if jrposes.

umm^ww

1925

HISTORY

J&ortjjum&eriann,

IE" THREE PARTS.

PART I.
Containing tje General History of t|)e County <
STATE OF THE DISTRICT UNDER THE ROMANS,
THE SAXON AND DANISH KINGS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM.
WITH A
J13arratitie of <£tients connected toitf) tfje Countg
FROM THE NORMAN CONQUEST
TO THE ACCESSION OF THE HOUSE OF HANOVER.

UNDERTAKEN BY THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE :
PRINTED BY THOMAS & JAMES PIGG, 81, CLAYTON-STREET.

MDCCCLVIII.

TO
EICHAED WELLINGTON HODGSON ESQ.
THIS VOLUME
COMPILED AS A SUPPLEMENT TO HIS FATHER'S LABOURS
AND
AS A TOKEN OF REGARD FOR HIS MEMORY
IS DEDICATED
WITH SINCERE RESPECT
BY
JOHN HODGSON HINDE.

PREFACE.

i HE compilation of the present volume has been undertaken at the request of the Anti
quarian Society of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, as a contribution of labour towards the completion
of the History of Northumberland, so ably commenced and industriously prosecuted by the
late Rev. John Hodgson.
That gentleman proposed to divide his work into three parts.
I. The General History of the County from the earliest period.
II. The Topography and Local Antiquities arranged in parishes.
III. A Collection of Records and Illustrative Documents.
With the second and third divisions he had made considerable progress, a large portion of
the county having been described and illustrated in a manner which enhances the regret
universaUy entertained that he was not spared to finish the task he had undertaken.
Of the first part no commencement had been made ; and the Council of the Antiquarian
Society determined to proceed with this in the first instance ; that the work might at aU
events be complete, as far as it goes, instead of consisting of the second and third parts
only, without a first. This resolution, it is believed, has been generaUy satisfactory to the '
possessors of copies of the original work, who may rest assured that no efforts shaU be
wanting on the part of the Society to ensure the completion of the History in its entirety.
The undertaking of the compiler of this part extends only to the present volume, for the
whole of which he is responsible, except for the second chapter, which embraces the impor
tant discussion as to the BuUder of the Roman WaU, for which the reader is indebted to
the much abler pen of Dr. Bruce.
The name of that gentleman is so completely identified with the subject, and his reputa
tion in connection with it is so deservedly high, that the Editor felt he should have been
gmlty of the utmost presumption, if he had attempted the execution of this task himself.
There seemed, besides, a peculiar propriety in soliciting Dr. Bruce's assistance here, as in
this investigation he has foUowed in the footsteps of Mr. Hodgson, enforcing with singular
clearness and ability the views which were originally propounded in the History of North
umberland. As regards the remainder of the volume, it may be necessary to say a few words, explana
tory of the views of the compiler. In the earlier portion, extending through the Roman,

VI PREFACE.
Saxon, and Danish Periods, and the Government of the Official Earls, he has endeavoured
to render the historical details as fuU as possible. In dealing with the Roman Period, indeed,
he has refrained from discussing some topographical questions, the elucidation of which
might have rendered his sketch more perfect, because the subjects had already come under
Mr. Hodgson's own review in the last of his published volumes.
In the Saxon and Danish Periods a much clearer field was open to him, which Mr.
Hodgson has not entered upon at aU, and which has been very imperfectly explored by
others. Here he has scrupulously consulted every available authority, tracing each state
ment to its original source, and never relying on recent historians for information which
they could only have at second or third hand. Where irreconcilable discrepancies exist
between different writers, he has invariably presented all the conflicting statements, not,
indeed, hesitating to state his own view in favour of one or the other, but giving the reader
at the same time the means of forming an independent judgment. He has avaUed himself,
to the best of his ability, of the increased facilities which now exist, not only of referring
to the historians of our own country, but of comparing their statements with the chronicles
of other nations. This course has been of especial service to him in the darkest period of
Northumbrian history, in which he has been enabled, by a comparison of the Saxon Chronicle
and Symeon with the inestimable series of Irish Annals, to trace the erratic career of
the Danish leaders, who flitted backward and forward from one island to the other, as
plunder or conquest invited them, and were to be met with, one year at Waterford or
Dublin, and the next on the Humber or the Tyne.
The Government of the Official Earls has been treated in detail, under the conviction
that minute particulars, the narrative of which would unduly swell a national history, are
especially interesting to the readers of the annals of an isolated locality.
During the Norman Period to the close of the reign of Henry III., the compUer has stiU
aimed at preserving the memory of every incident connected with the county, because up
to that time Northumberland stiU had a sort of nationality of its own, not completely
absorbed in the sovereignty of England. For a considerable portion of the period, indeed,
it was in the hands of Scottish princes, nor did the kings of Scotland finaUy abandon their
claim tiU its very close. In the reign of John, and even in that of his successor, it was yet
doubtful whether Northumberland would ultimately be attached to the southern or northern
monarchy in Britain.
With the reign of Edward I. an entirely new era commences. Northumberland becomes
at once the scene of great events, but these do not especiaUy concern the county in which
they occur, as their history is the common property of the nation. From this date, whfist
on the one hand a History of Northumberland would be imperfect which omitted any ma
terial incident that took place within it : so on the other, it should not be encumbered with
an elaborate account of every Scottish invasion and Border skirmish.
In the subsequent pages, where some discretion had to be exercised in dealing with super-

PREFACE. Vll
abundant materials, those events have been briefly noticed which have already been fully
illustrated by our general or local historians, whilst greater space has been afforded for
matters hitherto unrecorded or imperfectly understood, which have been brought to light
by the publication of State Papers, Privy Council Records, and other authentic documents
not previously avafiable.
In particular, care has been taken to render accessible all information which could be
gathered of a statistical nature. On this head, indeed, an apology may be due to some
readers for what may appear dry records of the names of the Border leaders, the position
of their strongholds, and the number of followers they could bring into the field. Some
may complain that the narrative is interrupted by duU abstracts of obsolete Acts of Par
liament. These, however, are the criticisms of which the Editor has the least fear. He
may have failed to render his narrative tolerably attractive ; he may have been too diffuse
in some matters and too brief in others : but in presenting these documents and abstracts,
he is satisfied that he is supplying valuable materials for Ulustrating the state of the country
in by-gone times.
Two chapters have been introduced at the close of the Norman Period, the importance of
which, it is hoped, wiU sufficiently excuse the interruption of the historical narrative to
make room for them. Of these, one is devoted to the Tenures, Services, and Customs
originating in earlier times, of which traces yet remained in Northumberland, either exclu
sively or in common only with the adjoining counties : the other contains such particulars
as can be recovered respecting the wapentake of Sadberge, whUst it formed a part of the
county of Northumberland. Both chapters have been compiled from materials which have
not been accessible to previous enquirers, and it is hoped that the information which they
contain may be interesting beyond the circle of local readers, to whom the perusal of a topo
graphical work is usuaUy confined. Whatever attraction they may have for the general or
local antiquary, is attributable in a very smaU degree only to the compUer. The materials
were for the most part ready to his hands, in the valuable series of Pipe RoUs which were
given to the public by Mr. Hodgson in another volume of his history. The publication of
these records was a service to historical literature and constitutional antiquities, which has
hitherto been very imperfectly appreciated — partly, perhaps, from the immense variety of
information which they contain, and the somewhat chaotic state in which it is presented. It
would be truly gratifying if the perusal of these chapters were to be the means of directing
attention to the documents on which they are founded, so as to lead not only to the study
of the Pipe RoUs of the Northern Counties, which have already been printed,* but to the
pubhcation of a continuous series of the early RoUs of other counties.
a The series of Northumberland Pipe Rolls, printed by Mr. Hodgson, comprise the reigns of Henry IL, Richard I.,
John, and Henry III. The Pipe Rolls of Cumberland, Westmorland, and Durham, to the end of the reign of John,
have been published by the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

CONTENTS.

Chapter I. Roman Period  1
Chapter II. On the Builder of the Roman Wall, by the Rev. Br. Bruce . 25
Chapter III. Saxon Period  57
Chapter IV. Danish Period  113
Chapter V. The Official Earldom ...... . 158
Chapter VI. Norman Period ...  201
Chapter VII. Tenures, Services, and Customs  245
Chapter VIII. Sadberge  , . 273
Chapter IX. Medieval Period  . 289
Chapter X. Tudor Period  333
Chapter XI. Stuart Dynasty  375

TABLE OF DOCUMENTS, &c, INSERTED.

Names of Persons possessed of 20 librates of land, who ought to be Knights and are not. 6th
Edward I., 1278  295
List of Kjiights and Men-at- Arms. 17th Edward IL, 1323  303
Eoyal Castles, with, the names of the Constables and number of the Garrisons. 3rd Henry IV.,
1401  313
Knights and Esquires summoned to attend the King at Westminster. 3rd Henry IV. . . 314
Castles of the Earl of Northumberland, with their Constables. 5th Henry IV., 1403. . . 315
Names of Knights and Gentlemen. 12th Henry VL, 1435  324
Commissioners of the Peace. 1st Edward V. and 1st Eichard IIL, 1483  333
Holds and Townships, with the names of the Owners and Inhabitants and the number of Men.
Henry VIII. circa 1513  339

X. CONTENTS. PAGE
The Names and Qualities of the Gentlemen of the East and Middle Marches, circa 1530. . . 347
" The Misdemeanours of the Eeligious Persons of Hexham." 28th Henry VIII., 1536. . 358
Noblemen and Gentlemen present at Newcastle at a Council on the affairs of the Borders. Sep
tember, 1552  359
Commissioners of Enclosure for the East and Middle Marches, 1552-3. ..... 360
Documents relating to the office of Sheriff of Northumberland in the reigns of Henry VIII. and
Edward VI.  . . 363-367
Gentlemen living within the East Marches. 2nd Elizabeth, 1560. . . . . . 374
List of Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who compounded for their Estates during the Common
wealth.  392
Intended Order of the Eoyal Oak; List of Knights, 1660.  392
List of Gentry, 1673. ,  .394
Acting Justices, 32nd to 37th Charles' IL, and 1st to 4th James II. .... 396
Eoman Catholic Landowners registered 2nd George I., 1716. . ... 398

^fetorg of ^ortfmmbertaniJ-

CHAPTEE I.
EOMAN PERIOD.
In tracing the ancient History of Northumberland, it is impossible to adhere
strictly to the narrow limits of the present county. During the Saxon period, it
will be necessary to include in our survey the entire kingdom of that name ; and
it will be convenient, from the commencement, to adopt the same area, extend
ing from the Humber and Mersey on the south to the Forth and Clyde on the
north. Within this district were comprised, in the opinion of Camden, with
whom Horsley and all our most distinguished antiquaries concur, the two Eoman
provinces of Maxima Csesariensis and Yalentia, the former lying to the south,
the latter to the north, of the great Barrier which stretches from the Tyne to the
estuary of the Solway. From the Notitia we learn that there were five provinces
in Britain — three under officers of prsesidial rank, and two under consular
governors. The former were Britannia Prima, Britannia Secunda, and Flavia
Csesariensis ; the latter, Maxima Csesariensis, and Yalentia. Camden, with his
usual acuteness, has remarked, that in the decline of the Empire the frontier pro
vinces only had governors of consular dignity, and infers that the prsesidial
governors were appointed to the three southern provinces, which were more
immediately under the eye of the Vicarius of Britain, and tbe consular to the
two northern. Of the correctness of this view we have confirmatory evidence as
regards Valentia, the remotest from the central authority. In the reign of
Yalentinian, when the Eoman territory was invaded by the barbarians, and
the great Theodosius sent over to repel their aggressions, we find that, having
expelled them from the frontier, which they had occupied, he formed the reco
vered country into a new province, to which he gave the name of Valentia, after
his imperial master.1 4 Ammianus Marcellinus, as cited hereafter.
PART I. B

2 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Within the district, which has by general consent been assigned to the
province of Maxima, two British tribes were located, the Parisi and the
Brigantes. Of the former we know nothing beyond the position which they
occupy in the geography of Ptolemy on the sea-coast immediately north of
the Humber. Their " well-sheltered bay'' is supposed by Horsley to be that of
Bridlington, which, protected from the violence of the waves by the promontory
of Flamborough-head, is fully entitled to the name. The site of their capital,
Petuaria, has been the subject of much discussion, but is still involved in too
much obscurity to justify the admission of any conjectural opinion here. The
Brigantes are described by Tacitus as the most numerous tribe in Britain,
and Ptolemy speaks of their territory as extending from sea to sea, and contain
ing nine towns, being considerably more than the number possessed by any other
state. From the limits which he assigns to them, and the position of their towns,
they seem to have occupied the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lan
caster, the West and North Eidings of Yorkshire, Durham and a small portion of
Northumberland. Of their towns, the positions of the following are ascertained
beyond dispute, as they occur also in the Itinerary of Antoninus and elsewhere ;
Isurium at Aldborough, Eboracum at York, Caturractonium at Caterick, and
Yinnovium at Binchester, near Bishop- Auckland. Isurium occurs more than once
in the Itinerary ; in one instance as Isu-Brigantum, and is supposed to have been
the ancient capital of the tribe whose name is thus incorporated with it. Even
under the Eoman government, although inferior to Eboracum, in must, from
existing remains, have been a place of considerable importance.
Olicana seems to be identical with the station of Olenacum in the Notitia. Its
locality has generally been assigned to Ilkley in the West Eiding of Yorkshire, at
which there are the remains of a Eoman station, chiefly on account of the sup
posed affinity of the ancient and modern names ; neither is Ilkley an inappropriate
site for Olenacum, situated as it is on the Eoman road from Eibchester to Castle-
ford. The four remaining towns of the Brigantes, Calatum, Camunlodunum, Epia-
cum, and Eigodunum, neither occur in the Itinerary nor the Notitia; unless Horsley
is right in identifying Calatum with Galacum, and Camunlodunum with Campo-
dunum, both in the Itinerary, the former of which he places at Appleby, b the
b No remains have been discovered at Appleby denoting a Eoman station, nor have we any satisfac
tory evidence of a Eoman road in that direction.

ROMAN PERIOD. 6
latter at Gretland, near Halifax. Some investigators have fancied that in
Camunlodunum they trace the original of the modern name of Malton, but Malton
does not at all accord with the locality indictated by Ptolemy, being many miles
too far to the east.
Epiacum is conjecturally placed by Horsley at Hexh am, which suits very well
with the latitude assigned to it by Ptolemy, half a degree north of Vinnovium ;
but if he is correct in the longitude, half a degree west from the same place, then
Hexham is not nearly far enough in that direction.
Of Eigodunum, Horsley says "Camden conjectures the true original reading
might be Ribodunum and that the place is Eibchester, in Lancashire, but this
seems too far fetched. Some coins are said to have been found at Coin, and ac
cording to Mr. Thoresby there has been a Eoman town near Leeds, but neither of
these seem to suit the Eigodunum of our geographer. The situation he assigns
it would direct us rather to Manchester or Warrington ; the former is undoubtedly
Eoman, and bears the name of Mancunium in the Itinerary. I have also been told
of a military way near Warrington ; if this intelligence be right, I would give my
suffrage for it." Subsequent investigations prove beyond doubt that a Eoman road
passed Warrington, but whether Warrington was Eigodunum is still involved in
uncertainty, although no more feasible site has been suggested. It agrees pretty
well with the geographical position laid down by Ptolemy, a sixth of a degree
north of York, and two degrees west. The Eoman remains mentioned by Thoresby
are at Adel, six miles from Leeds to the north-west. After all, we have no evidence
that Eigodunum, which is enumerated by Ptolemy amongst the towns of the
native Brigantes, was ever adopted as a Eoman settlement, and we are probably
led astray by seeking to identify its site by evidences of Eoman occupation.
Camden's theory, on the whole, though not conclusive, is as probable as any other.
The province of Yalentia comprised the territories of five British tribes, the No-
vantse, Damnii, Selgovse, Otadeni and Gadeni. The geography of this district is
greatly perplexed by a mistake of Ptolemy, who seems to have formed his map from
two distinct surveys, one reaching northward to the Wall, the other including
the country beyond. These he has pieced together in such a way as to turn the
western part of the second survey to the north, thus converting degrees of latitude
into longitude, and the converse. We find in this way the promontory of Gallo
way represented as the northernmost angle of the island, and Caithness extended
eastward almost across the German Ocean. Amongst the many services rendered

4 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
by Horsley to the study of Eomano-British antiquities, not the least is his rectifica
tion of Ptolemy's map, from which we are enabled with tolerable precision to
determine the relative positions of the five tribes. Beginning at the west we
have the Novantoe occupying the district of Galloway, and giving their name to the
Novantine Chersonese ; to the north of the Novantse lay the Damnii, and to the
east the Selgovse ; beyond these, on the eastern side of the island, were the
Otadeni and Gadeni. If Ptolemy's account of the relative positions of the
towns were at all to be relied on, we might with some confidence determine the
boundaries of the tribes to which they belong, but on this head Horsley' s attempts
at identification are at most, with a very few exceptions, but happy conjectures.
Of the two towns of the Novantse, the position of Eetigonium is ascertained
from the circumstance of its standing on a bay of the same name, which can only
be Loch Eyan, on which is seated the modern town of Stranraer : the site of
Lucopibia is undetermined, opinions being divided between Wigton and Whit-
hern. The Damnii had six tow ns, the Selgovse four, to all of which Horsley has assigned
sites according very well with the data furnished by Ptolemy, but unsupported
by confirmatory evidence, beyond the occasional presence of Eoman or British re
mains, which might as well belong to any other town, as to that to which he
attributes them. The following lists are formed in accordance with his opinions.
Towns op the Seigovje.
Carhantorigwm . . Bardanna, or Kier,
Perthshire.
Uxelum  Caerlaveroch, Dumfries.
Corda  Cumnoc, Ayrshire.
Trimontium .... Birrenswork Hill,
Dumfriesshire.
The very significant name of the last town in this list, Trimontium, is undoubt
edly not of British origin, but must have been imposed by the Eomans. General
Eoy first suggested the Eildon Hills, and not Birrenswork, as the true site, and
certainly no one can contemplate the peculiar configuration of the three peaks
which rise high and conspicuous above the surrounding country without being
struck by the appropriateness of the designation. Birrenswork is indeed a most
remarkable hill, and, like Eildon, visible from a great distance on all sides ; but

Towns oe the Damnii.

Colania .

. Carstairs, in Lanarkshire.

Vcmduara

. Paisley.

Coria . . .

. Lynekirk, in Peebles.

Alauna . .

. Camelon, near Ealkirk.

Lindum . ,

, Kirkintillock, near Glasgow.

Victoria . .

. Abernethy, in Perthshire.

ROMAN PERIOD. 5
it is a single isolated mass, to which the name, so apposite in the other case, is
altogether unsuited. If Eildon be the true Trimontium, the Selgovse are neces
sarily brought much further to the north-east than they have generally been
placed. The result of this is, that much more space is allowed for the territory of
the Damnii, and much less for the Otadeni and Gadeni, than by a strict adherence
to Ptolemy's allocation ; but so far is this from being an objection, that it rather
relieves us from a difficulty. The Otadeni and Gadeni had but two towns be
tween them, and must have been very small tribes, whereas the Damnii had six
towns, and are spread by Ptolemy over three degrees of latitude and one of
longitude. To accommodate these details to the supposed position of Trimontium
at Birrenswork, Horsley has been compelled to extend the Damnii far beyond the
boundaries of Yalentia, placing one of their towns as far north as the banks of the
Tay ; a course which is rendered unnecessary, if General Eoy's suggestion is en
tertained, and the Selgovse are removed into a district which had been unneces
sarily assigned to the exclusive occupation of the Otadeni and Gadeni.. It may
be remarked that there are at Eildon, British remains even more conspicuous
than those described by Horsley at Birrenswork, whilst traces of Eoman occupation
are equally distinct." No town is mentioned by Ptolemy amongst the Gadeni,
and only two amongst the Otadeni, Curia and Bremenium. Of the&e the site of
the former is uncertain ; that of the latter is determined both by inscriptions and
by the Itinerary, being the only one of Ptolemy's towns, to the north of the
wall of Hadrian, which occurs in that document. It is also the most northern
which exhibits the remains of massive fortifications of masonry, the Eoman stations
in Scotland being mere earth-works. It stands in a commanding situation in the
upper part of the valley of the Eeed, in Northumberland, on the line of the great
Eoman road which traversed the island from north to south, by the Brigantian
towns of Yinnovium, Caturractonium, Isurium and Eboracum. A few miles to the
south, on the same line of road, and also on the margin of the Eeed, is another Eo
man station, to which the name of Habitancum is assigned on the authority of in
scriptions, but which is unnoticed in the geography of Ptolemy, the Itinerary
and the Notitia. Habitancum seems to have been within the territory of the
Gadeni ; at least altars have been found there dedicated to " the God Magon of
the Gadeni." If this inference be correct, then Brememium and Habitancum
0 Eor the Eoman antiquities discovered at Eildon, see Stuart's Caledonia Romana ; also Wilson's
Prehistoric Antiquities of Scotland.

6 HISTORY OP NORTHUMBERLAND.
must have been frontier positions of the Otadeni and Gadeni, each of whom, as
well as the Brigantes, were partially located within the modern county of North
umberland. The Brigantes are first mentioned by Tacitus, under the year 50 (a.d)., but as
he describes them as being then in a state of rebellion, they must have submitted
to the Eoman government at a somewhat earlier period. Aulus Plantius was
the first general sent into Britain by the Emperor Claudius, a.d. 43, nearly a
century after the invasion of Julius Csesar. Of his two first campaigns we have
a minute account, and it is certain that up to the close of the second year he did
not penetrate so far north as the Humber. Of the intervening years, from 45 to
49 inclusive, we have no record, but the submission of the Brigantes must have
been within that period.
In the year 50 Ostorius Scapula was appointed to the government, who having
suppressed an outbreak of the Iceni, and overrun the country of the Cangi, was
crossing over to the west coast, when he was recalled by intelligence of disturb
ances amongst the Brigantes. " Eesolved," says Tacitus, " not to attempt new con
quests till the old were secured," he hastened back, when his promptitude was
rewarded with complete success, and the Brigantes returned to their allegiance.
Although thus constrained to acknowledge the Eoman supremacy, they still main
tained their domestic government under their queen Cartismandua, who was not
only favourably inclined towards the invaders, but glad to avail herself of their
protection against civil commotions amongst her own people. She proved her zeal
for her new allies by giving up to them Caractacus king of the Silures, who, after
a gallant struggle for the liberties of his country, was compelled to seek refuge at
her court. Notwithstanding the captivity of their king, the Silures maintained
an obstinate resistance, and caused so much loss and annoyance to their assailants,
that Ostorius sunk under the fatigue and annoyance of his position, leaving the
Eoman forces in Britain for a time without any recognised head.
# When Diddius Gallus was appointed to the vacant command, he found the affairs
of the Eoman province in a most critical state. Not only had the imperial forces
been defeated by the Silures, but the latter had been joined by Yenusius the hus
band of Cartismandua, the ablest British leader after Caractacus, with a consider
able portion of the Brigantes. Cartismandua, who enjoyed the crown in her own
right, had repudiated Yenusius, and contracted a second marriage with his
armour-bearer Yellocatus. Disgusted by this conduct, and ashamed, under such

ROMAN PERIOD. 7
circumstances to submit to female domination, the bulk of the people sided with
Yenusius, and Cartismandua was driven from the throne, in defiance of the Eo
man governor, and the legions of her foreign protectors. " To Yenusius," says
Tacitus, " was left the kingdom, to us war." The contest, as he elsewhere in
forms us, " was at first doubtful, but its termination was satisfactory."11 The dis
comfiture of Cartismandua was in truth an advantage to the Eomans, who were
now at liberty to persue their own territorial aggrandizement, instead of upholding
the government of a discreditable ally. An important victory was gained by
Cesius Nasica, the lieutenant of Diddius, who was himself incapacitated for active
exertion by age and long service ; and the success was followed up by Petilius
Cerialis, though still incomplete at the close of his government.6
Whether the subjugation of the province was perfected by his successor Julius
Frontinus, or was reserved for the genius of Agricola, is uncertain, but the notices
which have come down to us of the exploits of the former refer to a different
quarter of the island.
Julius Agricola assumed the government, a.d. 78, having previously served in
Britain with distinguished reputation under Suetonius Paulinus. His first cam
paign, as chief in command, was against the Ordovices, and closed with the con
quest of the Isle of Anglesea/ The proceedings of the following year are enumerated
in general terms by Tacitus, without any distinct specification of localities, but it
is probable that the winter of 79-80 was passed in the north, with a view to the
campaign of the following year, and Horsley is of opinion that a part at least of
the " Stations and Castles," which are described by the historian as having been
erected during the previous summer, were in the Hne subsequently occupied by the
Wall of Hadrian.
In the third year, a.d. 80, he proceeded northwards amongst tribes hitherto
unknown, as far as the estuary of the Tay. It has indeed been contended by some,
that so long a march through a hostile country was impracticable in a single
season; and that " Taus Estuarium'' is meant not for the Tay but the Solway.
4 This narrative is derived from a comparison of the Histories of Tacitus with the Annates of the
same writer.
8 The government of Vettius Bolanus intervened between those of Diddius and Petilius, but it was
a period of inaction.
Mr. Hodgson has given a verbatim translation of Tacitus' account of the campaigns of Agricola.
Hist. North., Part IL, vol. iii., p. 157.

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

But if this be so, where are the new tribes through whose territories he passed ?
The Brigantes, who occupied the entire country northward to the Solway and the
Tyne, had been known to successive governors for thirty-years. Beyond them
the nations were undoubtedly new, for the great extent of the Brigantian ter
ritories had completely intercepted all communication with the country to the
north. The latitude of the Solway was probably the starting point ; certainly it
was not the limit of the operations of the year. The Eoman roads to the north
pass this parallel at two points, one line crossing the Tyne near Corbridge, the
other crossing the Eden at Carlisle. From the Brigantian frontier, at either point,
to the Tay below Perth, the distance is about equal ; in neither case exceeding
150 miles ; and surely this is no excessive distance for a well appointed army un
der the ablest general of the age to penetrate in a summer, especially when we
are told that the enemy were so panic-stricken, as not even to attempt to arrest
their progress.
The fourth year was spent in securing the countries which had been overrun,
not indeed to the utmost limits of the last campaign, but far beyond the latitude
of the Solway. A chain of forts was built across the isthmus which separates the
Friths of Forth and Clyde, and thus, says Tacitus, "if the valor of the army and
the glory of the Eoman name could have been bounded by a limit, that limit was
found in Britain itself." Such at any rate was the ultimate limit of the province
of Yalentia, the original conquest of which was completed in this campaign.
" In the fifth year of his expediton, passing over in the first ship, in frequent
and successful battles he subdued nations till then unknown, and furnished with
troops that part of Britain which looks towards Ireland." The scene of these ex
ploits was undoubtedly the peninsula of Cantire, the Epidian Promontory of
Ptolemy, and the adjacent districts, accessible from the shores of the Clyde by a
short and sheltered sea passage, but cut off from all direct communication by land
by the numerous and deep indentations of the coast. By the occupation of this
promontory he commanded the shortest passage between any part of Britain and
Ireland ; and the only one, as far as we know, which was used in very early
times for the purposes either of hostile invasion or colonization, the distance be
tween the two islands in this quarter being less than twelve miles.
The two following years were occupied by the invasion of the central district of
Scotland ; in the last was obtained the famous victory of the Grampians.
With this battle ended the career of Agricola, the jealousy of Domitian

ROMAN PERIOD. V
prompting his immediate recall, and from this date we have no particulars of any
occurrences in Britain for upwards of thirty years.
On the accession of Hadrian, a.d. 117, we read of revolts in various parts of
the empire ; amongst others, "the Britons refused any longer to be held in
obedience," and three years later we find the emperor himself coming over to
compose the disturbances. Before his departure he commenced the erection of
the famous Wall which bears his name, to protect the Eoman province from the
incursions of the northern barbarians.
All these particulars are transmitted to us by one historian only, iElius Spar-
tianus, who lived a century and a half later than the events which he records.
On the other hand, a succession of writers attribute the erection of the Wall to the
emperor Severus, who reigned seventy years after Hadrian ; and if we had no
other evidence, there is Uttle doubt that the latter must have been deprived of the
honor of this great work. In the decision of this question, however, is pre-emin
ently displayed the value, as historial monuments, of those inscriptions which
have been found in the numerous stations occupied by the Eoman garrisons. By
the aid of these the Wall has been made to tell its own story, and a due portion
of credit has been assigned to each of the imperial competitors.8
On similar testimony we are enabled to authenticate a statement of Capitolinus,
that under Antoninus Pius, the immediate successor of Hadrian, another barrier
was erected across the island by the proprsetor Lollius Urbicus. This rampart,
which was of earth, and not of stone, was one hundred miles in advance of the Wall
of Hadrian, and extended from the Forth to the Clyde, across that peninsula
which Agricola had previously defended by a chain of forts.
Two formidable invasions of the Eoman province by the Caledonians are re
corded between the reigns of Antoninus Pius and of Severus ; one during the
reign of Marcus Aurelius, the other during that of Commodus. The task of re
pelling the first was entrusted to Calpurnius Agricola, the second to Ulpius Mar
cellus. Of the proceedings of this second Agricola we have no details, but Mar
cellus was eminently successful.
The reign of Severus was at an early period disturbed by fresh incursions from
the same quarter. The invaders were bought off with gold by his unwarlike
lieutenant Yirius Lupus ; but this expedient, though temporarily successful, only
incited the barbarians, by encouraging their cupidity, to renewed assaults. At
B A separate chapter is devoted to this subject, respecting which, see also the Introduction to this volume.
PART I. C

10 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
length the emperor determined to come over to Britain, and undertake in his own
person the conduct ofthe war on an extended scale.
For the first time since the days of Julius Agricola the Eoman legions were led
beyond the limits of Yalentia into a country which had never submitted to the
Eoman arms. The Caledonians however had profited by their former disasters,
which had taught them the impolicy of opposing their irregular forces to the
disciplined ranks of the Eomans in a general engagement. Severus was thus en
abled to penetrate to the furthest extremity of the island, but he returned with
out any positive advantage, and not without a heavy loss amongst his followers.,
who suffered not less from the toils of the march and the rigour of the climate,
than from the desultory attacks of the natives. Worn out by fatigue and vexation,
the emperor died at York, a.d. 211, after a residence of somewhat more than two
years in Britain, the latter part of which he devoted to strengthening the defences
of the province.
From the circumstance of Severus having adopted the rampart of Hadrian
rather than that of Antoninus as the basis of his fortifications, it has been taken
for granted that the intermediate district had been abandoned. Such a conclusion
is hardly warranted by facts. We have seen that on two occasions the vallum of
Antoninus had proved utterly insufficient as a protection from the inroad ofthe bar
barians into the heart of the province, and without any intention of abandoning
the more advanced limit, it might well be matter of consideration whether it was
possible so to strengthen the northern defences as to make them a trustworthy
bulwark to which to commit the safety of the entire district to the south, or
whether complete security could only be obtained by the restoration and augment
ation of the works of Hadrian as a second line of defence. If the question was so
considered, the result can not be doubted. It would have been easy, unquestion
ably, to have replaced the earthen mound of Antoninus by a wall of stone, and to
have rendered it as impregnable as it was possible to make the southern barrier ;
but when all this had been done, although complete protection would have been
afforded from the north, the provincials would have been as open as ever to an
attack from the north-west. Against this danger the foresight of Agricola had
provided by the occupation of the Epidian Promontory; but his northern conquests
had been abandoned or lost, and the present care was not to recover territory which
had been relinquished, but to defend what remained.
There is a passage in Pausanias from which it may be inferred that the border tribes
within the Eoman pale were not, even in the time of Antoninus, quite on the same

ROMAN PERIOD. 11
footing as the people of the interior. "Antoninus," we are told, " took away more
than half the territory of the Brigantes, because they had invaded the tribe of the
Genuini (Gadeni), who were tributary to the Eomans." At this period, then, not
only the Gadeni, who were within the northern rampart, but the Brigantes, who
were within the Wall of Hadrian, retained some vestiges of independence, and
were not provincials but tributaries. It is not unlikely that in the time of Severus,
nay probably till the organisation of the province of Yalentia by Theodosius, the
Gadeni and the other intra-mural tribes still continued tributary only. That they
ever reverted to their former state of freedom and barbarism is contradicted by
the fact, that when the Eomans finally abandoned the island, the Forth and the
Clyde, and not the Tyne and the Solway, were the recognised limits between the
barbarian Picts and the Eomanised Britons. There is no evidence that the
stations on the vallum of Antoninus were ever occupied in force after the reign of
its founder, to which all the inscriptions which have been found, and they are
numerous, relate ; but we may infer, from the statement of Ammianus Marcellinus,
which will be cited in its place, that they were used as quarters for exploratory
parties by Theodosius in the reign of Yalentinian.
From the reign of Severus the Eoman power was fully established in Britain ;
the imperial commanders were satisfied of the worthlessness of further conquests,
whilst the barbarians were deterred from renewed aggressions. Even the rebellion
of Carausius, although for a time it isolated Britain from the rest of the empire,
in no respect altered the condition of the natives. The Eoman legions were still
predominant, although they obeyed a master whose power was limited to the
island. After the death of Carausius and Alectus the Brigantian city of Ebora
cum was again the seat of an imperial court. There Constantius died, and there
Constantine assumed the purple.
In the reign of Constantius we first find the term Picts applied to the Caledo
nians and the neighbouring tribes, and in that of his grandson of the same name,
it seems to have altogether superseded the earlier designation. In each of these
reigns the northern barbarians gave some trouble ; in the latter they were joined
in their incursions by the Scots, a kindred people from the opposite coast of
Ireland. In the reign of Jovian we read of a joint invasion by the Picts, Scots,
and Saxons, to which are added another North British tribe, now first noticed,
the Attacotti.h Under Yespasian the evil became so alarming as to threaten the
h St. Jerome notices the Attacotti as a British people, and describes them as feeding on human flesh.
Bodies of them were incorporated in the Eoman army, both in Gaul and Italy, at the period when the
Notitia was compiled, and it was in Gaul that they were seen by Jerome.

12 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
stability of the Imperial dominion. In the year 368 the Franks and Saxons
ravaged the coast of Gaul, whilst a simultaneous invasion of the British province
was undertaken by the confederate bands of Picts, Scots, and Attacotti. The
alarming intelligence was brought to the emperor that these savage tribes had
overrun nearly the whole country, and were threatening London itself; that in
successive engagements they had defeated and slain the two chief military officers,
in whom was vested the command of all the garrisons in the island — the " Duke
of Britain " and the " Count of the Maritime Tract," or, as he was afterwards
termed, of the " Saxon Shore." Yespasian was in Gaul, which was itself menaced,
and far from the seat of government, from which effectual assistance might have
been sent. He endeavoured, however, to give such aid as was in his power in
the emergency. The most pressing want was of an officer to take the command
in the place of the deceased generals, and here he could only choose amongst his
immediate attendants. From these he selected Severus, "the Count of the
Domestics," with general instructions to do the best he could under the circum
stances. Severus was shortly afterwards superseded by Jovinus, but nothing of
moment was effected till the celebrated Theodosius was sent for, and entrusted
with the chief command. Neither Severus nor Jovinus appear to have been
accompanied by any troops, and Theodosius only took over with him four corps of
the "Palatine Auxiliaries," one of Batavians, another of Heruli, the third called
the Jovii, the fourth the Yictores. Embarking at Boulogne, he landed at Eich-
borough, from whence he marched to London. All that Jovinus or his predecessor
seem to have attempted was to defend this important position till the arrival of
reinforcements, for all the neighbouring country was in the hands of the enemy.
On the arrival of Theodosius he formed his men into detachments, who, sallyin^
forth, set upon the marauding parties of the enemy, whilst they were encumbered
by the booty they had taken. In this way he defeated them in detail and
recovered an immense number both of prisoners and cattle. Then by a well-timed
lenity, and the promise of pardon to all those who returned home, he succeeded
in greatly diminishing the forces opposed to him. It was not, however, till the
following year that he had sufficiently recruited his forces to enable him with
confidence to take the field. His prudent measures were, however, crowned with
complete success ; the barbarians were utterly defeated, and the province recovered.
Then " he restored anew the cities and fortresses (castra) suffering, indeed, from
many injuries, but constructed for the maintenance of a long peace."

ROMAN PERIOD. 13
Having so far triumphantly carried out the objects of his mission, his life was
endangered by a conspiracy amongst some of the soldiers, who had been corrupted
by Yalentine, a man of high rank but infamous character, who, exiled from his
country, had taken up his abode in Britain. Theodosius having fortunately
obtained information of the conspiracy, caused Yalentine and a few of the ring
leaders to be arrested and punished, but with equal policy and generosity declined
to proceed against the subordinate offenders. Ammianus Marcellinus, who is our
authority throughout for the above details, thus sums up his account of the actions
of Theodosius in Britain: — " Hence, turning himself to the necessary correction of
many things, all danger having been removed, since it appeared evident that good
fortune deserted none of his undertakings, he restored, as we have said, the cities
and garrisoned fortresses, and he protected the frontier (limites) with scouts
(vigiliis) and pickets (prsetenturis) : having recovered a province, which had been
given up into the hands of the enemy, he restored it to its pristine state, so that
by his means it both acknowledged a lawful governor, and was afterwards called
Yalentia by the will of that prince, who thereby received a sort of ovation."
Now, looking at the first clause of the above quotation, it appears evident that
the "cities and garrisoned fortresses," of which the author had before told us, are
not described as being on "the frontier," but the "vigilise" and " prsetentime "
are; but Horsley has taken the whole together, as being on "the frontier," and
argues (as in such case he very well might), that that frontier must have been
bounded by the Wall of Hadrian, and not by the Yallum of Antoninus ; for it is
perfectly evident, by the remains of the latter, that there never can have existed
there " cities and garrisoned fortresses, constructed (fundata) for the maintenance
of a long peace." Those remains show that the Yallum must have been, as we
know on the best authority it was, a mere earthwork. The unnecessary difficulty
in which our great antiquarian would involve us is, that Yalentia must thus have
been within the Wall of Hadrian, and all beyond Pictish territory, which we
know not to have been the case. The " cities and garrisoned fortresses " were
doubtless the Notitia stations, as well on the Wall of Hadrian as elsewhere, whilst
the vigilise and prsetenturse on the frontier were unquestionably on the line of
Antoninus' Yallum. It does not, however, follow that Theodosius executed any
works here, or that he ever caused a spade to be put into the ground within the
limits of Yalentia, for " prsetenturse," in its natural signification, applies as
plainly as "vigilise" not to the station where exploratory duties were performed,

14 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
but to the parties who performed them;' nor does there appear to be authority for
rendering " preetenturte " forts, in any case, although Horsley has so translated
it, and his interpretation has since been followed without examination.
The year 383 is memorable for the usurpation of Maximus, who was first
proclaimed emperor of Britain, and passing over into Gaul was favourably received
by the legions there, who were disaffected to Gratian on account of his injudicious
preference of the barbarian warriors of the remote provinces to the Eoman soldiers.
Alarmed by the success of Maximus, whose reputation was founded on his service
in Britain under Theodosius, Gratian fled towards Italy to seek a refuge w ith his
brother Yalentinian II. , but was overtaken and slain by an emissary of the
usurper. Whilst the two brothers, Gratian and Yalentinian, shared the provinces
of the western empire, the eastern was governed by Theodosius, the son of the
former distinguished general of that name. To him Maximus addressed himself,
extenuating his own misconduct, and attributing his elevation to the importuni
ties of the troops, which it was neither easy nor safe to resist. His excuses were
admitted, and he was allowed to retain the government of Britain, Gaul, and
Spain, as the best means of securing to Yalentinian, Italy and the other provinces
which had fallen to his share. Even these terms, however, were insufficient to
gratify his ambition, or to secure his quiescence. He aimed at the conquest of
Italy and the possession of Eome, the capital of the world. In these objects he
was successful, although his triumph was of brief duration, and cost him his life.
Gildas attributes the subsequent weakness and disasters of the British provinces
to Maximus, who is said to have taken with him into Gaul, not only the military
force, but all the native youth of Britain. There is nothing in the narrative of
any of the imperial historians to lead to the belief that he was accompanied by
any considerable number of troops ; nor had he time to collect, still less means to-
transport, the large military establishment which was then maintained in Britain.
We know from Sozomen that he did largely recruit his army from this island, but
that was not for the invasion of Gaul, but of Italy, four years later. During the
whole of that time it is probable that levies were being raised, and withdrawn to the
continent, and that there is no great exaggeration in the statement that all the native
youth were abstracted. When the legions were afterwards withdrawn, it can not
be doubted that the previous draught on the indigenous resources of the country
must have been severely felt, and all those evils may have occurred which are so
pathetically deplored by the British historian, although he is not strictly accurate

ROMAN PERIOD. 15
in the preceding details. The death of Maximus took place, a.d. 388, and
Yalentinian only survived him three years. Theodosius, who for a short period
held undivided sway over both divisions of the empire, died in 395, leaving his
vast territories to his two youthful sons, of whom Arcadius became emperor of
the east, Honorius of the west. During all this period, from the rise of Maximus
to the death of Theodosius, we have no notices of any events in Britain, except
the incidental mention of the appointment of a governor, Chrysanthus, whose
administration is spoken of in terms of approval. The first ten years of the reign
of Honorius are equally barren of recorded events as regards this island.
In the year 406 Britain again appears, almost for the last time, in connection
with the history of the empire of which it had so long formed a part, and which
was now fast hastening to that dissolution to which it was destined from the
continuous attacks of the barbarian nations on all sides.
" The Yandals," says Zozimus, uniting with the Suevi and Alani, "greatly
afflicted the Transalpine nations ; and having committed much slaughter, caused
so great consternation, even to the armies in Britain, as to compel them, lest they
should reach even themselves, to elect an emperor of their own." From this
passage we learn that twenty years after the departure of Maximus there were
still armies in Britain, and we may infer that they were not inadequate to defend
the frontier from the Picts and Scots, or their apprehensions would hardly have
been excited by dangers so remote as an invasion of the Yandals or Suevi.
To proceed, however, with our narrative, " The soldiers who were serving in
Britain having revolted, placed one Marcus on the imperial throne, and obeyed
him as ruler in that country. Having dispatched him, however, for not assenting
to their practices, they brought forward Gratian, and putting on him a purple
robe and a diadem, they gave him an imperial guard ; but growing dissatisfied
with him also, they deposed and slew him four months afterwards, and delivered
up the empire to Constantine." Orosius, who narrates these successive revolutions
in nearly similar terms, describes Gratian as "municeps hujus insulse," that is, a
citizen of a municipal town in Britain. Of Constantine he says, " He was selected
from the very dregs of the army, not for any merit or virtue, but simply for the
prestige of his name." He appears, nevertheless, to have been a man of talent
and promptitude, determined, at all events, to avoid the fate of his predecessors,
by finding active employment for his disorganized followers. Crossing over to
the continent, he succeeded in conciliating all the troops north of the Alps. He

16 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
had the address also, partly by good words, partly by his policy in detaining two
kinsmen of the emperor as hostages, to obtain for a time the acquiescence of
Honorius in his participation in the empire. Amidst great difficulties he main
tained his precarious position four years, falling at last a victim to the revenge of
his lawful sovereign, whose captive relatives, for some reason or other, he had put
to death. One act of great imprudence contributed more than any thing to his
downfall, namely, his quarrel with his general Gerontius. The particulars are
unconnected with British history, but the result is memorable as the proximate
cause of the severence of Britain from the Eoman empire. The following details
are from Zozimus: "Gerontius, deeply incensed, and having gained over the
soldiers, urged the barbarians who were among the Celts, to revolt against Con
stantine, who was unable to oppose them in consequence of the absence of the
greater part of his troops in Spain. The barbarians beyond the Ehine also,
ravaging every thing at pleasure, compelled the inhabitants of the Britannic
Islands, as well as some of the Celts, to revolt from the Eoman empire and to live
independent of it, no longer obeying the laws." "Thus the people of Britain,
taking up arms and braving every danger, freed their cities from the invading
barbarians. The whole of Armorica also, and other provinces of Gaul, imitating
the Britons, liberated themselves in like manner, expelling the Eoman prefects,
and setting up a civil government according to their own inclinations. This
defection of Britain and the Celts took place during the time of Constantine's
usurpation, the barbarians rising up in consequence of the neglect of the govern
ment." We have here a very distinct account of the downfall of the Eoman power in
Britain, by a revolution in which, for the first time, the legions took no part.
The inference is irresistible that the last legionary had followed Constantine to
Gaul. That absence of military protection which Gildas ascribes to the act of
Maximus is consistent with the state of affairs under Constantine. In the mean
time, however, a generation had grown up. Those who were too young for the
conscription of Maximus were now adult; and this is the population which
although unused to war, "took up arms and, braving every danger, freed their
cities from the barbarians."
This revolution is clearly attributable to the desertion of the Britons by
Constantine, and not to any desire on their part to abandon their allegiance to
the imperial government. On the contrary they appear to have been anxious to

ROMAN PERIOD. 17
leave themselves again under the protection of Honorius, from which they had
been forcibly withdrawn, not by their own act, but by the mutiny of the legions,
who then dominated over them. Honorius, however, was not in a condition either
to covet extension of territory, or to afford them efficient assistance. He frankly
renounced all claim to their future obedience, and counselled them in friendly
terms to make provision for their own defence. " Honorius having sent letters to
the states of Britain, counselling them to be watchful of their own security, and
having rewarded his soldiers with the money sent by Heraclianus, lived in all
imaginable ease." Such are the words of Zozimus, nor does any Greek or Eoman
historian notice any further intercourse between the imperial government and
Britain after this memorable renunciation of sovereignty, which took place
A.D. 410.
Our native historians mention three distinct applications to the Eoman govern
ment for aid, all subsequent to the death of Maximus in 388, and one, if we are
to credit the narrative of Gildas, as late as the third consulship of iEtius, a.d. 447.
Two of these applications, we are told, were successful, the third was made in
vain. On each of the former occasions a legion is reported to have been sent
over, and afterwards withdrawn, but this assertion is made on the assumption
already referred to that Britain was left by Maximus destitute of any military
force. The circumstances which Gildas now relates are not, however, of a cha
racter to impress us with a favourable opinion of the authority of his previous
statement, of the probability of which we have already expressed doubts. To
the legion first sent he attributes the construction of the " turf- wall " across the
island, which we know to have been built ages before in the reign of Antoninus
Pius ; to the second expedition he ascribes the wall of stone erected at a still
earher period by Hadrian, as well as the fortresses on the Saxon shore, which
he describes as " towers erected at intervals along the southern coast, command
ing a prospect of the sea for defence against the invasion of the barbarians."
Nennius, or the history which goes under his name, mentions the three embassies
to Eome, and the aid rendered, but whether once or more does not very plainly
appear. He thus sums up his account : " Because of the oppression of the govern
ment the Britons slew the Eoman commanders, and then they applied for aid.
The Eomans came to govern, to aid, and to avenge, and having despoiled Britain
of her gold, her silver, and her brass, of costly apparel and of honey, they
returned home with great triumph."
PART I. D

18 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
From such doubtful testimony it is satisfactory to turn to a contemporary docu
ment which describes the stations of the various divisions of the Eoman army, not
merely in Britain, but throughout all the provinces as well of the western as the
eastern empires. Such a record we possess in the " Notitia Imperii," and if we
were certain that the date ascribed to it ("ultra Arcadii Honoriique tempora")
were correct, the point in question would be at once settled, for the Notitia repre
sents not the temporary sojourn of a single legion in Britain, but the continuous
occupation of the island by a large military force. If we interpret the expression
" beyond the times of Arcadius and Honorius " to imply a date after the decease
of both these emperors, we are carried down to too late a period, for unquestion
ably no such force as is here represented existed in Britain in 425 ; but if we
construe "beyond the times" to signify "after the accession, and during the
joint reign" of Arcadius and Honorius, such an interpretation will be found con
sistent with the internal evidence afforded by the document itself.
This construction would fix the period of the compilation between the year of
the accession of the two emperors in 395 and the death of Arcadius in 408. That
it was written after their accession may be inferred from the fact that several bo
dies of troops are noticed in it which derive their designations respectively from
Arcadius and Honorius. It is possible, indeed, in the eastern empire, where the
titles Arcadiani and Honoriani occur five or six times each, and Theodosiani more
than twenty times, that the whole may have been so named in compliment to
Theodosius and his two sons, in the reign of the former. But the western
empire was in the hands of Theodosius but a very short time before his death
and there we neither find his name nor that of Arcadius given to a single cohort
whilst that of Honorius occurs more than twenty times. It is impossible to escape
the conviction that the list was framed after the accession of Honorius, to whom
the western empire was allotted. Two or three corps in the eastern empire are
styled Theodosiaci, which seems to have been a compliment paid to Theodosius the
younger, those called after his grandfather being named Theodosiani. If this be
so, the title would hardly be conferred before the year 402, when the infant prince
was declared Csesar in his third year ; and the Notitia must have been compiled
after that event. An examination of the movements of the legions usually sta
tioned in Britain will perhaps enable us to approximate still more nearly to the
true date. From the time of Antoninus Pius the number of these legions was
three, the stated quarters of which, when not in active service, were originally at

ROMAN PERIOD. 19
York, Chester, and Caer-Leon, in Wales. The two latter stations had probably
been abandoned as garrisons long before the age of the Notitia, for no portions of
the island were less in need of military defence after the complete pacification of
the province. One of these legions (the second) we find removed from Caer-Leon
to Ehutupise, to guard the limit of the Saxon shore. The sixth legion, if not
actually at York, was still in the northern province, under the command of the
Duke of Britain ; but the twentieth legion formerly quartered at Chester is no
where to be met with in the Notitia, either in Britain, or in any other part of the
empire. It is, however, very remarkable that the poet Claudian, in celebrating
the Battle of Pollentia, mentions the presence of a legion there, which had been
withdrawn from the defence of the outposts of Britain against the Picts. This
must have been the missing British legion, which had been first removed from
Chester to guard the frontier, probably to furnish the Vigilice and Pretenturce of
Theodosius ; and next recalled by the necessities of the state to protect th e soil
of Italy. May we not then infer with some degree of confidence that the Notitia
was compiled in or about the year 403, the date of the battle of Pollentia, after
the twentieth legion was withdrawn from Britain, but before any other fixed
quarters were assigned to it. The revolt of the army in Britain, and the elevation
of Constantine to the purple, took place just three years later, when it is probable
the new emperor withdrew the two remaining legions from the island.
Besides these, however, we have in the Notitia a list of 44 forts garrisoned by
bodies of auxiliaries, 36 of which were within the province of Maxima Csesari
ensis, if we have correctly defined its limits. Of these a large portion have been
identified partly from the occurrence of the same names in the Itinerary, and to a
much greater extent from inscriptions. Ample illustrations of these will be found
in the last volume of Mr. Hodgson's History which he Hved to publish, and which
remains a monument of his industry and intelligence, and a storehouse of mate
rials for future students in Eoman antiquities.1 Such inscriptions as have been
since discovered will be noticed hereafter.
Whether the auxiliaries accompanied the legions on their departure from Bri
tain may well be doubted. Many of them had occupied the same stations from
the time of Hadrian, and must, by intermarriages and association, have become
completely identified with the general population in feelings and interests, and it
is probable that they were ultimately merged with the natives under the common
name of Britons. 1 Hist. North., Part II. Vol. iii., pp. 163-300.

20 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Having said this much with regard to the Notitia, a few remarks on the Itinerary
of Antoninus may not be inappropriate before concluding this notice of the Eoman
period. That it was compiled in the time of one of the Antonines is universally
admitted, but this allows a margin of many years from the accession of Antoninus
Pius, a.d. 138, to the death of Elagabalus, in 222. Horsley, whose opinion is
always entitled to respect, is inclined to attribute it to Caracalla, and gives his
reasons as follows : — " Antoninus Pius and Caracalla are the two principal candi
dates, and I should chuse to give my vote to the latter. Caracalla was some years
in Britain himself, and seems to have had the best opportunity of any of the
Eoman emperors of knowing this island. The limits that are settled in the
Itinerary suit better the time of Caracalla, and the peace made by him than that
of Antoninus Pius. For this latter built the Eoman wall in Scotland, and yet we
have no stations in the Itinerary which are within forty miles of that wall. The
wall that was built by Severus, the father of Caracalla, is in the North of Eng
land, and there are not above two or three stations in the Itinerary advanced be
yond this wall, and these too at no great distance from it." The first argument,
derived from the local knowledge of Caracalla, would have had weight if the
Itinerary had been confined to Britain, but can only have been urged by the able
writer in momentary forgetfulness that the work extended to the whole Eoman
empire. The real question at issue is, does the survey correspond more accurately with
the state of the empire under Antoninus Pius, or Caracalla? Horsley
assumes that Severus, in fortifying the frontier of Hadrian, abandoned the more
extended limit of Antoninus, a view which for many years was adopted in defer
ence to his authority, but which has few advocates at the present day. On no
other assumption, however, can Caracalla' s claim to the authorship of the Itinerary
be maintained. On the other hand, although the limits of the Itinerary do not
correspond with those of the British province at the close of the reign of Anto
ninus, we have much better evidence that they did so at its commencement than
at any period of the reign of any other emperor. The projection, moreover of a
general survey of the hnes of communication throughout the Eoman empire is
surely more in accordance with the enlarged views of Antoninus than the brutal
ferocity of Caracalla.
Whatever difference of opinion has existed as to the date of this record, there
can be none as to its importance, presenting as it does the surest groundwork
for the investigation of the Eoman topography of our island. The Wall of Ha-

ROMAN PERIOD. 21
drian forms the general hne of the northern boundary, but on each of the great
roads are advanced posts considerably beyond. Both these roads, the one from
Bremenium, the other from Blatum Bulgium, point to York, the grand centre of
communication between the north and south of the island. The details of these
routes, as well as the examination of another (the tenth Iter) which passes through
Manchester in a northern or north-westerly direction, will be found in Mr.
Hodgson's volume above referred to.k Investigators are often disappointed in
not finding traces of the stations on these lines of communication, even when
there can be no doubt within a mile or two of their position ; but it must be re
membered that, although the routes, laid down in the Itinerary, passed through
nearly all the principal towns and military posts, yet where a considerable distance
intervened between town and town, it would be necessary to establish some accom
modation for parties to halt and refresh themselves. These halting posts naturally
find a place in the Itinerary, just as single houses, where the traveller had to
change horses, were recorded in our modern road-books, as well as the towns
which lay upon the Hne. Of the towns and military stations some remains are
generally to be found, but we can not suppose that in the intermediate stages
buildings of so permanent a character were erected, as to leave any trace of their
existence after the lapse of so many centuries.
Great confusion has been created by the indiscriminate appHcation of the term
" Eoman Station," to every place which has been occupied by the Eomans, for
whatever purpose. The Notitia stations were all strong garrisoned forts, and in
most instances, except where their sites have been occupied by large modern towns,
indubitable traces of their existence still remain, the difficulty generaUy being
rather in the identification of the remains with the name in the Notitia, than in
ascertaining the existence of a station. As regards the Itinerary, on the other
hand, the geographical information was originally so precise, that, notwithstanding
the endless corruptions in the numerals which represent the miles, there is seldom
much difficulty in identifying any town exhibiting marks of Eoman origin ; but
we seek in vain for enduring remains of every intervening post-house which has
been dignified with the title of an Itinerary Station.
Equally fruitless is their search who expect to find visible indications of all the
cities mentioned by Ptolemy. His enumeration, it must be remembered, was
k Hist. North., Part II. , Vol. iii., p. 160. See also the remarks of the same author in the notes
to his poem of Longovicum.
PART I. E

22 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
intended to comprise the towns of the native tribes, not the settlements of the
Eoman conquerors. In many instances these are identical, as we may perceive by
a comparison of Ptolemy with the Itinerary, and in a very few cases with the
Notitia. Where this is not so, the indications to be sought for, if any remain at all,
are of a very different character from the remains of a Eoman town or a Eoman
villa. Earthworks, and sometimes the circular foundations of half underground
cabins have led to the discovery of -what has possibly been the rude capital of a
British tribe ; and a yet more faithful guide to the localities in which the natives
congregated when living, exists in many cases in the yet unprofaned repositories
of their dead.
It may be noticed, that no allusion has been made in the preceding pages to the
commentaries which pass under the name of Eichard of Cirencester, from which,
if genuine, something might have been culled. On this head Httle need be added
to what has been already advanced by Mr. Hodgson against the authority of that
work.1 One remark only may be hazarded, that whereas in other cases sufficient
jealously has been shewn as to the admission of any evidence without the amplest
preliminary scrutiny, antiquarians have been content to assume the genuineness
of this production until the contrary is proved. Silently and steadily, however,
the conviction is spreading, that for upwards of a century many of the ablest
writers on Eoman antiquities in Britain, especially in Scotland, have been the
dupes of an ingenious impostor.

P.S. On the 10th Iter of Antoninus. The consideration bestowed upon the 10th Iter by Mr.
Hodgson was confined to the northern portion of its route, nor indeed up to the period when he wrote
his last volume, had any difference of opinion been expressed as to its course from the southern boun
dary of ancient Northumberland, by Manchester and Eibchestcr, to Overborough, near Kirkby Lons
dale. The difficulties were assumed to be confined to the stations north of Overborough.
Manchester occurs in another Iter (the 2nd) as well as in the 10th, and is there designated Mamu-
cium or Manucium, and described as 18 miles distant from Condate, the next station to the south. In
the 10th Iter also Condate occurs, and the next station, at the same distance of 18 miles north, is Man-
cunium. It is not wonderful, therefore, that Mancunium has been identified by all our elder antiquaries with
Mamucium, and the site of each fixed at Manchester. Again, the next station but one to the north of
Mancunium is Bremetonacum, a name so nearly resembling Bremetenracum, in the Notitia, that it is
1 Hist. North., Part IL, vol. i., p. 146.

ROMAN PERIOD. 23
difficult to divest oneself of the idea that the two names are substantially identical and both belong to
the same place. Now Bremetenracum of the Notitia is proved by an inscription to be at Eibchester,
and a strong presumption is raised that Bremetonacum, of the Itinerary, is also there ; especially as
the actual distance from Manchester to Eibchester corresponds, with sufficient accuracy, with the Itine
rary distance from Mancunium to Bremetonacum.
The recent investigations of two gentlemen resident at Warrington, Mr. Eobson and Mr. Beamont,
have fixed the site of Condate at a place called Stockton Heath, on the Cheshire side of the Mersey, at
no great distance from the town in which they reside. Further than this, traces of a Eoman road
have been discovered at intervals nearly in the Une of the modern highway which passes through
Warrington, by Wigan and Preston, to Lancaster, and tbe claims of this road to be considered the true
original of the 10th Iter have been enforced with great ability by Mr. Eobson and others.
This theory involves the abandonment of the assumption that Mancunium of the 10th Iter is identi
cal with Mamucium of the 2nd, and that Bremetonacum of the Itinerary is the same place as Breme
tenracum of the Notitia. It implies also the existence, on two nearly parallel lines of road, of two
places whose names so nearly resemble each other as Mamucium and Mancunium ; and again of two
others so similar as Bremetenracum and Bremetonacum.
These may not be sufficient reasons for rejecting Mr. Eobson's views, but they are strong grounds for
not admitting them without most careful scrutiny.
It is not enough to show a fair and well-defined Eoman road, in order to claim for it a place in the
Itinerary of Antoninus. On the contrary, some of the most magnificent specimens of the imperial
highways are unnoticed in that document, and were undoubtedly of later construction. Of this we
have a striking instance in the Eoman road from Lincoln northwards to the Humber.
The oldest roads indeed were probably those which were least distinguished for their magnificence ;
they generally passed through an upland country, where the rivers were crossed with facility, near
their sources, and costly bridges were thus avoided. In the long period of Eoman domination, subse
quent to the reign of Antoninus Pius, there was abundant time to substitute or to add level hnes of
coast road, where hilly tracts alone previously existed ; and during that period it is probable the road
by Warrington to Lancaster was laid out, after the resources of the country were developed, and the
construction of bridges and other heavy engineering works no longer presented an insurmountable
obstacle. This opinion is further confirmed by the account furnished by Mr. Eobson, of the formation of the
road-way, which he represents as constructed of loose stones and gravel, whereas the majority at least
of the older roads, wherever they are met with intact, present a paved surface.
On the whole, the balance of probability seems to be in favour of the views of the older antiquarians,
who placed Manchester and Eibchester on the 10th Iter; but the balance of evidence may yet be re
versed, if a hne from Lancaster should hereafter be traced northward, agreeing with that Iter in its
details, and it should be found impossible to connect Overborough with any corresponding northern
route. Under any circumstances, the discoveries of Mr. Eobson and other active members of the His
torical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire are of great value, and will probably lead to the ultimate
solution of this most difficult problem, by directing to it an amount of attention which has hitherto
been dormant.
In endeavouring to render intelligible the merits of this controversy, it has been found convenient to

24 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
reverse the order of the stations as they occur in the Itinerary, commencing at the south end instead of
from the north, and thus securing an ascertained starting point. With regard to the inscription by
which Eibchester is identified with Bremetenracum, the editor may be permitted to refer to a paper of
his own in the Archaeologia iEliana, vol. iv. page 109, and to Dr. Bruce's remarks on the same inscrip
tion in the Journal of the Archaeological Institute, vol. xii. p. 225-7.
As regards the Eoman road from Warrington to Lancaster, the reader is referred for further informa
tion to a series of most interesting papers in the Transactions of the Historical Society of Lancashire
and Cheshire, vol. ii. p. 27, vol. ii. p. 34, vol. viii. p. 127.

25

CHAPTEE II.
WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE EOMAN WALL BUILT?
Ihe immense fortification known now as the Eoman Wall must have materially
influenced the destinies of the tribes in its vicinity for several centuries. The
questions, When was it reared, and by whom was it planned ? are of some im
portance in investigating the ancient condition of Northumberland. Yarious
answers have been given to them. Horsley conceives that most of the stationary
camps on the Hne of the Wall and the northern mound of the Yallum are to be
ascribed to Agricola ; the ditch of the Yallum and the ramparts to the south of
it to Hadrian ; and the stone WaU, with the ditch on its northern margin, to
Severus. Other writers, amongst whom is Beda, relying chiefly upon the
authority of Gildas, teU us that the Wall of Severus was not of stone, but a ram
part "made of sods, cut out of the earth, and raised above the ground aU round,
like a wall, having in front of it the ditch whence the sods were taken, and
strong stakes of wood fixed upon its top."a "The strong stone wall," " which
is stiU to be seen," he says, was built " not far from the trench of Severus,"
after the Eomans had abandoned the island, by a Eoman legion, who, at the
earnest entreaties of the Britons, came to assist them in repelhng the aggression
of the Picts and the Seots.b Another opinion has been entertained, and at this
Mr. Hodgson arrived during the preparation of his last volume ; it is, that the
whole of the works, with the exception, perhaps, of a few of the stations, which
may have been erected by Agricola, are the work of Hadrian.
The opinion adopted by Beda and most of the mediaeval writers, that the stone
structure, " the remains of which still astonish the beholder," was erected after the
necessities of the imperial city had compelled the abandonment of Britain may
at once be relinquished as unworthy of credit. The scheme is too vast in its
* Beda's Eccl. Hist., B. i., c. 5., Dr. Giles' Translation. " Ibid., B. i., c. 12.
PARTI. F

26 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
conception, and too difficult of execution, to have its origin in a period of such
general and terrible disaster. We are the more entitled to do this, since Beda
makes a similar statement respecting the wall between the estuaries of the Forth
and Clyde ;c of which we have decisive proof, both from classic history d and the
testimony of inscriptions," that it was reared in the reign of Antoninus Pius.
Confining ourselves, then, to the other opinions enunciated, let us first of aU
investigate the question, Were the stationary camps per lineam Valli the work of
Agricola ? Horsley says, "It is evident that there have been three different
prcetenturce erected here at different times, and by different persons ; the first of
which was a series of forts, placed quite cross the country. And this, I appre
hend, was done chiefly by JuHus Agricola." ..." The series of stations from
beside Cousins' s house to Bowness, was certainly prior to the walls ; and the
greatest part, though not aU of them, were most probably built by Agricola." He
goes on to estabHsh his point thus : "It is certain, from the express testimony of
Tacitus, that JuHus Agricola built such a row of forts quite cross the country in
Scotland. Audit is certain that Antoninus Pius built his waU just along the same
track. So Hadrian first, and then Severus, seem to have done the like here in the
North of England, carrying on their walls along the series of stations or forts
which had been erected before. For this reason we find the course of the wall
directed, as much as it weU could be, from station to station, and making some
turns with no other view, but to come up to and fetch in a station ; Severus's
wall generally falHng in with the north rampart and Hadrian's with the south ;
though sometimes both the one and the other faU in with the middle. In some
particular cases they both keep on the north side, and touch not the station at aU.
.... But, on the contrary, there is not one of these stations which is aU of it
on the north of Severus's wall, though the case be different in relation to Hadrian's.
. . . There is another very strong argument to prove that the stations per lineam
Valli were at least more ancient than Severus's waU ; and that is, there have been
inscriptions found in these stations of a more ancient date than the reign of
Severus. So the curious inscription found in Benwell fort, was erected in the
reign of Antoninus Pius, who is mentioned in it." f
Horsley's argument for supposing the north agger of the YaUum to be the
work of Agrieola, is as follows : "The only appendage that could weU be expected
' Beda's Ecc. Hist., B. i., c. 12. * Capitolinus, quoted in the Monumenta Historica, p. LsV.
eBrit. Eomana, p. 158. 'Brit. Eomana, pp. 98, 99.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 27
to this prcetentura of stations is a miHtary way. And I think it can scarce be
imagined that this could be wanting, especiaUy if Julius Agricola (who is sup
posed to have laid most of our military ways) buUt those forts cross the isthmus.
Yet I know not of any vestige or appearance of such a way (except from Warwick
Chesters to Carvoran, and from Cambeck to Stanwix) unless we suppose the
large agger on the north side of Hadrian's ditch to have been it. This is much
broader than ever Hadrian's vaUum seems to have been, and what I think re
markable and curious, though hitherto not observed, is the frequent coincidence of
this agger with the nulitary way belonging to Severus's waU."s
Before proceeding to examine Horsley's arguments, the modesty of his language
is worth noticing. He states nothing dogmaticaUy, but evidently seems to regard
the whole question as being at best but a balancing of probabiHties. If, therefore,
in maintaining the position, that Hadrian is the author of the whole design, it
should be found impossible to reconcile every fact with the theory, the theory
need not on that account be rejected ; it is but in the position which the more
judicious advocates of the rival hypothesis admit theirs to be.
Horsley's position, that "the series of stations was certainly prior to" the
stone WaU cannot be assaUed. Several of the stations which remain in the most
perfect state — -such as Borcovicus, JEsica, and Amboglanna — have evidently been
built before the WaU, and made independent of it. The corners at their north
east and north-west angles, where the great Wall joins them, are rounded off in
the same way as their southern corners are, which are quite independent of it. The
waUs of the stations, too, are for the most part constructed of smaUer stones than
the great WaU. WhUst admitting the prior existence of the stations, it is not,
however, necessary to suppose that they were reared one hundred and thirty
years before the WaU. They may have preceded the Wall by but a very brief
space. When the troops charged with the erection of the mural barrier took up
their position in the country, it would be essential that they should erect fortresses
for their own security. The construction of the stationary camps would be their
first duty, and it being fulfilled, they could with comparative security and some
what at leisure proceed with the mural line. The smallness of the stones of the
station waUs as compared with those of the great Wall is consistent with the sup
position of their having been built in haste.
We may now ask is there any historical proof for supposing that Agricola
« Brit. Eom., p. 99.

28 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
constructed a chain of forts across the mural isthmus ? It was probably in the
second year of Agricola's sojourn in Britain (a.d. 79) that he over-ran the district
afterwards occupied by the Wall. The following passage in the Hfe of Agricola
by his relative Tacitus most likely refers to the forts of this district : " Quibus
rebus multce civitates, quce in ilium diem ex cequo egerant, datis obsidibus, iram posu-
ere et prcesidiis castellisque circumdatce, tanta ratione curaque, ut nulla ante Bri-
tannice nova pars inlacessita transient." h " By these measures, many states which
till that day had acted on the defensive, gave hostages, laid their hostility aside
and were environed with stations and castles with so much calculation and care,
that no part of Britain hitherto unnoticed could escape unmolested." '
This passage gives no authority for supposing that the strongholds erected by
Agricola in his second campaign formed a chain across the isthmus of the north of
England. It simply states that Agricola dispersed his forts in such a way as best
to overawe the people whom he had subdued during the course of the summer.
As his first campaign was spent in Wales, the second would be employed in sub
duing the more southerly as well as the more northerly portions of the region
tenanted by the Brigantes. With so extensive a district to occupy he would not
construct seventeen or eighteen forts on the line between the Solway and the
Tyne. It may weU be questioned, whether he would have time to rear so many
throughout the entire country of the Brigantes, and whether he would have troops
to garrison them. Two or three, placed near the principal Hnes of march between
the north and the south, would be as many as he would have time for in the im
mediate vicinity of the lower isthmus. Others would be planted to the south of
it, probably on the great lines of road, and especially at those points (such as the
passage of rivers) where the movements of a hostile force could be most easUy
impeded. The account which Tacitus gives us of the way in which the following
winter was spent, confirms the view now taken. He tells us that the newly sub
dued people "were privately advised and publicly assisted in budding temples
market places, dweUing houses." . . . . " The sons of the chiefs were taught the
liberal arts." . . . . " By degrees they approached the charms of the vices— the
porticos, the baths, the sumptuous banquets ; and what these simple people called
politeness, was only a link of their slavery." k Although the stations on the
WaU do contain some features approaching the elegant, their general character is
rough and warlike. Security rather than luxury has been studied. In this
* Vit. Agric, cap. 20. ' Hist. Nor., IL, iii., 157. * Hist. Nor., IL, iii., 157.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT? 29
respect they contrast strongly with the stations in the south of the territory occu
pied by the Brigantes, such as Eboracum and Isurium. It is to these (amongst
others) that Tacitus probably refers in the passage now quoted, rather than to
camps such as Procolitia, Borcovicus, and iEsica.
Horsley seems to place no reliance upon this passage of Tacitus, for he does not
quote it. He, however, refers to the practice of Agricola in the Upper Isthmus, and
infers that what he did between the Forth and Clyde, he would do between the
Tyne and the Solway. " It is certain," he says, " from the express testimony of
Tacitus1 that Julius Agricola built such a row of forts quite cross the country in
Scotland. And it is certain that Antoninus Pius afterwards built his wall just
along the same track. So Hadrian first, and then Severus, seem to have done the
like here in the North of England, carrying on their walls along the series of
stations or forts, which had been erected before."1" When Horsley is compeUed
to resort to analogy rather than to the direct testimony of Tacitus, it must
be conceded that the historical evidence for a chain of forts built by Agricola
is very feeble. But does Horsley suppose that all the stations (or the larger
part of them) on the Antonine Wall were erected by Agricola, and that the con
necting line of waU was all that Antonine did ? The length of the line is
about twenty-seven EngHsh miles," and on it there are nineteen0 stations. Is
it conceivable that Agricola, when contemplating the entire subjugation of
Scotland, would plant forts so thickly upon this isthmus ? A small portion of
them would be sufficient to secure the safe conduct of his own troops north
ward and southward, and effectually to repress the movements of the enemy;
and more than this, he would have no occasion to attempt, for whilst he con
tinued his progress into the recesses of Scotland, the foe would be more bent upon
the annihUation of the main body of his troops, than upon the recovery of terri
tory which he had left in his rear. Numerous inscriptions have been found in the
stations on the Antonine Wall, as well as upon the Wall itself, and their uniform
testimony is, that Antoninus Pius was the builder of the one as well as the other.
Whatever works, therefore, Agricola may have constructed upon the Upper Isthmus,
they must have been insignificant in comparison with those afterwards reared
1 Clota et Bodotria. . .angusto terr arum spatio dirimuntur, quod turn prcesidiis firmabatur . . .summotis
velut in aliam insulam, hostibus — Eor Clota and Bodotria are separated by a narrow space of land,
which was then fortified with garrisons — the enemy being driven as it were into another island. Fit.
Agrie., c. 23.
"> Brit. Bom., p. 98. " Stuart's Caledonia Eomana, p. 283. c Stuart's Caledonia Eomana, p. 282.
PART I. G

30 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
by Lollius Urbicus, in the name of his imperial master, Antoninus Pius. If this
reasoning be correct, analogy will not warrant us to expect, in the Lower
Isthmus, a thickly set chain of forts reared by Agricola.
It is in vain that that we turn to other Eoman historians for information upon
this subject. Even Ptolemy in his Geography of Britain is silent respecting any
chain of forts or barrier of any kind between the Tyne and the Solway. He does
not name one of the stationes per lineam Valli.
We now turn to the nature of the works themselves. Horsley thinks they
afford proof that the stations were erected prior to both Murus and YaUum. He
says : " We find the course of the Wall directed, as much as it well could be,
from station to station, and making some turns with no other view, but to come
up to and fetch in a station ; Severus's wall generally faUing in with the north
rampart and Hadrian's with the south."
Until the very accurate survey of the mural region made by Mr. Maclauchlan,
under the auspices of the Duke of Northumberland, is published, it is necessary to
discuss this subject with caution ; but the great features ofthe Hne are sufficiently
distinct to enable the ordinary wayfarer to understand them.
The first observation that wiU strike the student who is examining this subject,
is that several of the stations are in situations which manifestly show that they
were made for the WaU, and not the WaU for them. The stations of Procolitia,
Borcovicus, and iEsica, in the centre of the Hne, can only have been erected for
the accommodation of the soldiery manning the Wall. They possess no natural
advantages beyond this purpose ; they command no defile. Yindolana, which is
situated in the same district, and is about a mile to the south of the Wall, may
have been one of Agricola's forts. It is planted in a sheltered but strong posi
tion, and commands a pass of some importance. An active garrison stationed
here would be able to keep in check aU the enemies who were likely to enter that
part of the country during Agricola's absence in Scotland.
Again, some of the stations are in such close contiguity with others that we
cannot conceive how they should have an existence during a period when the con
quest of the island was but in progress. Segedunum, for example, at the eastern
extremity of the Wall, is but three miles distant from Pons JEHi, and Condercum
again is but two miles from Pons 2EHi on its western side. Two at least of
these three stations must owe their existence to the Wall. Were we to proceed
in this manner throughout the whole of the stationes per lineam Valli, many links
in Agricola's chain of forts would disappear.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 31
Further, whatever may be said of an occasional divergence of the Wall from
its natural course to meet a local difficulty, or to come up to a station, it cannot
be doubted that it has, on the whole, been conducted according to a uniform prin
ciple from sea to sea. If we refer to Horsley's General Map of the Wall, oppo
site page 158 of the Britannia Eomana, we will see at a glance that it has been
the object of the engineer of the Barrier to carry his defences along the northern
border of the river basins, communicating with the estuaries of the Tyne
and the Solway. Another object kept in view by the engineer of the works, with
which every one must be acquainted who has traversed the Hne, especially in its
central parts, has been to take every possible advantage of the inequalities of the
surface of the ground for strengthening his defences against the north. The
works accordingly make for the basaltic ridge which, between Sewingshields and
Carvoran, traverses the country. Here, though the Yallum pursues a compara
tively humble and direct course, the Murus — the principal barrier against the
North — pursues an ever-varying Hne, changing its direction without scruple
whenever it is necessary, to seize the edge of a precipitous crag. Such seem to
have been two of the principles acted upon by the engineer of the Wall, and we
cannot doubt but that he would have made them the basis of his operations had
Agricola not reared a single camp in the district. If, however, in carrying
them out, he found a whole series of camps ready to receive the garrisons neces
sary to man the Wall, he must have been fortunate indeed.
The questions to be decided (according to the greater amount of probability
attaching to each) are, Were the Yallum and Murus made to pursue their present
route because Agricola had previously planted a chain of forts there, or were they
taken over a line of country where they could best fulfil the purpose of their
construction irrespective of any previous erections? It has indeed been said,
that as the object of Agricola, Hadrian, and Severus, was the same, a simUarity
of poHcy would dictate a simUar line of fortification. The remark would have
force if the circumstances of the generals had been the same, and the means em
ployed by them had been sinular. Agricola, still pursuing a career of conquest,
sought only to secure the country in his rear until his return, and, as is uni-
versaUy admitted, he made use of detached forts, not a continuous line of fortifi
cation. Hadrian, on the other hand, was deaHng with a country which, for forty
years, had been subject to Eome ; and, his object being the solidification rather
than the extension of his empire, he was at leisure to adopt more systematic

32 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
measures for suppressing intestine tumult and repeUing foreign aggression, than
it was possible for Agricola to do in his second or third campaign. The same
observations apply to Severus, who attempted the subjugation of the whole of
Scotland. But we are not called upon by Horsley merely to suppose that Agricola, in the
year 80, Hadrian, in the year 120, and Severus, in the year 207, severally hit
upon the same line of fortification, but that Hadrian, in drawing his ditch and
agger up to the previously existing chain of forts reared by Agricola, generaUy
joined them at or about their southern ramparts, and Severus as uniformly brought
his line of defence up to their northern ramparts. Is it not remarkable that in
but few instances the Yallum ascribed by Horsley to Hadrian secures a station
against northern aggression ; and is it not equaUy remarkable, that in no one case
does the WaU ascribed to Severus neglect to secure the whole or at least the greater
part of each station from attack in this quarter ? Does the passage of Tacitus,
respecting the forts of Agricola in the Upper Isthmus, and does the fact, that the
Wall occasionally makes " some turns with no other view but to come up to and
fetch in a station," furnish us with sufficient evidence for crediting all that the
theory requires of us ? To most minds it wiU probably seem insufficient.
The circumstance that the Wall does not always come up in a direct manner Jo
a station, must not be. supposed to militate very seriously against the theory
which ascribes all the works to one design ? It is probable that unskilled labour
was largely used in their construction — it is certain that forests covered large
tracts of the country traversed by them, and we have sufficient evidence for sup
posing that the Wall was begun in several points at once ; — can we be surprised
then if the line had to be "helped" a little in some of its sectional parts as it
came up to a terminal point ? In many of our mediaeval buildings there are occa
sional aberrations from strict rule where there can be no doubt of unity of plan.
For example, in the chapel of the Norman Keep of Newcastle-upon-Tyne the ribs
of the vaulted roof in several instances make but a distant approach to the corbels
intended to support them.
But as though the probabilities of the case were not sufficiently strong against
this theory, further demands are made upon our credence. A chain of forts ex
tending from sea to sea could not exist without a road of communication between
them. Horsley readily acknowledges this, and says : " I know not of any vestige
or appearance of such a way (except from Walwick Chesters to Carvoran and.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 33
Cambeck to Stanwicks), unless we suppose the large agger on the north side of
Hadrian's ditch to have been it." He then gives some reasons for supposing this
to have been the case. Without entering, however, upon the minutiae of the
point, an appeal may at once be made to the works themselves, which in many
places stiU exist in a state approaching to perfection. It will be found that the
north agger does not, in the majority of instances, differ in size or form or sub
stance from the south agger — that in many places it is rough, and unfit to serve
the purposes of a road — that, though, in many cases, it, as weU as the south agger,
consists of a mass of loose stone (the materials thrown out of the fosse), it is un-
paved, — and that in form and construction it differs entirely from the military
way which ran in a direct line from Walwick Chesters to Carvoran, and from
that which stdl accompanies the Wall from Sewingshields to Walltown. Surely if
it be essential to the theory that the stations on the Wall are the work of Agri
cola, that the north agger of the YaUum should be regarded as the military way
belonging to them, there are considerable obstacles to its reception !
But we are not yet free from the difficulties of the case. If the southern
mounds of the YaUum be the work of Hadrian — a work constructed independently
of the stone WaU, and eighty years before it — a military way must be provided
for this fortification.
Here, again, Agricola is supposed to come to the Emperor's help, and Hadrian
has nothing to do but to adopt the road which Agricola had previously made !
There is one obstacle to this supposition, which Horsley saw, and has fairly stated.
He says, " The main objection against its (the north agger's) being a nulitary way
is, that it Hes aU the way on the north, or enemies' side, with respect to Hadrian's
vallum and ditch." Is it necessary to pursue this subject further ? Is not this
objection fatal ?
If the Hne of argument we have adopted be correct, Agricola's defences would
not equal in number the stations on the line of the Murus, and, as has afready
been observed, they may be sought for on the great roads leading northward rather
than on the basaltic heights in the centre of Northumberland. Cilurnum (Wal
wick Chesters), which is not far from the Watling Street or Eastern line into Scot
land, may have been one of Agricola's stations, and Magna (Carvoran), which is
upon the Maiden Way or Western Hne into Scotland, may have been another.
Between these stations a Eoman mUitary way ran quite independent of the WaU,
having the station of Yindolana (Chesterholm) in the centre of its route. By
H

34 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
means of these three forts the two great roads into Scotland would be protected, and
the line kept open between the eastern and the western route. Whatever other
stations Agricola may have planted in the isthmus, they would probably be erected
in accordance with the principles now indicated.
Horsley's remark, that inscriptions have been found in some of the stations (such
as that of the reign of Antonine at Benwell) prior to the time of Severus, though
adverse to the supposition that the forts were built by Severus, does not miHtate
against the claims of Hadrian. It may not be out of course, too, to ask why, if
so many stone-built forts were erected by Agricola in the Lower Isthmus, has not
a single carved Hne been found commemorating the name of his master ? Several
inscriptions exist in various parts of Europe bearing the names of Yespasian and
Domitian, but none upon the line of the Eoman Wall in England. At York a
stone was lately found dedicated to the Emperor Trajan by the Ninth Legion (one
of those which accompanied Agricola into Scotland), but no traces of any emperor
anterior to the time of Hadrian have been found upon the WaU, or of any forces
but such as are known to have been with him.
In our subsequent remarks we may confine ourselves to the respective claims of
Hadrian and Severus.
In the following passage Horsley succinctly states the case of Severus as against
Hadrian : — " I know 'tis the opinion of some ingenious persons that both the waUs,
with all their appurtenances, and the stations upon them, were the work of the
same time, and the same person ; and that the one is only an interior vaUum or
fosse to the other. But that this was not the original design of the vallum, though
it might be so used by Severus, appears plain to me from the testimony of the
Eoman historians ; nor does this notion suit the circumstances of the work itself
as they yet appear. The coincidence of Severus's military way with the other,
the exact paraUelism of all the parts of Hadrian's work, and the very unequal
distances that are between the two waUs themselves, are to me convincing argu
ments that the waUs have been erected at different times." p
In following Horsley over the topics of investigation here indicated, our first
duty is to examine the testimony of the Eoman historians. It may be weU in
the first instance, to cite all the important passages bearing upon the subject.
Dion Cassius flourished a.d. 230.' That portion of his history which relates to
"Brit. Eom., p. 124. «Mon. Hist., p. li. n.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 35
Britain, during the period under review, is lost, with the exception of such parts
as are found in an abridgement of his works written by XiphiHne, about the be
ginning of the twelfth century. Dion Cassius twice mentions the WaU. The
following passage belongs to the reign of Commodus : —
"Twv <yap ev ttj vqavo e9vu>v v7repfiefir)K6Tiov to Tet-^os to Stopi^ov avTovs Te Kal to tujj/ 'Vwp,ulwv
ffrpaToireSa, Kat iroWa KaKOvp^ovvTwv, ajpaTTj^ov Te riva yiteTa twv ajptnttiOT&v ovs el^e KaTaKO-yjrdvTwv,
(po/3i]0eh o K6p,/ioSos, MdpiceXkov Ovkmov eV amovs eire[i\[rev."* — " For some of the nations within
that island having passed over the Wall which divided them from the Eoman stations,
and, besides killing a certain commander with his soldiers, having committed much other
devastation, Commodus became alarmed, and sent Marcellus Ulpius against them."
The other passage belongs to the reign of Severus : —
" Avo Se ^evr/ twv BpeTravwv fieeytara. eiai, K.aXijSovwi Kal MatOTat'- Kal es aim Kal Ta, twv aWivv Trpoaprj/iara
(we eliretv) av<^Ke-)(iLp7fKev. oiKOvcrt Se ot p,ev Maiarai irp'os ainw to SiaTei-^lajnaTi o T-nv vfjaov Si-)(ij ikfivec
KaXriSovwi Se, jier ixelvovs." " — "Among the Britons the two greatest tribes are the Caledonians
and the Meatse ; for even the names of the others, as may be said, are merged in these. The
Meatse dwell close to the Wall which divides the island into two parts ; the Caledonians
beyond them." '
Herodian flourished about the year 238.u The only reference which he makes
to the WaU is in the foUowing words : —
" '"^Trepfiavros Se tov GTpaTOv Ta 7rpo^e^\/rjfiepa pev/naTa Te Kal -^wfiaTa Tn? 'VuifjLalwv ap-^ij^, o~up,/3o\al
Kal a.Kpoj3o\to-p,ol woWAkw i^evovTo, Tpoiral tb t&v papftdpwv." T — " His (Severus's) army having
passed beyond the rivers and fortresses" which defended the Eoman territory, there were
frequent attacks and skirmishes, and retreats on the side of the barbarians." *
Spartian was a Latin writer, who flourished at the close of the third century.
Speaking of Hadrian, he says : —
" Ante omnes tamen enitebatur ne quid otiosum vel emeret aliquando vel pasceret. Ergo
conversis regio more militibus, Britanniam petiit : in qua multa correxit, murumque per
octoginta niillia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Eomanosque divideret." y — Yet, above
all men, he strove that he might not at any time purchase or maintain aught addicted to
idleness. Therefore, turning about his soldiers in kingly fashion, he sought Britain ; where
he corrected many things, and first drew a wall for eighty miles to separate the barbarians
and the Eomans.
rLib. lxxii, s. 12. Quoted in the Monumenta Historica, p. lix. The translation appended is that
given in the Monumenta.
s Lib. lxxii., s. 12. Mon. Hist., p. Ix. ' Mon. Hist., p. Ix. " Mon. Hist., p. hdi.
T Lib. iii. Mon. Hist., p. lxiv.
w Horsley translates the word " trenches," no doubt, in the sense of ramparts. ' Mon. Hist., p. lxiv.
7 De Hadr., c. ii. Mon. Hist., p. lxv.

