enquiries after Truth. I should be curious to know
(unless indeed I have anticipated the question) whether
you would light upon the same words, which fixed
themselves indelibly on my mind, so that, for years
after reading them, not a day passed but they were fresh
in my recoUection. Pray do, — when you have either
now or at some other time read the first few pages (not
to look for any one saying, but really to enter into the
spirit of the Author), — let me know what strikes you as
his great dictum. I shaU not be the least disappointed
if we differ, for I suppose there are hundreds of dicta in
his writings, that singly involve the germ of all true
philosophy. For every Truth has such a relation to the
rest of Truth ; that they cannot be apart. And Words,
as Coleridge goes far to show, carry much more in them

310 Charles Marriott: [1841
than the first meaning we attribute to them. But more
of this, if you will, some other time." 9
The hints afforded by his brief Diary at this period
of his life indicate the same multifarious reading, —
the same craving after diverse departments of study, —
which we have already encountered. He was assiduously
occupied with Hebrew and with Anglo-Saxon. His
enthusiastic remarks on natural scenery (for he was a
great walker) and his occasional record of the beauti
ful aspect of the heavens at sunset, are full of fresh
ness and delight. We also meet with frequent indica
tions of variable health and of a most infirm body.
He complains of drowsiness and of a proneness to catch
cold. We are not surprised to learn that, at the end
of two years, he was forced to resign his Principalship.
The demand which it made on his powers was too
great. He returned to Oriel, and in October 1841 was
appointed sub-Dean of his College.
Let it not be supposed that in this return of his to
Oxford there was any admixture of shrinking from toil
and effort. Of his absolute singleness of purpose he
gave a signal iUustration at this very juncture, — afford
ing proof that he was prepared to sacrifice at the
shrine of duty whatever the world had to offer that
was to himself most attractive. In truth, all through
life, to do what was right seemed the one only thing
he set before himself as worth a thought. Archd. Mar
riott, his cousin, relates as follows : —
"I saw — (he had a special reason for showing it to
me) — the letter in which he consulted Newman as to
whether he should offer to accompany Bp. Selwyn to
8 'Chichester Dioc. Coll.,' Feb. 16, 1840.

1841] The Man of Saintly Life. 311
New Zealand, when the Bishop was going out (as he
then believed) without a single educated man as his
helper. This was in 1841. The step would have
involved the sacrifice of all Charles's habits, — of all he
was specially fitted for, — and above all, of that close
association in work and constant intercourse with New
man, which was the joy of his life. The question was
put as simply as a soldier might have asked, at which
gate he should mount guard. The only approach to an
expression of feeling was, ' I like best being your servant,
but one must not always go by liking.' I do not know
whether the Bishop ever heard of this thought. Assuredly
to be a Missionary in a new country was not Charles's
vocation. The severance from his friend came in a far
harder form. I do not know whether they ever met
after Newman left our Church."
I wiU but add that his interest in the New Zealand
Church remained unabated to the last. Besides keeping
its Bishop acquainted with the progress of Church
affairs in England, and affording him many a practical
proof of his sympathy, it was for the benefit of Selwyn's
candidates for the ministerial office that Charles Marriott
edited a precious volume of ' Analecta Christiana] which de
serves to be reprinted, and might well become a standard
text-book in our Theological CoUeges. The former
part was pubhshed in 1844, — which is the date of the in
teresting Epistle dedicatory : the latter part, in 1848. It
contains extracts from the Ecclesiastical History of
Eusebius, — two Epistles of Ignatius, — excerpts from
Clemens Alex., — two treatises of Athanasius, — four of
Chrysostom's Homilies on the Acts, — and the Apology of
Gregory of Nazianzus. It extends to 371 pages. — In 1848,
Marriott edited in T2mo. four of Augustine's shorter
Treatises,1 which he also inscribed to Bishop Selwyn, —
1 De Catechizandis rudibus. — De Rerum quae non videntur.—De
Symbolo adCatechumenos. — DeFide Utilitate Credendi.

312 Charles Marriott: [1841
announcing at the same time his design to offer him
someday something by Bernard.
Truly critical was the moment at which he re-appeared
in Oxford. " From the end of 1 841 , 1 was on my death-bed,
as regards my membership with the Anglican Church," —
writes Mr. Newman in his 'Apologia! " I had given up my
place in the movement, in my letter to the Bp. of Oxford in
the Spring." 2 True, that it was not until the Michaelmas
of 1843, that "beginning to despair of the Church of
England," Mr. Newman resigned his cure of S. Mary's : 3
not untU another two years had fully run out, that he
actuaUy lapsed to the Church of Rome. 4 But the good
work which he had entered upon with so much zeal and
alacrity in the September of 1833, 5 at the end of seven
years he had practically abandoned ; and, at the close of
the eighth year, had openly withdrawn from. At that
precise season then it was that Marriott came back to
Oriel: and it soon became evident that it was he who
must stand in the gap which Mr. Newman's impending
desertion had already occasioned, or that much of the
good work which had been begun must coUapse. Some
words which he addressed about this time to Bishop
Selwyn claim insertion here, as giving his own view of
the position he found himself occupying in Oxford : — .
"My health continues weak, and inadequate to any
thing very laborious, though I hope I am not wasting
my time. My advisers seem agreed that my work is
here, and my sober judgment goes with them, even after
every aUowance for the certain truth, that our labourers
abroad do as much as any body here, to strengthen us at
home. But one's way is harder to find here, and ones dangers
closer at hand, and one's responsibilities incalculable. The
2 Apologia, p. 257. « ibid. p. 366.
3 Ibid. p. 306, also p. 325. s See above, p. 177.

1845] The Man of Saintly Life. 313
times are forcing on us a change, which under God must
be prevented from issuing in confusion, and must receive
a character by the efforts of a few ; and though I have
scarcely any judgment, or power of calculation in the
matter, I have a place, which seems assigned me by
Providence. It is a subordinate one ; but I do not know
how to rehnquish it without a real desertion of duty. It
is all but wrong of me to speak of this again, but really
my sympathy with your Mission is such, that I cannot
help thinking at times how it would be, were I engaged
in it." 6
How truly agonizing this entire period [1841-45] was
to Charles Marriott, may be more easUy imagined than
described. With his boundless power of sympathy, —
his warm affections, — his unwavering devotedness to
the Church of England, — it was a constant source of
heart-ache to him to witness token after token of grow
ing estrangement on the part of one for whom he enter
tained such entire reverence and affection. It was (to
use Mr. Newman's own image) like witnessing the dying
agonies of some loved object indefinitely prolonged.
What had first opened Marriott's eyes to the approach
ing catastrophe as a thing probable, as well as how it
affected him, is best iUustrated by his letter to Newman
already partiaUy quoted in the ' Apologia! " One very
dear friend, now no more, Charles Marriott, sent me a
letter at the beginning of 1845, from which, from love
of him, I quote some sentences " : r —
"Bitton, Jan. 15th, 1845.
" If you saw B. in town, he will have told you that he
shewed me a letter, which I think he has shewn to no
one else. I must at once write you my mind upon it ;
though you know me well enough to be aware, that I
never see through any thing at first, nor feel it as it is.
6 From 'Littlemore, — Sept. 13th, 1842.'
7 Apologia, p. 361-2.

314 Charles Marriott: [1845
How it affects my chief concern, — the best manner in
which I can hereafter serve God, — I know not. It casts
a gloom over the future, which you can understand, if
you have understood me, as I believe you have. But
I may speak at once, of what I see and feel at once, and
doubt not that I shall ever feel :— that your whole con
duct towards the Church of England, and towards us
who have striven and are still striving to seek after
God for ourselves, and to revive true Religion among
others, under her authority and guidance, has been
generous and considerate ; and, where that word is
appropriate, I may add dutiful, — to a degree that I
could scarcely have conceived possible.8 The course
you have adopted has been one more unsparing of self
than I should have thought human nature could sustain,
though I know little of it but the shght reflection of
your pain at some points when perhaps it has been my
lot unwillingly to add to it. If I have been too dull for
your intention, I know you will forgive one who most
deeply loves you, and whose very resistance to your
hints arose from that love. I have felt with pain every
link that you have severed, but I have asked no ques
tions, because I felt it to be necessary that you should
measure the disclosure of your thoughts according to
the occasion, and the capacity of those to whom you
spoke." [Then, after a passionate inquiry whether any
course of joint action could be devised as "a possible
means of keeping us together amongst ourselves, as well
as of uniting us to our Brethren," Marriott concludes:]
" I say no more at present, for I write in haste in the
midst of engagements engrossing in themselves, but
partly made tasteless, partly embittered by what I have
" So honorable a trait of character he has felt that he must be drawn
deserves to be specially commemo- out of it. It is hardly possible
rated. Writing to his Aunt from that I should ever have the same
Oriel, (Oct. 1 2th, 1845,) C. M. says, hold of any mind that he has had
— " There is hardly anything in of mine ; yet he contrived to detach
which I more thoroughly admire me from depending on himself, and
Newman than the manner in which to give me over to PuBey, sooner
he has thrown aside the power he than even passively allow me to be
had in the Church of England, since drawn after him."

1845] The Man of Saintly Life. 315
heard ; ... I do not press you for one word of explana
tion. It may be a self-deceiving apathy, but I think it
is not. Be it as it may, I am wiUing to trust even you,
whom I love best on earth, in God's Hand, and in the
earnest prayer that you may be guided into aU Truth,
and so employed as is best for the Holy Catholic Church
and for yourself: and remain ever yours affectionately,
" C. M."
It was at such a juncture then, that Marriott nobly
came forward, — identified himself, as he had never done
before, with the 'Tractarian' movement, (with all that
was Cathohc in it he had been all along in profoundest
sympathy), — and manfully stood in the breach. Never
was there a time when such calmness and intrepidity
were more needed. Not that he was one to controul,
and guide, and govern. Like John Keble, he was with
out the peculiar gifts which are required for a leader.
Indeed, only in the capacity of a subaltern could any one
in Oxford have come forward at that particular moment.
Hugh James Rose had been for three years removed
from the scene, — "perhaps the only man" (to quote a
remark of Dr. Wordsworth's to Joshua Watson) "who, not
going all lengths with the authors of the movement, was
reaUy respected by them. Others may allay the storm,
but he would have prevented the outbreak." 9 Keble
was far away at his country cure. Pusey was the only
leader at head-quarters : and to him Marriott opportunely
joined himself. He brought to the cause every good and
perfect gift which at that time it most urgently needed :
I mean, above all things, a well merited reputation for
sound Theological learning and soUd Classical attain
ment, — combined with what I can only designate as a
truly Apostohc holiness of character, — a most concihatory,
sympathizing disposition, — entire singleness of purpose.
9 Churton'3 Memoir qf Joshua Watson, — ii. 145.

316 Charles Marriott: [1845
But his prime qualification for supplying Newman's
place was his unswerving loyalty to the Church of his
fathers, — his absolute and undoubting confidence in the
Apostolicity of the Church of England. Cherishing no
miserable suspicions on this subject, he was scarcely able
to understand how they could be seriously entertained
by any competently learned person. His view of what
constitutes a living branch of Christ's Holy Catholic
Church soared far above the region of logical quibbles, — >
intellectual subtleties, — arbitrary definitions, — irrelevant
truisms. 1 It was the view of Andrewes and of Hooker,
— of Laud and of BuU, — of Barrow and of Bramhall, — of
Pearson and of Butler, — of Rose and of Mill. Rather
was it the view of God's Word, as interpreted by tho
Church Catholic in all ages. He may, — he must have
secretly entertained grave doubts concerning the Catho
licity of the Church of Rome : concerning the Catholicity
of the Church of England, he never harboured one mis
giving. " For my own part " (he said),—
" though I may be suspected, hampered, worried, and per
haps actually persecuted, I will fight every inch of ground
before I will be compelled to forsake the service of that
Mother to whom I owe my new Birth in Christ, and the
milk of His Word. I will not forsake her at any man's
bidding till she herself rejects me ; nor will I believe, till
there is no other alternative (which God forbid should
ever be !), that she has fallen as she herself tells me she
may fall." 2
The office to which Marriott found himself promoted,
— (words which I cannot write without bitterness,) —
was no sinecure. No pains had been taken by the
authors of " the Tractarian movement " to lay foundations.
1 As, ' Securus judicat orbis ter- 2 To Sir J. W. Awdry,— Oriel,
rarum,' — a principle fatal to Ro- Feb. 20, 1845.
manism.

1845] The Man of Saintly Life. 317
The younger men to whom it appealed became speedily
intoxicated with the "new wine" of which they had
found themselves suddenly recommended to drink freely.
They had never had it explained to them systematically
why they were ' Churchmen,' and wherein thejr were
' Catholic' They had been stirred by the war-cry of a
party, in the forefront of which they recognized what
ever was noblest, purest, most highminded in the Uni
versity. They had learned its watch-words, and, with
generous impetuosity, had adopted its principles and its
practices. But what was to be done when, at the end of
a few years, the leader of the movement was seen to " go
over," — and when it became the fashion for his lieutenants
to speak half-heartedly of the Anglican cause, and to
describe themselves from many a pulpit as "faint, yet
pursuing'"? Only too evident was it that leader and
lieutenants alike — with all their great attainments and
splendid gifts — had lost their way ; were, after aU, un
acquainted with the impregnable strength and true
Catholicity of their Anglican position. A sound Regius
Professor of Divinity at that juncture would have been
an incalculable blessing : but what was to be hoped for
when such an one as Dr. Hampden filled the Divinity
Chair? "Is there no balm in GUead ? Is there no
physician ? " must have been the voiceless exclamation
of many a faithful heart. In the meantime, with pitiful
indiscretion, the disciples of 'Tractarianism' seemed bent
on precipitating a crisis by the extravagance of their
pubhc utterances. ExceUent and able men, — as Ward,
Oakeley, Faber, Macmullen and half a score others, —
openly vied with each other in their professions of
unfaithfulness. What wonder if this provoked fierce
denunciation, — uncompromising opposition? The worst
anticipations of Hugh James Rose were more than

318 Charles Marriott: [1845
reaUzed. In 1 844 (Sept. 5) Marriott described to Selwyn
the position of affairs at Oxford as follows : —
" In Church matters we are much at a stand. Many
are in great alarm about Romanism; and inclined, for
fear of it, to persecute any one who believes half the
Church Catechism. Those with whom I feel most syniT
pathy are disabled from acting publicly by people's
want of confidence ; while some are pressing beyond
our views, and trying to bring everything to a strictly
Roman standard. Unless Captain Lysias, or some better
influence, comes in, we are likely to be roughly handled
between Pharisees and Sadducees."
In the ensuing February [1845], Marriott wrote : 3 —
" The Bishop of London has put Oakeley in the Court
of Arches for publishing a claim to hold all Roman doc
trine (as distinct from teaching it) while he signs the
Articles. The cause will come on pretty soon, I believe.
.... I wish they would not push things to such ex
tremities as drive people mad, and almost absolutely
paralyse the Church of England during the agitation.
It is much the same at Oxford. The working of the
University is seriously impeded by commotions."
Throughout the whole of this trying period, Mr. New
man's friends, — (and no man ever had more enthusiastic,
more devoted adherents than he), — refused to Usten to
the confident language in which his impending fall was
openly predicted: declined to admit any evidence con
cerning him but his own. They trusted him implicitly :
insisted on hoping against hope; until he himself in
formed them (Oct. 8th, 1 845) that the fatal step had been
taken, and that he had actually transferred his allegiance
to that Church which a few years before he had publicly
denounced with unsparing bitterness as under the actual
domination of Satan. * To many, when the University
3 To the Rev. W. Cotton,— from Oriel.
* See above, p. 264-5.,

1845] The Man of Saintly Life. 319
re-assembled after the Long Vacation, such tidings con
cerning Mr. Newman seemed simply incredible. Marriott,
in a letter to Bishop Selwyn (' S. Simon and S. Jude,
1 845 '), expresses what was the sentiment of a hundred
hearts besides his own : —
" A change has come over the whole face of things here.
To many eyes perhaps there seems little difference ; but
to those who have fairly estimated the worth of one
who has left us, all seems altered. My own hope is to
labour on towards the restoration of our Church ; but it
must be in heaviness the best part of my days. How
many we are Ukely to lose I do not know; but some
whom I regret much are already gone. I can hardly
beheve that I am now going on with works and schemes
for our own Church ; and Newman, still Uving within
three miles, not only wholly separated from all my
undertakings, but in a manner opposed to them. Not
that he has yet done anything like opposition, nor that
I think he wUl take an aggressive line ; but still, his
weight is now on the side of drawing from us those
whom we would keep, and so undoing what we do."
Impossible it is to exaggerate the mischievous effect
which Newman's lapse to Romanism had on the religious
movement inaugurated by Hugh James Rose some fifteen
years before. A master-stroke of Satan's policy it cer
tainly was, thus effectuaUy to paralyze the Church's
newly recovered life, and to divert into many an un
healthy channel those energies which it was beyond
his power to quell and render inactive. For a time
there prevailed on every side nothing but dismay and
perplexity, — confusion and half-heartedness, — suspicion
and distrust. Much of the good which had been already
effected was more than undone : —
" We are leaving no stone unturned " (wrote Marriott
to his Aunt) " where we see a hope of doing anything

320 Charles Marriott: [1845
towards restoring and maintaining the Church of Eng
land, and towards checking the how almost prevailing
tide of secession." 6
What wonder if progress — except on sectarian lines —
henceforth became impossible? Writing to Bp. Selwyn
(on Christmas Eve, 1845), Marriott says, —
" There has been much talk of extending Education in
Oxford. Had it been 18 months ago, I could have
raised money to found a College on strict principles.
Now, people are so shaken that I do not think anything
can be effected."
But over and above all this, there is no describing
what an amount of heart-break, and consequent spiritual
misery, Mr. Newman's defection occasioned. Many (as
Mark Pattison) drifted from their moorings entirely, and
subsided into something scarcely distinguishable from
absolute unbelief. More grievous still, (if that were pos
sible), the moral shock which aU underwent proved in
calculably severe. Men were heard to ask one another, —
Who then is to be trusted ? and what professions of fidelity
are henceforth entitled to attention ? That thing which
the Psalmist said 'in his haste,' — are we then henceforth;
every one of us, to say at our leisure ? Not that any
respectable person in Oxford suspected Mr. Newman
either of insincerity or of untruthfulness. But. the facts
being such-and-such, — What was to be made of them 1
Not to dwell longer on a period which I can never re
call without anguish and heart-ache, — Marriott found
himself surrounded by the perplexed and half-hearted, the
desponding and the despairing ; by avowed Romanizers,
and by men who were almost without any faith at
all. He was written to, resorted to ; — worried with the
« 0. M. to his Aunt,— Oriel, Oct. 12, 1845.

1845] The Man of Saintly Life. 321
conscientious doubts, scruples, perplexities, of a hundred
persons who had no claim upon him whatever ;— became
at last entangled in an unmanageable correspondence.
But in the meantime there had been a vast amount
of hterary labour enterprised by the leaders of the
party: and by whom was this to be carried successfuUy
forward, if not by some high-souled student, who, like
the man of whom I am writing, would be content to toil
on without fee or reward ; without the refreshment
which self-chosen labour at least brings with it ; without
indeed any help or encouragement, but that of his own
approving conscience ?
This is the proper place for making reference to the
immense quantity of hack-work (if the expression be
allowable) to which Charles Marriott cheerfuUy sub
mitted. In no other way can I designate certain of his
literary labours. He was for at least fourteen years
associated with Dr. Pusey and Mr. Keble as joint
Editor of the "Library of the Fathers,'"' — (to which
undertaking however, the last-named Divine contributed
nothing but the sanction of his name): and throughout
that entire period, every most irksome and inglorious
department of editorial responsibility was freely imposed
upon Marriott singly. His brother John relates with truth,
that "in one shape or another, the 'Library of the
Fathers' was always on his hands. Either he was trans
lating, — or he was correcting the translations of others.
He was coUating manuscripts, — or else he was correcting
the press. The work was carried on at all times, and
wherever he was." To my own infinite disgust, I once
found him (with a severe head-ache) making the Index to a
7 The earlier volumes of that the editorship of Dr. Pusey, Mr.
great undertaking appeared under Keble and Mr. Newman.
VOL. I. *

322 Charles Marriott : [1847
volume of Augustine, — I think it was vol. xxii. Of
course I took it from him and did it myself. Between
1 841, in which year he put forth the Translation of
Chrysostom's Homilies on the Epistle to the Romans,—
and 1 855, when he was struck down by paralysis, — he is
found to have edited at least 24 volumes (i.e. more than
half) of ' the Library.' Twelve of these volumes were
works of Chrysostom (viz. his Homilies on S. Matthew
and on S. John, — on the Acts and on S. Paul's Epistles)*
Eight, were works of Augustine (viz. his short Treatises,
his Commentary on S. John's Gospel and on the Psalms).
Four, consisted of Gregory the Great's ' Moralia ' on the
Book of Job. 8 Dr. Pusey, in the ' Advertisement ' (Advent,
1857) prefixed to vol. xxxix, (which is the vith and con
cluding volume of Augustine's Exposition of the Psalms),
thus freely acknowledges the largeness of his obligations
to the subject of the present Memoir : —
" The first hundred pages of this volume were printed,
when it pleased God to withdraw from all further toil
our friend, the Rev. C. Marriott, upon whose editorial
labours the ' Library of the Fathers ' had, for some years,
wholly depended. Full of activity in the cause of Truth
and religious knowledge, — full of practical benevolence,
expending himself, his strength, his paternal inheritance,
in works of piety and charity, — in one night his labour
was closed, and he was removed from active duty to
wait in stillness for his Lord's last caU. His friends
may perhaps rather thankfully wonder that God allowed
one, threatened in many ways with severe disease, to
labour for Him so long and so variously, than think it
strange that He suddenly, and for them prematurely,
allowed him thus far to enter into his rest. To those
who knew him best, it has been a marvel, how, with
health so frail, he was enabled in such various ways, and
for so many years, to do active good in his generation.
* These volumes (Nos. 18, 21,23, tively. In strictness the volumes
31) bear date 1844-5-7-50 respec- are three, — in sundry ' Parts.'

1848] The Man of Saintly Life. 323
Early called, and ever obeying the caU, he has been
aUowed both active duty and an early rest."
How laboriously and conscientiously Charles Marriott
did his work, may be inferred from his Preface to vol.
xxxv, which volume is the conclusion of Chrysostom's
' Homilies on the Acts.' In fact, all his work was first-
rate, under whatever conditions of haste and discomfort
it was produced. Yet could not one help feeling angry
at witnessing such fine abilities wasted — (for it was
a waste) — on what an infinitely humbler instrument
could have perfectly well accomplished ; while more than
one great undertaking remained unapproached, which
scarcely any one of his contemporaries could have
achieved nearly so well as he, and which he himself
wanted nothing but leisure and repose of mind to under
take at once. I am thinking especiaUy of a Commentary
on S. Paul's Epistle to the Romans which was to have
been the work of his life, — but of which a very slight
sketch is all that he ever effected. Allusion is made to the
" Lectures on the Epistle to the Romans," which he delivered
at S. Mary's during the last two years of his Ministry
[1853-5], and which were posthumously published by
his brother in 1859. Even this sketch does not extend
beyond the xiiith chapter. An elaborate exposition
of the entire Epistle was in fact to have been his
contribution to that ' Commentary on the Bible ' which
Dr. Pusey announced as to be edited by himself, and of
which the several portions were actually assigned to
different labourers. Of this great undertaking the only
portion which ever appeared was Pusey's own precious
' Commentary on the Minor Prophets ' : but I remember
Dr. William Kay's telling me that he had finished his
Commentary on ' Genesis,' — (which was the book assigned
to him), — many years before Pusey's death.
Y 2

324 Charles Marriott: [1850
Besides thus taking the labouring oar in the editorship
of the 'Library of the Fathers,' Marriott was a chief
promoter of the scheme for producing the original Texts
of certain of the giants of old time. The 'Bibliotheca
Patrum ' (for so it is called) was commenced in 1 838, with
Augustine's ' Confessiones! Field's admirable edition of
Chrysostom's ' Homilies on S. Matthew's Gospel ' followed
in 1 839. The task of editing Theodoret's ' Interpretation
of S. Paul's Epistles ' devolyed on Marriott.9 He collated
for this purpose Codices in the Paris library. But he
was evidently extending his editorial regards to other
Fathers. Writing to Bishop Selwyn from 'Littlemore,
September 13th, 1842,' he says: —
" I have been spending some time in Paris, looking at
MSS. of S. Chrysostom, and collating some of Macarius ;
and I hope we shall very soon be going on again with
editions of some part of the Fathers in the original. I
am now spending a day or two with Newman, in his
Parsonage at Littlemore, where he leads almost a
monastic life, giving the whole morning to study and
devotion. The quiet that reigns here is new to me, and
very favourable to reflection, though I doubt whether I
am equal to such a life myself."
It was at the Easter of 1 850 that Charles Marriott suc
ceeded C. P. Eden as Vicar of S. Mary-the-Virgki's, which
is also the University church. Nothing could exceed the
zeal and alacrity with which he threw himself into the
duties of his new office. He and I had always been
friends ; but from this time forward I saw a great deal of
him. Having no parochial cure of my own, I was able
at all times to assist him at his Services, to administer
the early Sacrament (7 a.m.) for him, or altogether
' ' Theodoreti Interpretatio im om- Marriott B.D.' — Pars I, 1852. —
nes B. Pauli Epistolas: ad fidem [Pars II is dated 1870.]
codicum Parisiensium recensuit C.

1854] The Man of Saintly Life. 325
to stand in the gap when he was away, — which happened
not seldom. He was greatly loved by his parishioners ;
as weU he might be, — so exceedingly attentive, kind and
sympathizing was he in times of sickness or trouble. He
was greatly reverenced also. The Cholera visited Oxford
while he was Vicar (viz. in 1 854), and the utter disregard
he displayed for his own personal safety, — his mag
nanimous self-sacrifice, — evidently impressed certain of
his (and my) " dearly beloved brethren " far more than all
our discourses put together. It was very striking to
hear [1 863-76] words of downright enthusiasm concerning
him, from lips not by any means given to such language.
'' Mr. Marriott was a saint, if ever there was one, Vicar !
And as for those girls in black, people may call them
popish, or whatever they like : but let me tell you,
if ever there were Angels upon earth "... . The man
was choked with emotion at the recollection of those
days, and could not proceed. But the events referred to
demand more particular notice.
" When the Cholera broke out in 1 854 " (writes Sir
Henry Acland) " it was Long Vacation. There was no
real authority to administer the arrangements. I was
put in charge. I had to arrange two departments : one,
That a lady should visit aU cases in the houses of the
poor ; — the other, That a lady should take charge of a
white-washed cow-house in a field where many cases
were sent. Miss Skene undertook and fulfilled the first
duty ." 1 " She visited daily every house (within a certain
area) to instruct the Nurses, to comfort the sick, to cheer
the disconsolate ; and, where need was, herself to supply
a sudden emergency, or to relieve a wearied attendant.
By day and by night she plied this task, and when she
rested, or where, — as long at least as she knew of a house
where disease had entered, — is known to herself alone." 2
1 MS. letter to myself, — May 4, 2 Aeland's Memoir on the Cholera
1887. at Oxford in 1854, — p. 99.

326 Charles Marriott: [1854
Miss Hughes" carried on the latter work to the end.
" This lady, with more constancy than prudence could
approve, and more energy than a woman's strength could
long endure, was by day and by night among the people;
superintended all the arrangements, and provided, to the
best of the means allowed to her, for all their wants. In
all leisure moments, with the help of her friends, she
taught the children ; not only by the teaching of books
and of needlework, but by the persuasion of games, and
by the discipline of cleanliness, often not less necessary
than unpalatable. Nor in these rude and temporary
contrivances was a lesser but an important act forgotten.
The cheerful decoration of flowers and of pictorial illus
trations was provided at the Hospital and the other
buildings; and an attempt was made to remove the
horror of the pest-house, by sueh means as we, in this
country, alas ! are daily proved to understand so much
less than any Continental people.
" May those orderly habits, and the nightly prayers
and the hymns of the infants, be transplanted to some
widowed and fatherless homes where they were not
known before ! While these acts of strength and love
spring up in time of need, let none be heard to doubt the
practical powers and noble nature of English women ! " 3
Miss Hughes writes,4 — " In the time of the Cholera in
Oxford (1854) Mr. C. Marriott gave constant and most
valuable help to the sick in the temporary hospital in
the ' Field of Observation.' Fearless and faithful, — is the
best description of his work among them. He usually
came twice a day, — certainly once each day while the
cholera was at the worst,— and at any time, day or night,
I knew I could send for him or Mr. (afterwards Bishop)
Venables, if the dying needed spiritual help.
" You will remember the terrible cases of small-pox
which occupied one part of the rough Hospital. I was
unwilling that Mr. Marriott should have the risk of going
3 Acland's Memoir, — p. 98.
4 MS. letter to Sir H. W. Acland,— Easter 1887.

1854] The Man of Saintly Life. 327
into it ; but he would not allow any care for himself to
hinder any possible help he might give to the souls of
the sick, however loathsome their bodily condition might
be. And with the cholera patients he would minister to
the last moment. I seem to see him now hearing the
6onfession of a dying man in one part of the ward, while
in another part the priest from the Roman Catholic church
in S. Clement's was ministering in like manner to one of
his flock.
" There was one case of awful despair in a poor dying
woman who refused to Usten to any words of the mercy
of God, saying only ' too late, too late.' To her, Mr.
Marriott devoted much care and many praj^ers. It
seemed as though no impression could be made upon
her. The cry went on — 'too late, too late, too late for
me! But Mr. Marriott's tender fervour to bring her to
faith and trust in her Saviour prevailed at last. He
said, — ' But you do believe in the love of those around
you, now that Jesus sends it to you ? ' With what
seemed the last effort of life, she raised herself, — clasped
her arms round the neck of the sister who was attending
to her, — and kissing her answered, — ' Yes, it is love.'
The last struggle foUowed almost immediately, and we
heard her say, ' Jesus, save me,' — the words he had
entreated her to use. So his prayers had been heard.
She died in hope and faith.
"There was one part of Mr. Marriott's work in the
' Field of Observation ' which was the bright spot of the
day. It was with the Children who had been brought in
on the death of their Parents, or from infected localities.
You will remember the two tents which were used for
dormitories for the boys and for the girls ; to these, late
in the evening, when they were settled for the night,
Mr. Marriott used to go, and after saying prayers with
them, ended by singing Ken's ' Evening hymn.' To watch
him and the children with their up-turned faces and
clasped hands was a scene of beautiful harmony to eye
and ear."
In the foregoing narrative I find one httle circumstance

32 8 Charles Marriott: [1850
omitted, which may not however pass unrecorded by me.
The Rev. John Marriott relates,—" In the course of his
attendance on the small-pox cases, Charles caught the
disease, and was seriously iU for some time. But he
recovered in the course of the Spring and resumed all his
employments as vigorously as ever.". . . And so much for
the terrible Long Vacation of 1 854.
I was a regular attendant at S. Mary's throughout
C. M.'s Ministry [1850-5], as I had been when Eden was
Vicar [1843-50] ; and before that, during the last years
of Mr. Newman's incumbency [1842 and 3]. The three
men were greatly dissimilar as teachers, certainly : but
they all three agreed in certain essential respects. They
were original; — they were highly intellectual; — they
were good teachers, and were evidently thoroughly in
earnest as to what they taught ; — they all three seemed
to be (they were) penetrated with a sense of the sacred-
ness of their Office, and the importance of the message.
they were commissioned to deliver. And yet, 0 how
diverse they were! The sermons of the last named
Divine, which have since become everywhere famous,
were like those of no other preacher for their finished
beauty, their pathetic interest, their constraining power.
There is no telling how they affected the heart, moved
the wiU, gratified the understanding. Concerning Eden's^
pulpit addresses, sufficient will be found hazarded further
on. As for dear Charles Marriott's sermons, they were
singularly unadorned productions; yet most precious
views they were on the deepest of subjects, "boldly and
clearly enunciated, yet set down only in the way of hint
or outline : recommended by remarks which seemed as if
they had been hastily drawn up from the deep weU of
the preacher's own spiritual, saintly experience. He

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 329
would knit his brows, and preach very much as if he were
in earnest conversation with you. Everything he said
was weighty, and full of Gospel sweetness: thoroughly
well worth trying to remember. But the thoughts some
times seemed to me deficient in arrangement, as well
as in elaboration and finish: the whole, sounding as if
it had been committed to paper at a disadvantage. . .
I once saw him finishing a sermon, — under conditions
which would have accounted for anything. It was Sun
day morning, — the University sermon just over, and
the bell going for the parochial Service. In less than 5
minutes he must be in Church. I rapped at his door,
" Come in,"— (without raising his head). He was lean
ing, sprawling rather, over his table, — with his ink-bottle
secured to his button-hole (hke a tax-gatherer) and
eagerly writing. He did not speak, — nor did I : but I
had my own thoughts on the subject .... There was no
pretension whatever to oratory. Like James Mozley, —
he was no ' speaker.' (Anything but that !) It was the
importance of what he said that constrained attention to
his utterances. His manuscript (like Eden's) was with
out erasure or correction of any kind.
His brother's view of this matter claims attention : —
"Though he had no special gift of eloquence, yet, from
the fulness of his mind and the careful way in which he
had thought out the meaning of Scripture, his sermons
were composed rapidly and with ease. They flowed
from his pen without a pause, and from this facUity
of composition, there is an ease and freshness about
them which conveys the impression of what is spoken
without book. They exhibit no attempt at high finish : but
abound in clear expositions of Holy Scripture, and in
striking passages enforcing his own views of Divine
Truth, — his own high standard of Christian life. I

330 Charles Marriott: [185a
should say that the main design and aim of his teaching
was to bring people to a knowledge of their true posi
tion and privileges as Christians, and to exhort them to
a faithful and earnest use of the high gifts bestowed
upon them through the Gospel. All his powers were
devoted to the earnest endeavour to do good in his
generation." It ought to have been sooner mentioned that in 1 843,
yielding to the urgent desire of his friends, Marriott
published the former of two volumes of Sermons, —
which proved the chief literary memorial which he was
destined to leave behind him. He styled the volume, —
' Sermons preached before the University and in other places!
They range from 1838 to 1843. In the 'Advertisement'
prefixed, he says : —
" As the writer is conscious that many things are im
perfectly explained, he begs to have that construction
put upon them which is most agreeable to the doctrine
of the holy Catholic Church in all ages, and in particular
of that branch of it to which, through the mercy of God,
he belongs."
The second volume of his Sermons ('preached in Bradfield
Church, Berks, Oriel College Chapel, and other places]) —
appeared in 1850. It was dedicated to his excellent
and devoted brother, the Rev. John Marriott, Curate of
Bradfield, and was prefaced by an apology for the want
of style and finish in some of the Sermons. The author
points out that although he had sometimes " written at
the notice of a few hours, he has often been putting
down the thoughts of many years." — I will but declare
concerning both these volumes (so little known!) that
they are simply priceless, and will richly repay those
who will be at the pains to inquire after them.
In the 'Preparatory Thoughts' to one of his works,

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 331
(' Reflections in a Lent reading of the Epistle to the Romans] r')
he says : —
" I must strive to order all my doings for the day, so
that each may have its proper place : and it will be well
even to attend to my books and papers, that they may
be rightly put in place, so that I may know where I am,
and where my work is, and may not spend time uselessly
in looking for this and that." — (pp. 2-3.)
Impossible it was for any one who knew the man and
was acquainted with his rooms, to encounter the fore
going virtuous resolution without a smUe. Those rooms
were the very picture of disorder. But, I am impatient
to add, — they were not in that respect a faithful reflex of
his mind ; much less of his spirit. He was no confused
thinker, — neither was there any want whatever of
serenity and calmness in his soul. He could find a
book, and the place in a book too, as readily as any
studious man of my acquaintance. If you were sud
denly to ask him a profound question in Divinity, he
could, — and with evident pleasure would,— instantly
focus his thoughts, and proceed to explain. No. The
disorder was the inevitable result of Marriott's over
tasked life and over-crowded shelves ; — added to the
pubhcity of a College staircase, and (what every real
student at last discovers to his regret) the insufficiency
of ordinary college accommodation for one who is en
gaged in laborious research. Undeniable however it is
that anything more untidy than Marriott's rooms can
scarcely be imagined. His library was a very fine
one ; but the Fathers were suffocated with dust, —
supplementary shelves encumbered every wall, passage,
angle, — the pamphlets, sermons, catalogues, were liter
ally without number  It is a comfort to be able
B 1849 — p- M6-

332 Charles Marriott: [1850
to add that, instead of being scattered after his death,
his library was transferred to Bradfield, — where it is
now preserved in its entirety. I remember being in
vited by Mr. Keble to assist in securing the coUection
for some Colonial see, — in South Africa, I think.
It deserves to be mentioned that it was to C. M.'s zeal
and liberality that S. Mary's is indebted for its present
interesting Vestry. Allusion is made to the small apart
ment, (once, I believe, the Chapel of S. Catharine,6)
which connects the eastern extremity of the Chancel
with the "old Congregation-house," — (for such is the
proper designation of the long vaulted chamber beneath
the solarium, — once the University library, now known
as the ' Law School '). Till his time, S. Catharine's
chapel had been the receptacle for the University fire-
engine, — then transferred to the ancient vaulted chamber
already mentioned, which adjoined it on the north.7
He was pre-eminently one of those friends, (I did so
greatly enjoy their society at Oxford!), who had no
objection, — on the contrary, who loved, — to talk freely
when we were alone together about the hard things of
Scripture. Woollcombe was another of these, — and Kay
another, — and Gandell, another. I cannot say how re
freshing it was to get Marriott on such subjects. I never
6 See Peshall's History of Oxford, period it was used as a chapel for
— p. 58. the ' Scholares non-ascripti' of the
7 Thishistoricallocality, — (name- University ; but I am not surprised
ly, the ' old Congregation-house ' of to learn (1887) that "for along
the University, which had long time past there have been no Ser-
fallen into a state of squalid dese- vices of any kind held there," and
eration), — was in 1871 zealously that it has again lapsed into a state
renovated mainly through the exer- of entire neglect. It is scarcely a
tions of the Rev. Gr. W. Kitchin, habitable locality, — damp, dark, and
now Dean of Winchester. For a much below the external level.

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 333
found him unprepared. The seemingly tangled pro
phecy on the Mount of Olives being once the subject of
conversation, he furnished me instantly with the clue to
its unravelment: pointing out that ravra (or it aura Tama)
is the expression invariably used to denote the event in
the foreground, (viz. the destruction of Jerusalem), — in
contradistinction from the end of the World, which is
spoken of as f) ^jue'pa, or f) fjfxepa eiceu>jj.8 — He was always
fresh and original. [Something concerning the ancient
allowance of Polygamy, which (by an oversight) will be
found further on (in page 355) should have been intro
duced in this place.] Our talk being once about Jael,
I asked him how he got over the difficulty. He replied
instantly, — " I suppose she regarded Sisera in the Ught
of a wild beast : a creature to be snared and destroyed,
by any possible method." — I perceived on such occasions
that he always had his own view, — had thought the
matter out for himself, — although he was saturated with
the Patristic method, and was the last man in the world
to depart from what really was Cathohc teaching. But
on this head, — (for the subject is not only very interest
ing, but of the highest importance also,) — he shaU be
allowed to speak for himself. To a friend who ' objected
to any appeal to Cathohc Antiquity, except as speaking
through Councils,' he replied, —
" More perhaps than you are aware might be collected
from the early Councils. . . . But I wiU not insist on
that. I should rather maintain that there is a truly
Divine Tradition in the Church, of which the inductions
of individuals are only very imperfect pictures, but
which is represented with tolerable fairness by the con
senting testimony of various students. It is upon such
Tradition (collected, as I believe, with supernatural aid)
that the decrees of Councils are framed, as you may
8 S. Matt. xxiv. 33, 34, compared with ver. 36.

334 Charles Marriott: [1850
read at length in Vincent of Lerins, or in the history of
almost any Council. And therefore I believe such a
Tradition to be a real source of Truth, though I cannot,
be sure that I individually get from it the exact truth.
I prefer it to any modern tradition, because no modern
tradition can possibly be Apostolic when it contradicts an
earlier universal Tradition."
"For using such induction, and attributing a high
authority to its results, we have both the precept and
the example of the Church of England : precept, in the
Canon of 157 1, and example in setting forth the Homi
lies, which make use of passages from holy Fathers as
grounds of argument. On the particular subject in
question " [I believe the Holy Eucharist is referred to}
" you must remember that we have the Liturgies, as well
as the Fathers, for testimony to the doctrine of early
times ; and their testimony is more like that of a Council,
than that of an individual Doctor." 9
Any one reading with attention his Sermons, — the two
precious little volumes (described at p. 330 as pubUshed
in 1843 and 1850,) — will understand something of his
dehghtful way of handling sacred subjects : his spirit
so calm and thoughtful, — so reverent and profound. It
is difficult, at the end of many years, to produce speci
mens : but I will recall one characteristic incident, and
then pass on. Unfortunately the subject-matter on the
occasion referred to has entirely passed out of my re
collection; but the external circumstances of the case
dwell as freshly with me as if the thing had happened
yesterday, and these exhibit the man.
It must have been about the year 1854, (for I was
commenting on S. John), — and well into the winter, (for
the snow lay deep on the ground), — that I had been
devoting the whole of more than one long day to the study
of certain doctrinal passages in the fourth Gospel ; which
9 To the Rev. J. H. Walker, — — 200th anniversary of the martyr-
dated "S. Leonard's, Jan. 10, 1845, dom of Abp. Laud."

1854] The Man of Saintly Life. 335
must evidently be regarded in connexion with one another,
and explained by the same doctrinal clue : but concerning
which I had made the perplexing discovery that all the
Greek Fathers (as it seemed) interpreted them in one
manner, — all the Latin, in another. How to reconcile
the two, I saw not : and who was / to adjudicate between
the giants ? I was greatly distressed. The CoUege clock
— (to quote an expression of Mr. Newman's,1) — had
" struck as many as ever it could," and I was getting
desperately tired : but (1), To go to bed was out ofthe
question: while (2), To postpone the record of what had
been occupying me whoUy for the last 13 or 14 hours, I
foresaw would be fatal. The morrow was to be a busy
day: then came Sunday; and by Monday morning, —
Where would be the many delicate threads which I now
held, as it were, in my hand ? There were but two men
(so at least I judged,) who were competent to help me :
Pusey — (but how to persuade the porter to let me in
through Canterbury gate at such an hour?): and
Marriott. It was a dreary night. What if he should be
gone to bed ? and the lamps out on the break-youv-neck
stairs ? . . . " I can but try, at all events," I told myself.
So, wrapped in a railway-rug, I picked a path through
the snow, and blundered up Marriott's staircase. There
was a gleam of light under his door : so he had not gone
to bed. Half ashamed, I rapped. "Who's that V I held
the door open, — and, of course, in streamed the icy blast.
A fractious voice again exclaimed, — " Who's lhat 1 I say.
Will you be so good as either to come in, or else to go
out? for I'm suffering from a cold in my forehead."
1 A man came in late to a College clock strike, sir."—" And I'm sure,
lecture (12.15. p.m.). T^6 gentle Mr. So-and-so, — the clock — struck
reproof was, — "You are very late, — as many as ever it could." [From
Mr. So-and-so." — "Didn't hear the the late Rev. B. E. Bridges.]