36 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Again, writing of Severus, he says : —
"Britanniam, quod maximum ejus imperii decus est, muro per transversam insulam
ducto, utrimque ad finem oceani munivit : unde etiam Britannici nomen accepit." • — He
secured Britain, which is the chief glory of his reign, having drawn a wall across the island,
to the boundary of the ocean, on either side ; whence he also received the name of Britan-
nicus. In one more passage he mentions the Wall in connexion with Severus : —
"Post murum aut" vallum missum in Britannia, quum ad proximam mansionem rediret,
non solum victor, sed etiam in seternum pace fundata, volvens animo quid ominis sibi
occurreret, iEthiops quidam e numero militari, clarse inter scurras famse, et celebratorum
semper jocorum, cum corona e cupressu facta eidem occurrit. Quem quum ille iratus re-
moveri ab oculis prsecepisset, et coloris ejus tactus omine et coronse, dixisse ille dicitur joci
causa, "Totum fuisti, totum vicisti, jam Deus esto victor.'"" — After the Emperor had
passed the Wall (or Vallum) and was returning to the nearest station, not as a conqueror
only, but as a founder of eternal peace, and was revolving in his mind what omen might
present itself, an Ethiopian soldier, famous as a buffoon and noted for his jokes, confronted
him on his way, crowned with cypress. The Emperor struck with the colour of the man
and his [ill-omened] crown, was angry, and ordered him out of his sight. The fellow is
thereupon said jestingly to have retorted — ' Thou hast been every thing — conquered every
thing ; now conqueror be a god.' °
z De Sev., c. 18 Mon. Hist., p. lxv.
* The reading here given is that adopted in the Monumenta Historica. Hodgson, quoting from the
Bipont edition of the Hist. Aug. Script., 1787, reads, " Murum apud Vallum" — the Murus at or near
the Vallum. Horsley also prefers this reading, and thinks it gives us " a plain intimation that Severus's
WaU was built near to Hadrian's Vallum, nigh the same tract of ground, though not upon the same
foundation" (Brit. Rom., p. 62/ It will be observed, however, that the historian is not treating of
the WaUs at all ; he is teUing us an anecdote of Severus, and mentions the WaU merely to fix the
locality where the circumstance occurred. If the VaUum had been reared eighty years before the WaU,
and had at this time become so inefficient (from whatever cause), that a new and more ambitious hne
of defence required to be raised, it would contribute little to the reader's knowledge of the locality to
tell him that the event occurred just after the Emperor had passed the Murus, which is near the Vallum.
A modern chronicler might almost as well say, " After Queen Victoria had arrived at Salisbury, which
is near Old Sarum." The text seems to be in an unsatisfactory state, and Horsley probably exercises a
wise discretion when, in his translation of the passage he altogether omits the clause, " Apud
Vallum," or " Aut Vallum," and simply reads, " After the WaU was finished in Britain."
* De Sev., c. 22, Mon. Hist., p. lxv.
• This translation is founded upon Hodgson's {Hist. Nor., IL, iii., 164). The first time that Hodgson
quotes the passage he follows Horsley in translating " Post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia"—
" After the Murus .... was completed;" but afterwards (p. 273) he incUnes to the beUef that the
phrase should be rendered, " After he had passed the Murus." There is little doubt that the latter

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 37
JuHus Capitolinus (who flourished at the close of the third century), in record
ing the erection of the Antonine WaU in Scotland, refers to a previously existing
waU, which is of some importance in the discussion of the question —
" Per legatos suos plurima bella gessit [Antoninus]. Nam et Britannos per Lollium
Urbicum legatum vicit, alio muro cespiticio submotis barbaris ducto."a— Antoninus carried
on many wars by his legates ; for he conquered even the Britons by his legate Lollius
Urbicus ; having, after driving back the barbarians, constructed another waU composed of
turf." The ecclesiastical historian Eusebius8 in a portion of his writings which exists
only in the translation of Jerome, has the following passage —
" Clodio Albino, qui se in Gallia Caesarem fecerat, interfecto apud Lugdunum, Severus
in Britannos beUum transfert, ubi, ut receptas provincias ab incursione barbarica faceret
securiores, vaUum per c.xxxii, passuum millia a mari ad mare duxit."f — Clodius Albinus,
(who had proclaimed himself Caesar in Gaul) being killed at Lyons, Severus transfers the
war to the Britons, where, that he might make the provinces he had recovered more secure
from the invasion of the barbarians, he drew a rampart, 132 miles long, from sea to sea.
Sextus AureHus Victor, who is supposed to have flourished about the year 360,8
has the following passage: —
"His majora aggressus [Severus], Britanniam, quae ad ea utilis erat, pulsis hostibus,
muro munivit, per transversam insulam ducto, utrinque ad finem oceani."h — He achieved
greater things than these, for after repulsing the enemy, he secured Britain, which was
convenient for such things,1 by a wall drawn across the island to the ocean on either side.
In a work which chiefly consists of an abbreviation of AureHus Victor's Lives of
the Caesars, by an unknown author/ we have the following account of the Wall : —
view is preferable, though neither is quite satisfactory. As has already been suggested, the passage is
probably corrupt. The last clause (Jam Deus esto victor J is ambiguous ; it may be rendered, " Now,
conqueror, be a god" — or, "Now let God be conqueror." If the first meaning be adopted, the buffoon
pays Severus the very uncomfortable compliment of wishing him weU out of the world, most of the
Eoman emperors being deified at death ; if the other meaning be adopted, we have an aUusion to the
principles of the Christian religion, which must have made some progress in Britain at this time. The
gist of the joke (or sarcasm) and the safety of the Ethiopian probably depended upon the ambiguity of
the expression.
d De Marco Antonino Philosopho, c. 8. Mon. Hist. p. lxv.
c He died about a.d. 340. Mon. Hist., p. lxx, n. { Lib. II. Severi An. xiv. Mon. Hist. p. lxxxi.
* Mon. Hist. p. Ixxi, n. " De Viris Illustribus, c, 78. Mon. Hist., p. lxxi.
' He probably refers here to the peculiar adaptation of the northern isthmus for such a purpose.
j See Art. Victor, Sex. Aurelius, in Smith's Diet, of Biog.
PART I. I

38 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
" Hie [Severus] in Britannia vallum per triginta duo passuum millia a mari ad mare de-
duxit."" — He drew a rampart for thirty-two miles from sea to sea.
Eutropius, who flourished about the year 36 0,1 also ascribes the Wall to
Severus —
" Novissimum bellum in Britannia habuit [Severus] : utque receptas provincias omni
securitate muniret, vaUum per xxxii. millia passuum a mari ad mare deduxit."m — He waged
his last war in Britain ; and that he might render the provinces which he acquired as
secure as possible, he drew a rampart from sea to sea, thirty-two miles in length.
Cassiodorus lived in the sixth century. In his Chronicon the foUowing passage
occurs : —
" Aper et Maximus. His coss. Severus in Britannos beHum movit, ubi ut receptas
provincias ab incursione barbarica faceret securiores, vallum per C.XXXII. passuum millia
a mari ad mare deduxit."" — In the consulship of Aper and Maximus he made war upon the
Britons, and to render the provinces which submitted to him secure against barbaric in
vasion, he drew a VaUum from sea to sea, one hundred and thirty-two miles in length.
It would serve no useful purpose to quote from writers of a later date ; their
statements are but a repetition of those already given.
In weighing the value of these testimonies the experience of Horsley may pre
serve us from undue disappointment. Discussing the Eoman Geography of
Britain he says ; —
" The accounts and descriptions of ancient authors must be of great use, and have been in
many cases justly appealed to. It must be owned that the descriptions of these authors
(the Classics, Eoman historians, &c.) are often confused and obscure, and sometimes incon
sistent with one another, which may lessen their authority ; but yet they are in many
cases our best guides."0  "Though indeed, after all the hght which can be collected
from these ancient writers, and other helps, we still find ourselves too often left in the dark.
nor is this to be wondered at, when we consider the distance of time "  p
We now examine the passages. The earliest writers who make any mention of
a WaU in England are Herodian and Dion Cassius. Both of these writers were
contemporaries of Severus, and both wrote copiously on his reign.q Both of them
describe his expedition into Britain; Dion does so diffusely.1 If Severus,
" Epit. c. 4. Mon. Hist. p. lxxi. ' Mon. Hist. p. lxxii, n.
" Lib. VEIL, c. 19. Mon. Hist. p. lxxii. ¦¦ Hist. Mon. lxxxii. • Brit. Eom. p. 354.
p Brit Eom. p. 355. « Hist. Nor., IL, iii., 164. ' Hist. Nor., IL, iii., 164.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 39
therefore, built the Wall, we might expect to have some certain information
respecting it from them. To the great surprise of Horsley, and others who
think that Severus was its builder, they do not give us the least hint of
the fact. Horsley thus expresses his astonishment : " It is strange that neither
Herodian nor XiphUine should mention the buUding of a Wall by Severus. Dion
Cassius says, ' that the Mseatse dwell near the Wall which divides the island
into two parts,' but says nothing of its being built by Severus."8
Both writers were, however, aware of the existence of a waU. Dion Cassius, it
will be observed, twice mentions it. In the first instance, he says, that in the
reign of Commodus the barbarous tribes " passed over the WaU (to t^os) which
divided them from the Eoman stations." The second instance belongs to the
reign of Severus himseH', and here the phrase is peculiarly emphatic. He says,
" The Meatae dweU close to the Wall which divides the island into two parts."
The expression, Trpbs aw™ ™ Suneixta/uni is equivalent to the ' very' waU — the well-
known waU.* Much stress cannot be laid on the word TeiXos which is used in
the first instance and its compound StaTe^o-na in the second, as it is applicable to
a waU of any description ; but if there be any one term in the Greek language
which expresses a stone waU, it is this word.
If, therefore, we had no other historical evidence but that which Dion Cassius
supplies, we would certainly conclude that the WaU was bunt long before Severus
landed upon our shores.
Herodian also recognizes the existence of fortifications in the vicinity of the
rivers of the isthmus prior to the arrival of Severus. The expression which he
uses is x^"*™— ramparts, a word which primarily applies to mounds of earth rather
than of stone. As he does not, however, speak of any other wall subsequently
erected, we are entitled to conclude (so far as his testimony is concerned) that the
fortifications to which he aUudes are those of the Barrier of the Lower Isthmus-
consisting partly of earth- works and partly of a stone waU.
We now come to the testimony of Spartian. He three times mentions the
WaU. In the first instance, he says most distinctly that "Hadrian first drew a
waU for eighty nnles to separate the barbarians and the Eomans." Here let it be
noticed that the term used is murus, the proper word for a stone wall, as vallum
' Brit. Eom., p- 61.
« See a similar construction in Luke x., 21, 'Ev afar) Trj &pa.—" In that hour," or as it is given in
Cranmer' s Bible, " That same hour," and in the Eheiins Testament " In that very hour."

40 HISTORY OP NORTHUMBERLAND.
is for an earthen rampart. Both words are frequently used very loosely, and are
occasionaUy interchanged ; stiU it might have been expected, had Hadrian only
reared a sod fence, and Severus been the builder of a stone waU, that Spartian, in
recording the labours of each, would have avoided using the same term (murus) in
both cases, or have added some epithet in order to define his meaning. "
The second reference which Spartian makes to a wall in Britain, is in relation
to Severus. He says of this emperor — "He secured Britain, which is the chief
glory of his reign, having drawn a wall across the island to the boundary of the
ocean on either side, whence he also received the name of Britannicus." Horsley,
in common with nearly all who have written upon the subject,v have understood
Spartian to say that the building of the Wall was the great glory of Severus's
reign. We shall, probably, more correctly ascertain his meaning if we keep
prominently in view the essential part of the sentence — "Britanniam, quod
maximum ejus imperii decus est,  munivit." The portion which relates
to the Wall — " muro per transversam insulam ducto, utrimque ad finem oceani,"
is given parenthetically, and is obviously of secondary import. The erection of a
wall eighty miles in length, could never be said to be the great glory of the reign of
any man of talent and energy, who, for eighteen years, held the sceptre of universal
empire ; but he might boast (if he truthfully could) of the subjugation of the hostUe
tribes of Britain. Of the valour of the Britons, Severus had had experience in
the battle of Lyons. And when the prefect of Britain sent him word that the bar
barians were in a state of insurrection, he rejoiced ; evidently feeling that they
were a foe worthy of his steel. On his death-bed, he boasted of the pacification
of Britain." We may, therefore, readily suppose, that in the passage under
» In a subsequent passage he has the foUowing sentence : " Stipitibus magnis in modnm muralis
sepis. . . .barbaros separavit"— He separated the barbarians by means of large stakes. . . .after the man
ner of a mural hedge. Here the accompanying words define the meaning of the word muralis. In
English we sometimes speak of a wooden mile-stone, but where some distinguishing'epithet is not given
we naturally consider the milliarium to be composed of the ordinary material. 'So in Latin, where
there is nothing to show the contrary, we would expect murus to signify a stone waU, and vallum a
waU of earth.
- The writer of this chapter includes himself in the category. The careful revision, which he has
found it necessary to make, of aU the authorities bearing upon the subject of the Wall, has led him in
some instances, as has already been seen, to modify his views of some of the passages.
-Spartian says-" Ultima verba ejus dicuntur haec fuisse : Turbatam rempubhcam ubique accepi
pacatam etiam Britanms rehnquo." C. 23, Mon. Hist., lxv.-" I received the empire in a state of
universal confusion ; I leave it in a state of repose, even as it regards the Britons "

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 41
review, the historian is more anxious to impress upon us the fact that Severus
reduced Britain to a state of quiescence, than to direct our attention to any of the
means which he adopted for the accomplishment of this end. If historians of
great credit, Hke Herodian and Dion Cassius, who were contemporary with
Severus, say nothing of any wall built by that Emperor; and if stony
documents — the very autographs of the buUders of the Wall, which, without the
intervention of editors, or transcribers, or printers, have come down to our time —
say nothing of Severus, but uphold the name of Hadrian, we can readily, without
impeaching the veracity of Spartian, reconcUe his statement with the facts. That
Severus repaired the Wall, which had been broken through in the time of Com
modus, and its stations ruined, is admitted by all ; if, therefore, when speaking
not so much of the Wall itself as of the crowning effort of the Emperor's life, to
which it was subsidiary, he confounds the reparation with the original edification
of the structure, he is guilty merely of a little indistinctness in the back-ground
of his picture. We are compeUed to suppose that the words of Spartian are to be
received with some modification. What time had Severus for building the Wall,
and what troops could he spare for effecting so great an undertaking ? Dion Cassius
teUs us expressly that " he (Severus) returned not from the British expedition, but
died there three years after he undertook it."x A perusal of Herodian's account of
his war against the Caledonians, leaves the impression upon the mind that it occu
pied the whole of the time between his arrival in Britain and his death. Dion
Cassius does, indeed, speak of a peace which he compeUed the Caledonians to submit
to, and of a second insurrection which broke out before his death ; but the account
which he gives us of the " indescribable labours of Severus in cutting down
woods, le-veUing hills, making marshes passable, and constructing bridges over
rivers"; ofthe havoc committed upon his troops, not less than "fifty thousand
of them perishing " ; and of the Emperor's dogged perseverance in pressing on in
defiance of aU difficulties, " untU he had nearly reached the extremity of the
island, and most carefully examined the parallax of the sun, and the length of
days and nights both in summer and winter," may well induce us to suppose
that the greater portion of the last three years of his life was spent in the northern
division of Britain. Horsley admits this. He says, " There was perhaps scarce
time for him to begin and finish the WaU between the conclusion of the peace and
1 Horsley thinks that this expression must be understood with some latitude, so as to take in part of
the fourth year. — Brit. Rom., p. 56.
PART I. K

42 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
his death, and much less between the conclusion of the peace and his going to
York." y If he did not construct the Wall on his return from his Scottish expe
dition, when did he do it? Not surely when he set out. He had made up his
mind to subjugate the whole of Caledonia ; the erection of a vast work like the
Eoman Wall, a hundred miles to the south of the Barrier of Antonine, if it could
by any possibnity have entered his mind, would, in such circumstances, have
seemed an enormous waste of time and power. Not surely during the continuance
of his struggle. He evidently was engaged in a desperate venture, and met
with a resistance and endured losses such as he could not have anticipated. He
would not venture, in such circumstances, to weaken his force by dispatching a
large body of men to construct the Wall. That in his advance into Scotland he
should have put into a state of repair all the works on his line of march, and that,
on his return, " Sith 't will no better be,"
he issued hasty orders for making good the whole line of the Lower Barrier, is
extremely probable ; but more than this — apart from the words of Spartian — the
facts of the case do not warrant us in believing.
Spartian's third passage — " After Severus had passed the WaU (or Valium)"
on his way to York, requires no remark after the observations afready made
upon it.
Although the statements of Spartian have here been considered much in
detail, it must not be supposed that he is an author of great authority.1 In his
day, too, when the empire was fast hastening to irretrievable ruin, and at his dis
tance from the scene of action, it cannot be supposed that he would have many
opportunities for accurately ascertaining the state of affairs in Britain during the
' Brit. Eom., p. 62.
z Of the collection (of which Spartian is one of the authors) commonly classed together under the
title of "Historise Augustee Scriptores Sex," Professor Eamsay thus speaks (Art. Capitolinus, Smith's
Dictionary of Greek and Eoman Biography) : — "  We find numerous repetitions of frivolous detaUs,
a strange mixture of what is grave and valuable with the most puerile and worthless rubbish, and a
multitude of irreconcUeable and contradictory statements freely admitted without remark or explana
tion." Pinkerton, speaking of him (Enquiry into Hist, of Scotland, v. i., p. 49), says; — "Spartian,
a weak writer in the time of Diocletian, near a century after Severus, is the first who mentions it
(that Severus built the Wall) ; and what the state of historical knowledge then was may be judged
from the beginning ofthe life of Probus, by Vopiscus, in the same collection. Vopiscus is the best of
these authors, and hved under Diocletian ; and he says that, for want of writers, the actions and
memory of Probus had almost perished ! That is in a space of twelve or fourteen years."

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 43
residence of Severus. As, however, he is the historian on whose statements the
advocates of Severus chiefly rely, it seemed proper to examine carefuUy the im
port of his words.
The reference which Capitolinus makes to the WaU of Hadrian, when recording
the erection of the Wall of Antonine, has been thought decisive of the claims of
Severus. Horsley says — " The expression of Capitolinus concerning Antoninus
Pius's waU in Scotland, alio muro cespiticio ducto, impHes plainly, that one turf
waU had been built ^ before; which cannot well be supposed to have been any
other than this of Hadrian."* The phrase is not so express as Horsley supposes.
The word, alio, may, without impropriety, be restricted to muro ; and the expres
sion equaUy weU bears the translation " another waU, of turf," as " another turf
waU.'' Capitolinus certainly means to intimate that Antoninus buUt another
waU, but, further, gives us to understand that it was not like that already existing,
of stone, but of turf. The passage makes as much for the one theory as the other.
Eusebius, AureHus Victor, Eutropius, Cassiodorus, and other authors living in
the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, ascribe the building of the Wall to Severus.
In the nature of things their testimony is only valuable so far as it faithfully re
flects the testimony of their predecessors. How scanty the information handed
down by the contemporaries of Severus or their immediate successors is, we have
already had opportunities of seeing. As a means of testing the value of these
late writers we may notice the inaccuracy of their estimates of the length of the
WaU. Not one of them states it at aU correctly. Eusebius says it is 132 mUes
long. Eutropius says it is 32 miles long. Cassiodorus brings us back to the
larger number, 132.
We may now leave the historical part of the question. It is not so fuU or so
satisfactory as we might have expected. This is in a great measure to be ac
counted for by the distance of Britain from Eome, and the terrific confusion in
which the affairs of the empire were involved during the period when the later
writers whom we have quoted flourished.
We now turn to the third branch of our inquiry, the evidence furnished by the
works of the Barrier themselves as to their origin. Do the VaUum, the Stations,
the WaU with its castles and turrets, and the MiHtary Way, exhibit proofs of
unity of design, or do they appear to have been the product of different minds
• Brit. Eom. p. 117.

44 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
and of different periods ? We have afready seen that Horsley conceives that the
stationary camps of the line preceded both the Vallum and the Murus, and we
have examined the grounds on which he founds this opinion. In the following
paragraph he gives us his views respecting the relationship between the Vallum
and the Murus : —
" I see no circumstances in the two works of Severus's waU and Hadrian's vallum that
argue them to be done at the same time, or to have any necessary relation one to the other.
The constant parallelism of the north agger, the ditch and the two southern aggers of
Hadrian's work, is a sure argument of their mutual relation. But this parallelism does not
hold in the wall of Severus. Where they are most distant, there are no visible branches of
any military way leading from the one to the other, whereby the communication between
them might be more easily preserved. In some places there is a morass between the two
walls, which must make a retreat from one waU to the other inconvenient, and is improper
for a body of men to stand on.""
There is much force in these observations of our great antiquary. The paral-
leHsm of the lines of the Yallum is complete. They run side by side at precisely
the same distance from one another ; when the one turns, the other turns, and
precisely at the same angle. The Wall does not maintain a uniform distance
from the Vallum ; it is sometimes so close to it as scarcely to aUow room for the
passage of the military way between it and the Vallum ; and in one part of its
course, in the mountainous district, it is nearly half a mile distant from the earthen
rampart. Again, the course of the Vallum is usuaUy more direct than that of the Wall ;
it runs on in the same straight line for a longer course than the Wall does ; it has
about it a greater amount of mathematical precision — a greater amount of that
unswerving straight-forwardness which is so characteristic of the Eomans — than
the WaU has. Further, when both works bend, they do not always bend at the
same point and at the same angle. These are difiiculties which every one who is
familiar with the mural Barrier, and who is of opinion that the works are one
must have felt ; and which, probably, he will feel yet more strongly when the
anticipated " Survey of the Wall " lies before him. Still, some considerations may
be adduced which will, in part, remove the difficulties. Though the works are not
precisely paraUel, they are virtually so. In relation to the whole distance run, they
* Brit. Eom. p. 126

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 45
may be said to be in close companionship with each other the whole way. They
are never so far removed that the one may not be seen from the other. Some
reason, too, may usuaUy be assigned for any departure from the normal distance.
When they come closer together than usual, it is that both works may seize the
summit of some hiU over which their course lies. Their comparatively wide
separation in the central region, is evidently owing to the nature of the ground.
The Wall crowns the summit of the basaltic ridge, as the most efficient protec
tion against the attack of a northern foe ; the VaUum, as the best means of guarding
against the treacherous onslaught of an enemy from within, runs at the foot of the
southern slope of the hill. The nature of the material used in the construction of
the one and the other, and the objects to be served by each, may account for
some of the differences between them. The ear^^workjmight well be parried
forward wjthjmore decision and boldness than the stone wall, which entails in its .
execution a greater amount of labour and skUj. And as the Caledonian foe was
mojEe-JtQ-Jhe_jfreaded than the subject Brigantes^thaJWaU-must of necessity J5e~
made to seize every advantageous point, no matter how frequently it changes its
direction, while the VaUum, as having a less arduous duty to fulfil, may be
aUowed to proceed for a considerable distance in the same straight line, irrespec
tive of occasional disadvantages, provided its course on the whole be suited to its
purpose. But whatever difficulties may attend the theory which supposes that the Murus
and VaUum are parts of one design, they are small in comparison with those
which are inseparable from the supposition that the works belong to different eras.
1. If the Murus does not maintain the same accurate paraUeHsm with the Val
lum which the several parts of the Vallum do with one another, these two great
works never cut in upon one another. The Murus never crosses the Vallum.
If the WaU had been constructed nearly a century after the Vallum, and in con
sequence of the inefficiency of that rampart, would it not have pursued an inde
pendent course along the country; — sometimes crossing the Vallum in one
direction, sometimes in another, occasionally diverging from it to a considerable
distance? Different minds seldom take precisely the same view of a subject, and
in so important a matter as the erection of a fortification, on which the security of
a country was to depend, the engineer of Severus would surely feel bound to
adopt the line which seemed to him to be the best, irrespective of the views of any
of his predecessors.
part i. L

46 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The only way of avoiding this difficulty is to suppose that Severus did not in
tend to supersede the ancient lines of defence, but to add to them — that he
intentionaUy drew his Wall side by side with the Vallum, in order to avail him
seH of the modicum of support which it afforded. Had the prior defence been a
stone wall, and the additional fortification a rampart of earth, this idea might have
been tenable ; but we can scarcely conceive that when the later defence was by
far the stronger and more important of the two, it would have been made sub
sidiary to the other. Besides, if we regard the Wall simply as a means of
defence against the north, its erection would render the Vallum nearly useless —
it would only be available as a momentary refuge when the soldiery had been
driven by the enemy from their stronger position, the Wall ; in such circum
stances, the engineer might fairly dismiss it from his calculations. There is
moreover something inconsistent with Eoman vigour, and with the terrible energy
of the character of Severus, in the idea of that emperor's making an old fortifica
tion the basis of a new one of his own. We see from Eoy's maps how frequently
a legion, when encamping upon ground that had been previously occupied, paid
no heed to the ramparts that were still standing, but proceeded to form new ones
as though the others had never been in existence. If Severus buUt the Wall —
built it as an important means of securing the object with which he wished to
gild the close of his miHtary career — he would have built it independently of the
lines of Hadrian, or any other man.
2. Another difficulty of, apparently, an insuperable character, attends the view
that the Murus and VaUum are independent works. Whilst the ground along
which the WaU runs is generally the strongest which could be chosen for a pro
tection against the north, that over which the Yallum goes is better adapted for
repelling invasion from the south than the north. In many instances the Vallum
takes the southern slope of a lull when it might as easily have embraced its
northern margin. One remarkable example of this is to be seen at Down-hnl
about sixteen miles west of Newcastle, where the Vallum bends at an angle, and
skirts the base of the lull in such a way as to place the fortification completely at
the command of an enemy posted upon the hill. Again, throughout the entire
distance extending from Sewingshields to Carvoran, the Vallum runs along the
the southern slope of the basaltic hills on the northern escarpment of which the
Murus is situated, and is commanded throughout by the rising ground to the
north. If the Vallum had originally been reared as an independent fortifi-

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 47
cation, and was chiefly intended to assist in stemming tbe tide of Caledonian
invasion, why should these elevated positions have been left in the hands of the
enemy ? On the theory that the VaUum and Wall are separate works, and were
reared at different times, no satisfactory answer can be given to this question ;
admit that they are one work, and that the Wall was chiefly designed as a protection
against the north and the Vallum against the south, and all is easy. The point
which we are now stating is so important — being in fact the one on which the
whole question turns (apart from direct testimony) — that it may be weU to state it
in Horsley's own words. " It must be confessed," he says, "that the southern
prospect of Hadrian's work, and the defence on that side, is generally better ¦ than on
the north; whereas the northern prospect and defence have been principally or only
taken care of in the wall of Severus." ° The way in which our great Northumbrian
antiquary attempts to meet this difficulty only shows how insuperable it is. He
conceives that Hadrian was guided in forming his lines by the direction taken by
the north agger of the VaUum. This agger, as we have afready seen, he takes to
have been the miHtary way of Agricola. He thus proceeds —
"Ina word, the north agger, or old military way, keeps just such a course and runs
through such grounds as one would expect such a Eoman way should do. And if it
was determined that Hadrian's work should strictly accompany this, and keep all along an
exact parallelism to it, they must then by this rule be tied down to these seeming irregu
larities and misconduct which appears in this work."
We have already shown that there are good grounds for beHeving that the north
agger of the Vallum was an agger merely, and not a military way, but even
though it had been, would Hadrian have sacrificed the strength of his fortress in
order to avail himself of a ready-made road ? No man of sense or vigour would ?
3. The opinion that the WaU was not built until the time of Severus, is liable
to the objection afready brought against the theory that the stations of the line
were the work of Agricola ; namely, that though the north was the point from which
danger was most to be dreaded, this is the side on which the earthworks of the
Yallum give the stations the least support, leaving most of them entirely exposed.
We are thus driven by necessity to abandon the idea that the WaU and Murus are
c Brit. Eom. p. 125. In penning these words, Horsley virtually surrenders the cause which he advo
cates. d Brit. Eom., p. 125.

48 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
separate works, erected at different periods. The whole works, consisting of VaUum
and Murus, of mUiary towers and subsidiary turrets, of miHtary way and supporting
stations, exhibit a completeness of purpose which we can only trace to unity of
design. Each part has a special function to fulfil, and though perhaps weak in
itself, lends its aid to the general strength. The stone waU is the barrier on the
north, protecting the stations and covering the military way. The stations and
mile-castles afford lodgement for the soldiery. The Vallum is a protection against
an attack from the south, and covers the road in that quarter. Judging from
present appearances, there has been but one miHtary way accompanying the
Barrier from end to end, and that one bears a much closer relationship to the
Wall than the Vallum.6 The Vallum and Murus, on the supposition of their
being but parts of one work, required but one miHtary way. It was essential
that it should run between them, and keep as near as possible to the Wall, and to
the barracks and guard chambers of the garrison. All this we find to have been
the case. The stationary camps He between the works, receiving support from
both of them. The VaUum is destitute of any accomodation for the soldiery,
excepting the stations ; the WaU suppHes an abundance, having guard-chambers
at the distance of a Eoman mile from each other, with three or fourf smaUer
erections between each of them. The Vallum does not extend at either extremity
of the Hne so far as the WaU. At the eastern end, the river between WaUsend
and Newcastle would prove a sufficient protection against the south, but not
against the north; at the western extremity a series of marshes, stretching
some miles inland from the southern shore of the Solway, seems to have ren
dered the construction of the Vallum between Dykesfield and Bowness unne
cessary. AU this is in consistency with the idea that the works were one, and
that each part had a function of its own to discharge. OccasionaUy a similarity
in the mode of workmanship is apparent in the two parts of the Barrier. At
Tepper-Moor, the ditches, both of the Murus and VaUum, have been cut through
the summit of a basaltic hiU with considerable difficulty. Masses of the upheaved
rock lie on the surface of the ground in the vicinity both of the Murus and Val
lum. So unusual a circumstance as this leads to the conclusion that both works
were being carried forward at the same time, and by the same gang of workmen.
" As we have already seen, Horsley conceived that the north agger of the VaUum was a way. Al
though in one or two places it has something of this appearance, its general character is decidely ad
verse to any such view. f Britannia Eomana, p. 120.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 49
But however satisfactory the proof from the nature of the works may be, there
are more direct evidences in store. It seems to have been the practice in ancient,
as it is in modern, times to affix to important pubHe buildings inscriptions giving
some account of the structure, and of the period of its erection. Several slabs, of
a form suitable for erection over a gateway, and bearing inscriptions more or less
elaborate, have been found in the stations and mile-castles of the WaU, and in the
supporting stations to the north and south of it. To these stony documents we
turn with expectation. From them there can be no appeal. Their evidence is
not circumstantial but direct. Nothing can be more conclusive than their testi
mony, except, indeed, the men who hewed the stones of the WaU, and laid; them
iu ihe places where we stiU observe them, were to rise from their graves and tell
us with living lips whether they acted in obedience to the orders of Hadrian or
Severus. And what is the testimony of these inscriptions ? Decidedly in favour
of Hadrian. Though some slabs and altars, found in the out-stations, bear the
name of Severus, not one has been found upon the WaU itself; but several have
been found, in aU parts of the Barrier, bearing the name of Hadrian. In that
section of the WaU which is at present in the most perfect state, testimony after
testimony has been exhumed, virtuaUy according to Hadrian the honour of having
been its buUder. How is it that in the mile-castles, or in the stations, which
confessedly are contemporaneous with the WaU, not a single slab bears the name
of Severus, or of his prefects, or chief officers ? But one answer can be given to
this question — Hadrian bunt the Wall, not Severus. The utter absence of testi
monies in favour of Severus, and their comparative abundance in favour of Hadrian,
is the more remarkable when we consider that not only have the slabs erected in
Hadrian's day been exposed to the action of the elements for nearly a century longer
than those which were carved at the close of the reign of Severus, but that prior
to the arrival of Severus in Britain, the works of the Barrier (of whatever kind
they were) had suffered excessively from a successful onslaught of the Caledonians.
During this irruption many inscriptions bearing the name of Hadrian would
doubtless be injured or destroyed, and in the works which Severus subsequently
ordered (whether, as we contend, connected with the reparation of the Wall, or,
as some think, its original construction) many more would be used up. Notwith
standing several remain dedicated to Hadrian — not one on the Wall itself speaks
of Severus. The importance of this part of the subject requires that we should
go from end to end of the Barrier, and ascertain what stones discovered in its
several parts have been dedicated to either of these emperors.
PART i. m

50 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
1. At Jarrow, near the mouth of the Tyne, and on its southern margin, there is
strong reason to believe a Eoman station existed. On a stone which, when the Eoman
dominion in England had ceased, was used in the formation of Beda's church, the
remains of a Eoman inscription appear; the following letters are distinct : —
OMNIVM FIL
HADR
IANI .
Though several letters have been lost entirely, and others are partially obliterated,
the inscription has probably run in this form — Pro salute omnium fiHorum Had-
riani — For the safety of all the [adopted] sons of Hadrian.
2. At Procolitia, the modern Carrawburgh, the seventh station of the line, and
one of those stations which are palpably contemporaneous with the WaU, an
inscription has been found which indisputably belongs to the reign of Hadrian.
It records the erection of some building by the First Cohort of the Aquitani, during
the Proprsetorship of Aulus Platorius Nepos. This cohort we know, from the
Eiveling Eescript, was in Britain in the time of Hadrian, but seems to have left
the island soon afterwards. Aulus Platorius Nepos was a great favourite of
Hadrian's, and had the command of the province of Britain during his reign.
3. We now approach that part of the Wall in which, on account of its
comparative completeness, we might expect to meet with some of the class of
monuments of which we are in search ; and we are not disappointed. In four of
the mile-castles between the contiguous5 stations of Borcovicus and iEsica slabs
or portions of slabs have been found, recording the names of Hadrian, and of his
Propraetor, Aulus Platorius Nepos. That the mUe-castles owe their existence to
the Wall is certain, and as in this part of the line the WaU is further removed
from the Vallum than usual, and stands upon a higher elevation, it is extremely
improbable that these tributes to the memory of Hadrian can have been brought
from the Vallum to it. That several of these slabs are in an imperfect and
battered condition, conduces to the strength of the argument. In the time of
Commodus the Caledonians, as has already been observed, came down upon the
fortifications of the Barrier, defeated the troops that garrisoned it, and committed
extensive ravages upon all the works of the Eomans. Severus himseH came to
' Contiguous so far as the WaU is concerned. The station of Vindolana comes between Borcovicus
and Msictx m the Notitia list, but it lies considerably to the south of the WaU. Borcovicus and
siEsica are about four mUes distant from each other.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 51
Britain in consequence of the extraordinary success of the enemies of Eome.
Had these inscriptions wholly escaped the disasters of the period, we should
have been tempted to believe that they belonged to a later age. Only one of
them is entire, but by it we are enabled to supply with certainty the portions of
the others which are wanting. In the mile-castle a little to the west of Bor
covicus, the modern Housesteads, one of these stones has been found ; it is much
broken, but on it the name of the Second Legion and of Aulus Platorius Nepos,
Hadrian's Propraetor, appear. It is now in the possession of Mr. Clayton, at
Chesters. 4. In the next nule-castle, that opposite Hotbank, a precisely similar inscrip
tion has been found, but broken across the middle. One haH of the stone is now
at Matfen, the other at Durham.
5. The next mde-tower on our westward course is that which stands in the
Castle Nick.11 Here the uninjured inscription was found, which is now preserved
in the Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. It bears, in distinct and boldly carved
letters, the foUowing inscription : —
IMP CAES TRAIAN
HADRIANI AVG
LEG II AVG
A PLATORIO NEPOTE LEG PR PR.
6. In the Cawfields Mile-Castle, near Haltwhistle Burn-head, a fractured stone
has been found, which has evidently been the right hand portion of a slab, bear
ing the same inscription as the three last mentioned stones ; it retains from one
to three initial letters of aU the four Hnes. It is now in the antiquarian museum
at Chesters.
7. These four stones have all been found in mUe-castles which form an integral
part of the stone Wall. The contiguous stations, too, have their testimony to
bear to the influence of Hadrian. Opposite to Hotbank, to the south, is the
station of Vindolana ; here the fragment of an inscription has been found, simflar
to those in the mile-castles, bearing the name of Hadrian and of the Second Legion.
8. At the station of iEsica a large slab has been procured, which bears the
foUowing inscription : — IMP CAES TRAl[A]N HADRIA
NO AVG PP.
It is in the museum at Chesters.
b See Catalogue of Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in possession of Society of Ant. Newcastle, p. 26.

52 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
9. The next station that we come to is Magna, the modern Carvoran. Here
an altar has been procured (now in the Castle of Newcastle), dedicated to For
tune, for the safety of Lucius JElius Csesar. This personage was the adopted son
- of Hadrian, and died in the life time of that emperor. We have in this altar,
therefore, a. testimony to the period and the famUy of Hadrian.
10. Before reaching the next station, we have, at Chapel House (the site of a
mne-castle), another slab bearing the name of Hadrian and the Second Legion.
11. On the Maiden Way, and some miles to the north of Birdoswald, is the
supporting station of Bewcastle. Here, in Horsley's day, was a stone with a
" curious inscription," though imperfect. He conceives it to have been " an ho
norary monument erected to Hadrian by Legio Secunda Augusta and the Legio
Yicesima." It also contains the name of a Propraetor, which he thinks is most
likely to have been that of Priscus Licinius, mentioned in an inscription in
Hadrian's time.1
12. The next station on the immediate line of the WaU, after leaving Birdos
wald, is Petriana, the modern Walton House. Here is an altar, still preserved
on the spot, inscribed discipvlinae avgvsti. As we meet with this legend on
the reverse of several of the coins of Hadrian, and of his only, we are entitled
to regard this altar as a memorial of his reign.
13. In several of the out-stations at the western extremity of the Wall, decisive
evidence is borne to the influence of Hadrian. At Netherby a stone existed in
Camden's day, simUar in its character to those found in the mile-castles of the
central region ; it was dedicated to Hadrian by the Second Legion.
14. In the camp near Maryport an altar was discovered dedicated to Jupiter by
the First Cohort of the Spaniards, under the command of M. Maenius Agrippa.
This person lived in Hadrian's day, and was a favourite of the Emperor's. The
altar is in the possession of Mr. Senhouse, of Nether HaU.
15. At Moresby, on the west coast of Cumberland, a slab has been found dedi
cated to Hadrian by the Twentieth Legion.
Such are the evidences of the presence of Hadrian and his officers in the region
traversed by the Eoman Wall, which the ravages of war, time, and ignorance
have left us.
We now ask what memorials of Severus have come down to our day ? As has
already been observed, the mile-castles have not suppHed a single slab carved
' Brit. Eom., p. 270.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 53
with his name, neither have the stations immediately connected with the Murus.
Some have, however, been found in stations which are not immediately connected
with the Barrier.
1. At Hexham, which is about three miles to the south of the Wall, a slab has
been found containing the names of Severus and his son Caracalla. An erasure
appears on it, where, probably, the name of his son Geta was inscribed. There is
another stone at Hexham with an inscription so imperfect that Horsley thinks
nothing can be made of it, but he inclines to the conjecture that it. referred to
Severus and CaracaUa.
2. At Habitancum, the modern Eisingham, about fourteen miles north of the
Barrier, some slabs have been found containing the names of Severus and his
sons. One of these has adorned the south gateway of the station ; the upper
part of it, which probably contained the name of Severus, is lost ; the remaining
part contains the name of CaracaUa, and a space from which doubtless the name
of Geta has been erased.3' Five other slabs, all of them too much injured to admit
of individual description, contain the names of one or both ofthe sons of Severus.k
To these may perhaps be added the fragment of an altar inscribed iom || impp.
found at the same place.
3. At Old CarHsle, which is about ten miles to the south of the Wall, an altar
has been found dedicated to Jupiter, for the safety of the Emperor Lucius Septi-
mius Severus. It is now in the possession of Sir James Graham, at Netherby.
Another has been found at the same place, dedicated to the same deity, for the
safety of Severus and his son Antoninus.
4. On the face of an old quarry on the river Gelt, about four or five miles to
the south of the Wall, is an inscription purporting to have been made by a
VexiUation of the Second Legion, in the consulship of Aper and Maximus.
Aper and Maximus were consuls in the year 207.
These are aU the traces of Severus that we meet with in any part ofthe Barrier
of the Lower Isthmus. Would this have been the case had he been the designer
of a structure, the very ruins of which are majestic ?
The inscriptions found at Hexham and Eisingham may be accounted for on
principles quite independent of his having had anything to do with the WaU,
See No. 20 in the Catalogue of the Newcastle Society's CoUection of Eoman Stones, and a learned
dissertation upon it by the late Mr. Thomas Hodgson, in Arch, Ml., vol. iv., p. 21 (Old Series).
k See Cat. of Newcastle Antiquarian Society, Nos. 24, 31, 32, 33, 37.
PART I. N

54 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Eisingham, let it be remembered, is on the Watling Street, and Hexham is in the
immediate vicinity of this way, having probably communicated with it by a branch
road. The energies of Severus, during the latter years of his Hfe, were chiefly
directed to the subjugation of Caledonia. The Watiing Street, the main road lead
ing from his head quarters at York to the northern division of the island, would
necessarUy obtain his attention, even before setting out on his expedition. Several
circumstances induce us to believe that this was the case. The masonry of
the station of Habitancum (Eisingham) is different from that of the sta
tions of the Wall, and is of a superior character. The facing stones are larger,
more carefully squared, and the joints closer. .The tooling upon them is also
of a peculiar kind.1 The same remarks apply to the more northerly station of
Bremenium, which is also upon the Watling Street. The stones of which the
crypt at Hexham are composed are of the same kind as those made use of at Habi
tancum and Bremenium. That Severus restored a considerable part of Habitan
cum is certain, from the inscription found near its south gateway, which contains
the words portam cvm mvris vetvstate dilapsis...restitvit. Analogy leads
to" the conclusion that he erected works at the other places.
The inscriptions at Hexham and Eisingham, therefore, seem to establish the
fact that Severus travelled in this direction when about to attack the Caledonians,
rather than the theory that he built the Wall. Had he built the Wall, its ma
sonry would have resembled that of these stations.111 Had he built the Wall, some
slab would assuredly have recorded the exploit as carefully as the stone at Habit
ancum has recorded the comparatively insignificant work of the restitution of the
gateway and walls of that particular station.
The inscription upon the Gelt quarry is thought to be of the more importance,
inasmuch as Cassiodorus, writing in the sixth century, places the expedition of
Severus under the precise date (that of the consulship of Aper and Maximus)
named upon that rock. A very little reflection, however, will show us that the
utmost which this inscription proves is, that the quarry (that part of it, at least,
where the inscription occurs) was abandoned in the year 207, the first year of
1 In Plate II. vol. iv. of the Archaeologia iEliana (Old Series), is given an " elevation" of part of
the Wall of Habitancum, " shewing the worked masonry."
m In some parts of the line, especiaUy in Cumberland, stones are met with " tooled" in the same way
as at these stations. These are, however, exceptional cases. It is not improbable that some portions
of the troops of Severus marched to join the Emperor, by way of Wigton.

WHEN AND BY WHOM WAS THE ROMAN WALL BUILT ? 55
Severus's residence in Britain ! Unless, therefore, we suppose that Severus built
the Wall in the short space of a few months, and before undertaking his expedi
tion into Scotland, the inscription on the Gelt quarry is injurious rather than
favourable to the supposition that he was the builder of the Wall. We have not
thought it necessary to notice the rude letters carved upon the Combe Crag,
which more probably were meant to commemorate a mechanic or a peasant than
an emperor.
g Throughout this chapter we have regarded Horsley as the chief advocate- of tiie
theory which views Severus as the constructor of the principal member of the
Barrier of the Lower Isthmus. It were unfair, however, to this great antiquary,
to close our remarks without observing that the inscriptions on which the decision
of the question chiefly turns have nearly all been discovered since his day. He
was acquainted with the slabs dedicated to Hadrian which have been found at
Netherby and Bewcastle ; but these stations are some distance from the Wall,
and may have existed before it did.. He had seen that portion of the Hotbank
inscription which is now at Durham, but he knew not, with certainty, where it
was found, and he had not the means of reading it correctly.11 With these slight
exceptions, he was entirely destitute of that mass of evidence derived from in
scriptions upon which modern antiquaries chiefly found the opinion that Hadrian
built the Wall. No one knew the value of inscriptions better than Horsley, and
no one, either before his day or since, has used them so successfully for the eluci
dation of the early history of our country. In the Introduction to that part of
his volume in which he treats of this subject, he observes, "lam persuaded that
fragments of Eoman inscriptions wUl in time be as much esteemed, and as care-
fuUy searched for, as fragments of ancient authors."0 To his own labours we owe
it, that that day has aHeady arrived, and we cannot doubt that had he lived to see
it, no one would have rejoiced more than he in the success of the explorations
which we have witnessed, or yielded his candid and discerning mind with more
satisfaction to the truth which those exhumed documents compel us to receive.
A few observations upon the correspondence of the character of Hadrian with
the view which ascribes the building of the Wall to him, will fittingly conclude this
chapter. All the historians of his reign speak of his extraordinary energy. Spartian
in the very passage in which he records his visit to Britain, bears witness to the
fact that he more than any other man scorned the seductions of indolence and ease.p
- Brit. Eom., p. 233. " Brit. Eom., p. 177. » Quoted p. 35.

56 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
He was eminently a great builder. He was early accustomed to the erec
tion of military works. He accompanied his relative and predecessor Trajan in
both his Dacian campaigns. Any one who examines the sculptures encircHng the
column of Trajan at Eome (which was reared to commemorate his victories in Dacia),
will see what an important feature the labours of the mason formed in the opera
tions of that expedition ; camps, amphitheatres, watch-towers and waUs to protect
the soldiery when fighting — aU formed of weU-squared stones — are seen springing
up in every direction under the immediate inspection of the Emperor and his
chief officers. The " Wall of Trajan," extending from the Danube to the Black
Sea, would render him early familiar with this species of fortification. He was
the first emperor who ordained that each cohort should be supplied with a band of
masons and all kinds of workmen needed for the adornment of pubhc edifices.
In various parts of his empire he undertook architectural works of great magni
tude. He constructed a magnificent basiUca at Nismes. At Athens he reared
numerous buUdings, amongst them a temple to Olympian Zeus. Adrianople was
one of the many towns constructed or re-edified by him. He undertook, and
personally superintended the re-buUding of Jerusalem, which was caUed, after his
own name, JEHa CapitoHna. He built for himself a magnificent viUa at Tibur
the ruins of which occupy eyen now a space equal to that of a considerable town.
Taking into account the spirit and energy of the man, his whole history, and es
peciaUy his love for architectural enterprises, we shaU be prepared to receive with
the greater confidence the more direct proofs which we have already considered
of his having built the grandest monument which time has left us, in the North of
Europe, of the indomitable energy of the Eomans.

57

CHAPTEE III.
SAXON PERIOD.
Half a century previous to the final abandonment of Britain by the Eomans, the
barbarous nations of Germany had commenced that series of marauding expedi
tions which resulted, at a later period, in the subjugation of the island. Fore
most amongst these were the Saxons, who are mentioned in conjunction with the
Picts, Scots, and Attacotti, as the perpetrators of frequent ravages in the reign of
Jovian. We are not told that they took any part in that fearful invasion of the
northern tribes which was suppressed by Theodosius in the succeeding reign ; but
they devastated the opposite shores of Gaul by a simultaneous incursion. There,
indeed, they had been long known and dreaded, an officer having been speciaUy
appointed as early as the reign of Diocletian to guard those shores, and to clear
the channel between Gaul and Britain from the piratical vessels which infested it.
This officer was Carausius, who afterwards usurped the imperial power in Britain,
and formed alliances with the very nations whom he had been appointed to oppose.
Under Valentinian we find the task of defending the British coast entrusted to
an officer entitled by Ammianus MarcelHnus, " Count of the Maritime Tract," but
who is described in the Notitia as " Count of the Saxon Shore." He was not,
however, Hke Carausius, a naval commander, but had the charge of nine forts in
strong positions along the coast, which were garrisoned by a legion and eight
bodies of auxiliaries. The opposite coast of Gaul was also distinguished by the
appeUation of the Saxon Shore, and there also were placed a number of forts,
some under the command of the " Duke of the Armorican Tract," others under
the " Duke of Belgica Secunda." Whether the appointment of the Count of the
Saxon Shore in Britain was made immediately after the re-annexation of that island
to the empire, on the death of AUectus, the successor of Carausius, or whether it
was in consequence of the ravages of the Saxons in the time of Jovian, is uncer
tain. Of the limits of his authority we have more precise information, the forts
under his command being placed at intervals along the line of coast from Ports
mouth to the extreme point of Norfolk. To the north of this no special provision
part i. °

58 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
was made against maritime invasion, though many of the garrisons under the
Duke of Britain were so placed that they might be appHed to this service, as well
us to the defence of the northern frontier.
The Saxons do not occur amongst the nations, the dread of whose invasion
induced the legions to throw off the authority of Honorius, and to elect an em
peror of their own within the island. The people who inspired this terror were,
as we have seen, the Vandals, Suevi, and Alani, Neither are the Saxons speci
fically mentioned amongst the barbarians whose revolt, excited by Gerontius, was
the cause of the final severance of Britain from the Eoman empire. The ultimate
predominance of this tribe has induced more recent writers to ascribe almost every
naval expedition from the eastern shores of the German Ocean to them, but many
others seem to have displayed equal alacrity in these piratical undertakings.
Even amongst those who finally settled in Britain, we know that the Jutes and
Angles were distinct tribes from the Saxons, although they are often confounded
under one general designation. The incursions spoken of by GUdas and Nennius,
after the departure of the Eomans, and previous to the third consulship of JEtius,
are confined to the Picts and Scots, but Beda mentions a Saxon invasion in con
nection with the celebrated Halleluiah victory, which must have been of earher
date, as it took place during the sojourn of Saint Germanus and Lupus in the island,
which Prosper, a contemporary authority, places a.d. 429. It is true that Beda
himself would date it twenty years later, in order to reconcUe it with his other
authorities, who knew nothing of any earlier Saxon invasion than that under Hen-
gist and Horsa ; but this is entirely inconsistent with the true era of Germanus's
mission. The story itself of the Halleluiah victory is derived from the Life of the
Saint by Constantine. The authority cited above for the date of the mission of Ger
manus and Lupus, is Prosper Aquitanus, who continued the Chronicle of Saint Jerome
from a.d. 377 to a.d. 455. There is also another chronicle of doubtful authority
attributed to Prosper Tyro, in which the following passage occurs under the year
441 : — "The Britains (Britannise) heretofore stricken by various slaughters and
calamities, are reduced under the dominion of the Saxons." This may be intended
either to apply to Britany, the name of which is frequently written in this way in
the plural, or to the island of Britain. On the latter assumption, the statement is
at any rate grossly exaggerated. We might readily admit, in deference to a pro
fessedly contemporary authority, either that the Saxon colonization of some other
districts of the island preceded the arrival of Hengist and Horsa in Kent, or that

SAXON PERIOD. 59
the era of the Kentish invasion itseH is placed by our ordinary computation
twenty years too late ; but to assert that the island of Britain, or any considerable
portion of it, was reduced under Saxon domination as early as a.d. 441, is to
ignore every authority on which our early history is based.
Gildas and Beda connect the advent of Hengist and Horsa with the third con
sulship of JEtius, a.d. 449 ; Nennius interposes forty years of discord and terror
between the departure of the Eomans and the arrival of the Saxons, which gives
precisely the same date. Others adopt the year 429 in order to synchronise the
arrival of Hengist with that of Germanus ; but it is quite clear that Hengist
could not have been the leader who fled before the spiritual weapons of Germanus.
The former effected his original settlement, not by force of arms, but by subtlety,
and it is certain, that at no period of his career, did he penetrate into the district
to which the Halleluiah victory is assigned. Without an assumption then of ab
solute accuracy, we may fairly adopt the generally received date of the reception
of Hengist and Horsa by Vortigern, a.d. 449 ; and this enables us, also to fix
within a very few years the era of the first Teutonic colony in Northumberland,
which was founded by the countrymen of the Saxon, or rather Jutish, King of
Kent, under the guidance of two of his near kinsmen.
The account transmitted to us in the History of the Britons which passes under
the name of Nennius, is not perhaps in all particulars to be relied upon, but in its
main features it is consistent with probability, and, in some points, it is supported
by other testimony.
Vortigern, the predominant British king, is said to have married the daughter
of Hengist, and to have by that means excited great indignation amongst his
people, who were aHeady exasperated by the employment of a large mercenary
force, for whose maintenance they were heavily taxed, and for whose occupation
they had been obliged to relinquish a large portion of fertile territory. Hengist
perceiving the increasing discontent, counselled his father-in-law to put down
all opposition by retaining a largely augmented auxiliary force. He suggested
that whilst himself, and his foUowers who were already in Britain, should remain
in Kent for the protection of the King against his own subjects, fresh levies should
be invited from Germany for the defence of the northern frontier. These he pro
posed to place under the command of Octha and Ebissa, his son and nephew.
Vortigern accepted the proposal, and by his order Octha and Ebissa were invited,
and came over with forty ships. Having laid waste the Orkneys, they passed

60 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
the country of the Picts, and took possession of a large tract immediately adjoin
ing. There can be no doubt that Lothian is the territory here indicated. Al
though Beda supplies no direct information as to the foundation of this northern
colony, the account which he gives of the subsequent league between the Saxons
and the Picts, against the Britons, is strongly corroborative of its reality. Any
such league between the Saxons of Kent, and a people from whom they were
separated by the entire length of the British possessions, must have been
altogether nugatory ; but such an alliance between a Saxon colony, immediately
to the south of the Forth, and the barbarian population beyond, could not fail to
be attended with the most disastrous effects to the Britons, who had with
difficulty maintained their frontier against the attacks of the Picts alone.
On the death of Hengist, Octha left his northern settlement to occupy his
father's throne in Kent : of his successor in Lothian we know nothing. The dura
tion of Hengist' s reign was forty years, during a part of which Vortigern was the
predominant British king, and afterwards Ambrosius. The latter was the head
of a party opposed to Vortigern, whose fear of Ambrosius is assigned by Nennius
as one reason which induced him to court the Saxon alliance. Gildas, who calls
his opponent Ambrosius Aurelianus, says that he was the only surviving chieftian
of Eoman descent, and that his parents, who had perished in the intestine disturb
ances, had been invested with supreme power and wore the imperial purple.
Under Ambrosius himself, he says, the first effectual check was given to the
progress of the Saxon arms. It is probable that he did not long, if at all, survive
Hengist, as shortly after the death of the latter, the extraordinary career of Arthur
commenced, " who fought against the Saxons, with the kings of the Britons, but
he was the chief commander in the wars."
Discarding the inflated fables of which Arthur has been made the hero in the
apochryphal History of Geoffrey of Monmouth, and the romances of his foUowers,
nearly all that has been recorded of him are the names of twelve battles, in which
he is said to have led the Britons to victory against the Saxons. This list of vic
tories rests on the sole authority of Nennius. Henry of Huntingdon repeats the
names, but professes his ignorance of the localities. If such battles took place at
all, each of them must have been fought in or near one of the districts in which a
Saxon settlement had been formed, or was in the course of formation. Now the
only settlements in existence, at the end of the fifth century, were the kingdoms
of Kent and Sussex, and the colony in Lothian. In the two former we look in

SAXON PERIOD. 6 1
vain for places whose names bear the slightest simUarity to those in the list of
Nennius, nor has the idea ever been entertained that Arthur had any connection
with these localities. With the northern region, the case is, as will be shewn,
far otherwise. Too much stress should not be laid on indirect evidence, but still
it is worthy of remark how very frequently the name of Arthur occurs in combi
nation with the names of places in the North of England and South of Scotland.
In Chalmers's Caledonia wiU be found a collection of instances in the latter country,
amongst which one striking example is the term "Castrum Arthuri," which is
applied to the rocky citadel of Dumbarton in a parliamentary record of the reign
of David II. Arthur's Seat, near Edinburgh, is said to be a more modern name,
but even that is mentioned by Camden. These instances, however, are the most
worthy of attention when the name is not prefixed to, but incorporated in, the
local designation, as in the case of Arthuret in Cumberland, within a few miles of
the reputed residence of his court at " Merry Carlisle." Turning from this species
of evidence, which is, after aU, curious rather than satisfactory, it remains to com
pare the names in the list of Nennius and Huntingdon with the existing nomen
clature of Lothian and Northumberland. The first battle was at the mouth of the
river Glein ; the second, third, fourth, and fifth, on another river called Dubglas,
in the district of Linnuis ; the sixth battle was on a river called Bassas ; the
seventh in the wood of Celidon. The last of these is certainly the Caledonian
Forest of Ptolemy, and surely the Saxons who were pursued to this retreat must
have been the most northern settlement of this people in Britain, against whom
we may imagine their opponent issuing from his Castrum Arthuri at Dumbarton.
The six previous battles comprise only three sites, as four of them were fought in
one locality. The river Glein seems to be the Glen in Northumberland, a stream
in after times of great celebrity, from the administration in its waters of the rite
of baptism by Paulinus to his Northumbrian converts. Its notoriety from this
circumstance was probably the reason why Nennius does not define its locaHty as
he does that of the " Dubglas in the region Linnuis,v in order to distinguish it
from other rivers of the same name. The Dubglas has been placed by Geoffrey
of Monmouth in Lincolnshire, in consequence of his confounding the region
Linnuis with Lindsea, a district of that county. That it is really intended for
Lothian, will hardly admit of a doubt ; the ordinary name of that district in the
twelfth century differing very little from the form in the text. In the treatise of
Giraldus Cambrensis, " De Instructione Principis" we read of "Terra quae
part i. p

62 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Leonis vocatur usque ad Mare Scoticum." In the Pipe Eoll of the fourth of
Henry II. we find " Loeneis in terra regis Scotise," and in the " Chronica
Normannice," "Yicecomes Leonensis." It would not be difficult to multiply
examples, but these will suffice ; neither have we any difficulty within this region
of "Linnuis," " Leoneis," or Lothian, in identifying the "Dubglas" with the
"Dunglas," an insignificant stream indeed, but affording a very strong position
for the encampment of an army. " Bassas " should probably be written
" Peassas," and referred to the neighbouring rivulet the Pease, which separates
modern Lothian from Berwickshire, flowing through a ravine of which the banks
are so steep and rugged, and the passage so difficult, that Cromwell, after a lapse
of more than eleven centuries, on describing the defile in a despatch to the parha
ment, makes use of this remarkable expression respecting it, that here " one man
to hinder were better than twelve to make way." This was the last battle pre
vious to that in the Caledonian Forest, after which the sites of the remaining
conflicts are certainly not to be sought in the North. If there is any truth in the
statement of the supremacy said to have been conceded to Arthur by the other
kings of the Britons, it probably refers to a period posterior to these seven battles,
which appear to have been all fought for his own protection, or that of his imme
diate neighbours, against an isolated settlement of Saxon colonists. The distinc
tion which he had thus won pointed him out as the natural leader when struggles
of greater magnitude impended, and such were indeed at hand. The earliest
assaults of Cerdic, who afterwards founded the kingdom of Wessex, were not
directed against the seat of his future conquests, but against the eastern coast in
the neighbourhood of Yarmouth. Here we find him landing, a.d. 495, just six
years after the received date of the death of Hengist, in the immediate vicinity of
the remains of the Eoman " Castellum Gariannonum," which bears a striking
resemblance to the name of the site of Arthur's eighth battle at "Castellum
Guinnion." The remaining conflicts were, probably, as suggested by Mr. Sharon
Turner, in the district of Wessex, the last at Mount Badon, being generally
assigned to a well known locahty in Somersetshire. IDA.
Of the ultimate fate of the colonists of Lothian we have no distinct account
from any early or reliable authority. From the fact of the last battle in which
they seem to have been engaged, having taken place in the Caledonian Forest, we

SAXON PERIOD. 63
might be led to surmise that the remnant of the followers of Octha and Ebissa,
driven out of their acquired territory into this inhospitable tract, were either an
nihilated by the victors, or dispersed amongst their alhes the Picts. Nor is this
inconsistent with the silence of the majority of our most trustworthy historians as
to any previous Anglo-Saxon settlement north of the Humber, when they record
the establishment of the kingdom of Ida. Malmsbury, indeed, and two or three
others of inferior note, give a different account.
" Hengist," we are told, " having settled his own government in Kent, sent his brother
Octha and his son Ebusa, men of activity and tried experience, to seize on the northern
parts of Britain. Sedulous in executing the command, affairs succeeded to their wishes ;
for frequently coming into action with the natives, and dispersing those who attempted
resistance, they conciliated with uninterrupted quiet such as submitted. Thus, through
their own address and the goodwiU of their followers, they had estabhshed a certain
degree of power : yet never entertaining an idea of assuming the royal title, they left an
example of similar moderation to their immediate posterity ; for during the space of
ninety-nine years, the Northumbrian Dukes, contented with subordinate power, hved in
subjection to the Kings of Kent. Afterwards, however, their forbearance ceased ; either
because the human mind is ever prone to degeneracy, or because that race of people was
naturally ambitious. In the year, therefore, of our Lord's Incarnation 547, the sixtieth
after Hengist's death, the principality was converted into a kingdom. The most noble Ida,
in the full vigor of hfe and strength, first reigned here."
Brompton gives nearly the same account, but designates the intermediate rulers
from Octha and Ebissa to Ida, Earls (Comites) instead of Dukes (Duces). Later
chroniclers, besides an indefinite number of these dukes or earls, find space for a
long series of kings foUowing each other in hereditary succession within this
period of ninety- nine years. Of these John de Taxster gives a list of seven, and
the Scala-chronica eight. The former adds —
" All these kings from Hyring to Ida are either omitted by, or unknown to aU our his
torians, and the record of their exploits has either been burnt or carried out of the country."
On this passage the learned editor of a recent publication of Florence of Worces
ter to which Taxster' s chronicle is appended as a continuation, observes in a note
" A very remarkable passage.'' It seems, however, only remarkable for its false
hood and absurdity. Ida is said by Taxster to have been the son of Emering, the
son of Eppa, the son of Uppa, the son of Horsa, the son of WithgUs, the son of
Wodna the son of Hyring, all of whom were kings before him. To this list the

64 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Scala Chronica adds another name, Barnac, which is interposed between Ida and
Emering. Some of the descendants of Octha's followers may have been included amongst
the subjects of Ida, but the latter was undoubtedly the leader of a new colony of
different lineage. Octha and his feUow-settlers were Jutes, the countrymen of
Hengist ; Ida and his companions were Angles.
None of the Kings of Bernicia are mentioned by Beda in the body of his
Ecclesiastical History tiU the time of Ethelfrith; but in the recapitulation
appended to it is a paragraph, which occurs also in an ancient Northumbrian
Chronicle, to which it wiU be necessary to refer by and by, and likewise in the
Saxon Chronicle. " In the year 547 Ida began to reign ; from him the royal
famuy of the Northumbrians derives its origin; he reigned twelve years." To
this the Saxon Chronicle adds, " He built Bamburgh, which was at first enclosed
by a hedge, and afterwards by a wall. Ida was the son of Eoppa ; Eoppa of Esa ;
of Ingwi; of Angenwit; of AM; of Benoc; of Brond; of Beldeg; of Woden.
Woden was the son of Frithowald ; of Frithuwulf; of Finn; of Godwulf; of
Geat." As regards Bamburgh (Bebbanburch), we are told by Beda, that it " had
its name from a certain queen." Bebba, however, after whom it was caUed, was
not (as we learn from the Genealogies in Nennius) the queen of Ida, but of
Ethelfrith, and the previous name of the city was Dinguayrdi, or Dinguoarroy.
Although the capital of Ida was in Bernicia, the northern section of Northum
berland, he has been very generally represented as the King of Deira also," and
the Saxon Chronicle speaks of Alia as his successor, although the latter is known
to have reigned in Deira only. Eoger of Wendover would even lead us to
believe that this province was his original conquest, and that Bernicia was a later
acquisition, by representing him as landing his forces as far to the south as Flam-
burgh. His statement is as follows : —
" In the year of grace 548 began the kingdom of Northumberland, for the chiefs of the
Angles having, after great and long continued toil, subdued that country, unanimously
choose Ida, a noble youth, as their king. He had by his queen six sons, Adda, Etheric,
Theodoric, Ethelric, Osmer, and Theodfred ; and six by concubines, Oga, Alric, Eccha,
Osbald, Segor, and Segother. All these came into Britain in sixty ships, and landed at
Flamburgh (Flemmisburgh)."
If he reaUy brought with him this numerous family, the expression " noble youth"
• Eegarding the limits of Bernicia and Deira, see hereafter.

SAXON PERIOD. 65
in the text is hardly accurately applied to him, although he is described in simUar
terms (juvenis nobilissimusj by Henry of Huntingdon. Malmsbury speaks of him
as of mature age fmtate et viribus integer), but gives us reason to conclude from
his subsequent narrative, that he was at the commencement of his reign advanced
beyond middle life. When his fourth son, Ethehic, ascended the throne, less
than forty years afterwards, he is represented by the historian as in extreme old
age fextremd canitiej, an expression which can hardly be understood to imply an
earher period of Hfe than three score years and ten. If this be so, he must have
been upwards of thirty, and his father between fifty and sixty, in 549.
A passage in Nennius has been cited in proof of the aUegation that Ida ruled
over both provinces, which has been supposed to mean, "he joined Bernicia to
Deira " ; but it is certain that the word which has been rendered Deira is reaUy
the British name of Bamburgh (Dinguoaroy), and there is reason to beheve that
the received reading is otherwise faulty. If instead of " junxit," which is itself
only a conjectural emendation of the corrupt Latin text, we substitute "vixit,"
which is supported by the authority of one manuscript, or " rexit," we obtain a
satisfactory interpretation — " He Hved (or reigned) at Bamburgh." StiU, the
balance of testimony is rather in favour of the extension of Ida's power over both
provinces, whilst the balance of probability is decidedly the other way. Florence
of Worcester furnishes a somewhat longer, and in other respects rather different,
genealogy from that given above from the Saxon Chronicle, making Ida the son
of Eoppa ; the son of Oesa ; the son of Aethelbryht ; the son of Ingengeat ; the
son of Angengeat ; the son of Alusa ; the son of Ingebrand ; the son of Waeg-
brand ; the son of Beornd ; the son of Beorn ; the son of Brand ; the son of
Baeldeag ; the son of Woden. The Nennian genealogy is as foUows : " Woden
was the father of Beldeg ; the father of Bearnac ; of Gechbrond ; of Vacuson ; of
Inguee ; of iEdibritz ; of Ossa ; of Eobba ; of Ida. He reigned twelve years.
THE SUCCESSORS OF IDA IN BERNICIA
On the material points of the date of Ida's accession, the length of his reign,
and the situation of his capital, aU authorities are agreed. Beyond this we can
only balance the relative probabihty of conflicting statements. The history of his
immediate successors is involved in yet greater obscurity. Allusion has been
abeady made to an ancient Northumbrian Chronicle. This venerable document.
part I. a

66

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

is appended to a manuscript of Beda, which bears internal evidence of having
been transcribed within a very few years of his death, and brings down the series
of Northumbrian kings to the year 737, to the close of the reign of Ceolwulf, the
friend and patron of the ecclesiastical historian. In this list we find the names of
six kings who reigned in the interval of thirty years between Ida and Ethelfrith,
in Bernicia, and the same have been transferred, with trifling variations, to the
genealogies annexed to Nennius, and to the histories of Symeon of Durham and
Hoveden. The list appended to Nennius seems to have been an exact counterpart
of the Chronicle, from which one reign of a single year has been accidentally
omitted. Symeon and Hoveden assign thirty-four instead of thirty-three years
as the aggregate length of the six reigns, whilst on the other hand they abstract
one year from the reign of Ida. There are also some minor alterations in the
figures, which balance each other, and do not affect the general result. Another
class of writers, however, amongst whom Florence of Worcester is the earliest,
present a different series, containing, indeed, with one exception, the same names,
but variously transposed, and with considerable alterations in the lengths of the
several reigns, though, here again, the total length of the period is the same. These
variations wUl be best understood from a comparison of the following list : —

Chron : Northumb.

Nennius.

Symeon and Hoveden.

Florence

Wigon.

Ida 

1?,

years.

Ida  12

years.

Ida 

. 11 years.

Glappa . . .

1

Glappa . . 1 ,,
Adda  8 „
7
8
t>
Adda  8
>j
Glappa . . .
• 5 „
4
ii
Ethelric . . 4
u
Ethelric . . 7 „
Theolwulf .
• 1 „
Theodoric .
. 7
»
Theodoric . 7
ft
Theodoric. 4 ,,
Frithwulf .
• v „
Erithwald .
. 6
>>
Erithwald. 6
)>
Erithwald. 7 „
Theodoric .
• 7 „
Hussa . . .
. 7
i>
Hussa. ... 7
}>
Hussa . . 7 ,,
Ethelric . . .
• 7 „
45
44
45
45
Comparing the Northumberland Chronicle with Florence, we find the same
names in each, with the exception of Hussa, who occurs only in the former and
TheolwuH only in the latter. Of the claim of Theolwulf to a place in the series
we know nothing, and one year only is assigned to his reign by Florence. Of
Hussa, on the other hand, to whom seven years are assigned by the Chronicle, we
have some additional particulars in Nennius, which render it impossible to omit
his name.
" Hussa reigned seven years, against whom four kings made war, Urien, and Rideric,
and Guallan, and Morcant. Theodoric also fought valiantly against Urien and his sons.
SAXON PERIOD. 67
Sometimes the enemy, sometimes the citizens conquered ; and he shut them up three
nights in the island of Metcaud (Fame Island) ; and during that expedition he was slain,
at the instance of Morcant, through envy, on account of his pre-eminent warlike qualities,
in which he far excelled the other kings."
This passage seems substantially to confirm the accuracy of the names in the
first Hst, but we have strong reasons for believing that they are not arranged in
chronological order. The Saxon Chronicle, as weU as Malmsbury, although they
are sUent as to all the intermediate names, both concur with Florence in making
Ethelric the immediate predecessor of Ethelfrith; and,. consequently, the last of
this series, instead of being the third from Ida, as he is in the other lists.
In these, the three sons of Ida — Adda, EtheHic, and Theodoric — are placed in the
order of their seniority, instead of in the order in which they actuaUy succeeded
to the throne. WaUingford, a comparatively recent historian, with precisely the
same materials before him, which we stiU possess, has arrived at the same conclu
sion, and has framed a list in which he has adopted the order in which the names
are placed by Florence, but has substituted the name of Hussa for Theolwulf, and
has taken the duration of the several reigns from the Northumbrian Chronicle ;
his Hst is given below. Ida reigned  12 years.
Adda reigned  8
Glappa reigned  1
Hussa reigned  6
Erithwulf reigned  7
Theodoric reigned  7
Ethelric reigned  4

ALLA.
Contemporary with the six successors of Ida in Bernicia, was Alia in Deira,
who, like all the other Anglo-Saxon kings, affected to derive his ancestry from
Woden. " Alia," we read, " was the son of Yffa, the son of Uscfrea, of WUgis,
of Westerfalcna, of Sefugl, of Sebald, of Sigegeat, of Swefdeg, of Sigear, of
Wegdeg of Woden." The only incident of his long reign which has attracted
the notice of historians relates to some boys, natives of his dominions, who were
3ent to Eome to be sold as slaves, where their appearance is said to have excited
the interest of Pope Gregory, and to have been the means of directing his atten-

68 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
tion to the spiritual destitution of the Anglo-Saxons, and to have led to the
mission of Saint Augustine to Britain. The particulars are thus stated by Beda
and Malmsbury : —
" Touched with pity by the abject appearance of the captives, he enquired, ' Who are
they ? ' ' Whence are they brought ? ' He was told ' they are Angli, of the province of
Deira, subjects of King Alia, devoted to paganism.' Moved by their sighs, he thus
elegantly expressed himself to the bystanders. 'These Angles, so hke Angels, must be
saved (de ird) from the wrath to come and taught to sing Alleluiah' "
Gregory had not at that time attained the Popedom, but was Archdeacon under
Pope Benedict, whose permission he obtained for his intended mission to convert
the pagan islanders. From this he was diverted by the entreaties and gentle
violence of his feUow-citizens ; but when he was himseH elevated to the apostolic
chair, he promoted, through tbe mission of St. Augustine, the good work which
he had been anxious to undertake in person. The ministry of Augustine, how
ever, was confined to Kent, and it was not tUl another generation that the Angles
of Deira reaped the fruit of his benevolent intention. Alia himself died a pagan.
Malmsbury speaks of the custom of seUing children into slavery as common
amongst the early Northumbrians. " Nay," he says, " even in our own days, they
would make no scruple of separating the nearest ties of relationship, through the
temptation of the slightest advantage." The whole story was probably invented
as a vehicle for a few wretched puns, but was eagerly adopted by Beda, who has
collected every particular he could meet with relative to Gregory and Augustine
in connection with the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons.
The Tees, according to Eichard of Hexham, was the boundary between Bernicia
and Deira, the former stretching northward to the Forth, the latter southward to
the Humber. Even at this early period, it is probable that the entire sea coast
within these Hmits was possessed by the Angles ; but their territories extended
but a very short distance inland. Deira certainly did not include the West Eiding
of Yorkshire, within which was the British state of Elmete, which had a king of
its own as late as the reign of Edwin, the son of AHa. In Bernicia we have seen,
in a passage already quoted, Hussa and Theodoric hard pressed by the native popu
lation, and the latter driven for refuge to an insular appendage of his kingdom.
Four kings are mentioned as warring against the Saxons ; of these the name of
Urien of Eeged is famihar to us as the favourite hero of the British bards. He is

SAXON PERIOD. 69
supposed to have ruled over the descendants of the ancient Gadeni ; and we may
perhaps trace in the name of his capital, Ee-Ged, some reference to its position on
the river Ged or Jed, on which Jedburgh, formerly written Gedword, now stands.
Mr. Sharon Turner has collected from the poems of Taliesen and Llywarch Hen many
notices of Urien and his son Owen, who were engaged in perpetual conflicts with
the Saxons, under a leader whom they distinguished as Flamddwyn (the Flame-
bearer). This personage Mr. Turner would identify with Ida ; but it seems more
probable that the appellation was bestowed on Hussa or Theodoric, both of whom
we know as the antagonists of Urien. Llywarch Hen expressly states that Urien
was victorious in the land of Bryneich (Bernicia). Morcant, by whose treachery
Urien is said to have perished, is apparently the same as Morken, who occurs as
King of Strathclyde at this period in Joceline's Life of Kentigirn.
It is remarkable that the capital of the Britons of Strathclye is beyond
the Hmits which belonged to that people under the Eoman government. In
strict accordance with what we collect from the Eoman historians, we are
told by Beda, that " there is a very large gulf of the sea, which runs from the
west very far into the land, which formerly divided the nation of the Picts from
the Britons." " On this gulf," he adds, " stands to this day the impregnable city
of the Britons caUed Alcluith." But Alcluith, or Dumbarton, is on the north or
Pictish side of the Clyde, and must have been taken from that people by the
Britons after the Eoman abdication. Of this acquisition we have no account in
any of our early historians ; but Caradoc, of Lancarvon, in his Life of Saint GUdas,
mentions a Scotch or Pictish king by name Nau or Caunus, who was a contem
porary of King Arthur, and whose capital, according to another Life of the same
saint, was at Arecluta, or Alclyde. This Nau had a son Hueil, who commanded
his father's army, and was defeated and slain by Arthur. " At this," says
Caradoc, " the British king greatly rejoiced, having thus freed himself from the
most formidable of his enemies." If we could place any credit in this legend, we
might assign this as the date of the acquisition of Alclyde, and account at the same
time for the name by which it was known in after times of Castrum Arthuri.
The Saxon Chronicle gives thirty years as the length of Alla's reign, from a.d.
560 to a.d. 590. His death took place in the second year of the reign of EtheHic,
in Bernicia, according to the computation of WaUingford. He left a son Edwin,
and a daughter Acha, or Acca, who was married to Ethelfrith, the son of Ethelric.
This near connection did not prevent EtheHic availing himseH of the opportunity
PART i. E

70 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
of supplanting the infant heir, and uniting under his own government the two
states of Bernicia and Deira. Over the consolidated kingdom, now first known
as Northumberland, he ruled three years. Florence of Worcester extends his
reign over the two provinces to five years ; but this is inconsistent with the
Saxon Chronicle, which gives the date of his death a.d. 593, just three years
after that of Alia. Malmsbury describes him as " a miserable prince, who, after
a life spent in neglect and penury, succeeded to the throne in extreme old age.''
" His very name, he adds," "would have been consigned to oblivion, but for the
splendour of the achievements of his son." His imbecility may perhaps relieve
him from the moral guUt of his usurpation, in which he may have been merely
the passive instrument of the ambitious Ethelfrith.

ETHELFRITH.
Historians concur in fixing the date of Ethelfrith' s accession a.d. 593. Not
contented with the Hmits of his kingdom, although these far exceeded those
possessed by his predecessors, he determined to subjugate the neighbouring British
states to his dominion. Of his signal success we are informed by Beda, who, for
the greatness of his achievements, compares him to Saul King of Israel, "except
ing only in this that he was ignorant of the true religion.'' " He conquered"
we are informed, " more territory from the Britons than any other king or tribune ;
of this he colonized a portion with his followers, the remainder he left in the
hands of its native possessors on payment of tribute." His successes in the West
and North-west excited the alarm and provoked the indignation of iEdan, King
of the Scots, who invaded his dominions with an immense army, and advanced as
far as the confines of Liddisdale. Here he was met by Ethelfrith, who
encountered him with a very inferior force at Degsastan, or Dauston, and de
feated him, after a sanguinary combat, from which the Scotch King, with a very
small portion of his army, with difficulty escaped. " From that time" says the
venerable historian, "no king ofthe Scots has dared to come into Britain to make
war upon the nation of the Angles unto this day." The loss of Ethelfrith also
was considerable, and his brother Theodbald was amongst the slain.
The settlement of the Scots, a people of Ireland, in Britain was even more
recent than that of the Anglo-Saxons, and their colonization up to this time was
confined to a portion of Argyleshire. The reign of their first king, Fergus, the

SAXON PERIOD. 71
son of Ere, is computed to have commenced a.d. 503. iEdan, the sixth in suc
cession, reigned thirty- four years, from 571 to 605. Chalmers refers to three
other battles between this king and the Saxons, but the authorities which he
cites are very doubtful. Fethanlea was certainly not, where he would place it,
on Stainmore, a barren tract between Westmoreland and Yorkshire, but must
have been in the south of the island. The conflict at this place recorded in the
Saxon Chronicle under the year 584, was between the West Saxons, under
CeawHn and Cutha, and the Britons. Neither iEdan nor the Northumbrian
Saxons could by possibility be engaged in it. Three battles in which iEdan was
engaged are recorded in the Annals of Ulster under the years 580, 582, and 590,
in the second of which he was victorious ; the results of the two others do not
appear, nor are his opponents mentioned, but they were in all probability his
neighbours the Picts, and not the Angles. Adanman, in his life of Columba,
mentions a victory of iEdan over the barbarians, which he calls " Bellum Miatho-
rum." This was probably one of the three referred to above. He also notices the
death of his son Domangart in battle " in Saxonia " ; this event is said in the Irish
Annals to have occurred in 598 in the battle of Kirkinn. iEdan himself died in
605, two years after his defeat by EtheHrith. The victory of Dauston, which
was gained by Ethelfrith in the eleventh year of his reign, confirmed his power
throughout the whole region of Northumberland. We next find him pursuing
his conquests beyond the river Dee, within the boundary of what was afterwards
known as the kingdom of Mercia. That kingdom indeed already existed, having
been founded by Crida in the year 585, but its territory was as yet very con
tracted, and it acknowledged some sort of dependance on the kingdom of North
umberland, which was not thrown off till the reign of Penda, the grandson of the
founder.b Chester, the Legacaester of the Anglo-Saxons, and the Caerlegion of
the Britons, was stiU in the possession of the latter people, and Ethelfrith,
although a pagan, was regarded in this war, by the orthordox fathers of the
Anglo-Saxon church, as an instrument of divine vengeance upon the christian
but heretic Britons. When Augustine came over in 597 to convert the Anglo-
Saxons, he found that the Britons, although they had long been professors of
Christianity, differed from the Eoman church in many of their usages, and
especiaUy in the computation of Easter. Having in vain endeavoured, both by
b For this fact we are indehted to Nennius, who tells us "Penda nlius Pybba regnavit decern annis.
Ipse primus separavit regnum Merciorum a regno Nordorum."

72 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
exhortations and commands, to correct their practice in these particulars, and also
to secure their co-operation in the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons, he addressed
them in a threatening manner, warning them that " if they would not join in
peace with their brethren, they should be exposed to the aggression of their
enemies ; that if they would not preach the way of life to the Angles, they should
receive at their hands the dispensation of death." His threats were, however, as
ineffectual as his exhortations, and the missionary died without having made any
impression on this inflexible people.
When the army of Ethelfrith approached Chester, they found a large force
prepared to receive them, apart from whom were a body of men whose movements
and intentions they were unable to comprehend. These consisted of the monks
of Bancor and other monasteries, who were engaged in offering up prayers for
their compatriots. When EtheHrith was informed of this, he gave orders that the
first attack should be made upon them; "for," said he, " if they cry to their God
against us, although they bear no arms they still fight against us, because they
oppose us by their prayers." So effectually were his orders obeyed, that of
the assembled monks fifty only escaped, whilst twelve hundred were slain. Their
protection had been specially entrusted to a chosen band under the command of
BrocmaU, a native chieftain, but he basely deserted his chargejon the first attack.
This slaughter of their spiritual guides was followed by the complete destruction
of the British army, though not without a desperate resistance. " Thus," says
Beda, "was fulfilled the prediction of the holy Bishop Augustine, that these
perfidious men should feel the vengeance of temporal death, because they despised
the offer of eternal salvation," a somewhat harsh judgment certainly on men
who, whatever might be their errors, were, at all events, wanting neither in
patriotism nor religious devotion. The date of this memorable engagement is
placed by the Saxon Chronicle a.d. 607, but the Annals of Ulster and the
Cambrian Annals postpone it tiU 613.
Of the further operations of Ethelfrith, in this district, we know nothing. Our
information respecting him is indeed almost exclusively derived from Beda who
only mentions such of his exploits as are in some way or other connected with the
subject-matter of his Ecclesiastical History. The Genealogies appended to
Nennius, furnish a few particulars relative to himseH and his famUy, but are
sUent as to his exploits. They twice apply to him the affix or epithet of Flesaur,
they mention his wife Bebbah, to whom he gave the city of Dinguo-aroy, and

SAXON PERIOD. 73
caUed it Bebbanburch after her name, but whether she is identical with Acca, or
a second wife, is uncertain. They furnish besides, as do also the Saxon
Chronicle and the genealogies of Florence of Worcester, the names of his seven
sons, Anfrid (Eanfrid), Oswald, Oswi, Oswid, Oswuda, Oslaf, and Offa. Florence
substitutes Oslac for Oswid, and informs us that all were by the same wife Acca.
Notwithstanding the uniform prosperity of Ethelfrith, and the success of all
his undertakings, he was not exempt from grave anxiety for his future safety.
Triumphant over all foreign enemies, he viewed with instinctive apprehension the
ripening manhood of that near connection whom he had robbed of his paternal
throne. Edwine, on the other hand, considered his life in jeopardy at his brother-
in-law's court, and took an opportunity of privately withdrawing. After various
adventures, he was hospitably received by Eedwald King of East Angha ; but no
sooner had the jealous enmity of EtheHrith discovered his retreat, than he endea
voured to compass his destruction. Having in vain attempted, by embassies and
presents, to induce Eedwald to violate his faith, and to deliver up the fugitive
prince, he threatened him with the vengeance of his arms ; and now Edwine
perceived the imminence of his danger. Desirous as Eedwald was to protect him,
he yet feared to provoke the enmity of so warlike and powerful a monarch, whose
career of victory had hitherto been uninterrupted. He even promised compliance,
though he hesitated to commit so gross a violation of hospitality. Under these
circumstances, Edwine was counselled to attempt his escape by flight ; but he
preferred to appeal to the generosity and good feeling of his protector, in which
he was seconded by the earnest intercession of the Queen. This appeal revived
the dormant spirit of Eedwald, who resolved not merely to protect, but energeti-
caUy to assist his supphant guest. So prompt were his measures, that he collected
a numerous army in sufficient time to anticipate the invasion of his own dominions,
and to meet the forces of the Northumbrian king in the intervening district of
Mercia. An engagement ensued on the banks of the Idle, a small river in Not
tinghamshire, which resulted in the complete victory of Eedwald, and the death
of his opponent, a.d. 615. The former had, however, to mourn the loss of a son
slain in the encounter. EDWINE.
The death of EtheHrith opened to Edwine the succession, not merely to Deira,
but to the whole of Northumberland, the sons of his predecessor being in turn
PART I. s

74 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
driven into exile. The victory also led to the extension of the power and influ
ence of Eedwald far beyond those of any other king of East Anglia either before
or after him. From a very early period the kings of the Anglo-Saxon states
south of the Humber had been in the habit of electing one of their number
to a certain sovereignty or pre-eminence over the rest. This dignity had been
enjoyed in succession by Mia, King of Sussex, Ceaulin King of Wessex, and
.EdUberct King of Kent. The last of these died a.d. 616, the year after the
defeat of EtheHrith, and Eedwald was elected to the vacant office.
During his exile Edwine had married Quoenburga, daughter of Ceorl, King of
Mercia, by whom he had two sons, Osfrid and Eanfrid. Ten years after his
accession to the kingdom of Northumberland, he married iEdelberga, or Tata,
daughter of iEdilberct King of Kent. This king was the first Anglo-Saxon
sovereign who embraced Christianity, being converted by St. Augustine, the
missionary sent over by Pope Gregory. He was succeeded by his son
iEodbald, of whom Edwine demanded his sister's hand in marriage. The
proposal was at first rejected, on the ground "that it was not lawful to
marry a Christian virgin to a Pagan husband," but was ultimately accepted
on the promise of Edwine, "that he would in no way interfere with the
Christian faith which the virgin professed, but would give fuU Hberty to herseH
and her attendants, men and women, with her priests and ministers, to follow their
own faith, and worship after the manner of Christians." He even held out some
hopes that he might himself be induced to embrace the same religion. On this
understanding the marriage took place, iEdilberga being accompanied to her
husband's court by her chaplain Paulinus.
The following year, during the residence of the King and Queen at one of the
royal seats on the river Derwent, in Yorkshire, an ambassador was announced
from Creichelm King of Wessex. This man, by name Eulen, was admitted into
the King's presence, when, taking advantage of his opportunity, he drew out a
poisoned dagger, intending to plunge it into the bosom of the unsuspecting
monarch, A faithful servant, Lilla, saved his master's life by the sacrifice of his
own. Promptly interposing his body, he received the stroke, but with such force
was it directed that the weapon passed through him, and wounded the King.
The same night being Easter Sunday, the Queen gave birth to a daughter, who
was called Eanfleda. The King, in the presence of Paulinus, gave thanks to
his gods for the Queen's safe dehvery; Paulinus, on the contrary, offered his

SAXON PERIOD. 75
thanksgivings to Christ, ascribing the auspicious event to his own prayers. The
King, pleased with his fervour, promised that if God would grant him his life,
and victory over the prince by whom the assassin was sent, he would renounce
his idols and serve Christ ; and as a pledge, he delivered over bis infant daughter
to be baptised. Having obtained the object of his prayers, both as to his own
recovery and the punishment of his enemy, he yet hesitated to receive the
Christian faith tiU his reason was satisfied, but he listened attentively and respect
fully to the exhortations of Paulinus, backed, as they were, by epistles from Pope
BonHace, and seconded by the entreaties of his Queen. He determined at length
to submit the question to a solemn councU, at which all his nobUity and chief
officers were invited freely to declare their opinions, so that an authoritative
decision should be come to, binding upon all. The determination of the conclave
was chiefly influenced by the sentiments of Coin, the chief priest of the idol-
worship of Northumberland. This man, long convinced of the folly of the
ancient rites which he had administered, listened attentively to the arguments of
Paulinus in favour of Christianity, and declared himseH a convert. With the
consent of the assembly, he undertook to be the instrument of the destruction of
the idols. Eushing forth in execution of his voluntary mission, armed and
mounted in a manner forbidden to a priest of the old religion, he was supposed
by the people to be distracted ; but once convinced of his sanity, they readdy
aided in the demolition, not only of the idols, but of the temple and its enclosures.
The scene of this memorable work was stUl pointed out in Beda's time at a place
caUed Godmundingham or, Godmanham, near Market Weighton, in the East
Biding of Yorkshire. This account of the conversion of Edwine, extracted from
Beda, is simple and credible, but the historian himseH is not satisfied without the
interposition of miraculous agency. He teUs us that during his exile at the
court of Eedwald, twelve years previously, when that prince contemplated his
betrayal, Edwine was comforted and sustained by a supernatural visitor, to whose
spiritual influence he attributes the Queen's intercession, and the ultimate
determination of the King actively to befriend him. In return, he was called
upon by his mysterious visitor to give a constructive promise to embrace
Christianity, as a type of which the sign of the cross was exhibited to him, but
only fuUy comprehended at a long subsequent period, when the circumstances
were brought to his mind, and the mystery in which they were enveloped was
dispeUed by the instructions of Pauhnus.