336 Charles Marriott: [1854
Sincerely begging his pardon, I kicked the door to
behind me, and advanced. Marriott's expiring candles
just enabled him to recognize me : for fire-light there was
none. He did not know how to make sufficient amends
for his discourtesy. He was ' So glad to see me,' —
' Wouldn't I sit down ? ' — ' The tea was not quite cold,' —
' The water would boil in a minute,' — ' Pray throw off
your rug,' — and so on. Meanwhile, other candles had
been lighted and the dying embers had been raked
together. His kindness was touching. A few words
sufficed to explain my errand. I sat down and so did
he. I explained, and he listened: but soon he grew
restive. I named the Greek Fathers one by one, Atha
nasius, Gregory, Basil, &c. and stated the substance of
their remarks. (I heard an impatient " yes, yes ") : then
I specified the Latins, informing him, one by one, what
they each said, Ambrose; Jerome, Augustine, &c. (Again
I heard, " I know, I know.") " Then, since you know,
tell me how these Doctors are to be reconciled ; for they
seem to me to be opposed and inconsistent. I have
nothing more to say." .... He was silent, but slowly
began rocking himself to and fro in his chair, — like one
putting an infant to sleep : and after a considerable pause,
began. It was all very lucid, — all very beautiful : dis
jointed but logically coherent. He kept twitching his
hand before his forehead, twitching and snatching, as if
he were trying to catch a fly. He explained to me very
ingeniously and thoughtfully as much as I wanted to
know in less than a quarter of an hour. In fact I saw
it all, at the end of his second or third sentence. In a
few minutes more I was to be heard insisting on his
letting me depart, — and he was to be seen insisting on
lighting me downstairs. I speedily regained my fire
side, — blotted several sheets of paper, — and long before

1854] The Man of Saintly Life. 337
the clock struck two, had forgotten every Greek and
every Latin Father, — besides Charles Marriott and
S. John himself. In the morning, my last night's adven
ture seemed the queerest of dreams. I awoke laughing
at the recollection of the dear feUow's fractious " Who's
that ? " and the proposed dilemma that I must " be so
good as either to come in, or else to go out." 2
I would fain, without more delay, say something which
should be illustrative of this beloved friend's beautiful
character. Of his many conspicuous graces I am reaUy
at a loss which to single out for the foremost place. Some
times, his profound humility of spirit first presents itself
to my memory : at other times, his singleness of purpose :
at others, his purity of heart: at others, his utter un
selfishness : at others, his candour and forbearance, (that
(TtiiiKua which S. Paul [PhU. iv. 4] commends). He was
so indulgent in his estimate of other men's words and
actions : severe only towards himself. Occasionally, it
is the habitual consideration and kindness of his dispo
sition which forces itself on my recollection as his pre
eminent grace. But straightway there spring up, side
by side with these, instances of his rigid conscientious
ness ; or again, tokens of his boundless charity. He was
about the fairest man I ever knew. Perhaps his consistent
holiness, — the habitually devout and reverent tone of his
mind, — was his prevailing characteristic. There was
something unspeakably sweet, and pure, and simple in the
outcome of his habitual inner life. His was indeed a
heavenly character. To me he seemed habitually to walk
with God. I first understood the meaning of that Scrip
ture phrase by closely observing him. A brother-fellow
2 Unable to recall the precise ob- the last words of S. John xiv. 28, —
ject of my visit, I am but sure that where the Greek and the Latin
it was not the mystery involved in Fathers are similarly divided.
VOL. I. Z

338 Charles Marriott: [1850
expresses my meaning exactly when he remarks that
" he seemed to move in a spiritual region out of the reach
of us ordinary mortals."
No thoughtful reader will be surprised, after all that
goes before, to hear me declare that Charles Marriott
afforded a signal instance of that influence for good
which a Collegian of high character and holy life is
enabled to exercise at the University. One consequence
of this was that many young men came up to Oxford
recommended to his notice by their Parents. His
practice was, — besides inviting them to his rooms, calling
on them, or taking a walk with them, — to hold once or
twice in the term a kind of general reception in the
Common Room : at which some senior men would, at
his request, look in for half-an-hour. It was quite a
lesson to see how Marriott conducted himself on such
occasions. He invariably singled out for attention the
most shy and alarmed, or the most awkward and cubbish,
or the most stupid and silent, of the youths present. He
would pursue these unpromising, unattractive creatures
into the corner of the room whither they had retired for
concealment : would carry them tea, toast, &c, &c, and
in short, insist on making friends with them. The trouble
he would take on such occasions used quite to astonish
me. But in truth it was a part of his Rehgion. He was
always the succourer, advocate, champion of the neglected
and forlorn; the feeble and the friendless; the lowly and
retiring. I have really never seen any one like him : for
his acts of this class were not the result of occasional
conscious effort. It was his nature to be thus kind,
sympathizing, friendly : and to be so at all times, — and
to all. And, as I was saying, his example in this
respect, — the influence of his daily practice, — was felt

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 339
to be a leavening power by all who came in Charles
Marriott's way.
His unfailing good nature — but in fact it was his
inveterate Christian consideration — really knew no
bounds. Overwhelmed (as he always was) with all
manner of work, he never denied himself to any one
who saw fit to call on him, or wanted anything of
him. " I see you are too busy. I will not disturb you,"
once exclaimed Edward King, — (the present Bishop
of Lincoln, who was at that time an undergraduate
of Oriel, — "a royal fellow," as C. M. used to call him,) —
and was proceeding to leave the room. " That depends,"
(quietly rejoined Marriott,) "on the relative importance
of what 1 am doing and what you have come to me
about." The reply aptly expresses what the speaker
seems always to have felt — viz. that the 1 2 hours of every
day had to be spent in God's service, and that he was
not a competent judge beforehand of how God might be
most acceptably served. He therefore always held him
self in readiness to meet any demand which might by
any one be made upon him for a measure of his time, or
for a share of his attention. A singular iUustration of
the thing I mean, presents itself.
A poor man, (resident in his parish), having sohcited
an interview, communicated his trouble, which was this :
— With a legal claim (as he felt sure) to considerable
property, he was yet unable, in consequence of his im
pecunious condition, to assert his rights. Marriott bade
the man bring him the evidence on which he relied, —
promising to consider it. Sundry deeds, abstracts of
wills, &c. were the consequence ; and the Vicar, — relying
on the light of nature, — proceeded to unravel the problem.
It taxed his patience and his legal knowledge to the full.
z 2

340

Charles Marriott: [1850

But the issue was, that after a day or two of incessant
(and therefore most inconvenient) labour, he satisfied
himself that his client was in error. The man had
no case, — and of this the Vicar convinced him . . . Let it
be remembered that I am not relating this incident with
unmingled admiration. Marriott should have put the
matter into professional hands, and reserved himself for
inquiries of a different class. But — such was the man !
His compassionate nature led him to sift the case to the
bottom ; and he could not, of course, foresee what a dance
his guide would lead him.
I recaU another humble incident somewhat in point,
and certainly in a high degree characteristic. One very
hot afternoon in the Long Vacation, he entered my room
in beaver with a troubled brow, and — " Would I go for
a walk?" "Certainly." I took my hat and prepared
to follow him. " You won't mind a couple of brats ? " he
said inquiringly. (I groaned inwardly.) " Do you mean
that two boys are to walk with us?" Yes, he meant
that. (They were two choristers, I believe, whom he
had promised to befriend, and this was how he was
keeping his word.) We plodded along in profound
sUenee, and at last found ourselves on the turnpike road
to Kidlington : the heat tropical, — the ' brats ' kicking
up the dust in front. At the end of the first half-mile
he ejaculated, — "I hope you don't mind my not talk
ing?" "If you are disinclined to talk, never mind.
I can think." Rather ashamed of this, he straightway
added, — "Unless you would put up with my talking
about S. Augustine. I have been at work upon him all
day, and I can really think of nothing else." The rejoinder
was obvious ; and a truly interesting conversation fob
lowed. It proved in fact as remarkable a walk as I

1851] The Man of Saintly Life. 341
ever took in my life ; and would have been a delightful
one, — but for the heat, the dust, and the ' brats.' On
getting back to Oriel, he challenged me to a cup of tea.
The prospect of a quiet half-hour in his rooms, — wifh
Augustine for reference, and without the boys, — was
charming : but at sight of the dusty perspiring urchins,
his heart evidently melted. He let fall something about
their ' perhaps liking something to eat.' For all reply,
up rushed the young villains before us, while behind
came ' Richard ' with two breakfast commons and a pot
of jam. The rest may be imagined. . . . But how was it
possible to overlook the man's sincerity and self-sacri
fice, — the genuine kindness of heart, — which could be
thus considerate towards the two uninteresting children
who had already ruined his afternoon and were now
going to spoil his evening ?
From Trinity until the Christmas of 1851, Marriott's
Curate at S. Mary's was the Rev. Robert E. Sanderson,
of Lincoln CoUege, — now a Prebendary of Chichester
Cathedral, D.D. and Head-master of Lancing College,
Sussex. Invited to recall what he is able of those days,
my friend and neighbour has furnished me with the
foUowing characteristic and interesting narrative. But
he begins, of course, by lamenting the obliterating
influences of six-and-thirty years :—
"What can never pass from my recollection is the
clear outline of his personal aspect and bearing, his
ways and manner. And these were very characteristic,
and for that reason were very dear to those who loved
him weU for what he was in mind and heart and spirit.
" Apart from these general impressions, what remains
most fixed in my memory are the evenings which, soon
after I became his Curate at S. Mary's, he devoted to
the study with me of the opening Chapters of the 1st

342 Charles Marriott: [1851
Epistle to the Corinthians. You knew his rooms better
than I could describe them. A corner of a table was
cleared of tokens of disorder even more incongruous
than books and papers ; and we set to work with a Greek
text of the New Testament only in our hands. Presently,
a Commentary; then, a Greek Concordance; then, a
Father : book after book was hunted up from chair and
sofa and floor, — rescued from what looked more like the
ruins of a sacked and plundered library, than a student's
room. Of course time was lost in the search, and we
seldom got through more than 3 or 4 verses in the
evening. But then, not a word was passed over. And
a whole flood of light was thrown from collateral
points of view upon these words, until they shone out
quite vividly, as words inspired. The quiet and mono
tonous tone of his voice, full of frequent hesitations, yet
always solemn, always reverent, is in my ear to this
day. He taught as one who was also learning. And
that, I take it, is the true spirit of the expounder of
Holy Scripture. Certainly it was the first real lesson I
ever received in the true method of studying it. So, he
knew as little as I did how the hours passed. Time and
the world seemed forgotten. The manner of our reading
was as if we were in the presence of things eternal, and
concerned with them only.
" I think we spent two evenings a week for six months
over these readings. Yet we did not get beyond the
middle of the 3rd chapter of the 1st Epistle. To the
student of to-day such slow work would seem a waste of
time. Certainly it was not the way to prepare for ' an
Examination.' Fresh from the Schools however, this
seemed to me the very merit of the method.
" But what lavish kindness did he show in all this !
nor less, in receiving me every Sunday evening to dine
with him in Oriel. I have, since, often thought how
unspeakably it would bore me now to have, every Sun
day, to entertain the same young Deacon at dinner.
But Charles Marriott never let himself seem to be bored.
And I see now better, why it was so. Though of a

1851] The Man of Saintly Life. 343
nature quite susceptible of provocation, he had, I doubt
not, so disciplined himself by the law of loving-kindness,
as to have acquired a placidity which, when he was
engaged in what he conceived to be a duty, or a charity,
seemed part of himself. But I know he keenly felt the
irritations when they caught him unawares. When
overworked and ill, the incessant rapping at his door by
triflers and intruders, really was a shock to him. I
can hear now his patient (yet impatient) cry ' Come in.'
His nerves were wounded, as the body might feel hurt
by a blow. We have all felt the same. But there was
this difference: — He patiently endured it for years to
gether. We should have quickly found a remedy.
" It was peculiar to him, in a way I never remember
to have seen in like degree in others, to be asleep, — I
mean, to be asleep, not to seem asleep, — and yet, as if by
a kind of unconscious cerebration, (to use a cant word),
to have the power of calhng to mind what had been said
the while in his presence. An instance of this occurred
to me, when he criticized a Sermon of mine of which I
could have declared, — for I saw him asleep during it, —
that he had not heard a word. I cannot account for
this. Was it possible that the brain did receive, more
distinctly than is usual, the spoken sounds and retain
them, till he awoke to recall them for use ?
" If his mental powers were thus at times awake
when he was asleep, there were times when he was so
absent as to be reaUy half asleep when he walked and
talked as if awake. This would explain his want of
readiness in giving expression to what in truth he knew.
And, as if by a kind of economy, it became habitual to
him to say when consulted, — ' Don't trouble yourself to
find this out. Pusey knows. He'll tell you.'
" In truth he so taxed, and so neglected his bodily and
mental powers, that, (as was inevitable,) both gave way ;
and the end came before he could leave behind him any
permanent mark of his really large powers. His great
industry, and his wide sympathies, and his affections
distracted him. He lacked concentration. This was

344 Charles Marriott: [1850
fatal to him and his memory. And so his life passed
by-" It was often remarked that Marriott " knew something
of everything." It would be truer to say that he knew
a great deal about most things. The variety and extent
of his knowledge, in departments quite foreign to his
own, often astonished his intimates. Such was the
versatility of his intellect, that it was evident he had
left no branch of Science wholly unexplored. He was
conspicuously of a metaphysical turn, had a most subtle
intellect, delighted much in whatever problems illustrate
the Science of Mind. Some of his playful remarks on
such subjects were of the quaintest and most original
description. I was telling him of the distress I ex
perienced at the inveterate way a typographical error
would sometimes elude my vigUance, however often
I might read over a printer's proof. To comfort me,
(I suppose,) he told me that he was troubled with the
same infirmity of vision ; gravely adding that recently
while watching a certain letter, he " had distinctly seen it
uncurl itself and turn into " — some other letter. — A quick'
observer too he was. He would sometimes enter my
room at night, muffled up, — ('the veiled prophet' we
used to call him), — to teU me of a circle of light round
the moon, an Aurora borealis, or some such interesting
phenomenon, and invite me to come out for a moment
into the quadrangle to gaze at it with him. He was
sincerely fond of the exact sciences, and had a real
acquaintance with Astronomy. On a clear night, he
would often plant the fine telescope which is kept
in Oriel library on the summit of the College tower
in order to observe the planets. This struck one the
more, because not only were his hands always quite full

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 345
of work, but his organism was so delicate that exposure
to cold and damp was apt to disable him. — He studied
Music, and understood its theory, though as a performer
it must he candidly confessed that he was but a slender
proficient. — It must have been from his father that
he inherited his aptitude for Poetry, which was con
siderable. I have seen him sit down and write twelve
lines in short rhyming measure without serious hesitation
and delay. — Though he was no draughtsman, he was the
author of a large portfoho of portraits, — some of them
very striking ones, — of the members of the Common
Room, executed by tracing in outhne the shadow of
their profiles (o-Kiaypa<pia the Greeks would have called
it) against the waU. — At one time of his life he had made
Moral Philosophy sufficiently his study to offer himself
as a candidate at Magdalen CoUege for the vacant chair.
Mr. Newman in a letter to the President, — (' emboldened
by the great kindness the President had so long showed
him,') — strongly recommended his friend and brother-
fellow for the office. The letter is dated Nov. 15th,
1841:— " He has lately been Principal of the Diocesan Theo
logical College at Chichester, a situation which he
resigned from infirm health. He is a grave, sober, and
deeply rehgious person : a great reader of ecclesiastical
antiquity; and has more influence with younger men
than any one perhaps of his standing. He has lately
become one of the Editors of the Translations which we
are making from the Fathers."
Once, at a College meeting, the Provost having turned
to him for his opinion on an intricate question relating
to the College property, — perceived that he was asleep.
"Ah!" exclaimed Hawkins, laughing, "it is useless ask
ing Marriott, I see." But Marriott, — leaving off nodding,

346 Charles Marriott: [1850
and opening his eyes, — to the astonishment of us all,
took up the discussion at the right place, and delivered
his opinion concerning the problem before the society,
like one thoroughly versed in the law of farms. — He was
indeed of a most inquisitive turn, and was always enter
taining himself with some strange problem, — e.g. with
the theory of shaving. I remember his inviting me to
guess how many strokes of the razor are necessary for a
single performance. — At a fellowship examination, he
proposed for one ofthe ' General Questions,' — (but his sug
gestion was overruled,) — " Explain the principle of the
boot-jack, the smoke-jack, the bottle-jack." Accordingly, he
was greatly tickled and diverted by any utterly un
scientific remark. He had been endeavouring to elicit
from a humble railway official the source of a recent
accident, — why the boiler had burst. " Don't you see,"
(replied the man), " there's apt to remain in the boiler at
night, when the fire is out, a naasty sulphrous vaccum," —
which, in the speaker's view, was enough to account for
any extent of disaster. — An old servant of his family,
who was very prone to break the family crockery, could
only explain each fresh disaster by remarking that it was
" cruel crips dome."— The parish-clerk of Bradfield, being
much offended with the Sunday-school children's prac
tice of bringing their dinner to Church, and eating it
between the services, — " No. I don't Uke it," (exclaimed
the old man): " it do look so very ^-matical." 2 * — He was
quite taken aback when an undergraduate, — more skil
ful in driving a team than in construing Greek,— having
to read in Chapel, announced " Here beginneth the first
chapter of the book of the prophet Barouche."
2* A relative of C. M. supplies a master. He objected to the children
somewhat different version of this eating their dinners " one boy here,
Btory, according to which the scene and another there, Sir, without say-
of the meal was the school-room, ing grace nor nothing." — W. F. R.
and the speaker the village school-

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 347
This phase of his character, — I mean, his keen apprecia
tion of whatever was droll, absurd, or humorous, — must
have struck certain of his intimates and contemporaries
forcibly ; for many of them 3 have reminded me of it, —
professing at the same time their inability to produce a
single specimen. " Have you " (asks his cousin Sophia)
" quite brought out the fact that, along with his deep
seriousness of mind, there was a keen sense of the ludi
crous, — a peculiar delight in anything quaint and odd ;
and even a vein of something hke satire, which he would
use to put down anything he peculiarly objected to?"
— Of this last, I can only recall a single instance. A
brother-fellow having on the previous evening, more suo,
behaved himself somewhat overbearingly at dinner, —
(they had been, with other feUows of Oriel, Anthony
Froude's guests at Exeter,) — ejaculated to Marriott on
coming out of chapel, — " My friend, I'm afraid I made
rather a fool of myself last night." . . . " I observed, nothing
unusual," was the other's calm reply.
I wish I could bring out this lighter aspect of my
friend's character more fully, but the general impression
is all that dweUs vividly with me. What has been
offered must suffice on this head. I was unwilling that
Charles Marriott should be thought wanting in a trait
which no man of genius was probably ever wholly
without. But it is not the aspect of his character which
habitually presents itself to me when I think of him ;
though, (strange to relate,) at the close of life, when his
great mental powers gave way, the sense of what was droll
and incongruous seemed among the last to forsake him.
What I am far more prone to recall, — far more fond of
recaUing, — is the deliberate purpose with which, (simple
3 As Canon R. F. Wilson, of Rownhams, Southampton.

348 Charles Marriott: [i85°
as a child in this behalf,) he sought (and found) repose
for his spirit in the familiar Gospel page. I have seen
him refresh himself in this way ; and it was impossible
to see it without feeling refreshed also. The distractions
of the times in which he lived, (which, to say the truth,
made Academic Ufe a warfare), — added to the disorder of
his rooms, (which really passed all bounds,) — must, one
would have thought, produce a state of mental perplexity
and unrest enough to crush the spirit and darken the
very light of Ufe. But it was not so. He had a source
of inward calmness, — had access to spiritual consolations,
— of which few avail themselves so largely. It seemed
to me that he was of a kindred nature to that Saint who
said, — "When I am in heaviness I will think upon Gov."
and who habitually spoke of God as 'his stronghold
whereunto he might always resort, — his house of defence
and his castle.'4 His cousin Sophia having once ex
pressed to her brother (the Rev. Wharton Marriott) her
apprehensions " that Charles's innumerable ' irons in the
fire ' produced a burden of anxiety which would prove
too much for him," — " I do not think so " (replied the
other) : " he is so entirely persuaded that all things are
as God wills, — and that He will determine whether it is
best that anything should succeed or fail, — that I do not
think he troubles himself."
It may not however be concealed that Marriott's best
instincts were constantly exposing him to serious incon
venience. Signally was this apparent in respect of the
Printing estabhshment which he set up at Littlemore.
After the dreary events of the early Spring of 1846,
when Mr. Newman made his mournful exit from that
village, Marriott (besides succeeding to his rooms at
Oriel6) made it his business to become possessed of the
4 Ps. lxxvii. 3 : lxxi. 2. (P. B. version.) 5 See below, p. 388.

J850] The Man of Saintly Life. 349
humble quarters in which his friend had resided at
Littlemore since 1842 : —
"I have taken the premises Newman occupied at
Littlemore ; partly, because I did not wish that he should
be embarrassed with them : partly, because I was appre
hensive lest any of his new friends should be led to urge
him to put a Roman colony there, — which would be no
good to them and a great annoyance to us."6
But what was to be done with those three or four
cottage tenements which Newman had made into one by
merely connecting them externally with a shed ? Mar
riott persuaded himself that it would be a judicious
proceeding to convert the premises into a Printing office.
This, of course, involved the paid services of a super
intendent and of press-men. He could not but be aware
that all the many nameless requirements of a commercial
undertaking must in addition inevitably be encountered,
— as, the frequent purchase of type, ink, paper, &c. &c.
&c. Above all, there must be a constant succession of
works to print, or the press must stand stiU. The con
sequences might surely have been foreseen. The Little
more printing-press was a perpetual worry to him, as
well as a heavy tax on his time and drain on his finances.
I cannot say how much it used to distress me to see such
an one as Charles Marriott laying down a sheet of
Augustine or of Theodoret, in order to unpack a heavy
assortment of great and smaU pica, newly arrived from
the type-founder: or, toUing up to Littlemore "to see
what the printers were about " : or, — (worst of all !) —
writing something with inconvenient speed in order to
supply the compositors with " something to go on with."
Writing to Bp. Selwyn (May 14th, 1846), he had said, —
" I am reading S. Augustine De catechizandis rudibus
6 To his cousin Fitzherbert, — Bradfield, Easter Day 1 846.

;5o

Charles Marriott:

[185c

with my Missionaries that are to be, and I recommend it
decidedly to the notice of such persons, not only for doc
trine, but for some very valuable practical hints." [At
the end of a year and-a-half,] — "My press at Littlemore
gets on slowly, and it will be some months before I can
finish S. Augustine De catechizandis rudibus." 7
At foot will be found indicated a few ofthe publications
(not original) which emanated from this press. 8 In
many instances however, (as already hinted,) he printed
at Littlemore short things of his own. 9 Of these, one
in particular deserves honourable mention. I allude to
a little volume entitled " Hints on Private Devotion." It
extends to 84 pages, bears date 1 848, and is dedicated
to Alexander Forbes, the pious and accomplished Bp. of

7 Nov.4th,i847. Seeback,p.3ii.
" Besides the works already in
dicated, — ' The Danger of Schism,'
— [a sermon preached (1806) by his
father at Dr. Sandford's consecra
tion] : Oxford, 1847, pp. 13. —
' Psalm cxix, in Parts for the day.'
[It bears no date]. — 'Prayers for
Persons associated in aid of Chris
tian Missions,' — Littlemore, 1848,
pp. 12. — ' Occasional Reflections upon
several subjects,' by the Hon. R.
Boyle, &e. [Originally published
in 1665. The preface is dated
' Littlemore,' 1848.] pp. 389. —
' Lectures on the History of Eng
land' for young persons : vol. i.
Anglo-Saxon period, — by a Lady
[Mrs. Trevelyan], — 2 vols. i2mo.
1 850-4. — ' The Life, and Times qf
Hincmar, Abp. of Rheims,' by the
late J. C. Prichard,vicar of Mitcham,
formerly fellow of Oriel, 1849, pp.
566. [This work had been written
by his friend while at Madeira and
Barbados in search of health. It
was intended to form one of a series
of Ecclesiastical Biographies from

the Littlemore Press, but the plan
was not carried any further.] —
' Hymnale secundum Usum insignis
ac praeclarae Ecclesiae Sarisburien-
sis,' &c. — ' Preces Privatae, in Stu-
diosorum gratiam collectae, et Regia
authoritate approbatae, A.D. 1568';
— a small square volume of 690
pages. The copy he gave me (' Con-
tubernali, Amico, Adjutori,') bears
date March 1854. — ' Sacra Aca-
demica. Preces atque Cantica in
studiosorum usum.' — ' A Sermon
preached at Littlemore, at the con
secration of the new Chancel,' by
Samuel, Lord Bishop of Oxford. —
' Family Prayers, with Prayers for
grown Persons and young Children,
for the Use of the Parish of Brad
field.' [This was reprinted in 1869.]
The Address is signed by 'John
Marriott' and 'John le Mesurier.'
' School Prayers for Morning and
Evening': compiled by the Rev.
W. J. Butler, Vicar of Wantage.
9 See below,, the long note at
p. 370-2.

1850} The Man of Saintly Life. 351
Brechin. It reached a third edition in 1850, is very
valuable, and ought to be far better known than it seems
to be. His pubhsher was Mr. Parker of Oxford.
While on this subject, it would be unreasonable to
omit some record of the fact, that in the latter years
of his Ufe Marriott was drawn into supporting a Quixotic
commercial undertaking which went by the name of
" The Universal Purveyor ": —
" The object of it" (writes his brother John) "was to
place the supply of the ordinary necessaries of life on
(what he believed to be) a better footing ; and the
prevention of the adulteration of goods. It was also in
tended to do away with the mischiefs of excessive compe
tition, and the practice of false advertising and puffing
of goods. His friends greatly regretted that he suffered
himself to become involved in this scheme, — for which
he was wholly unfit, alike by education and by habits.
But he believed it to be the commencement of a great
work for good, and no persuasion could induce him to
give it up. The result was the waste (for it proved
an utter failure) of a very considerable sum of money,
and a degree of worry and trial to himself, which I
am convinced had a great share in bringing on the
malady which cost him his life."
It has been already remarked that certain of Marriott's
best instincts were apt to bring him into trouble.
One sad example of this is already before the reader. I
cannot help remembering that there was also a grotesque
element in the practical operation of some of his chiefest
graces. I am sorry to be so often funny in my
reminiscences of what was in reahty as sad a life as any
in this collection, and of a character which was so
supremely holy also. But if the reader is to be informed
what manner of man Charles Marriott actually was, the

352 Charles Marriott: [1850
traits must be set down as they present themselves, or
it will not be a faithful portrait.
He was " given to hospitality," and entertained largely.
I do not mean that he gave "dinner parties." He
brought his strangers into Hall. But in fact every one
of distinction in the Church who visited Oxford, either
knew him or else brought him letters. Sometimes it
was a learned Romish ecclesiastic — as Dom Pitra — who
was his guest ; and delightful it was to meet men of that
stamp at his table. Especially at breakfast, — (that
characteristic Oxford meal !) — he was fond of entertaining
visitors, and careful to invite men of kindred pursuits to
meet them.
An American Bishop for example, attended by three of
his Clergy, having crossed the Atlantic, would present
himself at Marriott's door, — who instantly asked them
all four to breakfast next morning, and sent off cards by
his servant to certain of his intimates, who found them
selves invited to meet the strangers ' to-morrow at 9
o'clock.' On his way from Hall or Chapel — or in the
street — he would ask another, and another, and another,
as he happened to encounter them. Unfortunately, he
kept no reckoning. The result may be imagined. On
entering the dear man's rooms next morning, whereas
breakfast had been laid for ten, fifteen guests had
assembled already. While we were secretly counting
the tea-cups, another rap was heard, and in came two
University Professors. AU laughed : but it was no
laughing matter, for still another and another person
presented himself. The bell was again and again
rung : more and more tea and coffee, — muffins and dry
toast, — butter and bread, — cream and eggs, — chops and
steaks, — were ordered ; and ' Richard ' was begged to

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 353
' spread my other table-cloth on my other table.' The
consequence was that our host's violoncello, — fiddle-
strings and music-books, — printers' proofs and postage
stamps, — medicine-bottles and piU-boxes, — respirator
and veil, — grey wrapper for his throat and green
shade for his eyes, — pamphlets and letters innumer
able, — all were discharged in a voUey on to the huge
sofa. At last, by half-past nine (thanks tq Richard's
superhuman exertions) twenty of us (more or less) sat
down to breakfast .... I am bound to say that the
meal was an entire success, — as far as the strangers were
concerned. They were greatly entertained, — in more
senses than one. There was plenty of first-rate conver
sation too. Good-humour certainly prevailed universally.
The dehghtful absurdity of the whole proceeding was so
painfuUy conspicuous, and the experience (to strangers) so
unique ! . . . But 0 the consequences of such a scrimmage
to the poor overworked student when the guests were
gone, and the serious business of the day had to com
mence ! Chaos must first be reduced to order : — the
letters must be read and answered: — the proof-sheets
scrutinized and annotated: — there would be callers to
attend to, — bores to encounter, — engagements to keep.
And long before that, the second post would have come
in, and perhaps another batch of ' iUustrious strangers '
would have announced their arrival. The good part in
which Marriott took all this kind of thing, was to
me astonishing. I remember more than once teasing
him on such occasions by gravely inquiring, — " Don't
you think, dear fellow, that you and I should both
be greatly improved if we were to get married?" The
subject was of course far too solemn for a light response.
He would reply as gravely, — "When our friends find
Angels to marry them, I think you and I may be content
VOL. 1. A a

354 Charles Marriott: [1850
to let marriage alone," — or words to that precise effect.
His allusion was to Mrs. Acland, — as perfect a Christian
gentlewoman as ever adorned society:1 a most delightful
person. Certain of Marriott's contemporaries, remarking on
his personal peculiarities, have made prominent, almost
exclusive, mention of his absent manner, — his aptness to
fall asleep,*— his strange nervousness : have treated him
in short as if he had been a curiosity, a phenomenon
and nothing more. But are such matters deserving of
more than slight incidental notice ? They were the mere
accidents of the man. Truly has it been remarked
concerning him that, —
" He never spared himself, and did not allow himself
sufficient rest. He seemed not to be able to spare the
time necessary for sleep ; and this probably helped very
much to wear out his strength, which was never very
great. He frequently suffered from illness, of which
continual drowsiness was one of the symptoms ; but he
always contrived to shake it off when there was work
to be done."2
His pecuharities, — call them infirmities if you will, —
if they are to be insisted upon, might surely be explained
also, as well as counter-balanced. Only fair, for example,
would it be straightway to add that Marriott's familiar
talk was always original and supremely excellent, — that
his chance remarks generally left you something to
think about. His words with reference to Scripture, in
1 I may be allowed to mention, lieve, if here in Oxford we had to
out of love and veneration for the name one model woman whom we
memory of that admirable lady, should wish to represent our sex,
that after her death (October 25th, we should all agree in naming —
1878), more than one choice speci- Sarah Acland."
men of womankind remarked to 2 Literary Churchman, — Oct. 1
me somewhat as follows: — "I be- 1858: — p. 359.

1850] The Man of Saintly Life. 355
particular, which were always thus weighty, keep coming
back to me, at the end of thirty years, when I seemed to
have forgotten them. Talking of the allowance of poly
gamy in the ancient days, — " You may observe " (he once
remarked thoughtfully) "that we are constantly told
of the domestic misery which it occasioned. We are
generaUy shown, in a subsequent page, that it eventually
led to deplorable, even to dreadful consequences." (How
grand a commentary on Jacob's, — on David's sorrows !
Why, it is the story — h- dAt'yu — of the disruption of the
Kingdom !)
Then, for his habits. Nothing was commoner than
to hear him rallied for falUng asleep at the wrong
moment, — at S. Mary's, for instance, during the Univer
sity Sermon. (By the way, he once told me that the
only preacher who ever had the power to keep him
awake was Mr. Newman.) In part constitutional, this
habitual drowsiness was certainly in part the result of
excessive brain-work, — so that he was at all times not
indisposed to close his eyes, and presently to slumber.
He commonly wore a black silk skull-cap, the nodding of
which, during the University Sermon, certainly had a
droll effect. Singular to relate however, — (let me be
forgiven for again referring to this peculiarity), — Mar
riott's power of attention was not by any means effectually
suspended. He always knew what the Sermon had been
about, — better than many who boasted that they had
kept wide awake. 3 — Again, quite true is it that when
suddenly accosted in the street, especially by strangers,
he would exhibit hesitation, perhaps would look be
wildered, would even stare, and for a few moments not
utter a word. More than that. He was at all times
3 James B. Mozley had the same infirmity, and the same peculiarity
See his Letters, — p. 61 .
A a 3

356 Charles Marriott: [1850
prone — in the Common Room especially — to subside into
fits of silence. But really, (so at least it ever seemed to
me), this was only either (1), Because he was very tired
and had nothing particular to say : or else (2), Because
he was oppressed with secret meditation: or else (3),
Because the topic in hand was one on which, if he de-
Uvered himself at all, he must speak with more delibera
tion, and at greater length, than was practicable at such
a moment and before such an auditory : for he was con
scientious to a degree. Certainly, in ordinary conver
sation, he was not wanting in quickness or vivacity,
I do not of course forget that if, when alone together,
you appealed to him for his opinion on some very grave
matter, he was apt to look steadfastly at you, and pause
for several seconds before making any reply : but by
this, you were always greatly the gainer. On recnle
(says the proverb) pour mieux sauter. Unconsciously, (as
it seemed), he was taking time to think ; and yet, not so
much pausing to clear his own views on the subject,
as taking a moment to consider how he might put his
view of the problem most intelligibly and suasively
before you. The consequence was that, as a rule, his
words were thoughtful, weighty and worth hearing.
Often, his casual remarks were profound, — far-reaching,
— affording evidence that the man from whom they pro
ceeded had well considered the subject, and had taken
a larger or a deeper view of it than the generality of
his fellows. I find this feature so admirably touched
in a brief notice which appeared immediately after
his decease, that I shall here simply transcribe the
passage : —
"In society he was generally silent and thoughtful,
but very observant of all that was going on around him.
Seldom speaking unless spoken to, and then often taking

1854] The Man of Saintly Life. 357
several minutes before he gave an answer to a question
which had perhaps been asked heedlessly, but of which
he saw all the bearings better than the person who had
asked it, he would not give his answer until he had
turned them aU over in his mind : and then it would be
so cautious and guarded, that it was sometimes difficult to
fathom his meaning ; but when the hearers had arrived at
it, they found a depth in it which they had little anticipated." 4
Never, to my mind, did C. M. appear to more advantage
than when for a few days he made himself one of a
domestic circle. His considerateness on such occasions
was even extraordinary. He at once threw off his cares
and his silent fits, — entered into the spirit of the little
household, — -was fuU of quaint sayings (which were long
remembered) and entertaining anecdotes (which were
weU worth telhng). The tone of his conversation, the
tendency of his remarks, was always the best imaginable.
Chivalrously courteous and indulgent towards the ladies
of the family, — instinctively seizing the most interesting
aspect of the trifle of the hour, — he always seemed to lift
up the table-talk, as well as to sanctify it. It was more
than once remarked to me by one who is now, with him,
in bhss, — " Whenever he comes among us, he always
seems to bring a blessing with him."
His sympathy was excessive : his heart, most tender
and affectionate. There was something almost womanly
in his kindness. At a season of bitter affliction (it
was the latter part of the year 1854) I remember re
ceiving one particular visit from him. It was a raw
comfortless night, — the wind howling up the coUege
staircase. Who could it be ? What could any one
want with me on such a night, — at such an hour ? . . . It
was Marriott. He entered ; divested himself of his
4 See the reference above, in note 2 (p. 354).

358 Charles Marriott: [1850
cloak, — wrapper, — veil. I stiU could not imagine what
had brought him, — for he said nothing : but sat down near
me, and sadly surveyed the fire. I soon felt what his errand
must be. He knew my heart was heavy — was aching. He
had come — to keep me company : and he sat silent, like
Job's friends ; and for the same exceUent reason.5
Perhaps his prevailing grace, — certainly his most
interesting characteristic, — was his unbounded Charity,
using that word of course in its Gospel sense. He
recognized the good in everything and in everybody : in
his opponents, — and in conflicting schools of thought,
- — and in rival parties, — and in unsound books, — and
in false philosophy, — and in erroneous propositions.
When we were reading over the papers of candidates
for a Fellowship, and perhaps making merry over some
extremely foggy production, — " 0 " (Marriott would ex
claim) " the man has a view ! " And he would proceed
to hammer out what, to his apprehension, the man
(though he certainly had not said it) at least had in
tended to say. This wonderful kindness and eon-
siderateness of disposition : this indomitable readiness
to make allowances for everybody, and determination
to see "good in everything," — resulted "in a loveliness
of character which there is reaUy no describing. He
never said a harsh thing, — nor, I verily believe, thought
very iU, — of anybody. You could not vex him more
than by launching out against some common acquaint
ance, of whom you entertained a very unfavourable
opinion. — But, in fact, you ran the risk of throwing
him off his balance, if you did : for though the indi
vidual was no friend of his, but an avowed and trouble
some opponent, and a highly objectionable creature
5 Job ii. 13.

1848] The- Man of Saintly Life. 359'
into the bargain, — he would not allow the harsh cen
sure to pass unchallenged. Ready was he, on the
contrary, to discover all manner of extenuating circum
stances, or he would invent an ingenious hypothesis
to cover the man's latest delinquency. The consequence
was, he could never be persuaded to beUeve that any one
was an impostor, or was taking advantage of his sim
plicity. This easiness, and utter absence of suspicion,
often entailed inconvenient results. He was incessantly
beset by beggars : was always being preyed upon : knew
to his cost what it is to live on a College staircase, and to
enjoy the reputation of being " a very kind gentleman."
No scheme of benevolence lay nearer to the heart of
Charles Marriott than the founding of a College or Hall
for the reception of Poor Students. Deeply impressed
with the fact that this, and no other, was the avowed
purpose and intention of those very ' Founders and Bene
factors ' to whose piety and munificence the Colleges of
our two Ancient Universities are indebted for their
existence, he resented, with what I can only describe as
a holy indignation, the practical exclusion of poor men
from the benefits of an University career. Many of
the Colleges are plainly declared in their Statutes to
be eleemosynary foundations. What else, for instance,
is the College to which he and I belonged, — concerning
which the Founder says, —
"Hoc enim in eadem domo speciaUter observari
volumus, ut circa eos qui ad hujusmodi eleemosynae par-
ticipium admittendi fuerint, diligenti solicitudine cave
ator, ne qui praeter humiles, indigentes, ad studium habiles,
proficere volentes, recipiantur " ? 6
6 In proof that the Colleges of encouragement of Learning in the
Oxford — (the remark applies equally sons of poor Parents, the reader is
to those of Cambridge) — were in- referred to the end of the present
tended by their Founders for the volume, Appendix (G).