76 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Although we must reject this tale as fabulous, it is probably so far founded in
truth, that Edwine may have received his first impressions in favour of Christi
anity in East Anglia, for Eedwald was himself at one time a professing christian ;
nor does he appear ever to have altogether renounced his faith, although he
weakly yielded to the influence of his Queen and the prejudices of his people,
by countenancing the celebration of idol-worship. " In the same temple," we
are told, " he had an altar for the sacrifice of Christ, and another smaller altar on
which to offer victims to the Devil." The caution with which Edwine abstained
from announcing his own conversion until he could carry his court and people
with him, may fairly be attributed to his knowledge of the disgrace and difficulties
in which his early friend had involved himself by pursuing a different course.
Whatever obligation he owed to Eedwald in this respect, he endeavoured to
repay to his son and successor Earpwald, by undertaking the task of his convex
sion. Previous to the departure of Paulinus from Kent, he had been admitted
into the episcopal order by Archbishop Justus ; Edwine now appointed York as
the seat of his bishopric. Here the King, with all his nobihty and a multitude
of others, was baptised in an oratory hastily erected for the purpose, on the
twelfth of April, a.d. 627, being Easter Sunday, the anniversary of his attempted
assassination, in the tweHth year of his reign, and the fortieth of his age. His
sons Osfrid and Eanfrid were baptised with him ; and the same rite was afterwards
administered to Vuscfrea his son by Ethelberga, and two other clhldren who died
in infancy, Ethelhun and Etheldrith ; also to Iffi, the son of Osfrid. On the site of
this oratory, the foundations of a stately church of stone were laid, the completion
of which was deferred, by the King's untimely death, tiU the reign of his
successor Oswald.
The zeal of Paulinus, however, did not require the aid of temples built by
human hands ; but, prosecuting the work of conversion throughout Northumber
land, he administered the rite of baptism in the open air, in the waters of the Glen
in Bernicia, and the Swale in Deira ; on the former of which stood the royal vUla of
Adgefrin, now Yeavering, on the latter that of Catteric. On one occasion, during
the residence of the court at Yeavering, he was engaged catechizing and baptising
from morning till night during thirty-six days ; and at Catteric his converts were
even more numerous. It is remarkable that in the compilation ascribed to
Nennius, the baptism of Edwine and his court, and of the many thousands who
received that holy rite, as well in the oratory at York as in the waters of the

SAXON PERIOD. 77
Glen and the Swale, is ascribed, not to Paulinus, but to Eum, the son of Urien.
It is possible that the two may have been identical ; that Paulinus was a Briton
by birth, who assumed the Latinised name under which he is known to us on his
consecration to the service of the church. His patronymic designation of the
" son of Urien" would further suggest that the zealous ecclesiastic, who laboured
so diligently for the salvation of the Anglo-Saxon King, was sprung from a father
who was the most formidable opponent of the extension of the Anglo-Saxon
power in Northumberland. We are further told that Eum had a son Eoyth,
whose daughter Eiemmelth became the wife of Oswi, afterwards King of North
umberland, the son of Ethelfrith, and the nephew of Edwine.
It must be remembered that Paulinus was sent from Eome into Kent by Pope
Gregory, to assist Augustine in the conversion of the people of that province,
from whence he accompanied Queen Ethelberga to Northumberland. Now the
foUowing sequence of events is far from improbable : — That on the death of Urien
of Eeged, and the expulsion of his family from the throne, his son Eum retired
to Eome, and there entered into holy orders ; That when Gregory was looking
about for missionaries to send to Britain, he should gladly avail himself of the
services of a British priest highly connected, more especiaUy when we know how
anxiously Augustine strove, though without success, to obtain the co-operation of
the British clergy in the work of converting the Anglo-Saxons ; Lastly, that
when the Kentish King had to select from the ecclesiastics about him a chaplain
to accompany his daughter into Northumberland, he should make choice of a
native of the district.
After the death of Eedwald, Edwine was promoted to the supreme authority
over aU the kingdoms of the Heptarchy, with the exception of Kent. This
exception is said by Malmsbury to have been dictated by the delicacy of Edwine
himseH, who was at the time a suitor for the hand of the Kentish princess, whom
he afterwards married. The superiority which he exercised as Bretwalda, was
certainly not of an oppressive character ; but, beside this general authority, he
had hereditary claims to a more direct sovereignty over the neighbouring province
of Mercia, whose rulers had always been dependant on the kings of Deira.
Besides this, he gratified his ambition by the r subjection of all the native British
states, who had never before acknowledged an Anglo-Saxon superior. The vas
salage of the Mercian kings does not previously occur as a subject of complaint,
Crida, who founded the kingdom during the reign of Alia, the father of Edwine,
part i. t

78 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
was probably a foUower of that prince, and Ceorl, who succeeded him, was the
father of Quoenburga, Edwine's first wife, and this connection would naturally
soften the rigour of command on the one side and the feeling of dependency on
the other. But Ceorl, as weU as his daughter, was now dead, and Edwine had
formed a new alliance, and adopted a new religion ; whilst Penda, who had suc
ceeded to the throne of Mercia, was a devoted adherent of the old. Under these
circumstances, it is not extraordinary that the latter, a man of an enterprising
and ambitious nature, should listen favourably to the overtures of CaedwaUa King
of the Britons, who invited him to form a league to effect the Hberation of both
their kingdoms from the thraldom in which they were held. Their united armies
far exceeded any force which Edwine could in the emergency bring into the field,
and the result of an engagement was the complete triumph of the confederates.
The battle took place at Hatfield Chase, in Yorkshire, on the 12th of October,
633, when the King himself and his son Osfrid were slain, with the greater part
of their foUowers, and the remainder were hopelessly dispersed. Eanfrid, the
other son of Edwine, was compelled to throw himseH on the mercy of Penda, by
whom he was for a whUe entertained with a show of hospitality, but was ulti
mately perfidiously murdered. Pauhnus fled with the Queen to Kent, whither
they were accompanied by her son and daughter, Yuscfrea and Eanfleda, and by
Iffi, the son of Osfrid, under the escort of Bassus, a brave officer of the late
King. Vuscfrea and Iffi were afterwards sent to France by Ethelburga to be
educated at the court of her cousin, King Dagobert, but they both died in child
hood. Paulinus had the see of Eochester conferred upon him by Eadbald King
of Kent, and discharged the duties of his episcopate till his death. On leaving
Northumberland, he committed his church to the deacon James, whose usual
residence was at a viUage near Catterick called after his own name, who dis
charged his duties with zeal and success. This holy man attained a great a°-e
being mentioned by Beda as still living in his own time. He was famous as a
singer, and indefatigable in imparting instruction in his art, as he had learned it
after the orthodox fashion of Canterbury and Eome. Amongst the valuables
taken with them by the royal party, Beda mentions a large gold cross and a golden
chalice, which were still in use at the cathedral at Canterbury. In the meantime
the state of affairs in Northumberland, is represented as truly deplorable 
" A great slaughter was made in the church and nation ; and the more so because one ofthe
invaders was a pagan, and the other a barbarian more cruel than a pagan ; for Penda, with all

SAXON PERIOD. 79
the nation ofthe Mercians, was an idolater, and a stranger to the name of Christ ; but Caed-
walla, though he was called and professed himself a Christian, was so barbarous in his dis
position and behaviour, that he spared neither the tender sex of women nor the innocent
age of children, but with savage cruelty put all to torturing deaths, ravaging for long the
whole country, and resolved to cut off the whole Enghsh race within the bounds of Britain.
Nor did he pay any respect to the Christian rehgion, which had newly taken root amongst
them, it being to this day the custom of the Britons to make no account of the faith and
rehgion of the English, nor to communicate with them otherwise than as with pagans."
Compare this picture with a view which is presented by the same authority of
the condition of the country a few short weeks before : —
" Such perfect pelace was there in Britain wherever the dominion of Edwine extended, that
a woman with her new-born babe might walk throughout the island from sea to sea, if she
would, without receiving harm. That king took such care for the good of his people, that
in places where he had seen clear springs near the highways, he caused stakes to be fixed,
with brass vessels suspended from them, for the use of travellers ; nor durst any man
touch them, except for the purpose for which they were designed, either from dread of the
king or affection for him. So great also was his dignity throughout his realm, that banners
were borne before him not only in battle, but in time of peace, in his progress through the
provinces to his cities and villas, in which he was attended by his officers and preceded by
his standard-bearer."
On his death his body did not even obtain Christian burial, but his head was
taken to York, and afterwards intered within the walls of the church commenced
by himself and completed by King Oswald. The royal viUa at Campodonum, or
Donafield, supposed to have been at Tanfield on the Swale, was utterly demo-
Hshed, with aU the adjacent buUdings, including a church of stone, the only one
of a permanent character which had yet been completed within the kingdom.
In reflecting on the disasters by which the government and the whole people of
Northumberland were thus suddenly overwhelmed, we cannot but be struck by
the facility with which the revolution was effected. Whatever other causes may
have co-operated, there is one very apparent, which must at all times have been
a source of weakness and inquietude to this kingdom, but more especially when
the assailant was a powerful British prince. Not more than half the Northum
brian territory was actually colonised by the Anglo-Saxons ; the remainder was
stiU occupied by the original native population, who, although they had been
reduced to a state of tributary subjection, were naturally hostile and disaffected to

80 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
the dominant race, to whom they were bound by no other tie than the yoke of
conquest. The narrow bounds of Bernicia and Deira, as enjoyed by Ida and Alia, have
been aheady pointed out, and the extension of each, by the annexation, in the
one case of Eeged, in the other of Elmete. It is doubtful whether Eeged was
finaUy incorporated with Bernicia until the reign of EtheHrith, and we know that
Elmete was only absorbed in Deira by Edwine, at the close of whose reign we
have not the slightest reason to suppose the Anglo-Saxon population had spread
themselves at aU beyond the range of hills which separates the eastern portion of
England and modern Scotland from the west. The entire tract of country beyond,
from the Clyde to the Mersey, although it owned the supremacy of the Northum
brian kings, was yet exclusively British as regards its inhabitants, who still
retained a domestic government of their own.
If the Northumbrian Britons did not actually aid the invasion of their compa
triot CaedwaUa, we cannot suppose that they could be rehed upon to assist in
repeUing it ; and yet it is probable that levies from these subject states were
resorted to in ordinary times for filling up the ranks of the Northumbrian armies.
Against the neighbouring English kingdoms they might be trust- worthy associates,
or even against the Picts and Scots, with whom they had ancient feuds of their
own, but in a war with their own countrymen, their presence could only cause
apprehension and distrust.
Another cause of weakness to Edwine was his imperfect title to one of the
provinces over which he reigned, and the consequent existence of a party in that
province hostile to his government. The Bernicians could have no sympathy
with the ferocious Penda Or the barbarian Caedwalla, but they might view with
satisfaction the course of events by which a powerful usurper was driven from
the throne, and an opening made for the restoration to their inheritance of the line
of Ida. They could not forsee the terrible calamities by which the attainment of
these objects would be attended, or the bitter cause they would have to regret the
firm and moderate administration of the late King. Against the powerful com
bination which was arrayed against him, Edwine could only rely with entire
confidence on the support of the inhabitants of his native Deira, who alone re
garded him as the rightful occupant of the throne, and looked upon the expulsion
of the family of his predecessor as the triumph of their own independence.

SAXON PERIOD. 81

OSWALD.
During the late reign the sons of Ethelfrith had sought a refuge amongst the
Picts and Scots, where they were instructed in the Christian faith according to the
doctrines and usages of those nations. On the death of their hereditary enemy,
they no longer feared to return to their own country, where the eldest, Eanfrid,
obtained the throne of Bernicia, of which he was the true heir as the lineal
representative of Ida. Deira was seized by Osric, the son of iElfric, and nephew
of Alia, to the predjudice of Yffi, the true heir, and of Eadfrid, who in the nonage
of his nephew, had the second claim. Yffi, as we have seen, was placed beyond
the reach of the jealous enmity of the usurper, at the court of France, but Eadfrid
was compeUed, as the less dangerous alternative, to take refuge with Penda, rather
than trust himself within the power of Osric.
Osric, as weU as Eanfrid, was a professing Christian, having been baptised in the
reign of Edwine by PauHnus, but both kings, on their accession to the thrones of
their respective kingdoms, with one accord repudiated the faith in which they had
been instructed. They sought perhaps by their apostacy to conciliate the favour
of Penda, but their conduct gave them no claim to the forbearance of Caedwalla,
by whom they were both slain within a year of their accession. Osric had the
temerity to besiege the British King in the city of York, and was defeated and
slain with the greater part of his army by a sudden movement of the besieged,
who salhed forth and took them by surprise. Eanfrid, with equal rashness, trusted
himseH to the good faith of the barbarian, before whom he presented himseH with
an escort of only twelve soldiers, to sue for peace. " After this, for the space of
a year CaedwaUa reigned over both provinces of the Northumbrians, not like a
victorious king, but a rapacious tyrant, ravaging and destroying." This year
includes the whole period from the death of Edwine tiU the close of the tyranny of
CaedwaUa, during a part of which Osric and Eanfrid maintained an ineffectual
struggle within their respective provinces, and was terminated by an almost un
hoped-for victory obtained by a very inferior force under the command of Oswald,
the brother of Eanfrid, at Dennisburn, or DUston, on the Tyne. CaedwaUa per
ished on the field, and the conqueror was proclaimed king of both provinces
amidst the joyful acclamations of his people, who unanimously agreed " in their
calculations of the reigns of their kings to obHterate the memory of these perfidious
part i. v

82 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
monarchs, and to assign the past year to the reign of Oswald." Thus the com
mencement of his reign is dated a.d. 633, although he did not actuaUy mount the
throne tiU the foUowing year. The victory was ascribed less to human valour
than to the direct interposition of the Deity in answer to the prayers of the pious
Oswald, who, previous to leaving his encampment to meet the enemy, erected
with his own hands a cross at a place caUed Heaven-field, around which he made
bis whole army kneel, and offer up their united supphcations for the success of
their cause. Not only were these prayers efficacious as regarded their immediate
purpose, but many miracles were related to have been worked in aftertimes in
virtue of the cross before which they were offered. When Oswald was estabhshed
on the throne of Northumberland, his first care was to procure for his people an
efficient instructor in the truths of Christianity. Having been himseH converted
during his sojourn amongst the Scots, he naturaUy addressed himseH to them, nor
did they shew any backwardness in supplying him with the object of his search.
The first missionary, however, was unable to make any impression on the stubborn
intellects of the people amongst whom he was sent, and returned mortified and
disheartened to his monastery of Iona. There he reported to the elders of the
community the Ul success of his efforts, which he attributed entirely to the
barbarism and obtuseness of the Bernicians. The assembly were weU nigh
disposed to consider the case hopeless, when a thoughtful priest, by name Aidan,
ventured to suggest that the cause of the failure might rest rather with the
preacher than his hearers, and that the gentler method of persuasion might have
been effectual, when harshness and dogmatism had failed to produce conversion.
The idea was received with eager approval, and the speaker was urged to test the
soundness of his own views by himself undertaking the abandoned mission.
Having been duly consecrated, he hastened to enter upon the discharge of his
episcopal functions. Oswald's chief residence being at Bamburgh, in his paternal
province of Bernicia, the site of the new bishoprick was fixed in the immediate
neighbourhood, at Lindisfarne, rather than at York. Here the King readUy and
zealously undertook the office of interpreter to the Bishop in his intercourse with
the people. The accounts which we read of the marveUous results of the preach
ing of Paulinus, would almost lead us to conclude that the permanent conversion
of the inhabitants of Northumberland had been effected by him ; but it is clear
that with the great body of the people, the feeling in favour of the new doctrines
was as transitory as it was enthusiastic. In Deira, indeed, it was to some extent

SAXON PERIOD. 83
kept ahve by the ministration of James the Deacon, but in Bernicia it was all
but extinct. Aidan's success was more gradual, but more lasting than that of his
predecessor. His chief difficulty was his ignorance of the Anglo-Saxon tongue,
and this might have proved insuperable, but for the personal assistance which
Oswald did not disdain to afford. The foresight of the Bishop secured for the
future a succession of weU qualified instructors, by the establishment of a school
in which he educated for the ministry twelve boys of English parentage, selected
by himseH. Meantime —
" Many of the Scots came daily into Britain, and with great devotion preached the word
to those provinces of the Angles over which king Oswald reigned, and such of them as were
priests administered the grace of baptism. Churches were built in several places; the
people joyfully flocked to hear the word ; land and money were provided by the king's
bounty for building monasteries ; and the Enghsh were by their Scotch teachers instructed
in the rules and observances of regular discipline, for most of the teachers were monks."
The credit which Oswald so weU earned by his strenuous efforts to promote the
cause of rehgion, has been somewhat unduly extended by his encomiast to his
civU administration. He tells us that he succeeded by his management in
" uniting and moulding into one people " the hitherto discordant provinces of the
Bernicn and Deiri, whereas we know that, though, like his two predecessors,
EtheHrith and Edwine, he retained both provinces under his government during
his own Hfe, he was so far from effecting a thorough and permanent amalgama
tion, that they were separated into two kingdoms under distinct sovereigns within
two years of his decease. It may weU be doubted also whether his pohtical im
portance has not been somewhat unduly exaggerated in consideration of his
rehgious merit. We may readily beheve indeed that the same compliment was
paid to him, as to his predecessor, of electing him Bretwalda of the Anglo-Saxons,
if that office was only honorary, though we can hardly admit that he was reaUy
the controuhng spirit of the Heptarchy at a time when Penda was spreading
terror and dismay through aU the Christian states, and when his power was
especiaUy felt in Northumberland itself. Further then this, however, we are
assured that Oswald extended his dominion over " aU the nations and provinces
of Britain, which are divided into four languages, including the Britons, the
Picts, the Scots, and the Angles." Surely this is the language of exaggeration.
History is altogether silent as to any wars of Oswald with the Picts and Scots, a
portion only of whom are mentioned as having been subdued in the succeeding reign.

84 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Oswald was twice married, but left issue by bis first wife only, whose name
and lineage are unknown. His second was a daughter of CynegUs King of
Wessex, a convert from paganism, towards whom he stood in the double relation
of son-in-law and godfather. Within two years of this alliance he was cut off by
the arms of Penda, the same pagan King of Mercia whose hostility had afready
proved so destructive to both the royal houses of Northumberland. The battle
in which he feU is stated by Beda to have taken place at Maserfelt, a locahty not
certainly known, although tradition points to Oswestry, in Shropshire, the church
of which is dedicated to St. Oswald. His memory was regarded with great
veneration by the Anglo-Saxon church, especially in Northumberland, although
his fame was somewhat eclipsed by St. Cuthbert, who belonged to a more orthodox
school, the faith and practice of St. Oswald being tainted by the errors which
the Eoman priesthood ascribed to the disciples of the college of Iona.

OSWI.
Oswald was succeeded in both provinces by bis brother Oswi, who mounted
the throne, a.d. 642, at the age of thirty. Two years after, however, not
withstanding the aUeged successes of his predecessor in consohdating the
union of the two states, the people of Deira revolted from him, and transferred
their allegiance to Oswine, the son of Osric, their late apostate king. Oswine
was as zealous in the cause of rehgion as his father was indifferent to it; and
conciliated the good wiU of the religious portion of his subjects, especiaUy of the
holy Bishop Aidan, who dwelt with admiration on his virtues, but especiaUy on
the humility of his character. From the excess of his virtue, the good man
foreboded his early death. " I know," said he, "that he wiU not Hve long ;
for I never before saw an humble king, and I am sure that his people are not
worthy that he should remain with them." For seven years he maintained his
position against all the efforts of Oswi, but at last, finding his resources unequal
to the continuance of the struggle, he disbanded his forces, which were assembled
at a place caUed WUfarsdown, ten mUes south-west of Catterick, and took refuge
with a single foUower in the house of Earl Hunwald, on whose friendship and
fidehty he placed entire reliance. By this traitor he was delivered into the hands
of Edelwine, the prefect of Oswi, by whom he was cruelly murdered at GiUing,
near Eichmond. Oswi himself did not escape the odium of this crime, which

SAXON PERIOD. 85
Beda records as the only blot upon his character, whilst Oswine was exalted as
a martyr and a saint. His friend Bishop Aidan survived him only twelve days.
The male descendants of Alia, the founder of the kingdom of Deira, were now
extinct. Eadred, who took refuge with Penda, was murdered by that barbarian
during the reign of Oswald, and his half-brother and nephew, Vuscfrea and Iffi,
had died in France. The coUateral Hne of iElfric had terminated with Oswine.
The sole survivor of this royal race was Eanfleda, the daughter of Edwine. The
marriage of Oswi with Eiemmelth, the great-granddaughter of the British Urien,
has been aHeady referred to ; but he was now a widower, and he eagerly
sought the hand of the heiress of Edwine, who was residing with her mother's
famUy in Kent. His proposal having been favourably received, he despatched,
as his envoy to escort the princess to his dominions, a distinguished ecclesiastic,
Utta, who is afterwards described as Abbot of the monastery of Gateshead. The
voyage was a tempestuous one, and the safe return of the holy man and his
iUustrious charge is attributed to the miraculous effect produced on the troubled
waters by a phial of consecrated oil, which had been presented to Utta by Bishop
Aidan. Many other miracles are also ascribed to this prelate, who was succeeded
in his bishoprick by Finan, who was, like bis predecessor, a monk of Iona.
Finan had the satisfaction of administering the rite of baptism to two royal con
verts, Pseda, the son of the formidable Penda King of Mercia, and Sigebert King
of the East Saxons. On both occasions the solemnity was performed at Ad Murum,
a royal viUa whose site, as described by Beda, nearly coincides with the position
of the present town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
Pseda was Ealderman or Governor, under his father, of the province of Mid-
Angha, or South Mercia. Notwithstanding the bitter enmity of Penda, his
famUy was aHeady connected with that of Oswi, by the marriage of Alcfrid,
the eldest son of the latter, with the Mercian princess Cyneburga. Her brother
Pseda now sought to cement the alliance by a marriage between himself and
Alcfleda, the daughter of Oswi ; but could only obtain her father's consent on
condition of his embracing Christianity. Although the attractions of Alcfleda
were thus the means of his being made acquainted with the doctrines of salvation,
we are assured that he became a convert on conviction, chiefly through the argu
ments and instruction of her brother Alcfrid. He gave, indeed, an earnest of
his sincerity by the zeal and energy with which he set about and effected the
conversion of his people. For this purpose he obtained from his father-in-law the
PART i x

86 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
assistance of four ecclesiastics — Cedd, afterwards Bishop of the East Saxons;
Adda, the brother of Utta, mentioned above ; Betti ; and Diuma. Of these, the
last was a Scotch monk, the rest Angles. Penda offered no opposition to the
inclinations either of his famUy or his subjects on religious matters ; but he firmly
maintained his own Pagan faith. Neither was he induced by the double con
nection between his family and that of Oswi to abstain from aggressions on the
kingdom of Northumberland. During the episcopate of Aidan he had besieged
the royal residence of Bamburgh, and fading to carry it by assault, he attempted
to destroy it by fire. In this he had almost succeeded, when the city was saved
by a change of wind, attributed by the enthusiasm of that age to the intercession
of the prelate, who, seeing from his retreat in the island of Fame, the imminence
of the danger, Hfted up his voice in prayer, crying " Behold, Lord, how great
mischief Penda does." Notwithstanding this intervention of providence, which
warded off the immediate danger, Penda only withdrew his forces on conditions
humihating to Oswi, whose second son Ecgfrid was delivered as a hostage into
the hands of Cynwise, the Mercian Queen. No efforts were spared by Oswi to
propitiate his too powerful neighbour ; but when gifts and promises were rejected
with scorn, he determined to try his fortune in the field. With the aid of his son
Alcfrid, he coUected a considerable army, though far inferior in numbers to that
of his opponent. The forces of Deira, also, which, since the death of Oswine,
had been under the government of Athelwald (called by Beda OidUvald), the son
of Oswald, were arrayed on the side of Penda, but fortunately stood aloof till
the event of the battle was decided. This was unequivocally on the side of
Oswi, whose victory was crowned by the faU of Penda. The conqueror bestowed
the crown of Mid- Anglia on his son-in-law Pseda, who had aHeady during his
father's Hfe reigned over it as vice-roy. The remaining provinces of Mercia
proper and Lindsea he retained in his own hands. The conversion of Mid-
Anglia has been already noticed; that of Lindsea was of much earher date
having been effected by Paulinus. To these was now added the conversion of the
metropolitan province by the preaching of Diuma, who was appointed by Oswi
Bishop over the whole. Within a year of the death of Penda, Paada was trea
cherously murdered, not without grave suspicions of the complicity of his wife
and the whole of Mercia was united under Oswi. This state of things was
naturally distasteful to the Mercian people, who only waited a favourable oppor
tunity of throwing off the foreign yoke. Wulf here, the younger brother of Pteda,

SAXON PERIOD. 87
united the suffrages of the entire people in his favour ; and by a general move
ment he was raised to the throne, and Oswi driven forth to his own kingdom. Of
the fate of Athelwald we have no details ; but it is certain that he did not long
retain his crown after the death of Penda. During the latter part of the reign of
Oswi, his son Alcfrid was his coUeague on the throne of Deira, and caused him
much annoyance by his arrogant and overbearing temper, insomuch that Beda
classes the troubles which the old King underwent from this cause in the same
category with those which he had previously endured at the hands of Penda and
Athelwald. Alcfrid, as weU as Ecgfrid and Alcfleda, were the issue of his former
marriage; but we afterwards meet with a son, Elfwine, and two daughters,
Elfleda and Osthritha, (the latter the wHe of Ethelred King of Mercia, the brother
of WuHhere and Peada,) who were the children of Eanfleda, besides his iUegiti-
mate son, Aldfrid. The piety of Eanfleda induced her to use her influence with
her husband for the erection of a monastery, as an expiatory offering, on the
spot where the murder of her relative, Oswine King of Deira, had been perpe
trated with his sanction, at GiUing. Oswi succeeded his brother Oswald as
Bretwalda ; but until the downfall of Penda his power must have been Hmited and
precarious. To the latter part of his reign we must assign his victories over the
Picts and Scots, by which a considerable part of both nations were reduced under
his dominion. Of his warlike exploits, however, we have no particulars, as the
religious dissensions which then prevailed were subjects of much greater interest
to the ecclesiastical historians of the period, Eddius and Beda, than any struggles in
the field. These originated in the different practice of the churches of Iona and
of Eome relative to the celebration of Easter, the tonsure, and one or two
other points. During the seventeen years that Aidan presided over the Northum
brian church, the usages of Iona were alone practised, except by the Httle flock
who adhered to James the Deacon as their pastor. James, indeed, seems to have
been a man of easy temper and limited capacity, who occupied himseH less with
these graver questions than with the due modulation of the Gregorian chaunt, on
which his own reputation was founded. The piety, learning, and judgment of
Aidan, his acknowledged zeal for the interests of the church, and the support of
his royal patrons, secured him against any opposition, although strangers from
Kent and from France denounced his practice as heretical. The ten years' episco
pate of Finan was less tranquU. A countryman of his own named Eonan, who
had been instructed abroad in the cathohc view of the disputed questions,

88 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
entered into a violent controversy with him, in which, though the Bishop main
tained his ground, his opponent appears to have had the better of the argument.
The difficulty was greatly complicated by the marriage of Oswi with a princess
educated in the orthodox faith, who kept " the true and cathohc Easter" of the
Eoman church. It thus happened that Easter was held twice, in one year, at
different times, at the same court, and that whUst the King was celebrating the
festival with mirth and rejoicing, the Queen, with her chaplain Eomanus, who
had accompanied her from Kent, was stiU observing Lent with mortification and
fasting. At length matters reached a crisis when compromise was no longer possible.
On the death of Finan, Colman, another Scotch monk, was appointed to succeed
him; the King, who had himself received his religious instruction amongst the Scots,
being perfectly satisfied with their usages. But Alcfrid had imbibed his religious
opinions from WUfrid, a why and ambitious ecclesiastic, who had studied both in
France and at Eome. Having founded a monastery at Eipon, which he originally
filled with Scotch monks, he dispossessed them when they refused to recognize
the usages of the church of Eome, and gave the monastery to Wilfrid. This
promotion only whetted, the ambition of the priest, who now aimed at supplant
ing Colman in the bishoprick. His schemes were greatly promoted by the arrival,
on a visit to Alcfrid, of Agilbert Bishop of the West Saxons, a Frenchman by
bhth, with a priest named Agatho, both ardent partizans of the Eoman practice.
Harassed by the importunities of Alcfrid, Oswi consented to convene a synod for
the determination of the question, which was held at Streonshal (Whitby), a
monastery presided over by the Abbess Hilda, herself an adherent of the Scotch
customs. The two kings, Oswi and Alcfrid, presided ; and on the one side ap
peared Colman, with his Scotch clerks, on the other, Bishop Agilbert, with the
priests Agatho, Wilfrid, James, and Eomanus. With Hilda was the venerable
Bishop Cedd, who, like her, entertained the views of the Scotch church, but who
on this occasion, took a perfectly impartial Hne, and acted as interpreter to both
parties. Colman conducted his own case, but WUfrid, as more conversant with
the Enghsh language, was appointed by AgUbert to take the lead on the other
side. Oswi, at first favorable to Colman, was brought over to the opposite side by
the citation of our Lord's declaration to St. Peter.—" Thou art Peter, and upon
this rock have I buUt my church, and the gates of HeU shaU not prevah against

SAXON PERIOD. 89
it, and to thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of Heaven." Colman having
admitted the accuracy of the quotation, the King inquired, " Can you shew any
such power given to your Columba ?" and being answered in the negative, he
said, " He that is doorkeeper wiU I not gainsay, but as far as I know, and am
able, will I obey his decrees in all things, lest when I come to the gates of the
kingdom of Heaven, there should be none to open them, he being my adversary
who is admitted to have the keys." This decision was at once assented to by all
but Colman and his followers. Cedd conformed to the catholic doctrines, and re
turned to his see. He is the same priest whom we have seen employed with
three others in the conversion of the Middle Angles. On the conversion of
Sigebert, Eing of the East Saxons, he also applied to King Oswi for a missionary
to preach the gospel amongst his people. For this work Cedd was selected, and
being recalled from Mid- Anglia, he was sent amongst the East Saxons, and on their
conversion became their first bishop.
On the announcement of the adverse decision, Colman at once withdrew from
Northumberland, taking with him all his Scotch monks and thhty of their English
brethren. They retired first to a small island on the coast of Ireland, called
Inobisfinde. Here a dissension having arisen between the Scotch and English
monks, the Bishop obtained a site on another island, called Mageo, where he
erected a second monastery, exclusively for the English, whUst the Scotch occu
pied their old abode. Mageo was still in Beda's time a resort for English monks,
the monastery " having grown up from a small beginning to be very large."
He praises the exemplary discipline and conduct of the inmates, who were
gathered from all parts of England, and supported themselves by the labour of
their hands " after the example of the venerable fathers." Such of the English
monks as chose to remain at Lindisfarne were placed under the government of
Eata Abbot of Melrose, who was entrusted with the charge of both monasteries.
Eata was one of the twelve boys educated by Bishop Aidan, and it was at Col-
man's particular desire that he was now selected for this duty.
The partizan bias of Beda in favour of his own church, does not prevent him
doing ample justice to the devotedness and self-denial of the primitive monks of
Northumberland. Speaking of their establishment at Lindisfarne, he says —
" There were few buildings found at their departure besides the church ; none indeed
beyond what were absolutely necessary for shelter. They hoarded no money ; but only
cattle for subsistence ; and if they received money from the rich, they gave it to the poor.
PART I. Y

90 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
They had indeed no need to gather wealth or build houses for the entertainment of great
men, for such never resorted to them, except to pray and hear the word of God. The king
himself used to attend with only five or six servants, and having performed his devotions,
departed ; or if he stayed to take refreshment, he was satisfied with the plain food which
constituted the daily meals of the brethren, whose whole care it was to serve God, not the
world ; to feed the soul and not the belly. For this reason the rehgious habit was held in
great veneration, so that wherever a clerk or a monk came, he was joyfully received by all
God's servants ; and if they met him on the way they ran to him and bowed, rejoicing to
receive his benediction either by word or sign. Great attention was paid to their exhor
tations ; on Sundays the people eagerly flocked to church, or to the monasteries, not to
feed their bodies but to hear the word of God. So free were the monks from worldly
avarice, that they only received lands or money for building monasteries, when they were
required to do so by the temporal authorities."
Colman, who had held his bishoprick three years, was succeeded by Tuda, a
countryman of his own, but educated in the south of Ireland, where the cathohc
customs in regard to the tonsure and the observance of Easter prevailed. He
held the see only a few months, falhng a victim to a pestilence which prevaUed
throughout the island, a.d. 664.
In the mean time Alcfrid resolved to place Wilfrid at the head of the church
in his own province of Deira, and with this view sent him to France to receive
episcopal ordination at the hands of Agilbert, who had been raised to the dignity
of Bishop of Paris. This intrigue was defeated by the promptitude with which
Oswi proceeded to the nomination of Tuda, who was already a bishop. On the
death of that prelate, Alcfrid's plans were again thwarted by his father, who not
only made a different selection, but, exercising his paramount authority, fixed the
seat of the bishopric at Alcfrid's own capital of York, instead of at Lindisfarne,
thus precluding the possibility of his son making a separate appointment for his
own province. His choice feU upon Chadd, the brother of Cedd, and so weU
were his measures taken, that the new Bishop was consecrated and in possession
of his see before Wilfrid had returned from France. The latter, therefore, took
up his residence at Eipon, with the title of Bishop, but without any recognised
diocese. Chadd was, however, unequal to sustain the annoyance of a contest
with his vigorous and persevering opponent, backed, as the latter was, by all the
influence of Alcfrid. Having succeeded on the death of his brother Cedd to the
monastery of Lastingham, he retired thither, leaving Wilfrid in undisputed
possession of the. "Bishopric of York, and of all the Northumbrians, and likewise

SAXON PERIOD. 91
of the Picts, as far as the dominion of King Oswi extended." He was, however,
soon drawn from his retirement, and a second time entrusted with an episcopal
charge, on the death of Jaruman Bishop of Mercia.
Alcfrid died before his father, but no particulars of his death are recorded by
historians. It has been reserved for the antiquarian research of the present
generation to discover the place of his sepulchre, by deciphering the time-worn
inscription on the celebrated cross in the church-yard at Bewcastle in Cumber
land, which turns out to be a monument erected to this prince.0
WUfrid appears to have gained as great an ascendency over the mind of Oswi,
in his declining years, as he ever exercised over Alcfrid. The King had prevaUed
upon him by large gHts to be his companion in a projected pilgrimage to Eome,
where he hoped to end his days. His journey was, however, prevented by bis
seizure by a disease, which, In a few days, terminated his existence. He died
on the fifteenth of February, a.d. 670, in the fifty-eighth year of his age, and the
twenty-eighth of his reign. He was interred at Streonshal, of the monastery at
which place his daughter Elfleda was an inmate, and afterwards became abbess
on the death of HUda, being assisted in the government of the house by her
mother, Eanfleda, who retired here. Hither also were brought the remains of
King Edwine, and here ultimately were laid those of Queen Eanfleda and her
daughter. ECGFRID.
Oswi was the first king of Northumberland since the union of the provinces
who died a natural death. EtheHrith, Edwine, and Oswald fell in battle, and the
Hves of Osric, Eanfred, and Oswine were all cut short by violence.
For the first time also the succession, which by the death of Alcfrid was vested
in his brother Ecgfrid, was undisputed.
Ecgfrid had married Etheldrida, the daughter of Anna King of East Anglia,
and the widow of Tonbert, the governor of one of the divisions of that kingdom.
After an unfruitful union of twelve years, the marriage was dissolved, and the
Queen retired to the monastery of Coldingham, and afterwards to that of Ely, of
which she became the first abbess, and was renowned for her sanctity, and the
• See the very interesting paper of Dr. Haigh in the Archaeologia .Miana, vol. i., ~New Series, in
which he not only describes the monument of Alcfrid at Bewcastle, hut that of Bishop Tuda at Beck-
ermont in the same county, and also of James the Deacon at Hauxwell, near Eiehmond, in Yorkshire.

92 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
miracles which were wrought at her shrine. His second wHe was Eormenburgaj
the sister-in-law of Centwine, king of Wessex.
Wilfrid was the confidential adviser of Etheldrida, but did not enjoy the same
amount of favor with her successor. His quarrel with Ecgfrid probably originated
in his interference in the affairs of the royal household, but the cause of his
ultimate expulsion from his bishoprick is involved in obscurity. He was not,
however, of a disposition quietly to submit to the decision of his sovereign, but
proceeding to Eome, he laid his case before the Pope. At that court his appeal
was successful, but Ecgfrid refused to allow him to return to the discharge of his
episcopal functions. Determined not only to resist the overbearing pretensions
of Wilfrid, but to restrain the influence of his successors within due Hmits, he
resolved, with the sanction of the Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury to divide the
see. Bosa was made Bishop of Deha, and presided over the ancient church at York;
to Eata was committed the pastoral superintendence of Bernicia, his place of
residence being alternately at Lindisfarne and at Hexham. This division was
effected a.d. 678. At the same time he made Edhed Bishop of Lindsea, which
province he had taken some time before from Wulfhere King of Mercia. The
very next year, however, Lindsea was recovered by Ethelred, the brother of
Wulfhere, and Edhed was recompensed for the loss of his bishoprick by the grant
of the abbey of Eipon, founded by Alcfrid, and adorned by the taste and mag
nificence of Wilfrid. In 681, a further division of episcopal districts was carried
out. Tumbert was made Bishop of Hexham, whilst Eata was continued at Lin
disfarne, and Trumwine was appointed Bishop of the Picts.
In the meantime the war between Ecgfrid and Ethelred King of Mercia, was
terminated by the intervention of Archbishop Theodore. A great battle had been
fought on the banks of the Trent between the forces of the two kings, a.d. 679,
in which Elfwine, the half-brother of Ecgfrid, a youth of eighteen, was slain.
The distressing circumstances of this catastrophy were aggravated by the near
connection of the contending parties, Ethelred being the brother-in-law of Elfwine
whose sister Osthritha he had married.
" And now," says Beda, " there was reason to expect a more bloody war, and more lasting
enmioy between the two kings, but bishop Theodore, beloved of God, relying on the divine
assistance, by his seasonable admonitions extinguished the dangerous fire ; so that the
kings and their people on both sides being appeased, no man was put to death, but only
the ordinary mulct was paid to king Ecgfrid for his brother who was slain."

SAXON PERIOD. 93
The conclusion of this peace enabled Ecgfrid to devote his attention to the
condition of his own dominions, in which, as we have seen, large districts, stUl
occupied by the tributary Britons, continued independent, as regarded their
domestic government, of the controul of the supreme authority. Cumberland,
Lancashire, and Galloway, were now incorporated with Northumberland, and if
Ecgfrid's hfe had been prolonged, there is no doubt that the separate government
of Strathclyde would also have been abohshed.
Of this process of annexation, we have no particulars from historians, but we
have abundant evidence that it was carried into effect. We find these provinces
for the first time in the possession of the crown, by whom large grants were made
to the church, both in Cumberland and Lancashire. In the former Carhsle, with
the adjacent country for fifteen miles roundabout, in the latter Cartmel, " with
all its Britons," were given to St. Cuthbert. In the city of Carlisle also, Ecgfrid
founded a monastery, over which the sister of his queen presided. Henceforward
the district, afterwards known as Galloway, is described by Beda as an integral
portion of Northumberland. Thus he speaks of Candida Casa, or Whitherne, as
within the province of the Bernicians ; and of Cunningham, stiU further north,
as in Northumberland.
This consohdation of territory within his own proper Hmits, conduced infinitely
more to the real stability of Ecgfrid's kingdom, than the vaunted supremacy of
any of his predecessors over distant states ; and if he had rested satisfied with
this substantial augmentation of power, his reign would have been recognized by
posterity as the epoch of the greatest prosperity of his country, instead of being
referred to as the commencement of her rapid decline. Unfortunately, the spirit
of ambition tempted him to aspire to the specious glory of foreign conquest, in
which, although he was at first successful, the terrible reverse of his fortune in
flicted a blow on his people from which they never rallied.
His first expedition beyond the hmits of his kingdom, since the close of the
Mercian war, was directed against the neighbouring island of Ireland, and is
censured not so much for its rashness, as for its injustice and cruelty. No provo
cation had been offered by the natives, who are described as a harmless people,
especiaUy weU disposed towards the English. In vain did Egbert, a holy father
of the church, whose age and sanctity gave him the privilege of remonstrating
with princes, denounce the contemplated invasion, and predict a terrible retribu
tion. The King was resolute in his purpose, and, though he did not command
part i. z

94 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
the army in person, he entrusted it to Beort, his most experienced general. Not
only did the invading forces "most miserably waste that harmless nation, but in
their hostile rage they spared neither churches nor monasteries. The islanders,
to the utmost of their power, repelled force by force, and imploring the assistance
of the divine mercy, prayed long and fervently for vengeance," but their undis
ciplined valour was unable to offer an adequate resistance to the veteran troops of
the invaders.
Next year the King, in person, led an army into the territory of the Picts, deaf
to the admonitions of St. Cuthbert, and undismayed by the predictions of Egbert,
and the dying imprecations of the slaughtered Irish. Having advanced far into
the country without any opposition, and for a long time without seeing an enemy,
he was at length inveigled, by the pretended flight of a large body of the natives,
to pursue them into a narrow defile, between precipitous mountains, where an
ambuscade was prepared to intercept him. Taken thus by surprise, no effectual
resistance could be made to the unexpected attack. Hemmed in on every side,
and unable either to advance or to retreat, the King perished with the greater
part of his forces, on the twentieth of May, 685, in the fortieth year of his age,
and the fifteenth of his reign.
" From this time," says Beda, "the hopes and strength of the Enghsh crown began to
waver and retrograde ; for the Picts recovered their lands, which had been held by the
Angles ; and the Scots that were in Britain, and some also of the Britons, their hberty,
which they yet enjoy after forty-six years."
The Britons here mentioned were undoubtedly the people of Strathclyde, of
whom we have had so frequently to make mention. They had not, Hke the Picts
referred to in the above extract, been driven from their country and despoiled of
their lands, but had been suffered to hold them, though deprived of their hberty.
They were, in fact, in precisely the same condition to which they had been re
duced by Ethelfrith, and in which they had continued with little interruption for
nearly a century. On one occasion, indeed, they seem for a while to have thrown
off the Northumbrian yoke, at the time when that nation was subdued in spirit
and depressed in power by the death of Oswald, and the tyrannical occupation of
Penda, a.d. 642.
In that very year of grievous calamity, we find the Strathclyde Britons carrying
on war, as an independent people, against the neighbouring Scots ; and with so

SAXON PERIOD. 95
much vigour and success that they defeated them in a pitched battle at Strathcar-
maic, in which Donal Breck, the Scottish King, was slain. This was, however, a
sohtary exploit; and although we have evidence that they continued to be
governed by kings of their own, the death of one of whom, Guiret, is noticed in
the Annals of Ulster under the year 657, we have no farther record of then
deeds, a significant indication that they must have been restrained within their
own territory on the one hand, and protected from invasion on the other, by the
intervention of a paramount power. After the fall of Ecgfrid, we have frequent
notices in the same annals both of the succession of their kings, and of the wars
in which they were involved ; but they form no part of Northumbrian history,
except in the few instances where the two nations came into hostile collision, for
they were never again under one government tiU the union of the whole island
under the same sovereign.
The attention of Ecgfrid to the interests of rehgion, in the estabhshment of
bishopricks in all parts of his dominions, has been aHeady noticed, as also his
immense donations to the church of Lindisfarne, in Cumberland and Lancashire,
and the foundation of a monastery at Carlisle. In his reign also were established
the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow by Benedict Biscop, to whom
the land for their erection and endowment was the gift of Ecgfrid. This liberahty
was barely sufficient in the eyes of the monkish historians to attone for the oppo
sition which he offered to the views of WUfrid. His good deeds have conse
quently been but faintly commended, and his achievements Inadequately recorded,
whilst the fatal termination of his life and reign has been commented upon as
the direct judgment of heaven on his cruelty and ambition.
ALDFRID.
Ecgfrid was the last legitimate male representative of EtheHic, the son of Ida,
and of the great Ethelfrith. His haH-brother EHwine, who, in right of his
mother, represented also the house of Alia, through his son Edwine, and thus
united the conflicting claims to both provinces of Northumberland, had been long
dead, and the order of succession was involved in much uncertainty. St. Cuth
bert the new Bishop of Lidisfarne, was consulted by Elfleda Abbess of Streon-
shal the sister of Ecgfrid, who suggested Aldfrid, a natural son of her father,
who notwithstanding his iUegitimacy, was yet recognised as the direct male
descendant of Ida. This prince had been intended by Ecgfrid for a bishoprick,

96 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
and was at the time of his brother's death pursuing his studies in Ireland, where
he had aHeady acquired a character for great learning and a knowledge of the
scriptures. Being called to the throne, he married Cuthburga, the sister of Ina
King of Wessex ; but after the birth of two sons, he arranged with his queen
to spend the remainder of their hves apart in monastic cehbacy. Beda says,
" He nobly retrieved the ruined fortunes of his kingdom, though within reduced
hmits." The only military transaction of his reign, however, of which we have
any record, was attended by disaster. An expedition was undertaken against the
Picts by Beort, the general of the late king, in which he met with the fate of his
former master, being defeated and slain a.d. 698.
WUfrid was aUowed by Aldfrid to return to Northumberland in the second year
of his reign, but five years afterwards he was again expelled, nor would Aldfrid
attend to the injunctions of the Pope, who directed his restoration. The best
vindication of the behaviour of Ecgfrid towards this prelate, is to be found In the
conduct of Aldfrid ; almost an ecclesiastic himself, deeply imbued with scriptural
learning, and zealous for the interests of the church, he seems to have considered
the views of WUfrid as incompatible with the well-being of the kingdom.
During this reign Adamnan, the celebrated Abbot of Iona, visited the North
umbrian court in the character of ambassador from Ireland. During his residence
in England he was Induced by the arguments of Aldfrid to adopt the cathohc
views with regard to Easter and the tonsure. These he propagated with consider
able success in Ireland, although he faded to convince his own monks at Iona.
Their conversion was afterwards effected by the old presbyter Egbert, under the
abbacy of Dunchad, a.d. 716. Adamnan presented his book on the Holy Places
to Aldfrid, who liberally rewarded him on his departure. None of our native
historians inform us of the object of his mission ; but we learn from the Irish
annalists that he was sent to negotiate the restoration of the prisoners who had
been taken in the invasion of Ireland during the late reign. The Annals of
Ulster notice his return with sixty Hberated captives. The " Four Masters " add
that "having performed wonders and miracles before the Saxon hosts, they gave
him great honor and respect, and restored to him every thing he asked of them."
They mention also a grievous pestUence which raged for three years, and pro
duced a frightful mortality, which was looked upon as a judgment from heaven
on the impiety of Ecgfrid. This visitation is noticed by Adamnan in his Life of
Columba, and he adds, that through the intercession of the saint, the Picts and

SAXON PERIOD. 97
Scots in Britain were exempted from its devastations. The Irish writers describe
a great slaughter of their countrymen, by the Anglo-Saxon invaders, at a place
called Magh-Breagh, between the Liffey and the Boyne. From thence, we are
told, they took with them many hostages and much spoil, with which they
returned to their ships.
Having reigned nearly twenty years, Aldfrid was attacked by an illness which
so much reduced his strength, that for many days he was unable to speak. He
died at Driffield, a.d. 705. EADWULF, OSRED.
The throne was usurped, after the death of Aldfrid, by EadwuH ; but he only
maintained his position two months, when he was expelled, and the crown placed
on the head of Osred, the son of Aldfrid, a chUd of eight years of age, who was
slain after a reign of eleven years, being still under twenty. During his reign a
victory was obtained by a general called Berctfrid (or, according to Wendover,
Offa) over the Picts, of whom a very great slaughter was made. The engagement
is stated in the Saxon Chronicle to have taken place between Heugh and Carron
(Huntingdon says between Hsefeh and Caere), and its date is variously given
a.d. 710 and 711. The deaths of Ecgfrid and his general, Beort, were thus
avenged, and the military honour of the Northumbrians redeemed ; but the long
minority of tbe reigning prince was attended with the worst results to the social
condition of the kingdom. Beda dates the civil and religious degeneracy of his
country from the death of Aldfrid, as he does its declension in the scale of nations
from the death of Ecgfrid. He especially deplores the laxity which had crept
into the monastic profession, not merely as regarded the morals of those who had
been regularly admitted, but with reference to the irregular admission of many
who had no claim to the name or character of monks.
" These men," he says, " though they are themselves laics, and neither habituated to, nor
actuated by, the love of any regular life, yet by pecuniary payments to the kings, and
under pretext of founding monasteries, have purchased for themselves territories, in which
they may have free scope for their vices. They are not monks whom they assemble here,
but such as have been expelled from the true monasteries."
Some, also, he describes as mere laymen, and many with wives and children.
" Moreover," he adds, " many obtain grants for the foundation of monasteries for their
wives who, with equal folly, being lay women, take upon themselves to be the rulers of the
PART I. 2 A

98 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
handmaidens of Christ. Thus since the death of King Aldfrid has our province been so
demented by this mad error, that for the last thirty years there has scarcely been a single
governor (prefectus) who has not, whilst in office, founded for himself a monastery of this
description, and involved his wife in the same profanation. So prevalent has this vile
custom become amongst the ministers and servants of the crown, that the same parties
style themselves indiscriminately abbots and prefects, monks and servants of the king.
Nay, such persons, at their own caprice, receive the tonsure, and by their own ordinance
become not merely monks but abbots."
He even accuses the bishops of countenancing such practices for the sake of gain,
being bribed to sign charters in favour of these irregular establishments.
After Aldfrid's death, Bishop WUfrid was permitted to return to his see, but it
would be unfair to hold him responsible for any of these irregularities. He was
now an old man, and quiet had become necessary to him. He seems to have
passed the succeeding four years in retirement ; sometimes at bis monastery of
Oundle, at others at his favourite residence at Eipon. He died at the former
place, but his remains were brought to Eipon for interment.
Malmsbury accuses Osred personally of the profligacy"1 which Beda attributes
to his reign, and adds that he was murdered by his own relations, his two succes
sors, Coenred and Osric, being implicated in the deed. Beda merely mentions
that he was slain, to which the Saxon Chronicle adds the locality of his death —
" on the southern border." Eoger of Wendover, who is much more trustworthy
than Malmsbury during the Saxon period, and often supplies information on
Northumbrian affairs not to be met with elsewhere, informs us that he was slain
by the misfortune of war, in a battle fought on the sea-coast.
COENRED, OSRIC, CEOLWULF.
Coenred ascended the throne a.d. 716. Although he did not derive his gene
alogy from Ethelric, whose posterity had reigned in Northumberland without
interruption since the accession of Oswald in 633, his claim was founded on his
descent from Ida, through his illegitimate son Occa. Coenred was the son of
Cutha, Cutha of Cuthwine, Cuthwine of Leodwald, Leodwald of Egwald, Egwald
of Aldhelm, Aldhelm of Occa, Occa of Ida. Such is the genealogy furnished by
* « Annis undecem regnum inumbrans, turpem-que vitam sanctimonialium stupris exagitans
tandem cognatorum msidiis csesus, eandem fortunam in ipsos refudit."

SAXON PERIOD. 99
the Saxon Chronicle, and adopted in his Church History by Symeon of Durham.
Florence omits Leodwald from his list, and in another place mentions Coenred as
the son, instead ofthe grandson, of the "renowned" Cuthwine. Nennius alone
derives the family from Edric, another son of Ida, whom he makes the father, not
the grandfather, of Egwald, or, as he calls him, Egwulf. Coenred reigned but
two years, and was succeeded by Osric, the brother of Osred and son of Aldfrid.
The year after Osric's accession, his mother, Cuthburga, retired to the monastery
of Wimburn, which she had founded. She appears, from a passage in one of
Bomface's Epistles, cited by Lappenburgh, to have been regent during the
minority of her eldest son. Osric was now of mature age, and she felt herself
at liberty to retire from temporal cares. By some of our historians she is errone
ously described as the widow of Ecgfrid ; by others, of his elder brother Alcfrid,
who has been repeatedly confounded with Aldfrid. The relationship of Osric to
Osred is mentioned only by Symeon, and seems to have been unknown to Malms
bury. After an uneventful reign of eleven years, the last male descendant of
Ethelric died on the ninth of May, 729, leaving the kingdom to Ceolwulf, the
brother of Coenred, and representative of the Hne of Occa.
To this prince, whom he calls " the most glorious CeolwuH," Beda dedicated
his Ecclesiastical History. The epithet, H apphcable at all, must refer to the
religious character, and not to the pohtical or mUitary renown of this king, whose
reign was far from a brUHant one. In the third year of his reign, and the very
year after this laudatory dedication was penned, he was for a time driven from
the throne, and compeUed to adopt the profession of a monk. He almost imme
diately recovered his kingdom, but only to resign it, and voluntarily to embrace
the monastic profession five years afterwards. He retired to Lindisfarne, which
he HberaUy endowed with the manor of Warkworth and other possessions.0 Here
he spent the last twenty-seven years of his life, and died a.d. 764. At the com
mencement of his reign he appointed to the see of York his kinsman Egbert, in
whose favour the archiepiscopal dignity was restored, after an interval of a century
since the flight of Paulinus, the only previous bishop of the diocese who had been
so distinguished. To this prelate the Venerable Beda addressed a letter of
advice and exhortation, from which have been already cited the particulars re-
6 Besides Warkworth he granted to them Woodchester (Woodhorn ?) "Whittingham, Edlingham, and
Eghngham. To his residence amongst them they were also indebted for the indulgence of drinking
ale, in substitution for milk.

100 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
specting the corruption prevalent since the death of Aldfrid, and the establishment
of monasteries in lay hands. Having urged the reformation of these and other
abuses, he speaks confidently of the ready co-operation which may be expected from
Ceolwulf, and of the zeal of that king for the interests of religion. Towards the
close also of his Ecclesiastical History, he gives a much more hopeful view than
previously of the prospects of Northumberland under his government.
" In the province of the Northumbrians where King Ceolwulf reigns, four bishops now
preside ; Wilfrid in the church of York, Ethelwald in that of Lindisfarne, Acca in that of
Hexham, Pecthelm at Whitherne, which from the increased number of believers, has
recently been made an episcopal see, and has him for its first bishop. The Picts also are in
amity with the nation of the Angles, and rejoice in their union in peace and truth with the
whole cathohc church. The Scots in Britain, likewise, satisfied with their own territories,
meditate no hostilities. Even the Britons, although for the most part they are inspired with
an innate hatred of the Angles, and obstinately and wickedly oppose the customs of the whole
cathohc church as regards the observance of Easter, are unable to disturb the general tran
quillity ; for though in part they are their own masters, they are elsewhere subject to the
Angles. Such being the peaceable disposition of the times, many of the Northumbrians,
as well the upper as the lower ranks, laying aside their weapons, are inclined to dedicate
themselves and their childrem to the tonsure and monastic vows, rather than to the study
of warlike arts." " How aU this will end," he adds, " the next age will show."
The historian himself survived but four years, dying two years previous to the
abdication of Ceolwulf, on the 26th of May, 735, being Ascension Day.

EADBERT, OSULF.
Ceolwulf was succeeded by bis cousin Eadbert, the brother of Archbishop
Egbert, a.d. 738. He was the son of Eata, called by Nennius Eata Glinmaur,
the son of Leodwald, and brother of Cuthwine. The first enterprise of the new
king was directed against the Picts, from whose territory he was recaUed by the
intelligence that his own kingdom was invaded by Ethelbald King of Mercia. Of
the cause of this hostUe movement we are uninformed. Ceolred, the preceding
King of Mercia, had indeed a dormant claim to the crown of Northumberland as
the son of Osthritha, the sister of Ecgfrid; but Ceolred was the representative of
a different Hne, a descendant not of Penda, but of his brother Eva. Whatever
were the pretensions of the Mercian. King, they were successfuUy opposed by

SAXON PERIOD. 101
Eadbert, who, by his policy and valour, not only excited the admiration of all his
insular neighbours, Angles, Picts, Scots, and Britons, but, if we are to believe
Symeon, was held in the highest respect by Pepin King of France, who sought
his friendship, and propitiated him with presents.
Baffled in his attempts on Northumberland, Ethelbald turned his arms against
Cuthred King of Wessex, and afterwards against the Welsh, over whom, in con
junction with the same Cuthred, now his ally, he obtained a signal victory a.d.
743 or 744. In the meantime Eadbert was left for some years in the enjoyment
of uninterrupted tranquUlity; disturbed at last by domestic troubles, the particu
lars of which we very imperfectly collect from the confused and somewhat contra
dictory statements in the Church History of Symeon, and the Chronicle attributed
to the same writer. Offa, the son of Aldfrid, a man of royal lineage, having
sought refuge at the shrine of St. Cuthbert, at Lindisfarne, was pursued thither'
by his enemies, torn from the sanctuary, and slain a.d. 750. In connection with
this transaction, Bishop CynewuH incurred the displeasure of the King, but
whether for receiving the fugitive, or for failing to afford him efficient protection,
is uncertain. The former seems the more probable view, if Offa was the son of
the former King Aldfrid, and probably a competitor for the crown, and this ap
pears to be the meaning of the Chronicle, whilst the Church History conveys an
opposite impression. Whatever was the nature of Cynewulf's offence, he was
seized by the King, and imprisoned at Bamburgh, the affairs of his see being in
the meantime entrusted to Frithubert Bishop of Hexham until the suspended
prelate was restored to favour.
The same year Eadbert was engaged in a war with the Strathclyde Britons,
from whom he took the district of Kyle, in Ayrshire. This was apparently only
the recovery of a territory which had been taken from himself or his immediate
predecessor, as Cunningham, which lies to the north of Kyle, is mentioned by
Beda as within the Hmits of Northumberland.
In 756, in alliance with his former antagonists the Picts, under their King
Ungus, he besieged the citadel of Alclyde, and reduced it to submission. Ten
days afterwards, however, the invading army was almost totally destroyed "be
tween Ouoma and Niwenbireg," on the 10th of August. This reverse had pro
bably some influence in determining him to abandon the cares and turmoils of his
station and to seek for the repose which his predecessor had found in a cloister.
Two years afterwards he carried this resolution into effect, regardless of the en-
part I. 2 b

102 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
treaties of the neighbouring sovereigns, who, in order to induce him to forego his
purpose, are said to have proposed that each of them should give up a portion of
then own territory to enlarge a kingdom already too extensive for the energies of
an old man weighed down by the cares of royalty. He passed the remainder of
his life in the monastery at York, surviving his abdication ten years, and was
buried in the porch of the cathedral by the side of his brother Archbishop Egbert,
who died three years before him.
He left his kingdom to his son Osulf, an unfortunate prince, who was murdered
by the members of his own household, after a reign of a single year, at a place
called Mickle Wongtune, on the 24th of July, 759.

MOLL-ETHELWOLD, ALCRED,
The successor of Osulf was Ethelwold, surnamed Moll. Hitherto, since the
re- establishment of the kingdom of Northumberland by Oswald, aU the kings had
been of the race of Ida ; but as we have no notice of the genealogy of this king,
it is probable that he was not of royal extraction. His wife's name was Ethel-
drytha, to whom he was married at Catterick in the third year of his reign, but
his son Ethelred must have been the issue of a previous marriage. About the
same time a rebellion broke out, the leader of which, Oswine, is described by
Huntingdon as the most powerful of the nobility. An engagement took place at
Eildon, near MeHose, which was continued with great obstinancy for three days,
and terminated at last in the defeat and death of Oswine. A new opponent,
however, sprung up, with far superior pretensions. This was Alcred, who traced
his descent from Ida, not through the Ulegitimate branch of Occa, but as the re
presentative of Etheric, one of the six sons of the founder of the kingdom who
were born in wedlock. Ethelwold is recorded to have " lost his kingdom" at
Pincanheal, or Wineanheal, an ambiguous phrase, which has occasioned a differ
ence of opinion, whether he was vanquished in battle or deposed by a synod. The
latter view originates in the fact of a synod or council being held in this place,
and the assumed probability that it was a usual locality for such assemblies. Such
an interpretation, however, seems inconsistent with the statement of Huntingdon,
that his life and reign were terminated together.
Alcred reigned eight years, from 766 to 774. In 769 he married Osgearn, the
the daughter of Eadbert, and sister of Osulf. The following year was disturbed

SAXON PERIOD. 103
by rebelhon and tumult, in which the royal residence of Catterick was burnt.
The author of this outrage is described in Symeon' s Chronicle as " Earnred the
Tyrant," and he is said " by the judgment of God to have miserably perished by
fire the same year." In 774 we read of the death of a Northumbrian Duke or
Ealderman, called EaduH, and at the same time of the deposition of Alcred, who,
" deserted by the royal family and the nobility, by the general consent of all was
driven into exile. First he retired to Bamburgh, then to Kenneth King of the
Picts, with few companions of his exile." Such is the account of Symeon ; the
Saxon Chronicle says "at Easter- tide, this year, the Northumbrians drove their
King, Alcred, from York, and took Ethelred the son of Moll to be their lord."
ETHELRED, ALFWOLD, OSRED, ETHELRED RESTORED.
Ethelred was destined to experience even greater vicissitudes of fortune than
any of his predecessors. In the fourth year of his reign a tragedy was perpetrated,
the particulars of which are thus given by Huntingdon and Wendover, the result
being the temporary expulsion of the King. —
" Ethelbald and Herebert, officers of the king, rebelling against their master, slew Aldulf
the son of Bosa, the general of the royal army, in a battle at Connischffe ; afterwards they
slew Cynewulf and Egga, also royal officers, in a great battle at Halathyrn : King Ethelred
deprived at once of his officers and his hopes, fled before the rebels, who raised Alfwokl
to the throne."
The account in the Saxon Chronicle is substantiaUy consistent with the above, but
more brief ; whilst Symeon represents the circumstances under quite a different
aspect. Ethelbald and Herebert are said to have acted under the King's orders,
instead of being in rebellion against him. He also speaks of the death of the
three officers as happening on the same day, September 29th, 778, and dates the
expulsion of EtheHed in the following year.
AHwold was the son of Osulf, and grandson of Eadbert, and is emphatically
•characterised by Symeon as a pious and upright king. The change of rulers,
however, effected no alteration in the barbarous disposition of the leaders of the
contending parties. " In 780, the generals Osbald and Athelheard, having as
sembled an army, burned Beam the Ealderman in his own house at Silton."
Huntingdon calls Beam the King's justiciary, and attributes this infliction of
summary vengeance to his undue severity. These atrocities furnish a melancholy

104 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
comment on the words with which the venerable Beda qualified his anticipations
of social improvement. — " How aU this wUl end, the next age wUl show." Eight
years later, AHwold himself fell a victim to this spirit of reckless turbulence, being
slain at a place caUed Scytlescester, near "the WaU", by bis general, Siga.
Siga himseH avenged his own crime by suicide, a.d. 793, and was buried at
Lindisfarne. " On the spot where the murder was committed, a marveUous Hght
is reported to have been seen by many, the strangeness of which prodigy induced
the faithful to build a church there to the honor of God, St. Cuthbert, and St.
Oswald." The vacant throne was occupied by the youthful Osred, who had a
double claim as the son of Alcred and the nephew of AHwold ; but aU respect for
legitimate succession had been lost in the recent anarchy, and a powerful party
still adhered to the banished EtheHed. Scarcely had a year elapsed, when the
new king, betrayed by his own adherents, was driven unwUhngly into a monastery,
and compelled to assume the cowl at York. Escaping from thence, he took refuge
in the Isle of Man ; but was lured from his retreat by the oaths and protestations
of his former friends, who again deserted him in his necessity. Left thus to the
mercy of his rival, he was slain at Aynburgh, and his body was taken to Tyne-
mouth for burial. " Truly it is said," observes Huntingdon, " 'How blind to the
future is the mind of man.' When the young Osred, with a light step and merry
heart, ascended the throne, he little thought that within two years he should
vacate the royal seat, and in four years should lose his Hfe." His two cousins,
AH and Alfwine, the sons of AHwold, had previously met a simUar fate at the
hands of the usurper. Enticed from the sanctuary at York by falacious promises
of security and protection, they were removed to a distance, and murdered at
Windermere. Of all the descendants of Ida, but one is known to have been in existence at this
time, Alcmund, the brother of the late king, and he had been carried for safety
beyond the limits of the realm. No one was at hand to dispute the kingdom
with EtheHed, whose title was superior or even equal to his own ; and so firmly
did his power appear to be established, that Offa, the powerful King of Mercia,
did not hesitate to bestow upon him his daughter Elfleda. The marriage was
celebrated at Catterick, which appears at this time to have been the principal
royal residence/ With a view to this alhance, Huntingdon asserts that the King
' Besides the capitals of Bernicia and Deira at Bamburgh and York, the Northumbrian kings had,
as we have seen, as early as the reign of Edwine, a country residence in each province, at Yeavering

SAXON PERIOD. 105
put away a former wife, and Wendover goes so far as to state that his violent
death, which did not take place tiU five years afterwards, was owing to the indig
nation of his people at this conduct. Symeon is sUent on the subject, and the
Saxon Chronicle merely says that he took a new wife, an expression which does not
necessarily imply that he repudiated an old one, although it is probably the sole
foundation for the statements of Huntingdon and Wendover to that effect.
Symeon, indeed, designates him "this most impious King," but the perjuries
and murders of which he was guilty abundantly justify this epithet, without the
addition of bigamy to bis offences.
Of the particulars of his fate we only know that he perished at Corbridge, by a
conspfracy of his nobles, a.d. 795, the actual perpetrator of the deed being Aldred,
who perished four years afterwards by the hand of Thorthmund, a retainer of
the deceased king, who maintained bis fidelity to an unworthy master.
OSBALD, HEARDULF, ALFWOLD.
In the absence of any legitimate claimant, the vacant throne was seized by
Osbald, an officer of the court. Unable, however, to conciliate the support of his
former equals, who looked on his elevation with a jealous eye, he resigned the
empty title within a month of its assumption, and retired to Lindisfarne, from
whence he escaped by sea, and took refuge at the Pictish capital, the ordinary
asylum of fugitive princes. Here he did not long remain, but adopting the
monastic profession, he died at York three years afterwards, having attained the
rank of abbot.
A general feehng now manifested itself in favour of Heardulf, a man of great
eminence, who enjoyed a high official position under EtheHed. Having incurred
the displeasure of the tyrant, he was condemned to death, and was preserved
under circumstances so extraordinary as to induce the belief in miraculous inter
position in his favour. The executioner had performed his office, and his body
was left apparently Hfeless before the gates of the monastery of Eipon. From
hence it was conveyed into the abbey church amidst the solemn chanting of the
on the Glen, and at Tanfleld on the Swale. The former had, we know, been removed to Mufield, a
more sheltered situation on the same river ; and it is probable that Catterick had been substituted in the
same way for Tanfield, as both places stand on the Swale within a few miles of each other. Ad-
Murum, on the Tyne, is mentioned as another royal villa in the reign of King Oswi.
PART I. 2 C

106 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
monks, and decently laid out before they retired to rest. In the morning they
were filled with grateful enthusiasm when they found the supposed martyr to a
tyrannical decree restored to lHe and health. Henceforward he was regarded as
under the immediate protection of Heaven, and the proposal of raising him to an
earthly throne was received with general favour.
A year elapsed between the death of Ethelred and the coronation of HearduH,
which was solemnized at York by Archbishop Eanbald, assisted by the Bishops of
Lindisfarne, Hexham, and Whitherne, on the 25th of June, 796. The tircum-
stances of his election, his high character, and the superstitious veneration with
which he was regarded by the multitude, aU promised a tranquU reign ; but the
spirit of turbulence and insubordination was two deeply rooted in the nobUity
for them long to acquiesce in the supremacy of any sovereign, although he owed
his elevation to their own choice.
The same party who had plotted the destruction of EtheHed now sought to
dispossess HearduH of the crown, but, in this case, they adopted the bolder course
of open rebellion instead of secret assassination. Alric, the son of Herebert, was
the principal conspirator, and with him was joined Wada, a Duke or Ealderman,
who commanded the royal army in Lancashire. The other malcontents repaired
to his camp, and raised the standard of revolt at Whalley. The energy of the
King defeated their measures ; assembling a large force, he* engaged and van
quished the rebels. The loss was heavy on both sides, but especially on that of
the insurgents. Alric was slain, and Wada sought safety in flight. The latter is
probably the same as Eda, Duke of the Northumbrians, who retired to a monas
tery under the assumed name of Edwine, and died an abbot a.d. 801.
In the same year in which the battle of Whalley was fought, a synod was held
at Pincanheale, under the presidency of Archbishop Eanbald, at which many salu
tary regulations were made, as well relating to ecclesiastical affairs, as for the
reformation of the civil government. The authority of the crown and the wisdom
of councils were, however, alike unavailing to correct the evil passions of the
nobility and people, or to arrest the decay of the kingdom. The family of
Ethelred, for a while thrown into the shade by his disgraceful and disastrous end,
again became formidable, and one of them, caUed, like the founder of his
house, Moll, threatened the security of the throne. In destroying his own
enemies at Whalley, the King had removed those who were also most opposed to
his present rival. The danger could only be averted by further bloodshed, and
Moll was despatched " by the earnest command of HearduH."

SAXON PERIOD. 107
Again fresh apprehensions were occasioned by the return from banishment of
Alcmund, the son of Alcred, and brother of Osred, the legitimate heir to the
crown. The jealous King had employed spies to watch his movements. By these
he was surprised and taken, and his death immediately followed. During his
residence in the land of the Picts, whither he had accompanied his father on his
expulsion from the throne, he had acquired so high a reputation for sanctity, that
after his violent death he was canonized as a saint, and an annual commemoration
of his virtues appointed for the 19th of March.
Having thus defeated three attempts to deprive him of the throne, HearduH
was left for a time without a competitor, and availed himseH of the opportunity to
turn his arms against Kenulf King of Mercia, whom he had found ever ready to
give countenance and support to the various conspiracies against his government
and Hfe. A terrible struggle impended, but was averted by the mediation of the
fathers of the church, by whose interposition a peace was concluded, and the
agitated kingdom enjoyed five years of repose. At the end of that period a more
fortunate competitor prevailed, and HearduH was for a while driven from the
throne. His successful opponent was AHwold, whose name seems to imply a
connection with the ancient royal race, probably a son of the murdered Alcmund.
Although obhged to bow to a storm which he could not resist, Heardulf did
not resign himself *to the retirement of a private station, but concerted measures
for the recovery of the throne. This he effected, not by arms, but by diplomacy.
Yisiting the courts of Charlemagne and of Pope Leo, he secured the powerful
. assistance of the Emperor, and the sympathy of the sovereign Pontiff. By their
co-operation his authority was re-established, after an interval of two years.5 Of
the fate of AHwold we have no particulars. HearduH did not long survive, but
had the felicity of transmitting his power to his son Eanred, and of founding a
new dynasty of sufficient stabihty to deserve the name and reputation of a royal
race, in contradistinction to other pretenders to the dignity.
During the reign of HearduH, the province of Galloway, of which for some time
the kings of Northumberland had a very precarious hold, appears to have been
s These curious particulars, unnoticed by 'our own historians, are derived from the contemporary
memoirs of Charlemagne, by his secretary Eginhard. The foUowing corroborative notices are from the
Chronicon Bononiense, published by the Caxton Society : —
" a.d. 808. Hardulfus Eex Nordanhumbrorum, patria pulsus ad regem venit."
"a.d. 809. Hardulfus Kex Nordanliumbrorum in regnum suum reductus est per legates Imperatoris."

108 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
severed from their dominions. A bishoprick had been established in this district,
as we have seen, in the time of Beda ; and six bishops in succession had exercised
their episcopal functions at Whithem, of whom the last, Baldulf, was consecrated
in 791. This prelate assisted at the coronation of HearduH in 796, after which
his name does not again occur. When we next hear of GaUoway it was no longer
a Northumbrian province, but was emphaticaUy distinguished " as the land of
the Picts." Its occupation by this people was no doubt the cause of the termina
tion of the line of Saxon prelates. The bulk of the population of GaUoway was
undoubtedly British, and we have no reason to suppose that they would offer a
very determined opposition to the Picts, a congenerous race, in favour of their
Anglo-Saxon conquerors, when the latter were disabled by Internal dissensions
from maintaining their supremacy. In the case of a people too weak to assert
their own independence, a revolution involved only a change of masters, and
seems, in this case, to have been effected without any violent struggle. The
detaUs, at all events, have escaped the notice of historians.
EANRED.
Eanred ascended the throne a.d. 810, and his reign extended over more
than thirty years, during which the West-Saxon Egbert acquired that pre
dominance which has secured to him from posterity the title of the first
monarch of all England. Eanred had no means of offering an adequate opposition
in the field, but he had the good sense to avert, by timely concessions, the evUs
which he could not have faded to bring upon his subjects by an Ul-judged and
ineffectual contest. Wendover Indeed says that " Egbert having possessed
himseH of aU the southern kingdoms of England, led a mighty army into North
umberland, committing terrible ravages in that province, and putting King
Eanred under tribute " ; but this Is contrary to the testimony of all our earlier
historians. The Saxon Chronicle thus records the cfrcumstances : — " In the year
827, King Egbert conquered the kingdom of the Mercians, and aU that was south
of the Humber ; and he led an army to Dore against the Northumbrians, and they
offered him obedience and allegiance, and with that they separated." Malmsbury
is stUl more exphcit as to the submission being made in anticipation, not in con
sequence, of a devastating invasion. " In the same year the Northumbrians
perceiving that themselves only remained, and were a conspicuous object, and

SAXON PERIOD. 109
fearing lest Egbert should pour out his long cherished anger upon them, at last,
though late, gave hostages, and submitted to his power." The place of meeting,
where this submission and allegiance were tendered, has generaUy been referred
to Dore, near Dronfield, in Derbyshire, within the limits of Mercia; but the
Scala- Chronicon gives a different reading, substituting for " Dore," the water of
" Done," that is the river Don, which is crossed at Doncaster by the great road
leading from the South into Northumberland, a few mUes within the boundary of
that kingdom. This is the one act which is recorded of the long reign of Eanred,
which appears to have been tranquU rather than glorious.
ETHELRED, REDWULF, OSBERT, ELLA.
EtheHed succeeded his father Eanred a.d. 840, but was driven from his throne
four years after, by Eedwulf. The latter is unnoticed by any of our historians
except Wendover and his copiest Matthew of Westminster, but bis occupation of
the throne is placed beyond doubt by the existence of his coins, many of which
have been found. Of his Hneage and pretensions we know nothing.
Hardly was he seated on the throne, when he was called upon to resist an inva
sion of the Danes, in a battle with whom, at a place caUed Aluthelia, he was slain,
with his general, Alfred, and the greater part of his forces, and the exUed EtheHed
was restored. The latter terminated his unimportant reign in 848, being also
slain in battle. He was succeeded by Osbert, a member of the royal family, but
whether a son or a brother of his predecessor is uncertain. After reigning four
teen years, he was driven from the throne, and Ella substituted for him. Osbert
is always spoken of as a legitimate king, whilst EUa is denounced as a usurper,
and described by Asser and In the Saxon Chronicle as not of the royal race. In
the curious ancient tract called the History of St. Cuthbert, which is more pro
perly a record of the possessions of his church, Osbert and EUa are spoken of as
brothers ; but this must either be understood as brother-kings or as brothers in
iniquity, as they are mentioned together in connection with acts of sacrUegious
spohation. Five years after Osbert's expulsion, the whole kingdom of Northum
berland was panic-stricken by another Danish invasion. Osbert had raised an
army to re-assert his right to the crown, whilst Ella had levied all his forces to
oppose him. Alarmed at the common danger they mutaUy agreed to postpone the
settlement of their respective claims, and to unite their resources for the protec-
part i. 2d

HO HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
tion of their common country. The Danes were assembled in the neighbourhood
of York, whither the confederate kings hastened to attack them. The enemy
retired within the city, but the Northumbrians threw down the walls by a fierce
assault, and eagerly pursued them into the interior. Here a confused conflict
took place, In which those who had first possession, and an opportunity of choos
ing the positions for resistance, had decidedly the advantage. Both kings were
slain, with eight of the principal nobility, and an immense multitude of inferior
rank. The victorious army, issuing from their stronghold, overran without
opposition the whole country northward to the Tyne, subverting the estabhshed
government, and ordering every thing according to then own pleasure.
Thus perished the Anglo-Saxon dynasty in Northumberland, three hundred and
twenty years after the establishment of the kingdom of Ida, and upwards of four
hundred years after the first settlement under Octha and Ebissa. Henceforth we
meet with, not only a Danish government, but to a great extent a Danish people ;
for these bold adventurers colonized as well as conquered, re-enacting in North
umberland the part which had been played by their Anglo-Saxon predecessors
throughout England. It is true that in a corner of Northumberland a succession
of two or three petty Saxon princes for a while held the empty title of royalty,
under the dominating superiority of their Danish masters ; but with the slaughter
of Osbert and EUa at York, the Anglo-Saxon sway was vfrtually extinguished
a.d. 867.
Two tables are appended to this chapter, in order to render as clear as possible
the somewhat intricate succession of the Northumbrian kings. The first shews
the regnal series from EtheHic, the son of Ida, to his last legitimate descendant,
Ecgfrid : the second continues it from the death of Ecgfrid to the slaughter of
Osbert and Ella, and the subversion of the government by the Danes.
The reigns of Ida, and his immediate successors, who held Bernicia, whilst
Alia ruled in Deha, have been already presented in a tabular form ; and a copy
has been inserted of the apocryphal list of Saxon kings, who are said to have
reigned in Northumberland before Ida, commencing with Hyring.h It may be
remarked here that in one of the copies of the Saxon Chronicle, the name of
Hyring or Hering occurs, not as a remote predecessor of Ida, but as the son of
one of his successors, and the contemporary of his grandson, Ethelfrid. Hyring,
h See pages 63, 64.

SAXON PERIOD.

Ill

the son of Hussa, we are told, brought the army of Aidan, King of Scots, into
this kingdom, in that memorable invasion which terminated in his defeat at
Dauston.' The other names seem to have been taken at random from the gene
alogy of the Kentish and Bernician kings. From the former are introduced
Withgils and Horsa, the father and brother of Hengist, and Emering or Eormen-
ring; from the latter Eppa, Uppa, and Barnac, corruptions of Essa, Eoppa, and
Benoc. The only other name is Wodna or Woden, which figures in every royal
pedigree of the Anglo-Saxon and other Northern races, but is here introduced
somewhat out of place, a generation lower than Hyring.
1 From this passage we may infer that besides their conflicts with the Britons, the Northumbrian
Angles were engaged in civil wars amongst themselves. Hussa was probably not of the race of Ida,
and hence excluded from the list of kings furnished by Florence of Worcester. On his death or
expulsion, his son invoked foreign aid against the dominant family and the inroad and defeat of Aidan
were the results.

From the union of the two
last legitimate '<

TABLE I.
KINGS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
of Bernicia and Deira, under Ethelric, to the death of Fcgfrid, tlce
of that prince, shewing the genealogy of each from Ida or Yffa.

Eanfrith King of
Bernicia, 633.

Ida.y
r  '
Ethelric,;
588-593.

Yffa.y

Alla.;

Ethelfrid,=rAcca. 593-617.

Edwine,^
617-633

MMo.f

Osric King of Deira, :
633.

.-,. L.  ,

Oswald,->-
634-642.

Oswi, 642-=Eanfleda.
670.

Oswine King of Deira,
644-651.

Athelwald King of
Deira, 651-655.

Alcfrid King of Deira, a.d. 655,
died in his father's lifetime.

Ecgfrid,
670-685.

The above is not intended as a complete genealogy of the descendants of Ethelric or of Edwine, during the period to
"which it refers, but only of those who attained the crown, and their direct ancestors. Those who were kings of Bernicia
or Deira only, are so stated. The others, which have dates after their names, were kings of both provinces during the
periods so indicated. Oswi is inserted as King of Northumberland and not merely of Bernicia, because the contemporary
kings of Deira appear to have been subordinate to him, although not always alive to their obligations.

112

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

TABLE II.
KINGS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
From the death of Ecgfrid to the Banish Conquest, shewing the genealogy of such as were descended from Ida.

Iday

Ethelric.T

Occa.T

Etheric. =p

Ethelfrid.y

Aldhelm.1

i

Oswi.";

Aldfrid,yCuthburga.
685-705. r  -1  -r  1
Osred, Osric, Offa,
705-716. 718-729. slain 750.

Egwald.

Leodwald.

Cuthwine.T

Cutha.y

Eata."

Coenred, Ceolwulf, Eadbert,^ Egbert,

716-718. 729-738. 738-758.

Archbishop.

Osulf,=Y Osgearn:
758-759.

Alcred, 766-774.

Alfwold, Alcmund, slain^
779-781. by Heardulf.

Osred,
788-790.

Alfwold,
807-809.

Eadwulf, 705.

MoU-Ethelwold- 759-766.

Ethehed, 774-T
779, 790-795.

Moll, slain by
Heardulf.

Osbald, Heardulf, 796-807,^=
795. 809-810.

Redwulf, 844-845.

Eanred,^
810-840.

Ethehed, 840-844, :
845-848.

EUa, Osbert, 848-862,
862-867. slain 867.

113

CHAPTEE IY.
DANISH PERIOD.
The earliest invasion of England by a Danish force is assigned by our annalists
to the year 787, and is thus described by Ethelward, who, on this occasion, sup
pHes, in his own peculiar style, several particulars which are omitted by other
historians : —
" During the reign of the most pious Byrhtric, king of the West Saxons, the people
spreading abroad in innocency, gave their labour in calm tranquillity to cultivate the furrows
of their neglected fields ; and the burden-bearing oxen submitted their necks to the yoke
with pleasure. A sudden invasion of the Danes took place, with a small fleet of only three
ships ; this was their first descent. When the news arrived, the King's-reeve happened to
be staying at Dorchester. He immediately mounted his horse and rode to the port with
only a few attendants, supposing the strangers to he traders and not plunderers : then
issuing his commands, he ordered them to be taken to the king's town ; but they slew both
himself and his foUowers ; and the reeve's name was Beaduheard."
The Saxon Chronicle speaks of the arrival of " three ships of the Northmen from
Hseretha-land," and describes the slaughter of the reeve and his men, but without
mentioning his name or the locality of the transaction, further than that it occurred
within the territory of the West Saxon King. Gaimar calls the invaders Danes,
" from the country of Gwenelinge " or '' WeUinge."
" After the death of the reeve," he says, " they overran the land, and did much evd in the
country, although they had only three ships. Then returning home, they assembled their
friends, and endeavoured to persuade them to invade Britain and take it from the English,
for, said they, it is our rightful heritage, which many of our progenitors have enjoyed, who
came before the Angles. We know that a Danish king, born in Denmark, held the king
dom before any Saxon inhabited it ; so did Ailbrith and Haveloc, and others who might
be named." PART I. 2 E

114 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The names of these fictitious princes are derived from the romance of " Haveloc
the Dane," which Gaimar had previously incorporated as genuine history in his
metrical annals. The particulars contained in it are of no historical value, and
probably the romance itseH is not much older than the time of Gaimar, who
flourished about the middle of the twelfth century ; but the story is sufficiently
curious to justify the insertion of a brief abstract.
The legend, divested of its preternatural embellishments, runs thus : — In the
days of Constantine, the nephew of Xing Arthur, there reigned in Norfolk a
certain king, of great influence and wealth, by name Adelbrit ; by birth a Dane.
In the land of his nativity he possessed four rich counties : in Britain, besides
Norfolk, he held Colchester and the adjacent country by right of conquest. His
position was further strengthened by an alliance with Edelsi, the British King of
Lindsea, whose sister, Orwaine, he had married. His prosperity was uninterrupted,
till at length he was seized by a fatal Illness, which put a period to his existence
at his capital at Thetford. From tbence his remains were conveyed to Colchester
for interment.
He left an only daughter, ArgentiUe, the rightful hefress of aU his possessions.
This young maiden was carried by her mother into Lindsea, and committed to the
guardianship of her uncle, King Edelsi. The Queen herself, bowed down by her
sudden affliction, Hved barely long enough to perform this duty to her daughter,
and breathed her last twenty days after the death of her husband. ArgentiUe
had no relative on her father's side to look after her interest, and was thus entirely
in the power of her uncle ; who, violating the sacred trust reposed In him, seized
on her paternal heritage. Fearing that she might form an alliance with some one
powerful enough to assert her rights, he determined to marry her to a menial in
his own household. The husband, whose hand he compeUed her to accept, was
called Cuheran, and discharged the humble duties of cook ; but even In that servile
position had acquired a distinguished reputation. ArgentiUe found him, notwith
standing the baseness of his origin, the reputed son of an old fisherman and salt
merchant, Grim of Grimsby, to be possessed of many amiable and agreeable
qualities ; and when the reserve and awe with which he at first regarded her were
subdued, by somewhat forward advances on her part, the apparently iU-assorted
union was productive of mutual affection and regard.
The princess, however, urged him to abandon his menial position at court, and
to settle amongst his humble but independent relatives at Grimsby. Grim was

DANISH PERIOD. 115
himself dead, but Cuheran found KeUoc, the only daughter of the old man,
married to a person who, hke her father, followed his vocation on the deep as a
fisherman. Claiming her as his sister, Cuheran presented her to his wHe, for
whom, as well as himself, he begged her hospitality, and that of her husband.
This was readdy accorded, but the plea of relationship was disavowed, and the
supposed fisherman's son was surprised by the inteUigence that he was the
representative of a royal race. " Your father," he was told, " was a great king ;
he had Denmark by inheritance, as his father and his forefathers had ; his name
was Gunter, and he married Alvive, the daughter of King GaHer."
Gunter, it appears, had had the temerity to refuse the payment of tribute
demanded by King Arthur, and expiated the offence with his life. His widow,
Queen Alvive, fled by sea, with her infant son, in the vessel of Grim the fisher
man, whose daughter KeUoc, the narrator of the tale, had been her confidential
attendant. On the voyage they were taken by pirates, and none escaped with
their Hves but Grim, his daughter, and two sons, and prince Haveloc, the son of
Gunter and Alvive, who was brought up by the fisherman as his own chUd under
the name of Cuheran. The remainder of the story is soon told. By the aid of
an aged nobleman, Sigar, who had held a high position at his father's court,
Haveloc, having passed over into Denmark, was enabled to raise a large army,
defeat Edulf who had usurped the crown, and to estabhsh himseH on the throne
of his ancestors. Afterwards, coUecting a great fleet, he sahed for England, and
demanded of King Edelsi his wHe's inheritance. This the British king would not
yield without a struggle, and a desperate engagement took place, which lasted
from morning till night without any decided advantage to either party. On the
foUowing day, however, the nobles of Edelsi' s host refused to renew the contest,
and the usurper was compelled to resign the kingdom to ArgentiUe, who, on her
uncle's death, five davs afterwards, succeeded as his hefress to Lindsea also.
Eeverting from this episode, to tbe Danish invasion in the latter part of tbe
eighth century, we find that for six years after the death of Beaduheard no
further attempts were made by these barbarians on the coast of Britain ; but at
the end of that period they recommenced their attacks on a more formidable scale,
and the kingdom of Northumberland was now the scene of then operations. The
terror which tbey inspired may be collected from the narrative of the Saxon
Chronicle, the compiler of which has thought it necessary to herald their approach
with omens and prodigies.

116 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
" In the year 793 dire forewarnings came over the land of the Northumbrians, and
miserably terrified the people ; these were excessive whirlwinds and Hghtnings : and fiery
dragons were seen flying in the air. A great famine soon followed these tokens ; and a
little after that, on the 6th of the Ides of January, the ravaging of heathen men lamentably
destroyed God's church of Lindisfarne."
Symeon adds —
" They trampled on the sanctuary with polluted feet ; they cast down the altars, and
carried off the treasures of the holy church. Of the brethren, some they slaughtered ;
others they carried off in chains ; very many with ignominy they cast forth naked ; and
many they drowned in the sea."
The amount of booty tempted them to a repetition of this adventure. The
following year they entered the Tyne and sailed up to Jarrow ; but here they
were not permitted to perpetrate then work of murder and sacrilege without
resistance. Their leader was slain, and his band was driven back to their ships.
A storm arose as they were leaving the port, the vessels were stranded, and such
of the crews as reached the shore were despatched without mercy by the exas
perated inhabitants, who gave thanks to St. Cuthbert for a retribution which they
attributed to his protecting influence. The locahty of this occurrance has been
by many of our historians assigned to Wearmouth, the twin monastery, founded,
like Jarrow, by Benedict Biscop, on land furnished by the liberahty of King
Ecgfrid. The Saxon Chronicle describes it as " King Ecgfrid's monastery at the
mouth of the Don," and Symeon as " the monastery at the mouth of the Don
in King Ecgfrid's port, that is Jarrow." The Don has been unaccountably
confounded with the Wear, to which the name has infinitely less resemblance
than to the Tyne on which Jarrow is situated. The true reference, however, is
neither to the Tyne nor the Wear, but to the little river Don, which discharges
itself into the Tyne immediately contiguous to the site of the monastery, where
it forms an estuary of no inconsiderable extent, and formerly of much greater
depth than at present. On this subject the testimony of Leland is particularly
valuable, who says " Portus Ecgfridi is a tideway (sinus) which penetrates inland
from the Tyne to Jarrow, and did penetrate inland to Bilton (Hilton), nearly
three mUes above Jarrow, to which vessels formerly penetrated. A little stream
enters this tideway," Gaimar, deceived by the name of the river Don, supposes

DANISH PERIOD. 117
the Danish fleet to have entered the Humber, and to have sailed up to the con
fluence of the Yorkshire Don. In his account of the devastations of the former
year he also fixes on the Humber as the site, confounding Lindisfarne with
Lindsea. The repulse of the Danes at Jarrow seems to have had a salutary effect in
checking their incursions, of which we hear nothing for nearly forty years, when
they again appear in the south of England. In the interval from 833 to 843
frequent attacks are recorded on the banks of the Thames, on the south coast, and
also on the east coast as far north as Lindsea ; but none in Northumberland. In
844 that incursion took place in which King Eedwulf perished, as has been
aHeady related. Again, in 867, an invasion on a much larger scale resulted in
the deaths of the two Northumbrian kings, Osbert and Ella, and the utter dis
ruption of the Anglo-Saxon government in the North. It is very remarkable, that
this well organized expedition did not sail direct for Northumberland, but landed
in the first instance in East Anglia, where they spent tbe winter, not in maraud
ing forays in the neighbourhood of their encampment, but in systematic prepara
tion for the ensuing campaign. For the first time we see a deliberate purpose of
territorial conquest, to effect which strenuous endeavours were made to procure
horses and to equip a large body of cavalry. "A great heathen army," says the
Saxon Chronicle, "came to England, and took up their winter quarters amongst
the East Angles ; and there they were horsed, and the East Angles made peace
with them." Gaimer states the number of the invaders to have been more than
twenty thousand. The whole force of horse and foot were embarked at Grimsby
in two divisions, one of which was conveyed by water to York, the other merely
crossed the Humber, and then proceeded by land. The same authority attributes
this invasion to the revenge of a powerful nobleman called Buern the Buzecarle,
whose wffe had been violated during his absence at sea by King Osbert. By the
aid of his friends, Buern is said to have expelled Osbert, and raised Ella, who is
described as a knight, to the throne. Having thus avenged himself for the injury
he had sustained, the motive is not very clear which induced him to invite the
Danes in opposition not merely to Osbert, but to EUa, unless, indeed, he appre
hended a compromise between the two rival pretenders to the crown. Such a
compromise did actuaUy take place, but then it was brought about by Buern's own
act, being consequent on the Danish invasion, the success of which was looked
upon with equal apprehension by both the competitors. Gaimar 's account of the
PART I. 2 F

118 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
catastrophe of the two kings also differs from that given by our other historians,
who describe them as having both fallen in an attack made simultaneously on the
Danes with their united forces. Gaimar, on the contrary, represents EUa as en
gaged hi a hunting party in the forest, when he was informed of the death of
Osbert. In the generally received account the Danes appear to have possessed
themselves of York, without any opposition from either of the kings, who are said
to have marched together to the city after it was in the possession of the enemy.
Gaimar' s statement seems more probable, that the city was originally garrisoned
by the troops of Osbert, but lost by his imbecihty ; and that Ella perished in an
attempt to recapture it. Orrum, a nephew of EUa, was slain at the commence
ment of the engagement, after setting an example of desperate valour, which, H
his life had been spared, might have turned the fortune of the day. After the
death of Orrum, Ella lost aU seH-command, and seemed to court his fate. A cross
was erected to mark the spot where he feU, and the place was caUed EUacross.
Other authorities ascribe the outrage which occasioned the invitation of the Danes
to Ella, and not to Osbert, and designate the injured husband, " Earnulf the Sea
farer," instead of "Buern the Buss-carle." Buse-carle and Seafarer are indeed
almost synonymous terms. Fishing vessels are to this day called " busses," and
the word is even rendered classical by the authority of Johnson, who derives it
from a German root. Buss-carle may thus be rendered ship-owner, or ship-master.
The tale of Earnulf and his wrongs is printed at length in the Monumenta His-
torica of Mr. Petrie, from a manuscript in the Hbrary of C. C. College, Cambridge ;
an abstract of the same story is also inserted in Lelandh Collectanea (vol. Hi., p. 366).
The anonymous author confounds the offending party with iEUa or AUa, the first
king of Deira, and represents the Saxons, no less than the Danes, as heathens at
the period to which his narrative refers.
Without attempting to determine the question, whether the weight of evidence
presses more strongly against Osbert or against EUa, as the immediate cause of
the disasters of their country, we must turn our attention to cfrcumstances of a
totally different character, from which the most painstaking historian of this
period, Mr. Sharon Turner, is disposed to deduce the true motives of the leaders
of this invasion, rather than ascribe it to be the influence either of Buern or Ear
nulf. During the first half of the ninth century flourished a Danish chieftain,
Eegnar Lodbrog, whose marauding exploits, as well in the Baltic as on the coasts
of France and Britain, have furnished the theme of many a northern saga..

DANISH PERIOD. 119
Amongst other adventures, he boasted of an invasion of Northumberland, in which
the Anglo-Saxon leader, Walthiof, fell. This may be but another version of the
death of Eedwulf in 844, of which Eegnar was not improbably the author, for we
know that about this period some of his most daring actions were performed.
The following year he sailed up the Seine, and plundered Eouen and Paris.
Northumberland, which had been the scene of his former triumph, was destined
to witness his death, by a cruel and lingering process. Having buUt two ships
of unusual magnitude, he coasted along the shores of Scotland, intending to make
England the object of his attack. A storm, however, having arisen, his large
vessels became unmanageable in the hands of crews who had only been accustomed
to the navigation of petty barks. His little band was cast on shore without the
means of retreat. EUa was then on the Northumbrian throne, which fixes the
date between the years 862 and 867. Informed that the formidable enemy
whose deeds had spread terror through the country was in his power, Ella
hastened to meet bim with an overpowering force. Having defeated and taken
him after a desperate resistance, the English king cast him into a dungeon filled
with venomous snakes, from the wounds inflicted by which he perished ; not,
however, H we are to beheve the traditions of his countrymen, until he had
immortalized the incidents of his long career in a poem, written amidst the pro
tracted agonies of his barbarous punishment. This poem, by some attributed to
his wife, is stUl extant, and is well worthy of preservation for its intrinsic merits
as a composition, although we may refuse implicit credit to its alleged authorship.
By whomsoever written, it is probably nearly eo-eval with the events which it
records, and there is no reason to doubt that the narrative, although in a poetic
form, is, in its chief particulars, worthy of credit. It is known to the public by
more than one version ; and the portions of it which especially refer to this
country, have been extracted by Mr. Turner, and inserted in his history.
The leaders of the Danish forces which landed in East Anglia in 866, and
overran Northumberland the following year, were Ingwar and Ubba, and these
we learn from Northern authorities, as well as some of our own historians, were
the sons of Eegnar Lodbrog, animated by a desire to avenge their father's death.
If this were so, we need seek no further for the motives of this invasion, so sys
tematically planned and so successfully carried out. Buern or Earnulf may have
been urged by the injuries they had sustained to aid the enemies of their country
against the perpetrator of their individual wrongs ; but the sons of Eegnar had a

120 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
feud of their own, which imperatively caUed them to the shores of England, to
take what in their eyes was a sacred and righteous vengeance. Nor would that
vengeance have been complete, if Ella had been allowed to die in torments less
excruciating than those to which he had subjected his victim. The tortures de
scribed by the Danish annalists as inflicted upon Ella are truly horrible. Tearing
his ribs asunder, they folded them backwards till, in the phraseology of the nar
rators, he presented the appearance of a spread eagle, and then the raw and
reeking flesh was sprinkled over with salt, to increase the intensity of the inflam
mation. Happy indeed was his lot, if we may believe our native historians, that
he fell on the field of battle, and thus escaped the horrible retribution which, if
it was not inflicted, was doubtless prepared for him.
All Northumberland south of the Tyne was given up to the depredations of
the invading host, who ravaged and plundered at pleasure, without giving the
unfortunate natives the protection which a regular government, however arbitrary
and tyrannical, must have offered. Beyond the Tyne, they allowed Egbert, an
Anglo-Saxon, to assume the crown, and to direct the executive machinery, under
the paramount authority of the conquerors. The following year, the greater part
of the Pagan army was withdrawn from Northumberland into Mercia, and their
bead-quarters established at Nottingham. In 869 they returned to York, and
remained there an entire year ; at the expfration of which they repaired to East
Anglia. Having exhausted the resources of one district, their plan was to remove
for subsistence to another, but their established rendezvous seems to have been
at York, to which they repeatedly returned, and where, it is probable, they always
maintained a garrison. During then residence in East Angha, they had several
encounters with the inhabitants, in one of which King Edmund was slain. Falling
in battle with a Pagan force, his memory was reverenced, as of a saint and
martyr. This occupation of East Anglia in 870 is described by Wendover as the result
of a fresh invasion under Inguar and Tfbba, whom he supposes to have arrived in
England at this period. This error seems to have originated in a misunderstand
ing of the Saxon Chronicle, which, in this year, for the first time, speaks of these
chieftains by name, referring to them, however, not as recently arrived, but as the
generals of an army which had been several years on the island. It would hardly
have been necessary to have noticed this trifling discrepancy, except in connection
with a legend related by Wendover, which affords a totally different version of the

DANISH PERIOD. 121
story of Eegnar Lodbrog, and connects his death with East Anglia instead of
Northumberland, and makes Edmund, not Ella, the object of bis son's revenge.
Lodbrog is described as a member of the royal famUy of Denmark, who was acci-
dentaUy cast on the coast of East Anglia, having been surprised by a storm whilst
In pursuit of sea-birds, with his hawk, in a little boat, amongst the islands which
environ the shores of his native land. He was honourably entertained by King
Edmund; with the splendour and grace of whose court, the perfection of his
mUitary establishment, and the accomplishments of the sovereign himself, he was
so much pleased that he asked permission to remain. This was readdy conceded,
and he was speciaUy consigned to the charge of Berne, the royal huntsman, under
whose instructions he became such an adept in field sports of all descriptions, as
to excite the admiration of the King, and the jealousy of Berne himself. Exas
perated by this feeling, Berne determined to rid himself of the object of his envy,
whom he treacherously slew, and hid his body in a thicket. The body having
been found, Berne was suspected of the murder, and submitted to the judgment
of providence by being sent adrift at sea in the same boat which had conveyed
Lodbrog. It chanced that he was cast on shore in Denmark, and taken to Inguar
and Ubba, the sons of Lodbrog, whose boat had been recognized. They questioned
him as to their father. Berne told them of his arrival in East Angha, his residence
at Edmund's court, and his death, charging the King with the murder which he had
himseH committed. So artfully was bis tale framed, that the two exasperated
youths were at once satisfied of Edmund's guUt, and made immediate preparations
for the equipment of a large fleet to invade his territories and inflict summary
vengeance. Their force consisted of twenty thousand men, and Berne accompanied
them as a guide. By contrary winds they were driven, according to our author,
to Berwick-upon-Tweed, instead of the coast of Norfolk, but at length reached
then destination, ravaging the country as they passed. The cncumstances of
Edmund's death are then told, and various miracles which were wrought in con
sequence. Godrim, a Dane, was placed on the throne of East Anglia.
To this year, 870, Wendover ascribes the destruction of the monasteries of
Lindisfarne and of Jarrow and Wearmouth, and the nunneries of Tynemouth,
Streonshal, and Coldingham. At the latter he describes with warm eulogium the
conduct of the nuns, who, following the example of their Abbess Ebba, mutilated
then faces, that they might not by their charms excite the passions of the barba^
part i. 2 G

122 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
rous Danes. By this course they preserved their chastity at the expense of their
lives, the whole company being slain by the incensed Pagans.
Ebba, the first Abbess of Coldingham, was the daughter of Ethelfrid, and the
sister of the two Kings Oswald and Oswi ; but of this second Ebba, in the ninth
century, nothing is known, and this story of the martyrdom of the nuns, rests on
the unsupported testimony of Wendover. None of our older historians mention
any ravages of the Danes to the North of the Tyne until several years later. In
872, the Northumbrians beyond that river expeUed their King, Egbert ; and
Archbishop Wolfere was at the same time banished from York. The latter was
shortly afterwards restored, but Egbert died the year after his expulsion, and was
succeeded by Eicsig, who reigned three years.
In the meantime Ingwar died a.d. 871, and was succeeded in Northumberland
by his brother Halfdene, Ubba being engaged in a more extended warfare in the
south of the island against the great King AHred, whose tenure of power seemed
almost as precarious as that of the petty kings who held a tributary jurisdiction
over the northern corner of Northumberland. The death of Ingwar is recorded
in the Irish Annals, in which he is described as " King of the Northmen in Ire
land and in Britain." Symeon gives the title of king to Ubba as weU as Ingwar,
and several other Danish chieftains appear to have assumed it about the same
period. In the Saxon Chronicle, besides Godrim of East Anglia, mentioned
above, and Halfdene, we read of Bagsec, Oskytel, and Anwynd, aU styled kings ;
and of the foUowing dukes and earls, Sidroc the elder and Sidroc the younger,
Osborn, Frana, and Harold. HaHdene's name first occurs in the year 871, when
he was present at the great battle of Eeading, where the Danish forces were de
feated by Ethelred and Alfred. In 873 further devastations are recorded in
Northumberland, but the Pagans withdrew for the winter into Lindsea. In 875
Halfdene estabhshed his winter quarters for the first time on tbe Tyne. " And
the army subdued the land, and oftentimes spoiled the Picts (of GaUoway) and
the Strathclyde Britons." The following year " he divided amongst himself and
his followers the country of the Northumbrians. Eicsig King of the Northum
brians died, and Egbert the Second reigned over the Northumbrians beyond the
river Tyne." For this information as to the two Egberts and Eicsig, we are in
debted to Symeon. From Wendover we learn that the first Egbert and his Arch
bishop found refuge, after their expulsion, at the court of Buthred King of Mercia.

DANISH PERIOD. 123
We have now arrived at the disastrous era of the destruction of Lindisfarne,
and the final extinction of the bishoprick at that place. The early history of this
foundation, under bishops in communion with the church of Iona, has been so
fully detaUed that it is only necessary here to recapitulate then names, with the
dates and duration of their episcopates.
Aidan  from a.d. 634 to 651.
Finan  from a.d. 651 to 661.
Colman  from a.d. 661 to 664.
Tuda only held the bishoprick a few months, after whose death the episcopal see
was removed to York ; ajd Lindisfarne, with the remaining members of the
establishment, was consigned to the charge of Eata, as Abbot.
On the expulsion of WUfrid, and the division of Northumberland into two
dioceses, a.d. 678, Eata was promoted to the see of Bernicia, residing alternately
at Lindisfarne and Hexham. Three years later a further subdivision of episcopal
duties was effected, and Tumbert was appointed to the new diocese of Hexham,
whUst Eata's charge was confined to Lindisfarne and the Northern district.
In 685 Tumbert was deposed, and the celebrated St. Cuthbert was elected
Bishop of Hexham In his place. Cuthbert's predilections, however, were strongly
in favour of the Northern diocese in which he had been brought up, and where
his life had hitherto been spent ; and an exchange was effected by which Eata was
translated to Hexham, and Cuthbert instaUed at Lindisfarne. Some accounts
represent the saint as a native of Ireland, and of royal lineage ; it is more pro
bable that his parents were peasants on the banks of the Leader In Eoxburgh--
shire. Here we find him tending a flock of sheep at the time of Bishop Aidan's
death, and reporting to St. Boisel, the Prior of MeHose, a vision with which he
had been favoured when so employed, of the ascent of the Bishop into heaven.
The result was his dedication to a religious hfe, under the auspices of St. Boisel,
and his superior, the Abbot Eata. When tbe latter was appointed by King
Alcfrid, the son of Oswin, to the charge of the monastery of Eipon, he took
Cuthbert with him ; but both returned to Melrose in 661, making way for Wil
frid and a body of monks, who agreed in the canonical observance of Easter.
During Eata's absence, Boisel had discharged the duties of Abbot, but he now
cheerfully resumed his old office of Prior, in which he was succeeded on his death,
three years afterwards, by St. Cuthbert. When Eata assumed the office of Abbot
of Lindisfarne, he was accompanied by Cuthbert as Prior, who retired two years

124: HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
afterwards to the solitude of the island of Fame, which was his usual abode until
his appointment to the bishoprick. He enjoyed his new dignity, which he most
reluctantly accepted, little more than two years, returning, for the last two months
of his life, to his hermitage of Fame, where, notwithstanding the exhaustion of
his system, he continued to practise those austerities of discipline for which he
had ever been distinguished. Through his interest with King Ecgfrid, he obtained
large endowments for his church, Crake, Cartmel, and Carlisle, besides land within
the city of York. His successors were —

Eadbert  from 688 to 698.
Eadfrid  from 698 to 724.
Ethelwold  from 724 to 740.
Cynewulf  from 740 to 781.
Higbald  from 781 to 803.

Egbert  from 803 to 821.
Heathured  from 821 to 830.
Ecgfrid  from 830 to 845.
Eanbert  from 845 to 855.

EarduH was consecrated in 855, and had exercised the episcopal office twenty
years at the time of HaHdene's invasion. More than eighty years had elapsed
since the former destruction of the monastery, and its present inmates knew of the
horrors of that massacre only from the traditions of a generation which had passed
away. The excesses, however, which had been committed by the Danish forces
in the southern part of Northumberland, and in other districts of England, within
the last eight years, abundantly proved that no amelioration had been effected in the
lawless habits of the barbarians, and that it was vain to expect consideration or
mercy at their hands. The only chance of safety was in flight ; but before com
ing to a final resolution of abandoning a spot haUowed by so many rehgious
associations, the Bishop determined to take counsel of one on whose judgment he
placed the utmost reliance, and who was inspired, like himseH, with sentiments of
unbounded reverence for their common patron St. Cuthbert. With this view he
summoned to him Eadred, surnamed Lulisc, or of Carlisle, from Luel, the ancient
designation of that city. This holy man had been educated in the school which
the saint had there established, had passed his hfe in the monastery he had
founded, and had now in his old age attained the dignity of Abbot of that house.
Exchanging their opinions, and comparing then recoUections of the traditions of
then predecessors, they arrived at the conclusion, that the course most acceptable
to St. Cuthbert himself, was neither to await their own certain destruction, nor to
leave his remains to desecration, but to seek safety elsewhere, carrying with them
the sacred relics of which they were the appointed guardians.

DANISH PERIOD. 125
" Raising, then," says Symeon, " the holy and uncorrupt body of the father, they placed
beside it, in the same shrine (as we find it recorded in old books), the relics of the saints ;
that is to say, the head of Oswald, king and martyr, a part of the bones of St. Aidan,
together with the venerable bones of those revered bishops, the successors of St. Cuthbert,
Eadbert, Eadfrid, and Ethelwold." Having collected these relics, they fled before the bar
barians, and abandoned that noble pfle, the mother church of the nation of the Bernicians,
which had been the residence of so many saints. This occurred in the year of our Lord's
incarnation 875, being 241 years since the foundation of the church by King Oswald and
Bishop Aidan, and 189 years from the death of father Cuthbert, in the twenty-second year
of the episcopate of Eardulf, and the eighty-third year since this church was devastated
under Bishop Higbald."
" No sooner had the bishop abandoned the island and its church, than a fearful storm
swept over that place, and, indeed, over the whole province of the Northumbrians, for it
was cruelly ravaged far and wide by the army of the Danes, under the guidance of King
Halfdene. Everywhere did he burn down the monasteries and the churches ; he slew the
handmaidens of God, after having exposed them to many indignities, and, in a word, fire
and sword were carried from the eastern to the western sea. Hence, it was that the bishop
and those who accompanied the holy, body nowhere found any place of repose, but going
now forward now backward, hither and thither, they fled from before the face of these
barbarians." The wanderings of these pious enthusiasts has afforded a subject for the pen of
more than one of the northern monastic historians. Crossing over into Cumber
land, they proposed to pass from the haven at the mouth of the Derwent into
Ireland, but a sudden storm convinced them that such was not the wiU of the
saint. They then sought refuge in Galloway, and there tarried amidst sufferings
and privations until the death of their arch-enemy Halfdene emboldened them to
return to the eastern district of Northumberland, though not to then former ex
posed habitation at Lindisfarne. They succeeded in restoring a church and a
bishoprick to Bernicia ; but her monastic establishments were extinguished, not
again to be revived till Saxons and Danes had equally succumbed to the vigour
and pohcy of a Norman conqueror.
The enormous proportions of this systematic destruction can only be fully
" A stone cross, of peculiar delicacy and beauty, which had been erected by Bishop Ethelwold, was
reluctantly left behind, and was sacrilegiously mutilated by the heathen invaders. It was afterwards
repaired, and accompanied the body of the saint, in all its subsequent peregrinations, being ultimately
placed in the cemetery of the cathedral of Durham.
PART I. 2 H

126 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
realized by a statement, somewhat in detail, of the various rehgious foundations
which had sprung up in Northumberland during the Saxon era.
The first and largest endowment was that settled on Bishop Aidan, and his
fellow monks, by the pious charity of King Oswald, a.d. 635.
This consisted of three portions ; the first of which lay to the south of tbe
Tweed, extending from the mouth of that river along the coast to Warren-mouth,
near Bamburgh; thence following the course of the rivulet of Warren to its
source at Hebburn-Bell ; and then taking a hne northward to the Tweed, so as to
include the entire valley of the Bremish and Till ; the second lay to the north of
the Tweed, including the whole district between the Eder,b or Adder, (a name
still preserved in its two branches, the White- Adder, and the Black- Adder) and
the Leader : the third lay to the north of the Lammermun HiUs ; extending from
their base to the river Esk, which discharges itseH into the Frith of Forth at
Musselburgh, near Edinburgh. The possession by Aidan and his brethren of
these immense tracts accounts for the rapid influx of the Scotch monks. Under a
system, which ignored the hoarding of money, and multiphed cattle only for the
consumption of the establishment, and not for profit, the number of missionary
colonists was limited only by the capacity of the district to supply the simple
wants of the settlers, and it is not to be wondered that the monks were, as they
appear to have been, numbered by hundreds, H not by thousands.
In each of the three districts we have evidence of the early existence of a dis
tinct monastery ; in the first, south of the Tweed, at Lindisfarne ; in the second,
between the Eder and Leader, at Melrose ; in the third, north of the Lammermun
Hills, at Tyningham.
I. The earliest augmentations of the endowment of Lindisfarne appear to have
been the grants of Ecgfrid to St. Cuthbert, including the vUle of Craik, near
Easingwold, with all the country within a chcuit of three miles ; Carhsle, with
a cncuit of fifteen miles; Cartmel,. "with all its Britons," and the ville of South
Gedluit ; also Carham on the Tweed ; besides a mansion at York, and grounds
extending from the church of St. Peter to the city waU. Ceolwulf was the next
b This reading, which identifies the Eder with the united stream of the White- Adder and Black- Adder,
is here adopted in deference to a high authority, not, however, without some misgivings that Eder has
been merely a mistake of a transcriber for Eden, the name of a small river which falls into the Tweed
between the towns of Coldstream and Kelso. On the latter supposition, the superficial extent of the
territory of St. Cuthbert, on the northern margin of the Tweed, would be diminished about one half.

DANISH PERIOD. 127
benefactor, and his grants comprised the manor of Warkworth, and the four viUes
of Woodchester (Woodhorn ?), Whittingham, Edlingham, and Egghngham.
During the episcopacy of Bishop Ecfrid, and either by his own gift or by his pro
curement, the possessions of the church of Lindisfarne were further augmented by
the acquisition of the two Gedworths, with a large tract of country in Tiviotdale,
and the entire district between the Wear and Tees, and three miles to the south
of the latter river. This bishop removed the church erected by Aidan at Lindis
farne to Norham, and rebuilt it at the latter place. Hither also, according to the
ancient History of St. Cuthbert, he translated the bodies of St. Cuthbert and
King Ceolwulf; but Symeon mentions that of Ceolwulf only. In the district
south of the Wear he founded the viUes of BiUingham, Cliffe, and Wycliffe. He
also consecrated churches at Woodchester, Whittingham, Edhngham and Egghng
ham. Previous to the second destruction of Lindisfarne by the Danes, the
possessions of the church had been diminished by the sacrilegious impiety of
the two Kings Osbert and Ella, whose destruction by the Pagans was looked
upon as a fitting punishment. Osbert seized on Warkworth and TUlmouth;
EUa on BiUingham, Cliffe, Wycliffe, and Craik. With these exceptions, the
immense grants to the church of St. Cuthbert remained intact when the invasion
of HaHdene drove the terrified monks from their time-hallowed settlement.
II. Melrose was founded during the Hfe-time of Bishop Aidan, whose pupil,
Eata, was its first abbot. During St. Cuthbert's residence here, he received from
King Oswi a grant of the valley of the Bowmont, with certain vdles. These
were, as far as can be made out from the vitiated text of the History of St. Cuth
bert, Sugeriple(?) Hesterhob (Hetherhope), Gistatedun (Gateshaw), Waquarton
(Whitton), Clifton, Merbedle (Morbottle), Colwell, Elterburn, Thornburn, Scotta*
dion (Shotton), Gatham (Yetholm), and Minthrum (Mindrim.) Of these, Shotton
and Mindrim are within the modern limits of Northumberland, the remainder are
in Eoxburghshire, in the parishes of Hownaiifi, Morbottle, and Yetholm, the
whole of which were probably included in the grant. The supposed site of the
monastery at Old Melrose is not strictly within the territory originally conceded
by King Oswald, between the Eder and the Leader, but on a nearly isolated pro
montory on the opposite side of the Tweed.
III. The monastery of St. Balther of Tyningham is mentioned in the History
ef St. Cuthbert. Balther, who died here in 756, is described as an anchorite, but

128 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
besides his hermitage, there must have been a regular monastery here, which
existed as early as the time of Beda, when Herebald presided over it as abbot.
There are, indeed, two religious foundations mentioned by Beda, both of which
are described as at the mouth of the Tyne ; this monastery of Herabald, and a
nunnery on the site of a former estabhshment of monks. One is admitted to
have been on the rivulet which gives name to Tyningham, the other on the more
important stream which divides Northumberland from Durham ; but there has
been some difference of opinion as to which of these sites was occupied by the
nunnery, and which by the brethren presided over by Herebald. Dr. Smith, the
learned editor of Beda, is disposed to place the nunnery at Tyningham ; but the
circumstances mentioned by his author, In his Life of St. Cuthbert, seem to forbid
this allocation. He talks of the monks, who preceded the nuns in this retreat,
being employed in bringing timber up the river in ships. This can only apply to
the Northumbrian river ; for the streamlet in Lothian has certainly never been
navigable. IY. The next rehgious estabhshment of which we have any particulars is the
monastery of Lestingham, near Knby Monside, in the southern province, the
foundation of which by Cedd, in the reign of King Oswi, on land given him by
Ethelwald, the contemporary King of Deira, has already been noticed ; as also the
residence here of Ceadda or Chad, the brother of Cedd.
Y. Hartlepool was founded by Heiu, the first female who devoted herself to a
religious hfe In Northumberland, being consecrated thereto by Bishop Aidan.
From hence she retired to Calcaceaster (supposed to be Tadcaster) ; but whether a
nunnery was there established, or she merely resided as a solitary recluse is un
certain. At Hartlepool she was succeeded by Hilda, who is described by Beda as
the daughter of Hereric, the nephew of King Edwine. Her original settlement
was on the north side of the Wear, on land given her by Bishop Aidan. Here
she remained one year, and then took up her abode at Hartlepool, after it was
vacated by Heiu. Previous to the decisive battle between King Oswi and Penda
King of Mercia, in which the latter fell, Oswi vowed, in the event of a victory, to
dedicate his infant daughter Elfleda to God ; and also to devote twelve estates,
calculated for the support of ten families each, to the endowment of religious
houses, six of such estates being afterwards allocated in each province. Elfleda
then scarcely a year old, was given in charge to the Abbess Hilda, and there is

DANISH PERIOD. 129
httle doubt that Hartlepool had a share of the royal bounty on the distribution of
the twelve estates, as we know that Streonshall afterwards had on the removal
thither of HUda with her royal charge.
YI. Streonshal occupied the site now marked by the ruins of the abbey of
Whitby. The original endowment consisted of an estate of ten families, being, as
has just been stated, one of those apportioned by King Oswi. Besides the parent
establishment, St. Hilda founded at a later period a cell at Hackness, near
Scarborough. YII. The foundation of Eipon was in the first instance entrusted to Eata, but
on his declining to conform to the cathohc celebration of Easter, he was ejected
with his foUowers, and the monastery, with its revenue of tihrty famUy lands, was
conferred by King Alcfrid on WUfrid, afterwards Bishop of York.
YIIL Ingethling, or GUling, in Eichmondslhre, was the locality at which
Oswin King of Defra was slain, in the reign of Oswi; in expiation of whose
crime in assenting to the murder, the latter was induced by Queen Eanfleda, a
near relation of the murdered prince, to make a grant of land at the place where
the atrocity was committed, for the erection of a monastery, where prayers
should be continually offered up for the salvation of both kings, as well the mur
derer as the victim. Trumhere, afterwards Bishop of Mercia, was the first
abbot. IX. Gateshead is mentioned as early as a.d. 653, in connexion with its Abbot
Utta. X. WUfrid is generaUy regarded as the founder of the monastery of Hexham,
of which he was the munificent patron, as weU by procuring, for its endowment,
the immense tract of country which is still known as Hexhamshire, as by the
erection of a church unrivaUed by any previous structure on this side of the Alps.
The monastery, however, existed previous to his connection with Hexham, and
was assigned as a residence, jointly with Lindisfarne, to Eata, on his appointment
to the see of Bernicia.
XI. Tynemouth has been aHeady adverted to, as the site of a monastery at the
mouth of the Tyne, originaUy inhabited by monks, and afterwards by a sisterhood
of nuns. Eoger of Wendover refers the destruction of the nunnery here, as well
as of that at Streonshal, to the year 870. The story of the burial of the head of
St. Oswin at this place is a tale utterly unsupported either by testimony or pro-
babUity. In 792 Osred King of Northumberland was, according to Symeon,
part i. 2 I

130 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
" buried in the church of the noble monastery at the mouth of the Tyne."
Tradition may first have confounded the names of Osred and Oswin, but a fictitious
vision was necessary in order to turn the mistake to advantage.
XII. Coldingham had, for its first abbess, Ebba, the sister of the Kings Oswald
and Oswi. Her retirement from the world was certainly not untU the reign of
the latter, as it was subsequent to that of Heiu. Neither is it likely that she was
established at Coldingham at the time of Oswi's vow, or he would no doubt have
entrusted his infant daughter to the charge of his sister, rather than to that of a
distant relative. In a manuscript Life of the Saint, she is said to have founded a
monastery at Ebchester, on the Derwent, on land presented to her by her brother
Oswi. It is more probable that she originaUy settled at Ebchester, but that it
was her monastery at Coldingham which was founded on the land given by King
Oswi. Ebchester is not elsewhere mentioned as the site of a nunnery.
XIII. The monastery of Corbridge is unnoticed by Beda, although it probably
existed in his time. At aU events we have no record of its foundation at a later
period. Symeon mentions it as existing a.d. 786.
XIY. In addition to these monasteries on the main land, it remains to notice
Coquet Island, at the mouth of the river of the same name. In his Life of St.
Cuthbert, Beda says, " this island was also remarkable for the number of its
monks," and this at a period antecedent by some years to the grant of Warkworth,
to which it appertains, by Ceolwulf.
XY. In the reign of Ecgfrid, the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow
were founded, as a joint establishment, by Benedict Biscop, on land presented by
the King, seventy hides at Wearmouth and forty at Jarrow. Considerable addi
tions were afterwards made to this endowment ; and on the close of the abbacy of
Ceolfrid, in 716, we find the extraordinary number of six hundred monks domi-
tiled in the two monasteries.
XYI. On each of the territories, for such they may be designated, rather than
estates, given by Ecgfrid to St. Cuthbert, at Craik, Carlisle, and Cartmel a reh
gious establishment was founded. At Craik were settled an abbot and monks
and although their possessions were usurped by King EUa, they were afterwards
restored, as, on the return of the brethren of Lindisfarne from their wanderings
with the body of St. Cuthbert, we find them hospitably entertained here by the
Abbot Give.
XYII. At Carlisle a nunnery was established, over which the sister-in-law of

DANISH PERIOD. 131
King Ecgfrid presided, and where the Queen herself awaited the result of her
husband's fatal expedition against the Picts. Here, also, St. Cuthbert founded a
school, the reputation of which was still maintained at the period of the Danish
invasion under HaHdene, when Eadred Luhsc presided as abbot over the whole
estabhshment. Of the destruction of Carlisle we have no details, but we know
that it occurred about this time, as we are told that, previous to its restoration in
1092, the city had remained in ruin and desolation upwards of two hundred
years. XVIII. At Cartmel St. Cuthbert settled "the good Abbot Cineferth, the son of
Cygenec." XIX. Inderwood or Beverley is mentioned by Beda as the seat of a monastery
in connection with the miracles of John, successively Bishop of Hexham and
of York, but better known as St. John of Beverley.
XX. Wetadun or Watton occurs at the same time as a nunnery presided over
by the Abbess Hereberga.
XXI. York, where the first Christian temple was erected, was amongst the last
places in Northumberland where a monastery was founded. There is no trace of
such an estabhshment previous to the time of Archbishop Egbert, during whose
episcopate his royal brother Eadbert retired to the cloister in that city. Here,
we are told, were laid side by side, in one porch, the remains of the two brothers,
the one the temporal, the other the spiritual head of the Northumbrian people.
Such is a view, so far as materials remain to us, of the Anglo-Saxon monasteries
of Northumberland, during the two centuries and a haH which intervened from
the settlement of Aidan at Lindisfarne, to the flight of Eardulf. The number of
monks ascertained to have resided within the waUs of Wearmouth and Jarrow, may
furnish some idea of the multitude of persons of both sexes, devoted to a religious
Hfe, who occupied the twenty-one establishments enumerated above. Eeckoning the
twin foundations of Benedict Biscop as separate monasteries, and assuming that
the number of inmates in each furnishes a fan avarage of the religious houses in
Northumberland, we arrive at the conclusion that the total number exceeded six
thousand. It is true that some of the foundations were on a much smaller scale
than those of Wearmouth and Jarrow, but on the other hand these last were
exceeded in a much greater degree by the gigantic establishments of Lindisfarne,
Melrose, and Tyningham, whose endowments comprised whole counties, as well
perhaps as by the sumptuous institutions at Hexham and Eipon.

132 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Within a few years aU the monasteries in Bemica were utterly exterminated,
and such of those in the sister province of Deira as escaped destruction were
exposed to aU the calamities incident to the supremacy of a barbarous and heathen
people. Of the latter, indeed, some survived tiU better times, and the revival of
rehgion ; but many were only known to succeeding generations through the
medium of the Ecclesiastical History of Beda.
In the year 877 Ubba, the Danish leader, was slain in Devonshire. The Saxon
Chronicle, Florence of Worcester, and Huntingdon, do not mention his name, but
describe him as the brother of Ingwar and HaHdene. Ln one of the chronicles
attributed to Symeon, Ingwar and HaHdene themselves are erroneously stated to
have fallen on that occasion ; Ethelward gives the name of HaHdene instead of
Ubba, and Wendover records the death of aU the three brothers. We have
aHeady seen that Ingwar died six years previously, and we have equaUy conclu
sive evidence that Halfdene did not die until four or five years later. For this
information we are indebted to the ancient History of St. Cuthbert, which is
followed by Symeon in the work of which he reaUy was the author, the History
of the Church of Durham.''
The particulars derived from the History of St. Cuthbert, and adopted by Symeon,
are as foUows : —
" Then Halfdene King of the Danes entered the Tyne, and sailed from thence along the
coast to Warkworth, laying the whole country waste, and cruelly outraging St. Cuthbert.
Presently, however, the anger of God and the saint overtook him with fearful maladies,
both of body and mind. Such was the raving of his insanity, such the noisome exhala
tions from his diseased frame, that the whole army drove him forth, and chased him into
the sea ; nor was he ever more heard of."
On HaHdene's death we find the second Egbert ruling over the district north of
the Tyne ; but the southern province, as well as the Danish army, was left with
out a head. By a compromise between the Christian inhabitants and the Pagan
invaders, a countryman of the latter, but a convert to Christianity, was raised to
the throne. The new King is described as Guthred, the son of Hardacnut, pro
bably of that Haurda-Knute who appears in the Hsts of the Danish kings as the
second in succession to Eegnar Lodbrog. There is little doubt that Guthred was
beheved to be of royal hneage, or he would hardly have obtained the general
suffrage of his countrymen ; but he was up to the period of his elevation in servi-
" Kespecting the several works attributed to Symeon, see the note appended to this chapter.

DANISH PERIOD. ] 33
tude, having been sold to a widow resident at Whittingham. From this he was
redeemed by Eadred Abbot of Carlisle, who had returned with his companions
and the body of their patron saint, on hearing of the death of Halfdene, after an
absence of seven years. This fixes the date of Guthred's accession a.d. 882. He
was presented by Bishop Eardulf to the army at a place called Oswindun, or
Oswin's HiU, and was unanimously acknowledged as their sovereign. The ar
rangement was sanctioned, if not suggested, by King Alfred, whose recent victories
enabled him to dictate terms to the Danes throughout England. In a spirit of pru
dence and moderation he had allowed the Danes of East Angha to remain under the
government of a king of then own race, only stipulating that he should embrace Chris
tianity, and should acknowledge his own paramount authority. In Northumber
land he found a Dane whose pretensions were acceptable to his own countrymen, and
who was aHeady a Christian. The settlement hardly seems to require the inter
vention of preternatural agency ; but the whole is, notwithstanding, attributed by
the historian of St. Cuthbert to the intervention of the saint, by whom Eadred
was Instructed in a vision. Neither was he forgetful of the interests of his own
church, but lost no time in communicating to the new king his injunctions that
he should add to its endowments the entire country between the Tyne and the
Wear. In this district a resting place was found for the body of St. Cuthbert, at
Chester-le-Street, whither it was removed from Craik, after the Bishop and
monks had for six months experienced the hospitality of Give, the Abbot of that
place. Neither were the care and influence of St. Cuthbert confined to the petty King
of Northumberland, but the prosperity of Alfred himseH is attributed to his pro
tection. In the History of St. Cuthbert wiU be found the original narrative of
the vision in which the saint promised his aid and support to the disheartened
monarch. This has been copied by several historians ; but Symeon in this, as in
some other Instances of a similar nature, contents himseH with a reference to his
authority, omitting the recital of marvels in which, notwithstanding a reasonable
amount of credulity, it is probable his faith was not imphcit.
During the decline of the Northumbrian kingdom, the Danes were not the only
enemies who took advantage of the weakness and distraction of the government,
to invade its territories and plunder its resources. Kenneth MacAlpin, the founder
of the Scottish monarchy, six times invaded Lothian, burnt Dunbar, and plun
dered MeHose. These devastations were renewed in the reign of Guthred by his
part i. 2 k

134 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
contemporary Gregory or Grig, a prince, respecting whom the statements of the
Scottish chroniclers are strangely discordant ; some extolling his exploits beyond
all reasonable limits, whilst others deny him any place in the royal series. In one
of the old Chronicles, published by Innes, he is said to have conquered the whole
of Ireland and almost aU England ; in another he is represented as merely the
guardian of Eocha, the son of Kun King of Strathclyde, who was the true heir to
the Scottish throne, in right of his mother, who was the daughter of Kenneth.
Fordun appears to have extracted the truth from these conflicting statements,
when he describes Gregory as wearing the crown of Scotland in his own right,
and exercising the authority of regent over the Strathclydians, who voluntarily
placed themselves under his protection. Neither need we refuse all credit to the
accounts of his conquests in England, although their extent is grossly exaggerated.
Symeon informs us of one expedition, in which a Scottish king at this precise
period traversed Lothian, and crossed the Tweed with an immense army, against
which Guthred opposed the forces of bis little kingdom. The victory is attributed
to the supernatural agency of his patron St. Cuthbert ; but this does not detract
from the value of the historical evidence of an invasion. With some inconsistency,
indeed, the historian describes the invaders as menacing the monastery of Lindis
farne, an establishment which had ceased to exist ; but another Durham Chronicle
of great antiquity places the site of the engagement, not at Lindisfarne, but at a
place called Nundingdene (Newbiggen), one mile south of Norham, a district
equaUy under the protection of the saint.
Although Guthred himself was a loyal vassel of King Alfred, and a faithful
servant of the church, he was unable to controul the turbulent spirit of his
followers, or to restrain their sympathy with their heathen countrymen. In the
latter part of his reign, a.d. 893, occurred the memorable invasion of Hastings,
who for three years maintained a contest of doubtful issue with the great Alfred.
Throughout the entire enterprize, the Danes as well of East Angha as of North
umberland, although bound to the English monarch by the most solemn oaths,
did not hesitate to give all the aid in their power to his opponents. They fitted
out the immense number of one hundred and forty ships, and not only co-operated
with the invaders, but undertook by themselves several important enterprizes.
They besieged Exeter, and another fortified position on the coast of Devonshire ;
and when they were compelled to abandon these attempts, they avenged them
selves for their failure by ravaging the country about Chichester.

DANISH PERIOD. 135
In the third year the arms of Alfred were everywhere triumphant. The
enemy were driven across the island to Bridgenorth, separated from their wives,
whom they had left for safety in East Angha, and then ships were captured or
destroyed. In the meantime Guthred died on the 21st of August, 896, and his remains
were interred within the cathedral at York.
" The foUowing year," says the Saxon Chronicle, " the army broke up, some
for East Anglia, some for Northumberland ; and they who were moneyless procured
themselves ships there, and went southwards over sea to the Seine."
Even after the partial rehef of these departures to France, the resources of the
two provinces were totally Inadequate to the support of the additional population
thus thrown upon them. A predatory expedition was accordingly organized.
Yessels caUed " esks," built many years previously, were fitted out, and sailed for
the coast of Wessex. To oppose these, Alfred ordered ships to be buUt of much
larger dimensions, and so successful were his operations, that during the four
remaining years of his reign the shores of bis kingdom were unmolested by
simUar attempts, either by the Insular or continental Danes.
Huntingdon gives a singular account of the government of Northumberland at
this period : " The Danes reigned in a confused manner ; sometimes there was a
single king; at others two; sometimes even more." This state of things was
interrupted by the death of Alfred, which took place on the 28th of October, 901,
and the accession of his son, known in history as Edward the Elder. His claims
were at first disputed by Ethelwold, the son of EtheHed, the elder brother of
Alfred, who fading to make good his pretensions to the crown of Wessex, with
drew to Northumberland, where he was favourably received by the petty kings
who divided the sovereignty amongst them, and acknowledged as " King and
Prince of the Kings'' of that province.
Huntingdon seems on this, as on many other occasions, to have been in posses
sion of materials for a much more minute and accurate detaU of Northern affans
than any which were accessible to our earlier authorities. The Saxon Chronicle
ignores the existence of any Danish kings in Northumberland for some time after
the death of Guthred, representing the province as under the immediate govern
ment, first of Alfred, and then of Ethelwold.
Four years later (a.d. 905), Ethelwold, in conjunction with Eric King of East
Anglia., led an army into Mercia, and plundered the whole country to the Thames.

136 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
On then return they were pursued by King Edward to the East Anghan fens,
and Ethelwold and Eric both fell in an engagement which was attended by much
slaughter on each side.
The sub-kings, who had acknowledged Ethelwold as then lord, now reigned
without the controul of any superior. The names of three of them, aU reigning
at the same time, EowUs, Halfdene, and Ingwar, are mentioned by Ethelward, a
nearly contemporary writer, who thus confirms Huntingdon's statement as to the
number of kinglets who divided the government amongst them. The Saxon
Chronicle notices only EowUs and HaHdene, whom Florence of Worcester erro
neously supposes to have been brothers of Ingwar, the scourge of the previous
generation ; but the Halfdene as well as the Ingwar of that day had, as we have
seen, been long dead, and then namesakes who now occur were probably their
sons or nephews.
In 906 Edward concluded a peace with both the Anglo-Danish states ; but in
910 and 911 hostilities were renewed with Northumberland. In the former year
" King Edward greatly spoUed the army of the North, both of men and of every
kind of cattle, and slew many of the Danish men ;" in the latter, " the army
among the Northumbrians broke the peace, and despised whatever peace King
Edward and his wittan offered them." To this statement of the Saxon Chronicle,
Ethelward adds, " The barbarians broke their compact with King Edward, and
also with Ethered, whom he had made governor of Northumberland as weU as
Mercia.'' We have here probably the true ground of quarrel. The Danish princes
had been constrained to admit the paramount authority of Edward, as they had
before done that of Alfred ; but when he attempted to place them under the go
vernment of his viceroy, the Ealderman of Mercia, they revolted against the degra
dation intended for them.
" Having laid waste the lands of the Mercians on all sides as far as the river Avon, which
forms the boundary between the West-Saxons and the Mercians, the tumultuous host passed
westward to the Severn, and obtained no small booty by their ravages. They next with
drew homewards, rejoicing in the richness of their spoil, and passed over a bridge in regular
order, on the eastern bank of the Severn, called Cantbridge. The troops of the Mercians
and West Saxons suddenly confronted them in battle array — an engagement ensued, and
the Saxons obtained the victory on the plain of Wodensfield. The Danish army fled, being
overwhelmed by darts. These events are recorded to have happened on the fifth day of
August (a.d. 911), and three Danish kings fell there in the tumultuous contest, Halfdene,
Eowils, and Ingwar."

DANISH PERIOD. 137
The Saxon Chronicle, whUst it omits the name of Ingwar, mentions amongst
the slain— Ohter the Earl, Scurf the Earl, Othulf the Hold, Osferth the Collector,
Gurferth the Hold, Benesing the Hold, Anlaf the Black, Thurferth the Hold,
Agmund the Hold, and a second Gurferth. The power of the Northumbrian
Danes seems to have been completely humbled, nor is it probable that they could
ever again have renewed the contest with the Anglo-Saxons, H they had depended
on their own resources ; but fresh swarms of then countrymen were yearly leaving
then native shores, more than sufficient to supply the void made from time to time
by successive disasters.
At this period the history of the Danes in Northumberland is so interwoven
with that of their countrymen in Ireland, that it is impossible to remove the
obscurity which clouds our domestic annals, without first taking a review of the
events in the neighbouring island, in which the same parties were actors. From
the period of the repulse of the Danish marauders at " Ecgfrid's Minster," a.d.
794, they appear, as has been aHeady related, to have abstained from any renewed
assault against the shores of England for 38 years, whilst the Northumbrian
coast was unmolested for 53 years. In the meantime, however, the invaders had
not laid aside then piratical habits, but only exercised them in a different
direction. The very year after their disaster in Northumberland, they appeared for
the first time off the coast of Ireland. In 795 we read in the annals of that
country, " Eachraine was burnt by the Gentiles." In 797 they wasted St. Patrick's
Island, violated the shrine of St. Dochanna, and carried on a system of pnacy in
the narrow seas between Scotland and Ireland. In 801 the holy isle of Iona was
desolated, and 68 individuals, clergy and laymen, were slaughtered. In 811 they
penetrated as far as the lakes of KHlarney and the wild tract of Connamara,
where several battles are recorded with varying results. These inroads had now
become habitual, and were continued with little intermission, but we do not read
of any actual settlement in Ireland tUl 833, when we find a party of " Gentiles,"
issuing from their stronghold at Inbher-Deaa, in Wicklow, and plundering KUdare.
The next year they became masters of Dublin. Up to this time the invaders,
whom we are in the habit of calling Danes, were more correctly Norwegians,
styled by the Irish writers FinnghoUe (White Gentiles), but from the year 847
there were frequent arrivals of marauding bands from Denmark proper, who are
denominated DubhghoUe (Black GentUes). These two " Gentile " races seem for
part i. 2 L

138 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
some time to have carried on hostilities between themselves, not less perseveringly
than against the natives, " so that they convulsed Ireland between them."
In 851 Anlaf, son of the King of Norway, came over to Ireland, and effected
a reconciliation between the contending tribes, both of whom submitted to his
authority. He is said to have exacted tribute from the native Irish, in whose
domestic quarrels we find him on several occasions taking part.
Contemporaneous with the Norwegian Anlaf, from 856 to 861, we meet with
the Danish Imhar or Ingwar, afterwards so fatally connected with Northumbrian
history. In two campaigns, in 857 and 861, we find Anlaf and Ingwar acting as
joint leaders of the Northmen, but to neither of them is conceded the title of
king. Of Ingwar we have nothing further in the Irish annals, till a.d. 871,
when, his death is recorded, as " King of the Danes in Ireland and England." In
the intervening period his exploits in the latter country were performed, but
whether he died in England or Ireland is uncertain. Of Anlaf we have no notice
later than 867, when he plundered and burned the city of Armagh. On his
decease it is probable that Ingwar assumed the title of king.
Of the relationship to Ingwar of the Kings of Northumberland who succeeded
Guthred we have no information, but from the names of two of them, Halfdene
and Ingwar, it is more than probable they were his sons or nephews. However
this may be, he left two sons in Ireland, Godfrey and Sitric.
Godfrey fell by the hand of his brother in 888, and Sitric was slain by his
own countrymen, apparently to avenge his fratricide, in 896. A short time
before his death he led a marauding expedition against the shores of Northum
berland, the particulars of which are thus given by Ethelward, the only historian
by whom they are recorded. " At this time Sigeferth, a pirate, is carried along
the coast of Northumberland in his daring fleet, and ravages the coast twice, and
then bends his course to his own country." The year after the death of Sitric,
the Northmen, left without leaders, were driven from Dublin and from Irelandj
nor did they renew their incursions during the next thirteen years.
Sitric is not known to have left any descendants ; but Godfrey had four sons
Anlaf, Godfrey, Eagnal, and Sitric. An old author, Adam of Bremen, notices
Anlaf, Eagnal, and Sitric, as the sons of Godfrey, on the authority of a work not
now known to exist, intitled Gesta Anglorum* without mentioning the parentage
4 This work was probably identical with the Chronicle Be Gestis Regum Anglorum, &c, which forms
the basis of the compilation attributed to Symeon of Durham, respecting which the reader is again

DANISH PERIOD. 139
of Godfrey, whom Dr. Lappenberg, in the absence of the information supplied by
the Irish Annals, has confounded with Guthred the late King of Northumberland,
who was the son of Haurda-Knute, and not of Ingwar. The mistake has involved
the history of the period in much obscurity, as it presents the devoted servant of
St. Cuthbert as the father of the deadliest enemies of the Christian religion, and
of the rights of his own peculiar church. On the other hand, every trait which
is inconsistent with what we should expect in the sons of Guthred, is only too
characteristic of the heathen progeny of Ingwar.
Anlaf was slain in battle a few years after his father's murder, and his brothers
were probably minors at the date of the expulsion of the Danes from Ireland, as
their names do not occur on that occasion, or for some years afterwards. In 910
a fresh band of " GentUes " arrived in Ireland, and established themselves in
Waterford, which they fortified the foUowing year, having been reinforced by a
large body of their countrymen. In 915 the two brothers, Sitric and Eagnal, the
sons of Godfrey and grandsons of Ingwar, landed, one in Kildare the other in
Waterford, and assumed a joint command. Dublin was not recovered tUl 918,
when it passed into the possession of Godfrey, the son of the former chieftain of
that name, and brother of Sitric and Eagnal. Godfrey, who is henceforward
described as "Lord of the GentUes," has no connection with Northumbrian
history, but died in Ireland a.d. 932.
In 916 Sitric, caUed for distinction's sake Sitric Gale, defeated and slew Nial,
the paramount native King of Ireland. The old Chronicle ascribed to Symeon, as
weU as some of the copies of the Saxon Chronicle, exhibit a singular inaccuracy
in reference to this occurrence, which has been sufferred to pass undetected by
succeeding historians. Nial is represented as the brother of Sitric, by whom he
was slain, as if a domestic tragedy were necessary in each generation of this
sanguinary race. The pure Irish name of Nial or NeU should of itself have
excited suspicion that the bearer could hardly be of Danish descent, and the
mistake would have been at once rectified by a reference to the Irish Annals.
The signal defeat of the Northumbrian Danes, and the slaughter of then three
kings, a.d. 911, seems to have estabhshed the authority of the Anglo-Saxon
referred to the note at the end of this chapter Symeon's copy is manifestly imperfect, and the com
plete work in all probability contained not only those particulars which Adam of Bremen refers to the
Qesta Anglorum, but those details respecting Northumbrian affairs which we find in Huntingdon and
Wendover, but are unable to trace to any earlier authority.

140 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
monarch and his vice-roy, Ethered, Duke of Mercia, over that province. Ethered
died the following year, and was succeeded in his government by his widow
Ethelfleda, the daughter of King Alfred. This extraordinary woman maintained
her position with singular vigor and abihty, defeating the Mercian and East-
Anglian Danes in repeated engagements, and buUding fortresses to restrain their
rebellion in future, at Tamworth, Stafford, Warwick, and other places. In 916
she undertook an expedition against the Welsh, in which she stormed their capital,
and took their queen a prisoner. The following year the Danes, who stiU held
the towns of Northampton, Leicester, and Derby, were again in arms, but her
operations against them were attended with her wonted success, and Leicester and
Derby feU into her hands.
In 918 she marched northward to York, where the Northumbrians " covenanted
with her, some having given a pledge, and others having bound themselves by an
oath, that they would be at her command." Her career of victory was closed by
her death the next year, and the descendants of Ingwar were emboldened to
attempt the recovery of Northumberland. An incursion was made by Eagnal, or
as he is caUed in the Saxon Chronicle, Eegnold, in 923, in which he succeeded in
gaining possession of York. Symeon places this event four years earher — in the
very year of Ethelfleda' s death. Either date is consistent with the Irish Annals,
which do not speak of any exploit of Eagnal in that country after 915. In 924
he was received into the favour of Edward the Elder, to whom he tendered his
submission, in company with Constantine, King of Scotland, Ealdred of Bamburgh,
and the King of Strathclyde, with aU their people, Scots, Saxons, Danes, Nor
wegians, and Britons.
Ealdred of Bamburgh was the son of Athulf or EaduH, who is described by
Ethelward, who notices his death a.d. 912, as Duke of Bamburgh. These princes
were no doubt the successors of those Anglo-Saxon kings, who ruled the country
beyond the Tyne, in subordination to the Danes, during the reigns of Ingwar,
Halfdene, and Guthred. In the ancient History of St. Cuthbert is a curious
account of the invasion of Ealdred's territory by Eagnal with a large fleet.
" Ealdred being driven forth, retired to Scotland, and sought the aid of Constantine,
whom he conducted to Corbridge. In the battle which ensued, for what sin I know not,
the Pagan king conquered, put Constantine to flight, routed the Scots, and slew Elfred and
all the Enghsh nobles, except Ealdred and his brother Uchtred."
The same engagement is described in the Annals of Ulster, from which we learn

DANISH PERIOD. 141
that the Scotch and EngHsh forces were successful in the first attack, but were
ultimately overpowered. The loss seems to have fallen chiefly on the Northum
brians, as the Scotch consoled themselves under their defeat with the reflection
that neither king nor maormor had fallen tn the conflict. The Pictish Chronicle,
in Innes, even claims the victory for its countrymen. The site of the battle is
there called Tynemoor, which Chalmers erroneously locates on the Clyde,and the
date is given a.d. 924, the very year of the general submission of aU the con
tending parties to King Edward. By the interposition of that prince it is pro
bable that Ealdred was restored to his dominions, and Eagnal confirmed in the
possession of the southern district of Northumberland. The historians of St.
Cuthbert vehemently denounce the latter for his violence and cruelty, and
especiaUy for his sacrilegious appropriation of the patrimony of the saint, which
he lavishly distributed amongst his heathen followers. Of these, two are men
tioned, who participated largely in the spoils of the church, Scula and Onlafbal.
The latter is said to have expiated his daring impiety by a death of excruciating
agony, through the direct interposition of the saint. " After having undergone
many torments, he was compelled to make public confession of the sanctity of the
most holy confessor, and then he yielded up his wicked spirit." Terrified by this
judgment, " none of the others dared, from that time forward, on any pretext
whatever, to seize any of the lands or other property which rightfully belonged
to the church." The same authority notices somewhat more in detail than our
general historians, the original descent of Eagnal, whose name is written Eeing-
wald, and his occupation of York. " Having landed on the Northumbrian shores
with a large fleet, without delay he broke in upon York, and either kiUed or
drove out of the country the more influential of the inhabitants." This king is
said by Gaimar to have been only "half Danish," his mother being of Anglo-Saxon
descent ; but the statements of this writer are worthy of Httle consideration, especi
aUy about this period of his narrative, in which endless inaccuracies may be detected.
On the accession of Athelstan to the throne of England, Eagnal was deprived
of his kingdom, and the government transferred to his brother Sitric, in order to
secure the fidelity of whom, Athelstan bestowed upon him his own sister Edgitha
in marriage. Sitric died the following year. His baptism was made a condition
of his elevation to the throne, but Wendover says he relapsed into idolatry and
repudiated his wife, for which impiety his speedy death was looked upon as a well-
merited retribution.
part i. 2 m

142 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The Irish Annals concur with our English authorities in referring the death of
Sitric to the year 925. They take no notice of his occupation of the Northum
brian throne, but describe him as Lord of the Black and White Gentiles. Gaimar,
adopting Symeon' s version of the murder of Nial by Sitric, adds, " King Edward
avenged his death, and with a sword slew Sitric." He further represents Sitric
as King, not of Northumberland, but of a portion of Mercia, during the period
when Ethelfleda governed the remainder of that province. It is not impossible
that he may have been the leader of the Mercian Danes in some of their encoun
ters with that princess ; but Gaimar's statement is unsupported by any other
authority. Between the date of his victory over Nial in Ireland in 917, and his
assumption of the sovereign power in Northumberland, our only authentic notice
of his proceedings is a brief intimation in the old Chronicle of Symeon, that in
the year 920 " King Sitric took Devonport by storm."
Sitric left two sons, Guthred and Anlaf, who were driven out of Northumber
land by Athelstan. Their expulsion, however, does not appear to have followed
immediately on their father's death, but two years afterwards, being placed by the
Saxon Chronicle a.d. 927. In the meantime Guthred occupied the throne, but
does not occur in the list of princes who submitted to the EngHsh king hi 926,
These were Constantine King of Scotland, Ealdred son of Eardulf of Bamburgh,
Hual King of the West Welsh, and Uen King of Gwent. Florence says that
Athelstan routed them in battle, and deprived them of their kingdoms, which he
afterwards restored to them, and Malmsbury even professes to report the senti
mental phrase, which he used on the occasion, that " it is more glorious to make
a king than to be a king." The simple statement of the Saxon Chronicle merely
implies that Athelstan, on his accession, called on the princes who had formerly
owned the supremacy of his father, to make the same acknowledgment of his
own, and that those whose names are mentioned complied with his demand.
Guthred's refusal was punished by the loss of his throne, and Athelstan annexed
Northumberland to his own dominions, determined henceforth to govern its
unruly inhabitants without the intervention of any subordinate king.
When we last had occasion to advert to the affairs of the Strathclyde Britons,
that people had just placed themselves and their infant sovereign under the pro
tection of Gregory King of Scotland, and the words in which the circumstance is
narrated by Fordun seem to imply that the submission was not confined to Strath
clyde. He speaks of '" the indigenous inhabitants of certain provinces," which

DANISH PERIOD. 143
would seem to include not this httle kingdom only, but the " indigense" of the
neighbouring provinces of Galloway and Carhol also. We know, at all events, that
these were consolidated with Strathclyde into one state, under the name of Cumbria,
and in close alliance with Scotland, within a very few years of this transaction.
On the death or expulsion of Gregory in 893, he was succeeded by Donal IY.,
contemporary with whom was another Donal King of Strathclyde. Donal of Scot
land died in 904, and was succeeded by Constantine IIL, who again, on the death
of Donal King of Strathclyde, procured the election of his own brother Donal to
the vacant throne. This Donal, like his predecessor of the same name, is described
simply as " King of the Britons," and whether the kingdom of both or either of
them was confined to Strathclyde, or whether it included the two other provinces,
is uncertain ; but we are under no such uncertainty as to the next king, Eugenius,
the son and successor of the second Donal, who is always mentioned by the Eng
lish and Scotch historians as King of Cumbria, a district which we know from
precise documentary evidence to have included the entire country from the Clyde
to the confines of Lancashire.6 Fordun teUs us that this territory was given to
Eugenius by his uncle Constantine, who regarded him as the presumptive hen to
his own crown, and further that he ordained, that it should be always so held by
the proximate heir to the kingdom of Scotland, who should resign it to the next
in succession upon his own elevation to the superior throne. This statement of
Fordun's might have passed without challange if Eugenius had really been the
presumptive hen of Constantine, but we know that the latter had at this time, at
any rate, two sons of his own, one of whom fell at the battle of Brunanburgh ;
the other, at a later period, actually inherited the Scotch throne, though not in
chrect succession to his father. Eugenius undoubtedly enjoyed Strathclyde, H not
the whole of Cumbria, as hen to his father Donal ; and if he owed any territorial
possessions to his uncle, the grant must at any rate have been confined to the
addition of Galloway and Carhol. At the time of the expulsion of Guthred and
Anlaf, Constantine was King of Scotland, and Eugenius of Cumberland. At the
same period, Anlaf, the son of Godfrey, reigned over the Danes in Ireland. The
fugitive princes accordingly took refuge, Guthred at the court of Scotland, and
e The foUowing return, made by the convent of Carlisle, in answer to interrogations addressed to
them by Edward T., thus defines the limits of Cumbria at this period : "Cumbria dicebatur quantum
modo est episcopatus Karliolensis, et episcopates Glasguensis, et episcopatus Candidecasae, et insuper
ab episeopatu Karliolenais usque ad flumenDudden."

144 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Anlaf with his cousin and namesake in Dublin. The latter was altogether beyond
the grasp of Athelstan ; but no sooner did that monarch hear of Guthred's place of
retreat, than he sent ambassadors as weU to Constantine as to Eugenius, demand
ing the surrender of the fugitive, and threatening hostUities in case of refusal.
Unprepared for resistance against such an antagonist, both princes promised com
pliance, and hastened to meet then imperious neighbour at Dacre, in Cumberland.
An opportunity, however, was afforded to Guthred of making his escape, of which
he promptly availed himseH. Hastening to York, he endeavoured, both by en
treaties and threats, to induce the citizens to receive him, but aU bis overtures
were rejected, and he was compeUed to withdraw. For these particulars Malms
bury is our sole authority ; the remainder of the story is added in his own words.
" Not long after, being shut up in a castle, with a single attendant, Turfid, they effected
their escape, having eluded the vigilance of their guards. Turfid loosing his life shortly
afterwards by shipwreck, became a prey for fishes. Guthred suffering great extremity both
by sea and land, at length came a supphant to court, where he was favourably received by
the king, and hospitably entertained for four days. At the end of that time, like a fish
accustomed to hve upon the water, he returned to his ships, an incorrigible pirate. In the
meantime Athelstan levelled with the earth the castle which the Danes had formerly erected
at York ; and the immense booty which he found, he divided in equal portions amongst his
army." Constantine's submission had only been made to ward off present danger and to
gain time, which he employed in strengthening his position. To secure the
co-operation of Anlaf, who, under the protection of his cousin, had himself become a
chieftain of some pretentions in Ireland, he gave him his daughter in marriage, and
confident in this alhance, and in the support of the Danes and Cumbrians, he did
not hesitate to violate the treaty into which he had entered. Either, however,
he miscalculated his resources, or underestimated the promptitude and energy of
Athelstan. Assembling with all speed his army and fleet, he invaded Scotland both by land
and sea, and ravaged a great part of it. With his army he penetrated to Dun-
foeder and Wertermore, whdst by sea he extended his devastations to Caithness.
The Saxon Chronicle gives the date of this expedition a.d. 933, Florence and
Symeon 934. Constantine was compelled to purchase peace by presents and
concessions, and to give his son as a hostage for his future fidelity. His desire
of independence, however, prevaUed over his regard for his engagements ; and

DANISH PERIOD. 1 45
now, as before, he only observed the terms of peace till a favourable opportunity
presented itself for renewing hostUities. Having concerted his plans with his
son-in-law, Anlaf, the latter entered the Humber with an immense fleet, and was
there joined by the land forces of Constantine and Eugenius. An engagement
took place at Brunanburgh, of which we have the following particulars from an
ancient metrical narrative, which is embodied in the Saxon Chronicle : —
" Greater carnage has not been at any time, since the Angles and Saxons came hither
from the East. Five youthful kings lay on the battle-field, seven also of Anlaf 's earls, and
countless multitudes both of the sea-farers and of the Scots. There was made to flee the
Northman's chieftain, by need constrained. The bark floated, the king departed, his life
was saved. Thence also fled to his northern land the sage Constantine, the hoary warrior.
He had no cause to exult, the old deceiver, his kindred band of friends o'erthrown. His
son also he left on the slaughter-ground, mangled with wounds, young in the fight. He
had no cause to boast, neither had Anlaf. The Northmen departed, in their nailed barks ;
they hastened to Dublin, o'er the deep water. Here King Athelstan, and also his brother,
Edward the Etheling, immortal honour won, in the bloody fight."
The poem is of considerable length, but the above extracts contain all the
historical facts which can be coUected from it. The narrative of Florence is
exclusively derived from this source ; and Huntingdon presents a paraphrase in
Latin prose. Ethelward, from whom we might have expected additional particu
lars, only teUs us that the engagement was still referred to in his time as " the
great fight." The old Chronicle ascribed to Symeon alone mentions the presence
of the King of Cumberland, if we except the supposititious Ingulf. He describes
Anlaf 's fleet as consisting of no less than six hundred and fifteen ships. Malms
bury deviates in some respects from the received accounts, and gives some
additional particulars, but they are neither of much importance, nor altogether to
be rehed on. He includes Constantine instead of his son in the list of slain, which
is certainly erroneous, and describes twelve earls as having faUen instead of seven.
The foUowing anecdote of Anlaf, the son of Sitric, seems to be founded on one
better known, but perhaps equaUy apocryphal, which is related of Alfred : —
" Athelstan's last contest," we are told, "was with Anlaf the son of Sitric, who with Con
stantine had entered his territories with the hope of gaining the kingdom. The bold youth,
meditating unlawful conquests, had advanced far into England, when he was opposed at
Bruneford by the most experienced generals and most valiant forces. Aware, at length, of
his danger, he assumed the character of a spy. Laying aside the ensigns of royalty, and
PART I. 2 N

146 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
taking a harp in his hand, he proceeded to our king's tent, Here he entertained the king
and his companions for some time with music, carefully examining every thing, whilst so
employed. On departing, he received the recompense of his song, but disdaining to take
it away, he hid the money in the earth. This was remarked by one who had formerly
served under him, and recognised his person, and the information was immediately conveyed
to Athelstan. The king blamed the man exceedingly, for not having seized his enemy, and
brought him to him ; but he replied, ' The same oath, oh king ! which I have lately made
to you, I formerly swore to Anlaf, and if you had found me violate it towards him, you
might have expected similar perfidy towards yourself: but condescend to listen to the
advice of your servant, and remove your tent hence, remaining in another place till the rest
of your army come up.' The king approving the advice, removed to another place, and so
escaped destruction. Anlaf profitting by the information he had obtained, advanced to the
place where the king hed been encamped, but which was now occupied by a certain bishop,
who having just arrived, knew nothing of what had passed, and pitched his tent in what
appeared a favourable position. Having slain the bishop and all his followers, he proceeded
to where the king actually lay, who, little thinking his enemy capable of such an attack,
had indulged in profound repose. Roused from his couch by the clang of arms, his sword
fell by accident from its sheath. Nothing dismayed, he invoked the protection of God, and
of his own relative St. Aldhelm ; then replacing his hand on the scabbard, he found a
sword, which is kept in the king's treasury, in testimony of the miracle, to this day. It is
said to be partially chased, but can neither be inlaid with gold or silver. Confiding in this
divine gift, and day at the same time having begun to dawn, he continued the battle
unwearied throughout the day, repulsing the Norwegian, and putting him to flight with his
whole army. There fell Constantine King of the Scots, a man of treacherous energy and
vigorous old age ; five other kings, twelve earls, and almost the whole host of barbarians.
The few who escaped were preserved to embrace the faith of Christ."
This famous battle, which confirmed the supremacy of the West-Saxon monarchs,
is assigned by the Saxon Chronicle and Symeon to the year 937. Florence makes
it a year later, and Huntingdon gives the obviously erroneous date, a.d. 945.
The place where it was fought is caUed Brunanburgh by the Saxon Chronicle and
Florence, Brunandune by Ethelward, Brunesburgh by Huntingdon, Bruneford by
Malmsbury, Bruneswerch by Gaimar, and Bruneberih by Wendover. In
Symeon's Chronicle it is called Wendune, which, we are told in the History of
the Church of Durham, is only another name for Brunnanwerc or Brunnanbyrig.
None of these authorities give us any information as to the locality, and Camden
is disposed to place it at Broomridge, whilst Mr. Turner suggests Brunton, both in
the northern district of the present county of Northumberland ; but the attack

DANISH PERIOD. 147
was surely directed against the hereditary possessions of Athelstan, and not against
Northumberland. The site was no doubt weU known to our earher historians, and
its very notoriety probably prevented them from describing it. Peter Langtoft,
however, who flourished about the close of the thirteenth century, expressly says
that it was upon the Humber ; no doubt upon its southern shore.
" According to the Scandinavian accounts of the battle of Brunnanburgh," says Dr. Lap-
panburg, " on which, however, no implicit reliance can be placed, some Northern merce
naries, led by Egil and Thorolf, were in the pay of Athelstan, who, by annihilating the
Irish auxiliaries, mainly contributed to the victory : and if credit may be given to Egil's
Saga, Eric Blodox, the son of Harold Harfager by the fair Hewa, had some time before the
battle been invested by Athelstan with the kingdom of Northumbria, on condition of
defending it against the Scots and Irish, and receiving baptism. But on this point not only
are all the Enghsh chroniclers silent, but an event hereafter to be mentioned, which took
place ten years later, under the second successor of Athelstan, appears to have occasioned
the cession to him of that country."
The encumstance here referred to wiU be noticed in due course, but it is onlv
necessary here to express an opinion in coincidence with that of the acute histo
rian just quoted, as to the worthlessness of the early Norwegian sagas as historical
materials. The only other account of the battle of Brunnanburgh which remains to be
noticed, is that contained in the work attributed to Ingulf. The spuriousness of
this work is now generally admitted, and in no part of it is the deception more
apparent than in the detaUs of this event, which are evidently taken in the main
from WUham of Malmsbury, a writer who flourished long after the death of the
assumed author. Malmsbury has given an untrue statement of the death of
Constantine King of Scotland, but the Chronicle of Ingulf improves upon this
statement, giving minute particulars of the circumstances under which he fell, and
attributing his fate, and the consequent flight of Anlaf, and victory of Athelstan,
to the prowess of the chanceUor Turkytel, the chief patron of the house of Croy-
land, over which Ingulf presided as abbot, and by the monks of which the forgery
was undoubtedly committed.
Within three years of this signal triumph died Athelstan, the first English
sovereign who had reduced the kingdom of Northumberland under his own imme
diate authority ; and the very next year " the Northumbrians, preferring disloyalty
to the fealty which they owed to his successor Edmund, the magnificent King of

148 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
the Angles, chose Anlaf King of the Northmen, for their king." The old
chronicle of Symeon gives a somewhat more detaUed account of this revolution.
" Anlaf having come to York, advanced southward and besieged Northampton,
but fading in that enterprise, he proceeded to Tamworth, and plundered aU the
surrounding district. From thence he returned to Lincoln, whither Edmund
marched with an army to meet him." Here the effusion of blood was prevented
by the interposition of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, Oda and Wul-
stan, and an arrangement entered into for the division of the kingdom between
the Anglo-Saxon and Danish competitors, by which the entire district north of the
Watling Street was ceded to Anlaf, whUst Edmund retained aU the country to the
south. Thus was Anlaf put in possession of a territory far more exteDsive than
had ever been enjoyed by any one Danish sovereign in Britain, including not only
Northumberland and East Anglia, but great part of Mercia. The northern por
tion of Northumberland, which had been under the government of the Anglo- ,
Saxon kings or dukes of Bamburgh, does not appear to have voluntarily submitted
to this arrangement. Into this district Anlaf carried fire and sword, plundering
the church of St. Balther at Tyningham, and burning the surrounding buildings.
For this sacrUege, however, he paid the penalty of his life, being slain on bis
return. His death did not check the barbarous ravages of his foUowers, who
" wasted the island of Lindisfarne and slew many."
The death of Anlaf is placed by Symeon a.d. 941, by the Saxon Chronicle a
year later : the latter is probably the true date. Edmund now claimed, as of his
own right, the entire territory which had been divided between himseH and the
deceased king, but in this he met with a formidable opponent in Anlaf, the son of
Sitric, who vigorously asserted his title to the dominions of his namesake, a large
portion of which had previously been enjoyed by his father. Eagnal, also, of
whom we have heard nothing for many years, renewed his pretensions.* Edmund,
immediately on Anlaf 's death, wrested from the Danes their five Mercian boroughs,
f Eagnal's absence from Northumberland extended over a period of nearly twenty years, during which
our Enghsh annalists are altogether silent as to his proceedings. In the meantime, however, as we
learn from the Norman historians, he was far from inactive, being engaged in a career of conquest and
devastation in the interior of Erance, where he settled with his followers on the banks of the Loire.
Here, after the deposition of Charles the Simple, he aided Rollo in his wars with Raoul ; and hither
he seems to have returned after his final expulsion from Northumberland. A grotesque stone head
was long exhibited at Eleury, which was supposed to have belonged to the effigies on his tomb. See
Palgrave's Normandy and England.

DANISH PERIOD. 149
Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Leicester, and Stamford. The following year the
younger Anlaf took Tamworth by storm : " There was great carnage on both sides,
but the Danes obtained the victory, and carried away much booty." They also
recovered Leicester, in which Anlaf and Archbishop Wulstan were besieged by
Edmund, and so hard pressed that they were glad to escape by flight. The aUi-
ance between the Archbishop and the Danish prince, who is still represented as a
Pagan, against the Christian monarch of the Anglo-Saxons, is somewhat singular ;
it is probable, however, that Anlaf was aHeady a convert, although his pubhc
baptism was deferred to a somewhat later period. A peace was shortly after con
cluded, when Edmund became sponsor at the baptismal font, not only to Anlaf,
but to his uncle Eagnal. There is no reason, however, to believe that the terri
tory which was now confirmed to the Danish princes, extended at aU to the south
of the Humber. Mercia, at all events, was annexed to the Enghsh monarchy, and
apparently East Angha also.
Huntingdon teUs us that these conversions were due rather to policy than to
conviction ; at aU events, the formal profession of Christianity does not appear to
have worked any change in the hearts of those subtle and treacherous Northmen.
The very next year Edmund, having discovered fresh plots, expeUed both kings
from Northumberland.
Three years after the death of Athelstan, his indefatigable opponent Constantine
retired to the cloister, " in decrepid old age, committing,'''' as we are told, " the
kingdom to Malcolm, the son of Donal." This was in the year 943. The resig
nation of Constantine was probably not voluntary ; at aU events he does not seem
to have been consulted in the choice of his successor, as he had at least one sur
viving son, who actually attained the crown at a later period. Malcolm was not
even the son of his brother, but of another Donal, who had been his own prede
cessor on the throne, being indeed the representative of a rival branch of the royal
famUy. The new king was as intimately connected with Edmund as Constantine
had been bitterly opposed to his predecessor. Without his neutrality, indeed, if
not his active assistance, it is doubtful whether the expulsion of the Danish Kings
of Northumberland could have been effected.
Possessed of Northumberland, and united by a mutuaUy advantageous alhance
with Scotland, on terms of friendly connection with the petty princes of Wales,
there was but one quarter of the island to which Edmund could look with jealousy
, or alarm — the indigenous kingdom of Cumberland. The extent and population of
part I. 2 o

150 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
this state, although by no means inconsiderable, could never of themselves render
it a formidable antagonist, but its harbours lay immediately opposite to that part
of Ireland which was colonized by the Danes, and afforded ready facilities for
invasion. A Danish army landed in Cumberland had on the one hand the fullest
means of communication and co-operation with then countrymen in Northumber
land, and on the other a most advantageous basis for hostile operations against the
central districts of England. Even without the provocation of actual aggression,
motives of precaution alone might have tempted Edmund to effect the reduction of
Cumberland, but, under Eugenius, provocation had not been wanting, ever ready
as that king had proved himself to second the ambitious projects of the restless
Constantine. Of the fate of Eugenius we know nothing, nor does his name occur again after
the battle of Brunanburgh ; but in the year 945 his throne was occupied by Dun-
maU, probably his son, as this seems but another form of Donal, a name of such
frequent occurrence in his famUy. Against this king, Edmund now turned his
arms, and, in the words of the Saxon Chronicle, " wasted all Cumberland, and
gave it to Malcolm King of Scots, on this condition, that he should be his aUy by
land and sea." To this statement Wendover adds, that having, by the aid of
Leoline King of South Wales, plundered that province of aU its wealth, he deprived
the two sons of Dunmail of sight. The absence of any mention of the fate of
DunmaU himself seems to favour the presumption that he escaped ; but for many
years we have no traces of his adventures. At length, after a lapse of nearly
thirty years, we find in the Cambrian Annals a notice of a British prince caUed
DunwaUen, who performed a pilgrimage to Eome, and there died. This prince has
been generaUy held to be identical with DunmaU, but it has been objected that he
is termed the Prince, not of Cumbria, but of Strathclyde. It has, however,
escaped the notice of these objectors, that after Strathclyde was merged in Cum
berland, the name of the smaller state continues to be applied in these annals to
the more extended territory, and especiaUy in describing this very devastation of
Edmund, it is said to have been committed in Strathclyde, although in this case
we know that the whole of Cumberland must of necessity be implied.
King Edmund perished by the hand of an assassin a.d. 946, and was succeeded
by his brother Eadred. " He subdued," says the Saxon Chronicle, " all North
umberland under his power ; and the Scots gave their oaths that his wUl should
be theirs."

DANISH PERIOD. 151
At Tadden's-cliff Archbishop Wulfstan and aU the Witan of Northumberland
swore aUegiance, but a brief space was sufficient to shew how Httle dependance
was to be placed on this treacherous prelate and his foUowers. In the year 947
they were again in rebelhon, having chosen Eric, the son of Harold, King of
Denmark, for then king. This prince is confounded by the northern historians
with Eric Blodax, the son of Harold Harfager King of Norway, whom, as we have
seen, they represent as occupying the Northumbrian throne at the epoch of the
battle of Brunanburch. Adam of Bremen, as cited by Dr. Lappenberg, informs
us that Eric (or, as he calls him, Hiring) was sent by bis father to conquer
England. He naturaUy selected Northumberland as the most favourable field for
the commencement of his operations, nor did he overestimate the warmth of the
reception which awaited him amongst a kindred people. Eadred, however, was
not unprepared for the emergency, but marching without delay into Northumber
land, he ravaged the whole province, not even sparing the churches and monasteries,
of which the destruction of Eipon by fire is a memorable instance. On his return
the Danes assembled a numerous army at York, with which they followed him to
Chesterford, and there attacking his rear, made great slaughter. For this outrage
he contemplated a deep revenge ; "so wroth was be, that he would have led his
forces back again, and utterly destroyed the land," but this extremity was averted
by the Northumbrian Witan, who, abandoning the sovereign whom they had so
recently chosen, again submitted to Eadred, and tendered him satisfaction for the
loss he had sustained. No sooner, however, was one opponent disposed of than
another appeared in the same field. Eric retired in 948, and in the following year
Anlaf renewed his pretensions, and was again received with a cordial welcome by
the fickle Northumbrians. " This year," (a.d. 949) says the Saxon Chronicle,
" Anlaf Cuaran came to Northumberland." From the date of his restoration he
occupied the throne nearly four years, giving place to Eric, who a second time
obtained this precarious sovereignty. The revolution, though described as the act
of the Northumbrians themselves, who are said to have expeUed Anlaf, was
probably owing to the measures adopted against his confederate, the veteran traitor
Wulfstan. " In the year 952 King Edred commanded Archbishop Wolfstan to be
brought into the fastness at Jedburgh, because he had been often accused to the
King, and in this year also the King commanded a great slaughter to be made at
Thetford, to revenge the death of the Abbot Edelm." Tho second reign of Eric
was almost as brief as the former. " In 954 the Northumbrians expeUed Eric,

152 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
and Eadred obtained the kingdom of the Northumbrians. This year also, Arch
bishop WuHstan again obtained a bishoprick at Dorchester." The elevation of
Wulfstan, thus narrated in the same paragraph with the expulsion of Eric, again
suggests a connection between the two events, and points to the Archbishop as an
agent in the transaction ; thus regaining the favour which he had forfeited by one
act of treachery by the perpetration of another. The chief promoter, however, of
the revolution is stated by Wendover to have been the Earl OsuH, " by whose
treachery," we are told, " King Eric was slain by a nobleman called Macon,
together with his son Henry and his brother Eeginald, in a lonely region caUed
Stainmoor. With Eric was extinguished the Danish authority in Northumberland, nor did
any one hereafter bear the title of King of that province, although some of the
Earls who succeeded enjoyed an amount of power almost as extensive.
During the period through which we have just passed, it is not always very easy
to discriminate between persons bearing the same name, the constant succession of
Guthreds or Godfreys, Sitrics, and Anlafs being truly perplexing. To obviate as
much as possible this difficulty, a genealogy of the Dano-Northumbrian kings is
appended to this chapter. A mistake as to the parentage of Sitric and Eagnal,
the sons of Godfrey, and grandsons of Ingwar, has been aHeady explained. The
confusion at a later period, from the frequent recurrence of the name of Anlaf
has been pronounced inextricable, and doubts have been entertained, whether two
or three kings of that name reigned in Northumberland between the death of Sitric
in 926, and the final extinction of the kingdom in 954. It is necessary, there
fore, to state the grounds upon which their number is here confined to two Anlaf
the son of Sitric, and Anlaf the son of Godfrey, and of the assignment of the
several particulars recorded of them, to one or the other. These particulars are
as follows : —
A.D.
927. Guthred and Anlaf, the sons of Sitric, expelled by Athelstan.
937-8. Anlaf, with Constantine, King of Scotland, defeated by Athelstan at Brunanburch.
939-41. Division of England between Edmund and Anlaf.
941. Anlaf plunders Tyningham.
942. Death of Anlaf.
942. Anlaf storms Tam worth.
943. Reconciliation of Edmund and Anlaf; the latter baptized,
944. Anlaf expeUed.
949. Anlaf received by the Northumbrians as king.
952. Anlaf expelled.

DANISH PERIOD. 153
All our historians mention the expulsion of Guthred, the son of Sitric, but of
the more ancient, Malmsbury only notices that" of Anlaf. Of his expulsion,
however, there can be no doubt. Anlaf, who commanded the Danish forces at
Brunanburg, is called, in the Saxon Chronicle, " Anlaf of Ireland ;" by Florence,
"The Pagan King of Ireland;" titles which properly apply to Anlaf, son of
Godfrey, who at that time reigned over the Danes in Dublin; but Malmsbury
expressly describes the leader on this occasion as the son of Sitric, and in this he
is confirmed by tbe more reliable authority of the Irish Annals.
Anlaf, who extorted from Edmund so large a portion of his kingdom, was slain
after a reign of two or three years, and could not therefore be the son of Sitric,
who Hved many years afterwards. About this time, however, we find Anlaf, son
of Godfrey, leaving Ireland, and giving up his command at Dublin to his brother
Blacair. There can be little doubt, then, that he was the invader of England at
this period. The expedition must have been on an immense scale, or Edmund
would never have been coerced into terms so disadvantageous ; and such an expe
dition was consistent only with the resources of the chief of the Danish leaders
in Ireland. These arguments are here urged, because it is not sufficient to shew
that it was not the son of Sitric, in order to prove that it was the son of Godfrey,
as there were other leaders of the name of Anlaf in Ireland at this time.
Anlaf, who succeeded his namesake in 942, and was expeUed in 944, was cer
tainly the son of Sitric, for this is expressly stated by Florence of Worcester ; but
it has been doubted whether it was himself, or another of the same name, who was
received by the Northumbrians as their king in 949, and expelled in 952. The
individual who reigned between these dates is caUed by the Saxon Chronicle Anlaf
Cwiran and is no doubt the same as Anlaf Cuaran, whose name occurs several
times in the Irish Annals, and the question arises, Was Anlaf the son of Sitric
identical with Anlaf Cuaran ? This question is solved in the affirmative, by a
reference to those annals under the years 978 and 979, in the former of which we
read that Anlaf Cuaran retired to Iona ; in the latter, that Anlaf, the son of Sitric,
died there. During the long period of 30 years, from his expulsion to his death,
he was perpetuaUy engaged in those conflicts of which Ireland was the scene, and
at length ended his life in the exercise of that religion in which he had been
instructed by Edmund, being memorable as the first Christian convert amongst the
Danes in Ireland.
part i. 2 p

154

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

GENEALOGY OE THE DANISH KINGS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Eegnar Lodbrog, slain 850-60.T

Haurda-Knut King of Denmark.y

Ingwar, invaded =?
Northumberlanda.d. 866; died
871.

Ubba, slain Halfdene, succeeded Ingwar =f
in Devon- a.d. 871 ; established him-
shire a.d. self on the Tyne, 875;
871. perished 881-2.

Guthred, advanced ta
the throne a.d. 882 ;
died Aug. 21, 896.

Godfrey, slain by his bro- T
ther Sitric a.d. 887.

Sitric, slain
a.d. 891.

Halfdene, slain
a.d. 911.

Ingwar, slain
a.d. 911.

Eowiles, slain
a.d. 911.

Anlaf, slain
in" battle
a.d. 981.

Godfrey, takes
Dubhn a.d.
924,dies933

Ragnal, invades Waterford
a.d. 915 ; invades North
umberland 923 ; finally
expeUed by Edmund 944.

Sitric Gale, landed in Kildare =?
a.d. 915; slew King Nial
917; King of Northumber
land 925 : died 926.

Anlaf, succeeded his father Albden,
in Dubhn, a.d. 932 ; slain slain a.d.
in Lothian 942. 924.

Guthred, driven from
Northumberland a.d.
927.

Anlaf Cuaran, expeUed a.d. 927;
leads the Danes at the battle of
Brunanburch938; diesin!ona979.