360 Charles Marriott: [1848
EquaUy patent is the fact that our ancient Colleges
have entirely drifted away from this, the known in
tention of their Founders, — have completely lost sight of
their very raison d'etre. From causes which it is need
less to specify, — Oxford has become exclusively an
University for the rich. And nowhere, not even in
Keble College, is it at this instant possible to procure
the full benefits of an University education, except at a
cost which is simply ruinous to persons of slender re
sources ; utterly unapproachable by the actually poor.
No doubt, if a youth is able to compete successfully for
a ' Scholarship,' the case is different : but how can such
a result be expected for one who has enjoyed no early
advantages at all ? To insist therefore that it is as fair
for one as for another, that benefactions of this class
(worth from 70^. to 100I. a year), should be the rewards of
' merit] — is to talk nonsense. It is no ' merit ' whatever if
a youth of 18, from the sixth form of one of our public
schools, produces a vastly better Greek or. Latin exercise
than a youth of 20 or 21 who has blundered his way into
the mysteries of Greek and Latin composition with few
external helps, or none. Does not ' merit ' dwell rather
with him, who, fired with a sublime ambition, and in
resolute defiance of " Poverty's unconquerable bar,"
presses forward, — as if encouraged by the beckoning of a
viewless hand: secretly conscious of power, and only
asking that he may have the means of existence provided
him, and be allowed ' fair play '?...' Time and I
against any two!' says the Spanish proverb. Who,&t
some time or other of his life, has not felt it?
To provide some remedy for this, — (not by the pre
posterous method recently adopted by the University, of
suffering men to lead non-collegiate lives in Oxford, and

1848] The Man of Saintly Life. 361
eventually to scramble through the Schools as best they
may, — with none of the advantages of the place except a
barren degree), — -Marriott, as I have said, was unremitting
in his efforts to procure the establishment of a College or
Hall for the reception of Poor Students : and so to confer
upon its inmates the advantages of an University course,
— without the fatal drawback of entailing upon them at
the same time a ruinous outlay. This (he saw clearly)
would be far preferable to the plan of planting them
in the existing Colleges, — where the rate of expenditure
is fixed by the tyranny of custom and fashion far higher
than could possibly be made consistent with the strait
ened financial resources of the class which he desired to
benefit. Not that the alumni of such a College would of
necessity be drawn from a lower stratum of society. His
undergraduates would probably be for the most part, —
what to a large extent our undergraduates at present
are, — the sons of persons exercising liberal professions
or engaged in commerce : socially, therefore, undistin-
guishable from the rest of the Academic body. The
one difference would have been the essential condition
for their being admitted, viz. the pubhc avowal that they
were ahke unable to pay from 100/. to 250^. a year
— (aye, or anything like it,) — for the privilege of an
University education, and incapable of competing suc
cessfully for those prizes which are invariably the
rewards of previous training of a high order, — viz.
College Scholarships.
His benevolent heart was always full of this project.
In 1 848 he addressed a "Letter to the Rev. E. C. Woollcombe,
Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, on University Extension,
and the Poor Scholar Question." Mr. Woollcombe had
previously published a Letter to the Provost of Worcester

362 Charles Marriott: [1848
on the same subject, to which Marriott wished to call
attention, and to add further suggestions of his own. His
early death was the principal occasion why this high-
souled project eventually came to nothing: but he is
known to have obtained promises of considerable sums
of money for the foundation and endowment of such a
Hall as he contemplated, and a modest fund was actually
raised and vested in Trustees, — which, had he lived, might
by this time have grown into a permanent blessing to
the University. . . . I have said so much on this subject
in the humble hope that in future years some one like
the munificent Merchant-prince who in our own days
has founded and endowed Hertford College, Oxford,
may be moved, after reading what has been above
offered, to bestow on the Church the incalculable benefit
of such a College as has been indicated. Marriott,
besides pledging himself largely towards the foundation
of a College for poor scholars in Oxford, was a liberal
promoter of William Sewell's work at Radley and of
Edward Munro's work at Harrow Weald.
But there was another cognate scheme of benevolence
which Charles Marriott as fondly cherished, and which at
one time he considered to be on the very eve of practical
development. As far back as the year 1842 he had
sufficiently matured his design to announce it in the
following terms to the Rev. E. Coleridge : —
" My dear Coleridge, — If my plan is permitted, I think
of sending the following notice to friends, but not making
it quite pubUc.
" It has been determined, in consequence of communica
tions from some of the Colonial Bishops, to open a house
at Oxford for the preparation of Candidates for Holy
Orders, who are disposed to begin life on the principle of

1842] The Man of Saintly Life. 363
being content with food and raiment, and serving where
they are nibst needed, and wherever the Bishop under
whom they serve may place them. With this view a
plan of preparation is offered to those who can be well
recommended, and are at the same time wilhng to live
by strict rule, and in a homely manner. They will have
to do some things for themselves which are usually done
by servants : but nothing of this kind will be expected
of them, which is not shared by the person who presides
over the House. They will be expected to attend the
daily service of the Church, except in case of sickness ;
and to be regularly present at the devotions and instruc
tions of the House ; and to abstain from every practice
that is in the least unsuitable to such an establishment.
Each wiU have a bed-room to himself, but there will be
one or more common sitting-rooms, according to the
numbers. It is hoped that no one will apply for admis
sion who is not prepared cheerfully to observe the utmost
regularity. These terms are not likely to be tempting to
many, but it is hoped that those whose views are chiefly in
the service of God and its rewards, may find here an
opportunity of fulfilling their earnest wishes, and the
help of hkeminded companions.
" If you are acquainted with any young men, who are
disposed and fitted to take advantage of this plan, you
would oblige me much by putting me in communication
with them, and by informing me whether they would
need pecuniary assistance towards the expenses of their
stay in this place ; as it may, in some cases, be obtained.
Economy will be carefully observed, and no profit of any
kind made from the students. You will remember that
I have not yet got the consent of the authorities here, to
set this on foot, but I hope to do so shortly. If they
refuse, I cannot help it." 7
Such were the benevolent designs with which Marriott's
heart, head, hands were always full. His brother re
marks : —
" Some of his intimate friends had long felt that he
7 From Oriel, — ' 0 sapientia, 1842.'

364 Charles Marriott: [1834
was overtasking his strength. I often tried to press upon
him the duty of keeping within bounds, and restraining
the sort of nervous eagerness with which he pushed on
at every thing in which he was engaged. He would
listen patiently to advice of this kind, and sometimes
allow that it was needed. But it seemed to produce no
abatement of laborious exertion. He appeared to be
under an irresistible impulse to be always doing some
thing, — and whatever it was, his whole energy and
attention was thrown into it without reserve. His
charities were large and free, and he was always most
ready to devote time and care to the sick, and to give
them the fullest share of his ministerial attention and
sympathy. At the same time he was carrying on a very
large correspondence with a great variety of persons.
There, were many whom he had helped forward in their
education, with whom he kept up afterwards regular
communication. Many persons consulted him about
religious anxieties and difficulties, — and he was mixed
up with many undertakings of various kinds for doing
good work in the Church. He also corresponded with
more than one of our colonial Bishops on matters affect
ing the interests of the Church in the Colonies.
" In addition to these various and engrossing employ
ments, he was in 1 854 elected a member of the Council
for the government of the University. He devoted
a great deal of anxious and laborious thought to the
questions brought under his notice in this capacity. His
mind was never made up on any subject connected with
the welfare of the University without a very careful
endeavour to see through it in all its bearings, and
to weigh exactly whatever might be brought forward on
either side of the question."
The present is confessedly rather an attempt to pour-
tray a Character, than to write the history of a Life.
Room must be found however for one more historical
incident ; viz. for Charles Marriott's editorship of the
'Literary Churchman' from its commencement (viz. 'Satur
day, May 5th, 1855') until, at the end of ten weeks, his

1855] The Man of Saintly Life. 365
connexion with that valuable periodical was suddenly
brought to a calamitous close. The publication itself was
a Uterary venture of Mr. John Henry Parker of Oxford.
Very characteristic is the editorial Address prefixed to
the first number : from which I subjoin an extract : —
" We believe that nothing is more fatal to the true
conveyance of information with respect to religious
statements, than the way of representing them which is
prompted by unwillingness to admit the solid truth of
any. There is more truth in a false statement, there is
more truth in the garbled representation of it by an
adversary, than in the cold and lifeless impression of it
which comes through the medium of an unbelieving
mind; and none but an unbelieving mind can be wholly
indifferent. Rather, indifferentism itself is a sectarian
opinion, and one of the last to which a rehgious mind
can shew any kind of partiality.
" But Truth is better set forth by the gravity of simple
enunciation, than by the violence of invective or the
piquancy of ridicule."
At foot of the page wiU be found enumerated the more
important articles contributed to the 'Literary Church
man by C. M., the Editor.8 The latest of those Reviews
8 Besides the editorial Address, In No. 4, of Menzies' ' Reformers
or Prospectus of the Journal, (in before the Reformation] — pp. 80-
No. 1, p. 5), a Review of Maurice's 1 : — of ' Dogma of the Immaculate
'Learning and Worlcing,' — Ibid. Conception,' — pp. 82-3: — of ' Li-
pp. 8-10: — of Pusey's 'Doctrine of guori's Moral Theology,' — p. 87 : —
the Real Presence,' — No. 2, pp. 31- In No. 5, of Mozley's ' Augustinian
4: — of 'Saravia on the Holy Eu- Doctrine of Predestination' — pp.
charist,' — pp. 34-6: — of Meyrick's 102-4: — of Taylor's ' Evidences' —
'Papal Supremacy tested by Anti- pp. 105-7 : — *n No- 7> of Ronsael's
-p. 36 : — of Bp. Selwyn's ' Catholic and Protestant Natii

tions

'Verbal Analysis of 'the Holy Bible / compared,'— pp. 128-130. . .Dr.
— p. 36.  In No. 3, of ' The Dogma Barrow, the learned and amiable
of the Immaculate Conception,' — Principal of S. Edmund Hall, suc-
pp. 56-8: — of Conybeare's ' Essays,' ceeded C. M. as Editor of tbe
pp. 59-61: — of Pinder's ' Medita- 'Literary Churchman.'
tions,' — p. 62 : — of Wordsworth on For all these details, I am in-
' Bunsen's Hippolytus,' — p. 65.— debted to Mr. James Parker.

366 Charles Marriott: [1855
must have been the last thing he ever wrote for
publication. The end came unexpectedly, and in a moment, while he
was thus freely spending himself in the discharge of his
many duties. I have reason to preserve a lively re
collection of what proved to be, in effect, the closing
scene. Reference is made to the morning which followed
the night of June 29th, 1855. My servant (George
Hughes) awoke me with the tidings that 'Mr. Marriott
was upon the floor of his inner room, lying on his face.'
Bidding him run for Dr. Acland, I hastened to the
spot, raised my friend from the floor, and with the
aid of his servant conveyed him to his bed. Acland
presently helped us to undress him, and elicited, as.
consciousness and the power of speech returned, the
outhne of what had befallen him. He had been dining
at Radley, — (S. Peter's Day, the occasion of their
'gaudy,') — and, in company with some friends, had
bathed in the river on his way back to Oxford. He felt
ill and faint in the water, but was brought to Oxford in
a boat, and walked to his rooms. There he complained
of headache and sickness, and was left by his friends
intending to go to bed. The following morning he was
found by his servant, — having fallen on the floor
insensible by his bedside. It had been a stroke of
paralysis, which had resulted in the loss of the use
of his left side. His speech, though intelligible, was
considerably affected.
All has been said. I might as well here lay down my
pen. Remedies were of course administered, and a letter
dictated by himself was despatched to his brother, who
instantly repaired to Oxford.
As soon as Charles could bear the journey, he was

1858] The Man of Saintly Life. 367
conveyed (23rd of August) to Bradfield in Berkshire, —
the residence of his excellent brother, the Rev. John
Marriott, who was Curate of that parish : and with him
he remained, tenderly nursed and lovingly watched over,
until his death. Hopes were at first encouraged that he
might to a certain extent recover the use of his hmbs ;
but this was not to be. He was carried from room
to room, and when placed in his chair had not the
slightest power of raising himself from it. He was con
veyed out-of-doors daily. His cheerfulness, fortunately,
never forsook him. He was fond of being read to. This
sad state of things lasted for upwards of three years.
His Ufe-long habits of self-control were manifest during
his illness, notwithstanding his weakened condition both
of body and mind. It was quite his prevailing feehng
that he must do what the doctors ordered, as the right
thing, — although he never could be brought to under
stand that he was not in a fit state to go back to Oxford
and return to his manifold employments there  In
the Spring of 1858, his strength manifestly declined. In
August came a severe epileptic seizure ; and early in
September he suffered from inflammation of the lungs.
Under this, it became manifest that he was sinking. He
continued to be sensible till late on the 14th : and on the
morning of Wednesday the 15th, between 7 and 8 o'clock
(September 15th, 1858), with a very slight struggle, he
surrendered his pure spirit to God, and entered on
his Saint's rest, — having lived but 47 years.
On the ensuing Monday, his loved remains were laid in
a vault belonging to the Rector, under the south transept
of the parish Church of Bradfield. It was a delicious
autumn afternoon, — bright and calm, — and there were

368 Charles Marriott: [1858
none present but just a few who really cared for the one
who had ' gone before.' The Rev. Upton Richards, who was
standing next to me, when the last words of peace were
spoken, whispered in my ear, — 'Blessed are the pure in
heart!'. . . I was thinking the same thing.
I have passed thus hastily over the last three years of
Charles Marriott's life, and have touched thus lightly on
its close, for an obvious reason. His career had been —
(surely I may say ' mysteriously ') — brought to a close on
S. Peter's Day, 1855 : for it was on that day, ere yet he
had completed 44 years of mortal life, that his " many
excellent gifts " suffered what amounted to total eclipse.
But he had " fought a good fight " : he had " finished his
course": he had "kept the faith." Henceforth, as we
confidently hope and humbly beheve, there was laid up
for him that "crown of everlasting glory" which the
good Lord "hath promised to them that love Him."
. . . And " they shall be Mine, saith the Lord of hosts, in
that day when I make up My jewels."

I seem, in what precedes, to have done this dear friend
no manner of justice. I have revealed not a few of his
little personal eccentricities : said not a few things about
him which will provoke a smile. I do not seem to
have exhibited a corresponding solicitude to adumbrate
the surpassing holiness of his character.
But there is nothing whatever to suggest a smile in
the spectacle of one leading without effort a life wholly
above the world : utterly scorning the Uttleness of party :
absolutely devoid of self-conceit, — or self-seeking, — or
self-esteem. Like Hugh James Rose, and like John
Keble, and like Isaac Williams, Charles Marriott was well
content to go down to the grave without experiencing

1858] The Man of Saintly Life. 369
any of those marks of favour which are considered
the appropriate rewards of men who have greatly dis
tinguished themselves above their fellows, and rendered
important services to the Church. He was incapable of
coveting for himself any earthly reward, but that of his
own approving conscience.
The purity of his spirit was extraordinary. No one
who'heard him deliver a certain discourse in the College
Chapel, in which he spoke with horror about fornication,
— will ever be able to forget it. At a Penitentiary Meeting
at which Bp. Wilberforce presided, held in the College
haU a short time after, I read out to the men a grand page
from that same sermon, and remember to this hour the
effect of the awful words, — though it was the merest echo
of the discourse as originally delivered  What fell
from him on that occasion was not what any of us might
have said, approaching the subject from the stronghold of
Christian chivalry. It was the utterance of one standing
face to face with the realities of the unseen World, and in
view of the terribleness of eternal death. ... I can but
repeat that if ever there was a man in whom the Gospel
became a living principle of action, — a practical thing,—
the very guide of the daily, hourly, life and conversation,
—that man was Charles Marriott. He was a great power
for good in the University, — a leavening principle in the
College to which he belonged, — a blessing to every society
in which he mingled.
Care-worn and haggard as he sometimes looked, when
one came suddenly upon him in his own dusty and un
tidy rooms, and found him evidently working against
time ; somewhat shabby too as he was in his attire when
walking in public, (like certain other celebrated charac
ters who shall be nameless) ; — Marriott had the hand"
VOL. 1. b b

370 Charles Marriott: [1858
somest face of any man of my acquaintance, — and (Uke
Samuel Wilberforce in that respect) responded remark
ably to the process of the toilette : looked well, in short,
when " got up " with ordinary care. His noble forehead,
his beautifully cut features, his mouth so full of firmness
and expression, it was a pleasure to look upon. There
exists no adequate pictorial representation of him. An
engraving from a portrait by Drummond recalls his
features with tolerable success : but it is altogether want
ing in manliness, character, dignity.

It is impossible to lay down the story of such a life as
the present, without something akin to disappointment.
The man's abilities were so splendid, — his attainments so
rare, — his opportunities so unique. And what did he
effect ? What monuments of his genius or of his learning'
has he left behind him? Candour's voice falters over
the enumeration of Charles Marriott's printed ' Works.'9
9 Histwo'£eeiwes'(atChichester of the Fathers' are referred to at
Theological College) have been pp. 321-2. — I only know besides, of
spokenofabove, atp. 307-8: also,his the following occasional efforts, —
edition of the ' Canones Apostt.' — chiefly single Sermons : —
Concerning his 'Analecta Chris- ' The Church's Instruments for
tiana,' see p. 308 : — concerning his the work of the Holy Spirit,' — a
edition of Theodoret's ' Inlerpretatio Sermon on the Colonial Bishoprics,
in omnes B. Pauli Epistolas,' — p. — 1841, pp. 21. — 'Numbering our
324 : — concerning certain Treatises Days,' — a Sermon preached (1842)
of Augustine, — p. 109. — I have on the death of Rev. H. Stevens,
noticed his posthumous 'Lectures late Rector of Bradfield, — 1843, pp.
on, the Epistle to the Romans,' at 28, with a remarkable Appendix of
P- 323- — Of his two Volumes of practical hints collected under eleven
' Sermons,' something has been said heads. [This Sermon seems to have
a* P- 33°- — His ' Reflections in a also borne the more appropriate
Lent reading of the Epistle to the title ' Preparation for Death."] —
Romans,' are noticed at p. 331. Of ' University Extension and the Poor
his admirable 'Hints on Private Scholar Question,' a Letter to the
Devotion' enough has been said at Rev. E. Woollcombe, — Oxford,l848,
P- 35°-— His labours for the' Library pp. 14.—'^ Letter to the Ren. H.

[858]

The Man of Saintly Life.

37i

Excellent, admirable even, as they are, can they be said
to have at all fulfiUed the lawful expectations of his
friends? Were not his days consumed in literary

W. Bellairs, on the Admission of
the Children of Dissenters to Church
Schools,' — Littlemore, 1849, pp. 14.
— ' Fire Sermons on the Principles
of Faith and Church Authority'
[preached in 1844, 1849, '850, *c-]>
Littlemore, 1850, pp. 69. [" These
were published in answer to the re
quest of a friend who had claims
on the author both from his office
and from personal intimacy. He
had found that he frequently had
to answer in private the difficult
question, — ' What are the grounds
of our belief in any of the particulars
of the faith ? ' and he thought it
might be useful to throw out pub
licly such a statement as might
suggest to others the tone of thought
most likely to lead to solid satisfac
tion and the attainment of Truth.
' The path of humility and good
order is the way to Truth and Unity :
and if every one were first to en
deavour to receive the Truth as
handed down to him by his own
forefathers, and then to extend, in
a secondary way, to others the same
favourable construction which this
endeavour would lead him to put
on the documents of his own Church,
even the present divided state of
Christendom might before long be
brought to an end.' " (Lit. Church
man. See above, p. 364.)] — ' The
Unforgiving Servant,' preached at
S. Mary's, and dedicated (with an
affectionate Address) to his parish
ioners, — Littlemore, 1850, pp. 24. —
' Two Sermons on Civil and Social
Duties, especially on the Duty of
Educating the Poorer Classes,' —
Littlemore, 1853, pp. 31. — ' The B

true cause of insult and dishonour to
the Church of England,' — preached
at S. Mary's, Jan. 5, 1S51, — pp. 18.
— 'Singleness of purpose the secret
of success,' — preached at S. Mary's
upon the occasion of the death of
the Duke of Wellington, Sept. 19th,
1852.—' The Unity of the Spirit,'
— preached at S. Mary's (on Ephes.
iy. 3>) when a collection was made
for the Patriotic Fund, Nov. 1854.
— 'A short Catechism for very
young Children' — (pp. 11) 1852.
— ' Prayers before, Thanksgiving
after, Holy Communion,' — privately
printed [1846], pp. 32. [It bears no
Author's name, but my copy was
from him.] — ' Letter to the Rt. Hon .
W. E. Gladstone, M.P., on tome of
the provisions of the Oxford Uni
versity Bill,' (May) 1854.— ' The
New Year.' Plain Sermons, (No.
24,) 1849. — ' God, and not system,
the strength of tfie Church.' Ser
mon on Ephes. iv. 10. London,
1 880. — ' On the digestion of Know
ledge.' — Sermon on S. John xv. 24 :
— Sermon on Philippians iii. 18, 19,
— written, at Dr. Pusey's request,
for a course of Sermons. — ' Sin not
imputed,' Ps. xxxii. 10 (written for
Rev. A. Watson's Sermons for Sun
days, &c, &c. [Seri-.s I.] 1845).—
' The joyful sound ofthe New Crea
tion.' Ps. lxxxix. 15. (The same,
[Series II.] 1845.) — 'The Coopera
tive Principle not opposed to a
true Political Economy; or Re
marks on some recent publication*
on Subjects relative to the inter
communion of Labour, Capital, and
Consumption' Oxford, 1855.
At p. 350, will be found enu-
b2

372 Charles Marriott: [1858
drudgery ? Not by choice, but yielding to a sense of
duty, did he not submit to a series of lowly tasks which
two or three men of average ability and attainments
might have discharged every bit as well as he ? There
can be but one answer to these questions.
Was then his life a failure ?
No, it was not by any means a failure. A man may
bequeath to posterity other and better ' Works ' than the
products of his pen. It is by a conventional use, or
rather misuse of language, that we so limit the meaning
of a familiar word. The Last Day wiU reveal how much
of good Work Charles Marriott did in his generation, by
his career of lofty self-denial, — his singleness of heart, —
his saintliness of spirit, — his pure converse, — his con
sistent course. That sowing of his will hereafter be
found to have resulted in a .splendid harvest. His
" works " were the daily, hourly outcome of his inward
holiness, — the influence on others of the essential sanctity
of his individual character. He lives at this day, he will
go on living, in the good lives of others. " If I have any
good in me " (remarked Edward King, Bp. of Lincoln,)
" I owe it to Charles Marriott." Thousands there must be,
yet living, who would eagerly say the same ! His light
shone steadily before men, — and so shone that they glorified
God. There is no telling what a blessing such an one is
in a place like Oxford. He insensibly moulds characters.
His presence is felt to be a constraining power. Young
and old, — lofty in station and lowly, — wise and simple,
— all are the better for it. And, (as I have explained in
an earlier page,) Charles Marriott's example was especially
merated certain works printed at His connexion with, and work for,
his Littlemore press, which he must the ' Literary Churchman ' will be
have had the trouble of supervising, found remarked upon at pp. 364-6.

1858] The Man of Saintly Life. 373
precious at a moment of general dejection, and half-
heartedness bordering on despair; when the suspicion
was industriously inculcated in certain quarters that the
Church of England was powerless to retain within her
embrace the Saints she had nursed at her bosom. Here
was the best practical refutation of the calumny ! . . . On
no account may such a life be spoken of as " a failure."
We are tempted, perhaps, to deplore the want of con
centration of purpose in such an one, and to regret that
he did not habitually set his face hke a flint to defy the
distracting influences amid which he Uved. Had he
pursued the course which some may think themselves
competent to have prescribed for the guidance of his life,
doubtless the result would have been largely different.
But, — Is it quite certain that the world would thereby
have been a greater gainer? or that the Saint himself
would have eternally worn a brighter crown ?
Charles Marriott resolutely did the work which, ac
cording to his best judgment, God gave him to do ; — did
it with a single eye to the Master's glory ; — did it " with
a perfect heart." He lived, as I have once and again
said already, — he Uved quite above the world : hved, " as
seeing Him who is invisible." Like Enoch, he "walked"
habituaUy "with God." His daily "Ufe and conversa
tion" were a perpetual witness to the transfiguring
power of the Gospel: a living commentary on its maxims
and the very best iUustration of its precepts. . . . Who will
presume to judge such an one ? Who will not rather
render thanks to "the Father of spirits" for the blessing
of his bright example, and pray for grace to follow — at
however humble a distance — in his holy footsteps ?

av). EDWARD HAWKINS:
THE GREAT PROVOST.
[A.D. 1789—1882.]
IN the heart of Oxford, hemmed in by public thorough
fares, — on a small plot of ground which has been
the possession and the home of one society since 'the
age of Scotus and Occam and Dante,' — stands a College
of which from a.d. 1828 to A.D. 1882 the subject of the
present memoir, Dr. Edward Hawkins, was Provost. It
derives its familiar designation from the mansion (called
' le Oriole ') which anciently occupied part of its site, and
had been the property of Eleanor of Castile ; its actual
title being ' the House or Hall of S. Mary.' In the words
of Cardinal Newman (himself a fellow and chief orna
ment ofthe same house from 1823 ^° I^4^)> —
' The visitor, whose curiosity has been excited by its
present fame, gazes with disappointment on a collection
of buildings, which have with them so few of the cir
cumstances of dignity or wealth. Broad quadrangles,
high halls and chambers, ornamented cloisters, stately
walks or umbrageous gardens, a throng of students,
ample revenues, or a glorious history, — none of these
things were the portion of that old foundation ; nothing
in short, which to the common eye a century ago would
have given tokens of what it was to be.'
But Oriel under the Provostships of Eveleigh, Cople
ston, and Hawkins, earned for itself a great reputation ;

1737] The Great Provost. 375
achieved a name which is already a household word
wherever the English language is spoken. Will the
present writer be disappointed, (he asks himself) in his
hope that by drawing with an affectionate hand a
sketch, however slight and imperfect, of the last-named
of those three Provosts, he will win the thanks of not
a few generations of Oxford men who already carry
with them, indelibly imprinted on their memories, the
image of that dignified presence, — that reverend form, —
that familiar face? Edward Hawkins had in truth
become an historical personage long before his resigna
tion of the active duties of his office in 1874. And
though we ejaculate 'Floreat Oriel' as fervently now as
when we used to drink the toast in his company over
the Founder's cup, — (filled inconveniently full of hot
spiced wine) on 'the gaudy,' — we cannot conceal from
ourselves that the College over which he actively pre
sided for 46 years wUl henceforth hold its onward course
under essentially changed conditions. Edwaed Hawkins
was the last ' Peovost of Oriel.'
'Our family,' — wrote his great-grandfather in 1737,
(Mr. Caesar Hawkins of Ludlow in Shropshire, to his
son Sir Caesar Hawkins, the first Baronet,) — 'had a
good estate at Pottersbury in Northamptonshire ; at
Long Compton in Warwickshire ; and at Blackstone in
Worcestershire. And my great-grandfather had a regi
ment of horse in King Charles the First's time, — which
proved the beginning of the family's ruin.' Colonel
Caesar 1 Hawkins, the soldier who thus stands foremost
1 The Provost did not know how established with some immediate
this name (which has prevailed for descendant of that Sir Julius Caesar
at least nine generations) originally [1557-1636], whose history has
came into his family. A connection been so laboriously investigated by
(it is presumed) might easily be Lodge, Norroy herald.

376 Edward Hawkins: [1688
in the family annals, was a conspicuous personage
during the period of the Great Rebellion. He was
governor of Greenland-house in Buckinghamshire, which
had been garrisoned for the King with a view to com
manding the passage over the Thames from Henley and
Reading to London. After gallantly defending it against
the Parliamentary army under Lord Essex during a
severe six months' siege, Colonel Hawkins was forced
to surrender Greenland in July 1644, (the whole struc
ture having been beaten down by cannon,) but on
honourable terms. 2 Clarendon describes him as march
ing into Oxford with his three hundred men ; and relates
that he was immediately despatched with the royalist
force under command of Colonel Gage to the relief
of Basing-house. Dr. Francis Hawkins, the Colonel's
grandson, was appointed Dean of Chichester [1688-99]
— perhaps in recognition of the losses his family had
sustained in the King's cause. Certain it is that, as
Ghaplain of the Tower, he ' had merited of the govern
ment by zealous service among the State prisoners, and
had been particularly acceptable in his dealing with
Fitz-Harris before his execution.'3 At Chichester, he
found a disorganized Chapter and a dilapidated Deanery.
Hawkins has left a record of the former circumstance in
the ' Act-book ' of the Dean and Chapter 4 : of the latter,
2 Lipscomb's 'Bucks,' iii. 576, — Library.
quoting Whitelock's ' Memorials' i He was obliged solemnly to re-
3 Kennett's ' Collections,' Lans- mind the Chapter (May 2, 1695) by
downe MSS. — Details of this busi- formal protest, — 'quod omnia sub
ness are found in 'A narrative, being nomine Decani et Capituli contra
a true Relation of what discourse voluntatem Decani pro tempore ex-
passed between Dr. Hawkins and istentis peracta, invalida sunt,'—
Edward Fitz-Harys, esq., late and that a certain transaction
prisoner in the Tower: with the effected in defiance of his known
manner of talcing his Confession.' will, ' omnino vacua et nullius va-
— London, fol. 1681, pp. 10. Two loris existit.' His signature follows.
or more copies are in the Bodleian (Act Booh ii. fol. 142.)

1789] The Great Provost. 377
there survive large material traces. The Deanery (which
then stood on the city wall) was left a ruin by the Par
liamentary forces under Sir William Waller. Parts of
the structure are yet discernible in tbe wall which
bounds the Dean's garden on the south.
Fourth in descent from the same soldier, was Sir Ceesar
Hawkins, [171 1-86,] pre-eminent as a surgeon, created
first Baronet of the fanuly in 1778. He purchased the
manor of Kelston in Somersetshire, from the Haringtons ;
razed their old family mansion, and (in 1760) erected
a modern residence on a site nearer the Avon. It is
described as ' charmingly placed ' on a hill, overlooking
the river which there makes a graceful bend. There is
a portrait of him by Hogarth at the College of Surgeons.
His youngest son Edward, [1 753-1 806,] became succes
sively Vicar of Bisley (near Stroud in Gloucestershire) in
1778, where most of his children were born, — and (twenty
years later) Rector of Kelston, whither he removed in
1 800. He was the father of thirteen children, of whom
the subject of the present memoir was the eldest. He
died, — (it is stated on his monument,) — "5th January,
1806, aged S3-"
Edward Hawkins, of whom I am now to speak, was
born, — not at Bisley, however, but at Bath, — on the 27th
February, 1789: 'a little more than nine weeks before
the opening of the States General at VersaiUes, and the
commencement of the French Revolution.' The friend
who notes this coincidence of dates, proceeds as fol
lows : —
'The first time I was at Bisley in Gloucestershire (of
which Mr. Thomas Keble was then Vicar), I found a
tradition in the village, that the Provost of Oriel was
born there. On my return to Oxford, I said, — " Mr.

378 Edward Hawkins: [1796
Provost, I have just returned from a visit to the parish
where you were born." — " Where have you been? " — "At
Bisley, in Gloucestershire." — "No," said the Provost,
" I was not born there." Then, observing my look of
surprise, he went on: — "I ought perhaps to have been
born there, but I was not. My father was in the habit
of spending some time in Bath during the winter months,
and at Bath I was born." I remember his adding the
number of the house and the street in which he first
saw the light, but the details have escaped me.' 5
Of his earliest years nothing is remembered except
that he was of a very delicate constitution. His parents
showed him to a doctor, who declared that nothing was
discoverable to forbid the hope that the child might
reach the appointed limit of human life. It certainly
required a prophet to foretell that the weakly little boy
would live to fulfil almost a century of years. At the
age of seven (1796), he was sent to school at Elmore, in
Gloucestershire, under the Rev. Edward Patteson.6 El-
more-court, then occupied as a school-house, is the
picturesque ancestral seat of the Guise family. Here,
the sons of many of the gentry of Gloucestershire and
the neighbouring counties (as the father of the late
Baronet, who himself was at school there, informed his
son), received their education. From Elmore, when he
was twelve years old (February 5th, 1801), Edward was
transferred to Merchant-Taylors' School; and thence
was elected to an ' Andrew exhibition ' at S. John's
College, Oxford, on S. Barnabas' day 1807, — being at
" From the Rev. Robert George in 1794. This lady adds that her
Livingstone, Fellow and Tutor of father, (in conjunction with his
Pembroke College, Oxford. brother-in-law, Rev. Joseph Par-
6 In the ' Quarterly R.' I had sons), succeeded to the School in
written under 'Dr. Bishop.' I owe 1788, and carried it on till 1798;
the correction to Miss Patteson, who when it was left by them in a
was herself born at Elmore-court flourishing state, with 52 boys.

1806] The Great Provost. 379
that time third monitor in the School. The date of his
admission at S. John's will have been June 29th.
Little of interest has been recovered concerning these,
his youthful years. But the following incident belongs
to the same early period, and may be thought to deserve
insertion. The date was probably 1 803, when Edward
Hawkins was 14. It cannot be later than 1805.
' I had heard him (in my undergraduate days at Oriel)
say, that he once saw Lord Nelson. I reminded him of
this long after (Dec. 1880), when he stated as follows.
He was walking up Holborn, and suddenly became
aware of a considerable outburst of excitement in the
street. People were huzzaing and clapping their hands.
Looking about to discover the cause, he saw on the
opposite side of the street an officer in naval uniform.
He at once recognized him by his features and by the
fact that he had lost an arm. It was Kelson who was
the object of the applause of the crowd. " And," added
the Provost, (with a peculiar quick movement of his
head, which all Oriel men wiU remember,) — " I saw that
he hked it." These words are, I think, characteristic of
the speaker, showing how keen an observer he was, even
as a boy.
' He told me that he had seen William Pitt, the states
man, — not alive however, but lying in state. Pitt died
23rd January 1 806.' 7
To return to Oxford, however, and to Hawkins at
S.John's, in 1807. He had already (Jan. 10th, 1806) been
deprived of a Father's care. ' I lost my Father ' (wrote
the Provost of Oriel to me, fifty years later,) ' when he
was only 52. I was yet at school; and his youngest
son was but half-a-year old.' By this event, Edward
(the eldest of ten8 surviving children) found himself, at
7 From the Rev. R. G. Living- at Torquay in 1876: — Frances (the
stone. second daughter so named) : — Mary
8 Three sisters, — Sarah, who died Ann (also the second daughter so

380 Edward Hawkins: [1806
the age of 1 7, in a position of greatly increased responsi
bility. He had been appointed j oint executor with his
Mother (Margaret, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Howes,
of Morningthorpe, Norfolk,) and her brother. Thought
ful and judicious beyond his years, he came to be
regarded in consequence by his younger brothers and
sisters almost in the light of a Father ; and indeed he
did a Father's part by them all, most faithfully and
fondly. His Mother, now left a widow, repaired with
her little brood to Chew Magna, a village about 7 miles
from Bristol (10 or 12 from Bath), where her husband
and she had rented the Manor-house, as a place of tem
porary sojourn in 1800, while Kelston Rectory was
undergoing repair and enlargement. It must have been
a profound sense of her own desolation and the greatness
of her need, — thus left with ten children (seven of them
sons) to sustain, educate, and direct in life, — which
determined her choice of a text for her husband's
memorial tablet in Kelston church.9 She claimed the
fulfilment of the Divine promise, and wrote (from Jere
miah xlix. 11) — 'Leave thy fatherless children. I will
preserve them alive. And let thy widows trust in
Me.' ... At Chew Magna she continued to reside till
named) who yet lives : — and six — John and Charles, who died in
brothers; viz. Francis, M.D., Phy- India in 1818 and 1830 : — and
sician to the Queen's Household and Robert, the present Vicar of Lam-
Registrar of the Royal College of berhurst, Kent.
Physicians, who died in 1877, age<* * For much help hereabouts, I
83, and is remembered as the ' kind- am indebted to the Rev. Francis J.
hearted friend of the afflicted in Poynton's ' Memoranda, Historical
sickness': — Caasar Henry, Serjeant- and Genealogical, relating to the
Surgeon to the Queen,who died 20th parish of Kelston in the county of
July, 1884, and was able to relate Somerset,' — i878,aprivatelyprinted
that he had been consulted by four 4to. of much local interest and an-
generations of the Royal Family : — tiquarian ability. The author gives
George (the second son so named), a pedigree of the Hawkins family at
in Holy Orders, who died in 1826 : pp. 22-3.

1810] The Great Provost. 381
1820-1, when she removed to Newton St. Loe near
Bath. To the same village, — soon after the period when the
widow had returned there with her children,— also came
to reside Mr. and Mrs. Richard Buckle. He had once
commanded a vessel in the trade with the African gold-
coast, which at that time was carried on in Bristol ; but
he now held an office in the Bristol Custom House.1 A
friendship sprang up between the two families ; the
younger members being almost always together, and
sharing the same amusements. Their gardens joined,
'and an easy path was soon made over the low wall
between.' Strong political sympathies helped to cement
this friendship. A radical member (Mr. Hunt) having,
to their general disgust, been returned for Bristol,
the children thought it their duty to burn him in effigy :
their parents looking on with undisguised satisfaction.
The Waverley novels as they successively appeared
furnished delightful occupation for social gatherings in
the evenings.
Edward Hawkins and his sister Sarah, — (they were
devoted to one another, inseparable, and entirely like-
minded), — on the one side, and Mary Ann Buckle (the
only daughter) on the other, grew fast friends. The
future Provost of Oriel already displayed those charac
teristics for which he became distinguished in after life.
A strong sense of duty was ever paramount with him.
He expected to find it in others, and habituaUy set his
brothers an example of steady application ; exercised
1 His father, with a large family villes of Worcestershire. Richard's
of sons and daughters, lived at wife (Mary Pryor Osborne) was of
Chaseley and ' the Mythe ' near a Puritan family connected with
Tewkesbury, and was connected Speaker Lenthall.
with the Dowdeswells and Turber-

382 Edward Hawkins: [181 i
severe self-control; denied himself amusements, and
whatever belonged to mere personal gratification. His
sympathy for sorrow is still affectionately remembered,
as well as his skill in ministering to a broken spirit.
Mrs. Buckle, having suddenly lost her husband (in 1826)
remarked that Edward's words were the first which
procured her any measure of real comfort. He had an
accomplished and very delightful brother (George) who
was carried off by consumption at the age of 2,6, — to
whom his ministerial offices were most tender as well as
unremitting. In the end, the two families left Chew
together, and Newton near Bath became the home of
both. Their former intimacy had already ripened into
warm friendship. Edward's days were spent in severe
study : but he found that he could occasionally spare an
evening for a walk with Mary Buckle. After an interval
of so many years, a vivid recollection is preserved of
the intelligence and kindness with which in one of those
early walks he explained the nature of Perspective, — the
principle on which those many converging lines were
drawn, and which the young lady had but very imper
fectly apprehended by the light of Nature. Not alto
gether unacceptable, it may reasonably be conjectured,
to a girl of a singularly modest and retiring disposition,
must have been the society of a youth so thoughtful and
high-minded as Edward Hawkins. — But it is time to
resume the story of his Oxford hfe.
Supplemented by many a studious vacation, his thir
teen laborious terms at S.John's resulted in a double-first
class in the Easter term of 181 1. Hawkins was the fifth
person, (Sir Robert Peel being the first, and John Keble
the third,) who, since the establishing of the Class-list
in 1807, had achieved that honourable distinction. In
the next year he became Tutor of his CoUege ; and

1813] The Great Provost. 383
reckoned among his pupils the late President Wynter and
H. A. Woodgate, who both cherished a very high opinion
of his powers. At Easter 181 3 he was elected to a
fellowship at Oriel, — ' in stauro] as the ancient chamber
over the gateway is styled in the Dean's register.2
Dr. John Eveleigh, who had been Provost since 1781,
was already entering on the 33rd (which was to be the
last) year of his headship ; — Edward Copleston, John
Davison, Richard Whately, and John Keble, being among
the most conspicuous of the fellows. Facile priuceps how
ever at the time of which we speak was Eveleigh himself,
— a name still remembered with veneration in Oxford.
To him, in conjunction with Dr. Parsons, Master of
Balliol, belongs the honour of having originated the
reform of the University examinations and established
the ' Class-list.' What wonder if Oriel rose into emi
nence under the guidance of such a spirit ? ' He was
Provost when I was elected Fellow,' wrote Mr. Keble to
me in 1855. 'I had known him as long as I could
remember any one. He was, I verily believe, a man to
bring down a blessing upon any society of which he was
a member.' Over the fire-place in Oriel Common-room
hangs his portrait, — a very grand work by Hoppner : the
face full of dignity and intelligence. 3
Such was the CoUege into which Hawkins was intro
duced on his election to a FeUowship at Oriel. To the
outside world names like the foregoing are probably
suggestive of none but the gravest images, — severe
treatises and recondite conversation. But Oxford men
2 Admission to a fellowship at ever been in Easter week.
Oriel, down to 1819 inclusive, took 3 See above, concerning Provost
place on S. Margaret's day, (20th Eveleigh, in the memoir of Presi-
July),— though the Election has dent Routh, p. 50.

384 Edward Hawkins: [1813
will not require telling that there was a playful side to
all this. To say the truth, we have never busied our
selves with such enquiries as the present, without being
almost diverted from our purpose by the multitude of
grotesque memories which we have unintentionally
evoked. Thus, one fails to recognize ' Davison on Pro
phecy,' — (though Hawkins is there plainly enough), — in
the following story of those early days which the Provost
related long after.4 — Davison (rushing in), — 'Hawkins,
I'm horribly afraid they're going to make me junior
Treasurer. I know nothing of accounts. I shall be sure
to make mistakes.' Some hours later, — ' Hawkins, I am
a ruined man. They would make me serve.' — 'Never
fear. Put down everything, and you are quite safe.' —
A year elapses : re-enter Davison. ' I told you so,
Hawkins. I'm a ruined man. My accounts are wrong
by hundreds.' — 'Don't be alarmed. Let me see them.'
The quarter-book is brought and patiently examined.
Added up quite right ' : (Davison turns deadly pale :)
' but you had no occasion to add in the dale of the year! —
— An aged member of Christ Church (long since departed)
declared to the present writer that the only thing he
could recall of the Oriel Common-room of that period was
a frolicsome tournament on the hearth-rug between two
mounted combatants (known to the public for encounters
of a very different kind), armed with the hand-screens
which for many a long year used to adorn (?) the mantel
piece. — A rustic parson, whom Whately more suo had
been for a long time enlightening after dinner, before
going away came up to the oracle with much formality, —
gathered himself to his full height, — and gravely thanked
him ' for the pains he had taken to instruct him throughout
the evening.' ' 0, not at all' (exclaimed Whately). ' It's
* To Canon Eden, — of whom a memoir is given further on.