Note on Symeon of Dukham, eeeebked to in page 132 and page 138.
The rehgious establishment to which Symeon belonged was originaUy founded at Jarrow, in 1073,
by Aldwine, its first Prior, under the auspices of Walcher Bishop of Durham, by whose successor,
William de Carilepho, it was removed, ten years afterwards, to the episcopal city, from whence the
secular clergy, who had hitherto ministered in the cathedral, were expeUed, and their place supplied
by the monks. It is probable that Symeon was a resident in Durham previous to this change, and that
he joined the new foundation on its removal thither. He speaks, from his own reooUection, of the
way in which the cathedral service was performed in the time of Bishop Walcher, who was murdered
in 1080, and we may hence infer that he had at aU events attained the age of manhood in 1083.
In one of the copies of his Church History, we are told that the number of monks who entered the
priory at Durham in that year was 30 ; and as Symeon stands the 38th on the hst of monks, com
mencing with Aldwine, we may fairly assume, making aUowance for deaths and removals during the
intervening ten years, that he was one of the thirty who were received into his church by Bishop
William. The date of his birth cannot therefore be placed much later than a.d. 1060.
This date is consistent with the fact, related both by himself, and by an historian of the succeeding
age, Reginald of Coldingham, that he was present at the examination of the remains of St. Cuthbert

DANISH PERIOD. — NOTE ON SYMEON OF DURHAM. 155
ui 1104, and officiated as one of the senior monks on the occasion. Two, indeed, of the seniors whose
names are mentioned by Reginald, appear to have been of inferior standing to Symeon.*
The History of the Church of Durham attributed to Symeon terminates in the year, 1096, nor does
it contain any aUusion to any more recent event than the inspection of the remains of St. Cuthbert in
1104, already referred to. There exists, however, a chronicle, or rather an historical coUection, which
is also ascribed to Symeon, from the rubric prefixed to which it would appear that the author con
tinued his labours tUl the year 1164, at which date he must, if he were also the author ofthe Church
History, have been upwards of 100 years old. Assuming this latter work to have been his produc
tion, and assuming also the correctness of the rubric, Selden, in a very elaborate argument, undertook
to prove, not only that the Church History was not written by Symeon, but that it was actuaUy
written by Prior Turgot, the superior of the monastery. This assumption was effectually disposed of
by Rud, in a dissertation prefixed to Bedford's edition of the Durham History, in which he shews,
that even supposing Symeon to have been the author of the other work, there was no reason on that
account to dispute his claims to the authorship of the Church History ; for although the rubric pre
fixed to the former would lead us to beheve that it is carried down to the year 1164, the work itself
only extends to 1130, at which time, supposing, on the data given above, that Symeon was born in
1060, he would not be more than 70 years of age. The publication of Reginald's Miracles of St.
Cuthbert has proved the correctness of Rud's conclusions beyond the possibility of doubt, whUst the
general accuracy of Symeon' s hst of monks has been established by the publication of the Liber Vita,
in which (p. 44) a similar hst occurs. The chronicle, or coUection, on which Selden founded his argu
ment contains a variety of very miscellaneous matter, comprising a miraculous legend relative to
S. S. Ethehed and Ethelbert, a paraphrase in a very bombastic style of the ancient Northumbrian
chronology from Ida to Ceolwulf, with copious extracts from Beda, Asser, and Malmsbury. Its
principal contents, however, consist, first, of a brief chronicle relating chiefly to Northumbrian events
from the death of Beda, in 735, to the accession of Ethehed King of England, in 957 ; and, secondly,
of a somewhat abreviated transcript of Elorence of Worcester from a.d. 849, with numerous interpo
lations, and a continuation to a.d. 1130.
The first of these may properly be distinguished by the title, bestowed by the rubricator on the
whole compilation, De Gestis Regum Anglorum et Dacorum ; the second may be referred to as the
" Interpolations to Elorence."
I. Gesta Regum Anglorum et Dacorum. Mr. Hardy, in his Preface to the Monumenta Historica,
has adduced strong grounds against assigning the authorship of this Chronicle to Symeon. It is un
doubtedly the work of a much earher age, founded apparently on contemporary annals. The earlier
portion, indeed, is derived in a great measure from the chronology appended to many of the MSS. of
Beda, the three or four first sentences of which were probably penned by the venerable historian him
self, as they occur in aU the best copies, and relate to events which occurred between the close of his
History and his death A gap occurs in the chronology between the years 801 and 888, which has
been supplied by a paraphrase of Asser, evidently by the same hand which had previously operated on
the Chronicle of the early Kings of Northumberland. Erom this date, a few brief particulars are
recorded, under various years, down to a.d. 978.
5 The following is a list of the senior monks present on the occasion. The numerals denote the order in which their
names occur in the roll of the brethren, from their first establishment at Jarrow.

Turgot, the Prior (6)
Aldwin, Sub-Prior (48)
Leofwin (4)
Wiking (17)
Godwin (11)

Osburn (24)
Henry, Archdeacon (32)
William, ditto (35)
Algar (49)
Symeon (38)

156 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The Gesta Regum, though not the work of Symeon, has evidently been in his hands, and has fur
nished him with much of the material for his Church History during the period to which it relates."
Indeed, it is not difficult to trace aU his authorities, from the time where Beda's narrative fails him tiU
the latter end of the tenth century. These are chiefly the httle Chronicle now under consideration,
and the ancient Historia Cuthberti, printed by Twisden, with occasional aid from the Saxon Chronicle.
In several instances, where the same information might have been obtained from the Saxon Chronicle
as from the Gesta Regum, we may still satisfy ourselves that the latter was the authority on which
Symeon relied, from the peculiarity of expression which he has adopted from it.
The foUowing instances of identity of diction wUl be sufficient to show that the coincidence is not
fortuitous : —
1st. Describing the elevation of Egbert Bishop of York to the archiepiscopal dignity, a.d. 735,
the foUowing words are used in the Gesta ; the same are adopted by Simeon : "Primus post Paulinum,
accepto ab apostolica sede pallio, genti Northanhymbrorum in archipiscopatum confirmatus est."
2nd. Speaking ofthe death of Balther of Tyningham, a.d. 756, the words in the Gesta are, " Viam
sanctorum patrum est secutus, migrando ad eum qui se reformavit ad imaginem filii sui." Symeon
adopts the same words, substituting only " ingressus est" for " est secutus."
3rd. In reference to the retirement of King Eadbert to a cloister, we read in the Gesta, " In cleri-
catu dei omnipotentis servitio." Symeon has the same words, transposing only " dei" and " omni-
potentis." 4th. In reference to the destruction of Lindisfarne, a.d. 793, Symeon copies from the Gesta, with
very slight verbal alterations, first, the description of the island and monastery ; secondly, the account
of the prodigies which preceded its destruction ; and lastly, the particulars of the catastrophe.
5th. The account given in the Gesta of the attack, by the Danes, on the monastery at the mouth of
che Don is copied verbatim by Symeon ; but the latter adds the explanation, which was probably un
necessary in the earlier writer, that " Portus Ecgfridi," was a term applied to Jarrow.
If it be objected, that it is possible that the author of the Gesta may have copied from Symeon, and
not Symeon from him, the answer is supphed by Symeon himself, who tells us that he borrows his
description of Lindisfarne from a previous writer. If, indeed, the Gesta had been written by a subse
quent author, with the work of Symeon open before him, it is impossible to doubt that he would have
availed himself of the historical matter which the latter has cuUed from the Historia Cuthberti.
The same consideration is conclusive against the supposition, that Symeon was himself the author
of the Gesta. If this had been so, we cannot doubt that he would have given here, as weU as in his
Church History, a prominent place to the narrative of the elevation of King Guthred, who was raised
from slavery to a throne by the interposition of St. Cuthbert.
Interpolated with our copy of the Gesta, are certain legends relating to the early Bishops of Hexham,
which must have been introduced after the publication of Symeon' s History of the Church of Durham.
The latter enumerates amongst the rehcs which were removed from other places to Durham, the bones,
or a portion of them, of Acca and Alcmund, Bishops of Hexham ; whereas the burden and object of
these legends is to prove, by miraculous evidence, that not a bone of either of these saints had, or
could have, been removed from Hexham ; but that the whole were deposited in the church of the re
cently restored monastery, built on the site of the ancient episcopal fabric. As the priory of Hexham
was not founded till a.d. 1113, these interpolations must have been inserted subsequently to that date,
by which time, no doubt, Symeon's History was well known and widely circulated in the North.
i> The Gesta Regum seems also to have been in the hands of Henry of Huntingdon, and Roger of Wendover, but their
copy must have been fuller than the existing text, as many particulars are given, especially by the latter, which are not
to be met with in our copy. It was probably a perfect copy of this work which is cited by Adam of Bremen, under the
title of Gesta Anglorum. His reference to that work applies to the portion of the ninth century in which the
unfortunate hiatus mentioned above occurs, See above, under the year 896.

DANISH PERIOD. — NOTE ON SYMEON OF DURHAM. 157
II. The Interpolations of Florence of Worcester. — As the Gesta Regum Anglorum was one of the
principal sources from which Symeon drew the materials for his History of Durham, so that History,
in turn, afforded the same assistance to the interpolator of Elorence in the earlier portion of his
labours. Numerous inaccuracies, however, wiU be found in the latter from which Symeon's real
work is altogether free. Inconsistencies between the two narratives may also be detected, of a nature
which renders it impossible to consider both the work of the same author. Eor an examination of
these discrepancies and errors, the reader is referred to the next chapter, where, under the year 1070,
several instances are cited in the text and accompanying note.
The constant reference to original authorities, and comparison of their details, which has been
necessary for this compUation, have convinced the editor that no portion of what is generaUy caUed
the Chronicle of Symeon can have been the work of that author. The earher portion, indeed, to which
the title Gesta Regum has been here confined, may, in conjunction with the ancient Historia Cuthberti,
so often referred to, be fairly entitled the Collectanea of Symeon, in the sense in which that title is
apphed to a portion of the labours of Leland ; but with the interpolated text of Elorence he has no
connection, except in so far as the additions are derived from his Church History.
If this conclusion be a correct one, we are not only relieved from the difficulty of the hypothesis that
Symeon hved and wrote so late as the year 1164, but we cease to have any ground for believing that
he survived so late as 1130; or, indeed, any long time after he assisted in the translation of St.
Cuthbert' s remains, a.d. 1104. If he really hved till 1130, and brought down a Secular History to that
date, how are we to account for his leaving to other hands the continuation of his more elaborate
Ecclesiastical History from a.d. 1096 ? *
The other works ascribed to Symeon are a short History of the Archbishops of York, in the form of
a letter to Hugh, Dean of that church, and a History of Uchtred and the succeeding Earls of North
umberland, to which frequent reference wiU be made in the next chapter.
Of these, the former is of httle value, hut it is authenticated by the name of the author, not merely
in the rubric, but at the commencement of the work itself. The latter contains many details not
elsewhere to be found, except in the pages of the interpolator of Elorence, to which they have been
transferred. A new edition of Symeon of Durham would reflect credit on any of our numerous publishing
societies. If such a work should ever be attempted, the editor would venture to suggest the foUowing
arrangement. I. History of the Church of Durham.
II. Opera Minora, containing the Histories of the Archbishops of York and the Earls of Northum
berland. III. CoUectanea, containing the Historia Cuthberti and the Gesta Regum Anglorum.
TV. Appendix, containing — 1st. The Interpolations of Elorence, with the Continuation, omitting the
repetition of Florence's own text, of which we already possess an exceUent edition. 2ndly. The Le
gend of Ethehed and Ethelbert, which, although of little value, have been associated with the Gesta
Regum from an early period.
The extracts from Beda, with the bombastic paraphrases of the Northumbrian Chronology and
of Asser, should be altogether omitted.
' Although the records of his favourite church are silent as to the year of Symeon's death, we learn from an ancient
obituary, published by the Surtees Society in the Appendix to the Liber Vita, that his obit was annually celebrated on
the 14th of October.

PART I.

2Q

158

CHAPTEE Y.
THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM.
In comparing the local nomenclature of Northumberland, north of the Tyne,
with that of Yorkshire and other counties, which were occupied by the Danes,
we cannot fail to be struck with the relative paucity of names of Scandinavian
origin in the former district. Nor is this inconsistent with the history of the
Danish conquests and settlements in the North, as detailed in the last chapter ;
for whilst Yorkshire was parcelled out amongst the invaders, and adopted as their
home, modern Northumberland was left in a great measure in the hands of its
Anglo-Saxon inhabitants, who were even permitted to hve under rulers of their
own race, in subordination to the Danish kings.
Of these chieftains, who held their petty court at Bamburgh, under the title of
Kings, Dukes, or Earls, we have nearly a complete hst, which it may be conve
nient to recapitulate here, as judging from the recurrence of the same family
names, they appear to have been the progenitors of the Earls of Northumberland,
whose history must now engage our attention.
A.D. A.D.
867 . . 872 Egbert reigned over the Northumbrians, north of the Tyne, " sub dominio Dacorum."
873 . . 876 Ricsig died during Halfdene's occupation of Northumberland.
876 . . — Egbert II. was stiU on the throne on the accession of Guthred in 883.
— . . 912 Eadulf, Duke of Bamburgh. His death is recorded by Ethelward.
912 . . — Aldred, son of Eadulf, submits to Edward in 924, to Athelstan in 926 ; defeated, with
his brother Uchtred, by Eagnal, at the battle of Tynemoor or Corbridge.
— . . 954 Osulf betrayed King Eyrie.
Osulf seems to have been already in possession of the Earldom of Bamburgh
at the time of his treachery, as be is then designated Bari Osulf by the only
writer who makes any reference to his connection with the deposition of Eyrie.
He was rewarded by Eadred with the Earldom of Yorkshire, his government
being thus extended over all that remained of the ancient kingdom of Northum-

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 159
berland. Henceforth the northern earldom, of which Bamburgh was the capital,
and to which the name of Northumberland was afterwards hmited, appears to have
descended in his family, as he himself probably enjoyed it, by inheritance ; whilst
the government of Yorkshire was bestowed at pleasure by the Saxon and Danish
monarchs of England. He was himself deprived of the latter before his death,
by Edgar, the nephew and successor of Eadred, but continued to retain North
umberland. Osulf was succeeded in Yorkshire by Oslac, who in turn was banished in 975.
His reverse of fortune is deplored in a wild poem preserved in the Saxon Chronicle
under that year.
In the same year Eadulf was seated at Bamburgh as the successor of Osulf in
the northern earldom. Dp to this period Lothian, with the exception of Edin
burgh, which had been ceded by Eadred to Malcolm King of Scotland, twenty
years previously, continued to form a portion of Northumberland. In the year
975, however, as we learn from "Wendover,
" Bishop Alfsey and Earl Eadulf conducted Kenneth King of Scotland to King Edgar,
who made him many presents of his royal bounty. He gave him, moreover, the whole
district, called Laudian in the native tongue, on this condition, that every year on certain
festivals, when the king and his successors wore the crown, he should come to court and
celebrate the festival with the other nobles. The king gave him besides, many mansions on
the road, that he and his successors might find entertainment in going and returning ; and
these houses continued to belong to the kings of Scotland until the time of Henry II."
Towards the close of his career, Eadulf became feeble and inactive, content to
provide for his own safety within the walls of his stronghold at Bamburgh. Here
he was blockaded by a hostile army, and his territory to the south left open to
invaders from any quarter. Of these circumstances the Scots were ready to avail
themselves, and a large force, assembled under the command of Malcolm, the son
of Kenneth McAlpin, laid siege to Durham. The date assigned by Symeon to
this invasion, in the only existing MS.a (a.d. 969), is obviously corrupt, coupled
as it is with the reign of Ethelred and the episcopacy of Aldune, and equally
inconsistent with the era of Malcolm and Eadulf. The concurrence of these
a The particulars here cited are found in a little tract which occurs amongst the works of Symeon of
Durham, entitled, " De obsessione Dunelmi, et de probitate Uchtredi Comitis, et de Comitibus qui ei
successerunt." Erom hence the narrative has been transferred to the chronicle erroneously assigned to
Symeon, which is based on Elorence of Worcester's history.

160 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
names not only points out the error, but enables us to rectify it with a tolerable
approximation to accuracy, placing the occurrence about a quarter of a century
later. The Saxon Chronicle fixes the precise year, not indeed noticing the siege
of Durham, but assigning the blockade of Bamburgh, out of which the other
arose, to the year 993. In that year Eadulf was an old man, and his son
Uchtred in his prime ; Aldune had presided over the migratory church of St.
Cuthbert about two years ; and Ethelred had been King of England fourteen.
Malcolm did not indeed attain the crown of Scotland till ten years later ; but his
father Kenneth was then on the throne, and he was himself King of Cumberland,
and as the immediate heir to his father, the natural leader of the Scottish forces.
Eeverting to the Saxon Chronicle, we find that the assault on Bamburgh pro
ceeded not from the Scots, but from the Danes, that ultimately " the castle was
taken by storm, and much booty with it." Whether Eadulf perished in its fall
we are not informed ; but he was stdl ahve, and his fortress untaken, at the
time when Symeon describes the march of the Scottish army to Durham. Under
these circumstances, Uchtred, taking upon himself the duty which his father was
unable to perform, assembled the strength, not only of Northumberland, but of
Yorkshire, and attacking the Scots, defeated them with immense slaughter, then-
leader escaping with a small band of fugitives. Eor this service Dctred was re
warded by Ethehed, not only with bis father's earldom of Northumberland, but
with Yorkshire also. At a later period, when he had advanced more and more in
military renown, the same king gave him his daughter Elfgiva in marriage ; but
this must have been some years afterwards, for Ethehed himself at the time of
the defeat of the Scottish army at Durham, was but twenty-five years old, hav
ing succeeded to the throne at the early age of eleven. This was Dchtred's third
marriage. His first wife was Ecgfrida, the daughter of Bishop Aldune, with
whom he received six manors belonging to the church, which the Bishop thought
himself justified in bestowing as a dowry on his child. His second wife was the
daughter of a wealthy citizen, Styr, the son of Ulf, who only consented to the
marriage on condition that the suitor should first rid him of his most hated
enemy, called Turebrand. This stipulation was fulfilled, and the damsel, by
name Sigen, was bestowed on him. He had previously repudiated the Bishop's
daughter, returning to her father the dowry he had received with her. She was
married a second time to a Yorkshire Thane, Kilvert, the son of Liulf, by whom
she had an only daughter, Sigrida, when she was again divorced, and afterwards,

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 161
by her father's command, took the veil, rinding in a cloister the repose which she
had twice in vain sought in wedlock. On the close of her chequered life, her
remains were laid in the cemetery at Durham.
During the usurpation of Sweyn, a.d. 1013, when Ethelred himself abandoned
his kingdom and fled to Normandy, " Dchtred the Earl and all the Northumbrians"
were compelled to submit to the conqueror ; but on his death, six months after
wards, none were more ready to welcome the return of their native sovereign.
But a short interval of repose was, however, allowed either to the King or his
people, as the success of Sweyn was vigorously foUowed up by his son Cnut, the
result of whose invasion, so far as regards Northumberland, is thus stated in the
Saxon Chronicle, under the year 1016 : —
" Then rode the Etheling Edmund into Northumberland to Uchtred the Earl, and every
man thought they would assemble forces against King Cnut. They marched into Stafford
shire and into Shropshire, and to Chester ; and they plundered on their part and Cnut on
his part. He went through Buckinghamshire into Bedfordshire, and so into Northampton
shire, and through the fens to Stamford ; and then into Lincolnshire, and thence into
Nottinghamshire, and so to Northumberland towards York. When Uchtred heard
this he left off plundering, and hastened northwards, and submitted from need, and aU the
Northumbrians with him ; and he delivered hostages ; but notwithstanding this, they slew
him, through the counsel of Eadric the Ealderman, and Thurcytel the son of Nafena, with him.
Symeon says he was slain by Turebrand the Hold, probably a son of that Ture-
brand who was slain by Uchtred, at the instance of his father-in-law Styr. He
further tells us that the Earl refused to submit to Cnut whilst Ethelred lived,
declaring that he should be the basest of men, if he deserted his benefactor, his
king, and his father-in-law ; but that after his death he tendered his submission,
and received a safe conduct to come to the Danish King to arrange an accommo
dation. Presenting himself on the appointed day, he was treacherously slain by
Turebrand in the royal presence, with forty of his chief officers, at a place called
Wihael. He left issue by each of his three marriages. By Ecgfrida he had a
son Aldred. By Sigen he had two sons, Eadulf and Gospatric, the former of whom
married Sigfrida, the daughter of the repudiated Ecgfrida by her second husband
Kilvert. By Elfgiva he had a daughter Aldgitha, who was married to Maldred,
son of Crinan the Thane. These particulars are all derived from Symeon, and
will be found, with many other genealogical details from the same source, exhibited
with great perspicuity in a tabular pedigree compiled by Mr, Hodgson, and
inserted in his History, Part II., vol. iii., page 12.
part I. 2 R

162 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
All our historians concur in assigning the death of Uchtred to the year 1016.
Cnut appointed as his successor Yrio, a countryman of his own, but his authority
certainly did not extend to the northern earldom, which was enjoyed by Eadulf
Cudel, the brother of Uchtred.
The late Earl, amongst his other exploits, seems to have wrested Lothian, which
had been given up in his father's time, out of the hands of the Scots, and Eadulf
Cudel is represented as indolent and cowardly, because he suffered them to regain
possession of it ; but it must be borne in mind that he did not, hke his brother,
wield the resources of both earldoms, nor could he hope for assistance from the
Anglo-Danish monarch, against whom, on the contrary, he maintained himself
with difficulty in his northern citadel. Neither did he yield Lothian without an
attempt to maintain it by arms, but after one of the most disastrous defeats that
is recorded in history. Symeon, in his Church History, gives an account of this
battle, fought at Carham on the Tweed, a.d. 1018. A levy had been made of the
whole population between the Tees and the Tweed, capable of bearing arms. Of
these by far the greater part perished in the conflict with the Scots, including
especiaUy the older men, whose services on ordinary occasions would have been
dispensed with. So overwhelming was the calamity, that the venerable Bishop
Aldune died of grief, and Eadulf seems to have had no alternative but to agree
to any terms which were offered to him. If blame is justly to be attributed to
him, it must be for his conduct during the engagement, or previously, of which we
know nothing. The author of the additions to Florence, erroneously ascribed to
Symeon, whilst he adopts the date of the battle mentioned in the Church History,
represents Uchtred, and not Eadulf, as the leader of the English, although he must
have read in the author whom he interpolates, that Uchtred had been two years
in his grave. From this period the Tweed became the recognized limit between
the eastern marches of England and Scotland. On tbe western side the little
state of Cumberland, extending from the Clyde to the Dudden, was still inter
posed between the two larger kingdoms, by which is was destined ultimately to
be absorbed in unequal portions.
During the reign of Ethehed, and whilst Uchtred held the two earldoms of
Northumberland, we have one brief notice respecting it ; and that, like most of
those which have preceded it, is written in letters of blood. In the year 1000,
we are told, " the King went into Cumberland, and ravaged it well nigh all."
To this Huntingdon adds, " There was the chief resort of the Danes, whom he

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 163
vanquished in a great battle." It was not, then, as has been supposed, a wanton
aggression on the inoffensive Cumbrians, but a measure of self-defence against the
most implacable enemies who ever infested the shores of England. If Ethelred
had shown on other occasions the same energy and promptitude that he displayed
on this, it is possible that the disastrous conclusion of his life and reign might
have been averted. Fordun, it must be stated, gives a different version, but he is
unsupported by any other authority. He tells us that the Cumbrians, excited the
animosity of Ethehed by refusing to contribute to the fund collected for the inglo
rious object of purchasing the forbearance of the Danes. We know that about this
period such an unworthy expedient was resorted to, and on this fact Fordun has
founded his superstructure, so flattering to the indigenous inhabitants of the province.
Eadulf Cudel did not long hold the earldom ; but was succeeded on his death
by his nephew Aldred, the son of Uchtred by Ecgfrida the daughter of Bishop
Aldune. This new Earl avenged his father's death by the slaughter of Ture
brand the Hold, faUing himself, a short time afterwards, by the hand of Carl, the
son of his victim ; nor did the series of homicides terminate even here, but was
sweUed, at a later period, by the massacre of the sons of Carl by Waltheof, the
grandson of Aldred, who, though but a cbild at the time of the murder, cherished
the bloody sphit of revenge tiU he arrived at manhood, and attained the earldom.
Uchtred, as we have seen, had himself no feud with the elder Turebrand, but slew
him to propitiate his father-in-law, Styr the son of Ulf. His own life, by a retri
bution of which he at least had no reason to complain, fell a sacrifice to Ture
brand the Hold, who, again, was slaiD by Aldred. The death of the latter by the
sword of Carl is the fourth act in this dismal tragedy, to which the wholesale
butchery ofthe sons of Carl formed a fitting sequel.
The death of Aldred was accomplished by the most refined treachery on the
part of Carl. For some time neither party disguised his enmity, but each openly
sought the hfe of the other ; then a reconciliation, brought about by the interposi
tion of friends, was succeeded by a close apparent intimacy. To cement the
amicable relations thus ostensibly formed, the two parties agreed to make a joint
pilgrimage to Eome, but the execution of their project was delayed by unfavour
able weather. In the meantime, Earl Aldred was sumptuously entertained by
Carl at his own mansion, and being decoyed thence into a wood called Eisewood,
was there barbarously murdered. The place of his death was marked long after
wards by a stone cross erected on the spot.

164 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
He was succeeded by his half-brother Eadulf, who is remembered chiefly for the
atrocities which he committed in his incursions on the territory of the Britons.
He held his earldom three years, during which he seems to have maintained, like
his two immediate predecessors, a precarious independence, unrecognized, but un
molested by the Anglo-Danish kings. At length, in 1041, he made offers of
submission to Hardicnut, which were favourably received, and a meeting ap
pointed. "In this year," says the Saxon Chronicle, "Harthacnut betrayed
Eadulf the Earl whilst under his protection, and he became then a belier of his
word." Symeon attributes his murder to Si ward, who already held the southern
earldom, and coveted the possession of the northern province. Yric, who had
been made Earl on the death of Uchtred, was afterwards banished by his patron
Cnut, with whom Malmsbury says he wished to place himself on a footing of
equality. Wendover gives the date of his expulsion a.d. 1021. Whether Siward
was his immediate successor is uncertain, the first notice of this Earl in any
authentic history being in connection with the death of Eadulf ; after which his
name frequently occurs. He had an adverse claim to the northern earldom in
right of his wife Elfleda, the daughter of Aldred, the elder brother and prede
cessor of Eadulf. This lady, moreover, claimed as her own the manors which her
mother Sigfrida inherited, and which were given, as before stated, by Bishop
Aldune to his daughter Ecgfrida, the mother of Sigfrida, and grandmother of
Elfleda, and these were appropriated by her husband to her separate use.
The foUowing table wUl illustrate the succession of the Earls of Bamburgh or
Northumberland, and of Yorkshire, from Oslac to Siward.
A.D. 954 Oslaf  in Northumberland. — The same in Yorkshire.
959  — Oslac in the place of Osulf.
975 Eadulf  in Northumberland. — Oslac expeUed; his successor unknown.
993 Uchtred  in Northumberland. — The same in Yorkshire.
1016 Eadulf Cudel. .in Northumberland. — Yric in Yorkshire.
1021 Aldred  in Northumberland — Yric expeUed; successor uncertain.
1038 Eadulf  in Northumberland. — Siward in Yorkshire.
1041 Siward  in Northumberland. — The same in Yorkshire.
The name of Siward, immortalized by Shakespear in the tragedy of Macbeth
was from an early period invested with a peculiar interest from the marveUous
traditions which were associated with it. Huntingdon describes him as " a giant
in stature, whose vigour of mind was equal to his bodily strength ;" and Brompton

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 165
has a story of his descent from a Danish princess, whose paramour was a bear. His
father, the son of this lady, although in other respects shaped in human form,
was adorned, in token of his origin, with a pair of shaggy bear's ears. We do not
learn, however, that this characteristic descended to Siward, who was no monster,
but a noble specimen of humanity.b His celebrated expedition into Scotland is
thus narrated in the Saxon Chronicle, under the year 1054.
" This year went Siward the Earl with a great army into Scotland, both with a shipforce •
and with a land-force, and fought against the Scots, and put to flight King Macbeth, and
slew ah the chief men in the land, and carried thence much booty, such as no man before
had obtained. But his son Osbarn, and his sister's son Siward, and some of his hus-carls,
and also of the king's, were there slain on the day of the Seven Sleepers."
Huntingdon speaks of two expeditions ; the first, which was unsuccessful, being
b The foUowing particulars, founded also on the authority of Brompton, are given in the words of
Dugdale, whose quaint style is better suited to the romantic incidents he detaUs, than the language of
a modern translation. " This stout Earl Berne. had issue a son named Siward, who, after quitting his
paternal inheritance in Denmark, took shipping, and, with fifty of his retinue, arrived in the island
called Orchades, where meeting with a fierce dragon, he conquered him in single combat, and forced
him to flee the land. Having so done, he put to sea again, and landed in Northumberland to seek
another dragon ; where walking in a wood, he met with a reverend old man, who told him that he
sought that dragon which he could not find; but, said he, get you to your ship again, and saU
southwards to the mouth of the river Thames, which will bring you to the wealthy city of London.
And so parting with him, gave him a standard caUed Ravelandeys, which signifieth, The Raven of
Earthly Terror. Who thereupon, coming safely to London, was nobly received by King Edward the
Confessor, with promise of no small honour, if he would stay with him. Whereunto Siward
consenting, after thanks given to the king, departed the court ; but meeting with Tosti, Earl of Hun
tingdon, upon a certain bridge, was by him most unworthily affronted, by soiling with dirt; yet
Siward, though he took that usage very disdainfully, did not then lift up his hand against him ; but
upon his return (meeting him in the same place), he cut of Tosti's head, and carried it to the king,
who hearing the truth of that passage, gave unto Siward the Earldom of Huntingdon, which Tosti
had possessed.
" Not long after this, the kingdom being much infested by the Danes, the great men of the land,
consulting with the king, did advise, that the little DevU should be first exposed to the great Devil,
meaning that this Earl Siward should be placed upon that part of England, which was most like to be
invaded by the Danes. Whereupon the king committed to his charge the counties of Westmorland,
Cumberland, and Northumberland ; under which title of Northumberland he had the administration of
that earldom from Humber to Tweed."
The above is interesting, as perpetuating an early popular legend, but as material for genuine history,
we can no more receive the story of the decapitation of Tosti, than the tale of the slaughter of the
dragon. Neither is there any ground for believing that either Cumberland or Westmorland were
included in Siward' s earldom. A similar legend is preserved in the ancient Life of Waltheof, printed
by the Caxton Society, with some additional matter, and some slight variation in the details.
PART I, 2 S

166 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
led by Siward's son, who was slain, the second by himself. He has also preserved
the memorable words of the old warrior on being informed of his loss : " Was his
death-wound before or behind ?'' " Before." " Then I am more than satisfied ;
no other death was fitting either for him or for me."
The foUowing year, " died Siward the Earl at York, and he hes at Galmaho,
in the minster which he himself caused to be bunt, and haUowed in God's name
and St. Olave's.0 Hundingdon adds —
" Perceiving that his end was approaching, he exclaimed, ' Shame on me that I did not
die in one of the many battles I have fought, but am reserved to die with disgrace the
death of a sick cow ! Put on my armour, gird my sword by my side, place my helmet on
my head, my shield in my left hand, and my battle-axe in my right, that at least I may die in
a soldier's harness.' So saying, and being armed according to his wish, he gave up the ghost."
Both earldoms were now bestowed by Edward the Confessor on Tosti, the son
of Earl Godwin, not only to the prejudice of Waltheof, the son of Siward, but of
the numerous male descendants of the ancient lords of Bamburgh. Under Tosti,
the government was administered by Copsi, or Coxo, a Yorkshire Thane, whose
name is perpetuated in that of the village of Coxwold, in the North Eiding,
around which his possessions in the time of King Edward are recorded in Dooms
day-book. The same venerable document enumerates the immense possessions of
Earl Tosti in Amounderness and Furness. These were probably the lands which
were wrested from the Britons, who were long the possessors of that portion of
ancient Northumbria, by his predecessor Earl Eadulf, whose atrocities in that
quarter have been already noticed. Tosti and his wife Judith, the sister of Bald
win Earl of Flanders, as weU as Copsi, are commemorated by Symeon as liberal
benefactors of the church of Durham. The Saxon Chronicle and Florence inform
us, that Tosti and Judith made a pUgrimage to Eome in the year 1061. They
were accompanied by Aldred Archbishop of York, who received his pall from
Pope Nicholas. The Chronicle further states that the Earl and Bishop suffered
many hardships on their return. To these particulars the author of the Interpo
lations of Florence attributed to Symeon, makes the foUowing addition, which is
copied by the Melrose Annals, Hoveden, and Gaimar, but unsanctioned by any
independent authority : " Meanwhile Malcolm King of Scots furiously ravaged
0 The church of St. Olave hes immediately adjacent to the grounds of the abbey of St. Mary at
York.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 167
the earldom of his sworn brother Tosti, and violated the peace of St. Cuthbert in
the island of Lindisfarne." The government of Tosti was httle acceptable to the
Northumbrian nobles, who were treated with great rigour, and restricted in the
exercise of the liberties which they had immemorially enjoyed, and which had
been confirmed to them by the laws of Cnut. For ten years they submitted to
his exactions, but at length they resolved to redress their own wrongs. The de
tails of their' proceedings are given more fuUy by Florence of Worcester than by
any of our other historians, whilst in all essential particulars he is corroborated by
the narrative in the Saxon Chronicle.
Soon after the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, on Monday the 3rd of October, 1065,
the Northumbrian thanes, Gamelbearn, Dunston son of Athelneth, and Glonicorn son of
Heardulf, entered York with two hundred soldiers, to avenge the murder of the noble
Northumbrian thane, Gospatric, who was treacherously killed by order of Queen Edgitha,
at the King's court, on the fourth night of Christmas, for the sake of her brother Tosti ;
as also the murder of the thanes Gamel the son of Orm, and Ulf the son of Dolfin, whom
Earl Tosti had perfidiously caused to be assassinated in his own chamber at York, the year
before, although there was peace between them. The insurgent thanes were also aggrieved
by the enormous taxes which Tosti unjustly levied through the whole of Northumberland.
On the day therefore of their arrival, they first seized his Danish hus- carls, Amund and
Ravenswart, as they were making their escape, and put them to death without the waUs ;
and the next day they slew more than two hundred of his attendants on the north side of
the Humber. They also broke open his treasury, and carried off all that belonged to him.
After that, nearly all the men of his earldom assembled in a body, and going to Northamp
ton, met Harold Earl of Wessex, and others, whom the King, at Tosti's request, had sent to
make peace between them. There first, and afterwards at Oxford on the feast of St. Simon
and St. Jude, when Earl Harold and the rest again endeavoured to restore peace between
them and Earl Tosti, they unanimously rejected the proposal, and declared him outlawed,
and all who had prompted him to enact his oppressive laws. And after the feast of All
Saints, with the assistance of Earl Edwin, they banished Tosti from England."
The Saxon Chronicle says, that after the proceedings at York detaUed above —
" All the thanes in Yorkshire and in Northumberland sent after Morcar son of Earl
Algar, and chose him for their Earl, and he went south with all the shire, and with Not
tinghamshire and Derbyshire and Lincolnshire, to Northampton, and his brother Edwin
came to meet him with the men of his earldom, and many Britons also came with him.
There came Harold the Earl to meet them, and they laid an errand upon him to King
Edward, and also sent messengers with him, and begged that they might have Morcar for
theii Earl ; and the King assented.

168 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Malmsbury asserts that Tosti himself was in the power of the insurgent thanes ;
but that, respecting his rank, they suffered him to escape, contenting themselves
with putting to death the advisers and instruments of his oppression. " Gospatric,
the noble Northumbrian Thane," whose murder was the primary cause of the in
surrection, appears by the genealogical detaUs supplied by Symeon to have been
the son of Uchtred and brother of Eadulf the late Earl.
Tosti rethed with his countess to the court of his brother-in-law, the Earl of
Flanders, brooding on the injuries he had sustained, and planning schemes of
vengeance against his brother Harold, whom he suspected to have been no unwd-
ling agent of his degradation and the advancement of Edwin, whose sister Harold
had married.
In the meantime a great change was brought about by the death of King
Edward and the elevation of Harold to the throne, but Tosti' s feehngs remained
unaltered. The death indeed of the late King rather tended to remove a restraint
to which he was previously subject, and left him at full liberty to shape his own
course. Collecting a fleet of sixty ships, he sailed for the Humber, determined,
apparently, to dispute on his own account his brother's accession to the throne.
His reception, however, was anything but encouraging. No demonstration was
made in his favour by the people whom he had lately governed ; and on the ap
pearance of Earl Edwin with a large force to oppose his landing, he was deserted
by the greater part of his fleet. Sailing with only twelve ships to Scotland, he fell
in with Harold King of Norway, with a fleet of three hundred sail. Baffled in his
own views, he did not hesitate to offer his services to the Norwegian, pledging
himself to forward to the utmost of his power his pretensions to the crown of
England.* Success at first attended their joint efforts. Entering the Humber,
they saUed to York, where they engaged and defeated the forces brought against
them by Edwin and Morcar ; but then triumph was of short duration, for Harold
d Gaimar represents Copsi to have taken part in this expedition, having joined Tosti with 17 ships.
Ordericus gives a somewhat different account of Tosti's proceedings. He represents him to have left
his wife with her brother Baldwin Earl of Flanders, but to have proceeded himself to the court of
Wilham of Normandy, whom he encouraged to asBert his pretensions to the crown of England. On
the death of King Edward, he adds, he saued to England in concert with William, and in aid of his
cause, but faUed in effecting a landing. Baffled by the vigUance of Harold's fleet, he altered his course,
and made for Norway, where he sought out the King, and incited him to the invasion, transferring to
him the fealty which he had previously sworn to William, but from which he considered himself
absolved by the ill-success of his first attempt to serye him.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 169
himself, informed of their descent, came upon them unawares with a large army.
An engagement took place at Stamford Bridge, which terminated in the complete
defeat of the invaders, and Tosti and the King of Norway were both numbered
with the slain.
It is foreign to our purpose to trace the movements of Harold from Stamford
Bridge to Hastings, or to record his defeat and death. Neither Edwin nor Mor
car were present at the decisive battle, which transferred the crown of England
to a new dynasty, and their absence has been attributed to interested considera
tions. They are also accused by Malmsbury of endeavouring to turn the death of
Harold to their own advantage, by sohciting the citizens of London to advance
one or other of them to the throne, and thus preventing a general union in sup
port of the claims of Edgar Atheling, by supporting whom they might yet have
retrieved the fortunes of England, and successfully opposed the invader. This
plausible story has been very generally received as authentic, but it is, neverthe
less, opposed to the testimony of all our most trustworthy historians.
The Saxon Chronicle, after a brief notice of the battle of Hastings and the. death
of Harold, goes on to say, " Then Archbishop Aldred and the citizens of London
would have Edgar Atheling for king, as was his true natural right : and Edwin
and Morcar vowed to him that they would fight together for him." The language
of Florence is equaUy precise, and Ordericus Vitahs has a statement to the same
effect, except that he substitutes the name of Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury,
for that of Aldred of York. He mentions also the absence of Edwin and Morcar
at Hastings, but imphes no censure on that account, Malmsbury further alleges
that the two brothers, disappointed in their selfish designs, retired into Northum
berland, under the impression that WUham would never foUow them there. This
statement is as unfounded as the rest. They remained, on the contrary, in Lon
don, with Edgar and the two Archbishops, untU, disappointed in the co-operation
which they anticipated, and alarmed by the approach of WiUiam with his conquer
ing army, they were compelled to abandon all ideas of resistance, and to tender to
him their submission and allegiance. " They submitted," says our trusty guide,
the Saxon Chronicle, " for need, when the most harm was done ; and it was very
unwise, that they had not done so before." An interview took place at Berk-
hampstead, where Wilham received the deputation with fair words, " promising
that he would be a loving lord to them." He was not, however, so rash as to
continue the two Earls in their governments, or to suffer them to return to the
part i. 2 T

170 HISOTRY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
North, but, under the guise of courtesy, he detained them about his own person.
These great events were crowded into a very short interval. The battle of
Hastings was fought on the 14th of October, 1066, and WUham was crowned on
the foUowing Christmas-day. In the meantime, amongst others who came to him
to tender their services, was Copsi, who had acted as the heutenant of Earl Tosti
during his ten years' government of Northumberland, and who is described by
Ordericus as " a nobleman of singular courage and prudence." During the brief
rule of Earl Morcar, Copsi had been deprived of his authority, the Earl perform
ing in person the duties of his office in Yorkshire, whUst he gave up the govern
ment of Northumberland to the representative of its hereditary chieftains, Osulf,
the son of the late Earl Eadulf, the predecessor of Siward.
The arrival of Copsi was singularly opportune, for the King was contemplating
a visit to his continental dominions, and had no leisure to undertake in person an
expedition against the yet unconquered northern district. Accepting with avidity
the proffered services of the late lieutenant of Northumberland, he committed to
him the government of that province, trusting to his experience and local connec
tion to overcome the difficulties of reconcUing a high-spirited and turbulent
people to his sway.
Copsi entered on his government early in February, and during Lent the King
crossed over to Normandy.
" Earl Copsi," says Ordericus, " one of the most distinguished of the Enghsh nobles, both
for birth and power, and still more for his prudence and integrity, faithfully adhered to
King Wilham, and zealously espoused his cause. His followers, however, were very far
from pursuing the same course, being determined supporters and friends of the malcontents.
These, therefore, assailed him in every way, with prayers, threats, and protestations, to
induce him to desert the party of the foreigners, and to second the views of the chiefs of
his own race and nation. Finding his mind too firmly fixed in the right course, to be
diverted from its purpose, the people of the neighbouring country rose against him, and he
was treacherously slain as the reward of his fidelity."
To this statement of Ordericus, which is taken throughout from the Chronicle
of WUham of Poitiers, a contemporary writer, the foUowing particulars are added
from Symeon : —
" Osulf being driven from his earldom by Copsi, was reduced to the utmost extremity of
penury and famine, and constrained to conceal himself in the woods and mountains. At
length, having collected a band of associates as desperate as himself, he issued from his

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 171
hiding-place and surrounded Copsi, who was partaking of a banquet at Newburn. Thus
surprised, he fled for refuge to the church, but was quickly dislodged by firing the building.
Bushing to the porch, as soon as he shewed himself, his head was severed from his body by
the hands of Osulf, on the 12th of March, in the fifth week of his government. Osulf
himself perished in the autumn of the same year, having transfixed himself with the spear
of a robber, against whom he rushed with incautious precipitancy."
The wild patriotism of Osulf was perhaps after all as worthy of commendation
as the servUe fidelity of Copsi to an alien sovereign, but the eulogiums of historians
have been all reserved for the latter.
These circumstances had probably some influence in hastening the return of the
King, who arrived most unexpectedly at Winchelsea, having crossed the channel
during the night. He kept the feast of Christmas in London, treating the
English bishops and nobles with great courtesy. Amongst those who waited on
him was Gospatric, who purchased from him for a large sum of money the earl
dom of Northumberland, to which he had weU founded hereditary claims, being
descended in the female line, from the great Earl Uchtred, by his third wife
Elfgiva, the daughter of King Ethelred. The issue of this marriage was an only
daughter Aldgitha, who married Maldred son of Criman the Thane, and became
the mother of Gospatric.
On his recent visit to Normandy, the King, "by a courteous policy," as it is
aptly termed by the Norman chronicler, took with him, "in honourable attend-
andance,'' Archbishop Stigand, Edgar Atheling, the Earls Edwin and Morcar,
Waltheof Earl of Huntingdon, the son of Siward, and several others, " thus prevent
ing these great lords from plotting a change during his absence, and rendering the
people powerless in the absence of then- chiefs." It was a policy, however, that
the nobles determined should not be repeated ; and accordingly in the following
year, a.d. 1061, Edwin and Morcar broke into open rebellion.
After their former submission, Wilham sought to conciliate them by the pro
mise of the hand of his daughter in marriage to Earl Edwin ; but the aUiance
was so distasteful to the Normans, that he was induced to retract his word. This
affront was keenly felt, not merely by the party immediately concerned and his
fanhly, but by the whole Enghsh nation, who were thus branded by their con
querors as an inferior people, not only in political power, but in social station.
The family insulted was the most illustrious amongst them, having enjoyed for
several generations the earldom of Mercia, to which, in Morcar's case, had been

172 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
added the dignity and power of the earldom of Northumberland. Nor were their
secular honours aU that endeared them to the people : the piety of their ances
tors, and their munificent endowment of religious houses, was remembered with
yet warmer veneration.6
Besides the immense personal and hereditary influence of the two brothers in
England, they were allied to the royal family of Wales by the closest ties, their
only sister Edith or Aldith/ the widow of King Harold, having been previously
the wife of Griffith, king of that country, over which his son Blethyn now reigned.
" At the time when the Normans had thus crushed the Enghsh, and were overwhelming
them with intolerable oppressions, Blethyn came to the aid of his uncles, at the head of a
large body of Welsh. A councd was now held of the chiefs of both people, at which universal
complaints were made of the outrages and tyranny to which the Enghsh were exposed
from the Normans and their adherents ; and messengers were despatched to all parts of
Britain, to rouse the natives against their enemies. All joined in a firm league and bold
conspiracy for the recovery of their ancient liberties, and the rebellion broke out with great
violence in the provinces beyond the Humber. The insurgents fortified themselves in the
woods and marshes, and near the estuaries of the tidal rivers, and some also in the towns.
York was in a state of the utmost excitement, which the Archbishop in vain attempted to
allay. Many of the citizens hved in tents, disdaining the shelter of houses, as tending to
enervate them, and these were stigmatised by the Normans as savages."
WiUiam displayed in the emergency those wonderful resources of pohcy which
distinguished his career, whenever occasion caUed them forth. Instead of opposing
his troops to the vastly superior numbers which were arrayed against them, he
contented himself with ensuring his position by the erection of castles at War-
* Edwin and Morcar were the sons of Earl Algar, and grandsons of Leofric and Godiva, the munifi^
cent founders of the stately monastery of Coventry. The father of Leofric was Leofwine, also Earl of
Mercia, descended from Leofric, Earl of Chester in the reign of King Ethelbald. Ordericus describes
Edwin and Morcar as "youths of great promise," and adds, " they were zealous in the worship of
God, and friendly towards aU good men. They were eminently handsome, their relations were
numerous and of the highest rank, their estates vast, their power immense and their popularity unri
valled. The clergy and monks offered continual prayers on their behalf, which were seconded by the
gratitude and good wishes of the poor."
1 In the History of Croyland attributed to Ingulf, Lucia Countess of Chester is represented as another
daughter of Algar, but Ordericus distinctly informs us that Edith was an only daughter. Further, we
are told in the Croyland History that Lucia succeeded to the immense estates of her brothers Edwin
and Morcar. Ordericus, on the other hand, says that they were distributed by WiUiam amongst a multi
tude of his followers, and this statement is corroborated by Doomsday.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM.

173

wick, Nottingham, Lincoln, Huntingdon, and Cambridge, leaving the northern
district in the indisputed possession of the insurgents, until he found means, by
insidious diplomacy, of breaking up the confederacy of his opponents. In Egelwin
Bishop of Durham, he found a ready instrument. This prelate had joined the
conspiracy, but seeing an opportunity of securing the royal pardon, he not only
deserted his associates, but persuaded Malcolm King of Scotland, who had agreed
to support the insurgents, to withhold his aid. ArchiU also, who is described
as the most powerful of the Northumbrian nobles, sought the King's favour,
giving up his son as a hostage for his future fidelity. The citizens of York were
seized with a panic, and made a hasty submission, delivering up the keys of the
city to the King, and offering him hostages. " Edwin and Morcar themselves,
also, considering the doubtful issue of the contest, and not unwisely preferring
peace to war, sought the King's grace, which, in appearance at least, was con
ceded to them.'' The detaUs of this rebellion are given only by the Norman
chronicler, Ordericus Yitahs, but our own historians relate the retreat into Scot
land of several distinguished persons, who seem to have been compromised in it.
Amongst these were Edgar Atheling, Merlesweyne, Gospatric the newly appointed
Earl, and " aU the best men of Northumberland." Edgar Atheling was accom
panied by his mother Agatha, and his two sisters Margaret and Christina.
" Now it was," says the Saxon Chronicle, " that Malcolm desired to have Margaret to
wife, but Edgar and all his men refused for a long time, and she herself was also unwd-
ling, desiring to serve God only ; but the King urged her brother untd he consented, and
indeed he did not dare to refuse, for they were now in Malcolm's kingdom. The King
therefore married her, though against her will, and was pleased with her, and thanked God,
who had given him so good a wife. And, being a prudent man, he turned himself to God,
and forsook all impurity ; as St. Paul the apostle of the Gentiles says, ' Full oft the unbe
lieving husband is sanctified and healed through the believing wife.' "
From Ordericus, it appears that Malcolm was at all events betrothed to Margaret
in the preceding reign, by her uncle King Edward, to whom, as he is himself re
presented to state, he, at the same time, did homage for Lothian. In the state
ment of this previous marriage, or betrothal, Malmsbury also concurs.5
Wilham determined to confer the earldom which Gospatric had forfeited by his
* Malmsbury' s testimony is not so direct as that of Ordericus, but the obvious inference from his
statement is, that the hospitality afforded by Malcolm to Edgar was the consequence, and not the fore
runner, of this marriage.
PART I. 2 U

174 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
treason on one of his own countrymen, and selected for the office Eobert Cumin,
or De Comines. Ordericus calls him Earl of Durham only, but no doubt his
authority was intended to extend over the whole province, although he never got
further than Durham, where he arrived on the 28th of January, 1069. So great
was the terror inspired by his approach, that the first impulse of the people was
to betake themselves to flight, leaving their houses and their property, rather than
subject themselves to the vengeance of the tyrannical Norman. The execution of
this design was frustrated by a heavy faU of snow, and it was then resolved to
screen themselves from harm by making away with the new governor ; and this
they mutually pledged themselves to effect, or to perish in the attempt. This
disposition of the people was communicated by the Bishop to Cumin ; but the lat
ter treated the intelligence with contempt, and scornfully refused to adopt the
Bishop's counsel to save his life by a timely retreat. He even increased the ex
citement by the wanton outrages which he suffered his foUowers to commit, in
the course of which they put to death several peasants belonging to the church
lands. Entering Durham with seven hundred men,b he conducted himself with
the greatest insolence to the inhabitants, quartering his attendants at wiU through
out the city. At daybreak, however, on the following morning, a large body of
Northumbrians appeared before the gates by a preconcerted arrangement, and tra
versing the streets, slew the followers of the Earl wherever they found them. A
. considerable force stdl defended the house where the Earl himself lodged ; but
these were speedily overpowered, and the house set on fire. So great was the vio
lence of the flames, that the church of St. Cuthbert itself, which was in the imme
diate vicinity, was in danger, and its preservation was attributed to the active
interference of the saint. Cumin perished in the fire, and of aU his followers but
one escaped, wounded and weary, to report the tale of horror. This tragedy was
followed by the slaughter of Eobert Fitz-Eichard, the governor of York, with
many of his followers.
" Confidence," says Ordericus, " was now restored to the Enghsh in resisting the Normans,
by whom they were so grievously oppressed. Oaths, fealty, or a regard for the safety of
their hostages, were of httle weight with men who were infuriated by the loss " of their
patrimony, and the murder of their countrymen and kindred.
" The Saxon Chronicle says 900 ; Ordericus 1000 ; the number in the text is taken from Symeon,
the only authority who supplies us with any details of this sanguinary transaction.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 175
Gospatric, the expatriated Earl of Northumberland, if he had no part in the
counsels of the insurgents, resolved at any rate to profit by their acts, which
afforded so fair an opportunity for the recovery of his government. Nor were
his views confined to the northern province only ; but being joined by Edgar
Athehng, Merleswyne, ArchUl, and the four sons of Carl, he boldly marched to
York, where he was reinforced by a large party amongst the citizens, and by the
peasantry of the surrounding country. WiUiam Malet, the Sheriff of Yorkshire,
and commander of the garrison, was forced to rethe into the castle, and to address
to the King an earnest request for reinforcements, without which he found it
impossible to maintain his position. The King marched to his rehef in person,
with such promptitude as to take the assailants altogether by surprise, falling
upon them at the head of a large force, routing them with great slaughter, and
effectuaUy dispersing them. He remained in the city eight days, during which
he superintended the erection of additional fortifications ; after which he returned
in triumph to Winchester, and there celebrated the festival of Easter. His de
parture encouraged the malcontents to reassemble and renew the assault ; but he
had left behind him a distinguished soldier, William Fitzosberne, who not only
maintained the city committed to him, but, surprising his opponents as they lay
encamped in a neighbouring valley, defeated them, and put them to flight.
The King had now leisure to organize an expedition against the bishoprick of
Durham to avenge the death of Cumin, against whose murderers he was exas
perated in the highest degree. Before, however, the army which he sent on this
vindictive mission had advanced as far as Northallerton, they were enveloped in a
dense fog, which rendered it impossible for them to distinguish the road, or even to
see one another. There were of course not wanting those who seized on the op
portunity of explaining this phenomenon as the work ofthe holy patron ofthe church
of Durham, and enlarging on his care for his servants, and the speedy vengeance
with which he never faded to visit their assaUants. The credulous general
to whom the conduct of the expedition had been entrusted, terrified at this indi
cation of the saint's displeasure, hastUy withdrew his forces, and the Bishop and
his clergy were not aware of the danger which threatened them tiU they were at
the same time informed of then deliverance. Such is the narrative furnished by
Symeon of the discomfiture of this hostUe armament. It is possible, indeed, that a
Danish invasion which took place at this time may have been the true cause of the
recaU of the army for the defence of York. This invasion was no mere marauding

176 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
foray, but was fitted out by Sweyn King of Denmark on a scale of national mag
nitude, to assert his own pretensions to the throne of England, as the heir of the
Anglo-Danish sovereigns. Having equipped a fleet of three hundred sail, he gave
the command to his brother the Earl Osborn, with whom sailed the King's sons
Harold and Knute — (some authorities mention a third, but not by name) — and
the Earl ThorkiU, with two other earls and two bishops. The forces were col
lected, not only from the Scandinavian states, but from Poland, Frisia, Saxony,
and the neighbouring provinces of Germany. After several unsuccessful attempts
on various parts of the coast between Dover and Yarmouth, the fleet entered the
Humber, when they were immediately joined by the chieftains who had been
engaged in the late rebellion ; in addition to whom, we hear for the first time of
the complicity of Waltheof the son of Earl Siward, Elnoc, and Siward-Barn.
Waltheof was one of the noblemen who was made to attend King WiUiam on the
occasion of his first visit to Normandy after the conquest of England, on which
occasion he is mentioned with the title of earl, being already in possession of the
earldom of Northampton and Huntingdon, though not of Northumberland. The
conflicting claims to the latter earldom of Morcar, Waltheof, and Gospatric, no
doubt prevented any very cordial union among them against the usurper, their
common enemy. Then efforts were always more or less isolated, when the only
hope of success lay in a strenuous united effort. On this occasion Waltheof and
Gospatric at length agreed to act together ; but Morcar, who, with his brother
Edwin, had made their own terms after their first rebellion, leaving Gospatric and
his associates to their fate, still held aloof, thus preparing the way for their own
ruin at no distant date.
King WiUiam was hunting in the Forest of Dean when the inteUigence reached
him of the disembarkation of the Danes, of which he sent immediate notice to the
garrison of York. His officers in that city, overestimating their resources,
assured him that they needed no assistance, but were amply provided to resist
any attack, and could hold out for a twelve month, if necessary. Their confidence,
indeed, appears to have been not altogether groundless, if they had acted with
ordinary prudence ; but, emulating the exploit of WiUiam Fitz-Osberne during
the former siege, they determined to abandon the advantages of their fortifica
tions, and to saUy forth against the enemy, who occupied the suburbs. In so
doing, they miscalculated the numerical strength of their opponents, who en
countered them with an overwhelming force, and slew or made prisoners the

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 177
entire garrison. The forts were thus left without defence, and were occupied
without further resistance by the Danes and their allies. Such are the detaUs
given by Ordericus ; our English historians furnish some additional particulars,
of which those given by Florence are the most complete. He mentions the death
of Archbishop Aldred, on the 1 1th of September, three days after the landing of
the Danes, but before their arrival at York, from panic and agitation, and his
burial in the church of St. Peter the foUowing week.
" The Normans," he adds, " who garrisoned the forts, set fire to the adjacent houses,
fearing that they might be used by the Danes as materials for filling up the trenches, but
the flames spreading, destroyed the whole city, together with the monastery and church of
St. Peter. On Monday (two days after the Archbishop's funeral), before the city was alto
gether consumed, the Danish fleet arrived — the forts were stormed, and more than three
thousand Normans slain, the ships drawing off laden with plunder. The hves of Wilham
Malet and of his wife and two children were spared, but few others escaped. When the
news was brought to King Wilham, he assembled an army, and hastened into Northum
berland, where he spent the whole winter laying waste the country, slaughtering the inha
bitants, and inflicting on them, without intermission, every sort of evd. Meanwhile he
sent envoys to Osborn, promising to pay him secretly a large sum of money, besides giving
him free leave to plunder the whole coast throughout the winter, provided he would aban
don his enterprize and return home in the spring. This proposal, to his utter disgrace, he
accepted. In consequence of the ravages of the Normans, so severe a famine prevailed
throughout the kingdom, but chiefly in Northumberland and the adjacent provinces, that
men were driven to feed on the carcasses of horses, dogs, and cats, and even on human
flesh." The interpolator of Florence enlarges on these horrors.
" It was dreadful." we are told, "to behold human corpses, rotting in the houses, streets,
and highways, reeking with putrefaction, swarming with worms, and contaminating the air
with deadly exhalations ; for all the people being cut off by the sword or by famine, there
were none left to bury them. For nine years was the land, deprived of its cultivators, a
dreary waste. Between York and Durham there was not one inhabited town or village ;
dens of wdd beasts, and haunts of robbers were alone to be seen."
To this Malmsbury adds : —
" Thus were the resources of a once flourishing province cut off by fire, slaughter, and
devastation ; and the ground for more than sixty miles (about the distance from York to
Durham) totaUy uncultivated and unproductive, remains bare to the present day."
Gaimar says the devastation extended to the Tyne. Ordericus estimates the
part I. 2 x

178 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
mortality at one hundred thousand of both sexes, and of all ages. The same
author elsewhere describes the remorse of Wilham on his death-bed for these
enormities, putting into his mouth the foUowing confession, in which he first
enumerates the provocations he had received.
" The Deiri and other tribes beyond the Humber, called in the forces of Sweyn King of
Denmark, as auxiliaries against me ; they put to death Eobert Comyn, and a thousand of
my soldiers within the walls of Durham ; others also of my barons and most esteemed
knights they slew in various places. These provocations inflamed me to the highest pitch
of resentment, and I fell on the Enghsh in the northern counties, hke a raging Hon. I
commanded their houses and their barns, with all their corn, their implements, and their
furniture, to be burnt without distinction, and their horses and their cattle to be destroyed
wherever they were found. Thus did I wreak my vengeance on multitudes of both sexes,
by subjecting them to the horrors of a cruel famine ; and by so doing, became, alas ! the
barbarous murderer of thousands upon thousands, both old and young."
The account furnished of the disasters and distresses of the invading Danes is
scarcely less appaUing.
" These were now exposed to great perils, having become wandering pirates, tossed by
the winds and waves, suffering not less from famine than from storms. Many perished by
shipwreck ; the rest sustained hfe on a loathsome diet, and these not merely the common
men, but princes, earls, and bishops. At length provisions, musty and putrid as they had
long been, failed altogether. They did not venture to land in search of plunder, or even to
touch the shore, so great was their terror of the inhabitants. At length the small remnant
of that powerful fleet sailed back to Denmark, and carried to Sweyn, their king, a mise
rable account of their disasters, of the savage ferocity of the enemy, and of the loss of
their comrades."
Our author then gives an account of the King's return from the Tees to York
" by a road hitherto unattempted by an army, where the peaked summits of the
hiUs, and the deep glens, are often covered with snow at a season when the
neighbouring plains are clothed with the verdure of spring." On this route he
places Hexham (Hagustald), doubtless in mistake for Helmsley (Hamelac), which
is on the direct line from the lower valley of the Tees to York, and reposes under
the dreary summits of the Hambleton range, to which the above description
unquestionably refers.
Having satiated himself with carnage and devastation, William kept his
Christmas amidst the ruins of York, scarcely cold after the recent conflagration.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 179
Hither he sent for his crown and his plate, that he might observe the festival with
due state, directing his attention at the same time to the restoration of the dis
mantled defences.
Here Waltheof waited on him, to sue for pardon, which was cordially granted
to him. He appears, indeed, by his frank behaviour, to have won the esteem of
his sovereign, who was predisposed to pardon his rebellion in consideration of the
valour and prowess which he had displayed. Further to ensure his loyalty, he
gave him his niece Judith in marriage, and confirmed to him the earldom of
Huntingdon and Northampton, which he had enjoyed under Edward the Confessor.
Gospatric also received a formal indemnity. This, however, he thought it more
prudent to solicit by his envoys than to ask in person, feeling himself safer in his
rocky citadel of Bamburgh, than at the court of a sovereign to whom he had
given such frequent provocation. For the present, at least, he was confirmed in
the earldom, in which he had once been superseded, and which he had recovered
and retained by the sword.
He contrived also, in another way, to turn WiUiam's mission of vengeance to
his own advantage. Eepresenting to Bishop Egelwin the disfavour in which he
stood with the King, who had always suspected him of being privy to the death of
Cumin, he advised him to retire with his brother to the ancient seat of the bishoprick
at Lindisfarne, at the northern extremity of his diocese, as a place of safety until
the storm was passed. Then triumphing in the Bishop's simplicity, he took ad
vantage of his absence to appropriate to himself the portable riches of the church,
taking care at the same time to keep himself out of the way of the royal progress.
Of this enormity, Symeon informs us, he afterwards repented ; but the curse of
sacrilege still clung to him, and he fell, as we shall presently see, from his former
state of splendour and prosperity, which he never regained.
The journey of Egelwin and his followers occupied four days of the dreary
month of December. The first night they rested at Jarrow, the second at Bed-
lington, the third at TughaU. On the close of the fourth day they arrived at the
margin of the channel which separates Lindisfarne from the mainland of North
umberland ; and here, to their dismay tbey found then further progress stopped
by the sea at high flood, and the wretched prospect was before them of passing a
winter's night, fraU and weary as they were, without shelter, on the bleak and
dreary waste. The protection of the saint, however, whose body they reverently
carried along with them, did not fail them in their extremity ; for, " lo ! the

180 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
waters suddenly withdrawing, left them free access, the waves, as they advanced,
following in their rear ; now quickly, as they hastened, impeUed by fear ; now
slowly, as exhaustion compelled them to pause. At length, when they had
reached the wished-for shore, the sea closed behind them, covering the sands over
which they had so recently passed dry-shod.''
On the King's departure to the south, the fugitives returned to Durham.
Egelwin, however, determined to relinquish his bishoprick, and to leave a country
which afforded so httle prospect of repose to his declining years. With this view,
he took shipping for Cologne, carrying with him a large portion of the treasure
of his church. His sojourn at Lindisfarne had been upwards of three months,
and before the preparations for his voyage were completed, the season was far ad
vanced, and the weather again tempestuous. Driven out of his course by a storm,
he was obhged to seek shelter in Scotland, where he was hospitably received by
Malcolm, and spent the winter of 1070-71 at his court.
The latter year is memorable for a renewed rebellion, which proved fatal in its
results to the Earls Edwin and Morcar, the former of whom lost his life, and the
latter was consigned to a hopeless captivity.
Malmsbury speaks of these two noblemen as if they had been joint rulers of
Northumberland, and had retained their government up to this time, whereas we
know that the earldom was conferred on Morcar alone in the last year of Edward
the Confessor, and was taken from him in the first year of King WiUiam. He
further ascribes their continued resistance within this northern territory until the
period at which we have now arrived, whUst aU other writers limit their rebeUion
to a few months of the year 1068. Since that time they had hved at court under
the jealous eye of their suspicious master. As little wiU the foUowing statement
of this briUiant but flippant author bear to be tested by the authority of our more
sober and trustworthy historians.
" Often had they been taken captive, and often had they surrendered themselves, but
they were always dismissed with impunity, from pity to their youthful elegance, or respect
to their nobility. Slain at length, neither by the force nor the craft of their enemies, but
by the treachery of their partizans, their fate drew tears from the King, who would long
ago have allied them by marriage with his own family, and honoured them with his friend
ship, if they would have accepted terms of peace."
Instead of this we find them, after their original submission, goaded into rebeUion
by the restraint to which they were subjected, having first been lulled into a false

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 181
confidence by the delusive promise of a royal alliance, which was made only to be
broken. Foiled in their first attempt to regain their liberty, they seem to have
abandoned all further efforts, and quietly to have resigned themselves to a submis
sive inactivity, until they were again roused by apprehensions for their own
safety, and designs against their personal liberty.
Ordericus and Florence of Worcester, though they differ in some of the detaUs,
agree in ascribing this revolt, not to the premeditated design of the two earls, but
to the perfidy of the King. Ordericus, who seems to derive his authority from a
portion ofthe work of Wilham of Poitiers now lost,1 says that William, without
provocation, and in violation of his pledged faith, shut up Earl Morcar in the Isle
of Ely ; that the latter, instead of defending himself, or effecting his escape by
sea, trusting in his own innocence and the King's justice, presented himself at
court ready to vindicate his conduct. William, however, fearing that he would
take another opportunity of avenging the outrage to which he had been subjected,
cast him into prison, without examination or form of trial, and there incarcerated
him for life.
When Edwin heard of his brother's fate, he resolved to relieve him, or, if that
were impossible, to avenge him. For six months he sought aid of the Scotch, the
Welsh, and the English, but without adequate success. At length he was be
trayed to a party of Normans by three brothers, who were amongst his personal
attendants, and in whom he placed the utmost confidence. Attacked by a supe
rior force whilst he was waiting till the fall of the tide allowed him to cross an
estuary which impeded his progress, he valiantly defended himself, with the aid
of only twenty men at arms, untU he was cut in pieces, with his devoted band.
Florence says that Edwin and Morcar, finding that WUham had determined to
1 Our existing copies of the History of William of Poitiers terminate with the death of Copsi, but
Ordericus himself informs us that he carried down his work to the close of the rebeUion of Morcar.
Up to this period the notices of Northern affairs in Ordericus' own work are exceedingly minute and
circumstantial, and as they cease almost altogether from this date, we may fairly conclude that he was
indebted for them to the older historian, as we know he was for the particulars of Earl Copsi's fate.
Ordericus, indeed, although born in England, spent his maturity in Normandy, with the exception of
a visit of a few months' duration to this country. William of Poitiers, on the other hand, accompanied
his sovereign to England, and remained here in the capacity of his secretary, and had thus abundant
opportunity of becoming acquainted with the internal affairs of the country, even in its most distant
provinces. The two authors together give us more particulars of Northern transactions during the
reign of William the Conqueror than aU our other historians united, with the exception only of Symeon,
PART I. 2 Y

182 HISOTRY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
arrest them, had fled from court, and for some time maintained themselves in arms
against him. Unable longer to hold their ground, Edwin resolved to seek a
refuge in Scotland, whilst Morcar, with Egelwin Bishop of Durham (who had
quitted the court of Malcolm), Siward-Barn, and Hereward, a man of great bravery,
with many others, took ship for the Isle of Ely, intending to winter there. This
author places the betrayal and death of Edwin previous to the capture of Morcar.
He explains also the reason that the latter neither efficiently defended himself,
or effected his escape by sea, Wilham commanding the access to the isle by
means of a bridge or causeway which he had erected, three miles in length, on the
western side, whilst he blockaded the eastern with a fleet of boats. Hereward
alone escaped, with a few followers, through the fens. The Bishop was impri
soned at Abingdon, and died the same winter. Of the rest, some were deprived
of their hands or eyes ; the others, amongst whom were Morcar and Siward-Barn,
were imprisoned. William on his death-bed directed their release. The mandate,
however, came too late ; his authority was disregarded by his successor, and
Morcar ended his days in prison.
Although Egelwin, the last Anglo-Saxon Bishop of Durham, was sacrificed to
the resentment of a usurper, he has little claim to our sympathy on the ground of
patriotism. His motives seem to have been invariably selfish. Fond of intrigue,
he never hesitated to ensure his own safety by the abandonment of his associates.
His entire freedom from complicity in the death of Cumin may be doubted
although Symeon readily absolves him of this charge. The same historian, how
ever, urges against him, as a much heavier crime, tbe abstraction of the treasure
of the church. Of this sacrilege, his miserable death is looked upon as the merited
retribution. After his decease, the see remained vacant an entire year, when it
was filled by the appointment of a foreign ecclesiastic, Walcher, a native of Lor
raine. Symeon lauds him as "noble by birth, and well read both in divinity and
secular learning; of venerable age, soundness of morals, and integrity of life
worthy of the dignity to Which he was raised." He entered upon his episcopal
functions a.d. 1072, at the period of Mid-Lent, being escorted from York, by the
King's command, by Earl Gospatric.
The same year Gospatric was deprived of his earldom, on a twofold charge ;
first, that he had aided and abetted the murderers of Cumin at Durham- and
secondly, that he had taken part with the insurgents at York, at the time of the

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 183
Norwegian invasion. For the second act, as we have seen, he had previously
received the royal pardon, as well as Earl Waltheof, who was now appointed his
successor. Wilham had probably been all along satisfied of the perfidy of Gospatric, but
had the policy to temporize with him, knowing the support which he would receive
from Malcolm of Scotland, and the strength of his own impregnable fortress of
Bamburgh, to which he could retreat in case of need. This year, however,
WiUiam had led an immense army, attended by a powerful fleet, into Scotland,
and enforced the submission of the King. On his return, he no longer delayed to
inflict on Gospatric the punishment of his repeated acts of rebeUion. Malcolm
was not in a position to brave the revenge of his powerful neighbour, by espousing
the cause of the banished Earl, but he shewed his good feeling by offering him an
asylum in his kingdom, where he endowed him with large possessions in Lothian,
which became hereditary in his family under the title of the earldom of Dunbar.
At the time of William's former visit to Durham, the church was deserted,
during the absence of Egelwin and his clergy at Lindisfarne, whither it was no
doubt generaUy known in the district, they had carried with them the body of
their patron saint. The rumours which the King had heard on that occasion, and
the firm belief which he found universal in the incorruptabihty of the sacred
remains, seem to have excited his curiosity, rather than to have awakened any
more reverent feeling ; and he resolved, on his return from his Scottish expedition,
to test the truth of what he had heard, by the evidence of his own senses. The
body had been restored to its former resting-place, the position of which was well
known, and WiUiam would listen to no arguments or persuasions which were
addressed to him in order to divert him from his design. The Bishop and clergy
looked upon the contemplated exhumation of the remains, for the mere gratifica
tion of the unhaUowed curiosity of the royal sceptic, as an act of daring impiety,
which they were bound to the utmost to resist. All their efforts, however, were
unavailing. " The King determined to satisfy himself of the truth by ocular demonstration, and com
manded the bishops and abbots to assist him in the investigation, intimating at the same
time his determination, that if the body was not found in the state represented, the older
and more distinguished members of the establishment should lose their heads. Whilst all
present were overwhelmed with fear, and earnestly entreated the protection of St. Cuthbert,
during the celebration of mass by the Bishop, on the feast of All Saints, the King, at the

184 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
very moment which he had appointed for the trial, was seized with such a burning heat as
he found to be intolerable. Bushing from the church and leaving the profuse banquet
which was prepared for him, he mounted his horse with all haste, and urging him to full
speed, never slackened his pace till he had reached the Tees. Satisfied by this sign, he
acknowledged his conviction that God's great confessor, St. Cuthbert, rested there, and that
his repose was not rashly to be disturbed."
Another miracle of a somewhat similar character is described by Symeon as
having occurred about the same time. In this case, however, the saint's interpo
sition had reference to the temporal concerns of his church. An officer of the
crown, named Eanulph, having been sent down in violation of the ancient immu
nities of St. Cuthbert's patrimony to enforce the payment of taxes, was warned in
a vision of the enormity of his contemplated offence, the saint brandishing his
pastoral staff with an energy and determination which was not to be disregarded.
On awaking, the tax-collector found himself in a raging fever, which was only
assuaged on his humble submission and his expressed intention of desisting from
the exaction of the unhallowed tribute. It need scarcely be added that the col
lector as weU as his sovereign were ever afterwards devoted servants of the holy
father. Eanulph presented an offering at his shrine, whilst the King confirmed
the privileges of the church, and restored a benefice which had been abstracted
from it.
The events of the last three years, so far as they relate to Northumberland,
have been given in considerable detail, chiefly from the Saxon Chronicle, Florence,
and Symeon, including from the latter the legends just narrated, which, although
the alleged mhaculous agency may excite a smile, are yet of value, as evincing
the resolution of the King to expose, what he considered the fallacious traditions
of tbe church of Durham, and to abolish her immunities ; and as recording his
defeat in both attempts.
There are, however, other particulars referring to the year 1070, usually ascribed
to Symeon, which ban neither be received as authentic history without investi
gation, nor yet be rejected in sUence. These are to be found amongst the inter
polations of Florence so often referred to, and they are here extracted at length,
that the reader may have an opportunity of comparing them with the preceding
narrative, and of forming a judgment as to their authenticity. To some extent,
indeed, they wdl be found merely a repetition of what has been already related,
but it is difficult to separate those portions, and at the same time sufficiently to

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM.

185

preserve the continuity of the narrative, to enable us to arrive at a just
conclusion. These particulars occur also in the Chronicle of Melrose, in Hoveden, and in
other more recent writers ; but this must not be taken as evidence in their favour,
for these works are mere copies or abridgements of that ascribed to Symeon, as
regards the period over which the latter extends, and can no more be urged in
corroboration of the statements, than paraUel passages from Eapin or Hume, or
any other modern historian of England, who derives his narrative from the same
source. " Bishop Egelwin," we are told, " having returned from flight, now meditated a final
escape, determining to resign his bishoprick, and to seek a place of refuge abroad. A ship,
therefore, with the necessary supplies, lay ready in the harbour of Wearmouth, waiting for
a fair wind There also, at the same time, lay other ships under the orders of Edgar
Atheling, with his mother Agatha, and his sisters Margaret and Christina ; with whom also
were Siward-Barn, Merleswayne, Alfwin the son of Norman, and many others, who, after
the storming of the castle of York, and the return of their allies, the Danes, to their own
country, dreaded the King's anger, and were preparing to go into exile in Scotland, and
were awaiting a favourable opportunity.
" At the same time a countless multitude of Scots, under King Malcolm, marched through
Cumberland, and turning eastward, ravaged all Teesdale and the neighbouring country.
When they came to a place cahed in Enghsh Hundredeskeldef that is the Hundred-springs,
having slain some of the English nobles, and taken an immense booty, the King divided his
army, retaining a part, and sending home the remainder in charge of the spoil. By this
device he designed to deceive the wretched inhabitants into the belief that their persecutors
were altogether withdrawn, that so they might leave their hiding places, and be taken un
awares. Nor was he disappointed in the result ; for having laid waste great part of Cleve
land, and ravaged Holderness, he suddenly returned to the territory of St. Cuthbert, seizing
all the property on which he could lay hands, and depriving many of their hves. The
church of St. Peter at Wearmouth was burnt under his own eye. He also burnt other
churches, with those who had taken refuge in them. As he was riding along the banks of
the river, gazing from an eminence on the cruelties perpetrated on the unhappy Enghsh,
and feasting his mind and eyes with the spectacle, he was told that Edgar Atheling and his
ships lay in the harbour, and that with him were his sisters, of royal lineage and great per
sonal attractions, with many other fugitives of rank. When they came to him to seek his
protection, he received them graciously, and promised to afford to themselves and their friends
an asylum in his kingdom as long as they required it.
k Hunderskelfe, now Castle-Howard, in Yorkshire.
PART I. 2 Z

186 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
" Whilst the Scots were engaged in these devastations, Earl Gospatric, having coUected a
considerable force, made a furious incursion into Cumberland, spreading slaughter and con
flagration on aU sides. Beturning thence with much spoil, he shut himself up in his strong
fortress of Bamburgh, from which making frequent sallies, he weakened the forces of the
enemy. Cumberland at this time was under the dominion of Malcolm, not as a rightful
possession, but subjugated by force. Having heard, whilst still gazing on the flames which
glared round the ruins of St. Peter's church, of the retaliation which had been committed
by Gospatric, scarcely able to contain himself for fury, Malcolm ordered his troops no longer
to spare any of the Enghsh, but either to slay them or carry them off as slaves."
Having given a most revolting description of the massacres perpetrated by the
Scots, " who, more savage than wUd beasts, dehghted in this cruelty as an amusing
pastime," he adverts to the great number of men, women, and children who were
carried into captivity; " insomuch that Scotland was filled with slaves and bond
women of the English race, to such an excess that no village, nay not a cottage,
was without one of them," even at the time when the author wrote.
" After Malcolm's return to Scotland, when Bishop Egelwin was commencing his voyage
to Cologne, a contrary wind drove him back to the shores of Scotland. Thither also were
borne, by a favourable breeze, Edgar Atheling with the companions of his voyage. King
Malcolm, with the consent of her relatives, took in marriage Edgar's sister Margaret, a
woman noble by her royal descent, but much more noble by her wisdom and piety. By her
care and labour, the King himself was brought to lay aside the ferocity of his manners, and
became gentle and civilized. She bore him six sons, Edward and Edmund ; Edgar and
Alexander, both afterwards Kings of Scotland ; Ethelred ; and David, afterwards King ;
besides two daughters, Matdda, who became Queen of England, and Mary, who was mar
ried to Eustace Count of Boulogne."
The first thing which startles us on the perusal of this narrative, is the circum
stance of the author placing contemporaneously the flight of Edgar with his
mother and sisters to Scotland, and the embarkation of Bishop Egelwin for
Cologne, and assigning as a common date the year 1070. This date is correct as
regards the departure of the Bishop, but all our authorities, including Florence,
with whose work the above quotation is interpolated, agree in fixing the flight of
Edgar into Scotland, and the marriage of his sister to Malcolm, at all events two
years previous.
It is strange also that, if Malcolm were really the perpetrator of the wanton
outrages here attributed to him, extending, as they are represented, over so wide

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 187
a tract of country, the fact should have escaped the notice of all other historians :
stiU more strange, if the writer of this account were reaUy Symeon, that he should
record here the utter devastation of the territory of St. Cuthbert, and take no notice
of it in his History of the saint's own church.
Again, can we believe, if Gospatric had so incensed Malcolm by laying waste
an entire province, as to bring upon his people the frightful retribution which is
here recorded, the Scotch King would not only have received him in his distress,
but have advanced him, after so short an interval, above his native-born subjects
both in estate and honour ?
AU other writers represent Malcolm and Gospatric as connected throughout by
bonds of the strictest amity, nor do they give the least intimation of any preda
tory attack by the Scots on the earldom of Northumberland during his govern
ment. Many circumstances concur in suggesting the probability that the additions
to Florence were written by a monk of Hexham, and not of Durham, and that
they were compUed considerably later than the time of Symeon. The identity of
description of the cruelties ascribed to Malcolm here, and to David I. by the Hex
ham historians, tends to confirm this view.
Before quitting the subject, we must refer to one incident, trifling in itself, but
important, as furnishing evidence against the truth of this narrative, and especially
against the assumption of Symeon being its author. This incident is the aUeged
destruction by fire of the church of St. Peter at Wearmouth, which, as we collect
from the narrative, must then have been in a state of repair, and used for the cele
bration of divine worship. If we turn, however, to the History of the Church of
Durham, by the true Symeon, referring to a period a few years later, we find indeed
that the waUs [of the old church described by Beda stiU existed without a roof;
but that so far from the fabric having been in a state of repair shortly before, the site
both within and without the waUs was overgrown with timber and brushwood,
which had to be cut down and removed with much labour before a roof could be
put on.1
1 The inaccuracies of this writer are by no means confined to the present year, but extend to a large
portion of the interpolations. A few of the most prominent wUl be here pointed out, especiaUy those
which exhibit a marked discrepancy when compared with the History of the Church of Durham, of
which Symeon is now universaUy recognized as the author.
I. Symeon, as we have seen, under the year 1018, gives an account ofthe disastrous battle of Car-
ham, without mentioning the name of the commander on either side. The interpolator copies this
notice, but mentions Earl Uchtred as the Northumbrian leader, forgetting that, in the preceding page,

188 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Although WUham had adopted the bold measure of expelling Gospatric from
his earldom, the recollection of the fate of Cumin seems to have deterred him from
sending down a Norman governor. The appointment of Waltheof could hardly
fail to be popular with the Northumbrians. Through his mother he was descended
from their ancient lords, and his father, although of foreign extraction, had ruled
over them for many years, with a reputation at least equal to that of any of
his predecessors. His own personal qualifications were of the highest order, as
described by Malmsbury : —
" His arms were muscular, his chest brawny, his whole person tall and robust, resembling
in this his father Siward, who was caUed by the Danes Digera, which signifies in their lan
guage, strong. He had slain many of the Normans with his own hand during the conflict
at York, striking off their heads one after another, as they entered the gate. After the fall
of his party, he voluntarily surrendered himself, and was honoured by a marriage with
Judith, the King's niece, and with his personal friendship. His former offences were for
gotten, or were attributed rather to his high spirit than to disloyalty."
He is called by WiUiam of Jumieges, Earl of Huntingdon ; by Ordericus, Earl
of Northampton, previous to his elevation to the government of Northumberland.
Huntingdon and Northampton were no doubt both included in the earldom, which
was indifferently caUed by either name.
Ordericus says that it was bestowed upon him by WUham at the time of his
marriage with Judith, but the Peterburgh Chronicle informs us that he enjoyed it
in the time of Edward the Confessor, by whom it was given to him, in compensa-
he had copied from Florence of Worcester an account, in which aU our historians concur, of the murder
of that nobleman two years^ previous. He mentions, at the same time, an imaginary Eugenius King
ofthe " Lutinenses," as present with the Scottish forces.
II. Keferenee has been already made to the interpolator's account of Malcolm's ravages in Northum
berland, and especiaUy his violation of the peace of St. Cuthbert in the holy island of Lindisfarne,
during the absence of Earl Tosti at Kome a.d. 1061, of which no mention is made by Symeon in his
History of the saint's own church.
III. The pseudo-Symeon, in noticing the foundation of the new buUding of the cathedral of Durham,
represents King Malcolm as present and assisting in the ceremony with Bishop WiUiam and Prior
Turgot. The true Symeon, describing the same ceremony, at which he was doubtless present, omits
aU mention of the attendance of Malcolm, whom, on the contrary, he refers to, at an earher period, as
a bitter persecutor of this very Turgot, during his residence at Melrose with his former superior
Aldwine. IY. Minor discrepancies occur in the enumeration of the possessions of the church of Lindisfarne,
a.d. 854 ; in the narrative of the pilgrimage of Aldwine in 1074 ; and the details of Walcher's murder
in 1080.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. ] 89
tion for his father's earldom of Northumberland, which, according to Huntingdon,
was considered at that time too weighty a trust to be committed to his youthful
hands. The two statements, as Dugdale remarks, are not irreconcilable ; the truth
being that the dignity which had been conferred upon him by Edward, on his
father's death, was restored by William, after he had forfeited it by his rebellion.
That Siward himself ever enjoyed the earldom of Huntingdon is more problema
tical, resting as it does on the questionable authority of the legend already cited,
from which it has been transferred to the pages of other writers, scarcely more
credible. The interpolator of Florence describes Waltheof as acting, during his tenure of
the earldom of Northumberland, in the most cordial manner with Bishop Walcher,
insomuch that, sitting with the Bishop in the synod of the clergy, the Earl hum
bly and obediently carried out within his earldom whatever was ordered by the
Bishop for the correction of Christian manners. Unlike his immediate predecessor,
but following in the footsteps of some of the earlier earls, he was a liberal bene
factor of the church of St. Cuthbert, as well as of other religious foundations.
The only blot upon his character admitted by his eulogists is tbe massacre of the
sons of Carl, which is ascribed to the year 1073. This took place at Setterington,
near York, the seat of the eldest of the four brothers, of whom mention has so
often been made. One of the four, Somerled, was fortunately absent, and another,
Cnut, was spared " out of regard for his amiable qualities ;" the other two, with
then famUies, were slaughtered by a band of assassins sent to surprise them at a
banquet. Waltheof held his earldom less than three years, being executed on a charge of
conspiracy in 1075. The circumstances are thus briefly related by Huntingdon : —
" In the ninth year of King WiUiam, Balph, who had been made Earl of East Angha,
conspired with Earl Waltheof and Boger (Earl of Hereford), son of Wilham Fitz-Osbert,
to dethrone the King. Earl Balph had married Boger's sister, at whose nuptials the plot
was concerted. But the principal men of the realm strenuously opposed it ; and Earl
Balph, embarking at Norwich, saded for Denmark. When the King returned to England,
he threw his kinsman Earl Boger into prison, but Earl Waltheof was beheaded at Win
chester, and was buried at Croyland."
Florence says, that during the festivities, " Earl Waltheof was inveigled and
overpersuaded to join in the projected treason. As soon as he was able he repaired
part I. 3 a

190 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
to Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, and receiving absolution at his hands from
his compulsory oath, hastened, by his advice, to King William in Normandy, and
discovering the whole project, threw himself on his mercy." The King, however,
was obdurate, threw him into prison, and ultimately, as we have seen, ordered him
to be executed at Winchester.
" Here," says Florence, " he was cruelly and unjustly beheaded, and his body
thrown into a hole on the spot ; but in the course of time, by the providence of
God, his body was exhumed, and conveyed with great honour to Croyland, where
it was entombed." His memory was held in the utmost veneration by the native
ecclesiastics as well as the common people, who regarded him as a saint and a
martyr ; and numerous miracles are recorded to have been wrought at his shrine.
The Countess Judith, on the other hand, was an object of general execration, being
accused of betraying her husband, by reporting, in an aggravated form, unguarded
expressions which had fallen from him.m
The vacant earldom of Northumberland was conferred on Walcher Bishop of
Durham, but Ordericus, a weU-informed and impartial historian, informs us that
he was indebted for this distinguished appointment, neither to his own merits, nor
to the favour of his sovereign, but to the influence of a large pecuniary offering
at the royal exchequer. That he did enjoy a considerable share of favour and con
fidence is nevertheless certain, for he first came to England by William's special
invitation, and was afterwards appointed to the see of Durham on his direct
nomination. A former bishop, Edmund, the immediate successor of Aldune, having been
elected by the clergy, had his appointment confirmed by Knut, who then held the
throne of England, but in Walcher's case, the election is described as the act of
the King {ab ipso rege eligitur). On Edmund's death, Eadred, who was next in
rank of the clergy of the cathedral, purchased the vacant bishopric of King Har-
dicnut for a large sum of money, abstracted from the treasury of the church, but
a divine judgment prevented the completion of this simoniacal transaction.
The next bishop, Egelric, being expelled from his see in consequence of an
m Ordericus, who brings this charge against Judith, ascribes also to her the removal of her husband's
body, for which she had obtained the King's permission, to Croyland, fifteen days after his execution.
Notwithstanding the interval which had elapsed, not only were there no symptoms of decay, but the
blood with which the body was smeared was as fresh as if he were just dead — a recognized token of
superior sanctity in those times. The lamentations of the English over the grave of this last great
noble of their nation were loud and universal.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 191
undue and compulsory election, appealed to Earl Siward, " who having just slain
Earl Eadulf, governed the whole province of the Northumbrians from the Humber
to the Tweed." His support having been secured by the same means which in
Eadred's case had prevaUed with Hardicnut, the clergy were deterred from car
rying their resistance further ; but were ultimately relieved from the control of a
prelate whom they both hated and despised, by his voluntary withdrawal, taking
with him, however, whatever he could appropriate of the spoUs of the church.
Previous, also, to his departure, he contrived to secure the election of Egelwin,
his own brother, which was confirmed " by the most pious King Edward," through
the influence of Earl Tosti, the successor of Siward. Malmsbury speaks of the
high favour in which Tosti stood with King Edward, and the reluctance with which
he consented to the banishment of his favourite, and the substitution of Morcar ;
and great indeed must Tosti's influence have been, when he was able to obtain the
consent of " the most pious King" to such an arrangement as that described by
Symeon, whose impartiality in recording the evil as well as the good deeds of the
prelates of his church, is truly remarkable.
Egelwin, as we have already seen, after the lapse of many years, followed the
example of his brother, in deserting his charge, imitating him also in carrying
with him a portion of the accumulated treasure of his cathedral.
Walcher is described as a man of great sagacity and experience, and of a mild
and gentle disposition, but his vigour and activity were impaired by age, and he
proved inadequate to the discharge of the duties of his office. Even his encomiast,
Symeon of Durham, admits that he failed to check the violence and oppression of
his subordinates, and that the fearful tragedy by which his life and government
were closed was provoked by the misconduct of his officers, and the impunity
which they enjoyed. In the History of tbe Church of Durham, we are merely
told in general terms that " the soldiers of the Bishop conducted themselves with
excessive insolence to the people, whom they frequently plundered, and even
slew some of the most influential, which ill- deeds the Bishop neglected to punish ;
and thus, as Eh died for the sins of his children, so did he suffer for the trans
gressions of his people, and they and he perished together !"
In the Chronicle which also passes under the name of Symeon, a more circum
stantial and somewhat different account of the immediate cause of the catastrophe
is given.
Amongst the most distinguished noblemen of the province was Ligulf, a man of

192 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
large possessions, not only in Northumberland, but in various parts of England.
Having retired to Durham as a place of refuge from the tyranny to which the
native nobility were subjected at the hands of the Normans, he secured the re
gard and confidence of Walcher, who consulted him in, all secular matters. This
favour excited the jealousy of Leobwine, the Bishop's chaplain and spiritual ad
viser, who menaced and insulted him on all occasions, even in the presence of the
Bishop. Irritated by this conduct, Ligulf was provoked to retaliate with equal
vehemence of language, and Leobwine determined on revenge. In this he soli
cited and secured the co-operation of GUebert, a relation of Walcher, and en
trusted by him with the office of sheriff. Collecting his own soldiers, and those
of the Bishop and of Leobwine, he attacked Ligulf by night in his own house,
and slew himself and nearly all the members of his family. Walcher was both
distressed and disconcerted by this atrocious conduct of his deputy, but he had
not resolution to bring him to punishment, contenting himself with disavowing aU
participation in the crime, and promising to banish the murderer and his accom
plices. He further proposed an amicable meeting with the relatives of the
deceased, which was agreed to be held at Gateshead. The Bishop, with his
barons and clergy, assembled in the church ; the relatives of Ligulf, with a tu
multuous concourse of their partizans, were collected outside. Several overtures
were made by the former, but all attempts at conciliation failed, when it was
known that subsequent to the murder GUebert had not only been entertained by
Leobwine, but had even been received by the Bishop. Terrified by the menacing
attitude ofthe crowd, Walcher determined to sacrifice Gilebert; but the conces
sion came too late. He was instantly slain, with the soldiers who attended him •
still the vengeance of the excited multitude was unsatiated : they demanded the
death of Leobwine also ; but no commands or exhortations of the Bishop could
induce him to go forth to certain destruction. At length Walcher shewed him
self at the door of the church, and only begged that his own life might be spared.
Neither his prayers, however, nor the sanctity of his office, produced any effect on
the infuriated mob, who were convinced that the murder had been committed by
his orders. Despairing of mercy, he threw his robes over his head, and rushing
forth, was instantly despatched." A loud cry was then raised for Leobwine but
" Wendover accuses the Bishop himself of the greatest cruelty and extortion ; that he refused to
determine pleas in the county court without the previous payment of illegal and exorbitant fees on
one occasion stated by the historian to have amounted to " four hundred pounds of the best money."

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 193
he still clung to the ineffectual shelter of the church. When it was found im
possible to dislodge him by other means, the walls and roof were set on fire ; but
stUl for a long time he maintained his position ; apparently fearing the devouring
element less than the excited fury of his pursuers. At length, in the words of
the chronicler, " when he was half burnt, he broke forth, and being hewed to
pieces, he perished miserably, paying the penalty of his offences." The leader of
this insurrection is stated to have been Eadulf Eus, the grandson of that Gospatric
who was slain by Earl Tosti, and the great-grandson of the great Earl Uchtred.
His father's name was also Uchtred.
The episcopate of Walcher is chiefly memorable for the revival of monachism
in the North. In the year 1074 Aldwine Prior of the monastery of Winchcome,
deeply impressed with the accounts which he had read in the Ecclesiastical His
tory of Beda of the numerous monasteries which existed in Northumberland in
his time, and by the knowledge of their utter destruction afterwards, and their
desolation in his own day, determined to undertake a pilgrimage to that province,
and if possible to revive the flame of rehgious devotion so long extinct. With
this view, he proceeded first to Evesham, where he prevailed upon two of the
brethren, with the consent of the Abbot, to accompany him. These pious pil
grims first established themselves at Monkchester (the present Newcastle), but
afterwards removed, on the invitation of the Bishop, to Jarrow. A second estab
hshment was formed at Wearmouth, and the inmates of both were afterwards
settled at Durham, though not till after the death of Walcher.
The horrible murder of that prelate roused the indignation of the King, who
sent Odo Bishop of Bayeux with a large army to ravage Northumberland. Ins
the autumn of the same year King WiUiam sent his son Eobert into Scotland
against King Malcolm, who during Walcher's government had invaded Northum
berland, and " laid waste the country as far as the great river Tyne, slaying
many of the inhabitants, and capturing more, and returning home with an im
mense booty." Eobert advanced as far as Egglesbreth, but the expedition was
without results. On his return he built a strong castle on the banks of the
Tyne, which gave the name of Newcastle to the site previously occupied by
Monkchester.
The same author has preserved the cry, which, issuing from the lips of their leaders, excited the infu
riated mob to wreak their vengeance on their oppressor : " Schort red, god red (short reckoning, good
reckoning), " slae ye the bischop." This appaling outrage was perpetrated on the 14th of May, 1080.
PART I. ^ B

1 94 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The earldom was now conferred on Alberic, or Albrius, a Norman, who being
found unequal to the task, was deposed, and retired to his own country ; not,
however, before he had entitled himself to the gratitude of the monks of Durham
by confirming to them the church of Tynemouth, which had been granted by
Earl Waltheof to their infant community at Jarrow.
The successor of Albrius was Eobert de Mowbray. This is distinctly stated by
Symeon ; but Dugdale would interpose Geoffrey Bishop of Coutance, Mowbray's
uncle, "for being,'' says he, "one of the witesses to the foundation charter of
the abbey of St. Mary at York, it is said eo tempore (circa 1088) Northymbrorum
consulatum regebat." This statement is not quite correct ; for the words are not
appended to his name in attesting a foundation charter, in which case they might
be regarded as an authentic description of his official status, but they are apphed
to him in a monastic chronicle of no great authority, in reference to his presence
as a spectator when the foundation stone of the new abbey was laid. Even if they
had been used as a formal description, they would have been quite as appheable
to him if he had administered the affairs of the province as sheriff under the Earl,
as Morel did at a somewhat later period. In two charters published in the
Appendix to the Durham Historians, we find Mowbray's name and that of his
uncle together as witnesses, and in each case the former signs as Earl of North
umberland, the latter simply as Bishop of Coutance. In two of later date Mow
bray occurs as Earl (Comes), and Morel as Sheriff (VicecomesJ ; but Morel's
name never appears with this title along with that of Bishop. The inference
appears to be, that he was appointed after the Bishop's death for the performance
of those functions which were previously discharged by the latter, and that the
words quoted by Dugdale might be applied with equal propriety to each of them
in succession, although neither held the earldom fconsulatum) in his own right.
In the account of the proceedings against WiUiam Bishop of Durham appended
to Symeon, WUliam de Merley deposes to Bishop WUham's retainers having " car
ried off from my lord the Bishop of Coutance two hundred head of cattle ;" and
Mr. Stevenson infers from the expression, that the deponent, who was a baron of
Northumberland, owed service to the Bishop of Coutance as Earl. It does not
however, seem any unusual courtesy to speak of any prelate as My Lord the
Bishop, irrespective of any feudal obligations.
Mowbray, and his uncle Geoffrey, were amongst the nobles who espoused the
cause of Eobert Duke of Normandy, as a claimant to. the throne of England

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 195
against his brother, William Eufus. Both were engaged in the rebeUion which
was headed by Odo Bishop of Bayeux, in 1088, on which occasion the former is
emphaticaUy styled in the Saxon Chronicle, " Eobert the peace-breaker." Orderi
cus by a singular mistake includes him amongst the "loyal and experienced
barons " who adhered to William. His share indeed in the insurrection was
confined to plundering the city of Bath, with Berkeley and the adjacent part of
Wiltshire, from whence he conveyed the spoil to his uncle's castle of Bristol. The
part taken by Wilham Bishop of Durham, the successor of Walcher, threatened
more serious results. This prelate was the confidential minister of the King, who
justly complained of his treachery, which deprived him, in a time of great peril,
of all aid from the northern provinces. On the suppression of the rebellion, he
boldly denied any complicity with its authors, but was nevertheless banished the
kingdom, by sentence of the King before his assembled council. Three years
afterwards he was restored to his bishoprick, as the reward of good service done
to the King in Normandy, where he relieved a royal garrison, which was besieged,
and on tbe point of capitulating.
In 1091, Malcolm King of Scotland, not considering the treaty made with the
late King of England binding towards his successor, whom he regarded as a
usurper, made another inroad into Northumberland, committing great ravages, but
he was ultimately repulsed. WiUiam was at this time in Normandy ; but, on
hearing the InteUigence, he hastened back, accompanied by his brother Eobert,
with whom he was now on terms of amity. Having fitted out a fleet as weU as
an army, he set out for Scotland, but nearly all his ships were lost in a storm a
few days before Michaelmas. He proceeded, however, with his army, and Mal
colm having coUected his troops, marched " out of Scotland into Lothian " to meet
him. The hostUe forces faced each other on the opposite sides of the " great river
called in the Scottish tongue Watra," by which the Forth is generally supposed to
be meant ; but if, as stated by the Saxon Chronicle, Malcolm was already in
Lothian, we must rather understand the Tweed. Whatever the river was, it was
for the time impassable to an army, and this fortunate circumstance allowed time
for negotiations, which were conducted through the mediation of Duke Eobert,
and Edgar Atheling, who was then residing with his brother-in-law in Scotland,
to a satisfactory result ; Malcolm, at the solicitation of Eobert, agreeing to trans
fer that homage which he admitted to be due to the latter, as the representative
of his father, to his brother Wilham. The account given of this treaty by

196 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Ordericus is very important, as explaining the international relations of England
and Scotland, and clearing up the doubt as to the territory in respect of which
homage was due by the latter. " I readily admit" says Malcolm, " that when
King Edward gave me his niece Margaret in marriage, he conferred on me the
county of Lothian. King WiUiam afterwards confirmed what his predecessor had
granted, and commended me to you as his eldest son. The engagements made
with you I am ready to keep, but I owe nothing to your brother." The generous
good offices of Eobert surmounted this difficulty ; the two kings disbanded their
armies, and WiUiam returned to England. Edgar Atheling, also, was reconcUed
to King William, at whose court he, as weU as Eobert, remained tUl near Christ
mas, when they embarked together for Normandy.
By the late treaty, the southern portion of the ancient kingdom of Cumberland,
which now forms the county of that name, but which for many years afterwards
was only known by the name of its capital, Carhol or Carhsle, seems to have been
surrendered by Malcolm to the King of England, who took possession of it the
foUowing year. The interpolator of Florence mentions it as stiU in the hands of
the Scots as late as 1070, and to this extent we have no reason to question his
authority ; neither is their any subsequent notice of its alienation untU the period
at which we have now arrived, a.d. 1092, when we read in the Saxon Chronicle
that " King WiUiam went northward with a large army, to Carhsle, where he
repaired the city and buUt the castle. And he drove out Dolfin, who had pre
viously governed the country ; and having placed a garrison in the castle, he
returned south, and sent a great number of English husbandmen thither, with
their horses and cattle, that they might settle there, and cultivate the land."
Dolfin seems to have been the son of Gospatric, the exUed Earl of Northumber
land, for though the name was by no means uncommon, we know of no other who
occupied any pubhc position. This view is further confirmed by the fact, that
another son of Gospatric, Waldieve, afterwards held large possessions in Cumber
land, which were granted to him by Henry I., apparently in satisfaction of his
family claims on that county, in the same way as Gospatric, the eldest brother,
had the barony of Beanly in Northumberland, as a compensation to some extent
for the loss of that earldom.
Florence, in recording the renovation of Carhsle, adds, " this city, like most
others in that quarter, had been laid in ruins by the Northern Danes, two hun
dred years before, and had been uninhabited up to this time."

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 197
A similar statement occurs in nearly all our historians, and is copied, amongst
others, by Matthew of Westminster, who nevertheless talks of Carhsle as a
flourishing city twenty years previous ; at which time, he tells us, it was taken by
WUham the Conqueror from Eanulf de Micenis. This writer is throughout his
work a servUe abbreviator of Eoger of Wendover and Matthew Paris ; and in the
very few passages derived from other sources, his testimony is utterly valueless.
Eanulf de Micenis certainly held Cumberland during the greater part of the reign
of Henry I. His appointment was probably made by William Eufus after the
expulsion of Dolfin, but certainly not earlier.
The following year "the King of Scotland sent ambassadors to William, de
manding the performance of certain stipulations," which probably comprised some
equivalent for the cession of Carhsle, on which, says the Saxon Chronicle —
" The King summoned him to Gloucester, and sent hostages to him in Scotland ; and
afterwards Edgar Atheling and others met him, and brought him with much honor to the
court. But when he came there, he could neither obtain an audience of the King, nor the
performance of the stipulations ; and he departed in great wrath. Then King Malcolm re
turned to Scotland, and assembling his troops invaded England, ravaging the country with
relentless fury. And Eobert Earl of Northumberland lay in wait for him with his men,
and slew him unawares. He was killed by Morel of Bamburgh, the Earl's deputy, and his
own godsib."
Edward, his eldest son, and heir to his kingdom, was slain with him, and his
queen, Margaret, died of grief on receiving the fatal intelligence. Florence says
that WUliam sought to compel Malcolm to do him homage in his own court, and
to abide the judgment of the Enghsh barons. Malcolm, on the other hand, re
fused to do homage, except as his predecessors had done on the borders of the two
kingdoms, and according to the judgment of the barons of both realms. Orderi
cus, differing from all other historians, states that Malcolm was slain when return
ing peaceably from Gloucester, and not in a subsequent hostUe incursion. The
tragic event took place on St. Brice's day, November 13th, 1093, on the banks of
the Alne. The interpolator of Symeon, who mentions the locality, goes on to
say— " A portion of his army died by the sword of the enemy, and those who escaped the
sword were drowned in their retreat, in attempting to cross the rivers, which were un
usually swollen by the winter rains."
PART I. 3 C

198 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The body of the deceased King was carried in a cart by two countrymen to Tyne-
mouth, and there interred.
" On five occasions," says our authority, " he had afflicted Northumberland with dread
ful ravages, and carried off its wretched inhabitants into slavery : first, in the reign of King
Edward and the episcopate of Egelwin, during the absence of Earl Tosti at Borne ; the
second time in the reign of King WiUiam, when he wasted Cleveland ; thirdly, in the same
reign, whilst Walcher was Bishop, when he laid waste the country to the Tyne, slaughtering
multitudes of human beings, and burning their dwellings, returning with an immense
booty ; the fourth time in the reign of Wilham the younger, when WiUiam was Bishop of
Durham, on which occasion he got as far as Chester-le-Street, but was driven back. The
fifth incursion was that just noticed, in which the aggressor perished."
It is unnecessary to repeat here the grounds on which doubts have already been
expressed as to the occurrence of the two first of the invasions here recapitulated.0
The same suspicion does not attach to the three last, as we know that the rela
tions between Malcolm and the two Norman Kings were very unsettled and
precarious. The death of Malcolm was followed within two years by the fall of Mowbray,
an event of no slight importance in the Northumbrian annals, leading as it did to
the incorporation of the earldom with the realm of England, of which it had
hitherto been a dependent feof.
The Earl, according to Ordericus, had seized four large vessels, called canards,
which had come from Norway to England, laden with merchandise, and had vio
lently deprived the peaceable merchants of all they possessed. In this outrage,
Morel, who is described as the nephew of Mowbray, was implicated. On the
complaint of the merchants, the offenders were commanded to make restitution ;
but the order was treated with supreme contempt, and Eobert was summoned by
the King to attend his court, and answer for his conduct. This summons was
also disregarded, although twice repeated. This contumacy is explained by Flo
rence, who informs us that the Earl was engaged in a consphacy with Wilham
d'Eu and many others to take the King's life, and to raise his cousin Stephen
d'Aumale to the throne. Being thus set at defiance, William collected a large
force, and marched northwards to Northumberland. On the confines of the
county he had nearly fallen into an ambuscade prepared for him in a large wood ;
0 See pages 166 and 186-7-8.

THE OFFICIAL EARLDOM. 199
but was preserved from this danger by the timely warning of one of the conspira
tors, Gilbert de Tunbridge, who repenting of his treason, threw himself at the
King's feet, and imploring his pardon, revealed the snare which was laid for him.
Changing his course, he arrived by a detour at Tynemouth, where he took the
castle, and made prisoner a brother of the Earl. Marching thence to Newcastle,
he made himself master of that place also, in which were all the best soldiers of
the Earl. Bamburgh was now the only fortress which remained in the power of
the rebels, and this the King resolved to reduce as speedily as possible ; but find
ing it impregnable, he was compelled to have recourse to a blockade. With this
view, he erected a temporary fort, which was aptly called Malvoisin, or the bad
neighbour, immediately opposite to the castle, and commanding a complete view of
the operations of the besieged. From hence missUes were hurled at the garrison
as often as any of them shewed themselves on the waUs. Many of the conspira
tors, anxious to conceal then own share in the plot, diligently assisted the be
siegers. Provoked by this double treachery, Eobert, who was in the castle,
caUed to them by name, and loudly reproached them for their perfidy. His un
ceasing menaces only excited the derision of the royal forces, whilst the com
panions of his guilt redoubled their exertions against him, in order to merit
their own pardon. At length, tempted by a pretended invitation from the garri
son of Newcastle, offering to receive him in their fortress, he sallied forth by
night, accompanied by thirty soldiers. His proceedings were, however, betrayed
to the besieging army, and messengers were sent to prepare the garrison of New
castle for his arrival. Here, discovering too late the deceit which had been prac
tised upon him, he barely escaped capture, and sought refuge at the monastery of
Tynemouth, where he made a resolute, but unavailing resistance.11 He was him
self severely wounded in the leg, whilst bravely opposing himself to superior num
bers, many of whom were slain or maimed by his single arm. At length, when
aU his foUowers were kiUed or made prisoners, he sought refuge in the church,
from which he was dragged forth, and secured. His discomfiture at this place
was looked upon by the monks of Durham as an instance of special retribution for
the injury which he had inflicted on their house, by transferring the church of
p Gaimar represents him to have escaped from Bamburgh to Tynemouth by sea. This writer relates
the capture of the castle of Morpeth by the King. We know from records that the Barony of Morpeth
was granted to the Merleys in the preceding reign, but this is the earliest mention of the castle, of
which WUham de Merley is stated to have been the owner.

200 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Tynemouth, which had been conferred upon them by Waltheof, and confirmed
by Albrius, to the abbey of St. Alban.
On the establishment of the blockade, Wilham had returned south ; but being
informed of the capture of Mowbray, he ordered him to be taken to Bamburgh,
where the castle was stiU held by his wife and his kinsman Morel, with directions
to put out his eyes unless it were instantly surrendered. This threat had the
desired effect, and all resistance terminated with the reduction of this stronghold.
Mowbray was condemned to perpetual imprisonment in the castle of Windsor,
where he survived thirty years. Morel was compeUed to divulge the secrets of
the conspirators, many of whom suffered in consequence of his disclosures. He
was afterwards permitted to withdraw from England, and, wandering in many
lands, he grew old in exile and died in poverty and disgrace.
The foUowing portraits of Eobert de Mowbray and of his uncle Geoffrey Bishop
of Coutance, are from the pen of Ordericus Yitalis : —
" Eobert, son of Boger de Mowbray, was distinguished for his great power and wealth ;
his high spirit and military daring caused him to hold his feUow nobles in contempt, and
inflated with empty pride, he disdained obedience to his superiors. In person he was of
great stature, bulk, and strength, with a swarthy complexion and shaggy beard ; his dispo
sition bold and crafty, his features stern and harsh. He thought much, but spoke httle,
and seldom smiled when he spoke. He possessed two hundred and eighty manors in Eng
land, which the great King WiUiam had granted to Geoffrey Bishop of Coutance."
" This bishop prided himself on his noble birth, and was more distinguished for his skill
in war than his knowledge of divinity ; better able to array men-at-arms for battle, than to
instruct cowled clerks in the chants of the church. He was, therefore, often engaged in
conflicts with the Enghsh and Danes, and when the enemy was subdued, obtained vast
possessions, which, at his death, he bequeathed to his nephew Bobert Earl of Northum
berland." AU these vast possessions, as weU as the earldom, were lost by this rash and
iU-considered rebelhon. It is probable indeed that the latter would not again
have been granted to a subject, and that the forfeiture of Mowbray only accelera
ted by a few years its union with the crown of England, to which it remained
attached during the remainder of this reign, and through the whole of that of
Henry I.

201

CHAPTEE VI.
NORMAN PERIOD.
Down to the Norman Conquest, and the deprivation of Morcar, Yorkshhe, as
weU as Northumberland, was governed by Earls, though the same individuals had
not always the charge of both provinces. The brief rule of Copsi, as the vice
roy of the Conqueror, seems to have extended from the Humber to the Tweed ;
but after his violent death no more earls were appointed over Yorkshire, which
was reduced to the condition of the other counties of England, and its affairs ad
ministered by a sheriff. Thus at the time of the northern insurrection in 1069,
we read of Wilham Malet, Sheriff of Yorkshire, who, with his wife and chUdren,
were spared in the general slaughter of the Normans at York. Again, when Ald
wine, the pious monk of Winchcombe, was pursuing his weary pilgrimage to the
Tyne, he was furnished with information as to his route by Hugh Fitz-Baldric,
the Sheriff of Yorkshire, in 1074. Hugh the Sheriff is also mentioned in Dooms
day. Gospatric and Waltheof were Earls of Northumberland only, north of the
Tees, and within the same hmits the authority of Walcher was restricted.
Symeon usually speaks of the northern earldom as tbe country beyond the Tyne,
and of the southern as Yorkshire, as if the intermediate district between the Tyne
and the Tees was all along an ecclesiastical palatinate, independent of either.
We have, however, no evidence that the bishops of Durham had any palatine
jurisdiction previous to the time of Bishop Walcher, although they certainly
claimed extensive privileges of exemption from taxation within their own liberty.
Walcher, in the first instance, was precisely in the same position as his prede
cessors, and we have even seen that the King attempted in his time to exact
payments from which the territory of the church had previously been exempt.
This seems to have been during the vacancy of the earldom, after the expulsion
of Gospatric. On the appointment of Waltheof, the Bishop's privileges were
scrupulously respected, and his spiritual decrees enforced by the temporal power
part i. 3d

202 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
of the Earl ; but no accession of authority was given to him until he was promoted
to the earldom, and exercised it under a separate title. His successors in
the bishoprick undoubtedly enjoyed within then own limits all the rights
which the Earl, and afterwards the Crown, possessed without ; but still the
bishoprick was not regarded as without the earldom, but only as a privileged
jurisdiction within it. At the southern extremity, indeed, of the present county
of Durham, there existed a large tract (the Wapentake of Sadberge), which did
not tiU long afterwards belong to the bishoprick. So late as the reign of Edward
I., the palatinate of Durham, as has been shewn by Mr. Hodgson, from the Hun
dred Bolls, was stiU regarded as within the county of Northumberland ; just as
was the liberty of Hexham a possession of the Archbishops of York, with privi
leges and jurisdiction almost as independent. As the Tees is stated, on the com
petent authority of our local historian, Eichard of Hexham, to have been the
ancient boundary between the kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira ; so it seems in
later times to have marked the limit between the earldoms of Northumberland
and Yorkshire. During the Danish supremacy, indeed, when the Saxons were
confined to the district beyond the Tyne, tbe limit was for a time changed, as
Halfdene and Guthred held all the country to the south of that river, whUst the
two Egberts and Eicsig were confined to the North. The fact, however, just
advanced, that Sadberge was long afterwards treated as a part of Northumberland
and not of Yorkshhe, proves that the boundary must have been afterwards
re-adjusted. During the reign of William the Conqueror and the early part of that of WUliam
Eufus, the Crown did not, except on special occasions, interfere with the civil ad
ministration of Northumberland, beyond the appointment of the Earls, to whom
the country was granted rather as a fee than a trust. Of these Earls an account
has been given in the last chapter, and little remains to be added here.
Three of them, as we have seen, Copsi, Cumin, and Walcher, perished in popular
tumults ; Waltheof died on the scaffold, and Osulf by the hands of an outlaw ;
Morcar and Mowbray were imprisoned for life ; Gospatric was expelled for treason,
and Alberic for incompetency.
During this period the Conqueror was twice or thrice in the bishoprick of
Durham, but only once in Northumberland. This was on the occasion of his ex
pedition into Scotland in 1072. His eldest son Eobert passed through the county
in going and returning from a similar expedition in 1080, and Eufus in 1091.

NORMAN PERIOD. 203
The latter was again in Northumberland in 1095, the year of Mowbray's rebellion,
after which he does not appear to have been any more in the North.
Some particulars of the expedition in 1072 may be gathered from the anony
mous Life of St. Oswine, published by the Surtees Society. These are particularly
interesting, from the notice which he takes of Monkchester, two years earlier than
the visit of the Winchcombe monks, and eight years prior to the foundation of
Newcastle. It is represented as a very poor place, cut off from any communi
cation except by precarious fords, from the district to the South, although the
author informs us that a bridge existed in his own time, about 40 years later,
having, doubtless, been erected at the same time as the castle, and probably on
Eoman foundations. On the other hand, he represents Tynemouth as the store
house of the neighbouring district. The royal army being detained by a flood
at Monkchester, suffered greatly from want of provisions, and a foraging party was
sent to Tynemouth, who, regardless of the sanctity of the place, carried away
whatever they could lay their hands on. For this sacrilege they were punished
by the outraged saint ; the horses which had been fed with the stolen corn being
seized with swelling and inflammation. Amongst others was a charger belonging
to an officer caUed Eobert, who, whilst his followers were plundering, was per
forming his own devotions at the neighbouring shrine. Shocked at the impiety
of his troops, and sohcitous for the recovery of his horse, Eobert made an offering
of his best paU, in virtue of which the distemper was staid, and his own steed
recovered. After the faU of Mowbray and the confiscation of his earldom, the custody of
Northumberland as weU as Yorkshire was committed by the Crown to a sheriff or
vicecomes. The earls indeed appear previously to have appointed sheriffs of their
own ; as we read of GUebert, the sheriff under Bishop Walcher, and of Morel
under Mowbray ; Morel had the custody of Bamburgh Castle, which important
trust was for many years afterwards appertinent to the shrievalty.
Odard, the first sheriff under the Crown on record, occurs as a witness to the
foundation charter of the abbey of Selkirk, afterwards removed to Kelso, in 1113,
and is there described as " Vicecomes de Bebbanburgh." He is mentioned by
Eichard of Hexham in connection with the early history of his monastery, founded
in 1114, and by Symeon of Durham in 1121. He was still Sheriff of Northum
berland in 1131, and his father Hildred was Sheriff of Cumberland the same year,
as appears from the isolated pipe-roll of the 31st of Henry I. Odard was the

204 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
founder of two families of baronial rank. He was succeeded by his son Adam in
the barony of Wigton in Cumberland/ and by John, who adopted the surname of
Vicecomes or Le Vesconte, in that of Emildon in Northumberland.
Eustace Fitz -John was probably the immediate successor of Odard in the
shrievalty, as we find him in charge of Bamburgh Castle, at the commencement
of tbe reign of Stephen. He was a justice itinerant in the northern counties,
with Walter Espec, in the 31st of Henry I. He acquired the barony of Alnwick,
by marriage with the heiress of De Vesci, which name was assumed by his de
scendants, and he had Malton in Yorkshhe by grant from Henry I. The noble
famuy of Clavering is also said to have been descended from a younger son by the
same mother ; besides which he had a numerous family by a previous marriage.b
Henry I. passed through the county in 1122, on his route from York to Car
lisle. Ordericus says he was engaged in taking a survey of Northumberland, and
speaks feelingly of its muddy roads, as traversed by two old monks of St. Evroult,
who sought the King to present to him the newly elected Abbot of then house.
The turbulent career of Ealf Flambard Bishop of Durham, presents no incident
connected with Northumberland, except the erection of Norham Castle by this
prelate in 1121, as a protection against the incursions of the Scots. Previous to
this, Bamburgh had been the most northern English fortress, and at the time of
the Conquest no other stronghold existed north of York. Durham Castle was
built by the Conqueror, a.d. 1072, and Newcastle, as we have seen, by his son
Eobert in 1080. The rebuilding of Carlisle, and the erection of a castle there by
William Eufus, has been already noticed under the year 1092. The interpolator
of Florence would postpone the building of the castle till Henry's journey to Car
lisle in 1122 ; nor is it improbable that the works were strengthened and aug
mented on that occasion.
None of the baronial castles0 in Northumberland have any pretensions to an
1 Cumberland Pipe Bolls. D See Dugdale's Baronage.
c Alnwick Castle is mentioned by Fordun as the scene of Malcolm Caenmore's death by the hand of
Morel, a.d. 1093, but this statement is founded on no earlier authority. The Saxon Chronicle, Florence,
and Huntingdon are silent as to the locality, and Symeon, though he places it on the banks of the Aln,
mentions neither Alnwick nor its castle. Gaimar mentions Morpeth Castle, as existing at the date of
Mowbray's rebellion, a.d. 1095, but little reUance is to be placed on his unsupported testimony. At
that time there was certainly a castle at Tynemouth, which was probably removed to make room for
the church and conventual buildings. What is now known as Tynemouth Castle was only the fortified
gateway to the monastery.

NORMAN PERIOD. 205
earher date than the reign of Henry I., although several of the baronies originated
in grants from the Conqueror. These grants included the seignory or franchise
of Eeedsdale, and the baronies of Alnwick, Morpeth, Mitford, Bolam, Delaval, and
probably Whalton. The charter of Eeedsdale, the only one of which a copy has
been preserved, was granted in tbe 1 0th of William, if, indeed, the document be
genuine.d At that time the county was in the hands of the Crown, after the death
of Earl Waltheof; and this is not only an argument in favour of the authenticity
of the Eeedsdale charter, but affords a presumption that the others were granted
at the same time, as the title in each case appears, from the Testa de Nevil, to be
derived from the Crown, and not from an earl. Several of the proprietors in later
times pretended to carry their hereditary possession higher, by alleged descents
from heiresses of the old Saxon stock ; but these claims are, for the most part,
clumsily devised, and are unsupported by the inquisitions in the Testa de Nevil,
or any ancient authority. Besides the baronies mentioned above, the manors of
Chevington and DUston were granted by the Conqueror. The only grant made
by William Eufus was of the barony of Bailliol. Dnder Henry I. the grants were
numerous and extensive, including the baronies of Wooler, Wark, Beanley,
Prudhoe, Bolbec, Emildon, Bothal, Heron, and Elhngham ; and the manors of
Budle and Spindleston, Bradford, and Gosforth.
The manors which remained in the Crown were Bamburgh, Newcastle, Wark
worth, Eothbury, Corbridge, and Newburn ; besides the districts of Tyndale and
Sadberge, both still included in the body of the county, but afterwards granted as
franchises with independent jurisdiction, the one to the royal family of Scotland,
the other to the bishops of Durham.
The more extensive franchises of Durham and Hexhamshire6 have been aheady
d According to Sir Harris Nicholas ( Chronology of History, p. 285), Eichard I. "is presumed to have
been the first King of England who dated his public instruments in the years of his reign." If this
be so, the date of this charter in the 10th of WiUiam I. is fatal to its authenticity.
e According to an old Durham Chronicle printed in the Monasiicon, Hexham belonged to the Bishop
of Durham till the reign of Henry I., who took it from Balph Flambard, and gave it to the Archbishop
of York. This statement is totaUy unsupported by the continuator of Symeon, a contemporary writer,
who mentions the abstraction of Carlisle and Teviotdale, but says nothing as to Hexham. Symeon
himself informs us that the pastoral care of Bishop Eardulf towards the close of the eighth century
extended to Carlisle, but he also is sUent as to Hexham. The only claim of the Church of St. Cuthbert
to this district seems to have rested on the grant by King Guthred of all the lands between the Tyne
and the Wear, a somewhat precarious foundation. Eichard of Hexham, indeed, affects to consider the
establishment 'of the see at Chester-le-Street, and subsequently at Durham, as a resuscitation of the
PART I. 3 E

206 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
referred to. A few smaU estates were held by sergeanty, and a considerable
number were still possessed under the old Saxon tenure of Drengage or Theinage.f
In the 31st of Henry I. the profits of the county and the royal manors were
farmed by Odard the Sheriff at 139Z. 5s. O^d., out of which had to be deducted
fixed charges amounting to 101. 17s. Qd. annually.
Odard also accounted for 1001. for the Danegeld of the past year, and a hke
amount for the year preceding. Amongst the misceUaneous receipts is this inte
resting entry : " Gospatric of Newcastle owes xx. marks, that he may purge him
self of judgment of iron (de judicio ferri) by his oath." Amongst the items of
expenditure is a sum of 61. 10s. %\d. "for a corredy to the King of Scotland
(David) coming into England to the King's coint, and returning from England to
Scotland." The sheriff of each county through which David passed takes credit
in like manner for a certain sum for his expenses ; but the amounts vary in each
case. For the remainder of the reign of Henry I. and the whole reign of Ste
phen, the Pipe Bolls are wanting ; during this period, indeed, hardly any pubhc
records of any class are in existence. It happens, fortunately, however, that three
nearly contemporary northern historians, Eichard and John of Hexham, and AUred
of Eivaux have chronicled in their pages the very stirring events of which North
umberland was at this time the scene. Some further particulars are also furnished
by the anonymous continuator of Symeon' s History of the Church of Durham.
From these several authorities the foUowing particulars are for the most part
collected ; the attention of the other chroniclers of the reign of Stephen having
been chiefly directed to the progress of events in the southern and midland
counties. The opposition which manifested itself throughout the kingdom to the usurpa
tion of Stephen was strengthened in Northumberland by the influence and prox
imity of David King of Scotland, who was a warm partizan of the cause of his
niece, the Empress MatUda, to whom, in company with Stephen and the assembled
bishoprick of Hexham rather than of Lindisfarne. That the new see included the district which was
placed under the bishops of Hexham when the abbey was converted into a bishoprick, may be readUy
conceded, but the ancient monastic possessions, with their ecclesiastical jurisdiction and secular privi
leges, appear, in the absence of all evidence to the contrary, to have lapsed to the metropolitan on the
extinction of the line of suffragan bishops. This view is confirmed by a formal decision recorded in
the Hundred EoUs, whereby the extensive privileges claimed by the archbishop within this liberty are
affirmed, not as resting on any charter of Henry I., but on immemorial usage.
f Eespecting this tenure see the next chapter.

NORMAN PERIOD. 207
baronage of England, he had pledged his fealty, in the lifetime of her father.
Nor was he without interested views on his own account. He had pretensions
to the earldoms of Cumberland and Northumberland, which could be pressed with
much greater prospect of success during a period of civil commotion than in time
of peace. Cumberland he claimed In his own right, as a portion of the Scottish
principality of that name, and Northumberland as the lawful inheritance of his
wife, who was the daughter of Earl Waltheof, and the grand-daughter of the great
Siward. Under these circumstances, the union of his interest with that of the
Empress could not faU materially to affect the stability of Stephen's government in
the North.
King Henry died in Normandy on the 2nd of December, 1135, and his suc
cessor was crowned in London on Christmas-day, " having been chosen," as we
are told by contemporary chroniclers, " by the nobles of the kingdom, with the
assent of the clergy and people,'' notwithstanding the oath recently taken to sup
port the daughter of then late sovereign. Stephen's promptitude, and the absence
of any precedent in favour of the inheritance of the throne by a female, seem to
have mainly contributed to this result. The crown, however, thus vigorously
seized, was not destined to be worn in peace. A formidable opposition was im
mediately organized by Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, the second husband of the Empress,
in Normandy, and by King David on the northern borders of England. The
latter surprised and occupied the city and castle of Carlisle, the castle of New
castle, and three other fortresses in Northumberland. These were Carham or
Wark, Norham, and Alnwick. The barons of the district pledged themselves to
support the cause which be bad espoused ; and the only stronghold which held
out for Stephen was the royal citadel of Bamburgh, which David had vainly
attempted to seize. He was proceeding to Durham, with a view of occupying
that city also, when he learned that Stephen had anticipated him, having taken
up his quarters there with a large force. A coUision between the two armies was
obviated by negotiation ; and David agreed to abandon the cause of his niece, on
having confirmed to him the English Honour of Huntingdon, with a grant to his
son Henry of the earldoms of Doncaster and Carhsle. In return, the latter per
formed the ceremony of homage, from which his father was precluded by his
previous engagements to MatUda. An ambiguous promise was also given that
the claims of David and his son to the earldom of Northumberland should be
fairly considered.

208 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
David seems to have considered this stipulation as absolute, and to have re
quired an immediate adjudication. Stephen, on the other hand, wished to qualify
it in such a way as to render it altogether nugatory. Thus we are told by
Eichard of Hexham, that the pledge was by some, who professed to have been
present at the negotiations, reported to have been to this extent only, that no
grant should be made of the earldom to any other party without the claim of the
Scotch prince being first fairly considered. This was a virtual denial of justice,
so long as the King retained the earldom in his own hands ; and it is difficult
to believe that such a proposal could have been offered, much less accepted, as the
consideration for the surrender of three important fortresses, and the withdrawal
of a victorious army. Immediately, however, on the conclusion of the treaty,
David restored the castles of Wark, Norham, and Newcastle ; the castle of
Carhsle being retained by Brince Henry, as appertinent to that earldom. These
transactions haying been completed in February, 1136, Stephen returned to Lon
don^ where Prince Henry attended his court at Easter. His reception there,
though cordial on the part of the King, was marred by the jealousy of the Arch
bishop of Canterbury and others of the nobility, and produced great dissatisfac
tion in his father's mind. This angry feehng, and the refusal of Stephen to
entertain the question of his claims to the earldom of Northumberland, determined
David again to have recourse to arms. Taking advantage of Stephen's absence in
Normandy, he assembled an army in the month of AprU, 1137, with which he
laid waste Northumberland ; but, on approaching Newcastle, he found that a
large force was collected at that town from aU parts of England to oppose him. A
general engagement was, as before, avoided by negotiation, and a truce concluded
till tbe following Advent, by which time Stephen had returned to England, having
purchased two years' suspension of hostilities by the payment of a large sum of
money to the Earl of Anjou. Being thus freed from any apprehension of attack
in that quarter, and at liberty to concentrate his forces against the Scotch King,
he refused to give any satisfaction respecting the earldom. Provoked by this
conduct, David, as usual, retaliated on the unfortunate Northumbrians.
The first attempt was directed against the castle of Wark. This castle was the
property of Walter Espec, being situated in his barony of Carham, which he en
joyed under a grant from King Henry I. The castle itself is described by Eichard
of Hexham as " the castle of Carham, which the English caU Wark," the latter
name was no doubt the provincial designation of a work which was prosecuted

NORMAN PERIOD. 209
for many years and with much labour, just as Newark signifies the new work, and
as in repeated instances we find places called Newbiggin (the new building).
John of Hexham, who lived somewhat later, knew it by no other name than
Wark, and the barony itself was at an early period called Wark also ; the name
of Carham being retained by the parish, and by an estate within it granted by
Walter Espec to the monastery of Kirkham, where a cell was afterwards estab
lished. The position of Wark on an elevated site on the south bank of the Tweed,
commanding the passage of the river by one of the most frequented fords, ren
dered the castle an object of great importance during tbe various struggles
between the rival nations on the north and south ; so much so, that, although tbe
castle was private property, large sums were from time to time expended on its
repairs and defence by the Crown, whilst the proprietors were also required to
maintain an efficient garrison. Of this expenditure we have evidence in the Pipe
EoUs early in the reign of Henry II.
When Wark was previously taken by David, there is little doubt that his
success was due to a surprise; and a similar attempt was now made by a nocturnal
attack led by William Fitz-Duncan, the King's nephew. Failing in this, David
and his son Henry invested the castle with battering rams and other machines,
but with no better success, and the siege was raised after three weeks, during
which the Scotch army suffered much more than the garrison, many of the former
being slain, and amongst the rest the bearer of the royal standard. Turning from
Wark, the army overran the whole county to the Tyne, and their atrocities are
depicted in horrible detaU : —
"The infamous army," says the Prior of Hexham, "received accessions from Normans,
Germans, and Enghsh, from Northumbrians and Cumbrians, from Teviotdale and Lothian,
from the Picts, commonly caned Galwegians, and the Scots. No one knew their number,
for multitudes uncaUed for allied themselves with these, for the love of plunder and of
revenge, or for the desire of mischief."
The towns only were spared, and a portion of the country towards the sea coast,
which they reserved till their return. Churches and monasteries were little
respected. Newminster, founded the year before by Ealph de Merley, was de
stroyed, and Tynemouth purchased security by payment of a. heavy fine. Hexham
was indebted for its escape to the reverence of the Scots for then patron, Saint
Andrew, to whom it was dedicated. It was, however, in some danger from the
Galwegians, who were influenced by no such feelings. The King seems to have
PART I. 3 F

210 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
done what he could to protect the religious houses from violence, but he had little
controul over his followers. His head-quarters were at Corbridge,. and his prox
imity was no doubt a safe-guard to the canons of Hexham, to whom, with their
church and monastery, he granted letters of protection. William Fitz-Duncan
also, who was stationed with another army at the neighbouring village of Warden,
equaUy exerted himself to restrain the sacrilegious violence of his troops. As re
garded the church of Hexham itself, his exertions were successful, but the oratory
of St. Michael, on the opposite bank of the Tyne, was defiled and plundered by
the Picts.
Many of the inhabitants of Northumberland fled into the bishoprick of Durham,
and concealed themselves in the waste and desolate country which then surrounded
the village of Tanfield ; but even here they were traced and butchered by the san
guinary invaders, who returned with an immense booty, which the fugitives had
vainly endeavoured to secrete.
In the meantime Stephen marched with the strength of his kingdom into North
umberland, and finding the Scotch army dispersed and disorganized in a remote
corner, he resolved to advance at once to the frontier, and to retaliate on the sub
jects of his opponent the devastations which had been committed within his own
territory. Having taken up his quarters at the castle of Wark, he found himself
within eight or nine miles of Eoxburgh, the accustomed residence of the Scotch
court, but now left defenceless in the absence of the King and his retainers.
Whilst Stephen felt sure of an easy triumph, David was informed of all his move
ments and intentions by a party of the English nobility, with whom he had kept
up all along a clandestine correspondence. Acting on this intelligence, he quickly
collected his scattered forces, and returning homewards by rapid marches, arrived
in tbe vicinity of Eoxburgh, before Stephen had set out from Wark. Instead,
however, of occupying the city, he led his army in silence into a natural fastness
in the neighbourhood, protected on all sides by a morass, to which a single path
only afforded access. From hence he privately communicated with the citizens,
directing them to offer no opposition to Stephen, but to suffer him to take posses
sion of the city ; hoping, by this means, to throw him off his guard, and thus to
obtain an opportunity of cutting off both the King and his army by a nocturnal
attack, in which he would be aided not only by his own subjects within the walls,
but by a powerful party in the English camp. A timely warning preserved Ste
phen from the snare laid for him ; but so formidable had been the conspiracy, and

NORMAN PERIOD. 211
so extensive the consequent distrust, that, renouncing all his schemes of retaliation,
he broke up his camp and marched immediately southward.
Amongst those implicated was Eustace Fitz-John, the most powerful baron in
Northumberland, and the confidential counsellor of the late King, to the cause of
whose daughter it is not extraordinary that he should incline, in preference to that
of his nephew. Eustace was deprived of the custody of the royal fortress of
Bamburgh, but was left in possession of his own castles of Alnwick and Malton.
This conspiracy amongst the English is related by John of Hexham, but is passed
over in sUence by Prior Eichard, who ascribes the sudden return of the King to
the indisposition of his followers to carry on a predatory warfare during the season
of Lent. He adds that in the meantime Stephen, instead of marching westward
to Eoxburgh, crossed the Tweed at Wark, and had already overrun a large portion
of the Scotch territory before the withdrawal of his forces. It is not easy, how
ever, to account for the snare laid for the English King, and so nearly leading to
a disastrous result, on any other supposition, than that of a betrayal of bis plans
by his own followers.
The English army having retired, David first celebrated the festival of Easter
with due solemnity, and then renewed the horrors of the last campaign by another
incursion into Northumberland, in which the places on the sea coast, which had
before escaped, were involved in a general destruction. These ravages were ex
tended into the territory of St. Cuthbert, and the city of Durham itself was in
danger, when the inhabitants were reheved from their fears by the sudden
withdrawal of the enemy. Due credit is given by tbe historians to the saint for
his interference on this occasion, but they mention also two other causes which
conduced to the retirement of the invaders : first, a mutiny of the Pictish forces,
in which the hves of the King and his immediate followers were in peril ; and
secondly, a rumour of the approach of an overwhelming army from the South.
David marched to the Tweed, where he besieged the castle of Norham ; but
William Fitz-Duncan, who had previously advanced into Yorkshhe, committed
great ravages in Craven, a possession of his own in right of his wife, and defeated
a large force brought against him at Chtheroe, within the limits of Lancashhe.
From hence he retired with an immense booty to Carlisle.
The townsmen of Norham at first defended the castle with great vigour, but
being ill supported by the regular garrison, amongst whom were only nine knights,
their spirits began to flag, and many of their number being wounded, they

212 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
resolved to capitulate, although the fortifications were uninjured and the provisions
abundant. Not only the garrison and the townsmen, but the Bishop also, were
loudly censured, the last being justly blamed for allowing so important a fortress
to be thus undermanned.
David endeavoured to persuade the Bishop, Geoffrey Eufus, to renounce his
aUegiance to King Stephen, in which case he offered to restore him the castle.
On his refusal, he caused it to be dismantled.
Encouraged by the capture of Norham, he resolved to renew the siege of Wark,
against the garrison of which he was greatly exasperated on account of a daring
exploit which they had achieved. During the siege of Norham, the supplies and
munitions of the assailants were conveyed by a road which passed directly under
the waUs of Wark. On one occasion the garrison saUied forth and intercepted a
large amount of stores, carrying off also the waggons and attendants. All at
tempts to take the castle by storm proved unavaihng, and the loss of the besiegers
was very heavy. After repeated assaults, both by the King in person and his son
Henry, it was resolved to attempt the reduction of the place by famine. Having
destroyed aU the crops in the neighbourhood, David entrusted the maintenance of
a strict blockade to two of his barons, and marched southward at the head of the
largest army which he had yet assembled. In this expedition he was openly
joined by Eustace Fitz-John.
Their first halt was at Bamburgh, the siege of which formed no part of the plan
of operations. Provoked, however, by the taunts of the garrison, uttered under
cover of one of the outworks, the Scots made an impetuous assault, and, throwing
down the wall, slew nearly one hundred men who were sheltered behind it. They
then destroyed the crops in that district, at Mitford, and at other places where the
proprietors were hostile.
Having crossed the Tyne, David waited tiU he was joined by the levies from
the western parts of his dominions, GaUoway, Cumbria, and Carhol.
" The whole army being thus assembled, he regarded it with unbounded exultation, for
it appeared to him immense and invincible. In truth, it was very large, consisting of more
than twenty-six thousand men." " But," adds the pious historian, " his heart and the hearts
of his men were hfted up, and putting their trust in themselves and their numbers, and
having no fear of God, they spoke boastfully and proudly. They both designed and threat
ened to give to destruction not only Yorkshire, but the greatest part of England, for with
such a host they did not imagine any one would be able to resist them."

NORMAN PERIOD. 213
They ravaged the whole country as far as the Tees without opposition, but the
barons of Yorkshire, headed by their brave old archbishop, Turstin, determined
on resistance. From King Stephen they could hope for no assistance, for be was
himself hard pressed in another part of the country ; neither had they any one
amongst them to whom they had been accustomed to look up as a leader in war.
Each, on the contrary, was suspicious of the others, and not unnaturally, at a
period when the whole nation was divided between two contending factions. By
union only, however, could they hope to avert the ruin which had already over
whelmed their neighbours beyond the Tees, and this they endeavoured to secure by
the most solemn oaths of feUowship and co-operation. Still, before committing
themselves irretrievably to the fortune of war, they determined to attempt nego
tiation. With this view, Eobert de Brus and Bernard de Bailliol, both holding
large possessions in Scotland as well as in England, were deputed as ambassadors
to King David, authorized to offer him the cession of the earldom of Northum
berland as the price of peace. Whether he doubted the ability of the envoys to
bind King Stephen, whom he already considered to have been false to him in this
particular, or whether he was uplifted by the prospect of certain victory and a
wider sphere of ambition, it is certain that he now refused to accept, as the con
dition of withdrawing his forces, the very terms which he had so long and so im
portunately demanded. He may, indeed, have considered himself precluded from
making terms advantageous to himself without consulting the interests of his niece
the Empress. His former conduct, however, did not evince any great delicacy on
this head. The disappointed envoys having exhausted every persuasive argument,
sorrowfully renounced then allegiance to the Scotch King, and returned to report
the ill- success of their mission. It is foreign to the object of this work to repeat
the details of the Battle of the Standard. It is well known that it resulted in the
complete discomfiture of David and his immense army. Novellus Bishop of
Orkney, not yet under the government of Scotland, acted as the deputy of the
aged Turstin, as the spiritual head of the assembled chivalry. To Walter Espec
the merit of the victory is chiefly ascribed by Ailred of Eievaulx, but we must
receive his testimony with some caution, as this great baron was the founder of the
religious bouse over which Ailred presided. King Stephen recognized especially
the services of Wilham de Albemarle and Eobert de . Ferrars, whom he raised to
the dignity of earls. The other barons present were Walter de Gant, Eobert de
Brus, Eoger de Mowbray, WUham de Percy, Bernard de Bailliol, Eichard de
part i. 3 G

214 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Courci, WiUiam Fossard, Eobert de StutevUle, Ilbert de Lacy, WiUiam Peverel,
and Geoffrey Halsalin. AU but the two last and Eobert de Ferrars were connected
by property with Yorkshire. Bernard de Bailliol, Eobert de Brus, and Walter
Espec were also barons of Northumberland. Eustace Eitz-John fought by the
side of David, and his burghers of Malton distinguished themselves by firing many
viUages during the fight, for which they were afterwards punished by a detach
ment from the victorious army.
This great victory was gained on the 22nd of September, 1138, in the third
year of the reign of King Stephen.
David immediately returned to the siege of Wark, in the prosecution of which
he employed many engines of new construction, but aU in vain. The engines
were destroyed, and many of the assailants slain and wounded. Again he was
obliged to abandon the assault, and to trust to the surer agency of a blockade.
The garrison were thus reduced to the greatest extremities, having been compeUed
to kill their horses and salt them for food. Even these were nearly consumed, but
the garrison were determined to hold out to the last, and when food altogether
failed them, to saUy forth and attack their besiegers, selling then lives as dearly
as they might. From this extremity they were spared by the timely arrival of
WUliam Abbot of Eievaulx, with directions from their lord, Walter Espec, that
they should no longer fruitlessly protract the defence. The fortress was accor
dingly surrendered on the 11th of November, at which time the stock of provi
sions was reduced to one live horse and one in salt. David generously aUowed
the garrison to march out with all their arms and equipments, and even presented
them with twenty-five horses, to replace those which had been slain to meet the
exigencies of the siege ; these terms being granted at the intercession of the
Abbot. The necessary consequence of the dispersion of the Scotch army was to turn
loose upon society a multitude of desperate characters, who lived by rapine and
violence. Amongst the leaders of these outlaws was Edgar, the illegitimate son
of Gospatric Earl of Dunbar, and Eobert and Uctred, the sons of Meldred. These
men carried on a system of outrage and plunder both in Northumberland and tbe
bishoprick of Durham. Amongst other places, they despoiled Errington, near
Hexham, and Dissington, the property of the canons of that place, although the
latter enjoyed the protection of the King of Scotland as weU as of the King of
England. Tbe Prior was, however, ultimately indemnified by the Scotch King,

NORMAN PERIOD. 215
chiefly through the intercession of the Papal Legate, Alberic Bishop of Ostia, who
twice accepted the hospitality of the priory. This prelate during his visit to Eng
land performed a variety of good offices. He reconciled Adulf Bishop of Carlisle
to the Scotch King, who was now lord of his diocese. He obtained the release of
WUliam Cumin, the Chancellor of David, who having been captured at the Battle
of the Standard, was detained a prisoner at Durham, He induced the barbarous
Picts to give up the women and children who had been carried off by them in
their several recent invasions of England. He enforced from them also a promise
that in future they would abstain from violating churches ; that they would spare
women and children, the aged and the infirm ; and that they would slay none
except in actual conflict.
His chief endeavour was to estabhsh peace between the realms of England and
Scotland. First, he obtained from David a promise that, except the prosecution
of the siege of Wark, he would engage in no attack on the English frontier for a
limited period. He then endeavoured, in conjunction with the Queen, to dispose
Stephen's mind to a permanent peace. At first the King was greatly averse to the
proposal, influenced in a great measure by the persuasions of his barons, many of
whom had sustained grievous losses, and panted for revenge. On the other hand,
the Queen, with " the zeal of a woman's heart ignoring defeat, persisted night and
day in every species of importunity, till she succeeded in bending the King's
mind to her purpose ; for she was warmly attached to her uncle David King of
Scotland, and to his son Henry her cousin." Having thus put affairs in a favour
able train Alberic left England, and peace was concluded shortly after his
departure on the following terms : Henry had to receive from Stephen the earl
dom of Northumberland, and such of the barons as chose might do homage to
him saving then fealty to Stephen ; and this most of them did. David as well as
Henry was bound to preserve strict amity and good faith to Stephen, and to
give as hostages for the performance of this condition the sons of five Scotch
earls, including the sons of Gospatric Earl of Dunbar, Fergus Earl of Galloway,
and Hugh de MorvUle the Constable of Scotland. They were further bound to ob
serve the laws, customs, and statutes, established in Northumberland by the late
King Henry. It was also provided that no interference should be attempted with
the rights of the Bishop of Durham within the territory of Saint Cuthbert, or of
the Archbishop of York in Hexhamshire. The treaty was signed at Durham on
the 9th of April, 1139, by Earl Henry and the barons of Scotland and Northum-

216 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
berland, in the presence of the Queen and many earls and barons of the South of
England, and was ratified by Stephen at Nottingham, whither Henry accompanied
the Queen. In the grant of the earldom, as recorded by Eichard of Hexham, an
exception is made of the towns of Bamburgh and Newcastle, in lieu of which,
towns of equal value had to be assigned to Henry in the South of England.
It is uncertain whether this stipulation was ever carried into effect as regarded
the cession of towns in the South, nor do we know how long Bamburgh and New
castle were retained by King Stephen. That they were at a later period enjoyed
by the Scotch prince with the rest of the earldom is abundantly proved, although
we have no direct evidence of the fact of an earlier date than a.d. 1147. Two
charters of Earl Henry to the monks of Tynemouth are extant, both granted in
that year: the first, dated at Newcastle, conferring a general exemption from
military service ; the second, dated at Bamburgh, exempting them from con
tributing to the works on any of the castles within the earldom, amongst which
Newcastle is specifically mentioned. The tables of tolls appended to the famous
Leges Burgorum of King David are also dated at Newcastle, and grants were like
wise made by that King to religious institutions in the town, of land within its
hmits. Newcastle was also the place to which David summoned the barons of
Northumberland, on the death of Earl Henry, to do homage to his infant successor.
It is worthy of notice, that John of Hexham, who wrote somewhat later than
Eichard, is silent as to the exclusion of the towns of Newcastle and Bam
burgh from the grant to Henry, although he recapitulates the other portions of
its contents. It may be doubted indeed whether the object of the treaty was not
carried out in a different form, by allowing Henry to enjoy those towns with the
remainder of the earldom, the fortifications having first been destroyed. For
although one of the charters referred to above alludes to works on the castle of
of Newcastle, we know from the Pipe Bolls of Henry II. that the fortifications of
this place, as well as of Bamburgh, were in a very dilapidated state at the com
mencement of that reign, and that large sums were required for their restoration.
The palatinate of Durham remained, as provided by the treaty, exempt from any
dependence on the earldom. We have already seen how anxious David was on a
former occasion to obtain the controul of the bishoprick by a transfer of the homage
of Geoffrey Eufus from King Stephen to himself. On the death of that prelate,
he attempted virtually to attain the same object by the appointment of a successor
devoted to himself ; but, on this occasion, he no longer proposed that he should

NORMAN PERIOD. 217
hold his temporalities of the crown of Scotland, or of the Earl of Northumberland,
but should accept his appointment from the Empress MatUda in opposition to the
nomination of Stephen, and tbe election of the monks who adhered to him. The
candidate so put forward by David was his chancellor, William Cumin, whom
we have already met with as a prisoner in the very city over which it was now
proposed he should preside as bishop. We further learn that Cumin had for
merly been a clerk and pupU of Bishop Geoffrey, at the court of Henry I., where
King David himself had received his education. The violence and intrigues by
which it was sought to secure the episcopal succession are detaUed at great length
by the anonymous continuator of Symeon's History of the Church of Durham,
and are recorded in less detaU by John of Hexham. The narrative is well worthy
perusal, but does not properly belong to Northumbrian history. The ultimately
successful candidate was WiUiam de St. Barbara, but he did not obtain peaceable
possession of his see tiU October 18, 1144, nineteen months after his election, and
four years and a half after the death of his predecessor.
Amongst the partizans of Cumin, were Bernard de Bailhol and Eobert de Brus,
who were now reconcUed to King David, as well as Eustace Fitz- John.s The year
1152 was memorable for the visit of John, a cardinal, to Northumberland, on his
way to Ireland as a legate from the apostohc see. He landed at Tynemouth, and
Was received with great respect by the Bishop of Durham. He was hospitably
entertained at Hexham, together with an Irish bishop who accompanied him. At
this place he was met by the Chancellor of Scotland, who was sent by David to
conduct him to Carlisle.
In 1153, shortly after Easter, died Henry Earl of Northumberland, whose
eldest son Malcolm was declared heir to the Scotch throne, whUst WiUiam was
invested with the earldom of Northumberland at Newcastle. The foUowing year
David himself died at Carhsle. It is curious to contrast the encomiums bestowed
upon him by the monkish historians after his death, with the accounts which they
furnish of the atrocities committed by the armies under his command.
e The barons who accompanied David are thus enumerated in the Continuation of Symeon : — " Eus-
tachius scilicet Eodbertus de Brus, Bernardus de BaUol, Hugo de MorevUe." Hutchinson identifies
Eustachius in the text with Eustace de Bailliol, and Surtees renders Eustachius scilicit Rodbertus de
Brus " the two Brus's;" but we meet with no Eustace de Bailliol tUl the reign of John, and Eustace
never occurs as a famUy name in the Brus pedigree. There is no doubt that Eustace Fitz-John was the
party reaUy meant. His name occurs in full a few pages later in connection with the same
transactions.
PART I. 3 H

218 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
" His memory," says John of Hexham, " is blessed through aU generations ; there has
been no prince like him in our days, devoted to sacred duties, observing every day the ca
nonical hours, and never omitting to attend the mass for the departed. He was remarkable
for the wise and courageous spirit by which he skilfully restrained the fierceness of his bar
barous people, for his compassion to the poor, washing their feet, feeding and clothing
them." Malcolm, the new King of Scotland, was but twelve years of age at the time of
his grandfather's death, and his brother William, the infant Earl of Northumber
land, two years younger, but the affectionate foresight, of David had secured a
tranquil succession for each.
Shortly afterwards occurred the death of Eustace, the son of King Stephen, an
event of much greater political importance, of which advantage was taken to
bring about an arrangement by which tbe peaceable enjoyment of the crown of
England was ensured to Stephen for his hfe, and the claims of Henry, the son of
the Empress MatUda, to the throne, upon his decease, were fully recognized.
" To this agreed aU the nobles of the kingdom, and those who had opposed King Stephen
now submitted to him. An edict was immediately promulgated by them for the suppres
sion of outrages, the prevention of plunder, the dismissal of foreign mercenaries, and the
destruction of the fortresses, which, since the death of King Henry, every one had built on
his lands. Justice and peace were thus estabhshed throughout the kingdom."
The pretensions of Wilham, the younger son of Stephen, were compromised by
the guarantee of his title to the earldom of Warren, and two other earldoms in
England. Stephen died on the 25th of October, 1154, and Henry II. was crowned on the
19th of December following, from which day the commencement of his reign is
properly computed. He did not, however, obtain possession of the counties of
Northumberland and Cumberland till his third year. To these possessions the
title of the royal famUy of Scotland was originally somewhat equivocal, and the
grant of Stephen could hardly be held binding upon Henry, even on the as
sumption that under ordinary circumstances a reigning sovereign can alienate
territory to the prejudice of his successors. The only substantial ground of com
plaint against the resumption of these provinces rests on an allegation of some of
our historians, that Henry had himself guaranteed their possession to David and
his posterity. Malcolm, the young King of Scotland, resigned the county of
Cumberland, or as it was still called Carhol, without a struggle, nor did he think

NORMAN PERIOD. 219
it incumbent upon him to excite the animosity of his powerful neighbour, by as
serting his brother's claim to Northumberland. William himself, stiU a minor,
could only offer impotent complaints, and vows of future vengeance. The sole
compensation which he received for the county thus wrested from him, was the
grant of a wild demesne in one corner of it, the lordship of Tynedale. Of eight
royal manors within the county this was the least considerable in value, although
the largest in extent, the rental being but 101. per annum out of a total of 185?.
Within this district, however, he was allowed to exercise all the rights of petty
sovereignty, bound only to the crown of England by the ceremony of homage,
without the obhgation of service.
The first care of Henry was to strengthen his new frontier by the reparation of
the royal fortresses of Bamburgh and Newcastle, and the expenditure of a large
sum on the fortifications of Wark. At the same time he concUiated Malcolm by
conferring on him the earldom of Huntingdon, to which he had an hereditary
claim. So satisfied was this pacific prince with the arrangement, that he not only
performed the customary homage, but excited the discontent of his own subjects
by serving in the army of his feudal superior. William, on the contrary, cherished
his angry feelings, although he had prudence enough to restrain their expression
for some time after his accession to the throne of Scotland, on the death of his
brother in 1165. He even followed Henry to the Continent the foUowing year ;
but, says the Chronicle of Melrose, "he returned ere long, after the performance
of some mihtary exploits," intimating, it would seem, that in order to secure the
favour of Henry, and the restitution of the northern counties, he had pursued the
very hne of conduct which bad given so much offence in the case of his prede
cessor. The boon which he sought was, however, too high a price for Henry to
pay for his friendship, and he returned indignant and disappointed, determined to
await a favourable opportunity to attempt by force what he had faded to accom
plish by diplomacy. . With this view he entered into an alliance with the King of
France, memorable as the commencement of that close confederacy which for so
many years united by bonds of common interest the sovereigns of the two nations.
The quarrel of Henry with Archbishop Becket was adroitly made use of to
alienate the affections of a large section of his people, lay as weU as ecclesiastic.
During the prelate's lifetime, the King was able to maintain the position which
he had established by his energy and wisdom, and to bid defiance to the storm
which was directed against him. The murderous outrage, however, which was

220 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
committed within the sacred precincts of Canterbury Cathedral produced a violent
revulsion of popular feeling. The King himself was openly accused as a partici
pator and instigator of the crime, and all his protestations of innocence were
insufficient to satisfy an exasperated populace. Of this feeling advantage was
taken by Louis King of France, long his most intimate ally, but latterly his bit
terest opponent, in connection with the famUy of Henry himself, between whom
and their father the French King had laboured with too much success to excite
sentiments of jealousy and ill will. The eldest, Prince Henry, the heir to the
crown of England, had married the daughter of Louis, through which connection
the latter had estabhshed an influence over his son-in-law far more powerful than
that of his own father. The year preceding Becket's murder, the elder Henry,
in order to secure beyond dispute the succession of his son after his own death,
resorted to the hazardous expedient of having him crowned king in his lifetime.
Of this indiscretion Louis availed himself to instU into the young prince a feeling
of resentment that no substantial power was entrusted to him after his coronation,
but that he had been insulted by the mockery of an idle ceremony. He was even
induced in peremptory terms to demand at all events a share in the government.
This demand was repudiated with equal warmth by his father, whilst his mother
is said to have encouraged his rebellious and contumacious conduct, influenced
by resentment at the neglect and indifference with which she had herself been
treated. The younger children of the King were readily persuaded to adopt then
mother's views, and to regard then father's conduct as treacherous and tyrannical,
and then brother's claims as reasonable and legitimate. A family quarrel ripened
into a civil war, and the greatest monarch of Europe, who had been everywhere
successful in foreign conflicts, was in imminent danger of losing his crown by a
domestic insurrection.
The coronation of " the young King Henry" took place in 1170, the assassina
tion of Becket in 1171, and the rebellion to which our attention must now be
directed in 1173. The commencement of hostilities is thus briefly related in the
Chronicle of Melrose : —
" Henry the younger, who though he was a youth, was yet a knight and a king, secretly
departed by night with all speed to the King of France his father-in-law, induced to take
this step in consequence of certain annoyances and injuries which he had experienced at the
hands of his father. It is said that he did this by the advice of his mother, but this we
know not ; let her see to it, and let God judge. The father had intended to capture the

* NORMAN PERIOD. 221
son, and to put him in a sure and close place of custody ; such at least is the common re
port. Many noble and powerful persons accompanied him, and many weU versed in the art
of war, as weU from England as from Normandy ; and strengthened by their counsel and
assistance, the son, or rather we should say, the sons, rose against their father. Thus the
provinces, as weU on this side the sea as beyond it, being stirred up by wars and rumours
of wars, rushed to arms and prepared for battle."
Our narrative must be confined to the events which took place in England, and as
much as possible to the war in the northern counties, of which a vivid description
is given in the metrical chronicle of Jordan Fantosme, who was a witness of most
of the incidents which he records, and who introduces us, as it were, to the familiar
acquaintance of many of the Northumbrian barons, of whom, tiU the discovery of
this Work, we knew nothing but the names and the locality of then possessions.
In this quarter the chief reliance of the insurgents was on the co-operation of
the King of Scotland, to secure which the young Henry despatched an embassy
reminding Wilham of the homage which he had recently performed to him, and
calling upon him to assist in wresting from his father that sovereignty which was
his own due in virtue of the coronation at which the homage was performed. In
return he offered him the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, and West
morland, to the possession of which he had hitherto in vain asserted his title. The
offer was a tempting one, although its realization was contingent on the success of
the rebeUion, and there is little doubt that William would at once have accepted
it at aU hazards, if the decision had rested entirely with himself ; but it was
necessary to consult his nobles, in whose memories the ill success of the former
expedition into England under King David, which terminated in the disastrous
Battle of the Standard, was yet fresh.
Acting on then advice, he first renewed his demand on the old King for the
restoration of these counties, pointing out the critical position of his affairs, and
the power which was placed in the hands of the Scotch people to influence the
result either for or against him. The assistance, or even the neutrahty, of that
nation, purchased by the cession of the northern counties, would leave him in
undisturbed possession of the remainder of his kingdom, whilst active hostilities
on their part in aid of the rebeUion which already raged in Normandy, and was
ready at any moment to break out in England, would in all probability result in
the entire loss, not merely of the Border district, but of his dominions on both
sides of the Channel.
part I. 3 I

222 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The embassy was entrusted to a friar, WiUiam Dolipene, who bluntly stated to
King Henry the alternative of granting or refusing the demands of his master.
In the one case he said —
" The King of Scotland will serve you in this business ; you shall find no delay ; before a
month expires he wdl send you one thousand armed knights, with thirty thousand fol
lowers. He wiU not require the value of a penny from you, so that you grant him his
rights ; but if you will not, on the instant I return you his homage."
This peremptory language, instead of intimidating the English monarch, only
excited his indignation and confirmed his resolution. " He feared," he said,
" neither the attempts of his son, nor the power of the King of France, nor of the
Earl of Flanders, or any of the confederacy ; and what he had refused to the
entreaties of the King of Scotland, he would not yield to his menaces."
When this message was delivered by the ambassador on his return, "Then,"
says Fantosme, " you might hear the young and impetuous knights exclaim with
an oath, c If you declare not war against the king who thus beards you, you must hold
neither land nor lordship in your own right, but as the bondsman of the son of
Matilda.' " With the mass of the people a war was far from popular, and the
bishops and clergy exerted themselves to the utmost to prevent it. Of the chief
counsellors of the King, Engeham Bishop of Glasgow, and Waltheof Earl of
Dunbar, endeavoured to persuade him of the impolicy of any hostUe attempt, but
their advice was unheeded. " The war should take place," the King declared,
" though it cost him his crown." To the young King Henry he sent messengers,
informing him of his determination, and accepting the terms, which he had pre
viously offered, pointing out at the same time the necessity of some assistance
from the Continent.
The Earl of Leicester was accordingly sent over with a large body of Flemings
with whom he marched into Norfolk, and was there joined by Hugh Bigod the
earl of that county. Their united forces, however, received a check before Dun-
wich, which they in vain attempted to take. At Norwich they were more suc
cessful, the city, which was then next in importance to London, being trea
cherously surrendered to them. Having ravaged the surrounding district, the
Earl of Leicester determined to march across the country to the town from which
he derived his title, which had been seized by Eichard de Lucy, the Chief Justi
ciary for the King ; but the castle remained in the hands of the Earl's retainers.

NORMAN PERIOD. 223
On his route he was intercepted by a body of loyalists, assembled under the prin
cipal nobles of the neighbourhood, and completely routed at Bury St. Edmund's.
The Earl himself, with his wife, who accompanied him throughout the expedition,
and a French nobleman, Hugh de Castello, or Chateauneuf, were made prisoners,
and sent to Normandy to await the King's pleasure. The Flemings, who were held
in detestation for the cruelties they had committed, were cut off, almost to a man,
whilst the horsemen of Norman or English blood were made prisoners. " There
was," says Jordan, " in the country neither viUager nor clown, who did not go to
destroy the Flemings, with fork and flaU. The armed soldiery knocked them
down, and the villagers despatched them by scores, by hundreds, and by thou
sands. AU the Flemings from Flanders met with hard luck."
With this decisive engagement, the campaign terminated in the South of Eng
land. In the mean time, the King of Scotland had crossed the Tweed, and laid
siege to the castle of Wark. Eoger d'Estuteville, tbe Constable, being ill provided
with means of defence, entered into an engagement to surrender the castle unless
reheved within forty days.
Having acceded to these terms, WUliam determined to advance into the heart of
Northumberland, encouraged by a communication from Hugh Pudsey Bishop of
Durham, who promised to observe a strict neutrahty. His first attempt was
against the castle of Alnwick, but here he found William de Yesci so weU prepared
to receive him, that he abandoned the enterprize, contenting himself with the de
struction of the neigbouring castle of Warkworth, the property of Eoger Fitz-
Eichard. This nobleman held also the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, of which,
says Jordan, "he was master and lord," and here he determined to make his
stand, having left Warkworth, which was weak and indefensible, to its fate. At
Newcastle he assembled so large a force, and took such effectual measures for the
defence of the town and castle, that the King was obliged to pass on, as he had
previously done in the case of Alnwick.
His councillors advised him to march immediately against Carhsle, which was
held for the Crown by Eobert de Yaux, but a feeling of resentment against Odinel
d'Umfreville, who had been brought up by his father, Earl Henry, and whom he
accused of treachery and ingratitude, determined him first to undertake the re
duction of his castle of Prudhoe. Finding the resistance greater than he expected,
he agreed at length to proceed to Carhsle, leaving behind him a detachment of
Flemings to prosecute the siege. Eobert de Yaux made a vahant defence, aided

224 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
by Adam Fitz-Odard, Baron of Wigton, as his lieutenant, against a besieging force of
not less than thirty thousand men. Baffled and dispirited, the King of Scotland
raised the siege and retired to Eoxburgh, being pursued and harassed in his re
treat by the garrison of Carlisle, under their chivalrous leader. At the same
time Berwick was taken by the barons of Northumberland under the command of
that renowned captain, Humfrey de Bohun, Constable of England, who would have
pursued his success further, but for the arrival of Eichard de Lucy with tbe intelli
gence of the progress of the Earl of Leicester and his Flemish auxiliaries. Taking
advantage of William's ignorance of this diversion in his favour, Lucy succeeded
in negotiating a truce tiU the following summer.
Hitherto the King of Scotland's brother, the Earl of Huntingdon, had taken no
part in the war ; but the following year, tempted by the offer of the earldom of
Lennox, he agreed to co-operate with WiUiam, making his own town of Hunting
don the basis of his operations against the midland district, whUst his brother
again invaded the northern frontier. The townsmen of Leicester received him
with joy in the absence of their lord, and uniting themselves to his own de
pendents, presented a formidable force, with which he reduced Nottingham and
Northampton. " David," we are told, " warred successfully in England. He was as wise as he was
amiable, and protected Holy Church ; for never did he wish to wrong a priest or canon, who
knew grammar, nor would he displease a nun on any account. But the war turned out
badly for the King of Scotland."
We must now briefly review the progress of that monarch, who, as before, com
menced the campaign by investing Wark. Eoger d 'EstuteviUe, however, had
made such good use of the time which had been afforded him by the politic treaty
of Eichard de Lucy, that the castle was everywhere impregnable, weU guarded
and well stored. The details of our ancient records here come in aid of the inform
ation furnished by historians, and, on a reference to the Pipe Eolls of this year,
we find a charge of 291. 16s. for plenishing the castle of Wark, and 411. for the
payment of the garrison, consisting of ten men at arms, and forty servants. A
very graphic account of the siege is given by Fantosme. It terminated in the en
tire failure of the Scots to make any impression on the fortress, every attack being
repelled by the vigilance of the Constable, without the loss of a single man.
William at length broke up his encampment, and retired once more to Bamburgh.
During the siege he detached marauding parties, who laid waste all the adjacent

NORMAN PERIOD. 225
country, burning the villages, driving off the cattle, binding the peasants with
cruel tortures and dragging them after them. The Flemings took the lead in
these atrocities, killing and beating the men and abusing the women. An attempt
to surprise Bamburgh was defeated, and the assailants ignominiously repulsed ;
but they succeeded in taking the httle town of Belford. FinaUy, they retreated
to Berwick, which had not been retained by the Enghsh after its capture the pre
vious year, carrying with them an immense store of booty, " cows, oxen, and
horses, sheep and lambs, clothes and money, bracelets and rings."
The Scotch army was allowed to retire unmolested from Wark, by the special
orders of Eoger d'EstutevUle, who was unwilling further to embitter the resent
ment of his late assaUants, although we are assured in the quaint language of our
chronicler, that " he did not fear them the value of a clove of garlick." After
this discomfiture, William's hopes were revived by the arrival of Eoger de
Mowbray, the most powerful baron in Yorkshire, and Adam de Porz, who
tendered him their services against their lawful sovereign, and encouraged
him to renew his attack upon Carlisle. On his arrival at that city, he found
that here, as at Wark, ample preparations had been made to resist his assault.
In this case also the Pipe Bolls furnish us with detaUed information. In the 1 9th
of Henry I., a.d. 1173, we find 201. paid to Eobert de Yaux for the defence of
Carhsle, and simUar sums to Odinel d'Umfreville and Eoger Fitz- Eichard, for the
defence of Erudhoe and Newcastle, all by order of Eichard de Lucy, out of the
rental of the mines of Carlisle. The same year two sums of 31. 7s. and 81. 3s. are
charged for the repairs of the castle of Carlisle, and SI. 5s. 4d. for work done at the
foss, besides the following charges for provisions : — 131. 19s. for grain (81 eskeppa
frumenti), bl. for salt, 61. 10s. for five hundred cheeses, and 71 7s. Ad. for iron.
Besides this, 461. 6s. 4<£ is afterwards credited to Eobert de Yaux for expenses of
the defence of the castle, and 153?. 7s. 9d. was borrowed of sundry parties (Bene
dict the son of Sara, Deodatus the bishop, and Yinus and Moses the Jews) for the
same purpose, and afterwards repaid. In the same way, in Northumberland, Eoger
d'EstutevUle had an aUowance out of the rents of Bamburgh and Eothbury of
26/. 2s. lOd. towards the expenses of the Scotch war, and 64.1. was borrowed of
Aaron and Isaac, and 321. of Brunus the Jew and others.
Leaving Carhsle for the present, the Scotch army marched into Westmorland,
when they took the castles of Appleby and Brough. The former, of which Gos
patric, the son of Orm, " an old grey-headed Enghshman," was the constable, was
part I. 3 x

226 history of Northumberland.
utterly unprovided for a siege and destitute of a garrison ; and was surrendered
without an effort. The outworks of Brough were taken the first day, and the garri
son, consisting of only six knights, took refuge in the tower. This was set fire
to, and the knights compelled to capitulate. It does not seem that in either case
any effectual resistance could have been offered, and yet not only Gospatric, but
the knights of Brough, are charged, in the Westmorland Pipe EoUs, with fines for
misconduct in this particular. Several parties are also amerced on various charges
of aiding and countenancing the King's enemies ; amongst others Eeginald the
cook for supplying them with victuals.
Eobert de Yaux's supplies now began to faU him, and his garrison were threat
ened with the extremity of famine, when he received intelligence from Eichard de
Lucy that the King was on the point of returning to England, and would march
immediately northward to his relief. Under these circumstances, he entered into
terms, similar to those previously agreed to by Estuteville at Wark, if not reheved
by a stated day. WUliam now looked upon the possession of Carlisle as assured
to him, and he hastened to Prudhoe to avenge himself on Odinel d'UmfreviUe for
the contumely with which he considered himself to have been treated. "If he
could take the castle with his assembled host, he would have no mercy on Odinel
in his court."
" Then Odinel rode so much on his good brown bay, always spurring day and night, that
he gathered four hundred knights with shining helmets, stout and valiant men. These will
fight with him in the battle : these wiU succour Prudhoe with their swords. Three days
the siege lasted to my knowledge : Odinel had many good men within. Against the Fle
mings they defend themselves bravely ; they lost nothing within. Outside they lost their
fields of corn, and their gardens were ravaged by the vde people. Those who could do no
other injury, barked the apple-trees. It was a mean revenge."
Eepulsed at Prudhoe, the infuriated host again bent their steps to Alnwick
ravaging the country as they passed. At Alnwick they burnt the church of St.
Laurence, and mutilated the three officiating priests. Three hundred men were
barbarously murdered in the town, but the castle withstood aU then attacks.
Having established a rigorous blockade, WUliam dismissed the greater part of his
forces to hve at free quarters throughout the country, postponing any further
assault tiU their return, when he relied on the sure operation of famine on the
imprisoned garrison.

NORMAN PERIOD. 227
In the meantime a general muster, for the relief of Alnwick, was held at New
castle by the loyal barons of Yorkshhe and Northumberland, Eanulf de Glanville,
WUham d'EstutevUle, Barnard de Bailliol, William de Yesci, Eoger Eitz-Eichard,
and Odinel d'Umfreville. At the dawn of day they commenced then march
under the guidance of Odinel ; but their purpose was nearly frustrated by a dense
fog, through which they wandered ignorant of the direction in which they were
going. At length, when they almost despaired of the success of their enterprize,
the sun suddenly broke forth through the gloom, and discovered to them the
castle of Alnwick, and at a short distance the Scotch King, with a very hmited
retinue, preparing to partake of his evening meal, his helmet unbraced, and his
arms cast aside. Immediately the war-cries resounded of GlanvUle, and BaUliol ;
Yesci, and Estuteville ; to which Odinel added his own. Taken thus at disadvan
tage, the King made a stout resistance, and the battle raged fiercely around him.
At length his grey steed is slain under him, and horse and rider are brought to
the ground. In this extremity he yielded himself to Eanulf de Glanville, and
the discomfiture of his foUowers was complete. No quarter was given to the
detested Flemings, who perished in an indiscriminate carnage. The lives of the
Scots were spared, those of higher rank being detained for ransom. Eoger de
Mowbray and Adam de Eorz fled as soon as further resistance was useless, con
scious that if taken they had nothing to hope from the clemency of then injured
sovereign. King William was carried the same night to Newcastle, and after
wards removed by Eoger de GlanvUle to his castle of Eichmond, where he remained
until King Henry's pleasure as to his future disposal was ascertained.
So far Bishop Pudsey seems to have maintained the strict neutrahty which
he had intimated his intention to observe ; but he prepared himself, never
theless, to take advantage of any chcumstances arising out of the conflict by
which he might promote his own interest. With this view, he sent his nephew,
Henry Pudsey Count de Bar, to Flanders, where he secured the services of forty
Flemish knights and five hundred foot soldiers, with whom he landed at Hartle
pool on the very day of the King of Scotland's capture at Alnwick. This force,
which a few days previous might have turned the scale in favour of either of the
contending parties, and enabled the Bishop to make his own terms for their ser
vices, was now worse than useless. The report of then landing confirmed the
rumours which had previously reached the King of a treasonable understanding
between Pudsey and the King of Scotland. In this dilemma, the Bishop sent

228 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
home the infantry, and dhected his nephew to proceed with the knights to North
allerton, whilst he himself hastened to meet the King at Northampton, and
succeeded in securing his pardon on payment of a large sum of money, and the
surrender of his castles of Durham, Norham, and Northallerton. The Scotch
King was also brought to Northampton, his feet being tied together as he was
conveyed on horseback to that place. From thence he was carried by Henry
into Normandy, and only regained his liberty by undertaking to surrender the
chief fortresses of his kingdom, Eoxburgh, Berwick, Jedburgh, Edinburgh, and
Sthling, to the King of England, with an yearly allowance for maintaining a
garrison in each. He was also compelled to acknowledge Henry as paramount
lord of Scotland, and to place in his hands his brother David and twenty of his
principal nobihty as hostages for the due performance of the treaty.
Of Pudsey's castles, Northallerton was completely dismantled, and Norham,
which had been rebuilt during his episcopacy, and was now a place of great
strength, was entrusted to a royal garrison under William de Neville, in place of
Eoger de Conyers. Even Durham was for the present occupied by the King's
troops, but not without an ample guarantee of the rights of the church of St. Cuth
bert hereafter. The perfect security which Henry now enjoyed on the side of Scot
land enabled him to concentrate his efforts against France, and to enforce such terms
as effectually to provide for the safety of his continental dominions. Thus auspi
ciously terminated a war which at one time threatened the dismemberment of the
kingdom, and the annexation of the northern counties to Scotland.
Besides the castles already mentioned, of Warkworth in Northumberland, and
Brough and Appleby in Westmorland, the Scots took and destroyed the smaU
Border fortress of Liddall in Cumberland, and the castle of Harbottle. Both fell
in the second campaign, but we have no particulars of the precise time or of the
circumstances of their capture. Harbottle, as well as Prudhoe, was the property
of Odinel d'Dmfreville, towards whom the Scotch King cherished so violent an
animosity, being the capital of his territory of Eedesdale.h
h The damage done in Northumberland in the course of this war was far less than in the adjoining
county of Cumberland. In the former county the Sheriff was able to account for the whole rent, with
the trifling abatement of 10?. 3s. 4d., which was remitted to him " on account of the war." A further
sum of 61. was allowed for rebuilding the mill at Corbridge, one of the royal manors, which had been
burned down by the Scotch. Certain sums paid for the expenses of the war, and the maintenance of
the castles of Wark, Newcastle, and Prudhoe, have been already stated. To these must be added a
grant of 31. 6s. 8d. out of the rent of the mines of Carhol, to Walter de Bolbec, " to maintain himself

NORMAN PERIOD. 229
Eoger de Mowbray ultimately obtained the King's pardon, but his castles of
Thirsk and Khkby Malesard were utterly demolished. This Eoger was the son of
Nigel D'Albini, who had a grant from Henry I. of all the vast possessions of
Eobert de Mowbray, except the earldom of Northumberland. He also married
Maud, the wife of that nobleman, under a dispensation from tbe Pope, who an-
nuUed her former marriage in consequence of the hopeless imprisonment of her
first husband, to whom she had only been married six months at the time of his
downfaU. She was the daughter of Eichard de Aquila. Her second marriage
appeared at first to be a happy one, and her husband treated her with great kind
ness. After the death, however, of her brother Gilbert de Aquila, or De L'Aigle,
he repudiated her on the ground of his near consanguinity with her first husband,
but the vahdity of the former divorce does not appear to have been caUed in ques
tion. Eoger, who was the issue of a second marriage, took the name of Mowbray,
as the heir to the great estates of that family, which he emperilled, as we have
seen, in a rash rebeUion against his sovereign.
Henry died on the 6th of July, 1189, and his son and successor Eichard was
crowned on the 3rd of September foUowing, from which latter date the years of his
reign are computed in all legal instruments.
From the very day of his accession, his attention was dhected, not to the go
vernment of his kingdom, or the permanent augmentation of his revenue ; but to
raising money, by whatever means, for the equipment of an expedition of unpre-
in the King's service, and 51. out of the rent of the county of Northumberland, for stores for the gar
rison of Newcastle. A considerable amount was paid for the works going on at the castle of New
castle, but those were commenced several years previous to the war, and were continued for some years
afterwards. In Cumberland, in the first year of the war, Eobert Fitz-Troit, the sheriff, is in arrear
271. 6s. 6d., in respect of the farm of the county; 46Z. 9s. ld. for nout-geld or cornage rent, and 61. for
the farm of the escheats, aU which sums are ultimately remitted on the ground of the waste of the
country "propter guerram." The next year " Adam, the son of Eobert Fitz-Troit, rendered no account
either of the farms of the county or of his arrears, because he has received nothing this year, on ac
count of the war, as he says." A part, however, of the sums due, was received by Eobert de Yaux,
who accounts for the same four years afterwards, as foUows : —
Paid into the Treasury £6 15 4
Expended by Eobert de Yaux, on the defence of the castle 46 6 4
Arrears - " 126 5 7
£179 7 3

Those arrears were also remitted, making, with the aUowance to Eobert Fitz-Troit, a total deficit of
206Z. Is. 2d., as compared with 10Z. 3s. Id. in. Northumberland.
3L

PART I.