1813] The Great Provost. 385
a very pleasant thing to have an anvil to beat out one's
thoughts upon! — The Provost himself told a friend 5 in
1880, that 'when he was examined for his Fellowship, at
Oriel, the examination took place in the Ante-chapel ;
and the weather being bitterly cold, two of the candidates
had a boxing-match in order to keep themselves warm.'
"It was Milman, since Dean of S. Paul's," — (the Pro
vost related long after,6) — "who brought me tidings
of my election. When he entered my rooms, he found
me reading a book. After teUing his news, he glanced
on the book in my hand, and burst out, — ' But I'll tell
you what it is, sir! If the Provost and FeUows had
known what the book is which I have found you reading,
they would never have elected you to a feUowship at
Oriel.' The book I was reading," — (proceeded Hawkins,
his features assuming a look of the quaintest humour) —
" was Hume's Essay on Miracles."
It requires an effort to realize the change which has
passed over Enghsh life, — manners, dress, habits, — since
the date referred to, viz. a.d. 181 3. ' The first time I saw
Whately, he wore a pea-green coat, white waistcoat,
stone-coloured shorts, flesh-coloured silk stockings. His
hair was powdered.' Heber, when the Provost first saw
him, ' was dressed in a parsley-and-butter coat.' Arnold,
in a 'hght blue coat with metal buttons, and a buff
waistcoat ' — (I am quoting words of the Provost spoken

5 The Rev. Robert G. Livingstone, hoax. In the ensuing vacation he
who also supplies the following discovered his mistake, and of course
anecdote : — ' Another poetical con- took the earliest opportunity of
temporary was Reginald Heber. In going to Heber's rooms and frankly
his first term of residence the Provost explaining why he had not sooner
found Heber's card on his table, acknowledged his courtesy.'
He had not expected a visit, and 6 To Dr. Bright, Canon of Ch. Ch.
assumed that the card must be »
VOL. I. C C

386

Edward Hawkins:

[1813

in 1857) — must have been a less picturesque object. As
late as 1847 the senior fellow of Oriel (the Rev. Edward
Miles Rudd), used to appear at the College ' gaudy ' in
black shorts. He had travelled up from Northampton
shire in a fly — devoting to the journey two days.7 Rudd
however was an exceptional case, for he was senior
Fellow as early as 1819. At an earlier period, (if Archd.
Berens' contemporary sketch may be trusted), he was
decorated with a pig-tail. — Better deserving of record is
the fact, that the fellows of Oriel were the first in Oxford
to break through the tyranny of fashion by abandoning
the immoderate use of wine which prevailed in the
upper ranks of English society until a period within the
memory of aged persons of the last generation. This was
the first Common-room where tea was drunk. Dr. Mac-
bride, the venerable Principal of Magdalen Hall, once

7 '0 yes,' writes the Rev. H. T.
Ellacombe, of Clyst St. George,
Devon, (a contemporary of the Pro
vost), on being appealed to for any
reminiscences of the Oriel of early
days, — ' I can jot down de vestitu in
1808-9. When I was matriculated
and went into residence, all the
Tutors and Dons wore black breeches
and silk stockings from morning to
night : the undergraduates, breeches
and white stockings. I have heard
my father (who was at Wadham)
say, that when Provost Eveleigh
came to matriculate he had on blue
worsted stockings' [The reader is
invited to refer back to the Memoir
of President Routh, p. 12.] 'Dinner
was at 4, where none could appear
without silks, breeches with knee-
buckles, silver or gilt. The gentle
men commoners wore the dress gown
at dinner and in chapel. Gaiters
were not allowed with gown. Cloth

boots came in. We called them
buskins. One day, after lecture,
Copleston asked me if the Proctors
allowed me to wear gaiters ? When
Rigaud was Proctor [1810], the men
tried to wear trousers, and he al
lowed them, and gave great -offence
to the Dons for the lax discipline.
I once travelled outside from Bath
with Tom Kennaway, in shorts and
whites without any leggings or boots.
He caught cold, sickened and died
at Balliol. I attended his funeral
in the Churchyard hard by. I often
boated in cap. Beaver was seldom
worn within a mile or so of Oxford.
Men were sconced if accidentally
they appeared in Hall undressed.
The sconce-table was hung up in
the buttery.' . . . Strange, that trivial
matters like these should take such
a fast hold of the memory, while so
much of living interest has been
entirely forgotten 1

1 813] The Great Provost. 387
described to me with great naivete the contempt with
which, some sixty-five years ago, it used to be said, —
' Why, those fellows drink tea ! ' ' The Oriel tea-pot '
became a standing joke in the University.
Much to be regretted is it that the practice has not
been adopted in CoUeges of perpetuating, in connection
with each set of rooms, the names of its successive
occupants. FaiUng this, it seems strange that no pains
have been taken to preserve a record of the rooms which
were tenanted by men who afterwards became famous.
' The only room in which I ever regularly resided,' (wrote
the author of ' The Christian Year ' in 1 855, in reply to my
inquiry,) — ' was up one pair of stairs, / think on the left,
opposite C. C. C. gateway. Davison had it before me, —
Dornford afterwards. Is it not Marriott's now ? my head
is confused on that point.' — Sure of approval I have
transcribed the entire paragraph before stating that, as
a matter of fact, the door of what was Mr. Keble's
sitting-room (effectually identified by the gateway oppo
site) is on the right of one who has ascended one pair
of stairs.8 Charles Marriott, from 1 844 to 1 855, occupied
the corresponding rooms on the next staircase (No. 3) to
wards the Chapel, — first floor to the right : his immediate
predecessor having been John Henry Newman.9 But
any one who can recall the studious aspect of the apart
ments in question while occupied by those two famous
Divines, — iU-carpeted and indifferently furnished, as well
as encumbered with book-shelves in every part, — would
B It is on the left-hand of the * " I am just going to change my
staircase, — to one who stands in rooms in College and take New-
Oriel quadrangle and approaches man's, of which I hope the atmo-
the foot of the stairs. Such an one, sphere may do me some good." —
if the college were suddenly removed, (Charles Marriott to Bp. Selwyn, —
would find himself facing the gate- 'Bradfield, Sept. 5th, 1844.')...
way of C. 0. C. See above, p. 348.
c c a

388 Edward Hawkins: [1813
entirely fail to recognize them in their present guise.
They were merrilessly smartened up after Marriott's sad
death. 'You succeeded Newman in these rooms, I know,'
(remarked the present writer to Charles Marriott, while
watching beside his sick-bed). ' Didn't I once hear you
say that Newman succeeded Whately ? ' — ' Yes, and he
told me that when he took these rooms, he found the
last of Whately's herrings still hanging on the string
before the Chapel window.' To render this story
intelligible, it requires to be explained that, (before the
Chapel underwent renovation some five-and-twenty
years ago), a partition of lath-and-plaster separated the
bay of the west window from the Ante-chapel, — making
it a nondescript appendage to the set of rooms of which
we are speaking ; available as a larder, an oratory, or a
lumber-closet, according to the taste of the occupant. It
was a ' fad ' of the future Archbishop to pull a herring
daily from the string, and to frizzle it — sine ulld solennitate
— for breakfast, on the coals of his fire. His ways in
truth were very peculiar : some of them, rather nasty.
Dr. Whately, as feUow, had also Uved in the rooms
opposite: and, as an undergraduate, in Robinson's
buildings, ground floor to the right. Under Newman's
rooms lectured (not Uved) Bp. Hampden, 1 831-3. The
same rooms in 1846 were occupied by Dean Church.
Over Newman hved Hurrell Froude. Oriel men will re
member that they are the only rooms on that side of the
college with a window looking East. Dr. Pusey's rooms
were on No. 1 staircase, first floor to the right, — subse
quently Fraser's, the late exceUent Bp. of Manchester.
Samuel Wilberforce lived in the rooms immediately
beneath, — the corner rooms on the ground floor. Robert
Isaac Wilberforce occupied and lectured in the Dean's

1815] The Great Provost. 389
rooms in the corner of the further quadrangle, looking
into Magpie Lane, — now ' Grove Street.' Copleston, at
the time of his election to the headship, lived on No. 5
staircase, first floor to the right. Arnold, during the six
years when he was a Fellow, never occupied rooms in the
college: and Hampden left Oriel almost immediately
after his election to a fellowship. In his undergraduate
days he had occupied the rooms over John Keble's. It
shall only be added that Hawkins is believed to have
occupied the rooms above those which Pusey subsequently
occupied, — viz. in the south-west angle of the college
looking towards Canterbury gate.1 Pusey's rooms were
mine from 1847 to 1876. I foUowed James Fraser.
Of the fifteen years during which Hawkins was f eUow
of Oriel (1813-28), the first six were unencumbered with
the responsibilities of college tuition; and he avaUed
himself of the opportunity which was presented to him of
accompanying to the continent as tutor, James Wilham,
Lord Caulfeild, only son of the Earl of Charlemont;
making one of the family party.2 All that is remem
bered of this incident has been set down by the same
interesting pen 3 which has already supplied us with more
than one notice of the Provost of Oriel's early life, —
obtained in 1880 from the Provost's Ups: —
'During the interval between the restoration of the
Bourbons and the return of Napoleon from Elba, Mr.
Hawkins was in Paris : where he saw RaffaeUe's " Trans
figuration " and the other masterpieces which Napoleon
1 The Rev. G. W. Newnham sup- to 'Edward Hawkins, esq.' — con-
plies the correction that ' his rooms taining the well-known verses on
were in the N.W. corner next to the Dean Gaisford's marriage : ('Hail
Lodgings.' W. F. R. to the maid who so graceful advances,
2 The Earl's residence was ' 6 Rue 'Tis sweet Helen Douglas if right I
Eoyale, pres la place Louis XV,' — divine,' &c.)
as appears from a letter addressed 3 Rev. R. G. Livingstone.

39°

Edward Hawkins: [1815

had plundered from the picture galleries of the continent,
hanging on the walls of the Louvre.
'The news of Napoleon's escape from Elba was, (he
said), most unwelcome in Paris. The Parisians believed,
not unreasonably, that it had been effected with the
connivance of England. They argued thus : — Napoleon
was shut up in an Island. The English were masters of
the Mediterranean, their ships cruising everywhere. If
Napoleon escaped, it must have been because they
allowed him to do so. There was a great outburst
of popular indignation against England in consequence,
and the Provost was warned not to venture into out-of-
the-way parts of Paris by himself, lest he should be
exposed to insult, — perhaps to violence. He stayed
in Paris as long as he possibly could, only quitting
the city on the morning of the day [20th March, 181 5]
on the evening of which Napoleon entered it. As
he hurried to the sea coast, he had some misgivings that
he might be arrested, and treated as English traveUers in
France had been treated at the time of the rupture of the
Peace of Amiens. But the general opinion was that
Bonaparte would not repeat in 1815 the pohcy which,
without really serving his interests, had made him
intensely hated in 1803. Mr. Hawkins reached England
without molestation. He at once went down to Oxford.
' It was on this occasion (I think) that he told me there
was with him in the stage-coach between London and
Oxford only one other passenger, — a gentleman endowed
with a singular charm of manner and great powers of
conversation. At Nuneham, (which was his destination,)
the stranger on leaving the coach said to his companion,
— " I hope the next time you are in London, you will call
on me." — " Nothing," said Mr. Hawkins, " would give me
greater pleasure; but — I do not know your name."
" Oh ! " said his feUow-traveller, " my name is Wilber
force."—" What! are you the Mr. Wilberforce ?"— " WeU,"
(replied the other,) " I suppose I must say I am." This
was the Provost's first introduction. He called on his
new acquaintance in London, and from that time tUl his
death enjoyed a considerable degree of intimacy with him.

1815] The Great Provost. 391
' He told me that the object of Mr. Wilberforce's journey
to Nuneham was to make arrangements for placing his
sons under the tuition of a clergyman there. I suspect
that it was the conversation between London and Nune
ham, and the friendly intercourse which ensued, which
eventually determined his choice of a coUege at Oxford
for three of his sons.'
In the year 1824, Mr. Wilberforce strongly urged
Hawkins to undertake one of the two newly-founded
Bishoprics, — Jamaica and Barbadoes. 'I had however
laid out for myself a different course of life,' — added the
Provost in recounting this incident, long after, to his
friend, Archdeacon Grant. The sees were eventually
accepted by Lipscombe and Coleridge.
Returned to Oriel (in March 1815), Hawkins ad
dressed himself seriously to the study of Divinity. This
was not his earliest passion. His strong desire had been
to become a lawyer. In truth, his mind was essentially
legal in its texture ; and had he made Law the business
of his Ufe, no one who knew him will doubt that he
would have attained the highest rewards which that
profession has to offer. What determined him to take
Holy Orders and to devote himself to the sacred caUing,
was his supreme anxiety to assist his Mother, — a widow
left with ten children and a slender income. In other
words, he regarded it as a paramount duty to do a
Father's part by his six younger brothers : and he knew
that the career which awaited him in Oxford would
second his inclinations far more effectually than the
problematical rewards of the Bar. He gave himself up
to sacred studies therefore. And thus we reach a period
of his Ufe, concerning which some interesting notices
have been preserved in the Autobiography of the most
. famous of his contemporaries, — Dr. Newman. It should

392

Edward Hawkins: [1824

be explained that this remarkable man was elected from
Trinity, of which college he had been a scholar, to a
fellowship at Oriel in 1822: that in 1823, Hawkins
became Vicar of S. Mary's ; and that in the next ensuing
year, Newman was ordained to the curacy of S. Clement's.
This fixes 1824-5, (when their ages were respectively
35-6 and 23-4,) as the period referred to in the ensuing
recollections : —
'From 1822 to 1825 I saw most of the Provost of
Oriel, Dr. Hawkins, at that time Vicar of St. Mary's ;
and when I took Orders in 1824, and had a curacy in
Oxford, then, during the Long Vacations, I was espe
cially thrown into his company. I can say with a full
heart that I love him, and have never ceased to love
him; and I thus preface what otherwise might sound
rude, that in the course of the many years in which we
were together afterwards, he provoked me very much
from time to time, though I am perfectly certain that I
have provoked him a great deal more. Moreover, in
me such provocation was unbecoming, both because he
was the Head of my College, and because, in the first
years that I knew him, he had been in many ways of
great service to my mind.'
The passage which follows will be more conveniently
introduced further on [p. 432]. After which, Dr. New
man proceeds, —
' He was the means of great additions to my belief.
He gave me the " Treatise on Apostolical Preaching," by
Sumner, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, from
which I was led to give up my remaining Calvinism,
and to receive the doctrine of Baptismal regeneration.
In many other ways too he was of use to me, on subjects
semi-religious and semi-scholastic. It was he too who
taught me to anticipate that, before many years were
over, there would be an attack made upon the Books
and the Canon of Scripture. I was brought to the same
beUef by the conversation of Mr. Blanco White, who also

1824] The Great Provost. 393
led me to have freer views on the subject of Inspiration
than were usual in the Church of England at the time.
' There is one other principle which I gained from
Dr. Hawkins, more directly bearing upon Catholicism
than any that I have mentioned ; and that is the doc
trine of "Tradition." When I was an undergraduate,
I heard him preach in the University pulpit [May 31st,
1 81 8] his celebrated Sermon on the subject, and recollect
how long it appeared to me, though he was at that time
a very striking preacher ; but, when I read it and studied
it as his gift, it made a most serious impression upon
me. He does not go one step, I think, beyond the high
Anghcan doctrine, nay he does not reach it ; but he does
his work thoroughly, and his view was in him original,
and his subject was a novel one at the time. He lays
down a proposition, self-evident as soon as stated, to
those who have at all examined the structure of Scrip
ture, viz. that the sacred Text was never intended to
teach doctrine, but only to prove it: and that, if we
would learn doctrine, we must have recourse to the
formularies of the Church ; for instance, to the Catechism,
and to the Creeds. He considers that, after learning
from them the doctrines of Christianity, the inquirer
must verify them by Scripture. This view, most true
in its outline, most fruitful in its consequences, opened
upon me a large field of thought.' 3
There is no need to enlarge on the remarkable Disser
tation thus introduced to the reader's notice. Yet,
inasmuch as it seems to be Uttle read, we may be al
lowed to declare that those 88 pages deserve the atten
tion of every student of sacred Science. Such an one
is invited to suspend his judgment till he reaches the
end. He may then perhaps be of opinion that the
Author would have done well to define and limit ihe pro
vince of Tradition : but the reader will assuredly be most
3 ' History of my Religious Opin- of his 'Apologia,' p. 8 to p. 9. The
ions,' by John Henry Newman, 8vo. reader will be reminded of p. 392
1865, pp. 379 : being a new edition when he reaches p. 465.

394 Edward Hawkins: [1825
of all struck by the exphcit statement of what he knew
before indeed, but had never before seen distinctly for
mulated : viz. that it seems to have been, from the first,
' the general design of Heaven that by oral or traditional
instruction, the way should be prepared for the reception
of the mysteries of Faith ; that the Church should carry
down the system, but the Scriptures should furnish all
the proofs ofthe Christian doctrines.' — (Page 18.)
The New Testament does indeed presuppose through
out — (witness the preface to S. Luke's Gospel)— con
siderable knowledge of Christian doctrine. But in fact
this entire province of enquiry will be found explained
and expanded in the same writer's ' Bampton Lectures '
for 1840, — which have for their object, 'An inquiry into
the connected uses of the principal means for attaining
Christian Truth;'4 'the connected uses, that is to say,
in order to this end, of the Scriptures and of the Church ;
of human Reason and of illuminating Grace.' 5 In the
meantime, the ' Dissertation upon the use and importance of
unauthoritative Tradition, as an introduction to the Christian
doctrines]* published in 181 9, at once established the
reputation of the writer as a thoughtful Divine. He
was then thirty years of age.
The most popular of his writings, — an elementary
' Manual for Christians', which was probably suggested by
the requirements of his parishioners, now appeared, and
went through at least seven editions. A characteristic
' Letter upon compulsory attendance at the Communion] pub-
1 See the Preface, pp. vii.-viii. — 6 See the 'Advertisement ' prefixed
Quite similar is the purport of to the 3rd Edition of his Sermon.
' Christianity, not the Religion either 6 ' Including the substance of a
of the Bible only, or of the Church,' Sermon preached before the Univer-
— a sermon preached at Maldon, sity of Oxford, May 31, 1828, upon
July 28, 1830, at the Bp. of Lon- 2 Thess. ii. 15.'
don's primary Visitation.

1825] The Great Provost. 395
lished anonymously in 1822, — together with a thoughtful
Sermon entitled 'Systematic Preaching recommended] de-
Uvered at S. Mary's, June 4th, 1825, — are his only other
original productions of the same period. But in 1824,
he edited Milton's poetical works in four volumes, — an
admirable performance, which bears in every page tokens
of that unfaiUng conscientiousness which characterized
whatever he took in hand. His editorial notes are sub
scribed ' E! One, of peculiar interest, occurs at pp.
xcix-ci, in which he gives his own estimate of the poet's
opinions and character. He considered Milton's views
Arian: —
' Dr. Routh remarked to me one day ' — [these words,
dated 1848, are written in the editor's own interleaved
copy, facing page c], — 'that the Arian hypothesis was
better suited to a poem. Milton, however, would not have
admitted anything of Arianism even into a poem, had it
not been his own behef. See the posthumous work " De
Doctrina Christiana," pubhshed in 1825 [Cantab. 4to] by
the present Bishop of Winchester, Dr. Charles Sumner.'
[A translation was issued by him in the same year and
place.] Next in importance to Hawkins's 'Dissertation on
Tradition] is his sermon preached before the University
some ten years later (viz. Nov. 11, 1838), on ' The Duty
of Private Judgment' : of which the object, (as might be
divined from its title), is not to vindicate the right — but
to explain and enforce ' the duly of Private Judgment.'
It reached a third edition in 1854. The author had
intended that it should form part of a larger work, —
which however eventually shared the fate of so many
other similar projects, in never attaining fulfilment.
The ' Bampton Lectures ' (already referred to) were the
nearest approach to the large systematic Treatise which
prior to 1854 he had cherished the hope and intention

396 Edward Hawkins: [1825
of some day giving to the world. . . Henceforth I shall
content myself with merely enumerating Dr. Hawkins's
published writings.7
The period of his incumbency at S. Mary-the-Virgin's
(1823-8) was rendered memorable to the University by
the energy and skill with which he commenced and
brought to a successful termination the present internal
arrangement of the University church : happily recon
ciling the conflicting claims of the University and of the
parish, and securing an apportionment of the seats which
has proved satisfactory to both parties, down to the
present time. In this great work he was supremely
fortunate in procuring the professional services of a
gentleman named Plowman, — a native and resident of
Oxford, — who (as Sir Gilbert Scott pointed out to the
present writer) was far in advance of his time in his
knowledge of Gothic architecture, and in his sense of
propriety of arrangement. Those were very early days.
Church restoration had not as yet been thought of. But
under the guidance of the accomplished architect already
mentioned, the work proceeded admirably. The chancel
was wisely let alone : but the organ-loft was furnished
7 In 1861, appeared his Sermon Family Sermons,' put forth by the
on ' The Province of Private Judg- S. P. C. K. in 1833 and following
ment, and the right conduct of Reli- years : viz. ' Building on the sure
gious inquiry' ; and another in 1 863, Foundation' (i. 155-168), and
on ' The liberty of Private Judgment 'Church Music' (v. 149-164). — In
within the Church of England.' 1838 appeared his sermon on 'Tie
These had been preceded (in 183 1) Duty and Means of promoting
by an elementary sermon on ' The Christian Knowledge without im-
Way of Salvation' (pp. 36). — His pairing Christian Unity.' — In 1839,
' Discourses upon some of the prim- he pleaded for ' Church Extension
cipal objects and uses of the His- in England and Wales' [In the
torical Scriptures of the 0. T.,' — Notes at the foot of pp. 394, 421 and
1833 (pp. 193), — is an interesting 447, will be found enumerated all
volume. He also contributed two his other known publications not
sermons to a series of ' Original mentioned in the Text.]

t826] The Great Provost.

397
with a stone front towards the nave ; while the beautiful
piUars were disencumbered of the monuments which
until then encrusted and disfigured them. These were
transferred to the walls of the church. In March 1828,
he had the satisfaction of resigning to his celebrated
successor (Mr. Newman) a renovated church, and a parish
in which he had laboured conscientiously for six years.
Full forty years after the time of which we are speaking,
'Rebecca' (the dear old sextoness of S. Mary's) might
be seen invariably, at the close of the University sermon,
to station herself near the more easterly of the two doors
on the south side, — by which the Provost always left the
church ; and he was observed never to faU in bestowing
upon her a bow of friendly recognition.8 He abounded
in such acts of courtesy and consideration, — which all
appreciate, but especially the brother or sister of low
degree. Previously to the Provost's incumbency, there seem to
have been no fixed seats in the nave of S. Mary's. The
Vice-chanceUor's chair was at the extremity of the church,
in front of the west door, and therefore faced the east.
This arrangement had prevaUed at least from the days
8 ' Rebecca ' was quite an institu- Muster Newman with his ways : —
tion. Her memory went back to then there was Muster Eden with
the prse-historic period. She had his ways : — then there was Muster
evidently learned to regard the Marriott with his ways : — then there
Vicars of S. Mary's in the light of was Muster Chase with his ways : —
an interminable procession of rather and now, there's you u-ith yourn.' —
troublesome individuals. One of When questioned concerning Dr.
them, (in 1863,) was so rash as to Newman, she invariably wound up
address her as follows : — ' I wish, her reply with, — ' Yes, it was hi*
my dear, you wouldn't rattle your mother as gave my mother her six
keys quite so loud when you unlock silver spoons.' For example, — 'Tell
the pew-doors.' Rebecca began to me, Rebecca, where he used to stand
cry. ' 0 don't cry, Rebecca.' 'Imust when he consecrated the elements.'
cry': then, sobbing and soliloquizing, * He used to stand and do exactly
— ' First there was Muster Hawkins as you do . . . Yes, it was his mother,
with his ways : — then there was &c. &c.

398 Edward Hawkins: [1827
of Charles II, for Aubrey speaks of the ' Doctors' men '
coming in at the end of sermon, from the ale-house hard
by, wiping the foam from their beards.9 As for the
parochial services of S. Mary's in 1828, they were the
same which his successor maintained, viz. ' Two services
and one sermon on Sundays and Good Friday: one
service and sermon on every festival : and a service
(without a sermon) daily throughout the rest of Holy week,
and on Ash Wednesday.' The Sunday sermon at 4 p.m.
(which afterwards became so famous) is believed to have
been introduced by Hawkins. — He was now also White-
haU preacher (i827-8),and was accounted impressive in the
pulpit by men most competent to pronounce an opinion.
Let it further be noted as a marvellous token of his
ability and shrewdness in estimating character, that he
should at this period (1827) have predicted 'that if Mr.
Arnold were elected to the head-mastership of Rugby, he
would change the face of education all through the pubhc
schools of England.' 1
With the year 1828 came the great event of his pubhc
life, namely, his election to the Provostship of Oriel.
Dr. Copleston, who had presided over the college with
singular ability and success since the death of Dr. Eve
leigh in 1 8 14, was appointed Bishop of Llandaff towards
the close of 1827 : and Hawkins, in February 1828, was
elected to succeed him by the unanimous vote of the
society, — which at that time reckoned among its fellows
Keble (elected in 181 1): Henry Jenkyns (elected in
1 81 8) : Dornford, Awdry, and Rickards(all three elected
in 1 81 9): Jelf (elected in 1821): Newman (elected in
9 Aubrey's Lives,- — Vol. ii. P. ii. tenement which faces the west en-
p. 421. The public-house referred trance to S. Mary's.
to (' the City Arms') is an ancient 1 Stanley's 'Life of Arnold,' — i.51.

1827] The Great Provost. 399
1822): Pusey (elected in 1823): R. I. WUberforce and
HurreU Froude (both elected in 1826). — Davison (who
had been elected in 1800), and Whately (in 181 1), as well
as Hampden and Arnold2 (both elected in 1815), were no
longer feUows. — Under ordinary circumstances such an
incident might weU have been passed over with the mere
recital of the fact. But a mistaken opinion prevails so
inveterately concerning the Provost's election, that it
may be as well here to produce a few interesting letters
which establish the facts of the case beyond the risk of
misconception. The first two are from Mr. Keble, — both
written at the close of 1827 : —
' Coin St. Aid win's, near Fairford, December 9th, 1827.
' My dear good Hawkins, — I have brought over this
sheet of paper to my Father's little parsonage that I
might write on it to you between the Services, and thank
you for the pleasure and comfort of your kind little letter
this morning. It would be too bad for you and me, who
have been working together so long in the same cause,
to begin snarling and growling at this time of day and
in the middle of Advent for an affair of this sort : and I
never was much afraid of it, I may say not at all : but
now we have it under one another's hand and seal, we
are bound in honour to behave well. And I am in great
hopes that by not caring too much for things, we shall
be enabled to turn what might have been unpleasant
into a time of comfortable recoUection as long as we live.
You and I agreed to remember one another at a trying
time for us both, a little more than a twelvemonth ago :
if you please, we will do the same now.
' I hope I am not putting anyone to inconvenience or
annoyance by not writing as yet more decidedly on the
subject. If it is wished, I will do so immediately; but
a The successive holders of that Arnold, — 1822, J. H. Newman, —
fellowship stand thus in the Dean's i846,J.W. Burgon.' (Communicated
register: — '1814 [sic, but it is a by C. L. Shadwell, esq., fellow of
mistake: it should be 181 5], T. Oriel.)

400 Edward Hawkins: [1827
if not, I believe I ought to wait about two or three posts
more. ' Give my very kind regards to the Provost and all the
fellows, and believe me ever, my dear Hawkins, your
most affectionate enemy, 'J. K., Jun.'
'Fairford, December 28th, 1827.
' My dear Hawkins, — Having brought all into a sum,
(as George Herbert says,) I have pretty weU satisfied
myself that greatly as the college would be benefited
were the choice of the majority, in this important matter,
to fall on me, it may yet do very well, — provided you are
a good boy and do your very very best, — under your
auspices : and such being the case, and I having private
and family reasons of my own, which lead me, as a matter
of taste, not to wish for the office, I really see no reason
why the college should be troubled with any difference
of opinion about the matter. I wrote to this effect, last
night, to Froude, and shall probably write to Plumer and
Newman to-day : and I feel very well satisfied with my
self for what I have done: so please not to make any
objection, for I shan't change. At the same time, to
prevent misconception, I must tell you that I don't at all
do this, as shrinking from the Office itself. I have not
at all a Nolo episcopari feeling towards it ; and perhaps I
do not think it so very much more difficult a trust
than any other pastoral employment, — nor have I any
other reason to think, from what experience I have had,
that I am particularly deficient in the art of managing
youths of that age. I say this, because I don't want to
have it imagined that I am eaten up with a kind of
morbid mistrust of myself: and also in order to prepare
you for a little amicable discussion as to the principles
of University disciphne, with which you may expect to
be regaled when I next have the pleasure of seeing you.
Not that I think there is any great difference between
us : I am sure we used always, I thought, to agree very
well on those as well as on most other matters, and so I
dare say we always shall.
' Good-bye, my dear Hawkins. Remember me to all

1828] The Great Provost. 401
the Christmas dirge-men if there be any, and beheve me
ever yours most affectionately, -J. Keble, Jun.'
Next in date is a letter from Robert Isaac Wilberforce,
written from his Father's house : —
' Highwood Hill, January 3rd, 1828.
' My dear Hawkins, — Your letter to me was so kind,
that it encourages me to write to you in return with
openness. It would be very presumptuous in me, were
I not forced to it, to undertake to pass any judgment
between such persons as yourself and Keble. But having
been pressed by Newman to make up my mind, it seems
but right to you, after the very kind way in which you
have treated me, that I should tell you myself that it
appears to me upon the whole that I ought to vote for
Keble. I cannot however say this without expressing
the very great pleasure it will give me (should the deci
sion be, as it seems it wiU, in your favour,) to see you in
a situation for which you are so weU suited.
' I have received a letter, as you are aware, from
Keble, which had it come sooner would perhaps have
prevented my coming to any conclusion on a point
which I have found so difficult ; but as I had made up
my mind just before this letter arrived, I think it would
hardly have been honest to you not to have mentioned
that I had done so. As I understand that half the
number of Fellows have declared their intention of
voting for yourself, I suppose there is httle doubt what
will be the result of the election, but at the same time it
seems to me but right to wait and know what is the
opinion of those who agree with myself, before I declare
for any other person than Keble.
' I have written this in a very confused and awkward
way, both because I feel rather at a loss how to express
myself properly in regard to persons whom I have been
so long used to look up to ; and because I have been
hurrying that I may not be too late for the post which is
just departing.
' Allow me to conclude by again expressing the great
vol. 1. D d

402 Edward Hawkins: [1828
pleasure it wiU give me to see you in the high Office
which is about to be vacant ; and by thanking you for
the kind way in which you have written to me. Believe
me, ever your obliged and affectionate friend,
' Robekt I. Wilberforce.'
Though the actual election to the Provostship did not
take place till February, it is evident from a letter from
Pusey to Hawkins, (written from Berlin, 1 2th January,
1 828,) that the society had come to a practical decision
on the subject several days before the date of Pusey's
letter. A single extract will suffice : —
' I had received the intelligence which your letter of
this morning confirms, some little time ago through one
from Keble to Newman, and only delayed the expression
of my satisfaction at the comfortable mode of the termi
nation of the election, till I should receive an official
account. . . . The whole affair (from the candour and
kindly feeling which has been shown) has been particu
larly satisfactory; and we have each our particular
sources of pleasures. I, in seeing an anxious wish thus
fulfilled ; and you, in possessing so fully the confidence
and approbation of all the members of your body ; and
without making invidious parallels with the late Provost,
(whom, as a man, every one must respect,) I anticipate
infinitely more both for our College and the University
from his successor.'
On the 22nd January, Robert Isaac Wilberforce again
wrote from Highwood : —
' The whole matter may now be considered as settled,
and I can truly say that I feel the greatest pleasure in
being able to congratulate you on your appointment to
an Office, in which I can only wish that you may be as
useful as your own desires would lead you to be : and
this is after all wishing you happiness in the truest
Bense. ' I did not understand, I see, what you said about
Awdry, or my last letter would have been rather dif-

[828] The Great Provost.

403

ferent. ... I wish I had used more diligence in ascer
taining his sentiments and Churton's, but the latter I
tried in vain to find ; and the former I have hardly ever
seen, so that I felt shy of going to call upon him. Had
I communicated with either of them, I should of course
have stated my intention of voting for you unconditionally
in my last letter.'
The next, from Richard HurreU Froude, written on the
foUowing day, deserves to be given entire.
'January 23rd, 1828.
'My dear Hawkins, — Though I don't set so high a
value on the emanations of my pen as to volunteer a
superfluous communication, yet, from what Churton said
to me in his note, I fancy I ought to supply an eXXei^a
in my last letter, by making a more formal declaration
of my unconditional and uncompromising determination
to rank myself among your retainers. I am really very
sorry that my stupid delay in answering your letter
should have caused you any bother (to use a studiously
elegant expression, than which I cannot hit on a better) :
and this is the more provoking, as I actually had written
you an answer the first day ; but as I said something at the
end of it about my Brother, which afterwards I thought
too gloomy, and which, I believe, was suggested by
seeing him look particularly unwell from some accident,
I thought it rather too hard to call on you for sympathy
in my capricious fancies.
' I suppose I may take the Uberty to enclose this in a
cover to the Bishop, otherwise I should hesitate to draw
on your purse as weU as your time for such a scribble as
this. However, I have left you enough clear paper at
the end to work out a question in Algebra, or make the
skeleton of a sermon. And as this is probably worth
more than any words I have to put into it, I shall
conclude by begging you to consider me yours ever
affectionately,
' Richard H. Froude.'
Lastly, John Henry Newman, who was then examining
in the Schools, — (he had been Ul and was much depressed
d d 2

404

Edward Hawkins: [1828

by the recent death of a loved younger sister3), — in an
undated note which clearly belongs to the same period,
— thus refers to the Provost's altered position in the
college, where however he was still lecturing and dis
charging the duties of the ' Dean ' : —
'My dear Dean, — Round, and my other kind col
leagues, will not let me go into the Schools to-morrow or
next day. Dr. Kidd has advised me to go out of Oxford,
and Wilberforce has persuaded me to go home with him
till Friday or Saturday. We shall start at \ past 12.
Let me know if you see any objection to this. I would
call, but your lectures are in the way. I hope this will
be the last week for ever that lectures will hinder me
calling on you. I wanted to talk with you in our walk
to-day on this interesting subject. You must excuse me.
I have implied above the substance of what I had to say.
Yours ever affectionately,
' J. H. Newman.'
In a subsequent letter, Newman expressed his . satis
faction at the result of the election as best for the College ;
though he could not have voted against Keble. Indeed,
so late as in 1877, when paying his brother-in-law a visit
at Plymtree,
' Among many other interesting things, he mentioned his
extreme surprise at Pusey having stated, in a sermon (I
think he said) on the opening of Keble college, that he
(Newman) came to regret the vote and influence he had
used in the election of the Provost.'4
The actual election took place on the 2nd February,
and was attended by the usual traditional forms of
3 ' The delay of the election will brother can have, he has most richly
afford a most welcome respite to — her whole life having been a pre-
poor Newman, who, (you perhaps paration for that hour.' — (Pusey to
have heard,) lost, last Saturday Hawkins,dated'.Be»,ZJ», Jan. 1828.')
after only 24 hours' cessation of ap- 4 Rev. T. Mozley to the Provost,
parently strong health, his youngest 3rd July, 1878.
sister. Every consolation, which a

1828] The Great Provost. 405
admission to the Headship. One thing that happened
was informal : —
' You must have heard from Mr. Golightly,' (writes the
friend to whom we are already indebted for not a few
interesting notices 6), ' the ludicrous incident connected
with the event. Part of the ceremonial of instaUation con
sisted in solemnly closing the college gates. The newly
elected Provost was then required to knock, in order to
be formally admitted by the Dean, and received by the
fellows assembled under the archway. Dr. (now Car
dinal) Newman was at that time Dean of the college.
The gates were duly closed, and the fellows stood waiting
for the expected signal. At last a knock was heard, and
the Dean advancing asked " Quis adest?" " Please sir,"
(rephed a tremulous voice), " It's me, the college washer
woman." The gate was opened, and between the
FeUows, drawn up in two ranks, passed a venerable
matron laden with baskets of clean linen.
' Again the gate was shut, and again there was a false
alarm. At last three sharp incisive taps were heard.
" I knew," said Mr. Golightly, " before a word was
spoken, that now there was no mistake." Again the
question "Quis adest?" was asked, but this time with
the response — "Edvardus Hawkins hujusce collegii Praeposi-
tus." — I have heard that Cardinal Newman, being asked
within the last twelve months about this little episode,
declared that he had no recollection of it. My informant
was an undergraduate eye-witness of the scene, and I
can hardly beheve that he was mistaken in his recol
lections.' As the news of Hawkins's election to the headship of
Oriel spread through the provinces, in the tardy fashion
of those days, it was the signal for a shower of interest
ing letters of hearty congratulation from distinguished
men. The best known name is that of William Wilber
force, three of whose sons had been educated at Oriel.
By one correspondent, the event was hailed as a blessing
s Rev. R. G. Livingstone.

406 Edward Hawkins: [1828
to the Church and to the world. AU alike regarded it
as fraught with advantage to the college and to the
University. Arnold's letter of congratulation (written
from Laleham, Feb. 8th) seems to reflect the history of
this election, with entire truthfulness and accuracy. All
eyes had been directed to two fellows of the college, —
Hawkins and Keble, — as the fittest to succeed Copleston
in the headship. Both were general favourites: and
with the election of either the entire society would
evidently have been fully content. The majority, under
any circumstances, would have been with Hawkins:
but, as a matter of fact, Keble declined to come forward.
' Let good old Hawkins walk over the course,' — was the
dehberate decision of his rival. And now for Dr. Arnold's
letter : —
' I am by no means certain that this will find you in
Oxford ; but I do not know where else to send it, and I
do not wish to delay any longer my most hearty con
gratulations on your election to the Provostship. — I wUl
not pretend to say that my rejoicings would have been
equally unmixed, had Keble been a candidate against
you ; but as he is better pleased to continue as he is, I
do rejoice most sincerely and entirely, both for your sake
and that of the college ; — and though I should have been
no less glad to see him Provost, yet I can safely say that
not even his election, nor that of any other man, would
have given me more pleasure than yours has done. — But
my pleasure is now unmixed, because there is not
the disappointment of one friend to set against the
success of another.'
After all that goes before, it is pleasant to get back to
the charities of domestic life, and to encounter such a
touch of nature as is found in the congratulatory letter of
W. D. Conybeare : 6 —
B Dated Cardiff, Feb. 7th. He and subsequently became Dean of
was Bampton Lecturer in 1839, Llandaff.

1 828] The Great Provost. 407
' That your establishment in hfe under circumstances
so honourable has taken place while you had yet a
Parent alive to share, and more than share in the
gratification it affords, — is one of the most material
additions of pure happiness which such success can
admit. I think of your mutual congratulations not with
envy, but with some distant hope that some of my own
boys may hereafter have a simUar treat in store for their
own Mother.'
In the Dean's register book, and in Provost Hawkins'
handwriting, (for he was Dean at that time,) is to be seen
his Address to the FeUows (Jan. 30th, 1828) after reading
to them their late Provost's instrument of resignation, —
as eloquent a tribute of affection and dutiful regard as
ever was penned. Copleston — (' SpeU it,' he used to say,
' with the fewest letters you can ') — was certainly a
very remarkable personage. But his celebrity was local.
He made his reputation at Oxford, where he was con
fessedly supreme, and exercised extraordinary influence.
When he went forth from the University, it was 'cum
bonis ominibus votisque ; ' but it was found that he had left
his great reputation behind him. He made no figure
either in his diocese or in the senate, — nor yet in the
republic of letters.
His successor, as already stated, entered on the duties
of office on the 2nd of February. It remains to add that
before the year was ended (20th December) he was
united to the object of his early attachment, — Miss Mary
Ann Buckle. They were married at Cheltenham, by the
Rev. F. (afterwards Dean) Close. And thus began that
long course of domestic fehcity which was only interrupted
by his own death: for he had certainly found the
gentlest, most devoted, and most helpful of wives. — No
producible recoUections remain of that early period,
except a general impression of the exceeding brilliancy

408 Edward Hawkins: [1829
of the conversation, and the high intellectual character
of the Fellows of the College,— of whom, at first, Mrs.
Hawkins was slightly afraid. There was indeed an
unattractive stiffness and formality in the highest Aca
demic circles, at the time we speak of, which since then
has all but disappeared. To return, however, to what is
our proper subject. — A passage claims insertion here,
which was written with reference to the Provost's
marriage. Mr. Wilberforce, after apologizing for being
somewhat tardy with his congratulations, wrote con
cerning himself as follows : —
" It is really true that not long before I entered into
the state of wedlock, I had almost been led into forming
a resolution to continue through life a single man. And
even when I was enjoying the first pleasures of the
union, I could not so well appreciate the blessings of the
state, as now when entered into my 70th year, I find my
infirmities soothed and my spirit cheered by the affec
tionate endearments of a Wife and Children.'7
Since George Anthony Denison, who succeeded to the
Provost's vacant fellowship, made acquaintance with
Oriel at this very juncture, it was obvious to chaUenge
my friend for some reminiscences of the place and the
period. There is a freshness, a truthfulness in his narra
tive which quite lays hold of the imagination : —
" I came from Ch. Ch. ; from a life as distinct in
sundry ways from the life of Oriel Common-room as
could well be. The grave interests which were stirring
to their depths, or at least beginning to stir, the Oriel
life and conversation, were not present to me. . . .
Charles Neate and I soon became fast friends. We
agreed that Common-room, with all its great elements of
life, was an inordinately duU place. We found the
reason to lie in this, — that the men were afraid of one
another: were living together under the restraint which
' Highwood Hill, 5 Jan. 1829.

1829] The Great Provost. 409
attaches naturaUy to a sense of incipient — to become
pronounced — divergence. And we set ourselves to bring
into it some life and pleasantness ; not without consider
able success.
" I recaU the sentence pronounced upon it some few
years after by my dear old friend Charles Drury, himself
an Oriel man of some 1 8 years before me. ' Come and
dine in Hall ' (I said) ' and we wiU go to Common-room.'
— ' WeU, I think it wUl be duU from aU I hear, but let
us go.' — He was a man of wonderful humour and great
conversational power. After a while, I saw him making
faces at me : which I understood, and moved to go.
When we got outside, the wrath of the man exploded.
Soon afterwards I sent him a yearly present of brawn.
He wrote, — ' My dear George, — When I had unpacked
the brawn and set it on end, it looked much pleasanter,
and tasted a great deal better, and was every way more
agreeable than the Fellows of Oriel.' But" (proceeds
my friend) " look at the men. Now and then Hawkins,
Whately, Keble, Senior, Arnold: commonly, Newman,
R. Wilberforce, H. Froude, Blanco White. I have not, I
see, added Dornford, — who had his own special vitahty,
but a httle overdone with Aristotle, and military recol
lections. The sum of all is, that it was very dull.
What was really filling minds was either suppressed, or
touched sometimes not very pleasantly.
"Butwith all this,Ican recall no instance of unkindness :
many of truest kindliness. And here I hke to repeat to you
what passed between Newman and myself 20 years after
.... He wrote back most kindly, saying that he would
rather have the kindliness of my letter than what I
might have been able to do for what he wished. He
then went on to say, that it had long been in his mind
to teU me that he was afraid that not unfrequently, when
we were together in Common-room, he had been harsh
and unkind in his manner towards me, and that he
wished now to take the opportunity of saying it.
"T was greatly moved at this, and wrote to say that
I had no recollection of anything like what he referred
to; but that if it had been so, it was probably to be

410 Edward Hawkins: [1829
accounted for by the fact that, at that time, he was more
in earnest than I was.
"As I end writing this, I remind myself that it is to be
found at p. 68 of 'Notes of my Life! " 8
Only fair to the men of that day is it, after what im
mediately precedes, that room should be found for the
impressions of another impartial and competent observer,
writing confidentially to a friend at the same period.
William Jacobson, at the age of six-and-twenty, — (he
was not yet fellow of Exeter,) — relates as follows : —
" I spent three days at Oxford on my way back to
this greenest of islands. My friend Neate insisted on
my quartering myself upon him at Oriel, and assuredly
I had no sort of reason to quarrel with the peremptori-
ness of his hospitality. The high-table and common-
room of that College are, I should imagine, as good
specimens of their genera as one could easily find. With
regard to the Chapel, I certainly had no idea that any
thing like it existed at either University. The decorum,
the full attendance, the uniformity of response, were all
delightful. It seems to be the rule that whatever fellows
are seen at dinner should show themselves also at Chapel.
This cannot but have the happiest possible effect on the
whole system. How differently must the daily Service
be regarded in such a case, from the way in which it is
viewed in the many colleges where for the seniors to go
to Chapel is the exception, — to stay away, the rule!
Neate's mind certainly is wonderfully improved since
his election."9
To the Provostship of Oriel, (which is an ecclesiastical
office), Queen Anne annexed a Canonry at Rochester in
1 7 14. This entailed the necessity of a three months'
residence in the Cathedral precincts, — which proved as
beneficial to the Cathedral body as refreshing to Hawkins
8 East Brent, — Aug. 4th, 1883. (See the Index to the present
9 Dublin, — March 5th, 1829. To volume for the name of that gentle-
George Sydenham Fursdon, esq. man.)

1830] The Great Provost. 411
himself. His habits of business and his appetite for
work, joined to his lofty integrity and soundness of
judgment, made him an invaluable member of the Chap
ter. When he had seen about 80 years of life, he
remarked (to the Principal of S. Mary Hall) that 'in
consequence of the age and infirmity of some of his colleagues]
he was obhged to bestow increased attention on Cathe
dral business.
The Provostship of Oriel was further endowed with
the Rectory of Purleigh in Essex, — where of course per
sonal residence was impracticable : and, (let it be re
corded to the Provost's honour,) no one more than himself
desired the separation of that living from the headship.
In the meantime his practice was to place at Purleigh a
trustworthy locum tenens with an ample stipend, and to
hold himself individuaUy responsible for all parochial
charities and benefactions. Quite in keeping with his
large-hearted Uberahty wets it, that when his first Curate
became disabled through paralysis, the Rector continued
to him his stipend until his death. — On the other hand,
to prevent the severance of the Canonry at Rochester
from the Headship, was the object of the Provost's
supreme anxiety to the latest moment of his life. As
the years roUed out, and 'liberal' opinions developed
themselves in the society, it became, on the contrary, the
chief aim of the majority of the fellows to achieve the
severance of the Canonry, with a view to secularizing
the headship of the CoUege1, — to which the Canonry
was supposed to be the immediate obstacle. The Provost,
1 By ineffectual application to the propriated by the representative of
House of Lords in 1869: — to the the Founder and by Parliament to
Prime Minister and to the Lord the Head of the Society should be
Chancellor, in 1871 — and 1875. — taken as a contribution (to Univer-
But in 1879, the College made ' the sity purposes) of the College itself
singular suggestion, that funds ap- from its own revenues.'

412 Edward Hawkins: [1840
on the other hand, maintained that there are duties at
taching to the Headship of a College as ' a place of Re
ligion, Learning, and Education' which a layman is
incapable of discharging. This, which may be called the
Pastoral aspect of his Office in regard to the young com
mitted in some measure to his care, he never lost sight
of, but was thoroughly conscientious in its discharge.
Thus, it was his practice to send for every freshman,
and to question him as to his religious knowledge, before
admitting him to Holy Communion. A former scholar
of Oriel2 relates, —
' He asked me whether I had been confirmed ? who
had prepared me for Confirmation ? and if I knew what
work was the basis of the lectures on Confirmation
which I had attended'? I happened to be aware that
Seeker's Lectures were largely used by the head Master
of Rossall, and I had subsequently read them myself.
" Didn't you think it a very dry book 1 " — to which I
readily replied in the affirmative. He further questioned
me in order to ascertain if I understood the nature of the
Ordinance and the obhgations therewith connected. This
was his invariable practice with freshmen.'
The Provost's care and consideration for the younger
members of his college were remarkable. So was his
discernment. An incident is remembered in connection
with one who has since achieved for himself a great
reputation. — One of the Tutors (Clement Greswell) was
unduly severe towards a certain undergraduate at ' Col
lections ' (as the examination at the end of Term is
called) ; which the Provost perceiving, came to the
youth's rescue. Having conducted him patiently over
his books, he ended by complimenting him on his work ;
adding that he possessed excellent abilities, and might,
if he cultivated them, command success and future dis-
2 Rev. R. G. Livingstone.

i860] The Great Provost. 413
tinction. The youth so encouraged was the present
Viscount Cranbrook, — whom Mr. Disraeli privately spoke
of as his ' right-hand man.' It should be recorded, to
Clement Greswell's honour, that this incident did not in
the least affect his subsequent friendly bearing towards
his pupil. I suspect by the way, (and I speak as one
who lived on a college staircase for thh'ty years,) that
the elder members of such a society little know the
impression made for good (or for evil) on the juniors, by
their casual utterances.
In connection with this part of the subject, (the
friendly relation, namely, which the Provost maintained
with the undergraduate members of his CoUege), his
punctual hospitality deserves special mention. ' Given to
hospitality ' as he conspicuously was, they came in for
their full share, — as many of them will remember and
gratefully attest. . . Often have I in Vacation time, —
(when the cook, suppose, had begged for a holiday, and
there was not so much as a 'remainder bisket' left in
the cupboard,) — availed myself ofthe known proclivity of
my Chief. — Once, at mid-day, Nature asserted herself so
imperiously, that, — (exclaiming 'I really must run over
to the Provost's for something to eat,') — I presented my
self at the Provost's luncheon-table. I was received
with undisguised pleasure, — not unmingled with merri
ment when it had been explained that (to speak plainly)
nothing else but a pang of hunger had brought me.
While crossing ' quad,' I had secretly resolved to repay
the anticipated hospitality by making myself as pleasant
as I could: so I began to teU the Provost the drollest
stories I could think of. The Provost laughed till he
fairly cried, and finally (to his guest's infinite satis
faction) took off his spectacles in order to wipe them.

414 Edward Hawkins: [i860
Vain satisfaction! short-lived boast! The Provost
availed himself of the interval (so like the dear man !)
to give me a lecture. ' I declare, Burgon, you are most
agreeable and entertaining. Now, who would beheve
that you could be so severe with your pen ? Why, when
you are writing controversially,' — Heaven knows what
wholesome but unpalatable truths were going to follow.
Providentially the recollection of the last story at this
instant recurred, and again the Provost began to laugh.
What need to say that his guest availed himself of the
golden opportunity to make his bow to Mrs. Hawkins
and to effect a speedy retreat ?
It was characteristic of the Provost that, — strict, even
severe as he was in respect of minor irregularities on
the part of the undergraduates, — whenever a case of
real misconduct came before a College meeting, it was
generally he who interposed between the offender and the
extreme sentence of collegiate law ; counselling the less
severe course, out of consideration for ' the young man's
prospects.' Woe to the ' young man ' however if he
made his appearance at ' Collections ' smelling of tobacco!
The Provost had a great abhorrence of it ; and would
inveigh against its use, referring to the cigar as a ' nasty
weed,' — much to the amusement of offending under
graduates. . . . One summer's evening, it became plain
to him that the obnoxious smell was gradually infecting
every part of his 'lodgings.' The fons et origo maii he
could not divine. Could it be some practical joke of the
undergraduates ? The odour seemed to come from above.
Upstairs accordingly he went : and at last discovered his
guest, Abp. Whately, quietly enjoying a cigar on the
leads. . Another characteristic story comes to mind and claims

1830] The Great Provost. 415
insertion. — The Provost from his library window, (it
looked out on the back quadrangle), espied on a certain
Monday morning two undergraduates chasing one
another (more juniorum) over the grass. The sermon in
the college chapel overnight had been preached by
' Charhe Daman,'— its subject, ' The childlike spirit! The
Provost sent for the offenders, and addressed them some
what as follows : — ' Mr. Evans and Mr. Cruickshank, I
believe you both heard Mr. Daman's sermon yesterday
evening.' The men bowed. ' I suspect you misunder
stood its drift. It was the ' childlike ' — not the childish —
disposition which the preacher recommended. Good
morning ! '
The same conscientious solicitude for the under
graduates of his college it was, which made him at the
very outset of his career as Provost, oppose the desire
of the Tutors, — (Newman, Wilberforce, Froude,) — to re
model the lectures, introduce new books, and establish
far closer relations between themselves and their pupUs.
The result of the Provost's refusal to sanction these
innovations, was Newman's retirement from the tutor
ship in 1 83 1. It is needless to linger over a contro
versy which has long since lost its interest, and is only
traditionally remembered. Something infinitely more
important awaits us.
The period at which Edward Hawkins became Provost
of Oriel will be for ever memorable in the annals of the
Church of England. Men of the present generation are
little apt to realize what was then the posture of affairs.
The Church's prospects seemed desperate. I have
already, in an earlier part of the present volume, endea
voured to set forth the disastrous facts of the case in
outhne. It must suffice on the present occasion to

4i 6 Edward Hawkins: [1833
remind the reader of what was offered concerning the state
of public affairs [1827-33] from PaSe x5° to PaSe l6a
It will be remembered that under the pretext of ' Reform,'
the country seemed to be on the brink of a Revolution,
— in which, together with the social and political fabric
which had been the growth of ages, the Church itself as
a visible Institution was to all appearance destined to
be swept away. The Bishops were recommended to 'set
their house in order.' — How churchmen woke up to a
sense of the impending danger and bestirred themselves
at this juncture, — as well as with what success, — has
been already set forth somewhat in detail. The climax
was reached when a Bill for the extinction of ten
Bishoprics and two Archbishoprics in Ireland was intro
duced in the beginning of 1833. The immediate result
was the Oxford Movement. An appeal which was made
to members of the Church met with a noble response.
A clerical Address to the Archbishop of Canterbury was
signed by 8000 of the Clergy. A lay declaration of
attachment to the Church was signed by upwards of
230,000 heads of families. " From these two events we
may date the commencement of the turn of the tide
which had threatened to overthrow our Church and our
Religion."3 The Church found herself the object of
warm popular affection. Immediately after appeared
the 'Tracts for the Times!
The one strong hand, which at that juncture was com
petent to steer the good ship safely through the storm'
which still lay heavily upon her, was unfortunately away.
Calamitous to relate, the current of religious enthusiasm
became early diverted into an unhealthy channel, and
assumed a party character. All this matter however
has been explained so fully in an earlier page, that I
3 Perceval's ' Collection of Papers,' &c. (1842), — p. 12.

1 841] The Great Provost. 417
will not reproduce the dreary details here.4 How the
Tracts pursued their briUiant career until the year 1 841 , —
when, at the instance ofthe Diocesan, they were abruptly
discontinued, — is familiarly known to all. But no one
personally unacquainted with Oxford at that period, can
have any idea of the amount of feverish partizanship
which attended the later ' Tractarian ' movement, or of the
extent to which suspicion and distrust marred endea
vours, well meant but certainly injudicious, which ought
to have been productive of unmingled good. The Tracts
became tinged with a foreign element. They lacked
the genuine Anglican flavour. Some who had been
foremost in promoting the Revival were in consequence
held responsible for views which they would have
sternly repudiated. Thus, discredit was brought on the
good cause. Its best friends were offended. They insisted
that the authors of the Tracts were removing the old
landmarks, — were building on insecure foundations. At
a much earher period, the keen eye and powerful intel
lect of Hugh James Rose had foretold that ' the next
great conflict of the Church of England would be with
Romanism! Personal friendship however, and regard for
great principles held in common, kept men silent. In the
meantime Mr. Newman met the taunts of those who
charged him with 'Romanizing' by employing fiercer
language concerning Rome than had ever been heard
before. He denounced her as ' a lost Church ' : ' a Church
beside herself : ' heretical,' ' profane,' ' unscriptural,' ' im
pious,' ' blasphemous,' ' monstrous,' 'cruel ' : ' resembling a
demoniac,' and requiring to be treated ' as if she were that
Evil One ivhich governs her.'5 His words were received by
* See above, pp. 205-25 : 242-3 : Office of the Church, viewed rela-
274-5, &c- &°- tively to Romanism and popular
5 'Lectures on the Prophetical Protestantism,' — 1838, pp. 102-3.
VOL. I. • E e

4i 8 Edward Hawkins: [184 i
his friends as trustfully as they had been by himself
sincerely spoken.
But the appearance (Jan. 25, 1841) of Tract No. 90,
(' Remarks on certain passages in the 39 Articles]) brought
matters to a crisis. It put a non-natural sense on the
Articles ; rather, it explained them away. The Heads
of Houses, (at that time the governing body of the Uni
versity,) proposed a sentence of condemnation ; and
entrusted the Provost of Oriel with the responsibility
of formulating the document. It was publicly declared
(March 15, 1841), that 'modes of Interpretation, such as
are suggested in the said Tract, evading rather than
explaining the sense of the 39 Articles, and reconciling
Subscription to them with the adoption of errors which
they were designed to counteract, defeat the object and
are inconsistent with the due observance of the Statutes.'
A war of pamphlets followed. But, the Tracts having
been stopped by authority, the prosecuting parties might
well have rested satisfied with their advantage. New
man was still Vicar of S. Mary's, and his affecting and
beautiful sermons (at the 4 p.m. service) exercised a
wondrous influence for good over the younger men of
the period. All refused to believe that one who had
denounced Romanism a few years before in such tremen
dous language, could ever unsay every word of it:
forsake the Anglican communion, and walk over to the
opposite camp.
When, however, Mr. Ward of BaUiol openly avowed
his joy and wonder at finding all the Roman doctrines
pervading the whole body of English Churchmen ; and
asserted that, for his own part, in signing the Articles he
had renounced no one Romish doctrine : especially when it

1845] The Great Provost. 419
became apparent that such monstrous unfaithfulness was
spreading, and infecting the younger members of the
University ; — the Heads became alarmed. Four years
had elapsed when, at the instance of 470 Oxford gradu
ates, they consented to invite Convocation to ratify their
own condemnatory 'Declaration ' of 184 1. Even then how
ever faith in the sincerity of Mr. Newman's professions
remained unshaken. Thus, on reading an announcement
in the paper (Feb. 6, 1845) that, on that day week,
' members of Convocation wiU be called upon to condemn
the mode of interpretation of the Thirty-nine Articles
suggested in the 90th "Tract for the Times," as evading
rather than explaining their sense, and reconciling sub
scription to them with the adoption of Roman Catholic
errors,' — Mr. Gladstone wrote to the Provost of Oriel
pleading for time : —
' I freely avow my hope that, if the University enters
upon the consideration of a particular and limited portion
of his works, they will not exclude from view the great
mass of his teaching. I cannot forget what the standard
of life was in Oxford at the time when I was myself a
resident, nor conceal from myself that he, by his Paro
chial Sermons and otherwise, has had no small share in
its elevation to what it is now believed to be. I ask to
be allowed to think, by myself and with others, what
acknowledgment may be due to him for his great work on
Romanism, when I am called to guard against the conse
quences of other works supposed to be in its favour.'
The Provost (Feb. 8th) replied :—
' You consider that we ought to weigh Mr. Newman's
other publications, and even to compare the good and ill
effects of his teaching. Were this so, certainly I could
never vote upon such a question at all. I could not
even enumerate his works, and I have not actual know
ledge of the fact as to several of them which are anony
mous. But no human being can possibly estimate the
E e 2

420 Edward Hawkins: [1843
comparative good and evil consequences of his writing
and teaching, &c. ; although we ought to be desirous
and ready to acknowledge the good we believe him to
have effected. Yet I greatly fear that your impressions
at a distance, and mine on the spot, are very different.'
The end of the matter was that on the eve of the pro
posed 'Declaration and Degradation' (Feb. 12th, 1845),
the Proctors, (H. P. Guillemard of Trinity, and R. W.
Church, now Dean of S. Paul's,) notified to the Vice-*
Chancellor their intention, in virtue of the prerogative of
their office, to negative the Decree against Tract 90. — It
was perhaps the best solution of the business which could
have been devised, and proved a great relief to a vast
majority of the residents.
I well remember the events concerning which I write :
remember too how warmly I took Mr Newman's side
throughout, (for I sincerely loved him :) and how
heartily I rejoiced in the action of the Proctors who
bravely cut the knot which there was no untying. Yet
am I bound to admit, — looking back calmly at that
period through the long vista of intervening years, —
that I see not how it was possible for the ' Hebdomadal
Board' of those days, as conscientious and honourable
men, to pursue a different course from that which they
actually adopted. In Joshua Watson's words : —
" The cards were dealt to them ; and if they had refused
to play, they had surely failed in their duty to the Uni
versity as custodes juventutis academicae. Nothing could
release the body from their obligation to protect those
entrusted to their charge from looking upon the bonds
of Subscription as a mere rope of sand. Let who will
bring the bill, they were bound when it was brought, by
their oaths of office, to find it a true bill, and send it to
the regular tribunal for judgment." 6
6 Churton's 'Memoir,' — ii. 152.

1845] The Great Provost. 421
I have been constrained thus again to refer to the
early history of that great religious movement with
which the name of Oxford will be ever associated, not
only because it supplies the frame- work of twelve of the
most eventful years of the Provost of Oriel's life [1833-
45] > — but because it so largely influenced his public acts
and determined the character of his writings,7 as well as
affected his individual happiness. He was throughout in
the very thick of the fight. His position was in truth a
most difficult one. Utterly ahen to his habits of thought,
— his tastes and sympathies, — as was the method of the
Tractarian writers, the chief of them had been, nay, still
were, his personal friends In sending to a fellow ofthe
CoUege (in 1851) his 'Sermons on Scriptural Types and
Sacraments] he wrote, —
" My principal object in publishing this volume was
not to treat of Types, so much as to meet R. WUberforce's
views of the Incarnation, &c. ; but I was unwilling to
publish a book solely against an old friend and member
of Oriel, and therefore I introduced several other matters
into the last two Sermons, and added the first two."
His ' Sermons on the Church ' in like manner were occa-
7 It must suffice in this place Hawkins], — Oxford, 1835 (pp. 26).
merely to enumerate the productions — ' The Ministry of Men in the Eco-
of his pen at this time. They were, nomy of Grace, and the danger of
— ' Oxford Matriculation Statutes, over-rating it.' 1840 — (pp. 42). —
Answers to the " Questions addressed ' The Apostolical Succession ' (2 Tim.
to Members of Convocation by a i. 6, 7). Feb. 27, 1842 (pp. 46). —
Bachelor of Divinity [Dr. Vasey]": 'The Nature and Obligation of
with brief Notes upon Church Au- Apostolic Order.' May 29, 1842
thority,' &c. By a resident Mem- (pp. 30). — ' The presence of God in
ber of Convocation [Dr. Hawkins]. the Church by the Holy Spirit.'
—Oxford, 1835 (PP- 29)-—'A Letter June 4, 1843 (pp. 30).—' Sermons
to the Earl of Radnor upon the on the Church, preached before the
Oaths, Dispensations, and Subscrip- University of OxJ "onZ [in 1843-4-5].'
tion to the XXXIX. Articles at the 1 847 (pp. 225). See above (p. 42 1-2)
University of Oxford.' By * resi- concerning this last-named volume.
dent Member of Convocation [Dr.

422 Edward Hawkins: [1845
sioned (as he explains in the Preface) by that series of
events which, commencing in 1833, came to a head in
1 841, and finally resulted in the open defection of many
members of the Church of England in 1845. — Those who
had no personal acquaintance with the period of which
we speak (1 841-5) must be referred to what has been
already offered on the subj ect.8 Like inexperienced swim-*
mers when the stream is running strong, men were borne
onward, — drifted they knew not whither. The disciples
of the Tractarian movement were in many instances
tempted to say much more than they either beheved
or felt. Some, with fatal instinct, carried out principles
to their logical issues, and far outwent their guides. To
the Heads of Houses realizing the responsibility of their
office, and doubtful ' whereunto this would grow,' — it
became a matter of supreme distress to witness among
the undergraduates unequivocal tokens that the move
ment contained a Romeward element, which recommended
itself to warm and impulsive natures. The Provost of
Oriel's life was thoroughly embittered by the perpetual
antagonisms into which the inflexible integrity and
conscientiousness of his disposition, — together with his
thorough loyalty to the Church of England, — brought, or
rather forced him.
The catastrophe arrived but too soon. After the Long
Vacation of 1845, it became known that Mr. Newman
had already deserted to the enemy's camp. Hoc Ithacus
velit. A terrible triumph was thus given to the ultra-
Protestant party. But the event was also a miserable
fulfilment of the worst fears and predictions of not a
few good and faithful men ; while it was a source of
deepest grief and absolute dismay to as many as had
8 E. g. in the Memoir of Charles Marriott, — pp. 312-21.

1845] The Great Provost. 423
resolutely hoped against hope, — entirely trusted as well
as loved their teacher. We felt that we had been
betrayed, and we resented the wrong which had been
done us. Amicus Plato, sed magis arnica Veritas.
Then came the recoil. The shock, which had been
thus given to the moral sense of the University, was
tremendous. Its remote effects are experienced to this
hour. At Oxford, men fairly reeled beneath the intelli
gence ; and though but few, comparatively, followed Mr.
Newman to Rome, hundreds who remained behind in
very perplexity drifted from their moorings, — lapsed
into indifferentism, — were prepared to believe, or to dis
believe, almost anything. One of the most able and
accomplished of Newman's clerical adherents, Mark
Pattison, became (in 1861) a contributor to the shameful
' Essays and Reviews! It is anguish at the end of three-
and-forty years to recall the sharpness of the trial which
assailed us when, amid the falling leaves and shortening
days of October 1845, we went back to Oxford ; and
were made sensible of the partial paralysis of the great
Anglican revival which had been entered on with so
much promise some thirteen years before. How far the
flood of Infidelity, which has since invaded the Univer
sity, is to be ascribed to the great break-up of 1 841-5,
is a secret known only to God.
It was confidently expected by the Provost's friends, —
indeed it was often announced in the public journals, —
that he was about to be appointed to a Bishopric. For a
series of years, whatever politics were in the ascendant,
at every fresh vacancy, the eyes of all in Oxford were
directed to him; — a great and just tribute to his honesty
and courage. 'Now that the English Church BiU has
passed,' (wrote Hampden from Ewelme, Aug. 15, 1836,)

424 Edward Hawkins: [1847
'I have been looking out for your name among the
nominations to the bench, — which would give me plea
sure on every account, except for Oriel and Oxford,
where it is too evident you could not be spared.' A
fortnight before this reached him, it was so confidently
rumoured that Hawkins had been designated for the
vacant see of Chichester, that Dean Chandler wrote to
recommend to his notice as the fittest person to be his
' provincial secretary,' the gentleman who had discharged
the duties of the same office to the late Bishop. It was
currently reported that one reason why he was not raised
to the Episcopal bench, was the condition of Oriel
previous to 1841, which rendered it certain that New
man would have been elected Provost if Hawkins were
removed: — an event which would have been greatly
deprecated by the dispensers of patronage long before the
appearance of Tract No. 90.
It may also be here mentioned that, first in 1840 (by
the Duke of Wellington), and again in 1870 (by the
Marquis of Salisbury), the office of Vice-Chancellor was
pressed upon his acceptance; but was by him firmly
declined for grave and good reasons. — The Bampton
Lectureship, (of which we have spoken already), was
simply forced upon him, in 1840. — A yet more re
markable proof of the Provost's 'capacity for taking
trouble' was afforded by his undertaking a few years
after, when requested to do so, the office of Dean Ireland's
'Professor of the Exegesis of Holy Scripture.' His
' Tnaugural Lecture read before the University, Nov. 2nd,
1847, with brief Notices of the Founder,' 9— is valuable
and interesting. Ireland himself [1 761-1842], who
became Dean of Westminster, was of humble origin, and
9 Published in 1848, — pp. 59.

1854] The Great Provost. 425
had been a 'Bible-clerk' at Oriel. This Professorship
Dr. Hawkins held for fourteen years, — resigning it,
Oct. 19th, 1 86 1. It is needless to declare that he threw
himself into the office with conscientious earnestness,
and discharged its duties with exemplary fidelity ; largely
increasing his own private library, for purposes of study,
with books in this particular department of Divinity :
which books, by the way, he bequeathed to his successors
in the chair of the ' Exegesis of Holy Scripture.' He
lectured three days weekly, — devoting one of the days
to a general lecture which he read : the other two, to the
exegesis of some Epistle. Canon Farrar of Durham at
tended the Provost's lectures for one or two years, and
thought very highly of them. He reminds me that the
Professor used to place in the hands of each pupil a
printed list of Commentators, classified, with particulars
of the works and dates of each. He was the first ' Ireland
Professor.' — And now to proceed.
One war was no sooner completely over, than the
Provost of Oriel found another, of quite a different kind,
but even more formidable, thrust upon him. It is not
needful here to discuss at any length the next great
event in the history of Oxford, — the Revolution effected
by the ' Universities Commission ' of 1 854. But it
marks an epoch : and Hawkins is too inextricably mixed
up with the fortunes of Oxford that I should pass it
by with only a few words.
At the period referred to, the government of the Uni
versity was practically vested in the Heads of Houses.
These constituted the ' Hebdomadal board,' which exer
cised the initiative in aU measures. It had long been
felt in Oxford that some opening of initiative power to

426 Edward Hawkins: [1854
members of Congregation was necessary, and that a
Representative board ought to exercise the function
hitherto monopolized by the Heads. Other changes
there were, which the University was both able and
wilUng to adopt for its own improvement. The ' Tutors'
Association' formulated not a few suggestions for in
ternal reform, which were favourably received in
Oxford, but were disregarded by the Commissioners.
The Government scheme, — which originated with men
either unacquainted with Oxford or else inimical to
its best interests, and which was finally thrust upon the
University by an unfriendly House of Commons, — was
nothing else but a moral and constitutional wrong; a
needless invasion of the liberties of the University and
of the CoUeges, as well as a shameful perversion of the
known intention of Founders and Benefactors. Fellow
ships which bad been expressly endowed for the mainten
ance of students of Divinity, and for half a thousand years
had been the means of maintaining in the Church of Eng
land a body of learned Clergy, were now for the first
time alienated.1 It was not pleaded that there no longer
existed the need which had occasioned their original
foundation. Notorious it was, on the contrary, that the
need was greater than ever. Neither was it pretended
that they were either unworthily filled, or were not dis
charging their educational function in strict conformity
with the known intentions of their Founders, — with
signal advantage to the State, and with high honour to
the University. In open defiance of Right, the Clerical
tenure of fellowships was reduced within certain arbi
trary limits : by which act of injustice to Founders and
to the Church, a fatal precedent was established for a
yet more sweeping act of confiscation at the end of less
1 See the Appendix (F).

1854] The Great Provost. 427
than 20 years.2 — The claims of Poverty had been the
object of paramount solicitude with Founders.3 This
qualification and condition of election to FeUowships
and Scholarships,4 — never omitted among the require
ments recited by them, and generally recited first, — was
now formally abolished. — One-fifth of College Revenues
was further claimed for the endowment of University
Professorships. — The right of internal management on
the part of the Colleges, was unreasonably interfered
with. It seemed as if the House of Commons had
entirely lost sight of such elementary facts as the follow
ing: — That collegiate revenues are in no sense of the
word ' National property ' : that trusteeship is not owner
ship : that the State at best is but supreme Trustee : and
that, so long as the actual trustees of property are
discharging faithfully the provisions of a beneficial trust,
the State has no right whatever — legal or moral — to
interfere. Least of aU was it warranted in interfering
destructively with ' the oldest, the freest, and ' (let the
enemies of Oxford say what they wiU) ' by far the
purest of the ancient Corporations ' of this Church and
Realm.5 How distressing: to such an one as the Provost of
Oriel were the grave organic changes thus thrust upon
2 ' Clerical Tenure of Fellowships, genti solicitddine caveatuk ne
a Letter to Sir W. Heathcote,' by QUI pbaeter honestos, castas, paci-
the Rev. F. Meyrick, — 1854, pp. 15. ficos, humiles, indigentes, ad slu-
All that has happened since the first dium habiles et profcere volentes,
Universities' Commission is there admittantub.' — It cannot be too
clearly foretold. See the Appendix plainly stated that College endow-
(E). ments are of an eleemosynary
3 See the Appendix (G). character throughout.
* The following clause occurs, 5 ' Objections to the Government
verbatim, in the Statutes of Merton Scheme for the present subjection
and Oriel Colleges : — ' Circa eos qui and future management of the Uni-
ad hujusmodi eleemosynae partici- versityofOxford,' by Charles Neate
patio nem admittendi fuerint, DILI- — 1854, pp. 40.

428 Edward Hawkins: [1854
the University, and upon the College over which he had
honourably presided for six-and-twenty years, — no need
to explain. As a good man, he resented the seculariza
tion of revenues set apart for a clearly defined sacred
purpose. As an honest man, he deplored the injustice
done to the poor by defrauding them of their birthright.
Since Founders and Benefactors bestowed their bounty
on the express condition that none should partake of it
but those who reaUy needed it, he denounced the legis
lation by which this pious intention of theirs was wholly
set aside. The transparent fallacy of claiming that
henceforth the ' Merit ' of candidates shall alone be con
sidered, — while all that is meant by ' Merit ' is the
number of marks obtained at a competitive examination, — he
remarked upon with just ridicule and displeasure.
Especially offensive — (where all was unacceptable) —
to one in his peculiar position was that enactment of the
new ' Ordinance ' which henceforth made it competent
for the youngest member of the foundation, at College
meetings, to initiate proposals for further changes in the
government of the College, or in the management of its
affairs. The experience of all history, the vocabulary of
every nation in the civilized world, condemns the prin
ciple of such license. Idle moreover it were to deny
that the consequence of the new Constitution to the
peaceful well-being of Oriel was simply disastrous. We
gladly hasten oyer this period ; recording only concern
ing the Provost, that with characteristic uprightness he
loyally accepted his entirely changed position : held his
own, as well as he might, by the dignity of his manners
and by the singular admixture of gentleness with firm
ness which had become natural to him : made the best of
the new order of things, and maintained a cheerful front

1854] The Great Provost. 429
notwithstanding. Not in the least degree did the adverse
course of events sour him : rather did it seem as if the
bitter experiences of Ufe were producing in him the
opposite result. Meantime, he clung to whatever re
mained of the good ancient order: stiU as of old,
observing the Founder's requirement that thrice a-year
his venerable Statutes [dated Jan. 21st, 1326], — (so far
at least as they stiU remained in force,) — should be read
in the hearing of the assembled society, — though no
longer as heretofore at the close of Divine service, and in
the College chapel.
In Oriel Common-room are to be seen three as fine
portraits of three successive heads of a House as are to
be found anywhere in Oxford : — viz. Dr. Eveleigh [1781-
1814] by Hoppner: Bp. Copleston [1814-27] by PhilUps:
Dr. Hawkins [1828-82] by Sir Francis Grant. So
truthful and Ufe-like is the last-named work, that we
deem it superfluous to say anything concerning the
person of the subject of the present Memoir, — except to
remark that he was rather short in stature, which would
hardly be inferred from the picture. The desire of the
society to possess a portrait of their chief on the com
pletion of the twenty-fifth year of his Provostship, was a
gratifying incident at this anxious and sorrowful period
of his Ufe. The history and date of the picture are
interestingly commemorated by the foUowing letter to
myself: —
" Vines,6 Rochester, Aug. 29, 1 854. — I called on Mr.
Grant oh my way from Hampshire to Rochester, and,
(without an actual sitting, for which the day was unsuit
able,) he got his idea of the picture. I have since gone
6 ' Vines ' (an appellation recently the Precincts, — which anciently con-
dropped at Rochester) used to be stituted the monks' vineyard. The
the designation of the HouseB in Provost's residence was there.

430 Edward Hawkins: [18^4
up from Rochester to give him three very long sittings,
and he wished for no more. If all goes well with me, I
am to go to him again in October. But the picture is far
advanced, and he is himself much pleased with it. Neate
gave him the choice of the size of Bp. Copleston (which
is a 'Bishop's half length'), and of Eveleigh ('half
length ') : and he chose the latter. I left him entirely to
himself. He is a clever man, and a skilful painter. And
if my journeys are a httle fatiguing, my sittings with
him are really agreeable."
Resuming the style of remark which will be found
above at pp. 41 1-5, let me be allowed in this place to
collect and exhibit together certain of those personal
characteristics which made up the man, and gave him his
marked individuality ; causing him to be feared by
many, and loved by more; — disliked by very few, and
certainly respected by all. Everyone who was brought
into intimate relations with him, was observed in the
end to conceive a sincere affection for him. Let it only
be considered how entirely diverse the men were, with
whom he was thus brought into close relation, and occa
sionally into sharp antagonism, — (for he touched Keble,
Newman, Pusey, on one side : Whately, Arnold, Hamp
den, on the other ;) — and when it is further remembered
that he was to the last on friendly relations with them
all, something else strikes one as deserving of notice,
besides the breadth of the Provost's sympathies. It was
remarked concerning him by those who knew him best,
that ' he never lost a friend!
" There is one point " (I quote from a letter of James
Fraser, Bp. of Manchester), — " which I always thought
remarkable, — the influence he exerted in the most opposite
directions : upon Arnold and Hampden, in one, — and
upon Newman (at least at one time) and S. Wilberforce,
in another. This, I think, you have hardly brought out
sufficiently.

1854] The Great Provost. 431
" I remember Neate telling me that he was once talking
to Sir Francis Baring (at the time he was his private
secretary) about the Provost, and said, ' He ought to
have been made a bishop.' Sir Francis replied, ' By
which party?' And Neate answered, ' By either! This
iUustrates what I mean." 7
The very key-note of aU his actions, — the one sufficient
clue to whatever he said or did, — was his high conscien
tiousness. Beyond everything he was solicitous to be
truthful, — exact, — impartial, — just. And this funda
mental feature of his character manifested itself in many
and very different ways. For example, it made him
unduly lenient towards those who had conscientiously
experienced a divergence from the orthodox standard of
belief. Moreover, in the trying period of his Provost-
ship, he seems to have been constantly brought into con
tact with men who, having thus got severed from their
early moorings, found themselves tossed on a sea of
interminable doubt. No better iUustration than the
following can be appealed to, of the indulgence and for
bearance he was prepared to display towards those who
(in his judgment) were thus suffering for conscience
sake : — -
' There is stiU another painful (extremely painful)
separation to which I must submit,' (wrote Blanco White
to him in 1835) : ' I do not conceive that you, as head of
Oriel college, could aUow a professed anti-Trinitarian to
be one of its members. To spare you therefore the painful
necessity of excluding me, I beg that you will take my
name off the College books. My heart is deeply affected
as I resign the external honour which I most valued in
my hfe : but I should prove myself unworthy of ever
having belonged to your society, if I could act deceitfully
towards it.' 7 Manchester,— Oct. 30, 1883.

432 Edward Hawkins: [1854
The Provost's reply is characteristic : —
' As to the business part of your letter, I am not the
person to exclude you from this college because I hear of
a conscientious change in your Theological views. I
shall not withdraw your name therefore ; at least, at
present. But the use I shall make of your letter, if I
should be driven to such a step, (which however I do not
anticipate,) will be, to cut short any proceedings against
you from any other quarter in the University, by declaring
your withdrawal.'
So, when Arthur Hugh Clough once and again com
municated certain difficulties of his own in respect of
Subscription, the Provost discouraged his scruples, —
invited him to reconsider the matter, — was indulgent,
to a fault. Such conduct was liable to misconstruc
tion. He appeared to be only half-hearted himself.
But it was not so. At the root of the matter lay his
desire to be inflexibly just. His essential kindness of
nature determined the course which he pursued in each
particular case.
Even a more conspicuous manifestation of the same
habit of mind was his scrupulous exactness of statement
and inveterate soUcitude for entire accuracy : —
' He was the first who taught me to weigh my words,'
(wrote Dr. Newman in 1 864), ' and to be cautious in my
statements. He led me to that mode of limiting and
clearing my sense in discussion and in controversy, and
of distinguishing between cognate ideas, and of obviating
mistakes by anticipation, — which to my surprise has been
since considered, even in quarters friendly to me, to
savour of the polemics of Rome. He is a man of most
exact mind himself, and he used to snub me severely, on
reading, as he was kind enough to do, the first Sermons
that I wrote, and other compositions which I was engaged
upon.' 8
8 'History of my Religious Opinions,' p. 8. — See above, p. 392.

i860] The Great Provost. 433
What has already been said will account for the com
plexion of the Provost's Divinity. He never kindles
enthusiasm. It is never his object. His solicitude is
rather to warn his reader against some error of excess or
defect. To guard a subject against exaggerated, inac
curate, or one-sided statement ; — to resist any attempt,
at the end of an argument, to import into the conclusion
one atom more than was contained in the premisses ; — to
secure for every adverse view a fair hearing, and to
require that the amount of Truth which it contains, (be
it ever so Uttle, and that Uttle ever so overlaid with
error,) shall be candidly recognized : — this is invariably
the good man's way, — the sum of aU his striving. Of
course it is neither winning nor attractive ; no, nor is it
agreeable. And yet, those who talked Divinity with the
Provost, learned to do something more than respect him.
They fairly loved the man. And why? Because, — (besides
being compelled to admit that there really was a great
deal of truth and wisdom in what he said), — they soon
found out that his practice was so very much better than
his theory. Thus, (as he once told the present writer,)
his favourite book of Devotions was WUson's 'Sacra
Privata ' : but he characteristically added, — ' Not that I
agree with all he says. He is an inaccurate writer.'
' Inaccurate ' however as Bp. Wilson may have been, his
Prayers were continuaUy in the Provost's hands, — from
early manhood to the end of his life. Speaking of
' self-denial,' or rather of self-discipline (in his sermon,
'Christ our example'), he has a remarkable reference
to it, which he concludes by recommending the ' Sacra
Privata' as 'an admirable work for daily use' [p. 20].
(Strange, that even here, he deems it necessary to intro
duce the caution that Bp. Wilson 'is not indeed an
accurate writer!)
VOL. I. F f

434

Edward Hawkins: [i860

The characteristics I have thus indicated, — (biographi
cal honesty requires that it should be confessed), — were
sometimes attended, in the practical business of daily
life, by inconvenient results. Rigid truthfulness and
perfect exactness of statement become grotesque or
annoying, as the case may be, when they come to the
front unseasonably or are pressed to an unreasonable
extent. A multitude of instances here suggest them
selves, some of which it is impossible to recall without
a smile. Woe betide the man who in telling a story in
his presence introduced the wrong person, place, or date,
— quoted the wrong book, or gave the wrong reason ! . . .
Invited once to preach the Easter sermon in the College
chapel, I took for my subject, ' The walk to Emmaus!
For my own part (I ventured to say) I would rather
have heard that discourse than any other mentioned in
the Gospels. The passages possibly referred to by the
Divine Speaker, — the probable outline of His discourse,
— the preciousness of such a specimen of Interpretation:
—all this was dwelt upon. At the end of a few minutes
the preacher was to be seen accompanying the Pro
vost (according to custom) across ' quad ' in the direc
tion of his 'lodgings,' — not indeed expecting, but cer
tainly desiring from his Chief a few words of sympathy
if not of approval. After a considerable pause, the Provost
turned short round, — ' I observe you pronounce it "Emmaus!'
Why do you pronounce it "Emmaus" V — 'Isn't it Emmaus?'
'No. Emmaus. Emmaus.' By this time the Provost's door
was reached. It only remained to bow and part, — and to
return to one's sohtary quarters wondering at the intro
duction into 'the walk to Emmaus' of so petty (and
problematical) a matter as the accentuation of the ' a.'
Another incident comes back  The same individual

i860] The Great Provost. 435
ventured once to present himself on a begging errand.
The Provost was in his Ubrary, writing at his very
small, and (as it seemed) most inconvenient, desk. He
rose at once, greeted me kindly, and — 'Won't you sit
down ? ' ' Thank you, I only came to ask if you could
spare a sovereign out of the college Communion-alms
for one of our laundresses, who has lost her husband
suddenly, and (I find) is in distress for a httle ready
money.' After making some enquiries concerning
the case, — ' The chapel Communion - alms ! Are you
aware that you speak of a fund which is largely in my
debt ? It has been drawn upon until it exhibits a con
siderable deficit.' ' That settles the question of course,' —
and I was already hastening to the door. ' No, no, come
back ! That fund is exhausted : but ' (here he transferred
his hand to the opposite corner of the same drawer and
drew out a well-filled green purse :) — ' but I can give
the poor woman a couple of sovereigns with pleasure,
out of another fund,' &c. &c. An effort was made to
express satisfaction and to return thanks, but it was
rendered unsuccessful, (ist), — By the assurance that
the laundress was perfectly welcome, and that if
more rehef was needed, more could be had : but espe
cially, (2dly), — By the recital (for the second time) of
the fact that the 'Communion alms,' as a source of
bounty, had long been in a state of non esse, and that the
present relief came from a different quarter : in short, I
must go away convinced that I had made a mistake. It
was difficult to get off on such occasions without letting
him see that one was bursting with laughter. (As if one
cared a snap of the finger out of which of his purses the
two sovereigns came, — so long as the widow had them !)
This painful accuracy in exceedingly minute matters,
F f 2

436 Edward Hawkins: [i860
amounted to a passion. On having to administer to his
Mother's estate,— (she attained the age of 94, and died in
1859), — ne was obliged, (at least he was determined), to
recall every particular of certain transactions which had
occurred 40 or 50 years before. He was enabled, (by means
of a queer little memorandum-book in his possession), to
ascertain the exact days on which he had written every
letter, and on which he had received every reply. No
detail seemed to escape him. He had a genius for such
minute accuracy of detail. — 'I always felt,' — (remarks
one9 who, like Neate,1 was ever loyal to his Chief,) —
' that if, in matters of business especially, there was a
blot, he would be sure to hit it : and I think this rather
lessened than increased the care with which one pre
pared for his judgment. One was apt to shift the
responsibility on the critic' — At college meetings, his
fastest friends could not help many a time recalling an
epigram of Charles Neate's, — (as true-hearted and faithful
a Fellow of the college, by the way, as any that have
ever adorned its annals) : —
' Hie est Praepositus, Qui magna gerit,
Cunctis oppositus : Et tempus terit,
Dum parva quaerit.'
And yet, (let it be in common fairness added), there
was not one present who would not have eagerly recog
nized the truth of the concluding lines of the same witty
strain : — ' Vir reverendus
Et metuendus,
Sed — diligendus.'
Every member of the Society must have felt that it
was nothing else but rigid conscientiousness, after all,
9 The Rev. Dr. Chase, Principal of S. Mary Hall.
1 Concerning this dear friend, see the footnote in vol. ii. p. 221.

i860] The Great Provost. 437
which, in nine cases out of ten, was at the bottom of
whatever in the Provost sometimes occasioned certain
of us considerable annoyance.
' His imperfections ' (writes a former Fellow), ' were
only the reverse side of his good qualities. He had the
strongest sense of duty and responsibility ; and in
following this out, during the early days of his Provost-
ship, he was apt to think he must prescribe to others
what they must do and think. But 0, how the avavraym-
vinros dvoia prevails ! . . . I have always suspected that
I did not do justice to his character. His brave integrity
I was never blind to : but my own mind (if I have one)
and his, were of such different shapes, that neither of us
could be trusted to describe the other. I know he would
deserve more than it would occur to me to say. On one
point, all accounts agree ; that what might have been
considered the less attractive features of his character
got wonderfully softened as he grew older. " Lenit
albescens animos capillus!" ... So far, Canon Eden of
Aberford. Interesting it is to obtain from an entirely different
quarter precisely the same generous and discriminating
estimate : —
' The two things which speciaUy come into my thoughts
when I remember him, are these : — His singularly high
conscientiousness, even where it seemed to me it was
a mistaken conscientiousness. And, — I think I never
knew such an instance of the meUowing effect of in
creasing years. They do not always have that in
fluence. With him they had. There was all the alert
ness, the keenness, the brightness, of the old days. But
the sharpness which used to be so characteristic of those
days, was gone. And I don't think I know such a
change in any one else.' ... So far, Dean Church.
Reference has already once and again been made to
the strength of the Provost's domestic affections. ' Should
you not say that his prevailing characteristic was his

438 Edward Hawkins: [1870
inflexible love of Truth?' — asked I, conversing with his
brother Caesar. There was a pause. — ' Tell me what you
consider the prevailing feature of your brother Edward's
character.' 'Affection for his family] was the emphatic
reply. — 'Losing our Father a few months after my birth,'
(so writes his brother Robert,) 'he may be said with
truth to have filled the place of a Father to me through
all my Ufe. To his inflexible uprightness and integrity,
and to his unwearied kindness and liberality, I owe all
that I have, and all that I am.' — The reader will be
grateful, and the writer 2 must and shall forgive me, for
the following extract from a private letter of his (ad
dressed to a very young lady,) where this feature of the
Provost's character is exquisitely touched : —
' Circumstances happened to make me familiar with this
topic, when as yet I knew little or nothing about Theo
logical controversy, — in which I need not tell you, the
Provost as time went on took a prominent part. One
does not know how long controversies will hve; but
domestic piety is remembered. Have you patience for
an anecdote ? In Plutarch's Life of Antony, mention is
made of a certain " Proculeius." Who knows anything
about him now ? The most accomplished poet of his
century says his name shall not perish ; being embalmed
by one circumstance, — his tender care and protection of
his brothers. I will not spoil Horace by translation:
you have plenty of College friends who will translate
for you : — " Vivet extento Proculeius aevo
Notus in fratres animi paterni;
Ilium aget penna metuente solvi
Fama superstes." '
Golightly,3 — (another Oriel man, one of the truest and
most warm-hearted of friends,) — once remarked to the
2 Rev. Canon Eden, of Aberford Memoir appeared, viz. in October
(Aug. 1883), — who was inter vivos 1883.
when the first draft of the present "SeehisnameintheGenerallndex.