230 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
cedented magnitude for the recovery of the Holy Land. With this object he
offered for sale whatever lordships, castles, honours, and offices were at the disposal
of the Crown, and applied to all whom he thought possessed of the means and the
inclination to become purchasers. Amongst others, he was aware that Hugh Pud
sey Bishop of Durham, had long contemplated to engage personaUy in the holy
wars against the infidels, and had accumulated a vast hoard to defray his expenses.
He anticipated little difficulty in inducing this ambitious prelate to forego his me
ditated crusade, and to transfer the funds so collected to the promotion of his own
enterprize, provided he was able to hold out to him a temptation sufficiently daz
zling. The earldom of Northumberland, formerly held and still eagerly desired by
the royal family of Scotland, had once before been enjoyed in conjunction with the
bishoprick of Durham ; and this splendid prize was now offered to the acceptance
of Pudsey. His ardour for the perilous expedition, which he had vowed to
undertake, was already somewhat abated, and his conscience was soothed by the
reflection that the funds would be more advantageously applied towards sustaining
the Christian cause, in the hands of the potent sovereign and renowned warrior,
whose valour and conduct were the themes of universal praise, than in his own.
Eesolved, therefore, to seek absolution from his oath, he agreed to purchase the
proffered earldom for the term of his own life, at the price, as we learn from
Eichard of Devizes, of ten thousand pounds, an enormous sum in the currency of
those days, and probably beyond the resources of any other individual.
He had previously arranged with the Crown for an exchange in perpetuity of
certain knights' fees in Lincolnshire, the property of the see, for the manor and
wapentake of Sadberge, an outlying portion of the county of Northumberland,
from which it was separated by the entire breadth of the bishoprick. This ex
change was no doubt most beneficial to his successors in the see, whUst the acqui
sition of the services of six Lincolnshire knights was probably a fair equivalent to
the Crown in a military and political view. The Durham historian, Geoffrey
of Coldingham, states the cost of the two transactions to have been 11,000/.,
which, after deducting the price of the earldom, leaves 1,000/. as the consideration
for the exchange.
Hovedon gives the 18th of September as the date of the Sadberge charter,
whilst the copy remaining at Durham is dated the 18th of December. The for
mer is unquestionably the true date, as the grant of the earldom, which was

NORMAN PERIOD. 231
executed on the 25th of November, refers to the exchange of Sadberge as already
completed. Eight thousand pounds was immediately paid down on account of the earldom,
and 600/. on account of Sadberge, leaving an arrear of 2,000/., and 400/. still
due on the respective transactions, at the close of the first half of the following
year, to which date the Northumberland accounts are to be found in the Pipe
Bolls. The next half year the Bishop was in possession, and the accounts cease.
We may fairly infer, from the strictness of the exchequer practice, that all arrears
were discharged, for the earldom, as well as the manor and wapentake. As regards
the latter, we know that such was the case, from an acknowledgment under the
King's hand, bearing date tbe 11th of August, 1190, an exemplification of which
is still extant. In tbe second half of 1 1 94, just four years afterwards, we find
both possessions once more in the Crown, and the Bishop charged with the old
arrears, notwithstanding the receipt of August, 1190. The pretence for this re
pudiation is set forth in the exemplification charter, which states that the previous
document ivas sealed with the Kingh first seal, which was lost. The loss of this seal,
and the advantage which was taken of it to disavow all instruments authenticated
by it after the King's departure from England, is a matter of historical notoriety,
and Budsey was one of the victims.
The policy of the grant of Northumberland, indeed, was more than question
able. The loyalty of Pudsey, the nephew of King Stephen,1 to the house of
Anjou, was little to be rehed on, whilst the feeling which he displayed towards
the Scottish King during the civU war in the last reign, offered an additional
reason against increasing his territory in that direction, and giving him the uncon-
troUed command of the whole Border district from the Tees to the Tweed. During
his tenure of the earldom, however, so far from giving occasion for mistrust, his
conduct was marked by energetic devotion to bis sovereign, under very trying cir
cumstances. To his exertions, indeed, Eichard was mainly indebted for the peace
able recovery of his kingdom, after his return home from Germany. By bis
councUs chiefly were the machinations of Prince John defeated, and under his
orders the siege of TickeU castle, the stronghold of the consphators, was brought
to a satisfactory conclusion. These considerations, however, were insufficient to
protect him in his old age from this act of royal repudiation.
> Pudsey's consanguinity to King Stephen is proved by a charter, printed by Mr. Surtees, in which
that King grants the mines of Weardale to the prelate as " nepoti meo.

232 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Hovedon gives the following somewhat confused account of the transaction : —
" On the 19th of April (1194) Hugh Bishop of Durham, of his own accord, and not under
compulsion, offered to the King the county of Northumberland, with its castles and other
appurtenances ; and the King ordered him to deliver the same to Hugh Bardolf. After the
King had crossed the sea, on the Bishop's return home, Hugh Bardolf demanded of him the
earldom of Northumberland, with Newcastle and the castle of Bamburgh, according to his
promise ; but the Bishop delayed doing this, in expectation of the return of a messenger
whom he had sent to the King, with an offer of 2,000 marks of silver, for permission to
retain the earldom and castles. The King sent a letter to Hugh Bardolf, directing him to
take security from the Bishop for the 2,000 marks, and then to dehver the earldom. On
this, Bardolf required the Bishop to dehver the castles, and give security, after which he
would deliver them according to the King's commands. The Bishop replied, there was no
need of this double process of delivery and redelivery, ' as I have them I wiU hold them.'
Bardolf then wrote to the King to complain of Pudsey 's conduct, who being greatly incensed,
ordered the latter to be dispossessed of the castles and earldom, and compeUed to pay the
2,000 marks. In the fury of his anger he even ordered the Bishop to be dispossessed of the
manor of Sadberge, which had been granted to St. Cuthbert and the church of Durham in
free and perpetual alms, and afterwards confirmed by a second charter. This was accord
ingly done."
The explanation of this seems to be that the Bishop, on the demand being made
upon him for the amount which he had already paid, threw himself on the King's
honour, offering, if he required it, to resign bis earldom altogether. When he
found the King disposed to take him at his word, he then endeavoured to com
pound for tbe 2,000 marks, but demurred as to giving up the castles, even on the
assurance of the King and his minister that they should be restored to him. The
vexation occasioned by this business probably shortened the prelate's life. He
immediately, however, set about to provide the necessary amount, and set out the
following spring towards London, to make a further payment. Having got as far
as Doncaster, he was taken ill, and being unable to proceed on bis journey, was
conveyed by water to Howden, where he died on the 3rd of March, 1195. The
amount which he carried with him (1,000 marks) found its way to the royal ex
chequer, and appears in the Sheriff's accounts as a payment towards the liquidation
of his arrears.
At the commencement of this reign, the Scottish fortresses, which had been so
eagerly seized and so pertinaciously retained by Henry II. , were restored by his
successor ; not, indeed, in a purely chivalrous spirit, but on the payment of 10,000

NORMAN PERIOD. 233
marks, which was devoted to the one engrossing object of Eichard's solicitude, the
equipment of his expedition against the infidels. At the same time William was-
relieved from all the degrading stipulations imposed upon him, with the reserva
tion only of such homage as had been performed by his predecessors for any of
their possessions. On Pudsey's deprivation, the Scottish King renewed his own
solicitations for the earldom of Northumberland, offering, as the price of its con
cession, fifteen thousand marks of silver. Tempted by this offer, Eichard agreed
to give up tbe county if William would be content to leave Newcastle and Bam
burgh in his hands. This, however, did not meet bis views, as the possession of
the castles would have enabled Eichard at any time to recover the rest of the earl
dom. Another arrangement was afterwards discussed, that Eichard's nephew
Otho, son of Henry Duke of Saxony, should marry William's eldest daughter,
and should be endowed, by the cession of the two kings, with Lothian on the side
of Scotland, and Northumberland and Cumberland on that of England. It was
further proposed that Lothian should be placed provisionally under the charge of
Eichard, and Northumberland and Cumberland under the charge of William. The
treaty ultimately went off on the prospect of a male heir to the crown of Scotland.
Otho was afterwards provided for by a grant from his uncle of the earldom of
Poitou, and ultimately attained the dignity of Emperor of Germany. William's
claim to the northern counties remained in abeyance during the short remainder
of the reign of Eichard, whose premature death took place on the 6th of April,
1199. The usurpation of John, in opposition to the claims of the son of his elder bro
ther Geoffrey, presented an opportunity of extorting terms, which is rarely neg
lected either by subjects or neighbours in the case of a disputed succession, and
WUham was alive to the advantages which it afforded. Any steps, however,
which he might have taken in his own behalf, were anticipated by John, who im
mediately on his accession, hastened to assure him that he should have complete
satisfaction of aU his claims. This message was conveyed to him by Eustace de
Yesci, the most powerful baron in Northumberland, who was, moreover, connected
with William by the closest ties, having married Margaret, his natural daughter.
The same promise was repeated at John's coronation, which shortly followed, and
was accompanied by an invitatian to court, whither the Bishop of Durham was
deputed to conduct him with all honour. The kings of Scotland had frequently
shewn a jealousy of presenting themselves at the English court, when any ques-
part i. 3 m

234 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
tion was pending between the two realms, and the personal character of the pre
sent sovereign of England did not tend to diminish this feeling. WUham
accordingly declined the invitation, although John proceeded northward as far as
Nottingham to meet him. His suspicions were further excited by the appoint
ment of WiUiam de StuteviUe to the shrievalties of Northumberland and Cumber
land, and the pains which were taken to complete the defences of the several
castles in these counties as well as in Westmorland and Yorkshhe, which latter
were also consigned to the care of William de StuteviUe the foUowing year.
The Pipe Bolls furnish many detaUs of these preparations as regards the castles
of Newcastle, Bamburgh, Wark, Carlisle, Brough, Appleby, and Bontefract.
Payments in respect of the garrison at this latter place occur in the Cumberland
Eoll, but many other particulars respecting this and other castles in Yorkshhe are
no doubt buried in the unpubhshed records of that county.
Although William declined to attend the King of England in person, he did not
fail to send ambassadors to enforce his claims. These were Eoger Bishop of St.
Andrew's, and Hugh Malebise, who, following John to the coast, from whence he
was about to embark for Normandy, announced then master's determination,
unless his demands were complied with, within forty days, to take means to right
himself by force of arms.
These warlike threats came to nothing, for although William levied a large army,
he was unable to induce his followers to engage in another invasion of England.
Hovedon says that, " designing to invade England with an army, be went to the
shrine of St. Margaret, at Dunfermline, and passed the night there ; on which,
being warned by a divine admonition not to invade England, be allowed his army
to return to their homes." The celebrated warning to James IY., previous to the
battle of Floddon, was probably suggested by the tradition of this marvel ; but
unfortunately the second attempt did not command the same success. The follow
ing year, on his return from Normandy, John invited, or in the language of the
chronicler, commanded William to meet him at York, but the latter was neither
to be cojoled by fan words nor influenced by threats, and John finding it in vain
to wait for him, saUed again to the continent. From thence he returned in
October, bringing with him his newly-married queen, Isabel, whom he caused to
be crowned with himself. Immediately after this second coronation, he dispatched
a new embassy to Scotland, with a safe conduct for the King, whom he invited to
meet him at Lincoln, with a view to a conference to settle aU matters in dispute.

NORMAN PERIOD. 235
Amongst the ambassadors were Philip Bishop of Durham ; Boger Bigod Earl
of Norfolk ; Eoger de Lacy, Constable of Chester, and Eobert Fitz-Eoger, Sheriff
of Northumberland. The others were all the immediate relatives and connec
tions of the Scotch King; David Earl of Huntingdon, his brother; Henry de
Bohun Earl of Hereford, his nephew, and William de Yesci and Eobert de Eos,
his sons-in-law. Flattered by the attention shewn to him, or confiding in the
promises he received, he at length consented to a meeting, and performed the
homage usuaUy rendered by the kings of Scotland, with the accustomed reserva
tions, on an eminence outside the city of Lincoln, on the 22nd of November,
a.d. 1200.
Having performed this act before the nobles of both kingdoms, he renewed his
demand of the counties of Northumberland and Cumberland, with which, for the
first time, was included Westmorland, as his right and inheritance. It may be
doubted whether any part of Westmorland was ever in the possession of his grand
father David, as within the Earldom of Carhol ; but there is no question that one
of the two ancient baronies into which it is divided, and to which alone the name
of Westmorland was originally applied, was not only within the more extended
kingdom of Cumberland, but was included in the territory granted to Eanulf de
Micenis, Lord or Earl of Carhol. The settlement of the question, however, in no
respect hinged on this point, but the claim was opposed altogether.
"After a long discussion," says our authority, "they could come to no agreement, and
the King of England demanded of the King of Scotland a truce tiU the foUowing Whitsun
tide, (afterwards extended tiU Michaelmas) to afford time for dehberation. This being
agreed to, WiUiam returned home with the same escort which attended him to Lincoln, where
he remained only a single night."
With the foUowing year the annals of Eoger Hovedon close, which have thrown
so much light on northern affairs during this and the preceding reign. In taking
leave of this dUigent historian, it may not be amiss to notice one circumstance
connected with him which has escaped the coUectors of his meagre biography.
In the Pipe Eoll of the 1st of Eichard his name occurs as one of the justices
appointed to hold forest-pleas in Northumberland and Cumberland with that of
Amis de NevUle. We may also mention one or two particulars of local interest,
although unconnected with the general history of the district, which are recorded
by him about this period.

236 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
A.D. 1199, there were in England heavy floods, which carried away bridges,
mills, and houses ; amongst others, the bridge over the Tweed at Berwick. Patrick
Earl of Dunbar, governor of Berwick, and chief justiciary of Scotland, commenced
to rebuUd it by command of his sovereign, but was prevented by the Bishop of
Durham from sinking a foundation within his liberty on the south side, without
which it was, of course, impossible to complete the work. At length leave was
granted through the interposition of William de StuteviUe, Sheriff of Northum
berland, " saving always the covenants which had been made between the King of
Scotland and Hugh (Pudsey) the predecessor of the Bishop."
A.D. 1201, John, with his queen Isabel, was at Scarborough, from whence he pro
ceeded to the northern extremity of his kingdom, inflicting heavy fines on his
subjects, for pretended waste of his forests, When he came to Hexham, he was
told of an old tradition as to the existence of concealed treasure at Corbridge ; on
which he set on workmen to dig. Nothing, however, was found but " stones, in
which were traces of brass, iron, and lead." During his progress he is said by
Wendover to have extorted large sums of money from the inhabitants of North
umberland. The Pipe Bolls record a payment of forty marks and two palfreys,
for " the King's weU-come," neither, in all probability, spontaneous nor hearty,
from the burgesses of Newcastle. At the same time he bargained with Newcastle,
and other royal manors both in Northumberland and Cumberland, that they should
hereafter pay a fixed rent to the Crown, instead of being farmed, as heretofore, by
the sheriff. In each case the rent fixed was greatly in excess of that previously
paid by the sheriff, and large fines were moreover proffered for obtaining this pri
vilege. The sheriffs in the meantime offered terms still more advantageous, and
John did not scruple to violate his engagements with the inhabitants. Fortunately
for the burgesses of Newcastle, their fine of 100 marks and two palfreys was not
actually paid, or its recovery would at least have been dubious.
From this date we have no notice of any intercourse between the Kings of
England and Scotland for eight years ; but, in the meantime, although there was
no war, the relations between the two kingdoms seem to have been far from
amicable. At length, in the month of April, 1209, John summoned WUham to
meet him at Newcastle. An interview took place at Bedlington, from whence the
two kings proceeded together to Norham, at the castle at which latter place the
negotiations were conducted. These extended from the 23rd to the 26th days of
the month, but were attended by no satisfactory result. On the 27th, John re-

NORMAN PERIOD. 237
turned to Newcastle, and proceeded south the following day by Auckland, Eich-
mond, and Pontefract. On the 30th of July we find him again at Newcastle, from
whence he marched with an army against the King of Scotland. His quarters on
the 3rd of August were at Tweedmouth, where a fortress had been erected imme
diately opposite to the castle of Berwick, and tbe following day at Norham. Here
negotiations were renewed, with better success. —
" The King of England," says Wendover, " bitterly reproached WiUiam with having re
ceived into his kingdom his fugitive subjects, and avowed enemies, and with aiding and
encouraging them in their enterprizes against him. However, when John had set forth aU
these matters to the King of Scots, they entered into an agreement by which the latter
was to give to the English monarch twelve thousand marks of sdver as a security for
peace, and should moreover give him his two daughters as hostages."
The Chronicle of Melrose detaUs the terms somewhat differently —
" That the King of Scotland should give to the King of England his two daughters to be
assigned in marriage, with thirteen thousand pounds in money ; and should be permitted to
pud down the castle opposite to Berwick ; which was done. And for the observance of the
peace he gave as hostages the sons of the chief nobility ; but this was contrary to the
wishes of the Scots."
By a document printed in the Fcedera, bearing the date of August 7th, 1209,
and the signature of King WUham, it appears that the actual payment was fifteen
thousand marks, and an express stipulation is made, that the King's two daughters
are not to be considered as delivered as hostages. This document, as it appears
in the printed copy of the Fcedera, bears the date of Northampton instead of
Norham. In correcting this and other errors, and in reconcUing the discrepancies
between the narrative of Wendover and the Chronicle of Melrose, the most essen
tial aid has been derived from Mr. Hardy's Itinerary of King John. Although
no notice occurs in this treaty of the claims of WiUiam to the counties of North
umberland and Cumberland, these claims, as we learn from subsequent negotiations,
were not considered by either party to be prejudiced by it. For the present,
however, WUham was contented to leave them in abeyance. Two years after, his
son and heir apparent Alexander was knighted by King John at Windsor ; and
so cordial was the alliance, that John received information from William of a plot
against his Ufe, although Eustace de Yesci, the son-in-law of the latter, was be
heved to be implicated in it. WUliam's chief object appears now to have been to
PART I. 3 N

238 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
secure a quiet succession and peaceful relations with his powerful neighbour for
his youthful son ; nor did he many years survive this pacification, but died on the
4th of December, 1214, in the seventy- second year of his age, and the forty-ninth
of his reign, his successor Alexander being in his seventeenth year.
The following year, 1215, is memorable for the concession of Magna Charta, in
extorting which from the reluctant King, the barons of Northumberland took a
prominent part. Amongst the twenty-five magnates to whom the task was entrusted
of enforcing the observance of its provisions, we find the names of Eustace de
Yesci, Eobert de Eos, John Fitz-Eobert, and Gilbert Delaval.
When the bad faith of the King had driven the party of the confederated ba
rons first into open rebellion, and ultimately to the transfer of their allegiance to
Louis, the heir apparent of the French King, Alexander of Scotland was not slow
to avaU himself of so favourable an opportunity of asserting his hereditary claims
to Northumberland and Cumberland. Marching into Northumberland, he was cor
dially greeted by the baronage of the county, who assembled at. Felton to recog
nize his title by the performance of the ceremony of homage. The feeling in his
favour seems to have been nearly unanimous, but notwithstanding the support
which he received, his position was rendered very precarious by the measures of
precaution which John had adopted. Knowing the disaffection of his northern
subjects, and anticipating a revolt, the King had committed the custody of the
entire district, from the Tees to the Tweed, with the defence of the royal castles
to Philip de Ulecote, a man of great experience both in civil and mUitary affairs
devoted to the service of the Crown, and unscrupulous in the execution of any
orders entrusted to him. With Philip was joined in the commission, Hugh de
BaUliol, a warm partizan of the King, and possessed of vast territorial influence
both in Northumberland and in the bishoprick of Durham. Alexander's first
effort to seize on the castle of Norham was rendered abortive by the vigUance
with which this trust was executed, and he was compelled, when he advanced to
Felton, to leave this stronghold, as well as Bamburgh, in hostUe occupation in his
rear. The performance of homage took place on the 22nd of October, 1215, and was
immediately reported to John, who, justly considering that more danger was to be
apprehended from the union of the northern barons, under a leader to whom all
were attached by neighbourhood and old association, and some of the most powerful
by close family connexion, than from any league which could be formed under the

NORMAN PERIOD. 239
banners of the French prince, determined, without delay, to cope with the greater
difficulty. Marching at once into Yorkshire, he spread dismay amongst the malcon
tents in that quarter, who hastUy retreating into Northumberland, tendered their
support to Alexander. Even so reinforced, the Scotch King was unable to offer
an adequate resistance to the veteran troops of his opponent, but was compelled to
retreat, leaving the estates of his adherents at the mercy of the incensed monarch.
In the course of a single week, from the 9th to the 16th of January, John plun
dered and burnt Mitford, the property of Eoger Bertram ; Morpeth, of Eoger de
Merley ; Alnwick, of Eustace de Yesci ; and Wark, of Eobert de Eos. Nor were
his ravages confined to the English border, but crossing the Tweed, he destroyed
Eoxburgh, with aU the neighbouring viUages, in one general conflagration.
Having taken the castle and town of Berwick, he inflicted on the wretched inha
bitants such unheard-of torments, that he was reported to carry about with him a
body of Jews, whose special avocation it was to instruct his soldiers in these bar
barities. Laying waste all Lothian, he burnt the towns of Dunbar and Hadding
ton, plundering the monastery of Coldingham on his return. ] Berwick was still
in a condition to afford him quarters on his march, but here he completed the work
of destruction, setting fire, with his own hands, to the house where he bad been
hospitably entertained aU night. In the meantime, Alexander, unable to check
his progress, contented himself with imitating his atrocities. Entering England
on the western border, he laid waste the country up to the walls of Carhsle.
Here his foUowers no more respected the sanctity of the abbey of Holmcultram,
than those of his opponent had respected Coldingham. Carlisle for the present
escaped destruction, but in the following July tbe town, though not the castle,
feU into his hands. Advancing thence over Stainmoor to the Tees, he approached
the fortress of Barnard Castle, the seat of his opponent, Hugh de BaUhol. Here,
as he reconnoitered the defences of the place, he had the misfortune to lose his
brother-in-law, and steady adherent, Eustace de Yesci, who was slain by a well-
directed shot of a cross-bow-man of the garrison.
Little encouraged by the events of the campaign, Alexander determined to seek
council and assistance of the Dauphin Louis, who was at that time engaged in besieg
ing Dover. If we may credit the statement of Wendover, and the Chronicle of
Melrose, he led his army thither through the very heart of England. On his arrival,
acknowledging Louis as King, he tendered him his homage for all that he held of
the crown of England. We are not furnished with the precise date of this trans-

240 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
action, but it must have been within a very short time of the death of John, which
took place on the 17th of October, and materially altered the prospects both of
Louis and of Alexander. As regarded the former especiaUy, the English barons
were influenced by no feelings of attachment, but had availed themselves of his
aid as a last and desperate expedient to protect themselves from the tyranny of
their own sovereign. The conduct of the Dauphin, on the other hand, had been
tbe reverse of conciliatory, whUst his pretensions were stoutly opposed by the
Pope, who fulminated an edict of excommunication against aU his adherents.
Already during the hfetime of John the insurgents had debated amongst them
selves whether it might not be possible, and, if possible, expedient to reconcUe
themselves to their incensed King. This course was strongly recommended to
them by a revelation made by De Melun, a Frenchman, and a confidant of tbe
Dauphin, that in the event of success, Louis, knowing how httle he could rely on
the affections of the English nobility, had determined on the massacre of the whole
class, and the distribution of then lands amongst his French foUowers.
"When this information," says Wendover, "was spread amongst the barons, they were
in the utmost consternation, for they knew that they were in difficulties on every side.
Already Louis had, notwithstanding their remonstrances, given the land and castles which
he had subdued to his own countrymen, whilst he openly accused the Enghsh of treachery.
Now also more than ever they took to heart the sentence of excommunication, and bewailed
at once the loss of earthly honours and spiritual consolation. Many of them thought of re
turning to their aUegiance to King John ; but they were afraid that their offences were too
numerous and flagrant for him ever to forgive them, whatever attonement they might offer."
Dnder such circumstances, it is not wonderful that the death of John, which took
place on the 19th of October, 1216, was hailed as a providential interposition in
their favour, and that the accession of his youthful heir was looked upon with sat
isfaction and hopeful anticipation. It is only surprising that the defection of the
Enghsh barons from the cause of Louis was not greater and more speedy than it
really was ; for up to the time of his signal defeat at Lincoln, in the foUowing
spring, there was no very sensible diminution in the number of his adherents.
That reverse, however, foUowed as it was by the capture of the French fleet, to
which he trusted for reinforcements and supphes, was fatal to his prospects, and
he was thankful to be allowed to withdraw his countrymen and himself un
molested from a kingdom which a few months previously he had looked upon as
his own certain conquest. This arrangement was concluded on the 11th of Sep-

NORMAN PERIOD. 241
tember, 1217. The prudence of the King's guardian and chief governor of the
realm, WUliam Marshall Earl of Pembroke, was displayed in the immunity which
was granted to the barons who had been in arms against their sovereign, and who
were now anxious to return to their aUegiance ; but the vengeance of the Pope
was dealt out with a heavy hand against such of the ecclesiastics as had taken
part in the revolt.
The chief difficulty in completing the pacification of the kingdom was occa
sioned by the unwillingness of many of those who had entered into the King's
service, and supported themselves by the plunder of the opposite party, and to
whom, on the return of peace, there was no prospect of honourable occupation, or
even of a livelihood, to disband then forces. Many of these held the castles
which had been entrusted to them in defiance of the civU authorities and the
youthful King, and continued to carry on a system of rapine and plunder
on then own account. Amongst these is mentioned the name of Hugh de BaUhol,
who did not consider such practices inconsistent with his rank and high position ;
but the most pertinacious of aU, was a member of one of the minor baronial
families of Northumberland, Eobert de Gaugi, a soldier of fortune, to whom had
been committed the custody of the Bishop of Lincoln's castle of Newark, with the
town and demesnes. These, on the establishment of peace, he positively refused
to surrender ; but maintained himself against aU opposition, supporting himself
and his foUowers at the expense of the surrounding district. At length the
Grand Marshal assembled a large army, and marched, accompanied by the King
himself, to Newark. His first care was so to dispose his forces as to prevent the
escape of the garrison, anticipating that they would evacuate the castle on his
approach, and plunder the town. Gaugi had, however, no intention of abandon
ing his position ; but, awaiting the arrival of the royal army, he annoyed them
by sallies, and though obhged to retreat to the castle, inflicted serious loss on the
assaUants. Amongst others, WiUiam de Diva, a knight of the Bishop's house
hold, was slain. Finding, however, that the Marshal was provided with aU ne
cessary engines for conducting a siege and battering down the waUs of the castle,
Gaugi proposed terms of accommodation, which were accepted after the siege had
lasted eight days without any prospect of an early termination by force. The
Bishop agreed to pay a hundred pounds sterling for the stores in the castle, and
the besieged leader was aUowed to retire unmolested with the price of his success
ful resistance. part i. 3 o

242 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Whilst we thus find a Northumbrian chieftain disturbing the peace of another
district of England ; in Northumberland itself, tranquiUity appears to have been
maintained, under the firm rule of PhUip de Dlecete, ever since the departure of
the Scotch King to join the Dauphin at Dover. This officer exercised almost
unlimited authority throughout the county, in the double capacity of sheriff
and mUitary governor. His commission is expressly stated to have been
granted during the term of the King's minority, and the revenues of several of the
royal manors were placed unreservedly at bis disposal " to maintain himself ad
setatem regis." He was slain in the fourth year of King Henry IIL, a.d., 1219,
shortly after the Earl of Pembroke had been removed by death from the general
charge of the kingdom. The King was now fourteen years of age, and, although
the Bishop of Winchester was appointed his guardian, he appears himself to have
taken a part in the administration of affairs. At an earlier period indeed, the late
guardian of the realm made a point, in appearance at aU events, of identifying his
young sovereign with the acts of the government. The foUowing year, on Whit-
Sunday, which feU on the 17th of May, he was crowned a second time, apparently
a recognition of his legal majority. On the 11th of June he had an interview
with the King of Scotland at York, at which the prehminaries were settled for a
marriage between the latter and one of Henry's sisters, the Princess Joanna. The
marriage was solemnised the following year in the presence of both kings in the
same city ; where also Hubert de Burgh was married to Margaret, one of the
Scotch princesses, who had been educated at the English court, in pursuance of
the treaty between the late kings, John and William. The other sister, the
Princess Isabella, returned to Scotland in 1223, stUl unmarried ; the thhd, Mar
gery, who had been brought up in Scotland, was married at Berwick, in 1235, to
the Earl of Pembroke, son of the late guardian. Henry had himself contemplated
an aUiance with this young princess a few years previously, but was obhged to
abandon his intention in consequence of the interference of his nobility, who re
presented to him that it would be degrading to him to marry the younger sister
when the elder was already married to a subject.
During this reign no renewal had hitherto been made, on the part of the Scot
tish King, of his demand for the cession of Northumberland, but on the contrary,
Henry was disposed to re-assert the claim, formaUy abandoned by his uncle, King
Eichard, to the supremacy of the English crown, over that of Scotland. In this
claim he had even received the support of the Pope, who exhorted Alexander to

NORMAN PERIOD. 243
comply with his wishes. Now, however, the latter not only refused to entertain
the suggestion, but made a counter application for the restoration of Northumber
land, Cumberland, and Westmorland, and also demanded a settlement in respect
of the 15,000 marks paid by his father to King John, under stipulations, which
had been utterly disregarded. His sisters had, it is true, been educated at the
English court, and one of them had been married there, but the other had been
returned unprovided for. More than this, he resented the conduct of Henry to
the youthful Margery, by a marriage with whom he might have made amends for
all previous shghts. Henry himself seems to have been conscious that some re
paration was due, and readdy assented to refer all matters in dispute to the arbi
tration of Cardinal Otho, the papal legate, by whose mediation it was arranged,
that in full satisfaction of the claims of the King of Scotland, as weU to the dis
puted territory as to the repayment of his fifteen thousand marks, he should
receive lands in the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmorland,
of the annual value of two hundred pounds, if the Crown possessed demesnes of
that amount without the precincts of towns in which castles were situated; in
default of which, the deficiency was to be made up in the adjoining counties.
In pursuance of this award, Nicholas de Farnham3 Bishop of Durham, was com
missioned to assign lands of the above value to Alexander and his successors, who
thus, in addition to Tyndale, which was already his, became possessed of the
manors of Penrith, Sowerby, Longwathby, Salkeld, Carlatton, and Scotby, all in
Cumberland. Thus was this long-contested point finaUy settled a.d. 1242, and
Northumberland and the other northern counties indissulably confirmed to the crown
of England.
Two years afterwards the amicable relations between the two kingdoms were
threatened with a serious interruption, in consequence of Henry taking offence at
the erection of certain castles on the Scotch frontier. Alexander in vain asserted
his acknowledged supremacy within his hereditary dominions, notwithstanding the
homage which he had performed for his possessions in England. Henry hastUy
assembled an army at Newcastle, and Alexander, instead of awaiting his attack,
marched through Northumberland as far as Ponteland. A collision, which appeared
inevitable, was fortunately averted by the interposition of the Earl of Cornwall,
the Archbishop of York, and others of the chief nobility of England, who, by
their personal influence with the Scotch King, induced him to make such conces
sions as soothed the irritable temper of his opponent, without compromising his

244 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
own independence. The peace thus happily re-estabhshed, was not again inter
rupted during the remainder of the reign of Alexander, who died a.d. 1249.
In the year of his death are dated the earliest of the series of " Border Laws,"
for preserving friendly relations between the two realms, and regulating the ad
ministration of justice on tbe frontier. The articles of this convention purport to
have been arranged by twelve knights on behalf of each kingdom, but the
authenticity of the document is rendered very questionable by the introduction of
the name of Eobert de Clifford at the head of the English commissioners, whereas
it is weU known that the connection of the Clifford family with the North of
England did not commence tiU a generation later, and that the first Eobert de
Clifford was not born at this date. If the document be genuine, which there is
otherwise no reason to doubt, either the name of Clifford must have been substi
tuted in error for some other, or the convention must belong to a later period. The
latter supposition is perhaps the more probable, as the year of our Lord only oc
curs in the existing copies, without the names of the King either of England or
Scotland, on whose behalf the arrangement was entered into. There is no
evidence, at aU events, that its provisions were acted upon during the ensuing
reign, although, notwithstanding perpetual jealousies, peaceful relations were
maintained tUl its close. This, however, was chiefly owing to the marriage of the
young King, who at his accession was but nine years of age, with Margaret the
daughter of Henry, which, if it did not put an end to the iU feeling which pre-
vaUed on the part of many of the Scotch nobility towards England, at least held
it in check.

245

CHAPTEE YII.
TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS.
In order clearly to understand the tenures, services, and customs which existed in
Northumberland during the Norman era, we must direct our attention in the first
instance to the position of the earls, in whom the government was vested for so
many years, both before and after the Conquest. During the earlier period, in
deed, we have no records more precise than the statements of our old chroniclers ;
but even from these much valuable material may be coUected. Far more minute
information, however, is stored up in the documentary evidence of the succeeding
age, which accurately reflects the image of that which preceded it.
We have, it is true, no charter from any of our Anglo-Saxon monarchs confer
ring the government of Northumberland on Osulf, on Uchtred, or on Siward;
but we find, on the revival of the earldom by Eichard Cceur-de-Lion in favour of
Hugh Pudsey, a recapitulation of the privUeges and powers with which its ancient
possessors were endowed.
We have no formal accounts of the revenues of Tosti or of Morcar ; but we know
that they were tbe same which afterwards flowed into the royal exchequer, and
which were again diverted when the earldom passed into the hands of the ambi
tious prelate. The Northumbrian Pipe Bolls of the reign of Eichard are for our
purpose almost as satisfactory, as if we had possessed simUar documents of the
reign of Ethehed or of Knut.
Turning to the grant to Pudsey, we find that the county was to be held by him
as earl, as fully, freely, quietly, and honourably, as the King himself had held it
whilst it was in his own hands ; that the concession included all castles, boroughs,
harbours, demesne manors, waters, mUls, fisheries, meadows and pastures, land
cultured and uncultured, forests, mines of silver, lead, and iron ; also all fees,
homages, services, wards and escheats of barons, knights, thanes, and drengs ; with
part I. 3 P

246 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
all liberties and free customs, pleas and actions, and all other things to the Crown
belonging. In short, to use a phrase which has become proverbial as applied to
the bishoprick of Durham, whatever the king possessed without the limits of the
earldom, the earl held within.
The items usually excepted from the most comprehensive grants, but contained
in the present, are 1, mines of sUver ; 2ndly, the homage of barons, knights, and
others ; and 3rdly, pleas of the Crown.
I. Mines of Silver. — These were no ideal treasures, for the argentiferous lead
mines of Northumberland and the adjoining district of Cumberland, are anciently
described as silver-mines, and were enjoyed by the Crown, in virtue of the precious
metal which they contained. The lessees were the moneyers of Newcastle and
Carlisle, who, at their mints at these places, converted the produce of the ore into
specie, with which then rent was paid.
The mines of both counties were, at the period of the grant, let together under
the title of the " mines of Carhol," but the most productive portion was in North
umberland, for after the grant of the earldom, the rent paid to the Crown was only
10/. for the portion remaining, whereas the entire rent had been 100/. in the pre
vious year. At some periods, indeed, it greatly exceeded that amount, having at
one time been, for a series of years, as high as 500 marks (333/. 6s. 8d.)*
II. Homage of Barons, Knights, and others. — In the grant which was made at
the same time to Pudsey and his successors, Bishops of Durham, of the wapentake
of Sadberge, are included the services of several parties holding by baronial tenure,
» According to Eobert de Monte, the mines of Carliol, when first discovered in the reign of Henry I.,
were even more productive. It is remarkable that this foreign chronicler is the only writer who gives
us any information on the subject of the discovery. As his statement has remained unnoticed by any
of our historians, either local or general, it is here subjoined : — " A.D. 1133. King Henry also created
a new bishoprick at Carlisle, upon the borders of England and Scotland, and he placed there as its first
bishop the prior of the canons regular of St. Oswald, his confessor. The new Bishop placed canons
regular in the church of his see. The sun was ecUpsed on the 4th of the nones of August, and the
same day the King saUed over to Normandy, from which he did not again return. At this time veins
of sUver ore were discovered at CarUsle, and the miners who dug for it in the bowels of the earth, paid
five hundred pounds yearly to King Henry." The above date, which is appUcable to the establishment
of the see of Carhsle and the other particulars mentioned, is not to be received as denoting the precise
year of the discovery, which was somewhat earlier, but rather to the fuU developement of the treasure.
The rent of the " sUver mine of Carliol " forms an item of revenue two years previous in the Pipe EoU
of the 31st of Henry I. The work of Eobert de Monte, which contains many other notices of import
ance to the students of EngUsh History, was almost inaccessible until its recent pubhcation by Mr.
Stevenson in The Church Historians of Britain.

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS, 247
but the homage which is due to the sovereign, was not transferred. In the grant
of the earldom, nothing whatever is withheld. The personal allegiance, which is
due from every subject, doubtless was not interfered with, but no incident of
tenure remained to connect the barons of Northumberland with the Crown. They
were emphatically the earVs men; and so they are described in a charter of Wil
ham Eufus, in reference to Eobert de Mowbray, the then late earl. In this
charter the King confirms to the Prior and convent of Tynemouth, " aU things
which Eobert Earl of Northumberland and his men {sui homines') had given to St.
Oswin before his forfeiture." The same expression occurs in a confirmation charter
of Henry I. Again, in the reign of Stephen, when the earldom was given to
Henry, son of David of Scotland, the barons of Northumberland were permitted
to do him homage, saving only then fealty to Stephen, and the same ceremony was
repeated, on the death of Henry, to his son WiUiam.
III. Pleas of the Crown. — We have no direct evidence of the exercise of the
right of holding pleas of the Crown by any of the earls of Northumberland,
except Bishop Walcher ; but the complaints made against him, of his refusal to
hold them except on payment of exorbitant fees, may be accepted as indirect proof
that they had been held on more hberal terms by his predecessors. The right was
also exercised after the extinction of the earldom by Alexander the Third of Scot
land, the descendant of the ancient earls, in that fragment ofthe county which he
stiU enjoyed, the liberty of Tyndale.b
Under the various heads specified in the grant, are comprised every source from
which revenue accrued to the Crown in other counties, or in Northumberland itself
when it was in the King's hand. Nothing remained to be carried into the royal
exchequer. The same was the case, under Eobert de Mowbray, during whose
tenure of the earldom the Doomsday survey was compUed. That survey was
undertaken for financial objects, and it is not wonderful that it did not extend to a
district in which the Crown had no financial interest. The earldom of Carliol or
Cumberland was in this respect precisely simUarly situated, and these two earl
doms contained between them the entire territory which is omitted in that valuable
record. For the same reason Cumberland and Northumberland are excluded from the
" The Hundred Eolls exhibit other instances of parties claiming to hold pleas of the Crown within
their respective Uberties ; but these claims are generally, if not universaUy, founded on prescription,
and not on charter.

248 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Pipe Bolls at the commencement of the reign of Henry II. , when they were stUl
in the hands of the King of Scotland and his brother ; for the same reason also the
latter is omitted during its occupation by Pudsey. If at either of those periods a
survey similar to Doomsday had been compiled, it is clear that the districts so
situated would in each case have been omitted, as they were omitted when Dooms
day itself was framed, for the simple reason that there was nothing in them to
return. Within the earldom, every landowner, who in other parts of England would
have held of the Crown, held of the Earl, and owed neither homage nor service to
any other superior. It remains to be seen by what tenure the Earl himself held
his fee. The charter of Eichard to Pudsey merely says he isto "render the
same service which his predecessors, earls of Northumberland, were wont and
ought to have performed to the kings our ancestors." Now the earldom origin
ated before the introduction of feudal services, nor have we any trace of any
reserved rent or other payment, and we naturally infer that it was held by fealty
only. In this view we are confirmed by the terms of the convention between
David of Scotland and King Stephen, by virtue of which his son obtained poses-
sion of the earldom. This document, the substance of which is preserved in the
work of Eichard of Hexham, contains no stipulation either as to homage or any
pecuniary payment ; but it provides that David shall secure the fealty (fidelitatem)
both of himself and his son Earl Henry to the King of England, by delivering to
him the sons of five Scottish earls as hostages.
Where even homage was not due, still less was there any liability to the ordinary
feudal incidents such as scutages and aids. The barons of Northumberland indeed
owed to the Bishop the same services, including aids and scutages, as were pre
viously due to the Crown, and, accordingly, we find Pudsey imposing a heavy
scutage on tbe mihtary tenants within the earldom as weU as the bishoprick, the
proceeds of which, or a part of them, were applied with other funds towards the
King's ransom from captivity, amounting in all to £2000. ; but this offering was
voluntary, and not incident to the tenure either of the earldom or the bishoprick.
A portion of this scutage was still in the course of collection, or in the hands of
the Bishop's officers, when the earldom was resumed by the Crown, and this was
seized by Hugh Bardulf, the sheriff, who accounts for 77/. 13s. id. " for the scutage
of the knights of Northumberland for the redemption of our lord the King, which is
rendered in one sum, because the county was in the hands of the Bishop of Dur-

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 249
ham, by whom the scutage was received, and cannot therefore be distinguished by
baronies." It is clear that the amount was the residue of a scutage not merely of
Northumberland, or even of Durham, but of all the Bishop's military tenants, as a
portion of the payment is excused to the Archbishop of Canterbury as the guardian
of Gilbert Hansard, a minor, whose fee lay in Yorkshhe.
We have proof also from the Pipe Bolls that the Bishop received the amounts
due from hvery of baronies and lands within the earldom. After its resumption
we find the following entry in reference to Eichard de Umfreville, who had re
cently succeeded to the barony of Prudhoe on the death of bis father. " Eichard
de UnfranvUle renders an account of 100/. that the King may grant him the fine
for his land which he made with the Bishop of Durham, when the county was in
his hands, and that be may not he under the King's displeasure (malevolencia)."
Eobert de Muschamp also had arranged to pay the Bishop 60 marks for livery,
and this sum is claimed by the Crown after the resumption of the county. In the
same way in the matter of wardships ; Ealph Fitz-Main had received a grant of
the wardship of the hens of Ealph de Guagi, but Eudsey on obtaining the earl
dom took the wardship into his own hands. Again, in reference to the marriage
of heiresses and widows ; Helwise de Tindal had agreed with the Crown to pay a
fine of 20 marks for hberty to marry as she chose, and this also was received by
the Bishop. Not only was he caUed upon to refund these sums, but other similar
payments within the palatinate of Durham ; amongst others, a fine of 300 marks
from Eobert Fitz-Meldred for hvery. This sum was increased to 600 marks be
fore Fitz-Meldred obtained possession of his lands.
BARONY AND KNIGHT-SERVICE.
It is uncertain at what period of the . Conqueror's reign tenure by barony was
introduced into Northumberland. The liberty of Eeedsdale, to the grant of which
the reader's attention has already been directed, was not held by this service, and
it is the only one of the concessions of land within the county, made in this reign,
to which a specific date has been assigned. WiUiam's original grants to his fol
lowers throughout England do not appear in the first instance to have been held
by barony, but by the same tenure under which they had been enjoyed by their
Anglo-Saxon possessors under Edward the Confessor. Doomsday Book makes no
mention of knight's-fees or mUitary service ; indeed, one of the principal objects of
PART I. 3 Q

250 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
that survey seems to have been, to furnish a basis for the conversion of the tenures
by which Normans and Saxons alike held their lands into baronage. The neces
sity of this change became apparent in consequence of the difficulty which was felt
in maintaining an army under the old system, for the defence of the kingdom
against a threatened invasion of Canute King of Denmark, in 1085. The parti
culars are related in the Saxon Chronicle, which appear to justify this inference.
" When King WiUiam, who was on the continent, heard of the projected invasion, he
hastened hither with a larger army from Normandy and Brittany, than had ever arrived in
this land, so that men wondered how the country could feed them aU. But the King bil
leted the soldiers upon his subjects tbroughout the nation, and they provided for them,
every man according to the land u-hich he possessed. And the people suffered much dis
tress tins year  Afterwards he received information that the expedition had been
stopped, and that the enemy would not be able to proceed in this enterprize, upon which
he let part of his forces return home, and part he retained throughout the winter 
After this the King had a great consultation, and spoke very gravely with his witan con
cerning this land how it was held, and what were its tenantry. He then sent Ms men over
aU England, into every shire, and caused them to ascertain how many hides of land it con
tained, and what lands the King possessed therein, what cattle there were therein, and how
much revenue he ought to receive yearly. He also caused them to write down how much^
land belonged to his bishops, his abbots, and his earls, and finaUy what property every in
habitant of England possessed in land or in cattle, and how much money these were
worth." If military tenures had already been estabhshed, it would have been unnecessary
for the King to have introduced this immense continental army, rather than have
levied one within the island, by far the largest proportion of the lands in which
were already possessed by Normans, whose interest insured their fidelity against
an invasion, the success of which would undoubtedly have resulted in then own
expulsion. Neither would the employment of mercenaries have been necessary
under the old Saxon plan of raising a militia in certain proportions according to
the hidage of the several counties. The expedient resorted to was a violent inno
vation, after the old system had become obsolete, and before any new one bad been
adopted. The Doomsday survey embodied the nearly forgotten information as to the
hidage of the estates of the several proprietors, who were thus made aware of the
number of men whom they could be compeUed to furnish under the existing law ;

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 251
and an opportunity was afforded of comparing this burden with that to which they
would be subjected by the introduction of the new mihtary tenures. The latter,
it is probable, whilst much more efficacious for national defence, were at the same
time much less oppressive than the previous obligations, if enforced to their full
legal extent. So entire a change would undoubtedly have been difficult to intro
duce, if the Saxon proprietors, with their warm feelings in favour of national
usages, had maintained then possessions, but they now formed an almost insigni
ficant minority, and were no doubt thankful to retain their ancestral lands upon
any terms.
The change of tenure, which was universal throughout that part of the island
which was under the immediate rule of the sovereign, was only partiaUy intro
duced into Northumberland, whilst in Cumberland we have no trace of it till the
reign of Henry II. In the former county the Norman grantees held their lands
by baronage, the heirs of the old Saxon proprietors continued to render the same
services which were due from then forefathers.
The popular definition of a barony is the aggregation of a number of knight's-
fees under one proprietor, of which some are granted out to different parties by
sub-infeudation, and one or more retained by the original grantee, whose residence
is regarded as the " caput baronise ;" and the lands in his own hands are character
ized as demesne. The great proportion, indeed, of the early baronies comprised a
large number of knight's-fees, but the tenure was equally by barony where the
grant amounted to a single fee, or even a fraction of one, provided only it emanated
dhectly from the Crown. On the other hand, no number of knight's-fees, held
under an intermediate or mesne lord, would constitute a barony. Baronies, indeed,
existed in Northumberland under the earl, and in Durham under the bishop, but
each of these was within his own territories in loco regis, and those who held fees
under them were not barons of England, but of Northumberland and tbe bishop
rick respectively. When Northumberland was united under the same government
as the rest of the kingdom, its barons became barons of the realm, and such would
have been the case with those of Durham also, if that palatinate had been merged,
as it has since been, during the prevalence of baronies in fee.
Baronies in Northumberland were generally of smaller extent than in Yorkshire
and the southern counties. Alnwick, by far the largest, was rated at twelve
knight's-fees ; Stiford or Bolbec, Bywell, and Mitford, at five each ; Morpeth and
Wooler at four ; Embleton, EUingham, Bothall, Whalton, and Bolam, at three ;

252 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Wark, Prudhoe, and Delaval, at two. Of the rest none exceeded one knight's-
fee, and Gosforth and DUston made up one between them. All are nevertheless
classed together as baronies in the inquisition of Henry III. in the Testa de
Nevil except Gosforth, which is styled the Ville of Ealph Surtees. This, however,
is not on account of the fractional service due from it, (for it was rated at § of a
fee, whereas Dilston, which is described as a barony, is only rated at J) but be
cause it formed a part only of the possessions of its owner, which together made
up his barony, but the other part (the Yille of Middleton) had been severed from
Northumberland by the annexation of the wapentake of Sadberge, in which it is
situated, to Durham.
In one of the Eeports of the Committee of the House of Lords on the dignity of
the peerage, the case of the possessions of the Ogle famUy having been popularly
termed the barony of Ogle, although held under the barony of Whalton, is ad
duced as an instance of a barony existing under a mesne lord. But it proves only
an inaccuracy of expression of comparatively modern date. In the reign of
Henry II. Gilbert de Hoggal owned half a fee, which was increased to a fee and a
half in the time of Henry IIL, the barony under which it was held being only
three fees. The Ogles continued to advance in importance, whUst, in later
times, the lords of Whalton declined, but the legal relative position of the two
parties was not altered ; the one was stUl the superior baron, the other the simple
knight. In the fourteenth century the chief of the house of Ogle married the
heiress of the baronial famUy of Bertram of Bothal, and then great-grandson was
raised to the peerage a hundred years later. Under these circumstances it is not
extraordinary that the term "Barony of Ogle" should have been applied to the
ancient territorial possessions of the famUy, but it is not less an inaccuracy.
Amongst the baronies of Northumberland has always been included Beanley,
although perhaps it should more correctly be classed as a sergeanty, as it was sub
ject to none of the feudal incidents of barony, but was held by a special service,
the nature of which, however, has been very iU understood. In tbe Testa de
Nevil are two sets of inquisitions, extending over the whole county of Northumber
land ; the first in the reign of John, the second in that of Henry III. In the
former Earl Patric is said " to hold the barony of Beanley by this service, that he
shall be Inborg* and Hutborg' between the realms of England and Scotland ;" in
the latter the words are spelt " Inborwe and Utborwe between England and Scot
land." Camden interprets this to mean, that his duty was " to observe and watch

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 253
the ingress and egress of all travellers between the two kingdoms ; for in the old
EngUsh language Inborou is an ingress or entry." Chalmers derives the word
from Borough, a surety or pledge, and translates the passage thus : that he was to
be " surety for the peace of both kingdoms, within the Border and without." This
he admits to be "a task which the two kings of the contiguous realms were
scarcely able to perform,'' which consideration might have withheld him from
offering the explanation which he has given. That of Camden, which he considers
as impracticable, is only one degree more feasible. The words seem to be simply
In-bearer and Out-bearer, the bearer of communications between the two kingdoms ;
and this view is confirmed by the circumstance of two other estates in the county
being held by serjeanties of a very similar nature, one by the service of carrying
the king's writs between the Tyne and the Coquet, the other of executing the
same duty between the Coquet and the Tweed. The fact of the owners of Beanley,
the descendants of the Earl Gospatric, being also the possessors of the earldom of
Dunbar in Scotland, would make then appointment peculiarly appropriate as the
bearers of communications between tbe two realms. None could have a deeper
interest in maintaining a good understanding, none suffered more directly from its
interruption. The other serjeanties are of the ordinary class, and the duties generaUy trivial.
The franchise of Eedesdale is never classed amongst the baronies. It was, like
Beanley, held free of all feudal services, except that specially enjoined in the
charter, of clearing the country of enemies and wolves. The Inquest of John in
the Testa de Nevil, says it was held by the service of defending the valley from
robbers ; that of Henry III., that it was held " per regalem potestatem." The
very extensive privUeges of its lords are set forth by Mr. Hodgson in the first
volume of the Topographical Bart of his work, a large portion of which is devoted
to this interesting district. THANAGE AND DRENGAGE.
The term Thane in its original acceptation undoubtedly implied servitude, and
is rendered in Latin by Beda, minister. Lilla, the faithful servant of Edwine
King of Northumberland, whose devotion preserved the life of his royal master at
the expense of his own, a.d. 625, is caUed in the Saxon Chronicle his thane.
The same authority speaks of the nobles of Wulfhere King of Mercia, who were
PART I. 3 R

254 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
present at the consecration of the abbey of Medeshamstede (Peterborough), a.d.
657, as his thanes. In 755, the personal attendants of Cynewulf King of
Wessex are described by the same term. At a later period it was apphed to the
highest class of landowners, under the degree of ealderman, duke, or earl, and,
in this sense, we have frequent mention of thanes in Northumberland. Symeon
speaks of Kilvert the son of Lyulf, a Yorkshire thane, who married the daughter
of Bishop Aldune, after her repudiation by Earl Uchtred ; Crinan the thane, the
grandfather of Earl Gospatric ; and Orm, a Yorkshire thane, who became the
son-in-law of Earl Aldred.
The Saxon Chronicle speaks of the insurrection of the thanes of Yorkshire and
Northumberland against Earl Tosti, a.d. 1065, and Florence of Worcester fur
nishes us with the names of several, some of whom we know to have been nearly
connected with the dominant family in the earldom ; Gamelbearn, Dunstan son of
Athelneth, Glonicorn son of Heardulf, Gamel son of Orm, Ulf son of Dolfin, and
"the noble Northumbrian thane" Gospatric.
In the course of William the Conqueror's reign, the great Saxon landowners
were exterminated as a class, a few individuals only remaining at the era of
Doomsday. In Yorkshire only a single name, that of Gospatric, is recorded as
the representative of the once powerful Anglo-Saxon aristocracy : aU the rest were
swept away, and their lands possessed by strangers. The term thane was now
applied exclusively to a second class of landowners, inferior both in station and
possessions. Of these a considerable number are met with at the end of the
list of proprietors in tbe several counties under the title of " the King's Thanes,"
and others occur in various parts of the record who held under mesne lords. The
memory of this class, also, was obliterated in the course of a few years throughout
the greater part of England by the conversion of their tenure into mUitary ser
vice, but they still lingered in Northumberland and Durham.
In tbe 5th of Henry IL, the sheriff accounts for 196/. as the Donum of the
knights and thanes of Northumberland. During the same reign, as well as under
Eichard and John, there were frequent taUages of the thanes and drengs. The
same two classes occur in Durham as contributing with the " Smale-manni,"
(Small-men ; tenants at will) to a tallage in tbe 31st of Henry I. In the reign
of Eichard I., when we have again a Durham Pipe Eoll, during the vacancy
of the see, two classes only occur as contributors, the dreng and firmarii, the
former including the thanes, the latter identical with the " smalemanni " of the

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 255
previous account. In the Northumberland Pipe Bolls the thanes and drengs are
generally distinguished from each other, but they are all entered as drengs in an
inquisition of Henry III. in the Testa de Nevil. An earlier inquisition in the
same compilation, taken in the reign of John, explains the distinction, which
involves no difference of tenure, but merely the extent of proprietorship ; the
owners of one vUle being styled drengs, whilst those who owned two or three
have the more honourable designation of thanes.
Drengs occur in Doomsday Book in one district only, and that within, the
ancient kingdom of Northumberland, the territory between the Eibble and the
Mersey, in the hundreds of Newton and Welton. In this part of Lancashire the
same tenure lingered in the reign of Henry III. The Cumberland Pipe Bolls
notice only two drengs in that county, and those (as is the case also with those
of Lancashire) did not originally hold of the Crown, but were within a manor
which came to it by escheat, the manor of Ousby. In Westmorland drengage
was the prevaihng tenure. In the 3rd of John eighteen drengs paid a fine of
50/. for exemption from foreign service (ne transfretent), and this fine, which is
equivalent to scutage, has been made the ground for asserting that drengage,
although differing from knight's -service, was a military, and consequently a free
tenure. Those who have adopted this view have confined then attention to the
reign of John ; but an examination of the Pipe Bolls of the two previous reigns
will shew that this fine was an arbitrary imposition, unsupported by precedent or
custom. Under Henry II. and Eichard I. the drengs were subjected unsparingly
to taUages ; but they never occur as contributors to a scutage, or any equivalent
impost. Neither were they the only parties who had to complain of this innova
tion, which was equally enforced against the tenants by sergeanty through
out the kingdom, and the cornage tenants of Cumberland, neither of whom were
legaUy subject to it. It was to guard against this, amongst other acts of oppres
sion, that Magna Charta was wrung from the reluctant monarch. If any doubt
could exist on this subject, it is removed by an entry in the Westmoreland Bipe
Eoll of the 24th of Henry II. , from which we learn that the number of drengs
had originally been greater, but that in several cases the drengage had been con
verted by Hugh de Morville, formerly lord of Westmorland, into free service, a sig
nificant intimation that the tenure of the eighteen who remained was servile. The
following year a simUar conversion (quietantia a drengagio) was made in favour of

256 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
an individual in the same county. In Northumberland we have a simUar instance
in the reign of King John, who changed the tenure by which William Bardulf
held Hepple and other possessions in Coquetdale from thanage to knight's-service.
The expression in the Testa de Nevil regarding this transaction is "removit then-
agium," as we would speak of removing a burden or a dishonour. In another
case, Henry IL, on the death of Uchtred Fitz-Gamel without heirs, granted the
ville of Wittingham with its dependant townships, previously held by drengage,
to Eoger de Flammaville, free from all service, except the render of one sparrow-
hawk yearly.
The offices performed by the thanes and drengs of Northumberland, as detaUed
in the inquisition above referred to, were unquestionably servile.
In addition to a money-rent, they were subject to an arbitrary tallage, to mer-
chet and heriot, suit of court, and multure " of the thirteenth dish." Those in
the northern part of the county owed " truncage " to the castle of Bamburgh :
that is, they carried thither logs (truncas) for firewood. One of them is described
as bound to employ his cart in this service, going and returning on alternate days
from Whitsuntide to Lammas." Those whose lands lay in Bamburghshire were
bound, in addition to assist in agricultural operations, to plough, reap, and carry
the corn, receiving, when so employed, one meal (cibum, repastum) per day. They
were also bound to assist the King's Serjeants, in serving writs, and destraining
for debt.
The services due to the Bishop of Durham, from his drengs in Norhamshire and
Islandshire, were of a similar character, including service in husbandry on his
demesnes of Norham and Fenwick.
The Bolden Buke, compiled by Bishop Pudsey, has many notices of this tenure
within the present county of Durham. The following particulars from the survey
• There seems to have been a disposition on the part of the drengage tenants to repudiate these ser
vile offices. In the 16th of Henry IL, Liulf Ktz-Liulf is amerced 41 15s., because he has not carried
wood to make the King's great fire (rogum) at the castle of Bamburgh. At the same time WUliam
Eitz-Waldeive is debited 40 shillings for respite of the works of the castle. Previous to the 24th of
this reign, the drengs and tenants of the royal demesnes were responsible for the safety of the King's
colts in the wastes and forests. In that year they paid a fine of 131. 6s. 8d. to be relieved of this charge.
It appears from the Hundred EoUs that there was a customary obligation on the viUes of Shoston and
Sunderland, and the drengs of Beadnel and Mousen, to send their pigs to feed in the woods of Whit
tingham, but that for the last 20 years of the reign of Henry III. the practice had faUen into disuse, to
the heavy loss of the King, who thereby lost his pannage.

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS, 257
of the township of Hutton Henry, in the parish of Hesledon, are given in the
words of Mr. Surtees's translation : —
" Richard and Uchtred plough two acres at Shotton. Every carrucate within the ville
ploughs and harrows two acres, and the viUans perform three days' works in autumn, with
one man for each oxgang. The dreng feeds a horse and dog, attends the great chase with
two grey-hounds and five cords, carts one tun of wine, and one mill-stone, attends the lord's
court and goes messages."
Instances occur of the services of drengage-tenants being granted by the Crown
to private parties. Thus Henry I. granted to the Earl of Dunbar, or a member
of bis family, the services due by the tenant of the three Middletons and Eoddam,
reserving the money rent and tallage to the Crown.
King John also included in his grant of the royal manor of Newburn, to Eobert
Fitz-Eoger, the drengage services of Throckley, with the like reservation.
The foUowing is a hst of the tenements in thanage and drengage in Northum
berland when the county came into the hands of Henry IL, in the third year of .
his reign, exclusive of those in Sadberge, which will be noticed hereafter : —
I. Throckley, in the parish of Newburn, one ville, drengage.
II. Halton, Clarewood, and Whittington, in the parish of Corbridge, three villes, thanage.
III. Whittingham with Thrunton, Barton, and moiety of Grlanton, one ville drengage.
IV. Callaley and Tetlington, in the parish of Whittingham, two vUles, thanage.
V. Eslington, in the same parish, one ville, drengage.
VI. Hepple, Bickerton, Great and Little Tosson, Flotterton, Warton, and a moiety of Tre wit,
in the parish of Eothbury, thanage.
VII. Beadnel in Bamburghshire, one vUle, drengage.
VIII. Mousen in the same, one viUe, drengage.
IX. South Middleton, Middle Middleton, and North Middleton, with Eoddam, in the parish of
Ilderton, three villes, thanage. The services assigned as above.
Drengage existed also in the lordship of Tyndale, the property of the King of
Scotland. This lordship was, for a short time, in the hands of Henry IL, after
the capture of William the Lion at Alnwick, when a tallage was levied on "the
thanage of the King of Scotland in Tindale 20/." It was again escheated on the
death of Alexander III. of Scotland, and we possess the accounts rendered by
Thomas de NormanvUle, of the rents and profits in the years 1286, 1287. The
services of the tenants, unfortunately, are not recorded, but the drengage rents
part i. 3 s

258 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
within the manor of Wark amounted to 31. 2s. lfi. ; in Grindon to 16s. 5c?. In
both manors tenants in drengage are mentioned in the plural number.
The sums exacted from the thanes and drengs under the names of taUages,
dones, and aids, were out of all proportion to similar contributions from the
tenants by knight's-service, as will appear from a comparison of the amounts paid
by each in the 7th and 8th years of Henry IL, which are given a few pages
further on. By far the largest landowner amongst them was Wilham Fitz-
Waldiefe of Hepple, the predecessor of William Bardulf, whose tenure was after
wards changed into knight's-service, when his estate was rated as one fee. In the
7th year the rate per knigbt's-fee was two marks (1/. 6s. 8d.), in the 8th one
mark (13s. id.), and yet we find the drengage proprietor charged twenty marks
in the former year, and 20/. in the latter. There seems indeed to have been no
limit to the exactions on this class of landowners short of the absolute exhaustion
of their means of further payment. CORNAGE OR NOUTGELD.
The payment of an annual sum under this title was common to the four
northern counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, Durham, and Northumberland ;
but in Cumberland only have we any record of the existence of a pure cornage
tenure. In the others the payment of cornage rent was grafted upon military and
other tenures. Until the reign of Henry II. every estate in Cumberland was held
by cornage, with the exception of the great barony, or, as it is frequently styled, the
county of Copeland, which had been granted free from cornage, but without the
substitution of any other service. As far as records extend, cornage was merely a
money payment, and we might be content to explain the term as meaning a Crown
rent (coronagium), but we have incidental evidence that this contribution, although
commuted at an early period, was originally made in cattle, and that the true in
terpretation is (cornuagium) a tribute in horned beasts. In several early charters
we meet with it under the vernacular name of nout-geld, or neat-geld, a term not
yet obsolete in Cumberland and Westmorland. In the Pipe Bolls of those
counties it is called Geldum animalium, and in the Durham Pipe Eoll of the 31st
of Henry I. we meet with the expression cornagium animalium. In Northumber
land the term cornagium only occurs, without any adjunct.

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 259
In Cumberland there was superadded to the payment of cornage an obligation,
as we learn from the Testa de Nevil, " of going at the King's command with the
army of Scotland, serving in the van in going, and in the rear in returning."
This obhgation cannot have been of older date than the reign of William Eufus
or Henry I., previous to which, Cumberland had been for two centuries a depend
ency of Scotland, whereas tbe origin of noutgeld must be sought for at some
period when the four northern counties were under one government, previous to
the dismemberment of the kingdom of Northumberland in the ninth century. The
lords of Copeland owed service in the army of Wales as well as Scotland.
The following statement shows the amount of cornage accounted for by the
sheriff in each county at the earliest period at which it can be ascertained from the
Pipe Bolls : — Cumberland  31st Henry I  £85 8 8
Northumberland  10th Henry II  20 0 0
Westmorland  23rd Henry II  55 19 3
Durham  31st Henry I  110 5 3
The smallness of the sum paid by Northumberland as compared with the other
counties (scarcely more than one third of what was received from the little county
of Westmorland), seems to point to the conclusion that in the former a com
mutation of the cattle-rent into money had been effected at a much earher period.
when the comparative value of specie was greatly higher. Had the comparison
been with the western counties only, we might have supposed that an equitable
abatement had been made in consideration of the other services which were due in
Northumberland, but which did not apply to Westmorland and Cumberland;
but in Durham the same services were performed as in Northumberland, the only
distinction being that in one county they were due to the Bishop, in the other to
the Crown. In Northumberland, it should be added, the sheriff only accounts
for the cornage triennially ; in Westmorland and Cumberland every year. Henry
II. introduced military tenure into Cumberland by granting the barony of Gils-
land to Hubert de Yaux as two knight's-fees, and in this instance the nout-geld
was remitted altogether. At a later period, however, of the same reign, when
Peter de Brus had a grant of the manor of Edenhall as half a knight's-fee,
he not only had to perform the services incident to that tenure, but to pay
the accustomed cornage rent besides, The only other remissions of nout-geld in

260

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

that county were in favour of the canons of Carhsle, and of Adam the cook of
Queen Eleanor, who had a grant of Outerby, Fermanby, and Old Salkeld. In
Northumberland there are two instances of the remission of cornage : the first in
favour of the lordship of Tyndale, granted to WUliam the Lion, and enjoyed by
several of his successors, kings of Scotland ; the second, of the lands of the Prior
of Tynemouth, which were exempted by King John.
In Cumberland as well as Northumberland the amount of cornage received by
the sheriff was somewhat larger than his actual payment into the exchequer, as
appears by the detaUs of the collection in each county, those of the former being
recorded in the Inquisition of King John in the Testa de Nevil, of the latter in a
return made by Eobert de Lisle, Sheriff of Northumberland, in the 49th of Henry
IIL, and preserved in the Red Book of the Exchequer. The return for Northum
berland is as foUows : —

Alnwick Barony  £3
Wark
WoolerBeanleyMitford
Bothal Morpeth Whalton
ByweUBolbec Prudhoe
Heron BolamDelaval EUingham Langley Emildon
Hepple Ditchburn, Cartington, and
Togston ,,

1 11
0 8
1 5
0 10
1 5

0 0
5 0
7 8
0 10 4 8

!••

eo
o o 8
10 8

Dilston Manor  £0 1 2
Gosforth „  0 1 2
Bradford „  0 1 2
Chevington,,  0 1 2
Dbengage Tenements.
Whittingham  0 4 0
Eshngton  0 1 2
CaUaley  0 2 4
Halton  0 2 4
Middleton and Eoddam  0 3 4
Throckley  0 I 2
Beadnel  0 1 2
Mousen  0 1 2
ByhiU  0 1 2

£18 6
Add relieved from Cornage :
Tyndale Lordship  113
Tynemouth Priory  1 4

Total Cornage originaUy paid  £21 3 10
Total Cornage accounted for  20 0 0

Excess of collection over account  £1 3 10

The tenants in capite not only indemnified themselves in respect of this payment
at the expense of their sub-feudatories, but actually made a large profit by ex-

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 261
acting a much greater sum under the name of cornage than was paid by them
selves to the Crown. Of this we have two remarkable instances : one in the barony
of Appleby, where the lord collected 52/. Is. 6c/., and only paid 41/. 12s. lid. ;
the other in the lands of the Prior of Tynemouth, who collected 21. 9s. 7d., paying
only 1 /. 4s. The details of the first wUl be found in Nicholson and Burn's
Westmorland, of the second, in the extracts from the Tynemouth Cartulary in
Brand's Newcastle. In both these cases the lord of the fee was ultimately relieved
from cornage altogether, but in neither was any remission made to the sub-tenants.
If the above particulars of the cornage paid by the several baronies are com
pared with the number of knight's-fees at which they are severally rated, it will
be found that no relative proportion is maintained between the amount of the one
and the number of the other. Thus Wark, Bywell, and Morpeth pay nearly an
equal cornage, whilst the former is only rated at two fees, the two others at five
each. Again, the cornage of Whalton, Elhngham, and Emildon, together scarcely
exceeds that of Wark alone, and yet each of them is rated at one knight's-fee
more than Wark. Bolam and Langley are nearly equal in their contributions to
cornage, the proportion of Langley being shghtly greater, and yet Bolam is rated
at three knight's-fees and Langley at one. Hepple pays 9s. cornage, Delaval
3s. 3d., whUst Delaval is rated at two knight's-fees, Hepple at one. In almost
every instance the cornage may be taken as tbe juster criterion of relative value
and importance.
The Northumbrian Pipe Bolls are silent as to cornage till the 10th year, which
includes the collections of the two previous years. Before this it seems to have
been included in the farm of the county.
CASTLE-WARD.
Castle- Ward existed in Northumberland, in respect of each of the royal castles
of Bamburgh and Newcastle — the latter erected in the reign of the Norman Con
queror, whilst the former existed from the very commencement of the dynasty of
the Northumbrian kings. The smaU amount of the contribution levied for the
castle-ward of Bamburgh as compared with Newcastle, favours the inference that
the impost originated under the Anglo-Saxon government, when the relative value
of the precious metals was greater. Of this, however, we have no direct evidence.
Until the reign of Henry IIL the castle-ward does not appear as an item of
revenue in the Northumbrian Pipe Bolls, but must rather have been rendered in
part i. 3 T

262

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

personal service, or the composition must have gone directly into the hands of the
parties entrusted with the defence of the castles. Of these Bamburgh was always
in charge of the Sheriff, whilst Newcastle had a constable or governor specially
appointed by the Crown.
The castle-guard of Bamburgh was only 5 marks in all ; that of Newcastle 33/.
We have, unfortunately, no information as to the particular baronies and estates
which were bound to contribute to the defence of Bamburgh ; but a return has
been preserved in the Red Book of the Exchequer of the several contributions due
to the ward of the castle of Newcastle.
This return, as well as that previously referred to relative to cornage, was fur
nished by Eobert de Lisle, the Sheriff in the 49th of Henry IIL, and is in sub
stance as follows : —

The Barony of BaiUiol in j p. - , „ 4
five different payments J
Bolam  2 0 0
Delaval  1 6 8
Whalton  2 0 0
EUingham  2 0 0
Heron  0 13 4

Bothal  £2 0 0
Dilston and Gosforth  0 13 4
Bolbec  3 6 8
Morpeth  2 13 4
"Copiun"  0 13 4
£33 0 0

The return itself is printed in the Archaeologia JEliana, vol. iv. (old series), p. 285,
with such further details as are afforded by the Testa de Nevil and the Eipe Bolls.
The substance of the information, and the inferences fairly deducible from it, may
be stated as follows : —
The baronies and estates included in the above list were originaUy bound to
furnish and maintain one soldier for every knight's-fee within the same, for the
defence of the castle of Newcastle. This obligation, as regarded the BaUhol ba
rony, extended not merely to the number of soldiers which would be due in respect
of the five fees in Northumberland known as tbe barony of Bywell, but to the
proportion due for the 30 Bailliol fees which were dispersed over various parts of
the kingdom. For the sake of convenience, however, the whole number of 30
soldiers was furnished exclusively by Bywell, which lay within a few miles of the
castle. When the personal service was commuted for a money payment, this was
fixed at one mark per knight's-fee instead of one soldier, and this proportion is
maintained in the several baronies in the list, except Bailliol, which is set down as
contributing in respect of 23| fees only instead of 30. Of the amount stated in
the return (23| marks), 5 marks were contributed in respect of Bywell, and 5^

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 263
in respect of Barnard Castle, in the wapentake of Sadberge, being the due pro
portion of each, but it does not appear where the 6| fees were situated which
were exempted or escaped from the impost. In the 1 8th of Henry III. the ser
vice of Barnard Castle, which was heretofore due to the Crown, was attorned to
the Bishop of Durham ; but this was not held to release the 5| Barnard Castle
fees from castle- ward, and although the payment was withheld, a charge was made
year by year of an additional sum of 5| marks against the Bishop.
From the 5th to the 14th of this reign the Sheriffs regularly account for 5
marks for the ward of Bamburgh, and 32/. 4s. 5c/. for that of Newcastle, being
within 15s. 7d. of the amount in the return of Eobert de Lisle. The accounts for
the next five years each contain the following memorandum : —
" No mention is here made of the ward of Bamburgh, because the Sheriff has it along
with the wards due to Newcastle, for the custody of the county and of the said castles."
In the 20 th year Eichard de Gray, who was Sheriff during the first six months,
charges himself in the first instance with a moiety of the above sum, and then
pleads as a discharge for the sum of 1/. 16s. 8c/. —
" The quittance of the al fees of John de Balliol, in respect of which the said John is
attorned to the Bishop of Durham by order of the King as is contained in the originalia ;
for which the said Bishop ought to answer from the ] lth day of April, in the 18th year,
to Michaelmas of the same, and for the whole of the 19th and 20th years, unless he can
show to the King that he is quit by the charters of the King or his predecessors."
The same sum was continued to be charged annually against the Bishops of
Durham, tiU at the end of the reign of Edward I. a hopeless arrear of 330f marks
had accumulated. DANEGELD.
Danegeld was an impost of Anglo-Saxon origin, levied, as we are told, in the
first instance to raise a sum of money to bribe the marauding Danes to quit our
shores, and probably continued afterwards to provide in a more legitimate way for
the safety of the island against the invaders. So productive a source of revenue
was not readily abandoned, even when no longer requhed for its original purpose,
and a tax under this name continued to be levied, and was apphed to the general
purposes of the state. Some of our historians tell us that the collection of Dane
geld was discontinued by Edward the Confessor, but if this was so, it was cer-

264 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
tainly revived under the Norman kings. The last instance on record of its actual
collection is in the 2nd of Henry IL, although Maddox gives an entry relative to
the payment of a party concerned in its coUection as late as the 21st year. In the
2nd of Henry II. Northumberland was not yet restored to the English Crown,
and, consequently, no record appears of the collection of this impost here ; but in
the Pipe Eoll of the 31st of Henry I. we find the Danegeld of this county fixed at
100/., of which the whole amount remains due for the current year. For the past
year the Sheriff accounts as foUows : —
Paid into the Treasury  £85 11 0
Eemitted by the King's writ :
To Eobert d'Umfreville  2 0 0
To Barnard de Bailliol  2 2 0
To Eustace Eitz-John  3 12 0
To Odard the Sheriff  0 15 0
£94 0 0
Balance due  6 0 0
£100 0 0

No similar charge occurs in the accounts of Cumberland, Westmorland, or
Durham. Cumberland existed as a kingdom under its own rulers when this tax
was first imposed, and it is probable that it was at no period collected within its
limits. One barony of Westmorland also was included in the kingdom of Cum
berland, and it is doubtful whether the other (the barony of Kendal), originally a
portion of Yorkshire, was as yet appended to Westmorland. The palatine
privUeges of Durham sufficiently account for the omission of the collection there,
even whilst the county was in the King's hand.
FEUDAL IMPOSTS.
The Inquisitions taken in the reign of John, and preserved in the Testa de Nevil,
distinctly inform us that in the grants of baronies in Northumberland, made by
WUham the Conqueror, and his sons, a definite proportion of military service was
stipulated to be rendered by each grantee, and that the amount remained un
altered at the date of the Inquisitions. During the possession, however, of the
earldom by Henry son of David I. of Scotland, in the reign of Stephen, the inci
dents of military tenure fell into disuse, and were not immediately revived on the
restoration of the county to the English crown in the 3rd of Henry II.

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 265
In the 5th year a scutage at the rate of two marks per knight's-fee was levied
in other counties, but this was not extended to Northumberland, where, instead
of contributing to a scutage, the knights were tallaged jointly with the thanes
towards a donum, the total amount of which was 96/., besides the contribution of
the Sheriff himself, William de Yesci, of 53/. 6s. 8d. In Cumberland, where up
to this time knight's-service had been unknown, no general scutage was levied
tiU the reign of John, and the ancient territorial proprietors continued to be
taUaged. From the Pipe EoUs of that county we learn that these assessments
were made " by hydage," that is, by a certain payment for each hyde of land, and
such no doubt was the principle upon which the barons of Northumberland were
tallaged for this donum.
In the 7th year of Henry II. there was a scutage at the rate of two marks per
knight's-fee, and in the 8th of half that amount. Both of these were levied in North
umberland ; but in the former year the rate which was adhered to in the southern
counties was totaUy disregarded here, where many of the baronies, instead of
being rated at two marks per fee, were charged four and five. The foUowing table
compUed from the Pipe EoUs not only exhibits these inequalites, but is interesting
as furnishing a complete hst of the baronage of Northumberland earlier than any
other on record.

Anno 1

=» Henrici Secundi.

Anno 8°

Stephen de Buhner, .for Wooler . . .

4 knight's-fees,

pays 20 marks,

rate per

fee 5m.

pays 5 marks

2
)}
>>
10 marks
f>
5m.
pays 2 marks
WUliam Fits-Aluric for Dilston
A 3
tl
it
3 marks
n
4\m.
pays ^ mark
John Eitz-Odard . . for EmUdon . . .
3
tt
n
12 marks
j>
4m.
pays 1 mark
WUliam de Merley for Morpeth . . .
4
ft
>>
10Z.
n
3f*.
pays 4 marks
WUliam de GrenviUe for Ellingham .
3
ft
11
51.
11
2|««.
dead
Eichard Bertram . . for Bothal . . .
3
tt
11
51.
)>
2\m.
pays 3 marks
Walter Fitz-WUUamfor Whalton .
3
tt
11
10 marks
11
3\m.
pays 3 marks
James de Burum . . for Bolam . . .
3
ft
)>
10 marks
11
3\m.
pays 3 marks
Ealph de Worcester for Hadston, &c.
1
tt
it
3 marks
tl
3m.
pays 1 mark
Robert Fitz- Adred . . for Bradford .
1
it
it
3 marks
11
3m.
no entry
Ernald de Morwick fox Chevington
1
))
it
2 marks
11
2m.
no entry
Hugh Fitz-Roger . . for Delaval . . .
1
it
it
5 marks
11
2\m.
pays 1 mark
WUham de Teesia . . for Gosforth, &c.
1
it
11
4 marks
tl
4m.
pays 1 mark
Earl Gospatric ... .for Beanley 
William de Vesci . . for Alnwick
Sergeanty 12 knight's-fees
12 marks
pays 4 marks
no entry
. no' entry
Eoger Bertram  for Mitford . . .
5
it
. no entry
no entry
Bernard de Bailliol for ByweU
5
ti
. no entry
no entry
Walter de Bolbec . .for Styford . . .
5
t>
. no entry
pays 5 marks
Odinel d'TTmfreviUe for Prudhoe
2
tt
. no entry
pays 2 marks
PART I.
3u
266

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Of those whose names do not occur in the Pipe Eoll for Northumberland, Wil
liam de Yesci and Bernard de Bailliol had fees in other counties, in which it is
probable the scutage was paid. In the case of others it is not unlikely that per
sonal mihtary service was rendered, in which case scutage was not due. The fee
of WiUiam de Teesia included an estate at Middleton, within the wapentake of
Sadberge, as well as Gosforth.
Besides the military tenants, the following parties holding by inferior tenures
were tallaged. — Anno 7 Anno 9

WUliam Fitz-Waldief  for Hepple, &c  20 marks. .
Alan Eitz-Eilaf  5 marks . .
Waldief de Halton  for Halton, &c  20 marks. .
Dreng de Trocchelai  for Throckley  3 marks . .
Uchtred Fitz-Gamel  for Whittingham  20 marks. .
Alan de Essington  for Eslington  5 marks. .
Dreng de Calvaleia  for CaUaley, &c  20 shillings
Dreng de Bedenhal  for Beadnel  \ mark . .
Lyulf Fitz-Liulf  for the three Middletons, &c 

261. 7m.
5m.2m.

461. 13s. 4d.

The payments in the 9th year are arrears from the year previous, the Pipe EoU
of which is unfortunately imperfect. AU the parties above held in drengage. In
the 7th year the boroughs of Newcastle and Corbridge are taUaged, the former at
10/., tbe latter 10 marks.
In tbe 9th year Newcastle pays 10 marks, and Archil and Joel of Corbridge,
tenants under the Crown, pay 40 marks, and 10/. respectively. The foUowing
also occur in the same year, Aitropius 1 mark, Gilbert de Hatton 5 marks, Eobert
Freeburn 4 marks, Henry Eusticus 1 mark, Eobert de Bailesho 5 marks, &e.
Some of the parties probably belong to Sadberge, and amongst them occurs Eobert
de Ulnesby the Cumbrian dreng. Eobert Freeburn was the firmarius or renter of
a piece of pasture near Eothbury, called Chirland.
In the 11th year we meet with another Donum, to which, however, many of the
baronies contributed as to a scutage, at the rate of one mark per knight's-fee,
whilst others paid much larger, and apparently altogether arbitrary, sums. The
baronies which paid one mark per scutum were EmUdon, EUingham, Bothal,
Whalton, Bolam, Delaval, Gosforth, Hadston, Chivington, Bradford, Dilston, and
Langley, which occurs for the first time as one knight's-fee of Adam de Tindale.
Bernard de Bailliol also paid 20/., being at the same rate, not for Bywell merely,
but for his 30 knight's-fees in various counties. William de Yesci paid 40 marks,

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 267
being at the rate of 2 marks each, for his 20 knight's-fees in Northumberland and
Yorkshire. He paid at the same rate for the barony of Wark, which he held for
the Crown on the death of Jordan de Bussey. The other payments were —

Odinel d' Umfreville  £15 3 4
Stephen de Bulmer  7 15 8
Eoger Bertram (Mitford)  5 6 2

Eoger de Merlay  £3 15 10
Earl Gospatric  3 15 10

All the royal manors were taUaged as follows :

Newcastle,  40 marks
Corbridge  £20.
Newburn  £ 4.

Bamburgh  5 marks
Eothbury  5 marks
Sadberge  2 marks
WUham the miner fminariusj, generaUy designated WiUiam the money er, paid
20 marks, and the drengs and thanes were also tallaged,
In the 14th year the memorable aid for the marriage of the King's eldest
daughter was levied, previous to which all mUitary tenants holding of the Crown
were required to make a return of the knight's-fees which they possessed, with
sundry detaUs. On these returns a uniform system of assessment was established,
and henceforth the barons of Northumberland were rated according to the number
of knight's-fees which they had returned.
The returns are preserved in the Black Book of the Exchequer, which was
printed by Hearn, and those which relate to Northumberland have been published
by Mr. Hodgson at tbe end of the Pipe Eolls, Part IIL, vol. iii., of his History
of Northumberland '.d No return was made of the baronies of ByweU, Wark,
Prudhoe, or Bradford, but the Sheriff duly accounted for the aid in respect of each.
For Beanley, also, there is no return, as no military service was due from that
barony. In the 23rd year Earl Waldeive, the son of Earl Gospatric, was assessed
as for a thanage tenement in a tallage of the boroughs, villes, thanes, and drengs
of Northumberland, the amount charged against him being 20 marks. This pay
ment was not enforced, and henceforth Beanley was held free of all pecuniary
impositions, except cornage.
In the 18th there was a scutage at the rate of 1/. per knight's-fee; and again
in the 33rd we meet with a " Scutage of the knights of Northumberland who did
" In the returns as printed in Mr. Hodgson's volume, the reader may make a correction by drawing
his pen through the title " Hepple" prefixed to No. 15 at the bottom of page 303. Hepple, at the
time when these returns were made, was not a barony, but a drengage tenement. The Baard-fee to
which the title has been inadvertently prefixed, is in Sadberge. The other titles are all correct, and
are a great convenience iu consulting the document.

268

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

not go with the King in the army of Galway." The only names, however, which
occur as absentees from the army in this year are Eobert de Divehston and
Godfrey Baard, the holders of | fee each, the estate of the latter being in Sadberge.
At this time an unusual number of baronies happened to be in the hands of the
Crown, and were tallaged as follows, along with the royal demesnes : —

Barony of Alnwick  £24 18 4
Bolbec  17 9 8
„ Wooler  9 13 0
Wark  8 11 4

Barony of Gaugi  £5 6 8
Langley  8 7 8
„ Morpeth  7 19 8
,, Warkworth  6 6 8

In the reign of King Eichard there were three scutages.
1st. Anno 2. Scutage of Wales, at 10 shillings per knight's-fee.
2nd. Anno 6. Scutage for the redemption of the King's person, at twenty shiUings.
3rd. Anno 8. Scutage for the army of Normandy, 20 shillings.
The first scutage was in the course of coUection when the county was trans
ferred to Pudsey, and the Sheriff accounts in one sum for 20/. Is. 10c?., which he
had received for the scutage before the Bishop of Durham had the county.
Contemporaneously with the second general scutage, the Bishop had a scutage
of his own barons, as well of Northumberland as within the bishoprick and
elsewhere. Historians inform us that he paid of his own gift 2,000/. towards the
King's ransom, and we find the Sheriff accounting for 76/. 13s. id. of the pro
ceeds of this scutage, which had not yet come into the Bishop's hands before he
was deprived of the earldom.
In the 8th year we find the following parties contributing to the scutage of Nor
mandy : John le Yesconte of Emildon, for 3 fees, 15 marks ; Eobert de DiveUston,
2 marks for A fee ; and Gilbert Delaval, 10 marks for 3 fees ; besides Walter de
Cadamo (Caen), whose fee was in Sadberge.
In the 9 th year Ealph de Guagi is charged 3 marks, Alexander de Bradford
1 mark, and Ealph de CrameviUe (of Whalton) 5/. towards the same scutage, which
several sums were paid the following year.
King John, on his accession, had a general scutage for his coronation. He seems
to have had before him the returns of the 14th of Henry IL, as the parties
assessed are either those whose names appear in those returns, or then heirs, if
they were dead ; not noting the names of such heirs. In some cases, indeed, the
heirs of parties are summoned, who answered in the 14th of Henry, not as propri-

TENURES, SERYIOES, AND CUSTOMS. 269
etors, but as custodes, and whose heirs had no interest in the baronies. This
scutage was at the rate of 2 marks per fee.
At the same time the King claimed indiscriminately from the barons of North
umberland payment, not only of the third, but of the second scutage of King
Eichard. Eeceipts from the Bishop in whose hands the county was when the
second scutage was levied, were of no avail ; but some of the parties who had paid
the third scutage in the lifetime of King Eichard, had taken the precaution of
fining for an acquittance from the second scutage also. In this position were
Ealph de Gaugi, GUbert Delaval, and Eobert de Diveliston, whose payments have
been noticed in the 9th and 10th years, and also Eobert de Muschamp. Walter
de Bolbec had been in charge of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eoger
Bertram in charge of WUUam Briewer, both of whom had taken care to compound
for the scutages of their wards. AU these parties escaped further exaction,
Ealph CramaviUe, Alexander de Bradford, and John le Yesconte, had only an
acquittance for the third scutage ; the two last, therefore, and Constance de Crama
viUe, the widow of Ealph, had to pay the second scutage before they could get a
final discharge. In the same predicament were Eoger de Merley and Eobert
Bertram, who held receipts under the seal of King Eichard for the third scutage,
but not for the second. Eoger Fitz-John shewed that he had paid the second
scutage in Norfolk, and had an acquittance on payment of the third. Eichard de
Teisia and Hugh de Morwick paid in full, as did also Ealph de Gaugi, for the
moiety of the barony of Ellingham, which had belonged to Hugh de EUington,
and to which he had succeeded on his death. The scutage for the barony of
Wark, which is charged to " the heir of Philip de Humez," stands on the accounts
tiU the 5th year, when it was discharged in full. Besides all these parties who
were charged one mark per fee for each scutage, Eustace de Yesci and Eustace de
BaUhol were charged 120/. each, in respect of the two, being an aggregate charge
of 61. per fee against the former, and il. against the latter. De Yesci, however,
had a remittance of the whole, and Bailliol of one half.
This subject may be appropriately closed with a list of the scutages of John.
Anno 1. Scutage after the King's Coronation, 2 marks per fee.
Annis 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Six scutages for the army of Normandy, 2 marks each.
Anno 12. Scutage of Ireland, 2 marks per fee.
Anno 13. Scutage of Wales, 2 marks per fee. Scutage of Scotland, 2 marks per fee.
Anno 16. Scutage of Poictou, 3 marks per fee.
PART I. 3 X

270 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
In the Red Book of the Exchequer it is stated that this last scutage could not be
collected. However this might be elswhere, it was not the case in Northumber
land, where, except on the fees of Eustace de Yesci, where nothing was paid, the
total arrear at the end of the year only amounted to 8/. 5s. id.
GRANTS AND ENFRANCHISEMENTS OF HENRY IL, RICHARD, AND
JOHN."
I. The hberty of Tyndale had no independent existence in the reign of Henry
I., being described in ancient records as taken " de corpore comitatus ;" but when
the county was restored to Henry IL, it was in the separate charge of Adam
Fitz-Swane, who seems to have been a bailiff under WUliam of Scotland, the son
and successor of Earl Henry. In the Pipe Eoll of the 4th of Henry II. Adam is
charged with 10/. as the proportion of the county farm due from the district. The
following year it was granted to the " brother of the King of Scotland,'' and 10/.
is aUowed to the sheriff in this and succeeding years, as compensation. There
were in Tynedale two royal manors, Wark and Grindon, the former in the fertile
valley of the North Tyne, the latter in the upland district of the Northumberland
lakes, which is traversed by the Wall of Hadrian.
II. The barony of Langley, or as it is more anciently called the barony of Tyn
dale, lay immediately to the south of the liberty of Tyndale noted above. We
learn from the Testa de Nevil that it was granted as one knight's fee by Henry II.
to Adam de Tindal, whose name first occurs as a contributor to the Donum of the
1 1th year. The previous history of this barony is obscure. It was not a Crown
manor, as no allowance was made to the sheriff, which was invariably the practice
on the alienation of any portion of the royal demesnes. If it was an escheat, it
was never in charge of the sheriff, who at this period combined with his other
duties those of escheator, but must have been granted immediately on its lapse to
the Crown. It is more probable that Adam de Tindal was already in possession,
as a feudatory of the Scottish earls, in the reign of Stephen, and that he was con
firmed in his tenure by Henry II. This explanation is quite consistent with the
statement in the Testa de Nevil, as even if in substance tbe charter of King Henry
" The grants made by Wilham the Conqueror and his two sons have been enumerated in the last
chapter (page 205), where will also be found a list of the possessions which were still retained by the
Crown. Of these all but Bamburgh and Newcastle were alienated before the end of King's John's reign.