1874] The Great Provost. 439
present writer, — ' I think,'— (and here he assumed an air
of comic gravity), — • if I were called upon to characterize
our dear Provost by an epithet which should be least of
all expressive of his actual temperament, — I should
describe him as — as — gushing! . . . Yes. That, is precisely
what the dear man never was. A constitutional dread of
overstepping by a hair's breadth the strict limit of truth,
(so at least it seemed), not only guarded him effectually
from anything approaching to sentimental outburst, but
even kept in check ordinary expressions of warmth :
restrained him — even unpleasantly, if the truth must be
told — while in converse with those whom he really did
love and trust, as if through fear of possibly overstating
his feelings. Illustrations of this will occur to many
who read these lines, and constrain some to lay down
the page in order to recount with a hearty laugh some
experiences of their own. Dr. Chase relates as follows : —
' In the October Term 1874, after the appointment of
a Vice-Provost, but before the Provost left Oxford, we
met Pusey. Pusey, digressu veleris confusus amici, was
beginning an affectionate but rather mournful farewell,
and used some expression implying that it was final.
" 0, not at all ! I hope we may meet here again." . . .
And yet, this was the man who kept death so habitually
in view, that whenever, before the Long Vacation, he
made any arrangement for the ensuing October term, he
always prefaced it with — not " When" but — "If -we meet
in October." '
I often had occasion to call upon him on an affectionate,
at all events on a dutiful errand ; and always found him
writing at the same uncomfortable little desk, occupying
the same little arm-chair, (a keepsake evidently,) — in
which it was impossible to lounge. He would rise and
offer me two of his fingers. " Give me your whole hand,

440 Edward Hawkins: [1874
Provost. I won't take your two fingers." He gravely sur
rendered all the five. " Well, Mr. Burgon ? . . ." (" Mister "
at the end of 20 years ! It almost made one cross to be
so accosted. But he did not mean it, — as the tone of the
subsequent conversation, when he had thawed a little,
plainly showed.) " I wish you wouldn't call me
Mister." He turned up the whites of his eyes, — half
amused, half astonished at such frivolity.
Those who appreciated and sincerely loved him, were
chiefly annoyed, — (and this is a part of the truth which
also requires to be stated,) — because by this habit the
Provost did himself such gross injustice: seemed so
unlike what he really was. Those who called him ' th&
East wind ' were wholly unaware that though the arrow
had a bad habit of pointing that way, the wind was in
reality blowing due South. He had the warmest as
well as the most feeling heart. An illustration presents
itself. Upwards of five-and-thirty years ago, a youth of
fortune came up to Oriel, who ought to have been
absolutely prohibited wine. He was at once invited to
an undergraduate party. Maddened by two or three
glasses, he effected his escape from his bed-room on the
' bell staircase,' and got out on the roof of the college.
The result might have been foreseen. The night was
dark. He feU. "George,"— (my faithful " scout," who had
a passion for telling me something dreadful the first thing
in the morning), — woke me with the intelligence that
" Mr. [I forget the poor fellow's name] is lying dead in
the quad." Bidding him (half asleep) "Send for a
doctor and tell the Provost," — I rose, and was out in
less than five minutes: in what costume, may be
imagined. There, sure enough, on his face, close to the
Chapel-door, lay the poor youth : his black curly hair
blown this way and that by the chill morning wind.

1874] The Great Provost. 441
Life was extinct. A broken bone, somewhere near the
wrist, protruded. I stood transfixed with horror. In
about an hour, the Chapel-bell began to ring. When at
last the Provost appeared, his bands were tied perfectly
square. Shocked he evidently was, but he betrayed so
little emotion that I was astonished. Of course the
event made a deep impression on the entire society :
but, by the end of term, it had become a thing of the
past with all — except one. Mrs. Hawkins, in conversation
with me, expressed herself so "glad that the Provost
would be soon going to Rochester," that I ventured to
inquire why she was so glad ? I learned that he passed
wretched nights, — "always seeing on his pillow the pale
features of that young man who was found dead in the quad
rangle." ' Shortly after I took my degree ' (writes Mr. Living
stone), 'an undergraduate (Denis Bond) died during one of
the short vacations; dictating to his Father, on his death
bed, a very touching letter of fareweU, which he desired
should be sent to certain of his Oriel friends, whom he
named. One of these permitted me to make a copy, and
I showed it to the Provost. On the following Sun
day evening, in his sermon, he referred to poor Denis
Bond's death, and read, or rather tried to read, some
extracts from the letter. But several of the under
graduates present told me that he was so overcome by
emotion, his voice so trembled, that it was with difficulty
that they could make out what he wished to say. They
were much surprised' (adds my informant) 'at seeing
the Provost, usuaUy so calm and self-possessed, so com
pletely overmastered by his feelings.'
But by far the most touching incident in his domestic
history was his profound grief on the death of his eldest
son, Edward, (named after Dr. Pusey, his godfather,)
who may be truly said to have died a martyr's death,

442

Edward Hawkins: [1862

—October 8th, 1862, aged 29. A copy ofthe affecting
Memoir which the heart-broken Father compiled on that
occasion and confided to a few private friends, deserves
a place in our chief public libraries ; for, apart from its
personal interest, it supplies a page in the history of the
African Church which, besides being faithfully remem
bered in Heaven, ought not to be forgotten upon earth.
The young man, full of Missionary ardour, came home
but to die : —
'And so, his spirit fled in the chamber adjoining that
in which he was born ; and in the Cathedral where I
had baptized him, there we joined in the service at his
funeral ; and in the Cathedral cemetery above St. Mar
garet's hill, we laid his remains in the grave. . . . May
I not in my son's case apply the Saviour's words, —
"Whosoever shall lose his Ufe for My sake and the
Gospel's, the same shall save it"?'
Some very sweet, very affecting verses conclude this
narrative of (what seemed) an untimely end. — In 1870,
(December 6th) the Provost also lost his eldest daughter,
' Meta' (Margaret), who lies interred at Oxford in the
sweet funereal garden of Holywell, — another great grief.
But his first bereavement had come early (July nth,
1846), — when he lost his saintly little daughter, Lucy
Anne, before she was quite 8 years and-a-half old. She
sleeps in Oriel aute-chapel. It is to her that the Provost
makes pathetic reference in the last page of the Memoir
of his son, already spoken of: — •
' I have even administered the sacrament of the Loed's
Supper to a dear dying child, not of age to be confirmed,
but not too young to live and die in the true faith of
Christ.' Grave and sedate as he was for the most part in his
speech, he could unbend delightfully on occasions. His

[870] The Great Provost.

443

table-talk was in fact first-rate, and should have been
taken down. He had known a surprising number of
famous men ; had read many good books ; and his
observations about either were never either weak or
ordinary. His memory also went a long way back, and
(like President Routh's) was both minute and exact.
He was not only very hospitable, but he evidently
enjoyed entertaining his guests. He would tell a good
story with capital effect : but his prevailing solicitude
throughout was evidently that what he related should
be accurate. He is believed once, — but only once, — to
have been guilty of the indecorum of a joke, (it was in
fact a pun,) in the Convocation House : —
'Mr. Neate had proposed a change in the Academical
dress of the commoners, — on the plea that if their gown
were less unbecoming, they would be less disinclined to
wear it. The Provost of Oriel rose, and to the astonish
ment of all announced himself in favour of the change.
" But," added he, — (so the story runs), — "I am of opinion
that the change should be made — by Degrees." '
Utterly incorrect however is the notion such an anec
dote would convey of the Provost. Far more character
istic is a pathetic incident which also occurred in the
Convocation House, between 1870-4: —
' A proposal had been made to abolish the Saint's-day
Sermons at S. Mary's, on the ground that so few went
to hear them. The Provost protested against the change,
saying that an institution good in itself should not be
abolished because people were too indolent to profit by
it. It was in fact lowering the Church's standard to
the practice of the careless and the indifferent. He con
cluded by saying that as he saw the great majority of
those who heard him were in favour of the change, he
would not divide the house, but he could not allow the
measure to pass without a protest. A few moments
afterwards the question was put in the usual form,

444 Edward Hawkins: [1870
" Placetne vobis, domini Doctores?" and we heard the
Provost's "Non placet." There was no division, and so
the measure passed. Two or three minutes afterwards,
he quietly withdrew from the house. Somehow, the
whole scene, — the appearance of the man, his snow-white
hair and venerable aspect, his few earnest words, and
then his quiet departure, — made a great impression.
' And let it not be supposed that this was merely a
sentimental appeal on his part. He invariably attended
the Saint' s-day Sermons himself. A dear friend of ours
who was much in his confidence (E. C. Woollcombe)
once informed me that, observing how badly those Ser
mons used to be attended, the Provost and a few others
had pledged themselves, early in life, to be regular in
their attendance at S. Mary's. He, at all events, — -busy
man as he was, — is found to have adhered faithfully to
his purpose to the end.
' One of the Provost's last appearances in the Uni
versity pulpit I well remember. His sermon 4 had for
its object to point out the different degrees of impor
tance attaching to different religious duties, and he
quoted with admirable effect from Bp. Burnet the
pathetic story of the meeting in Bocardo prison of
Bishops Hooper and Ridley after their quarrel about
the colour of the episcopal robes, — when the one was on
his way to his painful death at Gloucester ; the other,
awaiting martyrdom in Oxford : and when both of them
doubtless viewed with very different eyes the question
which had once divided them.' 5
There is in most characters a contradictory side, — so
to speak: an aspect of the character utterly ahen to
what seems to be its proper and prevailing aspect. No
4 ' The duty of weighing the re- the Provost preached at S. Mary's :
lative importance of Questions, spe- but I am reminded by a writer in
daily of Religious Questions.' — Jan. ' the Guardian ' [Oct. 31st, 1883,—
29th, 1871, — pp. 20. p. 1 63 2] that it was not. Hepreached
5 From the Rev. R. Gr. Living- before the University for the last
stone. — I once supposed that this time on the 26th Oct. 1873.
had been the very last sermon which

1870] The Great Provost. 445
one who knew the Provost only in his public relations
would ever have suspected him of writing jocose verses,
— sending his sister Sarah — (her birthday was Feb.
14th) — a yearly 'Valentine'; and insisting on calling
his brother Caesar's house (No. 26, Grosvenor Street) the
1 Oriel Hotel.' He invariably addressed his delightful
sister-in-law as the 'landlady,' and styled himself her
'faithful and affectionate customer.' Thus, in 1869, he
sends some playful verses about ' Inns ' in general to ' the
landlady of the Oriel Hotel,' — following up his verses
with speculations as to their possible meaning : —
'And there are Antiquaries who think they have
ascertained the locality of that particular Inn, which
they find flourished about 300 years ago in the neigh
bourhood of a great square, at that time the resort of
the nobility, and called " Grovenor " or " Grosvenor Square,"
but now deserted for a swamp caUed " Belgravia." They
think also that the " Oriel Hotel " derived its name from
an old gentleman, whose initials alone have been dis
covered, but whose title they find on an old tombstone ;
thus, —
" Here Ues E. H., of whom nothing is memorial
But that he Uved and died Provost of Orial."
'The old speUing ("Orial") favours this conjecture;
but the point is stiU involved in obscurity, and impera
tively demands and deserves further investigation.'
In 1 874 (Dec. 28th) he thus concludes a letter to his
'landlady': —
' P. S. — Thanks to dear Caesar's care and skill
His patient here (who felt so iU)
Now feels, and says, he's greatly better.
And thus I close my stupid letter.'
So late as Feb. 6, 1 877, he sent the same gentle creature
the ' Pillow thoughts of an aggrieved guest, after obey
ing the imperious Lady's command to go to bed early.'

446 Edward Hawkins: [1874
In the autumn of 1874 (October 3rd), Dr. Hawkins re
signed into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, (for the
Crown is the Visitor of Oriel,) the active duties of the
Provostship. Though he had very nearly completed his
86th year, he was still unconscious of the decrepitude of
age : but (in his own words) he ' had for some time been
led to contemplate this step, from a growing conscious
ness of duties neglected, — and especially of those oppor
tunities of usefulness, not easily described but highly
important, which the Head of a College ought to find
in his relations, — social, pastoral, parental, — with the
younger students with whom he is officially associated.' 6
His failing sight in particular rendered correspondence
onerous and difficult. Other considerations, which it is
painful to recall, may have'concurred to second his reso
lution to resign to a Vice-Provost the active manage-
ment of the College. One less keenly conscientious than
himself, especially had his lot been cast in happier times,
would unquestionably have retained his office to the
last. Lord Chancellor Cairns, in acknowledging the
Provost's letter, with the Petition which accompanied
it, remarks, —
' I have read the letter with mixed feelings of regret
and admiration. Regret, that you should find the weight
of advancing years obUge you to withdraw from the
College any portion of the personal superintendence
which, with such great public advantage, you have so
long exercised over it : admiration, at the testimony which
your lucid and comprehensive explanation gives that the
weight of so many years sits so lightly upon you.'
A graceful intimation follows, that this last considera
tion alone occasioned the Lord Chancellor any difficulty
in complying with the prayer of the Petition. A Vice-
6 To D. B. Monro, esq., at that time Dean of the College, — Nov. 19th,
1874.

[874]

The Great Provost.

447

Provost was however duly appointed in the first days of
December : and thenceforth, to the day of his death, the
Provost occupied his Canonical residence at Rochester
continuously. He crossed for the last, time the threshold
of the College over which he had so long and so faith
fully presided, — on the afternoon of Thursday, the 17th
day of December, 1874. An enumeration of his several
published writings since the list last given, (viz. in page
421), will be found at the foot of this page.7 ... He left

7 ' The duty of Moral Courage.
A Sermon preached before the Uni
versity of Oxford on the first Sunday
in the Term,' Oct. 17,18.^2. (pp. 21.)
— 'A letter to the Principal of
Magdalen Hall [Dr. Macbride]
upon the future Representation of
the University of Oxford.' By the
Provost of Oriel, — Oxford [Feb.]
1853. (pp. 16.) — ' Christ our Ex
ample. A Sermon preached before
the University of Oxford on the first
Sunday in the Term,' Oct. 16, 1853.
(pp. 22.) — ' A Letter to a noble
Lord [Earl of Radnor] upon a recent
statute of the University of Oxford
with reference to Dissent and occa
sional Conformity.' By the Provost
of Oriel. Oxford, 1855. (pp. 22.)
— ' Christian Unity. A Sermon
preached before the University of
Oxford,' Feb. 18, 1825. (pp. 26.)—
' Spiritual Destitution at home. A
Sermon preached before the Univer
sity of Oxford,' Feb. 12, i860, (pp.
34) : [a very earnest and interesting
plea, based on the increase of our
population from 10 millions and-a-
half to very nearly 21 millions, —
the doubling of the number of the
people within the space of 50 years.]
— 'Notes upon Subscription, Aca
demical and Clerical.' 1S64. (pp.

69.) — 'Additional Notes on Sub
scription, Acaihmical and Clerical :
with reference to the Clerical Sub
scription Act of 1865, — the Repub
lication of Tract. XC.,—The Texts'
Abolition (Oxford) Bills.' — 1866.
(pp. 66.) — ' The Pestilence in its
relation to Divine Providence and
Prayer. A Sermon preached before
the University of Oxford,' Dec. 9,
1866. — 1867. (pp. 29.) — ' Our debts
to Ccesar and to God. A Sermon
preached before the University of
Oxford on Advent Sunday,' Nov. 29,
1868. (pp. 28.) — ' Judgment ac
cording to our privileges : Duties,
according to our powers. A Sermon
preached at the re-opening of the
Chapel of S. Mary Hall, Oxford, on
Whit-Sunday, 1 June 1873.' — 'Con
siderations upon the public use ofthe
Athanasian Creed and the proposed
Synodical Declaration — [dated
May, 1873].' (pp. 14.) — 'A Supple
ment and an Appendix to Considera
tions upon the public use of the
Athanasian Creed, and the proposed
Synodical Declaration.' [June 1874]
pp. 23. — In this same year (viz. 1874)
was published by the S. P. C. K.
the Provost's 'Notes on Church and
State! (pp. 23), — an admirable
pamphlet.

448 Edward Hawkins: [1874
behind him, (it has been admirably declared), ' the recol
lection of a pure, consistent, laborious life, elevated in its
aim and standard, and marked by high public spirit and
a rigid and exacting sense of duty. In times when it
was wanted, he set in his high position in the University
an example of modest and sober simplicity of living ;
and no one who ever knew him can doubt the constant
presence, in aU his thoughts, of the greatness of things
unseen, or his equally constant reference of all that he
did to the account which he was one day to give at his
Lord's judgment seat.'8
The changes which subsequently befell his beloved
University, — the second Revolution rather which it was
destined to experience, — he watched at a distance with
profound anxiety and concern. Already was it foreseen,
in well-informed quarters, as ' not improbable that new
strifes are impending. The vultures scent the carcase
and are hastening to their prey.' In truth, it required
no prophet to make men aware that, disastrous as had
been the Legislation of 1854-7, there remained in Oxford
far too much of its ancient Religious constitution and
character to satisfy the secularist' party. A heavy blow
was inflicted in 1871 by the ' Universities Tests' Act,' —
subsequently to the passing of which, no declaration of
Religious belief was any longer allowed to be made at
the taking of any degree other than degrees in Divinity.
In this way, the door was set wide open for the Secular
ization of University teaching. Something was indeed said
about 'proper safeguards for the maintenance of Religious
instruction and worship : ' but at the end of five years
even this flimsy provision was swept entirely away.
Nothing less had been clearly foreseen by the friends of
Religion in Oxford. 'The effect, whatever may be the
8 The Guardian, Nov. 4, 1874.

1876] The Great Provost. 449
intention of Mr. [now Lord Chief Justice] Coleridge's Bill,
can be nothing less than the de-Christianizing qf the
Colleges! (These are the first words of Dr. Chase's
pamphlet on this occasion.) ' I cannot conceal from my
self (wrote Dean Mansel) 'that your Tests' Bill is but
one of a series of assaults destined to effect an entire separ
ation between the University and the Church! Accordingly,
in 1876 a fresh ' Oxford University Commission ' having
been appointed, it became the one object of the enemies
of the Church to oust the Clergy from their endowments
and to de-Christianize the Colleges. The animus of the
proposed legislation no one could mistake. A fatal error
had been committed by the framers of the Commission
when they gave to an unknown and irresponsible trium
virate of three from every College, — often its junior
feUows, elected by the 'Uberal' majority of the govern
ing body, — equal powers with the Commissioners them
selves in framing a new Constitution. Thus, the
death-blow to Oxford was dealt by those whom Oxford
had nourished in her bosom, and was even now sustain
ing by her bounty. In the meantime, no pains were
taken to disguise the intentions of those at whose mercy
the entire Collegiate system was thus placed. The
Chancellor of the University (the Marquis of SaUsbury)
having appointed one Commissioner who was known to
have the interest of Theological study and Religious
Teaching in the University supremely at heart, the
secularists — after having been defeated in the Upper
House9 — did not rest until they had procured from the
Government the exclusion of that man's name from the
Commission.1 — The draft of the Statutes proposed for
Magdalen College — which secured for the CoUege at
' Seethe' Times 'of April I, 1876. the Dedication prefixed to the Ser-.
1 This will be found explained in mon quoted below in note 6, — p. 45 1 .
VOL. I. G g

450 Edward Hawkins: [1876
least 5 (out of 40) Clerical Fellows, — was actually in print
when Lord Selborne resigned his chairmanship. There
upon, the secularists, under a new Chairman, re-opened
the entire question; recalled the draft Statutes already in
print ; and by a majority of one vote (5 against 4) reduced the
number of Clerical Fellows to 2.2 — The case of Lincoln
College is sufficiently remarkable to merit independent
notice. In the Royal Charter of foundation, confirmed
by Parliament in 1427, Robert Flemming, Bp. of Lincoln,
was empowered to unite three neighbouring Churches
into one : " Et easdem Ecclesias sic unitas, annexas, et
incorporatas, ' Ecclesiam omnium Sanctorum ' nominare :
et eandem Ecclesiam in Ecclesiam collegiatam sive Collegium
erigere." Lincoln College therefore is something more
than a CoUege of Priests, its fellows being aU of necessity
graduates in Divinity. It is a Collegiate Church. Each
Fellow has his ' stallum in choro et vocem in capitulo.'
Will it be believed that in the proposed new Statutes
for Lincoln no provision was made that one single Fellow
should be in Holy Orders ? 3
In brief, the number of Fellowships to be held by
Clergymen was reduced in every College to two, one, or
none. The possibility was contemplated of there not
being a single Fellow qf the College in Holy Orders, — not
withstanding that the CoUeges are, without exception,
Ecclesiastical foundations, openly and avowedly endowed
for the sustentation of the Clergy.4 The new Statutes
abolished in all the Colleges (except two5) the require
ment that the Head shall be in Holy Orders, — thereby
2 See the Appendix (E). (EB SovKe ayaBi ical mart !) Well
3 This discreditable proposal was may secularists be so anxious to sub-
only frustrated in the HouBe of Lords stitute Lay for Episcopal visitors.
by the brave and determined oppo- 4 See the Appendix (F) .
sition of the Visitor, — Dr. Chris- 6 Viz. Christ Church and Pem-
topher Wordsworth, Bp. of Lincoln. broke College.

1876] The Great Provost. 451
depriving the Church of its only remaining guarantee
that the Head of a College shall be a Christian. Hence
forth, there is nothing whatever to prevent a College
being presided over by a Socinian, or a Papist. The
education, in any CoUege, may at any time pass entirely
into the hands of avowed Unbelievers. Christian parents
henceforth send up their sons to Oxford without any
guarantee whatever that those sons shall be Christianly
brought up. . . . Pubhc attention was faithfully directed
to this subject at the proper time,6 but without effect.
To interfere, seemed to be nobody's business.
Nor is this all. That the Colleges were specially
intended for the encouragement of Learning in the sons
of poor parents has been often proved,7 as well as largely
insisted on.8 Next to a burning j ealousy for God' s honour
and glory, nothing is more conspicuous in the records of
these ancient foundations than a holy solicitude on this
head. But, by the new legislation, the sacred claim of
Poverty, — (meaning of course thereby those ' pauperes
Scholares' who would gladly come up to Oxford, could
they in any way afford to do so,) — is set at nought. It is
no longer possible, except at what would be to such
persons a ruinous cost, for a man to obtain the full
benefits of an University education. Thus the poor
have been robbed of their birthright, — on the plea that
' ' The Disestablishment of Reli- Hall : — (i) 'A Plea for John, Lord
gion in Oxford, the betrayal of a Craven, and the Eleemosynary pur-
sacred Trust: — words of warning pose of Founders generally' [n. d.]:
to the University ' : — a sermon — (2) ' The rights of " Indigentes "
preached before the University Nov. in respect to College Foundations,'
21st, 1880, — by the Dean of Chi- A Letter to Sir J. Pakington, 1856:
Chester ; 2nd edition, with Appen- — (3) ' Education for frugal men
dices. — pp. 56. at the University of Oxford.' (An
7 See Appendix (G). account of the experiments at S.
8 See the following by the Rev. Mary and S. Alban Halls, 1864).
Dr. Chase, Principal of S. Mary See at the end of Appendix (G).
Gg 2

452 Edward Hawkins: [1876
the surplus revenues of the Colleges are required for
increasing the incomes of what is demonstrably an uselessly
enlarged Professoriate.9 The consequence is, that we are
drifting back into the state of things out of which Walter
de Merton rescued the University in 1 264. In Oxford,
at the present instant, far more than a tithe of the Under
graduate body, 'unattached' to any College, are living
sparse about the city; picking up their learning under
the gravest disadvantages, and ostracized from the
society of their fellows. The ' Unattached ' system is a
retrograde movement,— an imposture and a sham. The
recent Legislation will infallibly result in a deteriorated
Clergy, and the decay of sacred Learning, — whereby the
Church of England will be despoiled of its distinctive
boast and ornament.1 It only remains to add, that the
substitution of the Professorial for the Tutorial system ;
— the establishment of bodies of married FeUows, who
block the way to advancement and fatally retard pro
gress ; — the system of combined College lectures, and
the consequent severance of the bond which ought to
subsist between Undergraduates and their Tutors, as
well as the destruction of the entire system of Collegiate
life : — all these things, coming at the heels of the organic
changes adverted to at the outset, have established a
9 The reader is invited to inquire fingers of one hand.
for a ' Return ' made on the subject 1 ' If there be one gem in the
of Professors and Professorial Lee- diadem of the Church of England
tures, by order of the House of which shines with a brilliancy be-
Commons, and ordered to be printed yond the rest, and a brilliancy peeu-
11 July, 1876. It is certainly little liarly her own,— that jewel is the
calculated to stimulate the founding large, and profound, and sanctified
of additional Professorships, — cer- learning, which has characterized
tainly not the increasing of the her Clergy.' (' Clerical Duties,' an
actual emoluments of Professors. Ordination Sermon preached at Ch.
Interesting it would be to ascertain Ch., Dec. 30th, 1835, — by Rev. Vf.
how many of the existing staff some- Jacobson, since Bp. of Chester.)
times count their auditory on the

1879] The Great Provost. 453
hopeless gulf between the Oxford of the past and the
Oxford of the future. Rather has the de-Christianizing qf
the Colleges effectually aboUshed what has hitherto been
the prime ornament of this Church and realm. Men will
certainly wake up, when it will be all too late, to the
magnitude of the crime which has thus been committed ;
the irreparable injury which in these last days has been
inflicted on our two ancient Universities. Posterity will
demand an account of it : wiU call for the production of
the obscure names of the principal offenders : wiU pass
on them a sentence of severe condemnation. But only
in ' the great and terrible Day of the Lord ' wUl it
become fully known how hateful the secularization of
religious endowments, which were doing their work well, —
and the de-Christianizing of ecclesiastical foundations,
which, had they been let alone, might have provided a
bulwark against the growing infidelity of the age ; —
how hateful, I say, are these acts in the eyes of the great
Head of the Church, to whom those endowments were
dehberately given and still rightfully belong; and for
whose honour and glory the foundations were confessedly
set apart.
The Provost of Oriel's latest public act (March 5th,
1879) was *o memorialize the Commissioners concerning
' the New Code of Statutes framed for Oriel College. ' He
complains that the proposed Code ' proceeds on a wrong
principle ' : —
' It repeals all the existing Statutes, together with the
Ordinance framed by the Commissioners in 1857, in
cluding the Founder's original Statutes, and those relating to
subsequent Benefactions ; leaving out of sight the main
design of the Foundation, — which the Commissioners desire to
keep in view, and which the Provost and Fellows are above
all others concerned to maintain.

454 Edward Hawkins: [1879
' The true course was surely that which was observed
by the Commissioners in 1857; who left the existing
Statutes in full force, except so far as they were either
expressly, or by manifest implication, repealed. It is in
fact only from the Charter of the Foundation, and the original
Statutes (which are its complement), that we learn
the main design of the Founder, and the true character of
the Institution.
' It was to be Ecclesiastical : a School of Divinity; not
for Education generally, but specially for Theology, and the
training up of Christian Ministers : — " Collegium Scho-
larium in sacra Theologia studentium," — established
" AD DECOREM ET UTILITATEM SACROSANCTAE ECCLESIAE"
..." cujus ministeria personis sunt idoneis committenda,
quae velut stellae in custodiis suis lumen praebeant, et popu-
los instruant doctrina pariter et exemplo." ' [' Charter,'
p. 5 : ' Statutes,' p. 7.]
Accordingly, the Provost and all the Fellows (except
three) were to be in Holy Orders. And this fundamental
enactment has been maintained inviolate throughout up
wards of half-a-thousand years. It is especially on this,
(' the Ecclesiastical character qf the Provostship and qf the In
stitution] 2) that the aged Chief of the College founds his
protest ; as well as on the manifest injustice and in
expediency of the proposed revolutionary changes.
Clear it must needs be to every honest mind, that in
asmuch as College endowments — fenced about with safe
guards which the Founders themselves deemed im
pregnable — were given, accepted, and have ever since
been held, expressly for the support qf Religion throughout
the land ; — now at last to divert these to secular uses is
nothing else but the betrayal of a sacred Trust. In the
words of Earl Cairns, —
'Because Ecclesiastical property is held in trust for
others, that, trust has to be protected ; and therefore the
3 The reader is again referred to the Appendix (F).

1875] The Great Provost. 455
State has a duty to perform. But the only duty which
the State has to perform, and the only power which the
State, morally speaking, possesses, is the duty and the
power to see that the trusts are executed, and that
a proper object of the trust remains. And provided the
trust is executed and the object of the trust remains, I
maintain that Parliament is no more competent, morally, to
deal with property of that kind than it is to deal with private
property! Enough on this sad subject. As might have been
anticipated, the Provost's Memorial was of no manner of
avail. WiU the present governing body, (we ask our
selves), — after abolishing their Founder's Statutes and
contravening in every respect his plainly-declared inten
tion, — still, on their three Commemoration days, solemnly
confess before God their bounden duty so to employ
their Benefactors' bounty ¦ as we think they would approve
if they were upon earth to witness what we do ' ?
It only remains to sketch the closing scene of what
may be truly described as an historic life. The Pro
vost's lot had been cast in a most eventful period of the
history of the Church of England, — in the most eventful
of the fortunes of her two ancient Universities. His
days had in consequence been spent amid fierce Academic
conflicts ; and in these, he had consistently and promi
nently borne a part second to none in importance and in
dignity. A Ufe it had been, from first to last, of obsti
nate and prolonged antagonism, — of uncompromising
resistance, and of stern unbending protest, — against two
great successive movements : the ' Tractarian ' move
ment, — which he condemned, as disloyal and dishonest ;
the ' Liberal ' movement, — which he abhorred, as irre
ligious and revolutionary. Of the one, so far as it was
local, he was mainly instrumental in occasioning its

456 Edward Hawkins: [1875
break-up in 1 845.3 The other he lived to see triumphant.
So varied and so grave an experience has fallen to no
other head of a House since Oxford became an University.
. . . Whether the liberalism of the old Oriel school, — the
school of Whately, and Arnold, and Hampden, to which,
some fifty years before, Edward Hawkins had himself
belonged, — was not largely responsible for the dis
organisation of the University which has subsequently
prevailed, — I forbear to inquire. Principles were then sur
rendered, views were then strenuously advocated, which
paved the way for yet larger demands and yet more
fatal concessions. We know on the best authority that
they that have "sown the wind shall reap the whirl
wind." But men cannot see, and will not be shown,
the end from the beginning. . . . The same Article
proceeds : —
"Impossible it was, in the meantime, for those who
had occasionally found themselves most strongly, and
perhaps most painfully opposed to the Provost of Oriel,
not to admire and revere one, who, through so long
a career, had, in what he held to be his duty to the
Church and to Religion, fought so hard, — encountered
such troubles, — given up so many friendships, and so
much ease; — and who, while a combatant to the last,
undiscouraged by odds and sometimes ill-success, had
brought to the weariness and disappointment of old age
an increasing gentleness and kindhness of spirit, which is
one ofthe rarest tokens and rewards of patient and genuine
self-discipline. A man who had set himself steadily and
undismayed to stem, and bring to reason, the two most
powerful currents of conviction and feeling which had
3 See an interesting and admir- ment of the Provost of Oriel,' in the
ably written Article, headed 'Retire- ' Guardian' of Nov. 4, 1874. .

1875] The Great Provost. 457
agitated his times, — left an impressive example of zeal
and fearlessness, even to those against whom he had
contended." Henceforth, happily for his peace of mind, the Provost
was entirely removed from that unquiet atmosphere, and
from those harassing influences which had long since
passed beyond the sphere of his individual control.
The subdued and restful, the happy and very humble
spirit, in which the few remaining years of his Ufe (1875
to 1882) were spent, — within the precincts of the Cathe
dral with which he had been for nearly half a century
connected, and in the domestic seclusion of his own
peaceful home, — surprised, even affected, those who were
nearest and dearest to him. It was a greatly diminished
circle : for his only surviving son, (Caesar, 4 whom he
saw last in 1878,) was in India; and there remained
to him, besides his devoted wife, only his daughter Mary.
Two httle grandchildren however, Maude and Kate, who
had been recently added to his household, were — (what
need to say it ?) — a prime refreshment and solace. (He
is remembered to have been once caught rolling the
bowls, with one of them, on the beautiful turf of S.
John's, — his own ancient coUege. Never, in truth, did he
appear to more advantage than when in the society of
chUdren. They seemed fond of him.) His rather con
fined and by no means ornamental garden now became a
continual source of pleasure to him. The works of God,
as His works, were a downright joy, — perpetual re
minders of the Divine wisdom, the Divine goodness.
It seemed now as if every budding tree and flowering
1 Caesar Richard, — bornatOxford, at Umritsur in the Punjab. He
Feb.6,1841: — Deputy Commissioner married at Amballa, Oct. 16, 1867.

458 Edward Hawkins: [1875
shrub ministered thankful delight, — leading him, as it
did, to expatiate to those about him on the wonderful
variety and beauty of Nature, and on the mysterious
chemistry of Creation. He never failed, (except when
actually forbidden,) to attend Divine Service in the
Cathedral once a day; and tiU within the last year
or two of his Ufe, he even took part in the Communion
Service. His devoutness was remarked by many.
The Psalms ware now his constant manual of Devotion.
Latterly they were read to him, and he would repeat
the alternate verses. His widow informed me, —
' Your own " Short Sermons," of which I read many to
him on Sunday evenings in the garden, pleased him
much. " The teaching qf the Harvest" he greatly liked.
I could name many others, if I searched the volumes.
They were not new to him, of course: but you would
have liked to see the expression of his face, as he thus
renewed his acquaintance with them, in our pleasant
shady garden.'
This is touching enough, — especially as the author of
the Sermons in question has experienced from those
honoured lips many and many a salutary snub. He
recalls affectionately one particular walk back from
S. Mary's with the Provost, after an unlucky Palm-
Sunday sermon in which a mystical reference had been
claimed for ' the multitudes that went before, and that
followed.' 5 ' You are too fanciful,' was all that the
preacher got for his pains. — ' I am sorry you think so.' —
' Yes, Burgon, you are too fanciful.' But he said it very
kindly. It was like a Father reproving a Son for some
sUght indiscretion.
5 S. Matth. xxi. 9 ; S. Mark xi. 9. koX fitra t^v irapovaiav, dyiav tout'
— (Ol npoayovres leal oi anohov8ovvTis kari UpovpnrSm ical 'A-iro(n6K(ov. — Cor-
ovufloKa eloi raiv npb rijs -napovolas, derii Cal. in 8. Matth. p. 651.)

[877] The Great Provost.

459

The present Bishop of Rochester (Dr. Thorold), — aware
of what I am about, — writes to me as follows : 6 —
' Though my recoUections of the Provost of Oriel travel
back 43 years, — to a time when the Head of a House
was a kind of demi-god in Oxford, whom an under
graduate could hardly pass without the shiver of an un
speakable awe, — my personal knowledge of him only
dates from July 1877, when I went to pay him a visit
of ceremonious, but sincere, respect on first arriving as
Bishop in the Cathedral city; — and, if I mistake not,
met him coming to bestow the same mark of considera
tion on me. Urbane, and with a certain stateliness of
manner, which however was wholly devoid of pomposity,
(he was too real a gentleman to be pompous), — he had
nothing of stiffness or austerity. He had evidently
become meUowed into softness by his multiplying years.
'He was one of the most dehghtful of raconteurs ; and
I was only too thankful to sit at his feet, listening to a
flow of anecdote which went back to the great war, —
seasoned with an Attic flavour which, if pungent, was
never bitter. More than once he advised me on Diocesan
matters with singular sagacity : especially in respect of
Lay work, which I was just then busily organizing, and
in which he expressed much interest.
' Exactness was a passion with him. He would have
set a King right, if his Majesty had slipped in a date.
And if this defines one side of his nature, the disciplinary
instinct in him indicates another. His personal Religion,
though it may be thought to have been lacking in what
is commonly understood by unction, always impressed me
as unusually sincere, reverent and practical. I am not
sure that I should have welcomed many opportunities
of preaching before him, had I been a young man expect
ing criticism.'
So far Bishop Thorold. I have availed myself of his
interesting jottings, not because they throw fresh light
on the Provost's character, but because they correspond
6 Selsdon Park, Croydon,— 7 Nov. 1887.

460 Edward Hawkins: [1877
so exactly, and from a whoUy independent point of view,
with the impressions carried away by others: of which
indeed one more specimen has yet to be given.
It was remarked during these last years of his life how
greatly he seemed to enjoy the visits of his old Rochester
intimates, — especially those of his immediate neighbour,
Archdeacon Grant. Canon Colson, rector of Cuxton (a
neighbouring parish,) who throughout this period seldom
passed a week without seeing him, and often accompanied
him back to his house after the Prayers, — relates of
himself that, being a Cambridge man, and only knowing
the Provost by his great Oxford reputation, he ' expected
to find him rather stiff and awful.' ' But, to my great
surprise, ' Of all the gentle courteous men it has ever been my
good fortune to know, he was I think the most so. There
was not a particle of donnishness in all the intercourse I
had with him ; and his great and sweet gentleness in
creased as he drew nearer to his end. He never, for
instance, allowed one to leave his house, without himself
coming to the door ; and in all outward demeanour, was
to my mind the model of unassuming kindness and
courtesy. Then, too, there could be no greater treat
than to get him to talk about old times, and the great
Oxford movement in which he had taken so large a part ;
and he was always most ready to do so. But never, so
far as I can remember, did he speak with bitterness of
any one ; always preserving what (I suppose) had been
his uniform character, — calm, gentle, judicial impartiaUty,
free from all personal prejudice.
' I may mention another point of interest. For many
years we have had two meetings of the Clergy of the
three Rural Deaneries in this neighbourhood, in the
Chapter-room. The Dean and Canons are of course
invited to attend. I do not remember any of these
meetings taking place without the Provost's being pre
sent, unless iUness prevented him ; nor without his taking

1880] The Great Provost. 461
a most keen interest in the discussions. He did not
often speak ; but, no matter what the subject, or how
ever insignificant the speaker, he was all attention ; and,
on one occasion, wrote and distributed a small pamphlet
on the subject which had been before the meeting. I
mention this as a mark of his gentle loving sympathy ;
as of course, with a few exceptions, the speakers at such
a gathering were only the Clergy of the town and neigh
bourhood, — who had no special claim on his attention.' 7
The same feehng pen which has already contributed
so many valuable reminiscences of the Provost of Oriel,
corroborates in an interesting passage the foregoing
remarks. The Rev. R. G. Livingstone writes : —
'Almost all the information I have sent you was
derived from his own lips during a visit which I paid
him at Rochester (Dec. 1880), when he was within a few
weeks of completing his 92nd year. Never can I forget
the kindness and courtesy of my venerable host during
that visit: — how he apologized for not being able to
accompany me to the Dockyard at Chatham ; — how he
urged me to prolong my stay over the coming Sunday in
order that I might hear his favourite preacher, Arch
deacon Grant ; 8 — and much beside. The last time I
saw him was Monday, 20th December 1880. It was a
wild stormy day, — the rain pouring in torrents, the wind
7 From Canon Colson, of Cuxton. on Missionary work, which will be
8 This excellent Divine, who oc- one of the most interesting volumes
cupied theHouse immediately facing of the year. I think they will be
the Provost's, died 25 Nov. 1883, read with pleasure and profit by our
aged nearly 78 years. He was the Antipodes. There is a good deal of
author of an admirable course of historical matter in them, which I
Bampton Lectures (1843) on ' The believe will be illustrated in an
past and prospective Extension of Appendix. The principles seem
the Gospel by Missions to the Hea- thoroughly good, and he preaches
then' The Rev. Charles Marriott, them like a man who would go at a
— [see above, pp. 310-3,] writing to wink to Japan or Tartary. If they
Bp. Selwyn from Bitton, May 15th, don't do some good, I shall think we
1843, says: — "Dr. Grant, of New are a set of stock fish."
College, is giving Bampton Lectures

462 Edward Hawkins: [1882
blowing boisterously. The moment came for my
departure. I had taken leave of the entire party in the
drawing-room, and was hurrying across the hall. On
looking round, I saw the Provost following me. In vain
I implored him not to expose himself. It was to no pur
pose. He would accompany me to the door and see the
last of me. ... I recall with affectionate interest sthis
last instance of that gracious courtesy of manner which I
had so often admired in the venerated Head of my old
College. It was the conclusion of a long series of kind
nesses received at his hands since I entered Oriel, almost
exactly twenty-four years before that day.'
With such an dbvXXiov one would have been glad to
bring this sketch to a close : but a few sad words remain
stUl to be added. Painful it is to have to record that yet
another great domestic affliction befell the subject of this
memoir within six weeks of his own departure : the
death, namely, of his daughter-in-law Alice, (his son
Caesar's wife), whom he was expecting from India, and
of whom he was devotedly fond. Her little son, Edward
Csesar, almost brought the tidings of his mother's death.
It was a very great sorrow ; and yet was sweetened to
the Provost inexpressibly by the sight of his only grand
son. ... So chequered, from first to last, with shade
and sunshine, is this mysterious mortal life of ours !
It shall but be added that there have not been found
among his multitudinous papers any such memorials of
his own times as some expected and more desired. It
is perhaps matter of regret that posterity will not enjoy,
from that just and discriminating pen, notices of the
events which he assisted in moulding, and of the famous
personages with whom he was brought into close contact.
He kept a Diary indeed,— kept it regularly: but it was
of a strictly private description. It is written in a kind

1882] The Great Provost. 463
of cipher, and is nothing else but a conscientious record of
the writer's state of mind and employment of his time.
It cannot be made useful to others in any way. It was
intended to be as secret a thing as his personal religion,
— and was in fact part of it. Far better it is that from
such records the veil should never be withdrawn. But
the inner life of such an one as Edwabd Hawkins,
Provost of Oriel, would be more instructive than many
homihes. It is suspected that it would also furnish a
salutary rebuke to an age of unbounded license, shame
less expediency, immoderate self-indulgence.
During the last three months of his life, his bodily
strength had sensibly decreased. There was however as
yet no positive illness. An attack of pain in his chest
and side, which took place on the night of Monday, 1 3th
November, was the first premonitory token of what was
to follow. It was a serious symptom, but it occasioned
no alarm. He was better on the Wednesday ; and met
and conversed with Archd. Grant, as well as took leave
of his httle grandson, who was returning to school.
Late on Friday night, the pain returned in a severer
form, and he never rallied : but — conscious of his state
— passed away at about 9 in the morning of Saturday,
November 18th, 1882 ; when he was within three months
of completing his 94th year.
On the ensuing Friday he was interred close to his
loved son Edward, in the Cathedral precincts' cemetery,
on the breezy hUl-side which looks down upon the
Medway. He had himself been the means of recovering
that parcel of ground from the Ecclesiastical Commis
sioners, being part of the original endowment of the
Cathedral by Ethelbert, King of Kent, in the lifetime of

464 Edward Hawkins: [1882
Justus, first Bishop of Rochester. (The charter is dated
28th April, a.d. 604). Singular to relate, the fall, that
very morning, of a railway-bridge near Bromley, so
effectually blocked the line, that a large party from
Oxford, — consisting chiefly of Fellows, Scholars, and other
undergraduate members of Oriel, together with many of
the College servants, — were unable to reach Rochester
in time to be present at the funeral. Many there were
besides who desired to follow their Chief to the grave ;
but who, having got as far as Bromley, found them
selves absolutely prevented from proceeding any further.
One former fellow of the College — (I had come on to
Rochester at an earlier hour) — represented the Society.
I cannot say how strange it seemed to me to find
myself standing by that open grave without any of the
rest : without at least Chase by my side ! . . . Dean Scott
pronounced the words of peace over his ancient friend,
and has since penned the inscription which marks the
spot where the Provost of Oriel 'a laboribus tandem re-

It seems worth recording that there appeared in the
public journals on this occasion several admirable
biographical notices of the Provost, — some of them dis
playing a very just appreciation of his excellence ; all of
them containing interesting and discriminating remarks
on his career and character. It seems to have been
universally felt that a great historical personage had
disappeared from the scene. Men of all parties showed
themselves aware of his moral and inteUectual greatness,
and generously vied in paying a warm tribute to his
memory. Those notices are pubhc property. But the
few words which follow, expressive of personal regard
and private regret, — (they were addressed to his Widow in

1882] The Great Provost. 465
her ' supreme desolation,') — are not to be found elsewhere,
and wiU be read with profounder interest : —
1 1 have followed his life year after year ' (wrote Car
dinal Newman 9) ' as I have not been able to follow that
of others, because I knew just how many years he was
older than I am, and how many days his bfrthday was
from mine.
'These standing reminders of him sprang out of the
kindnesses and benefits done to me by him close upon
sixty years ago, when he was Vicar of St. Mary's and I
held my first curacy at St. Clement's. Then, during
two long Vacations [1824-5] we were day after day in
the Common Room all by ourselves, and in Christ
Church meadow.1
' He used then to say that he should not live past forty,
— and he has reached in the event his great age.'

My task is now ended. — From the Provost's published
writings, supplemented by his large private correspond
ence, future historians of the Church of England wiU
be just as competent as any of ourselves to estimate his
character as a Divine and a Controversialist ; and to
assign him his rightful place in the history of his times.
More competent, it may be : for passion will then have sub
sided ; prejudice and partiality wUl by that time have
ceased. My one endeavour has been with an affectionate
and dutiful hand to trace, as faithfully as I know how,
those personal outhnes — to fix those vanishing linea
ments — which wiU enable posterity to identify and in
dividualize the man. At this instant they dwell vividly
with not a few of us. Pass a few short years, and they
wiU begin to die out of men's remembrance ; and once
departed, such things can never be recalled.
9 Nov. 1882. 1 See above,— pp. 392-3.

VOL. I.

tih

APPENDIX (A).
PAGE
DR. R0UTHS LIBRARY  4^7
APPENDIX (B).
DR. ROUTH'S LATIN INSCRIPTIONS . . . .472
APPENDIX (C).
THE BEGINNING OF AMERICAN EPISCOPACY . . 480
APPENDIX (D).
AUTHORSHIP OF THE 'TRACTS FOR THE TIMES' . 491
APPENDIX (E).
IRRELIGIOUS CHAUACTER OF THE OXFORD UNI
VERSITY COMMISSION OF 1877-81. THE CASE OF
MAGDALEN COLLEGE . ,  492
APPENDIX (F).
THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD ESSENTIALLY ECCLE
SIASTICAL FOUNDATIONS  493.
APPENDIX (G).
THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD INTENDED FOR THE
CULTIVATION OF LEARNING IN THE SONS OF
POOR PARENTS  503

APPENDIX (A).
Dr. Routh's Library.
[Referred to above, at pp. 81-5.]
Mt friend Canon Farrar, Professor of Divinity in the
University of Durham, has been so good as to furnish me
with some account of the President of Magdalen's very interest
ing and valuable Library, now at Durham. It was obvious
to weave certain of the materials thus placed at my disposal
into the story of the President's Life. Accordingly, some
account of the formation and contents of his library, — as well
as how it became alienated from Oxford, — will be found given
above, from p. 80 to p. 87 : whither the reader is referred.
The impression made by the sight of those many books on
one visiting the President's lodgings, is noticed in pages 67-8 :
— their locus is recorded in the note (9) to p. 77 : — the Presi
dent's perseverance as a book-buyer to the end, is exhibited
at pp. 82 and 93—4. Canon Farrar shall now be heard : —
" The Library of a Scholar has a value as a record of his tastes
and employments, apart from the information afforded by the
manuscript notes which he may have inserted in his books. Ac
cordingly, a short account of Dr. Routh's Library becomes a de
sideratum. " He left behind him a library of printed books, — a Collection of
MSS., and separate papers or notes written by himself. It is
probably to these last, that notes like the following refer, — which
occur in certain of Dr. Routh's books : e. g. in his copy of Lord
John Russell's work on ' the English Government and Constitution,'
1823, Dr. Routh has written, — 'See MS. Routh /2s.'— [The second
collection above named, the MSS. namely, will be found briefly
treated of above, in pp. 85-6.]
"A visitor to the library who remembers that Dr. Routh's first
publication (1784) was an edition of the 'Euthydemus ' and ' Gorgias'
H h 2

468 Appendix A.
of Plato, will instinctively search among the Classical books for
the copies of Plato which exist there. There are many copies,
several being early printed editions: — an Aldine folio, 1513; a
Frobenius, 1561 ; two of H. Stephens, 1578; one of which contains
a note by Dr. Routh in Latin, date 1782, stating that the copy
had formerly belonged to Magdalen College, but, having been re
placed by another, had been given to him. The two dialogues
which he edited two years later, are bound separately 'propter
foedatas atramento chartas ; ' and one leaf wanting in the ' Gorgias '
he has supplied by making a careful transcript. Three other
editions may be named ; the second of which at least is interest
ing as having almost certainly been used by Dr. Routh when an
undergraduate. One is, — ¦
" ' Platonis Dialogi V. Recensuit N. Forster. Oxonii e typis Claren
don. 1745.' There are many notes at the end in Dr. Routh's early
handwriting. The following specimens, taken at random, may
suffice : —
" P. 24. Dr. Routh explains the cause of a law of homicide by
quoting Roman law.
"P. 67 and again p. 139. This place he notes as quoted by
Origen ' contra Celsum.'
" P. 27. He compares Eurip. Orest.
" Lower down, Clem. Alex, is referred to.
" A page occurs about the history of various readings.
" P. 278. He writes (Phaedo ch. v0) iu airy, ovcry ivavr'w. Why
singular ? Why feminine ? " Wherever he quotes Greek, the ac
centuation is carefully attended to.
" The second copy of Plato is ' Plat. Dialog. III. operd Guil. Et-
wall A.B. e Coll. Magd. Oxonii. e Typ. Clarendon., 1771.' This con
tains Dr. Routh's handwriting in the same year, i. e. three yeare
before he graduated. The copy has been much read, and there
are notes at the end by him, almost entirely on various readings.
These two books give us a peep into the careful linguistic studies
of the young scholar.
" The third work is a very early printed one, entitled ' Platonis
Gorgias et Apologia pro Socrate, Leon. Aretin. Interprete.' It has
belonged to Philip Beroaldus the elder ; and Dr. Routh has taken
the trouble to copy into it a long extract from the Catalogue of
the Magliabecchian Library describing it."
Note, that Routh's own annotated and corrected copy of the
two Dialogues of Plato is in the possession of Dean Church (of

Dr. Routh's Library. 469
S. Paul's) :— see above, p. 23. . . . See also (at p. 37) Routh's
memorandum, made in 1788, concerning "an interleaved copy
of my Plato, wherein the Addenda are digested in their proper
order amongst the notes." Canon Farrar proceeds, —
"In reference to the subject of note-writing, it may be re
marked that Dr. Routh evidently was not in the habit of writing
notes in the margin of his author's pages ; nor, except in very rare
cases, such as those above cited, on separate leaves at the end of
the work. His notes are usually very short ones, (in later life, in
English), relating to the author or the price of the edition ; e. g.
in a work 'Remarks upon F. Le Couiayer's Book by Clerophilus
Alethes,' he has taken the trouble to insert the Christian name
' John ' before ' Constable ' in a bookseller's inscripti on of author and
price ; or (to cite another instance) in a work ' An original Draught
of the Primitive Church entitled ' — (here follows the title of Lord
King's work)—' by a Presbyter of the Ch. of England, 3rd ed. London
1727,' he has added "called the last edition, and scarce. In
Bryant's Catalogue 1834, price 9s.'
"Such memoranda are at least interesting as evidences of Dr.
Routh's passion for Bibliography. Indeed it may be stated that in
the curious or rare books is always a note, giving either an ac
count of the work and editions of it, or of the price which various
copies of it have fetched at various times. In his copy of Her
mann's ' Consultation' (1548) there are remarks on all these points.
In a work entitled 'A short Compend of the growth of the Romane
Anti^Christ, composed in the 7, 8 and 9 Centuries, — Edinburgh —
Andro Hart 1616,' is this note, with '9s.' marked as price of the
book : —
" ' Symson (M. Patrick), late Minister of Striveling in Scotland, Historie
of the Church, the second part, containing a discourse of tbe noveltie of
Popish Eeligion, 1625, 18*., quoted in Thorpe's Catal. for 1826. The
volume is dedicated to Prince Charles. Perhaps another edition of this
work and of the former part of it printed at Edinburgh in 161 5. The
Bodleian Catal. runs thus : "Patrick Symson, History of the Church since
the days of our Saviour untill this present age. Lond. 1624, 4to, et Lond.
1634, fol-"'
"It is hardly necessary to state that in Dr. Routh's Library are
many books of rare interest. It would be tedious to give a list.
It may suffice to enumerate the following: — (1) A copy of the
' Order of Communion! 1548, one of four copies known: this copy
agreeing with that at the Bodleian, — whereas the copy in Cosin's

470 Appendix A.
Library agrees with that at Cambridge. (2) An original copy of
Hermann's ' Consultation' :— of the 'First Booh of Homilies' :— of
the 'Injunctions of Edward VI,' 1548:— (3) Exemplars (of which
more will be said below), of the ist and 2nd 'Prayer Books' of
Edward VI, and of the Scotch ' Prayer Book ' of 1637. (4) Various
early printed copies of the Sarum and other Office books. (5) A
folio work of Plates of 'French Monasteries,' of which only three
copies exist, the rest having been destroyed, it is supposed, in the
Revolution, to preclude future legal claims on the part of the
Monasteries. In this book, on the inside of the old binding, Dr.
Routh has written, ' It was stated to me on the authority of Mr. Pugiri,
the Architect, that there were not more than three copies known of this
work.' — A learned note on the history of the book has been added
(1845) by Dr. Bloxam.
" Perhaps among literary rarities, certainly among literary
curiosities, should be specified a volume containing two Aldine
editions of 'Gregory Nazianzen,' viz. Orat. 9, 1536 and Orat. 16,
1 5 16, with the autograph of Cranmer, "Thomas Cantuar," as its
former possessor, on the title page. Dr. Routh has added this
prefatory note, — ' Harum principum edilionum Exempla quae prae
manibus habes, penes Beatum Martyrem Thomam Cbanmerum Archiepi-
scopum Cantuariae olim fuerunt, utiostendit Chirographum ejus libello
praepositum! — The inscription is (as usual) in black ink ; but at a
subsequent period Dr. Routh has rewritten in red ink the words
above printed in small capitals.
" It has been already stated that the memoranda prefixed by
Dr. Routh to his books, refer generally to bibliographical notices of
them, with an account of the prices which the volume has fetched.
It is a proof of the advance of knowledge within the last half cen
tury concerning early editions of our Prayer Book, and other Office
books and Reformation documents, that many of Dr. Routh's notes
offer information which now abounds even in popular manuals, but
which was rarely to be met with seventy years ago when these
notes were written. The following may be worth citing as ex
amples. The first probably has a distinct value, as seemingly
indicating an edition generally unknown of the First Prayer Book
of Edward VI. In this volume, a copy of the date 1 549, ' Mense
Maii,' (Edw. Whitchurch), — Dr. Routh has written the following
long memorandum : —
" A copy Lond. Grafton 1549 — £14 14 o Straker's Catal. 1838. Ofthe
great rarity of the copies of this First Liturgy, even in the beginning of
the 18th century, see Collier's Preface to the 2nd vol. of his 'Eccles'.

Dr. Routh's Library. 471
Hist' p. 4, and Shepherd's Preface to his ' Elucidation of the Book of
Common Prayer,' 2nd edit.
" Ames, in his ' Typographical Antiquities' p. 2 2, mentions two editions
of it by Edw. Whitchurch, one the 7th of March, 1549, and the other the
1 6th oiJune. This other edition appears by the colophon at the end of
the book to have been finished on the fourth of May. But that of March
1549 is to be understood of March in the following year, 1550, according
to the civil year, which begins with the month of January, instead of the
ecclesiastical year commencing on the 25th of March ; for according to
Strype, ' This Book of Common Prayer was printed first in the month of
June (1549), and a second edition thereof came forth March 8 following,
with very little difference, only that in the first edition the Litany was put
between the Communion Office and the Office for Baptism. In the second, it
was set at the end of the Book.' (' Ecclesiastical Memorials! vol. 2. p. 87).
Herbert had in his possession, although Strype appears ignorant of its
existence, this edition of May 1549 (see vol. i. p. 545) ; and it should seem
to be on account of the different collocation of the Litany noticed by
Strype, the first edit, of the first Liturgy of K. Edw"1. Herbert's copy also
was printed by Whitchurch, who he says was joined in the same patent
with Grafton for printing Bibles and Books of Divine Service. It appears
that Mr. Heber possessed a copy of Grafton's edition in 1549, as he did
those of Whitchurch in June 1549, and March 1549 or 1550. See Virtue's
... & 7. p. of the Catalogue.
"In 1814 Mr. Randolph's copy of this edition sold for £2 17 o; and in
1825, in Arch's Catalogue, it was put at £660. A Latin Translation
of this First Liturgy is inserted in Bucer's ' Scriptores Anglicani,' Basil.
1577. PP- 377-455-"
" Again, on another page Dr. Routh has inserted a notice of a
copy of this first Liturgy, printed 24 May, 1549, at Worcester, by
John Owen.
" In Dr. Routh's copy of the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI,
(Grafton, 1552,) there is no remark but 'June, 1810. Sale (both B.'s) at
Stewart' s,gs! And lower down, ',£4. 143.6^., bought ofThorpe in 1835.'
"In his copy of the Scotch Book, Edinburgh (Robert Young)
1637, he has written, — ' This copy ofthe Scotish Liturgy, the pretext
for the ensuing Tumults, belonged to K. Chs. 1st : as appears by the
Royal arms stamped on the Covers.' And below, — ' a copy in Kers-
lake of Bristol, Catal. in 1845, at 5 guineas! "
Dr. Farrar concludes, — " These desultory notices of the quality of
Dr. Routh's books, and of the kind of memoranda which they con
tain, would be imperfect without a special mention of the valuable
and probably unique collection of original Pamphlets, mainly of the
17th century, which form the most valuable element in the library.
The manuscript catalogue of these, which does not include those

472. Appendix B.
hound up in other parts of the library, and catalogued elsewhere,
fills 73 pages, and comprises about 600 pamphlets. Though men
tion was made of Dr. Routh's habit of collecting pamphlets through
the controversies of his own time, it is in respect of those of the
17th and early 18th centuries, that the collection is at once com
plete as well as unique.
"Among the Books are many presentation copies, containing
the Authors' autographs. One little-known writer has addressed
his modest work ' To the Revd. and justly esteemed Dr. Routh.'
What words could more neatly express what was fitting ? "

APPENDIX (B).
Dr. Hottth's Latin Inscriptions.
Besides not a few lesser specimens- of the President's Latinity, —
(most of which are indicated at foot 1), — fowr of Br. Routh's Latin
Inscriptions will be found, in the earlier pages of the present
volume. Thus, at page 8, note (4), is given [1] the Inscription
which marked the site of the Vicarage-house of S. Peter' s-in-
the-East. At p. 24, will be found [2] the touching Epitaph in
St. Michael's Church on young Edward Lister. At p. 53,
note (7). is exhibited [3] the Epitaph on his sister Sophia (Mrs.
Sheppard), in Amport Church. At p. 9 2, are given [4] the words
he wrote in his ' Festal present' to the Earl of Derby, Chancellor
ofthe University.
Subjoined are as many other specimens of President Routh's
Inscriptive writing as have come to my knowledge. Without
bestowing more labour on the inquiry than the subject is worth, —
(and I am sure I have already spared no pains), — I find a
greater degree of accuracy than is here achieved, unattainable.
But in fact the Author changed his mind so often, that we are
never sure that we have before us his ultimae curae .... The
Inscriptions follow, [5] to [29], — with little attempt at order :—
[5]. Beneath a monumental bust o/Lord Chancellor Thur
low, now placed in the Vestry room of the Temple Church,
London : 1 See pages 19, 26-9, 40, 41, 43-4, 50, 75, 72, 84.

Dr. Routh's Latin Tnscriptions. 473
Baro Thurlow a Thurlow | summus regni Cancellarius | hie
sepultus est. | Vixit annis lxxv. mensibus x. | Decessit anno
Salutis Humanae mdcccti | idibus Septembris. | Vir alta mente
et magna praeditus | qui | nactus praeclarissimas occasiones |
optime de patria merendi | jura Ecclesiae, Regis, Civium | in
periculum vocata | firmo et constanti animo | tutatus est.
Concerning this Epitaph, see above, p. 23, note (4). The in
scription has been misprinted, — and one special circumstance
alluded to in it, misrepresented, — by Lord Campbell, in his Life
of Lord Thurlow. [See Bum's ' Ecclesiastical Law,' vol. iii. p.
364, . . ed. 1809.J
"In adapting ancient language to our modern tongue," (writes
Dr. Parr), " we must be content very often with approach. I have
talked the subject over with one whose erudition, sagacity, wari
ness, and exquisite sense of propriety weigh with me very much ;
and in his own epitaph for Lord Thurlow he, to my entire satis
faction, has written ' a ' not ' de' for ' Thurlow,' — tlie place whence
the Title comes." — [To Lord Holland. — 'Works,' vol. viii. p. 589.J
[6]. A mural monument placed against the western wall of
Magdalen College Chapel, near the north door, and over against
the spot where Dr. Oliver was buried, is thus inscribed :
Corpus hie situm est | Ioannis Olivarii. S.T.P. | praesidis
optimi et doctissimi | sua sponte pauperis | vixit an. lxi. Qui
cum ad domum fortunasque suas | Caroli causa amissas rediisset |
post paulo hominibus exemptus est. | Have anima egregia forsitan
et | huic saeculo exemplo futura.
Dr. Oliver, — (Lord Clarendon's Tutor), — became President of
Magdalen College a.d. 1644: was deprived a.d. 1648, and was re
stored A.d. 1660. He died (on the 2 "]th October) in the year follow
ing. . . . On other mural monuments in the same Ante-chapel :
[7]. H. S. E. quod mortale fuit | Bexjamtni Tate S.T.P. |
annos plus quadraginta socii, | qui | familiae suae vetustatem |
morum dulcedine et comitate | ornavit [ quippe amicitiae, si
quis alius, tenax | Tam miti ingenio fuit in omnes, | ut apud
Collegium suum | cujus ecclesias tenuiores | pio munere do-
navit, | magnum desiderium sui | reliquerit. | Obiit Novembris

474 Appendix B.
xxii, anno Salutis mdcccxx | vixit annos lxix, mens, iv |
Georgius Tate arm. ] fratri optima d«*ermerito | h. m. p. c.
[8]. Reliquiae ¦ Joannis • Shaw ¦ S.T.P. | annos ¦ plus • quin-
quaginta ¦ Socii | qvi ¦ vixit • ann. lxxiii • mens • x | decessit ¦
xix • Kal • Febr • anno • Salutis • mdcccxxiv | vale • o • dulcis •
facete • simplex • fortis • sapiens | Joannes • et • Josephus -
Parkinson | haeredes ¦ ex • test | Amico • bene • merenti • P.
In Ingram's ' Memorials of Oxford,' the fifth line ofthe above
reads, — Vale o dulcis simplex ingeniose fortis sapiens. And in
the last line, for ' p.* is found ' p.p.'
[9]. H. S. E. | Arthurus Loveday S. T. P. | annos fere
triginta socius, | filius Joannis Loveday e Caversham | in agro
Oxon. armigeri | et frater Joannis Loveday e Williamscot | in
eodem agro 1. 0. d. | Virorum opt. jam olim in hoc collegio
commensalium | et litteris studiisque doctrinse | egregie ex-
cultorum. | Qui subtus jacet Arthurus, | patrem indole et
virtute referens, | comis fuit, simplex, apertus, | atque in opis
indigentes liberalissimus | Vixit ann. lx. menses v. Decessit
in pace | iv nonas Junii anno Salutis mdcccxxvii. | Haeredes
cognato suo carissimo | p. 0.
[10]. H. S. E. | Henricus Balston A.B. | In semicom-
munariorum ordinem | annos abhinc quatuor cooptatus, | vixit
ann. xxiv mens, viii, | Decessit die xxm Decemb. A. s.
mdcccxl | Pietate insignis, moribus integer, | dulcis, simplex,
uec inficetus, | ingenio haud mediocri | ac singulari quadam
subtilitate praedito : | aetate jamjam maturescente, | eheu 1
quam propere abreptus | in Christo requievit | yevrjBfjra to
6e\t]p:d o-ov.
Henry Balston, (brother of the present Archdeacon of Derby),
was a very excellent person. He died in 1840, a Demy of Mag
dalen, and sleeps in the ante-Chapel.
[11]. The only child of Dr. Bliss, Principal of S. Mary Hall,
is thus commemorated on a mural monument against the north
wall (beneath the organ gallery) in S. Peter's Church, Oxford :
£ | Sophiae Annae Bliss, annorum xi | quae ipso natali
suo, v kal. sextiles | dulcissimam animam efflans | in pace cum

Dr. Routh's Latin Inscriptions. 475
similibus sui requievit | jam semper vietura | orbi parentes
Philippus et Sophia Bliss | filiolae solerti, piae, obsequenti,
fecere. [12]. The next epitaph was not adopted by ihe family.
Corpus hie situm est | Joannis Antonii filioli Joannis |
Henrici Blagrave armigeri. | Is haeres antiquae Blagraviorum
in agro | Bercheriensi gentis futurus erat, | nisi aliter Deu
visum esset. | Caelestibus additus est die secundo mensis |
Januarii, Anno Christi mdcccl.
[13]. Immediately above Mrs. Sheppard' s tablet in Amport
Church, — (her epitaph will be found above, at page 53), — is to be
seen the following on the President's sister, Anna Routh. It is
presumed to have been the last epitaph lie wrote.
Anna Routh vixit annos lxxxix. Decessit anno Christi
mdcccliv. Fratrum quinque superstes, et sex sororum, e
quibus una Sophia munifica juxta memoratur, Annae sorori
piae, justae, benevolae, Martinus Josephus Routh, aetate
superans omnes suos, hoc mon. ipse moribundus posuit.
[In two earlier drafts of the foregoing Epitaph, Mrs. Sheppard
is styled " munifica ilia Sophia." In one of them, he speaks of
himself as " frater natu maximus": in the other, as "aetate
superans hos omnes."]
[14]. On a mural monument of white marble affixed to the
north wall of the interior of the new Church of 'All Saints,'
Waynflete :
Cum excisa esset vicina Omnium Sanctorum ecclesia, | re-
motumque cum ea Ricardi Patten sepulchrum, | in quo
quidem pulcherrimo monumento | filius ejus Gulielmus Win-
toniae Episcopus | patri caput sustinens spectabatur, | hunc
titulum parenti Fundatoris sui | Praeses sociique Collegii
Magdalenensis posuerunt.
The following is another draft of the same :
Excisa Omnivm Sanctorvrn ecclesia | dirvto que cvm ipsa,
ecclesia | monvmento Ricardi Patten sepvlcrali | in qvo filivs
eivs Gvlielmvs episcopvs Wintoniensis | patri capvt svstinens

476 Appendix B.
spectahatvr | Praeses Soeiique collegii Magdalenehsis | parenii
fvndatoris svi | hoc marmor posvervnt in memoriam.
[15]. On a slab of black marble placed over the spot where the
monument of Richard Patten formerly stood in the old Church
(since demolished) of 'All Saints,' Waynflete :
Subtus corpus jacet Ricardi Patten | pater qui fuit illustris
Waynfleti. | Monumentum ejus mira arte fabricatum | olim a
filio patri hie positum | in collegio S. Mariae Magdalenae con
servator. | Praeses Soeiique Magdalenenses p. p. | ne ossa
parentis Fundatoris sui violarentur. |
[16]. On a brass plate affixed to the bach of the Waynflete
Stall in Eton College Chapel :
Praeses Soeiique Magdalenenses, illustris Waynfleti Funda
toris sui memores, cum fuisset olim hujusce Collegii Archididas-
calus, dein Praepositus, in honorem ejus, quod sedile vides,
fabricandum jusserunt.
[17]. On ihe seat of a Gothic chair in the President's drawing-
room, — fashioned out ofthe College Oak whichfell in a.d. 1789:
Quercus Magdalenensis corruit | Festo S. Petri a.d,
mdcclxxxix | cujus e ligno | ne arboris | usque a Collegio
fundato | notissimae | prorsus abolescat memoria | hanc sellam
| Praesidens Soeiique | fabricandam curaverunt [ a.d. mdccxci
| Iuxta exemplar | a Ricardo Paget. A.M. ; semicom. |
delineatum | caelavit | Robertus Archer, Oxoniensis.
[18.] Inscribed on a brass Plate on the foundation stone of
the new Magdalen Hall, deposited May 3rd, 1820 :
In honorem Dei, bonarumque literarum profectum,
imum hunc lapidem Aulae Magdalenensis,
Regis Georgii quarti auspiciis, in alia sede renovatae,
Collegium Magdalenense p. c.
[19]. On the foundation-stone of the new Organ-Loet in
Magdalen College Chapel, — laid, August ist, 1831 :
Anno Sacro 183 1, regnante Gulielmo quarto,
ad pristini moris rationem hie refectus est organicus suggestus,
caeteraque Chori supellex impensa Collegii instaurata.
Architectus Ludovicus Nochells Cottingham.

Dr. Routh's Latin Inscriptions. 477
[20]. On a brass plate in the Foundation-stone of Magdalen
College New School,— laid September xgth, 1849 :
Scholam grammaticalem veteri Aulae Magdalenensi,
quae in alia, sede nunc floret, prius annexam,
rursus intra moenia sua aedificandam curaverunt
Praeses Soeiique Magdalenenses, Anno Salutis mdcccxlix,
[21]. Over the Lodge nf Holy-Cross (oftener called 'Holy
well') Cemetery, Oxford: [See vol. ii. pp. 328-9.]
<%f Ut corpora servorum Christi in sex parochiis degentium
post militiam saeculi una conquiescant, hoc Coemeterium
Stae Crucis appellatum sacra vit Samuel Ep. Oxon. a.d.
mdcccxlviii. [22]. On a magnificent silver-gilt Salver, presented to
Dr. Routh by Alexander, Emperor of Russia, and given by
the President not long before his death to tlie College (June 16,
1 851), he caused to be engraved :
Ut Imperatorio dono sit semper honos,
commissum fidei est Magdalenensium,
salvum conservandum a rapacibus et furibus tutum.
[23]. At the request of a member of his society, the President
wrote (Nov. 1852) the following Inscription for a Paten to be
used at Holy Communion :
Factam affabre patinam, ex qua recipiant fideles salutiferum
Eucharistiae panem, Panem vivum, qui de caelo descendit, in
memoriam revocantem, Ecclesiae dedit suae Willoughbiensi,
Thomas Henricus Whorwood, S. T. P. Salutis anno mdccclii.
[24]. The following Inscription for a bust of the Duke op
Wellington underwent supervision at least 14 times, between
Nov. 1 and Dec. 16, 1852 :
Cum missae sub jugo essent Europae gentes,
omnes eas liberavit victo victore Wellingtonius,
patriae non sibi gloriam sempiternaru quaerens.
A lady asked the President for an English rendering of the
above : whereupon at least an equal number of quatrains vjere
executed, — of which the following seems to have been the last :

478 Appendix B.
When conquered Europe bent beneath the yoke,
Her chains great Wellington indignant broke :
Conquering the conqueror, all intent he came
Not on his own, but on Britannia's fame. 2
[25]. Concerning the following Inscription on a bust of Sir
Francis Burdett, the President wrote thus to Dr. Ogilvie, —
"I should have finished my scrawl sooner, but three days ago I re
ceived an application from Miss Burdett Coutts for an Inscription on
her Father's bust to be placed in her new School at Westminster. I
sent her the following one on my old and valued friend :
Francisco Burdett Baronetto | Patriae amantissimo | verae
libertatis vindici | Instituta majorum et Leges colenti obser-
vanti, | viro excellentis virtutis publicae et privatae | Filia
Angela Georgina optimo Parenti.
" I had no good Friend, like yourself, to consult, and I thought it
was aU plain sailing. But perhaps I am mistaken. And if you would
favour me with any observations, I will write to Miss Coutts to delay
engraving the inscription." [To C. A. Ogilvie, D.D., — Aug. 5, 1853.]
[' The bust referred to is now in the possession of Westminster
School. It stands in the ante-room of the Library in Ashburnham
House, on a pilaster, — inscribed as above.' (From the Rev. W. G.
Rutherford.)] [26]. Written in a copy of Plato presented to Henry Best,
B.A., Demy of Magdalen College :
Dno Best, | in Uteris colendis, diligentia, eximia, et propitia
minerva uso, | Praesidens et Socii Collegii B. M. Magdalenae.
Oxon : | ne amor tali alumno debitus teste omnino careat, |
hoc munusculum d.d. | 14 mo die Julii, Anno Salutis, 1789.
[27]. Written in one of a set of Books, presented by Magdalen
College to Roundell Palmer, M.A., Fellow of Magdalen
a To his friend Dr. Ogilvie {Aug. But I prefer my own, as more per-
12, 1854), the President wrote, — haps deserving the epithet of
" I Uke your version of the Lines ' spirited,' which Mr. Bwrgon of
on the Duke of Wellington as giving Oriel assigned to the original with-
with elegance the aim ofthe original. out my feeling its propriety."

Dr. Routh's Latin Inscriptions. 479
CoUege and Barrister, who had pleaded successfully the cause of
the College School in the Court of Chancery, a.d. 1847 :
Viro ornatissimo | Roundell Palmer, i. 0. | collegii S.
Magdalenae Oxon. Socio | quod collegii patrocinio suscepto |
strenue et feliciter rem gesserit | Praeses Soeiique Magda
lenenses | libros hosce grati animi et summae | in eum benevo-
lentiae testimonio d.d.
[28]. In a copy of the Second Edition of his " Reliquiae,"
which he sent as a present to the Emperor of Russia, he
wrote; Imp. Nicolao, Regum Orbis Terrarum potentissimo, Reliquias
hasce Veteris Ecclesiae Catholicae, a se collectas ac denuo
adornatas, offert M. J. Routh, annos natus xcvii, Anno Sacro
mdccclii, Imperatoris Alexandri Beneficiarius.
" You are aware," (says ihe President, addressing his friend Dr.
Ogilvie,3) "of the Emperor Alexander's visit to me forty years
ago ? "
J suspect that what the President actually torote, immediately after
his own name, was, — 'Anno sacro mdccclii, suoque xevm.'
[29]. The next, on the porch of Theale Church, begun by the
President in the last year of his life, was evidently completed by
his nephews in the year after his death :
A. S. mdcccltv et mdccclv |. Quo tempore | huic Ecclesiae
renovatae | ala Borealis est addita | Martinus Josephus
Routh, S.T.P. | incolarum paroeciae suae | aetate provectio-
rum haud immemor | annum ipse jam agens centesimum | ostio
meridional! | porticum adstruendam curavit | necnon cancellum
istum | suis sumptibus refecit. | Vitreas picturatas | haeredes
| Patrui de se optime meriti | memoriam colentes | posuerunt.
3 July 31st 1852, — ' the day of my sister Sheppard's death in 1849.'

480 Appendix C.
APPENDIX (C).
The Beginning Qf American Episcopacy.
[See above, pp. 29-35.]
The Rev. Dr. Beardsley (Rector of S. Thomas's Church,
New Haven, Conn. U.S.A.), out of the abundance of his zeal for
the Church which he adorns, insists that the story in the text, —
so far as President Routh is concerned, — must needs be pure
fable. He contends that Dr. Routh cannot have dissuaded
Dr. Seabury from availing himself of the friendly overtures of
the Danish Church : cannot, at a critical juncture, have strenu
ously directed him to the Scottish succession for Episcopal
Orders. And this, notwithstanding the President's often-
repeated declaration that he did both these things. "The
question " (he assures us) " lies between Routh and the truth of
history.'' And he hints at the infirmity to which flesh is
liable " when approaching a century of natural existence.''
If Dr. Beardsley will be at the pains calmly to peruse the
Memoir which stands first in the present volume, he will be con
vinced, long ere he reaches the concluding (1 15th) page, that his
view is untenable. The President's veracity has never yet been
challenged. The accuracy and retentiveness of his memory were
unexampled. His minute acquaintance with American affairs
astonished even Americans who visited him within a few years
of his decease. That such an one should have invented the story
he so often and so circumstantially related, is incredible.
This matter has been made important by Dr. Beardsley, who
considers that Dr. Seabury and the rest of the Connecticut
clergy ' would be placed in an awkward position ' if the truth of
the President of Magdalen's statement were admitted.
That they would have been placed in a very awkward position
indeed had Dr. Seabury resorted to Denmark for consecration,
is true enough : but that any inconvenience whatever results to
him or to them from his having been effectually warned of his

Beginning of American Episcopacy. 481
danger at a critical moment, I see not. Since however my
narrative has been so unceremoniously handled, besides care
fully re-writing and enlarging what will be found at pp. 29-34,
I venture to submit to Dr. Beardsley certain principles which
(it is thought) should guide us in dealing with historical
testimony. When two distinct and somewhat different aspects of the
same transaction are set before us, — proceeding from opposite
quarters, but both alike vouched for by thoroughly trustworthy
persons, — our business (it is presumed) is first, To inquire
whether they do not admit of reconcilement; with a view to
their being both suffered to stand. We may not begin by
importing into the discussion national or personal prejudices.
We may not accuse the principal witness of having fabricated
his facts, — only because those facts are distasteful to ourselves.
We may not prop up our own contention, by making much of
some minute inaccuracy of detail1 which we have (or think
we have) detected in our opponent's narrative ; but which
evidently does not touch the life of the question at issue;'2 —
nor may we so distort or exaggerate any particular feature
of the evidence as to produce the semblance of contrariety
where none actually exists. And yet, (as logicians are aware,)
even contrariety, unless it amounts to contradiction, admits, for
the most part, of even easy reconcilement. As for charging
a witness of unquestioned veracity with falsehood, it is the last
shift of a controversialist who is conscious of the weakness of
his cause. History cannot be written, — Truth must be regarded
' I am speaking here, it will be always atsecond-handfrom some one
_ remembered, of human narratives. who heard him tell it, — slight dis-
When we have to do with the in- crepancies of detail between two or
spired page, the magnifying glass more versions of the story ore tobeex-
may be always applied to the lesser pected. The only essential point*— -
details, and to any extent. Only the only statements to be contended
we must be fair, and make sure for — are those wherein the wit-
we understand our Author rightly. nesses furnish identical testimony ;
2 Let it in all candour be pointed those of the witnesses, especially,
out— in all fairness, admitted— that who heard Routh tell the story
inasmuch as it is notfrom Dr. Routh more than once, and are prepared
himself that we obtain this story, but solemnly to renew their testimony.
VOL. 1. 1 i

482 Appendix C. — The
as a thing unattainable, — if we are to disbelieve incidents, not
improbable in themselves, which persons of the highest honour,
truthfulness, accuracy, clear-headedness, solemnly declare did
happen ; and repeatedly assure us happened to themselves.
Now, the one piece of evidence relied on by my worthy opponent,
is the following passage in a letter from the Rev. Daniel Fogg
(a member of the ' Woodbury conference ') written to a friend
5 or 6 weeks after Seabury had set sail for England : —
"We Clergy haye even gone so far as to instruct Dr. Seabury,
if none of the bishops of the Church of England will ordain him,
to go down to Scotland, and receive ordination from a non-juring*
Bishop." s
But what does this necessarily amount to ? It may mean no
more than this, — That after it had become known that Learning
declined the voyage to England, (for it was Learning, not Seabury,
who was nominated at Woodbury,) and before Seabury's anxious
and hurried embarcation for our shores, — certain of the Con
necticut Clergy conveyed to the latter at New York a message
to the effect above recorded. But, — Is it certain that Seabury
ever received their message ? And, — Were the " instructing "
parties men of sufficient mark for their advice on such a point
to command his attention ? And, — With what amount of
authority was the " instruction " conveyed ? All we know for
certain is that Seabury himself did not consider that he had left
America "instructed" as to what was to be his alternative course
of action. This is proved by his letter written twelve months
later, in which he says that he shall wait for another month, and
then apply to the Scottish Bishops — " unless he should receive
contrary directions from the Clergy of Connecticut."
Dr. Beardsley's claim that these were Seabury's " Original
instructions " 4 — " the instructions given from Woodbury in
March, 1783," 6 &c, — is a pure assumption. In a letter to my
self (dated Nov. 13, 1878,) he writes, — " The fact that the Con
necticut Clergy at their meeting at Woodbury gave instructions
3HawksandPerryVOo»».C%«rcA 4 ' Life of Seabury,' — p. 79.
Documents,' (1863),— ii. 213. 5 ' Seabury Centenary,'— -p. 43.

Beginning of American Episcopacy. 483
about it, strips Routh's claim of the very semblance of truth." 
I shall content myself with warning my esteemed correspondent
(1), against inventing his 'facts': and (2), against drawing
illogical inferences from them. For it is at least undeniable
that Seabury did not act like one who had come over furnished
with any " instructions " at all, — except to obtain consecration
in England at the earliest possible moment, and to return.
I beg that it may be observed that I have nowhere asserted that,
in 1782-4, the idea of resorting to the Scottish Bishops in order
to secure for America the gift of Episcopacy, originated with
Martin Joseph Routh; — was for thefirst time conceived by him; —
or, as an idea, was at any time exclusively his property. Such
a statement, — (which might be thought to be implied by the
narratives of Bp. Coxe, of Western New York, and of Bp. Eden,
the Scottish Primus), — happens to be inconsistent with the
known facts of history. The S.P.G. so early as 1 703 had enter
tained the idea of sending a Suffragan to America ; and even
then, the Bishops of Scotland "were regarded as the channel
through which that assistance could most readily be obtained." 6
Cheerfully therefore do I make the sentiment of Bishop Williams
my own, — " I am in no wise concerned to deny that the
thought of applying to the Scottish Bishops may have been an
entirely original thought in the mind of more than one person
in England in the year 1783 and 1784.'' I do but demur to
the statement which the same excellent friend proceeds to
make : viz. that " the fact is proved . . . that this purpose was
in the minds of our [American] Clergy long before it could have
been conceived in England " 7 . . . (What ! before 1703 ?)
But in fact, that other learned Divines besides Routh were
aware of the validity of the Scottish succession, and had their
eyes intently fixed upon it at this very time, is certain. Thus,
in 1782-3, Dr. George Berkeley suggested to Bp. Skinner,
(coadjutor to the Primus of the Scottish Church,) that the
Bishops of Scotland should consecrate a bishop for America.
6 Anderson's 'History ofthe Colonial Church,' — iii. 36.
7 'Seabury Centenary,' — p. 27.
I i 2

484 Appendix C. — The
In the autumn of 1783, a Mr. Elphinstone pleaded the same
cause in the same quarter.8 Originality of conception, I
repeat, is not the thing here contended for. I am only con
cerned to insist on what really is a well authenticated fact,
viz. that, (however it may have come to pass,) it fell to Martin
Joseph Routh to disabuse Seabury's mind, — if not of the
intention to have recourse to Denmark for consecration, — at
least of the notion that Denmark had it in its power to impart
to him the wished-for boon. The President was able long
after to reproduce the very words he had used to the envoys
of the American Church in 1782-4. "I ventured to tell them,
sir, that they would not find there what they wanted." Equally
certain is it that Routh insisted on the unquestionable validity
of the Scottish succession; and that he further strenuously
counselled application in that quarter exclusively.
Dr. Beardsley informs me that he finds no trace in the
Seabury correspondence of any of the circumstances which
obtain such prominence in my pages. I have been more for
tunate. It needs (I think) but little skill in ' reading between
the lines,' to discern clear allusions to every part of this
matter ; — as well, I mean, to those who had recommended
Seabury to have recourse to the Scandinavian Bishops for
consecration, as to him who had been so strenuous with him
on behalf of the Scottish succession to the exclusion of every
other, — in Seabury's letter to Jarvis, dated June 26th, 1784: —
"I have had opportunities of consulting some very respectable
Clergymen in this matter " (he writes) : " and their invariable
opinion is that, should I be disappointed here, . . it would become
my duty lo obtain Episcopal consecration wherever it can be had. The
Scottish succession was named. It was said to be equal to any successioh
in the world, etc. There, I know Consecration may be had." 9
Will any one doubt that, were Seabury among us at this
day to be questioned, he would tell us that it was chiefly
to Routh's learning, and to Routh's earnestness that he was
8 'Seabury Centenary,' — p. 47. 9 Beardsley's 'Life' &c. — p. 131.

Beginning of American Episcopacy. 485
alluding, when he penned the foregoing sentences 1 Who does
not recognise the counsel to look to Denmark, to Norway, to
Sweden for Episcopal Orders, as the result of some of those
"consultations" with "very respectable Clergymen in this
matter," of which Seabury speaks; — "Episcopal Consecration"
to be obtained " wlierever it may be had"1 — But that is not
nearly all. Is it possible for any unprejudiced person to read
what goes before without discerning, — if not an actual incli
nation on the part of the writer to avail himself of some other
succession instead of the Scottish, — at least a considerable
amount of indecision as to whether he might not with safety
do so ? " The Scottish succession teas named," writes Seabury.
"There" (he adds) " I know that Consecration may be had."
You do t Then, Why, — if you came out from America ' in
structed,' in the event of your failing in England, to repair for
Consecration to Scotland,1 — why do you still put off for three
months making a move in that direction? Why refer that
very question back to the Connecticut Clergy 1 . . . But the answer
is obvious. The case is a transparent one. Made very sick by
reason of ' hope deferred ' : — worn out by repeated delays and
half-hearted professions : — perplexed by conflicting counsels : —
saddened by an exhausted exchequer, — Samuel Seabury's brave
heart and eagle spirit was at last severely tried. The sup
posed ' Instructions ' with which he had come furnished from
America are only to be found in Mr. Fogg's letter. Seabury
knew nothing at all about them.
What I am contending for, is not a new view of the case.
I invite Dr. Beardsley's attention to the following passage in
a letter which the Bp. of Edinburgh (Dr. James Walker)
addressed to the Hon. and Rev. A. P. Perceval, 54 years ago,
or just 50 years after Dr. Seabury's visit to England. (The
letter is dated March 10th, 1834) : —
"The Church of Norway and Denmark is similar in all respects ;
though unfortunately deficient in that most important point, ihe
Episcopal succession, — which was so little known, that Dr. Seabury,
1 'Seabury Centenary,' — p. 5. The reader is invited to call to mind
what was offered above, in p. 34.

486 Appendix C. — The
when he failed to obtain consecration in England, was actually in
treaty with the Bishop of Zealand. He was better directed to our
then almost unknown Church : and this direction was given by
Lowth, then Bishop of London [1777-87] ; and I have very lately
heard, that the venerable President Routh was the means of direct
ing Bishop Lowth to our Bishops." 2
The case before us, I repeat, is a transparent one. Contrariety,
— much less contradiction — there is here none. Directed by
his countrymen to the English Archbishops and Bishops, to
them Seabury persistently addressed himself. One cannot hut
suspect that had the Prelates of England been as apostolically
minded as he was, — had they shared the Evangelical earnestness
of those ten grand men who " met in voluntary convention " at
Woodbury, — they would have made a way for conferring on
that devoted soldier of the Cross the boon he so reasonably
implored at their hands. But it was an evil and a dark time.
Driven hither and thither for counsel and support, Samuel Sea
bury was for a while beguiled into the mistaken supposition that
valid Episcopal Consecration might be had from the Scandinavian
Churches : of which fatal notion, Martin Joseph Routh
was the man who disabused his mind effectually. ' The Scottish
succession,' he assured Seabury, was 'equal to any succession
in the world : ' and he further convinced him at great length
that this was his one only possible resource at the present
juncture ... It will have been with a lively recollection of that
interview that Seabury ended his sentence with an 'et cetera!
Yes, in the evidence before us there is no contrariety what
ever. The deeply interesting and highly honourable conditions
of the problem, as far as America is concerned, are in no respect
affected by, or inconsistent with, the personal recollections of one
who was again and again heard, by several persons yet living,
to recount them. And it will remain true to the end of time,
that the service rendered to the Church of the United States
by the President of Magdalen College when a very young man,
2 Perceval's ' Collection of Pa- Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish
pers,' 8fc. 1842,— p. 67. See also Episcopate, which is declared to be
from p. 64 to p. 76 concerning the without validity.

Beginning of American Episcopacy. 487
was simply priceless ; a service which cannot be too handsomely
admitted, — or too heartily acknowledged, — by American church
men at the present day.
That I may not be thought to have lightly assumed the
trustworthiness of the story I have set down in the text, I shall
here insert Bishop Hobhouse's reply to Dr. Beardsley 's con
tention in the ' Guardian ' newspaper : —
"Batcombe, Bath, Dec. 22nd, 1882.
"Reverend sir,— In reference to your letter to the 'Guardian,'
just published, I venture to supply the following facts : —
1. That Dr. Seabury did visit Dr. Routh in Oxford.
2. That he was sent thither by Lord Chancellor Thurlow to con
sult Dr. Routh about the validity of the Danish succession.
3. That Dr. S. had been persuaded in London to apply to the
Danish Bishops, and that Dr. Routh succeeded in dissuading him,
in favour of the Scottish.
4. That though Dr. Routh was only 28 and a deacon, he was
known as a learned man. — Lord Thurlow knew him through his
clergyman brother, Mr. Thurlow.
5. That Dr. Routh lived in my parish, and often talked to me on
such subjects. — In 1853, when I was sailing for America with the
S. P. G. Deputation to attend the General Convention, Dr. Routh
sent a book and message to be presented by me to the presiding
Bishop. — On that occasion, he recited the above facts as the cause
of his special interest in the Church of the United States ; and
he repeated them on my return.
6. There was no failure whatever in his unexampled powers of
memory, even in his 100th year.
You may find it as hard to believe this, as to believe that at 28
he had acquired the position of an oracle in certain departments of
learning : but both facts are certain. His mental history is un
paralleled." The testimony of an admirable living American Prelate, —
Dr. A. Cleveland Coxe, Bishop of Western New York, — may be
more acceptable to Dr. Beardsley. In his delightful volume
('Impressions of England,' 1856,— p. 138), my friend writes : —
" I had seen the Duke of Wellington and Samuel Rogers. There
was one whom I desired to see besides, and on some accounts with
deeper interest, to complete my hold upon the surviving Past. For
sixty years had Dr. Routh been President of Magdalen, and still

488 Appendix C. — The
his faculties were strong, and actively engaged in his work. I saw
him in his 97th year : . . . the most venerable figure I ever beheld !
Nothing could exceed his cordiality and courtesy; and though I
feared to prolong my visit, his earnestness in conversation more
than once repressed my endeavour to rise. He remembered our
colonial Clergy, and related the whole story of Bishop Seabury's visit,
and of his application to the Scottish Church, which Dr. Routh himself
first suggested. 'And now,' (said I,) 'we have 30 Bishops and 1500
Clergy.' He lifted his aged hands, and said ' I have indeed lived to
see wonders,' and he added devout expressions of gratitude to God,
and many enquiries concerning our Church. I had carried an intro
duction to him from the Rev. Dr. Jarvis ; and at the same time
announced the death of that lamented scholar and Divine, whose
funeral I had attended a few days before I sailed from America.
He spoke of him with affection and regret, and also referred to his
great regard for Bishop Hobart."
Another American clergyman, the Rev. D. J. Aberigh-Mackay
(in a letter dated 4th Nov. 1882, which appeared in the
'Guardian'), bears similar testimony, — in consequence of a visit
he paid to the President in July 1852. Other records to the
same effect are to be met with elsewhere. But my friend Bp. Hob-
house's testimony is so valuable, because he was intimate with
the old President, and heard him often tell the story.
" The spark " (I have said) '! became a flame which has
kindled beacon-fires throughout the length and breadth of the
great American continent." The progress of that ' spark ' until
it became a ' flame ' was destined nevertheless to be gradual.
In 1787 (Feb. 4th), Bishops White and Provoost were canoni
cally consecrated at Lambeth by Dr. John Moore, Abp. of
Canterbury (assisted by three other English Bishops), for the
Dioceses of Pennsylvania and New York respectively : but, —
" It was with the understanding that they should not join with
the Bishop of Scotch consecration in conferring the Episcopate
upon any One else, until another person should have been sent to
England to be consecrated ; so that it could always be said there
were three Bishops of the English line, (the usual canonical num
ber), who joined in the consecration which was to begin the line
here [in America]. And this understanding was acted upon : for
-although there were in this country [America], in 1787, the three

Beginning of American Episcopacy. 489
Bishops of Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and New York, the two latter,
true to the English prejudice, would not join with the former in
perpetuating the Succession, until they were supplemented by
another who was consecrated in England in 179c"3
The consecration of Bishop Madison of Virginia at Lambeth,
(Sept. 19th, 1790), by the same Archbishop of Canterbury,
(assisted by two other English Bishops), completed the Episcopal
College in the United States : and the consecration by Bishop
Provoost, (assisted by Bishops White, Madison and Seabury), of
Dr. Thomas John Claggett (Sept. 17th, 1792) as Bishop of
Maryland, was the first canonical consecration in North America.
. . . Since that time, the consecrations have been regularly and
canonically maintained in the Anglican line, to which, as we
have seen, the Scottish succession (which hoaever is not another) 4
lias been happily united : and, at the end of a century of years,
the Churches of England and America flourish with independent
life and are in full communion. The American Bishops number
at this instant seventy-one. 5
How splendidly the daughter Church has vindicated and
illustrated the Apostolicity of her descent by the Catholicity of
her teaching, — is known to everyone who knows anything at all
about these matters. Worthy to be remembered in connexion
with the greatest Bishops of Christendom are John Henry
Hobart [1 775-1830], Bp. of New York:— George Washington
Doane [1 799-1 859], Bp. of New Jersey:- — Jackson Kemper
[1789-1870], the great Missionary Bp. in the Western Terri
tories [1835-1859], and then Bp. of Wisconsin [1859-1870] : —
William Heathcote De Lancey [1795-1865], Bp. of
Western New York: — and especially William Rollinson
Whittingham [1805-1879], Bp. of Maryland. But the fore
most of the ' goodly fellowship,' — the first American Bishop,—
Samuel Seabury [17 2 9-1 796], Bp. of Connecticut, was second
3 'The Union of Divergent Lines derived from it most of the fore-
in the American Succession,'— by going names, dates, facts.
the Kev. W. J. Seabury, D.D. (New * Ibid.
York, 1884,— pp. 15,— a singularly 5 ' Church Almanac' for 1887,—
lucid,' unprejudiced and able per- New York, pp. 69-70.
formance:) — pp. 6 to 8. I have

490 Appendix C.
in greatness to none of his successors : " that brave, patient,
self-sacrificing soldier of the Cross, who dared all and gave all
that he might win for the Church of the United States of
America the precious gift which binds her to the historic
Church ; and through it, to the great Day of Pentecost, and the
Mount of the Ascension." . . . The words last quoted are the
words of one whose name will be remembered by posterity in
close connexion with the illustrious band before enumerated, —
John Williams, D.D. the present Bishop of Connecticut and
Presiding Bishop of the United States. Long may he live, —
(he will, I trust, allow me to call him ' my friend,') — to be a
tower of strength to the great American Church !
I cannot conclude this long note without remarking that
verily there have been times when Churchmen, Clergy and
Laity alike, seem to have apprehended wondrous imperfectly
that declaration of the great Head of the Church, — ' My
kingdom is not oe this world.' Who will dare to deny that
every condition of canonical consecration would have been fulfilled
had the first Bp. of Maryland (Dr. Claggett) been consecrated
by Bp. Seabury, assisted by Bps. White and Provoost 1
To conclude. — A glorious future is reserved for the Church
of the United States. Only let her be supremely careful, tide
what tide, to ' hold fast that which she hath, that no man take
her crown.' Never may she, — yielding to the blandishments
and importunities of false friends, or to the menaces and
persecutions of avowed enemies, — surrender ' one jot or one
tittle ' of that ' Faith once for all delivered to the Saints,' which
is her priceless inheritance. Rather will she, (if she cares for
the integrity of her existence,) 'contend earnestly' for the Truth,
if need be, to the very death6. Behold, He ' cometh quickly' !
6 irapaKaX.uiv kTraycuvi^€a6at ry KaKbv a.y5)va t?}s Trio-Tews (i Tim. vi.
aira£ irapaSoBelo-n rots a-yiois Trl(XT€i 12) : — rbv ayun/a rov tcahbv -nyfa-
(S. Jude ver. 3). — dyaivi^ov rov via/iai (2 Tim. iv. 7).

Appendix D. 491
APPEOT3IX (D).
Authorship of the 'TRACTS FOR THE TIMES.'
[Referred to above in pp. 174 to 177 : 194 to 201 : 205 to 223.
Also pp. 305, 312, 6,-c, 417-22. See also vol. ii. pp. 49 to 52.]
I shall perhaps be rendering an useful service if I here put
on record,— as far as, at this time of day, the facts are discover
able, — the authorship of the several Tracts for the Times.
In this endeavour, I have been chiefly assisted by my revered
friend, the late Archd. Harrison.
Of the Ninety Tracts, eighteen are merely reprints from the
writings of old English Divines :— viz. twelve (No. 37. 39. 42.
44. 46. 48. 50. 53. 55. 62. 65. 70) derived from the works of
Br. Wilson -.—three, from Br. Cosln (No. 26. 27. 28):— one,
from Bp. Beveridge (No. 25) :—one, from Bp. Bull (No. 64) :
— one, from Abp. Ussher (No. 72).
Four are 'Catenae' (No. 74. 76. 78. 81). The last was by
Archd. Harrison, — and had, prefixed, a tract by Dr. Pusey.
Of the remaining Sixty-eight, — twenty-seven were by J. H.
Newman (No. i. 2. 3. 6. 7. 8 [but see below, "P.S."]. 10. 11.
19. 20. 21. 31. 33. 34. 38. 41. 45. 47. 71. 73. 75. 79. 82. 83. 85.
88. 90). — Eight, by John Keble (No. 4. 13. 40. 52. 54. 57. 60.
89). — Seven, by Dr. Pusey (No. 18. 66. 67. 68. 69. 77. 81).
Four were by J. W. Bowden (No. 5. 29. 30. 56). — Four, by
Thomas Keble (No. 12. 22. 43. 84). — Four, by Archd.
Harrison (No. 16. 17. 24. 49).
Three were by the Hon. A. P. Perceval (No. 23. 35. 36). —
Three, by R. H. Froude (No. [8 1 see below, " P.S."] 9. 59.
63): — Three, by Isaac Williams (No. 80. 86. 87).
Alfred Menzies of Trinity contributed one tract (No. 14) :
— and C. P. Eden one (No. 32). [Concerning the latter,
something is said in the 'Life' of C. P. E.]
One tract was the joint production of W. Palmer of Worcester
and J. H. Newman, viz. No. 15. [See the 'Apologia,' pp. 1 15-6.]
One tract (No. 51) is of uncertain authorship. It is thought
to have been the work of R. F. Wilson.

492 Appendix E and F.
The authorship of two, — No. 58 and 61, — is unknown.
The sum of these numbers will be found to be Ninety, —
when attention is paid to the circumstance that No. 81 has been
reckoned both among the ' Catenae ' and among the 'Tracts.'
P.S. — No. 8 is assigned above to Newman : but Marriott, in
a letter to Rev. A. Burn [' Chichester, Jan. 29, 1840'], writes,
— "You ought to know that Froude was the author of the Tract
' The Gospel a law of liberty,' " — which is the subject of No. 8.

APPENDIX (E),
Irreligious Character of the Oxford University Com
mission op 1877-81. The Case of Magdalen College.
[Referred to at pages 449-50.]
The animus of " the University of Oxford Commissioners "
of 1877-81 was remarkably shewn in respect of Magdalen
College. The old Foundation had been for 40 Fellows, of
whom 34 were in Holy Orders. — By the Commission of 1854-6,
the Fellows (nominally 40 still) were reduced to 30, of whom
20 were in Holy Orders. — By the arrangements of the Com
mission of 1877-81, it had been definitely settled — up to the
beginning of November 1880 — that, besides "Professor" and
" Official Fellows" (i.e. Tutors and Bursars), of the 12 Fellow
ships which remained to be elected to, six should be held by
persons in Holy Orders. The draft of the Statutes decided on
for the College by a majority of the Commissioners was
actually in print when Lord Selborne withdrew from the
Commission. It secured, and in a manner saved, the Religious
character of the Foundation. Now, let what happened next be
carefully noted.
The vacancy caused by the retirement of Lord Selborne
from the Commission was supplied by the appointment of
Dr. Bradley, Master of University. The Rt. Hon. Mountague
Bernard now became Chairman. Whereupon, the Secularists
instantly reopened the entire question : recalled the draft
Statutes already in print ; and the next time the College came

f "

Oxford University Commission, 1877-81. 493
before the Commissioners (Nov. 2, 1880), by a majority of one
vote (5 against 4), reduced the number of Clerical Fellows to
two, — of which Two Clerical Fellows (it has been pointed out
to me) one is to be the ' Dean of Divinity'; an office concerned
with the Choir, in consequence of the elaborate character of
the Chapel services which are a marked feature in the College,
— greatly appreciated, and largely resorted to, by ' the public'
The evil animus which, in a matter of so much gravity,
could thus, per fas et nefas, pursue its unholy advantage to the
hitter end, aptly illustrates the spirit with which the Colleges
of Oxford have recently been dealt with, and must strike every
fair looker-on with astonishment and displeasure. Will any
one pretend that it was right, on the strength of a single vote,
to go back and inflict a deadly injury on an ancient Society,
— against the will of the College itself, and in plain defiance of
the ascertained intention of its Founder, — especially after it
had actually survived the ordeal of a hostile Commission ? The
object plainly was to obliterate tlie Religious character of the
Foundation.

APPEXDIX (F).
The Colleges of Oxford, essentially Ecclesiastical
Foundations.
[Referred to at pages 426 : 450-5. See also pages 201-2.]
It will not be a waste of time that I should put on record
for the benefit of ordinary Readers, some evidences of the truth
of the often-repeated statement, that " The Colleges of Oxford 1
are essentially Religious Foundations." Few probably, un
acquainted with our College Statutes, are aware of the extent
to which those ancient documents, (which by the last Universi
ties' Commission have been repealed and set aside entirely,)
witness to the Religious Spirit which is found to have invariably
actuated our Founders. I have therefore made a few excerpts,
1 There is no difference in this respect between Oxford and Cambridge.

494 Appendix F. — The Colleges.
— the passages, in short, which caught my eye while turning
over the pages of the College Statutes; — and I recommend
the matter to the attention of as many as it may concern.
But I cannot dismiss this Appendix without a few words of
solemn Remonstrance addressed to those who have displayed
so much impatience to get rid of the record of the Intentions
of the pious Founders and Benefactors whose bread they are
nevertheless not ashamed to eat : — whose bounty maintains
them :— .-and to whom they are indebted for every blessing they
enjoy in this place,2 — including, in many instances, their social
status and their individual influence. Why disguise the Truth?
It is, because the periodical reminder of those Intentions, — (for
our College Statutes, by the Founder's express command, have
until lately been read over in the hearing of the assembled
body, twice if not three times every year,) — It is,. I say,
because, to our modern Secularists, the frequent reminder has
proved unbearable that the College was founded " ad honorem
Dei, et in augmentationem cult-ds Divini." It was incon
venient, (to use no stronger expression), to hear the echo of
a human voice, and that the voice of the Founder of the
College, — borne across the gulf of upwards of half-a-thousand
years, — addressing the men of the present generation after the
following (or some similar) solemn fashion : —
" Dum labentis saeculi corruptelam in mente discutimus
judicio rationis, et quanta velocitate mundana pertranseant
solicita meditatione pensamus, certo videmus certius quod
fragilitatis humanae conditio statum habet instabilem,etquae
visibilem habent essentiam tendunt visibiliter ad non esse.
Ad Ipsius ergo misericordiam qui regit quos condidit,
cujus Regnuni fine non clauditur, nee ullis limitibus coarc-
tatur, oculos mentis erigimus, et quae sibi placentia
aestimamus, votis amplectimur, et desiderio exsequimur
vigilanti: Ejus clementiam totis cordis viribus efflagitantes,
ut nobis in presenti aerumna laticem suae pietatis aperiat,
et dirigat secundum suum beneplacitum actus nostros.''
2 Written at Oxford, in 1880.

Ecclesiastical Foundations. 495
After this solemn preamble, follows the declaration of the
Founder (of Oriel)'s intention : —
"Cum itaque ad laudem Nominis sni, ct decorem et
utilitatem sacrosanctae Ecclesiae sponsae suae, statucrimus et
ordinaverimus quoddam Collegium Scholarium in Sacra
Theologia studentium in Universitate Oxoniensi,
perpetuis temporibus duraturum, . . . Ordinationem
fecimus infra scriptam, quam perpetuis temporibus inviola-
biliter praecipimus observari."
It is of course inconvenient in a high degree to Secularists
to have to sit and listen to such a lecture as the foregoing from
their Founder, two or three times a year. Hence, their im
patience to silence his reproachful accents, — and to bury in
oblivion College Statutes, with the memory of their Author.
But these persons are assured that it is not possible so to
sever with the Past at pleasure ; so to efface the record of the
intentions of ancient Benefactors. "Litera scriptamanet." And
not only so, but those pious Intentions themselves are prone to
rise up, as from the grave, and make themselves heard reproach
fully when men least expect it. The prayers of those many
Founders are not forgotten (be sure !) before God : nor yet the
memory of the pious vows which found fulfilment when they
had created this glorious place. All are as fresh in the memory
of the Most High as in the hour when they were originally
breathed. And — there will yet come a stern day of reckoning
(Nemesis the ancients called it) : for corporate bodies, like
nations, are reckoned with in this World, — even as individuals
are in the next. My excerpts follow : —
1. " Imprimis a Deo, ejusque cultu religioso, uti par est, ini-
tium facientes," — is the exordium of the Statutes of University
College. — The Master must be " in Sacerdotio constitutus." —
" Omnes autem Socii dent operam Theologiae continue, nee ali-
quam aliam facultatem admisceant ; et intra quartum annum
post inceptionem in Artibus, suscipiant Diaconatus ordinem:
et anno exinde completo, in Presbyteros or dinentur."— This
College has the patronage of 10 cures of souls.

496 Appendix F. — The Colleges.
ii. A religious motive clearly was paramount with Devor-
guilla, widow of John Balliol the founder of Balliol College
(1282). This appears from the prominence given in her very
brief Statutes to the attendance of the " Scholares " at Divine
Service, — their " Grace " before and after their meals, — &c.
The Statutes of 1507, which have hitherto governed the
society, direct that the Master shall be "Theologid doctus,
cultui Divino, virtuti et studio, dedilusj horumque nutritor et
incitator." Provision is further made " ne laborantibus ancillis,
id est logica et philosophia, torpescat domina Theologia:" —
a sentiment which is adopted, — the very words being tran
scribed, — by Bp. Fox (15 1 7), the founder of Corpus. Also, —
" ne frigescat fervida in Deum charitas abscondaturve talentum
traditum, statuimus ut Socii hujus Collegii intra quatuor annos
post Magistratus gradus susceptionem ordine Sacerdotali con-
stituantur." — Peter Blundell ordained that the six Scholarships
which he founded and endowed should be held by "Students in
Divinity." — This College presents to 1 9 cures of souls.
in. Walter de Merton, Bp. of Rochester, the founder of
Merton College, in his Statutes (1274) directs that the larger
number of his Scholars "artium liberalium et philosophiae studio
vacent, donee .... tamquam in his laudabiliter provecti, ad stu-
dium se transfer ant Theologiae:" — -words which are borrowed
by the Founder of Oriel, and introduced into his Statutes. The
College was instituted for 'Scholares dociles, in artibus libera-
libus, Canone et Theologid studentes.' (Canon Law was sub
sidiary and preparatory to Theology, — not an independent
pursuit.) — This College has the patronage of 17 cures of souls.
iv. Exeter College, founded by Walter Stapeldon, Bp. of
Exeter (13 16), is to be presided over by a Rector, — "Sacrae
Theologiae Baccalaureus .... cultui Divino deditus." — "Artium
vero Magistri omnes et singuli, tempore suae necessariae re-
gentiae completo, statim ad Sacram Theologiam se divertant ; ei
tam diligenter operam dantes, ut decimo post completam re-
gentiam anno, promoveantur ad gradum Baccalaurei ; ac
deinde, ante octavum annum completum, ad ipsum Doctoratus

Ecclesiastical Foundations. A.g'j
Sacrae Theologiae gradum actualiter promoveantur." — This
College has the patronage of 16 cures of souls.
v. Oriel College was founded " ad honorem Dei . . . et in
augmentationem cultHs Divini." It is described in its Statutes
(1325-6) as "Collegium Scholarinm in sacrd Theologid stu-
dentium in Universitate Oxoniensi perpetuis temporibus dura-
turum:" — in its Charter of Foundation, as designed "ad
decorem Sacrosanctae mains Ecclesiae, cujus ministeria personis
sunt idoneis commiltenda, quae, velut stellae, in custodiis suis
lumen praebeant, et populos instruant doctrina pariter et ex-
emph." Of its Scholars, " decern pro primaria fundatione
Collegii illius, . . . studio vacent Theologiae." — John Franks,
Master of the Rolls (1441), added 4 Scholars, — ''ad Dei
Ecclesiam et Cleri augmentum:" and Bp. Smith (1507), one
more, — "in laudem Dei, exaltalionem fidei et Divini cultHs." —
In 1529, when the full number of 18 Fellows had been
attained, all were to be ultimately Theologians, — as was laid
down by Bp. Longland, acting as Visitor in 1545: and again
by Bp. Gibson, the great Canonist, in 1722. Queen Anne
annexed a Canonry of Rochester to the Provostship for ever. . . .
We of Oriel, by the way, on our three Commemoration days,
while thanking God for the advantages bestowed upon us by
our Founder and Benefactors, pray that " we may never forget
that it is our bounden duty so to employ them as we think they
would approve, if they were now upon earth to witness what we
do." This College presents to 14 cures of souls.
vi. Robert de Eglesfield (1340) says concerning Queen's
College, — " fundavi . . anlam quandam collegiarem Magistro-
rum, capellanorum, theologorum, et aliorum Scholarium ad or
dinem Sacerdotii promovendorum." His College was founded "ad
honorem Dei, et augmentationem cultils Divini." His Fellows
were to be at first 13, — "sub mysterio decursus Christi et
Apostolorum in terris." Vacancies must be filled up by persons
in Priest's Orders, or who promised on oath to take Holy Orders
immediately.— This College presents to 28 cures of souls.
VOL. I. K k

498 Appendix F. — The Colleges.
vii. The Statutes of New College (1400) begin by proclaim
ing the Founder's intention "ut Sacra Scriptura seu pagina,
scientiarum omnium aliarum mater et domina, sua liberius et
prae caeteris dilatet tentoria." He designed to promote the other
sciences and faculties, — " et, ut praecipue ferventius etfrequentius
Christus evangelizetur, et fides cultusque Divini Nominis auge-
atur et fortius sustentetur, — Sacra insuper Theologia : ut sic
dilatetur laus Dei, gubernetur Ecclesia, rigor atque fervor
Christianas religionis calescant." — This College presents to 41
cures of souls.
vin. Thomas Rotheram, Bp. of Lincoln and afterwards Abp.
of York, the second Founder of Lincoln College (1479),
" videntes" (as he says) "priam intentionem Ricardi [Flemming]
antecessoris nostri, esse ad laudem Dei, ad augmentum Cleri, et
profectum universalis Ecclesiae," — proceeds to found " quoddam
Collegium Tlieologorum . . . pro destruendis haeresibus, et errori-
bus evellendis, plantandisque Sacrae doctrinae seminariis." —
" Statuimus insuper et inviolabiliter ordinamus quod nullus in
nostri collegii collegam perpetuum admittatur, . . . nisi quod
eligendus talis sit in Sacerdotio constitutus, vel ad minus infra
annum immediate post electionem in Sacerdotio constitutus."
All these must in due time graduate in Divinity. Chapters vii,
viii, ix of the Statutes (" De Sermonibus dicendis," " De Officio
Divino et assignatione ad altaria," " De suffragiis dicendis pro
Fundatoribus et Benefactoribus,") bear eloquent witness to what
was in the mind of the Founder. It was to be nothing else but
a College of Priests. It still enjoys the patronage of 9 cures of
souls. . . . See more above, at p. 450.
ix. Abp. Chicheley, founder of All Souls' College (1443),
assigns as his motive the needs of the Clergy of his day:
" Statuentes quod quilibet Magister in artibus, statim postquam
necessariam regentiam compleverit, et tres annos ultra, ad
facultatem Theologiae illico se convertere debeat et etiam teneatur."
Also, " quod Socius quilibet dicti Collegii, infra duos annos post
regentiam suam . . ., se ad sacerdotium . . . faciat promoveri."
— This College presents to 1 7 cures of souls.

Ecclesiastical Foundations. 499
x. William Waynflete, Bp. of Winchester (1479), founded
Magdalen College "ad laudem, gloriam et honorem omnipo
tent Dei, &c. extirpationem haeresium el errorum, augmentum
Cleri, decorem sacrosanctae matris Ecclesiae," <fec. : (borrowing a
sentence already quoted from the Oriel Statutes.) Over this
"Aula perpetua eruditionis scientiarum sacrae Theologiae et
Philosophiae" was to be set "persona Ecclesiastica in Praesidem."
The founder aimed at " sustentationem fidei Christianae, Ecclesiae
profectum, Divini cultils, liberaliumque artium, scientiarum, et
facuitatuin augmentum." Besides his 40 Fellows, who within
a year of their regency were, with certain exceptions, to enter
the Priesthood, he appointed twelve " alt-iris et Ca/iellue [dicti
Collegii] ministri, deservientes quotidie in eadem : quorum vide
licet quatuor presbyteri, et octo clerici existant." The three
Deans of his College were to be " provectiores in Theologid."—
This College has the patronage of 41 cures of souls.
xi. William Smyth, Bp. of Lincoln, and his co-founder of
Brasenose College (1521) announce that they aim "ad
sustentationem et exaltationem fidei Christianae, Ecclesiae sanctae
profectum, et Divini cultils augmentum." Next, because " omnes
et singuli in Sacrd Theologid studere optantes, ex facultatibus
scientiarum sophistriae, logicae, et philosophiae florescunt," there
fore they are solicitous for the prosecution of those other studies
by their " scholares." The Principal must be a graduate in
Divinity, or at least a Master of arts iu Priest's Orders, " sacrae
Theologiae studio deditus."— This College presents to 53 cures
of souls.
xii. Richard Fox, Bp. of Winchester ( 1 5 1 7 ), founder of Corpus
Christi College, at the beginning of his Statutes is divided
between the image of a ladder by which to mount up lo Heaven;
and a hive, — " in quo scholastici, veluti ingeniosae apes, dies
noctesque ad Dei honorem dulciflua mella confidant ad uni-
versorum Christianorum commoditatem." He ordains that his
Masters " ad ipsum Doctoratus sacrae T/ieologiae gradum ad-
volent," and shall preach Sermons in public, of which he specifies
the occasions. Finally, " ne quisquam se a Dominico retrahat
K k 2

500 Appendix F. — The Colleges.
ministerio," every Fellow of ihe College (save the one who might
study Medicine) was required to take Holy Orders within a year
of his regency. — This College presents to 22 cures of souls.
xiii. Of Christ Church (1532) it is sufficient to state that it
is essentially a Cathedral Foundation. At the head of it is the
Dean. Five of its Canons are Professors of Divinity : the sixth
being ihe Archdeacon of Oxford. " In hoc Collegio nostro
instituendo," (says its Founder,) " id unum spectaverunt cogita-
tiones nostrae ut, ad illustrandam Divinae Majestatis gloriam
recta, animorum institutione educata juventus, turn moribus
turn Uteris eatenus proficiat ut non vitae minus exemplo quam
verd et sincerd Evangelii jyraedicatione fidem Christi Salvatoris
simplicioribus animis commendare queat." — The House enjoys
the patronage of 93 cures of souls.
xiv. The founder of Trinity College (1554) aims at " ortho-
doxae fidei Religionisque Christianae incrementum." " Theologiae
•studio singulos Artium Magistros statim post necessariam suam
regentiam completam, sine temporis intervallo gnaviter animos
intendere praecipio." The chapter (20) "De haereticorum vitando
consortio " (" Quum in votis semper habuerim sinceram Christi
Religionem, ab omni haereseos labe puram, Christi populo iri
commendatum," &c.) leaves no doubt as to the spirit and inten
tion of the Founder of Trinity. — The College presents to 10
cures of souls.
xv. St. John's College was founded (1555) "ad honorem
Sanctissimae et individuae Trinitatis . . . et ad totius caelestis
hierarchiae gloriam, et ad Christianae religionis augmentum."
" Cum igitur " (says the pious founder) " instituti nostri sit oriho-i
doxae fidei et Christianae professions augmentum," &c. "ut
Theologia, verbique Divini sineera praedicatio, mater ac Domina:
Scientiarum omnium, sua liberius latiusque germina emittat," &c.
"Artium Magistri, omnes et singuli, tempore suae necessariae
regentiae complete, statim ad sacram Theologiam se convertant :"
proceeding to the highest degree in Divinity.— This College has
the patronage of 32 cures of souls.

Ecclesiastical Foundations. 501
xvi. Jesus College (1571) was founded "ad summi et Omni-
potentis Dei gloriam et honorem, ad Christianae et sincerae Reli-
gionis amplificationem, et stabilimentnin, ad errorum et falsarum,
persuasionum extirpationem, ad augendum el conti nuendum pie-
tatis cultum." "Artium quoque Magistri, omnes et singuli,
tempore necessariae suae regentiae nompleto, statim ad sacrum
Theologiam se divertant : eidem tam diligentem exinde operam
danies, ut septimo post gradum Magisterii ademptum anno, ad
baccalaureatum in T/ieologid, et exinde ad gradum Doctoris in
eadem facultate admittantur, sub poena amotionis a Collegio in
perpetuum, nisi ex causa rationabili," &c. — This College presents
to 19 cures of souls.
xvn. Wadham College (161 2) is described as "quoddam
Collegium perpetuum Sacrae Tlieologiae," &c. The Warden
must be a Doctor of Divinity. Masters must proceed either iu
the faculty of Theology, Medicine, or Civil Law. — The College
presents to 13 cures of souls.
xviii. The Statutes of Pembroke College, which bear date
1629, require that "Omnes Socii et Scholares sui ad studium
Theologiae obligabuntur, et erunt Presbyteri intra quatuor annos
a gradu Magisterii in artibus suscepto. Nee manebunt in Col
legio ultra viginti annos ab eodem gradu, nisi fuerint Theologiae
baccalaurei." Thomas Teesdale's seven Fellows are all bound
to take Holy Orders. Queen Anne annexed a Canonry of
Gloucester to the Mastership for ever. — The College presents
to 8 cures of souls.
xix. Worcester College, though not founded till 1714,
retains the same character : — " Quicunque sive in Socios sive in
Scholares admittendi sunt, ex Ecclesia Anglicana sint: intra
quatuor annos a gradu Magisterii suscepto, Sacris Ordinibus
initientur, et post annum e diaconatu ad sacrum Presbyteratus
ordinem promoveantur. . . . Nee plures unquam eodem tempore
quam duos in facultate alia quam Theologiae incipere permit-
timus."  The College presents to 10 cures of souls.

502 Appendix G. — The Colleges
But he who would understand to what an extent the Religious
element pervades the Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford, must
inspect those Statutes for himself. The constant requirement
that the Bible shall be read during time of dinner,— (sometimes
the portion so read being explained afterwards by one of the
Fellows) : the frequent provision made for holding Theological
Disputations, or giving Divinity Lectures, in the Chapel : the
duties of the "Catechist:" the provision for public Grace before
meals,- — for Prayers, — for the observance of Festival Days, — for
the maintenance of the Choir, and for Divine worship generally :
— these and many other like details, all point unmistakably in
one direction, and prove incontestably that the recent Legisla
tion is nothing else but a reversal of the Intentions of Founders
and Benefactors. Who that surveys the foregoing extracts will
deny that " the Disestablishment of Religion " in such In
stitutions as these, is " the Betrayal of a Sacred Trust " 2

APPEXDIX (G).
The Colleges of Oxford intended for the encourage
ment of Learning in the sons of poor Parents.
[Referred to at pa ges 320 : 359-63: 427: 451-3.]
The following notices on this subject, indicative of the inten
tions of Founders, are derived from a cursory inspection of the
Statutes. Such notices might be very largely increased : —
" Eos semper in Scholares Collegii eligi volumus " (so run the
Statutes of University College) " qui sunt facultatibus pau
perises." . . . The pious foundress of Balliol (1282) has a
notable injunction : — " Et ut melius provideatur sustentationi
pauperum, ad quorum utilitatem intendimus laborare, volumus
quod ditiores in societate Scholarium nostrorum ita temperate
studeant vivere ut pauperes nullo modo graventur propter ex-
pensas onerosas." The Statutes which till lately exclusively
governed the society were those framed by the Bps. of Win
chester and Carlisle in 1507. These provide that the Scholars

INTENDED FOR THE POOR. 503
shall wait on the Fellows at table, and " de reliquiis mensae
Magistri et Sociorum vivant," — a sufficient indication of what
must have been their condition. . . . The qualifications of the
"Scholares" of Exeter College are thus set down: — "ad
proficiendum aptiores, in moribus honestiores, et in facultatibus
pauperiores." . . . The following is the provision on this subject
in the Statutes of Oriel : — " Hoc enim in eadem domo specia-
liter observari volumus, ut circa eos qui ad hujusmodi eleemo-
synae participium admittendi fuerint diligenti solicitudine
caveatur, ne qui praeter humiles, indi gentes, ad studium ha-
hiles, proficere voleutes recipiantur." . . . The founder of Queen's
College (1340) ordains, — " Sint insuper semper in eadem aula
pauperes juvenes in subduplo numero ad maximum numerum
parem Scholarium in eadem pro tunc existentium : ita quod
numerus eorunoUm pauperum numerum septuaginta duorum
Christi discipulorum non excedat." " Pauperes tales nominari
volo et assumi juxta formam electionis Sociorum, ita tamen
quod indigentes de med parentela vel consanguinitate, et de locis
ubi beneficia dictae aulae consistunt, caeteris praeferantur."
The regulations concerning these poor boys fill several pages of
the Statutes. . . . William of Wykeham (1400) speaks of New
College, as consisting " in et de numero unius Custodis ac
septuaginta pauperum indigentium Scholarium clericorum." . . .
So Abp. Chiclieley (1443) describes All Souls' College as
"unum Collegium pauperum ac indigentium Scholarium, cleri
corum." . . . Magdalen College was intended to be " per
petuum Collegium pauperum et indigentium, Scholarium, cleri
corum." Over and above these, — " sint alii triginta pauperes
Scholares, vulgariter Demyes nuncupati." . . . Trinity College
was founded (1556) "ad perpetuam pauperum Seholfirium in
Academia, degentium sustentationem." "Turn quod in omnibus,
et super omnia, pauperlati faveatur, ita ut ii tantum ad hujus
eleemosynae participationem admittantur, qui inopid pressi, unde
vivant, seque in bonarum literarum studiis sustentent, non
habent: et omni fere amicorum ope destituti esse cognoscuntur."
The founder of S. John's College (1555) declares that —
"quia Christus praecipit pauperes recipere in hospitia, nos

504 Appendix G.
ordinamus et volumus quod omnes in collegium nostrum ad
annos probationis eligendi, sint pauperes et indigentes Scholares,
clerici." Accordingly he provides an endowment for 50 " Scho
lares pauperiores." . . . The expression recurs in the Statutes
of Pembroke College with reference to Thomas Teesdale's
foundation (1629). His Scholars were to be " ex pauperioribus!'
. . . Jesus College (1571) was founded (inter alia) "ad pau
perum et inopid afflictorum sublevationem." . . . Wadham is
described (161 2) as "aliquod Collegium pauperum et indigen
tium Scholarium."

Let me refer here to three Pamphlets by 'my friend and late /
brother-Fellow, Dr. Chase, Principal of S. Mary Hall, who has
ever been the firm and consistent champion of the " Pauperes
Scholares," — the faithful advocate of the claims of Poverty on
our Collegiate Foundations :—(i) 'A Plea for John Lord Craven,
and the Eleemosynary purpose of Founders generally ' [n. d!\ : —
(2) ' The Rights of " Indigentes'' in respect to College Foundations,'
A Letter to Sir J. Pakington, 1856 : — (3) 'Education for frugal
men at the University of Oxford. An account ofthe experiments
at S. Mary's and S. Alban Halls,' — 1864. ... I have also before/7
me some prophetic words of his in a short pamphlet entitled
¦ The De-Christianizing ofthe Colleges of Oxford,' reprinted fr,om
the " Standard" of Oct. 27, 1868. Dr. Chase begins,— "The
effect, whatever may be the intention, of Mr. [now Lord
Chief Justice] Coleridge's Bill, should it pass into an Act,
can be, under the present circumstances of the University,
nothing less than the de-Christianizing of the Colleges
of Oxford." — A truer sentence was never penned. — " I cannot
conceal from myself " (the words are Dean Mansel's) " the con
viction that your Tests' Bill is hut one of a series of assaults
destined to effect an entire separation between the University and
the Church."

1776