TENURES, SERVICES, AND CUSTOMS. 271
was only a confirmation of a pre-existing title, it would necessarUy be in the form
of a new grant, as none of the donations made in Northumberland during the
alienation of the county were recognized after its resumption/
III. Warkworth, an ancient possession of the Crown in Saxon times, was given
in the 4th of Henry II. to Eoger Fitz-Eichard, as one-knight's fee. This Eoger
was governor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and enjoyed the revenues of that manor.
His tenure of the latter was however only during pleasure, and ceased with his
exercise of the functions of governor. The allowance made to the sheriff on the
ahenation of Warkworth was 32/. 2s., and for Newcastle 20/.
IY. The vUle of Whittingham, with its members, Thrunton, Barton, and a
moiety of Glanton, which had been held by Uctred the son of Gamel in drengage,
was granted on his decease (as it was alleged) without heirs, to Eoger de Flamma-
vUle, held free of all services by the tender of one sparrow-hawk yearly. The
charter is printed in the Fcedera, where it is erroneously ascribed to Henry I. In
the Hundred Bolls the grant is attributed to Eichard I. ; but the contemporary
authority of the Pipe EoUs places its date beyond all dispute in the ] 5th or 16th
of Henry IL, from which latter year an annual abatement of forty shillings is
made, for the loss of the drengage rent, to the sheriffs. Uchtred Fitz-Gamel was
living in the 1 1th of this reign, when he was tallaged towards a donum, as also
in the 7th and 8th years.
Notwithstanding the grant to Eoger de FlammavUle, his possession was not un
disputed. John Fitz-Simon, in the 15th year, paid forty marks for hvery of one
moiety, as drengage. In the 2nd of John, Simon Fitz-John, on the death of his
father, paid six marks for his right in one moiety and for livery of two carucates of
land in Whittingham. At the same time WiUiam de FlammavUle, the son of
Eoger, paid fifteen marks livery. He paid further twenty shillings scutage in the
5th, and two marks in the 6th, in which years payments are made by Yincent de
' Even grants made to religious establishments during that interval were not respected. Amongst
others whose property was taken from them in the 12th of John, were a nunnery and an hospital in
Newcastle, the nuns being deprived of land ofthe yearly value of 11. 9s. 5d., and the brethren of the
hospital of 11. 19s. 5d. Even WiUiam de Vesci, the sheriff, the most powerful man in the county, was
compelled to pay rent for the manors of Budle and Spindleston, and land at Bamburgh, which he had
received as a free gift. Nor were members of the learned professions treated with greater consideration.
Gervase the physician, of Newcastle, was turned out of his house, or compeUed to occupy it at rack-
rent, whilst Algar the priest of Bamburgh was ejected from his land. Ealph de Gaugi also was amongst
the sufferers, his manor of Hartlaw being escheated.

272 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Whittingham of forty shillings, and four marks for a moiety. The nature of Yin-
cent's connection with the property does not appear ; for Simon Fitz-John was
still living in the 10th of John, when he fined forty marks that himself and WU
ham de FlammavUle may be both summoned before the King respecting the land
in Whittingham which the said William claimed against him. FlammavUle died
the next year, leaving four sisters co-heiresses, who were in charge of Eoger Fitz-
Eoger. In the inquests in the Testa de Nevil taken towards the close of this
reign, it is stated that the four co-heiresses held one moiety by the tender of a
sparrow-hawk, and that the other moiety is drengage. No mention is however
made of John Fitz-Simon. The claim of the FlammavUle famUy ultimately pre
vailed, as in the Inquisitions of the following reign we find the whole held by the
tender of one sparrow-hawk yearly, or half a mark in lieu thereof.
Y. Sadberge was the only property of the Crown which was permanently
alienated by Eichard I., and this was not as a gift, but an exchange for certain
knight's-fees in Lincolnshire which were given up by the Bishop of Durham.
Fuller particulars of Sadberge wUl be given in the next chapter.
YI. The principal recipient of the grants of King John in Northumberland was
Eobert Fitz-Eoger, who was enfeoffed with the manors of Eothbury, Newburn, and
Corbridge, heretofore demesne of the Crown ; the two former to be held by the
service of one knight each, the latter in fee-farm. He had moreover a grant of
the barony of Whalton, rated at three knight's-fees, which bad escheated to the
Crown. In addition to these, he hold Warkworth as heir to his father ; in all
six knight's-fees, besides Corbridge, a larger holding within the county than any
of the Northumbrian barons, except Eustace de Yesci.
YII. Certain manors in Northumberland, Ditchburn, Cartington, and EyhU,
were held in serjeanty by the Maine famUy, as appertinent to the office of forester.
This tenure was changed by King John into the service of one knight, in
favour of Ealph Fitz-Maine, who had besides three parts of Togston in fee-farm
by the payment of ten shillings yearly.

273

CHAPTEE VIII.
SADBERGE.
The particulars of the acquisition by Hugh Pudsey of the manor and wapentake
of Sadberge, in exchange for six knight's-fees in Lincolnshire, the property of tbe
see of Durham, have been aheady detailed, and it is only necessary to recapitu
late a few dates. The charter under which the exchange was effected bears date
the 18th of September, in the 1st year of Eichard I., and the receipt for the pay
ment of 600 marks in respect of this transaction was authenticated by the King's
seal on the 5th of August following. From that time, or rather from the 1st of
July previous, the Bishop was in possession of the property thus acquired for four
years. In the second half of the 6th year of King Eichard it was again in the
Crown, and accounted for by the sheriff with the rest of the county of Northum
berland. Eudsey's death took place the following year, 1195, on the 5th of
March, and his successor, Philip de Pictavia, was appointed at the ensuing Christ
mas. This prelate agreed to pay 400 marks for the possession of Sadberge,
to which was added a further sum of 100 marks for the confirmation of
two other charters. The last instalment of this sum was paid in the 10th of
Eichard, but the death of that king the same year prevented him obtaining pos
session till tbe foUowing reign ; nor did he then succeed except on tender of a
further exorbitant fine. In the 1st of John tbe Bishop accounts for 1200 marks,
" for the confirmation of tbe grant of the King's manor of Sadberge, with tbe
wapentake and appurtenances, and for liberty to disforest the woods of Crake and
Cliffe, as the charters of King Eichard witness, and that he may be quit of an. aid
which our lord the King sought fpetiitj of the whole of England fde universitate
AnglimJ when he came into England from Normandy.'' The following year, a.d.
1200 he obtained possession.
From this period an annual allowance of 23/. 14s. 3d. is made to the sheriff out
of the rent of the county. We have no means of ascertaining what portion of
PART I. 3 Y

274 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
this sum was due for the manor, and what for the wapentake ; but this seems an ap
propriate place for coUecting whatever particulars can be recovered respecting either
of them previous to their dismemberment from the county of Northumberland.
The term Wapentake, the origin of which is undoubtedly Danish, is applied to
a division of a county, equivalent to the Hundred of the South of England, and
the Ward of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Durham. It prevaUs through
out Yorkshire, and was probably in use in Durham also, which was certainly
included in the dominions of the Danish Kings Halfdene and Guthred. Previous
to the annexation of Sadberge to Durham it was always considered an integral
part of Northumberland, and not as a distinct lordship or honour. The Hundred
EoUs describe it along with Tyndale as taken " de corpore comitatus." In one
instance only do we find the wapentake mentioned in the Pipe EoUs distinct from
the county, in the 31st of Henry IL, when certain amercements are recorded
for " concealing places of tbe Crown," viz. : —
The county of Northumberland  261.
The wapentake of Sadberge  5m.
Gilbert de Valle  4m.
The vUle of Newcastle  26m.
No evidence has occurred that pleas of the Crown were held by the Justices
Itinerant for Sadberge apart from the rest of the county, although such is aUeged
to have been the case. The separate amercement just referred to certainly does
not prove this, for Newcastle also is separately amerced, where distinct pleas were
not held tiU many years later. In the Pipe EoU indeed of the 32nd of Henry II.
we have this singular entry of the amercement of Osbert the Clerk of Sadberge,
half a mark, for a foolish speech (pro stulto dictoj before the Justices Itinerant,
and this rather countenances the idea that the Justices sat at Sadberge ; but Osbert
might have been a witness elsewhere. The boundaries of the wapentake were ex
ceedingly irregular ; but it may be described in general terms as comprising aU
the southern part of the present county of Durham which was not the property of
the Bishop or the monastery of Durham, or of parties holding under one or the
other. Its southern hmit was the Tees ; but here it was encroached upon by the
Bishop's manors of Darlington and Stockton, which extend to that river.
We possess a very valuable Inquisition respecting the estates in the wa
pentake in the reign of King John, taken during the vacancy of the see
after the death of Bishop Philip. From this Inquisition, which is preserved in

SADBERGE. 275
the Testa de Nevil, the following catalogue of estates and their proprietors is prin-
cipaUy derived. Our other authorities are the charter of Eichard I. to Bishop
Pudsey, and the Pipe EoUs. Where information is derived from other sources,
the authority is cited. Estates in the Wapentake of Sadberge.
I. The manor of Sadberge, demesne of the Crown, and afterwards of the see of
Durham. II. The barony of Gainford, or of Barnard Castle, which latter after its erection
became the '' caput baronise " held by the Bailliol famUy by 5^ knight's-service.
III. The lordship or manor of Hart, with Hertness, held by the famUy of
Brus, as two knight's-fees.
IV. The lordship or manor of Coniscliff, held by the GraystoCk famUy as one
knight's-fee. V. The manors of Seaton and Outon, held by tbe famUy of Carro, Caro, Carum,
Karum, or Carou, as one knight's-fee. The last orthography of this famUy name
is probably the most accurate, being retained with httle alteration to this day in
the distinctive designation of Seaton Carew.
YI. Coatham (MundevilleJ and Trefford, held by the AmundevUles as one
knight's-fee. VII. One half the vUle of Middleton, held by the famUy of Surtees (De Teesia,
or Super Tees) with Gosforth, as one knight's-fee; the service of Middleton
being |.
VIII. The other moiety of Middleton, with Hartburn, held by the famUy of
Bayard, Baard, Baiard, or Bajart, as J knight's-fee.
IX. The manor of Tunstall, held by the barons of Whalton, and the service in
cluded in the three knight's-fees of which then barony consisted.
X. The manor of Greetham, held in the same way by the lords of Mitford as a
parcel of then barony.
Beside these were several properties held in scutage and drengage, which wUl
be enumerated hereafter.
The grant to Pudsey included the demesne manor of Sadberge, and the superi
ority (as it would be caUed in Scotland) of the estates of Carun, AmundeviUe,
Surtees and Bayard. That is, these families henceforth held of the Bishop as

276 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
they had previously held of the Crown. This transfer is very inadequately ex
pressed by the term used in this charter, and others of a similar nature, of a grant
of the " services " of the parties. The estate given to Phihp de Pictavia was the
same as that possessed by his predecessor ; the Crown stiU retaining the services
of the Bailliols, the Brus's, and Graystocks, whilst the position of the lords of
Whalton and Mitford remained unaltered.

MANOR OF SADBERGE.
The manor of Sadberge was of no great extent or value. We have already seen
that its contribution to the donum of the 11th of Henry II. was only two marks,
whilst the other royal manors contributed sums varying from five marks to forty.
In the 1 5th its contribution is included in one sum with those of Newburn, Eoth-
bury, and Bamburgh, the total amount being 17/. In tbe 23rd it contributed six
marks, and in the 33rd was tallaged at il. 16s. 8c/., but of this sum 21. 3s. id. re
mained in arrear tiU the 2nd of Eichard II. In the 8th of the same reign the
royal manors were twice tallaged, the first assessment on Sadberge being 21., the
second 11. 12s.
On the resumption of the manor and wapentake in the 6th of Eichard, the
farming stock on the demesne lands was found to be deficient, and the foUowing
allowances were made to the Sheriff on that account.
For one plough deficient allowance for the hah year 5s. — Do. for the whole of the 7th year 10s.
For 20 heifers  10s.— Do  20s.
For 20 swine  10s. — Do  20s.
For 300 sheep  30s.— Do  60s.
In the 8th year the demesne was restocked as follows ; 8 oxen were purchased
for 18s., 20 heifers for 60s., 20 swine for 20s., and 300 sheep for 5/.
These details, trivial as they may appear, are curious, not only as furnishing an
account of the price of stock at this early period, but as illustrating the terms on
which the demesnes were farmed by the sheriff. The rent which he undertook to
pay was not merely for the occupation of a certain number of acres, but for the use
of an adequate supply of implements and cattle to make the occupation profitable.
For any deficiency he was entitled to claim a proportionate abatement ; and on
the other hand, he was bound at the expiration of his tenancy to leave the land
sufficiently stocked. The Pipe EoUs afford abundant evidence of this custom.

SADBERGE. 277
In the 7th of Eichard we have this entry — Eobert de Pesehale pays one mark on
account of a messuage at Sadberge; that an inquisition be held to ascertain
whether the same was given to him by Eoger de GlanvUle (Sheriff of Northum
berland from the 31st of Henry II. to the end of his reign).
A complete list of the proprietors of burgages, and other property within the
manor, is contained in Bishop Hatfield's Survey. The foUowing only are noticed
in the earher Inquisition in the reign of John : — William Fitz-Osbert, half a
carucate of land in fee, rent 4s. ; WUliam Warin, one carucate of land, rent 5s. id.
a sergeanty ; the hospital of AUerton, the mill and bake-house of Sadberge, by
grant of Bishop Philip, confirmed by King John.
The vicinity of Sadberge to the ancient street or highway which crossed the
Tees at Pountees Bridge, was no doubt the cause of its early importance. The
number of burgages mentioned in Hatfield's Survey is very considerable. It had,
as we have seen, its miU and bake-house, and boasted, besides, its gaol and prison,
of which the principal landowners in the neighbourhood were the custodes.
BAILLIOL-FEE.
ByweU was granted to the BaUhol famUy by WUham Eufus as five knight's-
fees, and there is no doubt that Gainford, rated at five fees and a quarter, was
granted at the same time, as we find it at a very early period in the possession of
Guy de BaUhol, the first of the famUy on record in England. This Guy was a
benefactor to the great monastery of St. Mary at York, to which he appropriated
the church of Gainford.
His son Barnard was the founder of the noble fortress on the Tees which derives
from him its name of Barnard Castle. In the Pipe EoU of the 31st of Henry I. we
find Barnard de Bailliol excused payment of 42s. danegeld. He was present at
the Battle of the Standard in the cause of King Stephen, having previously in vain
attempted, in conjunction with Eobert de Brus, to persuade David King of Scot
land to desist from his hostile enterprize.
After the cession of Northumberland to King David, Bailliol, as well as Brus,
was reconcUed to him, and both took an active part in favour of the claims of his
nominee, William Cumin, to the bishoprick of Durham.
In the 11th of Henry IL, Barnard de BaUhol contributed 20/., being at the
rate of one mark per knight's-fee on his possessions in various parts of the kingdom
to a done or aid.
part i. 3 z

278 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
In the 14th he omitted to make a return of the amount of his fees, with other
particulars, required by the King's writ, but he contributed 20/., being his just
proportion at one mark per fee as before.
Within three years of this date he died, and in the 17th year his son Barnard
de BaiUiol paid 200 marks for livery of his land. The expression in the Pipe
Eoll is " ut rex reddat ei terram," and Dugdale, in ignorance that there were
two Barnards, father and son, in this famUy, represents this as a payment from
the first of that name, for the restoration of his lands which had been seized, as he
supposes, into the King's hands for neglecting to obey his writ. This neglect was
common to a great many other barons as well as BaUhol, who were visited with
no punishment, and neither was he. That there were two Barnards is plain by
the confirmation charter from the second, of the privUeges granted by bis father to
his burgesses of Barnard Castle. This Barnard was amongst the valiant barons
who put an end to the civil conflict which raged between Henry II. and his son,
by the promptitude of then advance to Alnwick and the capture of the King of
Scotland, the chief supporter of the insurgents. He made no return to the scutage
of the 18th year, which was at the rate of 11. per fee, but he paid the fuU amount
of 30/. two years afterwards.
As has been aheady shewn, the transfer of the wapentake of Sadberge in no
respect affected the position of this great family. They remained the vassals of
the King and not of the Bishop. Thus, in the 1st of John, " Eustace de BaUhol,
the heir of Barnard, renders an account of 60 marks for his scutage." At the
same time he is charged with 120/. in respect of the second and third scutages of
King Eichard, one half of which is excused to him. Again in the 2nd of John he
accounts for 200 marks, " because he was not in the King's service over-sea."
Of this, 40 marks only were paid before his death, which took place the foUowing
year. The same year (the 3rd) his son, Hugh de BaUhol, is exonerated from
payment of scutage, but is charged 30 marks in the 4th. In the 5th he is excused,
and charged 30 marks in the 6th, and again excused in the 7th and 8th. Of
these various charges there remained an arrear of 235/. 18s. 8d. in the 11th year,
which it was arranged should be paid off at the rate of 20 marks annuaUy. He
was exonerated from the heavy scutages of the 12th and 13th years, and by the
15th his debt was reduced to 182/. 12s. This was further diminished by a pay
ment of 80 marks, when the remainder of the debt, amounting to 129/. 5s. 4c?.,
was remitted in consideration of his finding two knights for the King's service,

SADBERGE. 279
" as is contained in a brief in the Mareshal's forule." From the scutage of the
16th he was specially exempted, being joined in commission with PhUip de Ulecote
in defending the King's interests in tbe North.
In tbe 3rd of Henry IIL, Hugh de Bailliol is charged with 200/. advanced to
him by King John in Poictou, and with 60 marks scutage. In the 5th year he
is charged 15/. scutage, but has to account for it in Essex. In the 8th year there
was a scutage, and again in the 9th, from both of which he was exonerated. In
the 13th we find this entry " Hugh de Bailliol owed 200 marks and more ; he is
now dead, and has not paid nor fined respecting it, but John, his heir, has fined
respecting it, and is not to be summoned."
The same year John de Bailliol paid 150/. for livery. The arrangement made
as to his father's debts was, that they should be paid off at the rate of 40 marks
yearly, the precise amount being 278/. The next year a further charge is made
against him of 68 marks, for three other debts of bis father's. The whole amount
was not cleared off tiU tbe 26th year.
In the mean time (anno 1 8) is the following entry : — " John de BaiUiol accounts
for 20 marks, because it was imputed to him, that he went with horse and arms
upon [super) the Bishop of Durham." The same roll records the remission of the
fine. There is a curious coincidence between this sacrilegious assault and another
committed 20 years later by two members of the BaiUiol family on a succeeding
Bishop of Durham. The circumstances of the latter affray are related by Mr.
Eaine in his account of Auckland Castle. Both outrages seem to have been con
nected with the insidious endeavours of these lordly prelates to include the great
house of Bailliol amongst their vasssals, and to monopolize the military services of
Sadberge. Eeference has already been made, in treating of castle-ward in the
last chapter, to the aUeged attornment of the services of John de BaUhol for his
barony of Barnard Castle from the Crown to the Bishop. The facts as they
appear on the record are somewhat obscure, but admit of this explanation, that the
attornment was registered on the Originalia, but never ratified by charter. The
entry on the former warranted the officers of the Exchequer not to press the pay
ment of claims in respect of this barony, but it did not amount to an acquittance.
We have seen how an annually increasing arrear of castle -ward was entered on
the Pipe EoUs against the see of Durham ; the succeeding rolls show us how pre
carious was BaiUiol's exemption from scutage to the Crown, although he had
already rendered it to the Bishop. As regarded tbe scutage of the 30th year he

280 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
had a full remission for all his fees, and the question did not arise ; but in the
40th he was charged 60/., being at the rate of 21. per fee on the whole. Of this
he paid 49/. 10s., but kept back the proportion charged against his 5 \ fees in
Gainford. The payment of the arrear was not pressed, but it is duly recorded
each succeeding year.
In the 41st year John de BaiUiol is amerced 100 marks for a disseizenand false
claim. This is just two years after his second assault on the Bishop, and there is
little doubt that the amercement related to the property in dispute between them.
BRUS-FEE.
The founder of this influential family was Eobert de Brus, whose immense pos
sessions in Yorkshhe are recorded in Doomsday Book. The name of Eobert Brus
again occurs in the Sheriff's accounts of Yorkshire in the 31st of Henry I., and
is conspicuous in tbe northern movements in the reign of Stephen. Dugdale
refers all these notices to the same individual, who died a.d. 1141, but it is pro
bable that there were two generations within this period. Eobert Brus, who died
in 1141, is said to have left two sons, Adam of Skelton, and Eobert of Annandale,
and a daughter Agatha. Eobert held also " the lordship of Hert, and the terri
tory of Hertness," within the wapentake of Sadberge, but not, as is alleged, as
the sub-feudatory of his father, but immediately of the Crown. He had, besides,
three knight's-fees in Yorkshire, in which county he usuaUy answered for the
whole, paying 5 marks to the aid of the 12th of Henry II. He appears in the
Cumberland Pipe EoUs of the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th of Eichard I. on the roll of
debtors of Aaron the Jew of Lincoln, whose estate was seized into the King's
hand. In the 7th year William de Brus is charged with his father's debt, and in the
8th the account is transferred to Northumberland. Two distinct debts are men
tioned under separate bonds, one for 41| marks, the other for 209/. In regard to
the first (with interest) he fines 60 marks ; respecting the other, the foUowing
entry occurs : — " It is considered by the Barons (of the Exchequer) that he ought
to be quit thereof under an acquittance from Aaron, which he produces, and the
testimony of the same written in Hebrew letters, which is in the forule of the
Mareshal for Northumberland." WUUam de Brus held EdenhaU in Cumberland
as half a knight's-fee, for which he paid 10 shiUings scutage in the 6th of Eichard.

SADBERGE. 281
In the Testa de Nevil he is said to hold this estate under a grant from Henry II.
to his "antecessor" Peter de Brus. It should be observed that "antecessor"
is not applied in our ancient Latin records with the same strictness with which
we use the term ancestor, but frequently refers to parties from whom a title is de
rived by inheritance, otherwise than direct, as to an uncle who is succeeded by a
nephew. Adam, the representative of the elder branch, left a son Peter, but he
survived William many years, and there must either have been another Peter, who
is not elsewhere mentioned, or Peter has been copied by mistake into the Testa de
Nevil (which, it must be remembered, is only a compilation, although of great au
thority, and not an original record) instead of Eobert. At all events, if Peter
was the grantee, Eobert was the immediate predecessor of Wilham, in Cumber
land as well as in Sadberge. In the latter he occurs as early as the 4th of Henry
IL, when the men of Eobert Brus (in Hartlepool) answer for 41. in the Northum
berland Pipe EoU. In the 8th of Eichard, Eobert de Brus is charged 50 shillings
for the scutage of Wales, but a note is added that he answers in Yorkshire, and
accordingly in the Yorkshire EoU we find an acquittance of 5 marks in respect of
5 fees. In the 10th of Eichard, WiUiam de Brus fines 20 marks, in respect of the scu
tage, and that he may not be compelled to serve abroad (ne transfretetj . In the
3rd of John he paid 20 marks for the privilege of a market at Hartlepool, to
which, in the 13th, was added an annual fan.
GRAYSTOCK-FEE.
Dugdale only traces the Graystock famUy up to Eanulf Fitz- Walter, in the reign
of John. In the Testa de Nevil, however, we find that the original grantee of
then Cumberland barony was Forne, the son of Sigulf or Liulf, in the reign of
Henry I. Forne held also 2| knight's-fees in Yorkshire, and one in Sadberge.
He died about the 31st of HeDry I., in which year his son Yvo Fitz-Forne occurs
in the Yorkshhe Eipe EoU as paying 5/. hvery for his father's land. In the
Northumberland Pipe Eoll of the 7th of Henry II. he is credited with two marks
scutage for his fee in Sadberge, under the misnomer of Hugo Fitz-Orne. The
intermediate links are supplied by the Cumberland EoUs, from whence we learn
that Yvo had four sons, Walter, Eobert, Adam, and WUliam, and that Eanulf
Fitz- Walter was the son of the eldest. Yvo died shortly after payment of his
part i. 4 a

282 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
scutage in the 7th year, as the name of Walter Fitz- Yvo is substituted for it in
levying the scutage of the following year. Walter held the barony but three
years, as in the 11th his son Eanulf Fitz- Walter is assessed to a donum. From
this period the payments due from the Sadberge fee were paid through the Sheriff
of Yorkshire, in which county his property was more extensive. Both were in
cluded in one return, under the head of Yorkshire, in the Black Book of the Ex
chequer, from which we learn that in the 14th year of Henry II. he had 3 J fees
by grant to his ancestors from Henry I. This of course does not include the
Cumberland estate of Graystock, which was still held by cornage.
CARROU-FEE.
Eobert de Carrou contributed 5 marks to the donum in the 5th of Henry II. ; but
he was not assessed to the scutage of the 7th. The following year he paid one mark,
and the like sum in tbe 11th, and again in the 14th. In his return in the latter
year he states that he holds 5 carucates of land, as one knight's-fee, by grant from
Henry I., and that his brother WiUiam holds one-third of a knight's-fee under him.
In the 18th year he paid 20 shiUings scutage.
At the time of the alienation of the wapentake, in the 1st of Eichard L, Eeter
de Carrou was the proprietor. In the 8th of the same reign he was dead, and his
"barony'' in the bands of the Crown, when it was tallaged with tbe royal manors
at 10 shillings. In the 10th year Walter de Carrou paid 10 marks livery for
one knight's-fee, " which bad been the property of Peter his father in the wapen
take of Sadberge."
In the scutage of the 1st of John the deceased Peter is charged instead of his
son Walter, but the mistake is corrected in the account of the following year.
Besides 2 marks for the scutage of the current year, he is debited 21. for
" the second and thhd scutages of King Eichard," and before these are dis
charged a further payment of 2 marks becomes due for the "second scutage of
King John." Of this accumulated debt, 2 marks remain due in the 16th year,
when they are paid by William Carrou.
AMUNDEVILLE-FEE.
The family of Amundeville, Mundiville or Mandiville, was one of great consi
deration in the North of England. The chief branch held five knight's-fees within

SADBERGE. 283
the palatinate of Durham, under the Bishop,* and two other members, Ealph and
Ernald, held one knight's-fee each in Yorkshhe in the 14th of Henry IL; the
former under WUliam de Percy, the latter under the house of Graystock.
WilUam d' Amundeville, the first of the name on record in Sadberge, held Coat-
ham and Trefford as one knight's-fee in the reign of Henry II. In the 5th he
contributed 40 shiUings to the donum, and one mark to each of the scutages and
aids to the 14th year inclusive, and 20 shillings in the 18th. He made no return
of his property in the 14th, although he paid his due assessment.
No payment was made from this fee to the scutage in the 34th year.
Thomas d'AmundevUle is described as the proprietor in the grant to Pudsey.
He is charged four marks to the scutage of the 7th year, and 20 shillings in the
8th. In the 1st of Jobn,b he is charged with two marks scutage " for the fee
which was WUliam d' Amundeville's," which sum was paid two years later. There
stUl remained against him two sums of 21. each in respect of former scutages, for
one of which he accounted in Yorkshhe in the 15th year; the other had been
transferred to the Bishop of Durham in the 9th.
In the 13th of John, when the see was again vacant, after the death of Philip
de Pictavia, the Sheriff of Northumberland is charged in the Pipe Eoll with the
collection of a scutage from the fees of Amundeville, Carrou, and Baard, but he
makes his return that the amount should be received and accounted for by the
custodes of the bishoprick, and not by him.
SURTEES-FEE.
In the Pipe EoUs of the 7th, 8th, and 11th of Henry IL, the proprietor of the
Surtees-fee in Middleton, and of Gosforth, is called William de Tesia ; in the 14th
and 18th, WUliam Fitz-Siward. Both seem to have been names of the same per
son, the one territorial, the other patronymic, as no change of proprietor is noted
a In the 31st of Henry I. John d'AmundevUle is charged with " 10 marks of silver that he may
be seized of his father's land in Hectona and Hasteleia, as the Bishop of Durham rendered it to him;"
the temporalities of the bishoprick being then in the Crown. At this time he was joined in commis
sion with Geoffrey d'EscoUand, as one of the custodes of the temporalities of the see, on the death of
Bishop Flambard. In the 7th of Eichard, " Eobert, the son of (John) d'AmundevUle, owes 200 marks
for having the land which was his father's."
b This year Thomas d'AmundevUle was entrusted, along with Eichard Malebisse, with assessing the
taUage of the manors and of the drengs and thanes in Northumberland.

284 HISTORY' OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
between the 11th and 14th years. In his own return in the 14th year, he styles
himself William Fitz-Siward, and states that he holds Mileton and Goseford
(Middleton and Gosforth) " for the fee and service of one knight, which I faith
fully perform to you, as my ancestors have done to your ancestors ; and I have en
feoffed none thereout, but hold the whole in demesne." Of these ancestors, Mr.
Surtees is content to commence bis pedigree with Siward, the father of WUham
de Tesia, but Simeon mentions Eilsi de Tees about the time of the Conquest.
Eilsi, we are told, married a grandaugbter of Earl Aldred, by whom he had Gos
patric and two other sons. Of these, it is probable Siward was one ; for it is not
likely that the peculiar name of De Tees would be assumed by two distinct fami
lies. William Fitz-Siward died about the 20th of Henry IL, in which year his
son Eandal or Ealph de super Tees paid 5/. for livery. In the 32nd, Walter
super Tesiam paid half a mark for a license concordandi. He seems to have been
a younger brother of Eandal, and it is not unlikely that the " concord" had some
reference to the fee, as we hear no more of Eandal, but know that his heir was
some years afterwards a minor.
In the 7th of Eichard I., Eichard super Teisam is charged with four marks
scutage, but this was not paid tiU the next year, when, being of full age, he ren
dered 20 marks for his livery of one knight's-fee.
Eichard super Teisam is not mentioned in the charter of King Eichard to Pud
sey as one of the knights whose services are transferred, but the Surtees as well
as the Baard fee is there described as the property of the son of Godfrey Baard.
Below is an enumeration of the several feudal imposts paid by the possessors of
this estate, previous to the final transfer of Sadberge to the see of Durham. It
must, however, be remembered, that of the sums paid ^ only was in respect of
Middleton, and § of Gosforth. Scutage  WiUiam de Tesia  3m.
„  Idem  \m-
Donum  Idem  Iot.
Aid  William Fitz-Siward  lm.
Scutage  Idem  11.
„  Eichard super Teisam  2m.
„  Idem  2m.
„  Idem  2m.
Henceforth the assessment is upon § of a knight's-fee for Gosforth only.

7th Henry
8th 

II 

11th 

14th 

18th 

7th Eichard I 
8th 

SADBERGE. 285

BAARD-FEE.

We have no information as to the proprietors of this fee previous to the time of
Henry II. , when it was acquired by Godfrey Baard and Poland Baard by mar
riage with two sisters, cohehesses. The whole service for | knight's-fee was
performed by Godfrey, but the land was equally divided, as we learn from his
return in the Liber Niger. Godfrey was a contributor to the several scutages from
the 7th of Henry II. to the 18th, but he was not in fuU possession of his fee till
the 11th year, when he paid 1/. 13s. id. for livery. He died about the 32nd year,
leaving an infant son in charge of Ealph Baard, who renders one mark during each
of the remaining years of the reign of Henry, and which, according to the Pipe
EoU, " he owes annuaUy for the charge of his nephew." This nephew was still
ahve at the commencement of the reign of Eichard I., in whose charter to Pudsey
he is described as the owner both of the Baard and Surtees fees, but he died very
shortly afterwards, as in the Pipe Eoll of the 1st year of this reign, which included
six months of the reign preceding, and six months only under Eichard, Ealph Baard
no longer answers for the custody of his nephew, but of his niece. This niece, the
daughter of Godfrey Baard, seems to have been married shortly afterwards to
Walter of Caen (de Cadamo, Chani, or Kain), who, although his beneficial inte
rest was limited to one-sixth of a knight's-fee, performed the services due for one-
third, as explained in the return of Godfrey. Thus, in the 7th of Eichard, we
find him paying scutage jointly with Eobert de Diveleston, 40 shillings for two-
thirds of a knight's-fee. Of this sum 20 shiUings was due from Eobert's manor
of DUston, rated as one-third of a fee. The remainder was for the one-thhd fee
which had been divided between Godfrey and Eoland Baard.
Erevious to the Inquisition, in the Testa de Nevil, taken about the 17th of John
(a.d. 1218), a further subdivision had taken place, and the following occur as the
proprietors of the Baard-fee : —
Ealph Baard holds l-6th knight's-fee in barony.
Walter de Kain holds l-12th knight's-fee in barony.
Eobert de Middleton holds l-12th knight's-fee in barony.
There can be no doubt that the fee held by Ealph is the moiety previously en
joyed by Eoland, as we know that Walter de Kain's connection was with Godfrey's
moiety. It is not quite so clear how Walter's holding is reduced to 1-1 2th, or
how Eobert de Middleton became a proprietor at all. The difficulty might be
obviated by assuming that the daughter of Godfrey Baard, whom we find married
part i. 4 b

286 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
to Walter de Kain in the 7th of Eichard, had a sister unmarried at that time,
and in Walter's custody, who had afterwards married Eobert de Middleton ; or
Walter may have obtained a license to ahenate half his fee. The former seems
the more probable suggestion ; but certainly the entry in the Eipe EoUs does not
countenance the supposition of Godfrey Baard having left more than one daughter,
as his brother Ealph is described as making a payment for the custody of his niece
fneptisj in the singular number.
The Baard fanhly seem to have been originally artizans. Ealph, the brother of
Godfrey, and guardian of his chUdren, was inspector (with Eobert de Diveleston)
of the works at the castle of Newcastle, in the 21st and two foUowing years of
Henry II. In the 22nd he superintended, with the aid of WUUam the moneyer,
the shipment of lead given by the King to the church of Grosmont, from Newcastle
to Eochelle. Godfrey and Eoland had probably been engaged in simUar services,
for which the donation of the heiress of a smaU fee in marriage, was the most
economical reward the Crown could bestow. Walter de Cadamo probably belonged
to the same class, for Caen, the place of his nativity, was the great source from
which architectural works in England were supplied with stone under the Norman
kings. Many instances might be adduced of the bestowal of the daughters of the minor
baronial bouses in ill-assorted alliances of this kind. In the reign of John,
Kempe, the King's " bahstarius," or military engineer, at Newcastle, had a pro
mise of a provision of this sort, but in the meantime he had a grant of certain
tenements in Newcastle of 51. annual value. The instrument under which he held
the latter expressly limits bis tenure tUl tbe King can provide for him in
marriage.
GREATHAM.
Greatham, as we learn from the Inquisition in the Testa de Nevil, was the pro
perty of the Bertrams of Mitford, to which barony it belonged. In the 8th of
Eichard this barony was in the hands of the Crown, and the several manors within
it were tallaged. The tallage shews the relative value of tbe several bailiwicks of
the barony. Greatham contributed  £1 12 0
Felton and appurtinences  2 1 8
Mitford and do  2 1 0
Eland and do  0 10 0
Total  £6 4 8

SADBERGE. 287

TUNSTAL.

Tunstal was not, hke Greatham, a demesne manor, but was held by sub-infeuda-
tion under the lords of Bolam. According to the Testa de Nevil, it was held, in the
reign of John, by Aliza de Tunstal, under the heir of WiUiam Fitz-Gilbert, as
part of his barony of Bolam. The extent of the manor was one carucate and a
half. DRENGAGE ESTATES.
These were two, one at Hurworth, the other at Egglescliffe. The names of
neither are mentioned in the Testa de Nevil, but the names of then owners are
given. The long-continued possession of Hurworth by the Tailboise family, who
are the proprietors mentioned in the Testa, is sufficient to identify it. The reasons
for fixing the latter at Egglescliffe are given below.
I. Hurworth was the property of Ivo Tailboise in right of his wife, the daugh
ter of Walter Fitz-Gilbert, and of her two sisters and then husbands. Ivo ren
dered the services and paid the rent of the whole. We have no intimation as to
the nature of the services, further than is contained in tbe word " thenagium,''
which is apphed to the manor ; the rent was 60 shillings.
II. Egglescliffe is described as the " thanage" of Eoger Fitz-Gerard, in right of
Agnes his wife. Its extent was 9 carucates, and the money rent was 60 shUhngs.
Egglescliffe lay without the ancient limits of the bishoprick, and was tallaged with
the Crown demesnes in Northumberland 4 marks in the reign of Henry IL, and
the same sum in the 11th. In the 23rd, Thomas de Egglescliffe is tallaged 6
marks, after which no payment is made by Egglescliffe, or by any one connected
with it by name. In the 8th of Eichard there was a tallage, towards which
Eoger Fitz-Gerard contributes 20 shiUings. From the Durham Bipe Eoll of the
following year, we find that there was at this period a Eoger de Egglescliffe,
and we can scarcely faU to identify him with Eoger Fitz-Gerard. But our evi
dence does not stop here. The Durham Pipe Eoll of the 9th of Eichard repre
sents Eoger de Egglescliffe as one of tbe sureties of Hugh de Pudsey, and as such
involved in heavy habilities to the Crown. The Northumberland Eoll of the
foUowing year represents Eoger Fitz-Gerard as also involved in heavy liabilities
to the Crown, respecting which he seeks the King's " benevolence," and is allowed

288 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
to compound for 62/, which is paid by instalments spread over thirteen years.
The indentity can scarcely be questioned. In the record of the composition, Eoger
is described as Fitz-Gerard Fitz-CuUing. His wife Agnes was doubtless the
hehess of Thomas de Ecclescliffe. SOCCAGE ESTATES.
The only soccage estates within the wapentake, besides those already briefly
noticed, which lay within the manor of Sadberge, were 3 carrucates of land at
Morton, held by Eichard Surtees at 60s. per annum; 3 carrucates of land at Bur-
don, held by WUliam Burdon at 60s. ; and 2 bovates of land at Newbigging, held
by John de Newbigging at 3s. 6c/., but since granted by Bishop Philip and con
firmed by the King to the hospital of Allerton.
The foUowing additional particulars from the Northumberland Pipe Eolls refer
to the last only : —
In the 11th of Henry II. the Sheriff accounts for § mark from Gersuma of Newbigging.
In the 12th Newbigging occurs amongst the prepestures farmed by the Sheriff, and 5 mark
rent is regularly accounted for tUl the wapentake was transferred to Pudsey.
In the 23rd Newbigging contributed to a tallage 11. 3s. 4d.
In the 34th the donum of Newbigging was 3*.
In the 1st of Eichard, the men of Newbigging again contribute 3s. donum.

289

CHAPTEE IX.
MEDIEVAL PERIOD.
EDWARD I.
With the abandonment of the claims of Alexander of Scotland to the earldom of
Northumberland, in the reign of Henry III., the separate history of this county
terminates. Henceforward it was as much an integral portion of England as
Surrey or Middlesex, bound by a common interest, and influenced by the same
feelings which prevailed throughout the realm.
Our notices, no longer assuming the form of a connected narrative, must now
be confined to the record of detached incidents of local interest ; and these it is
proposed to continue till a comparatively recent period.
The disputed succession to the throne of Scotland on the death of Alexander
IIL, and of his infant heiress, Margaret, the " Maid of Norway," and the
subsequent wars of Edward I. with that country, bring Northumberland promi
nently forward as the scene of treaties and negotiations, as weU as the focus of
military operations directed against the neighbouring frontier ; but these belong
rather to general than to local history, and only require a cursory notice here.
The proceedings relative to the claims of the several competitors for the crown
commenced at Norham on the 10th of May, 1291, before King Edward, and were
continued by several adjournments tUl the 20th of November, 1291, when a
solemn decision was given in favour of John Bailliol.
On the 26th of December BaiUiol did homage to Edward at Newcastle.
The avidity with which the competitors for the crown pursued the ghttering
object of their ambition induced them without hesitation to submit to any terms
which Edward chose to impose ; but this act of unreserved homage on the part of
Bailliol excited the indignation of his subjects, and is urged against him by tbe
national historians as an instance of truckhng and subserviency peculiar to him
self  forgetting altogether that each of the claimants had pledged himself, in the
part i. 4 c

290 history of Northumberland.
event of his own success, to perform precisely the same ceremony, and to make
the same recognition of Edward's feudal superiority. For many ages, indeed, it
was devoutly believed that BaUhol was indebted for his throne to his acquiescence
in the arbitrary requirements of Edward, which had previously been rejected with
indignation by Bruce. The important documents on this subject edited by Sh
Francis Palgrave for the Eecord Commissioners have effectually disposed of this
fallacy, and prove that Bruce, in common with all the other competitors, bound
himself by precisely the same obligations, and was willing to receive the kingdom
on the same terms as his successful rival. The decision in favour of Bailliol is
strictly consonant with those principles which are now universally recognized as
regulating hereditary succession. Neither does it appear that Edward exacted
anything which he did not at aU events believe to be his inherent right. Before
asserting his pretensions to this submission, so offensive to the Scotch people, he
caused diligent search to be made in aU the chronicles preserved in the monastic
libraries throughout the kingdom for such information as they afforded on this
point. The results of that inquiry stUl exist in an authentic form, and have been
printed by Sir Francis Palgrave in the volume already referred to. The claim
itself may have been untenable, and probably was so ; but the course taken by
Edward seems to have been open and straightforward, and if he insisted on the
recognition of a supremacy to which he was not entitled, the fault is attributable
not to his aggressive ambition, but to the untrustiness of the authorities on which
he relied.
The new King of Scotland, however, was hardly seated on the throne before he
discovered that much more was expected of him than a barren form of homage.
His attendance at the English court was compulsorily required, and appeals were
there entertained against the decisions of the tribunals of Scotland, which had
hitherto been held supreme. To these pretensions BaUhol yielded sufficiently to
ahenate from him the affections of his own subjects, but not sufficiently to retain
the favour of Edward. After three years of constant bickering and misunder
standing, war was at length openly proclaimed between the two realms. Bailliol
was naturally unwUling to take this extreme step, connected as he was with Eng
land by the ties of birth and vast hereditary property ; but the feehngs of the
Scotch people were so highly excited, that, usurping the royal authority, they
elected a council for the direction of public affairs, and BaUhol only retained his
crown by a tardy compliance with their wishes.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 291
On the 1 6th of December, 1295, writs were addressed to nearly two hundred of
the principal barons of England, requiring them to appear on the 1st of March
foUowing at a muster at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, with horse and arms, prepared and
ready to do and perform what should then and there be enjoined of them ; the
King having determined to march against John King of Scotland, who is accused
of repeated violations of the fealty which he owed to the Crown of England. This
summons was promptly responded to, and the King with his assembled forces
marched to Berwick, which was taken on the 30th of the same month.
From hence be proceeded without delay to Edinburgh, encountering and defeat
ing the Scotch army at Dunbar. The capital fell without further resistance into
his hands, and BaUhol surrendered himself on the 18th of July.
The whole of Scotland was now in the power of the English monarch ; the
ancient regalia were removed to London, and the King confined as a prisoner in
the Tower. The charge of the conquered kingdom was committed to John de
Warrenne Earl of Surrey, with the title of Guardian, and Hugh Cressingham was
appointed Treasurer.
We find Edward again at Berwick on his return, on the 28th of August, and
here he seems to have remained nearly a month. On the 21st of September he
rested at TughaU, and on the 24th at Alnwick.
On the 15th of November he was at Bury St. Edmunds, from which place he
addressed writs to certain citizens and burgesses of various places in England, re
quiring them to confer with him as to the settlement of the town of Berwick, in
which he had resolved to establish an English population. The burgess selected
from Newcastle-upon-Tyne on this business was John l'Escot, with whom was
afterwards associated Peter le Draper, both names well known in connection with
the municipal history of the town.
In 1297 tbe war was renewed by the Scots under Sir William WaUace, who
having defeated Cressingham at Cambuskenneth, invaded England, and ravaged
the Northern Borders. The newly established colonists at Berwick fled before
him, and no adequate resistance was offered, except by the castles of Alnwick,
Newcastle, and Carlisle. Crossing the Tyne below Byton, they burned that vil
lage, and meditated an onslaught on other parts of the palatinate of Durham. The
care of St. Cuthbert, however, if we are to credit the historians of the period, was
stUl active, and by his interposition the invaders were discomfitted, and driven

292 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
back by a storm of snow and had, accompanied by such intense severity of tem
perature, that multitudes perished in the fields.
To resist this unexpected attack, Brian Fitz-Alan, Eobert de Clifford, and
Ealph Fitz- WiUiam were appointed captains of the forces in Northumberland,
Cumberland , and Westmorland ; in addition to which the levies made by the
Commissioners of Array in Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire were directed to place
themselves under the command of Brian Fitz-Alan. A successful inroad was
made by Eobert de Chfford, who, entering Annandale, plundered and burnt the
town of Annan and other places in that district.
In the month of October writs were addressed to the earls, barons, magnates,
and other lieges of the kingdom, commanding them to assemble at Newcastle-upon-
Tyne on the 6th of December, under the orders of Erince Edward, who had been
appointed his father's heutenant in England during the absence of the latter on the
continent. The writ, dated October 21st, recites that the Scots, in defiance of
their homage and fealty, had invaded England, and committed sundry murders,
depredations, and other acts of violence, and were preparing to do worse. Com
missions of array were also issued to Northumberland, amongst other counties.
The number of menrequhed from Northumberland was 1,000, from Yorkshhe 4,000,
Nottingham and Derby 1,000, Lancashire 3,000, Cumberland 5,000, Westmorland
3,000, Shropshhe and Staffordshire 3,000, Worcester 1,000, Gloucester 2,000.
Hemmingford states the whole number who mustered at Newcastle to have been
100,000 foot and 3,200 horse, of which last 2,000 were fully equipped.
Having relieved Eoxburgh, which was then besieged by the Scots, the army
under Warrenne marched to Berwick, which tbey found again deserted. From
hence it was intended to have proceeded immediately against the Scotch army
under WaUace ; but letters were in the meantime received by tbe general from
King Edward, informing him that he had concluded a truce for two years with
the King of France, and that he was on his return to take the command of the
invading army. They were therefore commanded to undertake nothing further
until his arrival.
On the 26th of May Edward was at York, where a council of war was held,
and a muster arranged to be held at Eoxburgh on the 23rd of June; the greater
part of the army having in the meantime been dismissed to their homes, 20,000
foot and 1,500 horse only remaining at Berwick.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 293
On the 22nd of July was fought the decisive battle of Falkirk.
In 1299 a muster was appointed to be held at Newcastle on the 24th of No
vember, and adjourned to Berwick on tbe 13th of December. On this occasion,
Northumberland furnished 4,000 men: the same number was supplied by York
shhe; 2,000 by Cumberland; 1,500 by Westmorland ; 1,000 by Derby; 2,000
by Lancaster; and 500 each by Nottinghamshire, Shropshire, and Staffordshire.
A comparison of this with the previous muster shews that the numbers required
from the several counties were regulated by special circumstances, and afford no
test of then relative strength and population.
In succeeding years the musters were held at Carlisle, Berwick, Linlithgow,
and Eoxburgh. A muster at the last-mentioned place was held in 1303 ; but the
men levied in each county were directed previously to assemble at some place
within the same, the rendezvous for Northumberland being at Wooler.
The year 1305 was memorable for the capture and execution of Wallace. This
event is only connected with the county of Northumberland, from the circum
stance, mentioned in the Chronicle of Lanercost, of one of his limbs being gib
beted at Newcastle, and another at Berwick.
In 1306 the war was revived by Eobert Bruce, who was crowned King of Scot-,
land, after an interregnum of 10 years from the abdication of Bailliol, the cere
mony being performed by the Countess of Buchan, who was sister of the Earl of
Fife, to whom the office belonged by hereditary right.
For this act the Countess was imprisoned in a wooden cage in the castle of
Berwick. The story of the cage being suspended outside the waUs is of doubtful
authority. After a reign of 34 years, Edward was rapidly approaching the close of his
career ; but enfeebled as he was in body, bis mind still retained its wonted energy
and vigour, and he determined to make another effort to effect the complete sub
jugation of Scotland ; foreseeing, probably, that unless the work which he had so
successfully commenced, and perseveringly prosecuted, was completed in his own
reign, there was little prospect of its accomplishment under his weak and unwar-
like son.
A muster was held at Carlisle, in the month of June, 1307, and although the
aged King was suffering from what was known to be an incurable disease, and was
unable to mount his horse, he resolved to accompany his army in a litter. On the
3rd of July he left' Carlisle, but his strength was so much reduced that he was
part I. 4 D

294 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
only able to travel at the rate of two or three miles a day. On the sixth of July,
the fourth day after bis departure, he reached the shores of the Solway, at Burgb-
npon-Sands, from whence he could behold the country against which he had so
often led his victorious host, but which be was never more destined to enter.
Worn out by disease, and exhausted with fatigue, he died the following day, in
the arms of his attendants.
The records of this reign are very instructive, in explaining the means by which
the vast bodies of men, who formed the armies of Edward, were coUected together.
The foot soldiers were assembled under commissions of array, addressed to com
missioners in the several counties, a certain definite number being, as we have
seen, required from each. The selection of this force was altogether irrespective
of tenure, every man, who was not bound to attend with horse and arms, being
liable to serve on foot for a stipulated payment. Besides this, the old obhgation
of military service on the landed baronage, according to the number of their
knight's-fees, was stUl in force, although it was frequently commuted for a money
payment. In earher times, when the number of landowners under the Crown was
comparatively smaU, it was easy to compel the due performance of the service, or
to enforce payment of the equivalent scutage-money ; but in process of time, and
especiaUy during the turbulent era of Henry IIL, many of the great baronies had
been split up into small fees, the number of which, and the intricacy of then
descent, baffled the vigilance of the Exchequer officers. To remedy this, besides
the particular writs to tbe greater barons, general writs were issued to the sheriffs,
directing them to summon all the minor barons within their county to perform
such service as was due under their several tenures.
Neither did the difficulty end with the tenants- in-chief, but extended to mesne
tenants, whose attendance, after the breaking up of the baronies under which they
held, it was not always easy to secure. A new regulation was therefore adopted,
by which all persons under the rank of the baronage, who held land of the value
of twenty pounds per annum, whether of the Crown, or any one else, were
required to take upon themselves the degree of knighthood, and to perform the
service incident thereto. A highly interesting document has been preserved in
connection with this regulation, which is here presented to the reader. It must,
however, be borne in mind, that it does not give a complete list of the possessors
of land of the value of 20/. per annum, but only of such of these as had not
already taken upon them the degree of knighthood.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 295

^amesS Of PettfOtljEf possessed of 20 librates of land and upwards, in the county of North
umberland, whether held of the King in capite or otherwise, " who ought to be knights
and are not ;" also the sureties tendered by each in obedience to the King's writ, that
they shaU severaUy take upon them the degree of knighthood, before Christmas next
ensuing, as returned under the seals of the Sheriff, and of WiUiam de Middleton and
Walter de Cambhow, knights ; the conscription having been made in the full county
court, September 22nd, 1278, 6th of Edward I.
N.B. — This hst occurs in a MS. in the Harleian coUection ; also another copy in the Cot-
tonian, without the names of the sureties. Both are printed in Palgrave's Parliamentary
Writs. Some of the names, which are obliterated in the Harleian MS., are here sup
plied from the Cottonian.
Tenants in Capite.
Eobert de SomervUle  Walter de Witton, clerk ; Bartholemew de Wyndegates ; Eoger son of
Andrew de Witton ; and WiUiam de Camera ; sureties.
Thomas de Dyvelston  Eobert de Hydewyn ; Eobert Wautlyn ; WiUiam de Slavery ; and WU
ham de Tyndall ; sureties.
Eobert de Glantedon  John de Esselington ; John de Brempton ; Wilham de Eodum ; John
son of John of EdUngham ; sureties.
Nicholas de Graham  Simon de Hedreslaw, and Walter his son ; WiUiam de Heddon ; Ealph
son of CicUy, of the same ; Eobert son of Warin ; WUliam the Clerk
of Belford; sureties.
Eobert TaUlebois  Thomas Scot of Warton ; Eichard de Chartenay ; Patric de Tosson ; John
son of Michael ; sureties.
Walter Surteys  John Scot of Newcastle ; Peter de Fawdon ; Ealf de Essingdon ; John
de Benewell ; sureties.
John de EsUngton  Eobert de Glantedon ; WUliam de Glantedon ; John de Brempton ;
(paup.) Benedict de Glantedon ; sureties.
Holders of 20 Librates, not
in Capite.
Eichard de Chartenay  -. . Thomas Scott of Warton ; Eobert TaUbois ; Patric de Tosson ; Thomas
(holds of Eobert TaiUebois.) deHeppehale; sureties.
Eobert de Maners  John son of Tyoch of Ethale ; WiUiam Scot of the same ; GUbert de
Crookum ; Adam Euturus ; sureties.
Stephen de Muschauns  William Beaufund of Beirmoor ; WUham son of Isabel of the same ;
Thomas son of Patric ; Hugo son of Eobert ; sureties.
WUUam de Eos  John de Oggel ; Eobert de Pennebery ; WUliam de Espelly ; WUliam de
Stingelaw of Mindrim ; sureties.
Adam de Selby  Nicholas de Backwor-th ; Hugh de Back worth ; Eobert Tenement of
Stanton ; Thomas Gentill of the same ; Thomas son of John of the
same ; WiUiam the Clerk's son ofthe same ; sureties.

296 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Maurice de Euurth  WiUiam de TerdhUl ; Thomas Baret de Euurth; Simon de Euurth ;
Eobert son of Thefanie, of the same ; sureties.
James de Howburne  Philip de Howburne ; Hugh son of Eichard of the same ; WUliam son
of Henry of the same ; Hugh' Modi of the same ; sureties.
 de Dichend  Thomas and Eichard de Dichend, his brothers ; WUliam de Diehend;
and Eichard the Forester of the same ; sureties.
WiUiam de Olecester  Ealph de Olcester, and Odoul his brother ; Eobert son of WiUiam de
Olecester ; Eoger son of Adam of the same ; sureties.
Thomas de Eock  John de Scheie ; Ivo Eockard of Eock ; John son of Ealph of the same ;
Thomas Cisson of the same ; sureties.
Thomas de Karleol  WiUiam Eitz le Keu of Swarland; Eoger Ulthorn ; Walter de Wyte;
Eoger de Stantby ; sureties.
Eichard de Horssley  Simon de Plescetis ; Thomas de ClenhiU ; Ealph de Essingdon ; Walter
de Hereford ; sureties.
Walter de Edhngham  Gilbert son of John Waldief ; John son of John of Edlingham ; Adam
the Clerk of the same ; Henry Tebaud of the same ; sureties.
John de HUburn  Eichard de Craucester; Peter de Emildon ; Eobert de Eauldon ; Eobert
de Emildon ; sureties.
Eichard de Craucester  Eichard de Watwang ; Alexander de Broxefeld ; Michael de Eock ;
John de. Kertingdon ; sureties.
Eoger Maudut  WUliam de Bokingfeld ; WUliam Blunville ; WilUam de Horsseley ;
Eichard son of SibUl of Eschete ; sureties.
Eoger de Coygners  Eobert de Botland; John de Oggill; GUbert de Walington; WUliam de
Eawdon; sureties.
John de Belshowe  Walter Scot of Waltedon, and Eobert his brother ; Eichard de Dennum ;
John de Cokeman ; sureties.
Ealph de Essingdon  Roger de Woderington; Peter de Eaudon; GUbert de Walington;
John de Quinteley ; sureties.
Eoger de Woderington  Peter de Eaudon ; Ealph de Essingdon; WiUiam de Echewick ; Eobert
Wautlyn; sureties.
Simon de Plesseys  PhiUp de Kierwick ; Walter de Hereford ; Ealph de Essingdon ; Eoger
de Woderington; sureties.
Peter de Eaudon  Eoger de Woderington ; Ealph de Essingdon; WUliam de Echewick ;
Adam de Kynton ; sureties.
John de Eerlington  John d' Apilton ; Adam de Donigton ; WiUiam BlunviU ; WiUiam son
of John of Brinklaw ; sureties.
Adam Baret  Eichard de St. Peter of Berewick ; Eichard de ElUingworth ; WUham
de Echewick ; Eoger Baret of Borodon ; sureties.
Eobert de Merevill  Eichard Bover of MiUeburne, and John Bover his brother ; Eobert son
of John de Milleburne ; John son of Eobert of the same ; sureties.
Thomas de Blencansop  WUham de Eos ; Eoger Baret of Throckelaw ; Eichard de Doncestre ;
Eichard de St. Peter ; sureties.
WiUiam de Swineburne  Nicholas de Swineburne, his brother ; WiUiam de Eouthclyve ; Eobert
de Chilbeaches ; WUliam de Tindale ; sureties.
 WUham Eitz-Lawrence ; Walter Beaufrere ; Alan Fitz-Alan de Swine
burne ; Eobert Fitz-Alice de Swineburne ; sureties.

MEDI2EVAL PERIOD. 297
  WUliam de Swineburne; Nicholas de Swineburne; WiUiam de
Eoutheclyve ; William Fitz-Laurence ; sureties.
--    William de Swethorpe; Eichard de Swethorpe; John Cole; Ealph
Plassage of Swineburne ; sureties.
John de Gunwarton  Eichard de Bocland, junior ; William de Essingdon; Eichard Freinde
of Gunwarton ; Nicholas Fitz-Ealph of the same ; sureties.
-  --  -  -  William de Walis ; William de Swineburne; Eichard de Eucoster;
WiUiam de Eoutheclyve ; sureties.
PhUip de Craudon  Nicholas de Schiringham ; Eichard Tysun ; German Hotheton ; Peter
de Haulton ; sureties.

EDWAED II.
The reign of the new King presented a melancholy contrast to the vigorous
administration which distinguished that of his father. Without abandoning tbe
schemes of conquest which had been pursued at so great a sacrifice of life and
means, he suffered the war to languish ; and even when he placed himself, as he
did on several occasions, at the head of an invading army, his object appeared to
be rather the plunder than the subjugation of Scotland.
The mighty host which his father had coUected at Carhsle was indeed led
across the Border ; but nothing further was attempted than the unopposed occupa
tion of Eoxburgh and Dumfries, and a bloodless incursion into Ayrshire.
In 1308 he appointed a muster to be held at Carlisle, and in 1309 at Newcastle,
but neither movement was productive of any result ; and towards the close of tbe
latter year a truce was concluded under the mediation of Bhilip King of France,
whose daughter Edward had married.
In 1310 the war was renewed, the English forces being mustered at Berwick.
To that town the King returned, after a brief and inglorious campaign, and there
he spent the winter. After another expedition, as short and as fruitless, in tbe
following spring, he returned to London to meet his Barliament. The withdrawal
of the royal army was immediately followed by an invasion of Cumberland by
Eobert Brace. From GUsland he extended his ravages into Tyndale and Eeeds
dale, advancing as far southward as Corbridge. So ill-prepared were the officers
on the Borders to resist him, that he extorted 2,000/. from the district, as the
price of his withdrawal, and of a truce till Candlemas, 1312. In April, this year,
Edward came to Newcastle with his favourite Gaveston, but instead of being able
part i. 4 E

298 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
to make head against the Scots, he was obliged to fly before his own exasperated
barons, first to Tynemouth, and from thence by sea to Scarborough."
In August, Bruce made a second incursion, burning the towns of Hexham and
Corbridge, and ravaging the country on every side. The city of Durham and the
town of Hartlepool were subjected to similar disasters, and 2,000/. was paid by the
inhabitants of the bishoprick, to avert further disasters. Northumberland and
Cumberland were so impoverished that they were unable to furnish the amount
required for their ransom, but were compelled to give security for its payment.
In 121 3 Eoxburgh and Edinburgh were recovered by the Scots, and Stirling was
so hard pressed, that Edward was forced to agree to its surrender, unless it were
relieved within a year.
To effect this important object, an army was assembled at Wark on the 10th of
June, 1314, and the King himself set out from Berwick before the close of the
month. The result of all his preparations, and the equipment of 100,000 men,
was tbe disastrous battle of Bannockburn, from whence he escaped by precipitous
flight to Dunbar, and thence by sea to Berwick.
Northumberland and Durham were again ravaged by an army under Edward
Bruce and Sir James Douglas, who extended their devastations as far south as
Eichmond and Appleby, returning home by the western Border. An effort was
now made by tbe King of France to effect an accommodation between England
and Scotland, and commissioners actually met at Durham to negotiate a peace.
The attempt, however, proved abortive, and the next year was ushered in by a
fresh inroad of the Scots, who plundered Durham and the North of Yorkshhe,
and again destroyed Hartlepool, the ancient inheritance of the Bruce family, which
had been forfeited in consequence of the war. The success of these desultory
enterprises encouraged Bruce to attempt acquisitions of a more permanent cha
racter. In these, however, he was unsuccessful, being foiled in his attempts to
capture Carlisle and Berwick. Both these fortresses were now put into a state of
efficiency, as well as those of Norham and Wark, the former of which, although
the property of the see of Durham, was, by an arrangement with the Bishop,
furnished with a royal garrison.
» During the previous expedition, as we learn from the Life of Edward II. by Thomas de la More,
the King was obliged to shut up Gaveston, for his own security, in Bamburgh Castle. The particulars
of his fate, after his removal from Scarborough, are detailed by the same historian, whose information,
from the position which he occupied about the King, is peculiarly valuable.

MEDL2EVAL PERIOD. 299
The next year was wasted in preparations which led to no results, and negoti
ations which ended in failure, Edward being stiU as obstinately opposed to the
recognition of Bruce's title as his father had been when all Scotland was in bis
possession ; whilst now, of all his conquests, Berwick only remained in the hands
of the English.
In 1317 Dope John, who had been placed at the head of the Latin church the
previous year, resolved to make an effort to effect an accommodation between the
King of England and, as he expresses himself, " him who pretends to be King of
Scotland." With this view, having first, of his own authority, proclaimed a truce
for two years, he sent two cardinals, John of Ossa and Luke de Fieschi, to mediate
a peace. Their mission was fruitless, but it claims a place in Northumbrian
history in connection with one of the most remarkable outrages ever perpetrated
in that county.
The weak and indecisive measures of King Edward were topics of loud com
plaint on the Borders, and were made the subject of a remonstrance, which was
addressed to tbe King himself by Adam de Swinburne, the Sheriff of the county.
This plain speaking was resented by Edward, who committed the Sheriff to prison.
The flame of rebellion, which had long smouldered amongst the plundered and
persecuted Northumbrians, now burst forth. Having in vain looked to the King
for protection, they refused longer to submit to his capricious and violent govern
ment. Amongst the malcontents was Gilbert de Middleton, a near relative of
John de Middleton of Belsay, and a cousin of Adam de Swinburne, the late Sheriff.
In his hands was the strong castle of Mitford, of which be seems to have been
constable under Aymer de Yalence, the proprietor. This fortress afforded an
admirable retreat for the insurgents, who chose GUbert de Middleton for their
chief. Whatever may have been their original intentions, their operations soon
degenerated into a system of organized plunder, and this in a district already im
poverished by the repeated ravages of the Scots. In one of their predatory incur
sions, Gilbert and his associates fell in with the two Cardinals, as they were
travelling from Darlington to Durham, in company with the Bishop of the diocese
and his brother Lord Henry de Beaumont. The site of the rencontre appears,
from an entry on the Rotuli Scotice, to have been at Hett, in the parish of Mer-
rington, where the ecclesiastics were secured without resistance. The two Cardi
nals were allowed to proceed on their journey, but the Bishop and his brother were

300 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
carried with them ; the former being retained at Morpeth, the latter at Mitford,
untU heavy ransoms were paid for their release.
With this daring act the career of Middleton was brought to a close, his capture
being shortly afterwards effected by some of his neighbours, who had suffered from
his depredations, and laid wait for him. He was conveyed to London, tried and
executed ; and his own estates, and those of many of his followers, confiscated.
Some of his band escaped to Horton Castle, where they were received under the
protection of Walter Selby, a brother freebooter, who there maintained himself in
defiance of the authorities on either side of the Border.
The following year Berwick fell into the bands of the Scots, who succeeded,.
also, in making themselves masters of Wark and Harbottle, within the English
frontier. Hastening southward by a rapid march, they surprised the castle of
Mitford, and passing Newcastle, entered tbe bishoprick of Durham. Here there
remained httle to excite their cupidity, or even to provide for then wants ; passing
forward, therefore, into Yorkshire, they burnt NorthaUerton, Boroughbridge, and
Eipon, at which latter place the venerable abbey church, and the inhabitants who
had taken refuge in it, were only spared on payment of an immoderate ransom.
Having committed similar ravages at Skipton and at Scarborough, they returned
home laden with booty.
In 1319 an attempt was made, on a scale of unusual magnitude, to recover
Berwick. A muster was held at Newcastle in July, and the King arrived at Ber
wick, attended by a fleet as weU as an army, on the 1st of September. The enter-
prize, however, miscarried, chiefly, it was believed, through the treachery and
ultimately the open desertion of the Earl of Lancaster. In the meantime, a body
of 10,000 Scots, under the Earl of Murray and Lord Douglas, entered England,
and, proceeding with great secrecy and celerity to York, almost succeeded in cap
turing the Queen. An alarm was, however, given, when the Archbishop WUliam
de Melton, collecting all who could be persuaded to serve, churchmen as well as
soldiers, placed himself at their head, and courageously leading them against the
picked troops of Murray and Douglas, gained a complete victory.
In the month of December, commissioners of both kingdoms met at Newcastle,
when a truce was agreed to, to endure for two years from the ensuing Christmas.
A variety of negotiations were commenced during this interval, but aU were in
effectual to secure a permanent peace.
Under the stipulations of the truce, the castle of Harbottle was provisionally

MEDIAEVAL PERIOD. 301
"restored to the English, on condition that it should be given up at the end of the
two years, if, in the meantime, peace were not concluded. In order to fulfil this
condition with as little detriment as possible, Edward ordered the fortifications to
be dismantled before he surrendered it.
During this period of truce, a treasonable correspondence was discovered between
the Earl of Lancaster and the Scots. Several of his letters were intercepted, and
his guilt being established beyond all dispute, he was executed before his own
castle of Bontefract. Amongst the possessions forfeited by his treason, was the
barony of Emildon, in Northumberland, with the strong castle of Dunstanborough ;
to which he had been recommended by his friends to retire, as a place where, from
its facilities of defence, its proximity to Scotland, and its situation on the sea
coast, he might have bid defiance to the royal power.
AU chance of peace being at an end, Edward made serious preparations for a
renewal of war, summoning a muster of his forces at Newcastle, on the feast of
Trinity, 1 322. Even now, however, he was anticipated by the Scots, who, enter
ing Northumberland by the Middle March, laid all the country waste as far as Cor
bridge. Another expedition on a more formidable scale, led by Bruce himself,
marched through Cumberland and Westmorland into Lancashire, plundering and
destroying aU before them as far south as Breston,
The English army did not enter Scotland tiU the latter end of June, and then
marched, without resistance, to Edinburgh ; on their return, they destroyed the
monasteries of Holyrood, Dryburgh, and Melrose, at the last of which they mur
dered the Brior, retaliating thus, with an impious revenge, the atrocities of the
Scotch, who had plundered Holm-Cultram, and other religious houses in England.
Norham was again assailed, and with a view to its relief, Edward ordered another
muster at Newcastle on the 18th of October. On the 31st of that month, how
ever he had himself advanced no further north than Byland Abbey in Yorkshire,
in the neighbourhood of which he was surprised and defeated by Eobert Bruce,
and obliged to fly for refuge to York. According to the Chronicle ascribed to John
of Beterborough, the King owed his safety to two monks of Eievaux, who con
ducted him privately from the field. The Queen, according to the same authority,
escaped from Tynemouth by sea.
In 1323 another treasonable correspondence was discovered between Andrew de
Hartclay Earl of Carlisle and Eobert de Bruce. Hartclay, from a very humble
part i, 4 F

302 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
position, had been advanced, for his services and great military talents, to the
governorship of Carlisle, and the wardenship of the Western Marches. Disgusted
at the ill-conduct and ill-success of aU Edward's proceedings, he endeavoured to
secure some respite to the county under his command by direct negotiations with
the enemy. It is possible that the statement which he made on the scaffold may
have been the truth, that he intended no harm either to bis King or country. On
the other hand, he is accused of being influenced by a criminal ambition, and
especially of having aspired to the hand of the sister of Eobert Bruce. He was
beheaded at Carlisle, and his body divided into quarters, the head being exposed
on London Bridge, and the quarters on the walls of York, Newcastle, Carhsle, and
Shrewsbury. The remainder of Edward's reign was occupied by negotiations for peace, which,
although they led to no definite result, were yet attended by a relaxation of the
horrors of war, during a succession of short truces, which were extended from
time to time.
The events which led to the deposition of the King, and the transfer of
the crown to his son, Erince Edward, are unconnected with our subject.
The former, took place on the 13th of January, the latter on the 1st of February,
1327. The series of truces to which reference has been made, although they
caused a suspension of hostilities, did not altogether put a stop to preparations
for war.
Thus we find that a muster was appointed to be held at Newcastle in July, 1323 ;
and to this we are indebted for another document of great importance to an accu
rate knowledge of the internal resources of the county of Northumberland, namely,
a hst of the knights and men-at-arms within the county. It is valuable, as con
taining an enumeration of the principal landowners within the county under the
rank of barons. The knights and men-at-arms seem to have belonged to the same
class, the former being distinguished only by the circumstance, that they had
actually had the degree of knighthood conferred upon them, wbUst the others
were equally entitled to take it at any time, and were in the meantime liable to
the discharge of the same duties.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD.

303

|iort!)ttmfc*rtan&.— List of Knights and Men-at- Arms, as returned by the Sheriff Gilbert
de Beroughdon, July 7, 1323, 17th Edward II.

WiUiam Eydel
Thomas Gray
Eobert de la Vale
John de Fenwick
John de Lisle of Woodburn
Eobert de Lisle
Adam de Benton

KNIGHTS.
John de Lilleburne
Eoger Maudut
Eoger de Horsseley
Eobert Gray
Eoger Heyroun
Eobert de Clifford
Eobert de Esselington

Eobert de Luker
WiUiam de Swynnburn
John de Borudon
Thomas Botacomb
Adam de ShotteUngton
Eobert de Swynnburn
Alan de Clavering.

Henry de Swynburn
Eobert du Maner
Thomas de Heton
Thomas de Muschaunte
Eobert de Hagarstone
WUliam de Presfen
Eobert Archer
John Archer
John de Denoum
Samson Bahester
WiUiam Oschestrother
Simon de Heselrig
Eichard Fitz -Ealph
Walter de Dychand
John de Middleton
Eoger de Weston
WiUiam Legger
Adam de Doxford
Henry de Tughale
Alan Fitz- Adam
Eanulf de Skelton
John de Alnmouth
Eobert de Shoppeth
Alexander de HUton
Edmund de Crawcestre
WUliam de Felton
WUlam de Esselington
John de Borudon
Eobert de Heppehale
WiUiam TaUboys
Adam Fitz-Eobert de Eodom

MEN-AT-AEMS.
Stephen de Howburn
WiUiam de Lyham
Nicholas de BoUiston
John de Horsseley
Henry de Ilderton
Thomas de ClenehiU
WUliam de Inghow
Eichard del Newton
Simon Fote
Adam de Kirkeby
Michael de Parco
Hugh del Park
Eichard del Isle
Thomas de Bickerton
WiUiam Clericus
WUham de Berhaulth
WiUiam de Bewick
John de Bewick
Eobert Darreys
WUliam Darreys
Symon Darreys
Eobert de Oggle
John Cosyn
Thomas Mauelerk
Eobert de CresseweU
Eobert de Seton
John de Seton
WUUam Algode
John Fitz-John de Horsseley
Simon de Weltedon
John de Plessis

Stephen de Dudden
Thomas de Wotton
John de Harle
John Manfeld
Thomas de Bradford
John de Eouchester
Thomas Gray
Henry Litzser
WUham de Tyndale
John Forester de Corbrig
John de Sedlingstanes
Thomas de Feirstonhaugh
Hugo de Wales
Eobert de Boceland
Gilbert de Malteby
Nicholas de Punchardon
John de Fawdon
William de Hethwiek
Nicholas de Eland
Thomas de Fenwick
Thomas de Hydewyn
Henry de Belton
Henry de Whitchester
Thomas de Throkelaw
Eobert de EyhyU
John de Forsete
Eobert de Byker
Galfrid Conyers
WUham Whitfleshe.

304 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

EDWARD III.

Edward was only in his fifteenth year when he was prematurely elevated to the
throne, and a council of regency was the natural result of the revolution. The
change of government, even from a weak monarch to a minor, was unfavourable
to the continuance of the doubtful tranquiUity which had prevailed on the Borders
during the last two or three years ; and on the very day of the coronation of the
young King we find an attempt made by the Scots to surprise the castle of Nor
ham. This enterprise indeed was unsuccessful, and was formally disavowed by
the Scotch government ; but although the truce was continued for a short time
afterwards, no progress was made towards the settlement of peace. A cessation
of hostilities had only hitherto been maintained by a strict prohibition of all inter
course between the two realms, the government of each country keeping an armed
force to restrain its own subjects from passing the frontier. Such a system could
not long continue ; and although commissioners were appointed on each side to
negotiate peace, both parties seem to have entertained the conviction that the ne
gotiations must necessarily prove abortive.
On the 18th of May, 1327, the land forces of England were mustered at New
castle, and the fleet was ordered to be in readiness off the coast of Yorkshire ; but
the war, as usual, was commenced by the Scots. In one of their incursions under
Douglas, Edward himself was surprised, and narrowly escaped capture, as he lay
encamped on the banks of the Wear, near Stanhope. After this daring enter
prise, the Scottish leader succeeded in withdrawing his troops in safety through
the swamps and morasses which lay between the position they then occupied and
then own frontier.
The great preparations made on the side of England were thus utterly fruitless ;
and tbe ordinary period of service having expired, the troops were dismissed to
their homes. The Scots, again taking advantage of their withdrawal, made a
successful assault on Norham, and even advanced against Alnwick ; but failed to
reduce the castle. This fortress was now the property of the Berey family, who
had acquired it, with the vast demesnes attached to it, by purchase from Anthony
Bee Bishop of Durham, in the time of Edward I., to whom it was devised in
trust by the last of the De Vescis.

MEDLEVAL PERIOD. 305
Henry de Bercy had already distinguished himself in Border warfare, and by
tbe success with which he had maintained the observance of the late truce, with
very limited means beyond the services of his own retainers.
The great obstacle to successful negotiation hitherto had been the obstinacy
with which the late King clung to the recognition of bis titular supremacy over
Scotland, after all substantial authority had passed from his grasp. The position
of the Queen and her favourite Mortimer, who now governed in the young King's
name, rendered a peace on any terms essential ; and their necessities were happily
productive of a renunciation of an obsolete claim, which, under other circumstances,
would probably have been persisted in. When this difficulty was removed, the
Scotch King no longer shewed himself averse to peace, to which, indeed, he was
probably inclined by his own advanced age and infirm health, and the prospect of
the succession of an infant heir.
The pacification, so much to the interest of both kingdoms, was finally ratified
by the Barliament of England on the 4th of May, 1328; and Bruce, who had
conducted the country over which he ruled through so many perils, and succeeded
at length in establishing her independence, died on the 7th of June in the follow
ing year. His successor was his son David, who was little more than six years
old at the date of his accession, but had already been engaged in marriage to
Joanna, the sister of the Enghsh King, as a means of cementing the amicable
relations between the two countries. The infancy of the heir of Eobert Bruce
afforded a favourable opportunity to Edward BaiUiol, the son of the former King,
to advance his pretensions to tbe throne of Scotland. His invasion was by sea,
and the peace of the English Borders was for a long period unaffected by the
struggle which ensued. At length, however, Edward avaUed himself of internal
dissensions to renew bis claim to the supremacy over Scotland, and the cession of
Berwick. His demands having been rejected by the guardians of David Bruce,
he resolved to throw his weight into the scale of Bailliol, who was wiUing to secure
his aid at any price.
After an interval of five years, war was accordingly proclaimed, and an army
assembled at Newcastle on Trinity Sunday, 1333. Eoxburgh Castle was already
in the possession of BaiUiol' s adherents, and the grand object of this campaign
was tbe reduction of Berwick. The Scots, conscious of the importance of this
stronghold, hazarded a general engagement to relieve it, and were defeated with
immense slaughter at the battle of Halidon Hill, long memorable as one of the most
part i. 4 G

306 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
disastrous incidents in Scottish history. Edward, with his victorious army,
entered Berwick without further opposition. The town was formally annexed to
the English dominions, and Henry Eercy was appointed its governor. Eeturning
from thence to Newcastle, the King received the homage of Edward Bailliol, as
his grandfather had done that of John Bailliol in the same place. The power of
BaiUiol, however, extended so far and so long only as he was supported by the
English arms, and a continuous struggle was maintained by the partisans of
David Bruce. Unlike previous wars, the ravages were confined chiefly to the in
terior of Scotland, and the Marches of England were comparatively unmolested.
In 1338 Edward crossed over into France, to assert his claims to the throne of
that country, and in his absence the interests of BaUliol sensibly declined. Stir
ling, Edinburgh, and Eoxburgh indeed remained to him ; but all the rest of the
kingdom, with the exception of Berwick, which was garrisoned by the English,
was in the hands of his opponent. In 1340 Edinburgh Castle was taken by
stratagem, and Stirling was captured the foUowing year. Edward, who had
returned to England, marched in person to relieve the latter ; but ere he bad pro
ceeded further than Berwick, he was informed of its fall, and returned southward
to Newcastle. During these contentions, David Bruce had been honourably enter
tained at the court of France : but the time had now arrived for him to take an
active part in tbe affairs of his kingdom ; in the year 1342, accordingly, being
then about nineteen years of age, he returned to Scotland, accompanied by his
Queen Joanna. All BaUhol's conquests had now been recovered, Eoxburgh hav
ing been recently captured by Sir Alexander Eamsay ; and tbe youthful sovereign
was put into possession of the entire territory which had been possessed by bis
father, with the single exception of Berwick. If he had been contented with his
present position, it is probable that Edward, hampered as he was with continental
wars, would have been willing to concur in a peace ; but his own hot blood, and
tbe injudicious advice of those about him, induced him to enter upon an offensive
war. Having first received the homage of his subjects at Berth, he marched,
with all the force he could collect, to the English Border, and so prompt were his
measures that he had advanced to the walls of Newcastle before any opposition
could be offered to him. Here, however, he sustained a check, being
unable to make any impression on the defences. Disappointed in this quarter, he
took a cruel revenge on the city of Durham, which was utterly unprepared for a
siege. Having made himself master of the place, he caused an indiscriminate

MEDIAEVAL PERIOD. 307
-slaughter to be made, not even sparing the clergy or the holy edifices in which
they ministered. On the return of the army, they carried with them an
immense booty, the sight of which provoked the indignation of the garrison of the
castle of Wark, as they passed carelessly under its walls. The Countess of
Sahsbury was then resident in the castle, of which her brother-in-law Sir WUliam
Montague was the governor. Under the conduct of the latter, a body of forty
horse saUied forth and attacked the Scots in the rear, killing no less than two
hundred of them, and conveying into the castle one hundred and sixty horses
laden with the spoils of the incursion. This gallant enterprize had nearly led to
disastrous results, for the Scotch army, indignant and ashamed to be thus deprived
of tbe fruits of their exertions, and burning to avenge the deaths of then comrades,
at once applied themselves to besiege the castle, which was only saved by tbe
appearance of Edward himself before its walls. Having been informed of the
ravages committed in Northumberland and Durham, he had hastened northward,
and finding on his arrival at Newcastle that the invaders were on their retreat, he
was already in the act of pursuit when his movements were accelerated by an
account conveyed by the governor himself of the critical condition of Wark.
To Edward's visit to Wark on this occasion, and his residence there as the guest
of the Countess of Salisbury, is ascribed by Froissart tbe institution of the Order
of the Garter. The story is, however, probably apocryphal, as it is certain that
Edward could not have made any long stay at Wark at this period, if, indeed, he
reaUy relieved the castle in person. On all these matters our native historians are
sUent. The next two years were nominally a period of truce ; this, indeed, was
ill observed on the western Borders, but the possession of Berwick enabled the
Enghsh warden to enforce its maintenance on the east.
In 1346 took place that memorable invasion under King David himself, which
terminated in bis defeat and capture at Neville's Cross, near Durham. John de
Coupland, to whom the King surrendered himself, though not even of knightly
rank had already more than once greatly distinguished himself in the recent wars.
He was certainly a native of Coupland in Glendale, but whether he was its
proprietor may well be doubted. Coupland was a manor within the barony of
Wooler, of which it was held in the reign of Henry IIL, with the adjoining
manors of Akeld and Yeavering, by Wilham de Akeld, the whole being rated
together as one knight's-fee.b It is more than probable that John de Coupland,
b At the same time Stephen de Coupland, doubtless an ancestor of John, possessed half a carucate of
land at Hethpool, but his holding is only rated as the thirtieth part of a knight's-fee.

308 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
who is only described as an esquire, was a subtenant of the descendant, or other
representative, of this Wilham de Akeld. For the important service performed on
this occasion he had a grant of a yearly pension of 500/., payable out of tbe
customs of London and Berwick, untU land could be assigned to him of equivalent
value. The lands which were ultimately conferred upon him comprised a moiety
of the great barony of Wooler, of which Coupland was a member, such moiety
being rated at three knight's-fees, besides other fees as weU within that barony as
without. He bad also conferred upon him the shrievalty of Northumberland — at
that time a very lucrative office — and held it tiU bis death. His name occurs
amongst the magnates of the North fborealibusj , to whom special letters of thanks
were addressed by the King. The others to whom this compliment was paid were
the Archbishop of York, Gilbert UmfrevUle Earl of Angus, Henry de Bercy,
Balph de Neville, John de Mowbray, Thomas de Lucy, Thomas de Eokeby,
Thomas de Gray, Eobert de Ogle, Eobert Bertram, and WUliam Deyncourt.
Both in their advance and retreat the Scots on this occasion pursued the western
route, a striking confirmation of the value of the acquisition of Berwick as a
protection to the Eastern March.
Next year a truce was agreed to between the Kings of England and France, in
which Scotland was also included, which was prolonged by various renewals for
eight years. At the close of that period (a.d. 1355) several daring and successful
exploits were performed by the Scotch. A party, under the command of Sir Wil
liam Eamsay, crossed the Tweed, and having burnt the viUage of Norham, retired
leisurely to their own quarters, encouraging, by the deliberation of their move
ments, a pursuit on the part of the garrison of the castle, who were by this means
decoyed into an ambuscade on Nisbit-moor, where tbey were attacked by vastly
superior numbers, led by Batrick Earl of Dunbar, and Lord William Douglas.
The Enghsh were defeated with considerable loss, and several persons of dis
tinction were made prisoners ; amongst others, Sir Thomas Gray and his eldest son,
and Sir James Dacre. A far more important success, however, was tbe capture of
Berwick, which was effected by surprise in a dark night, a large body of men
having been conveyed by shipping into the harbour, from whence they approached
and scaled the walls. The castle remained in the possession of the English.
The news of this reverse reached King Edward in France, as he was on the
point of returning home to meet his Earliament. After a sojourn of only three
days in London he directed his march northward, arriving at Durham on the 15th
of December. Hence he issued his writs directing a muster to be held at New-

MEDIAEVAL PERIOD. 309
castle on the 1 st of January. Having kept his Christmas at that town, he
marched direct to Berwick, where he arrived on the 14th of the following month.
The town yielded almost without an effort on the part of the garrison, and was
once more put in a state of defence by the English. From hence Edward pro
ceeded to Eoxburgh, where he received from Bailliol a formal surrender of all
his rights to a crown for which, old and childless as he was, he had no encourage
ment longer to contend. During the month of February, irritated at the be
haviour of some of the Scotch nobles, the King laid waste all Lothian, committing
Edinburgh and Haddington to the flames — a proceeding commemorated by the
name given to that season, of the "Burnt Candlemas."
AU this time the Scotch King remained a prisoner in London, with the excep
tion of a few months, during which he had been allowed to visit Scotland on
parole, with a view of obtaining the consent of his nobility to terms which had
been provisionaUy arranged between Edward and himself for a permanent pacifica
tion. As these, however, included an admission of the paramount superiority of
the English King, they were indignantly rejected, and David returned to captivity
in the terms of his promise. At length he obtained his release, in 1357, under a
convention concluded at Newcastle ; his ransom being fixed at 90,000 marks, to be
paid by nine annual instalments. Some demur being made by the Scots as to the
ratification of this treaty, Edward, irritated at their bad faith, insisted on still
higher terms, and the ransom was ultimately fixed at 100,000 marks, to be paid
in ten years. Various alterations were from time to time made in these terms, in
consequence of the inability of David to meet the pecuniary engagements into
which he had entered ; and more than one proposal for the ultimate union of
the two kingdoms was discussed. All, however, proved abortive ; and the re
mainder of David's reign was passed in a state of uncertainty, fluctuating between
war and peace. His death took place on the 22nd of February, 1371, when be
was succeeded by his nephew Eobert Stewart.
The long residence of King David in England, where, although under an hon
ourable restraint, he was treated with kindness and courtesy, seems to have
disposed him to friendly relations with his powerful neighbour ; and this good
feeling continued to prevail during the early part of the reign of his successor.
To the close of Edward's life peace was preserved between the two realms, though
not without occasional skirmishes between the Borderers on each side. At this
period, however, the position of the English was much strengthened by the posses-
part i. 4 H

310 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
sion, not only of Berwick, but of Eoxburgh and Lochmaben, the principal places
of strength on the Scotch side in each of the three Marches.
Edward died on the 31st of June, 1377, leaving, as his successor, his grandson
Eichard, a chUd of ten years of age, the son of Edward the Black Erince, whose
death took place the year before that of his father.
RICHARD II.
The accession of a minor to the throne of England naturaUy encouraged the
turbulent spirits of the opposite Border to renewed violations of the existing
truce. Eoxburgh, which was still in the possession of the English, was burnt by
the Scots during the excitement of the annual fair, which was attended by crowds
of both nations. To avenge this outrage, Henry Fercy, who had recently been
created Earl of Northumberland, entered Scotland at the head of 10,000 men, and
ravaged the neighbouring county of Berwick ; but further hostilities were averted
by a proposal of the Scottish King to treat for the establishment of a permanent
peace. There is no reason to doubt the good faith or pacific disposition of King Eobert
on this occasion ; but the prospect of peace was frustrated by a very remarkable
enterprise undertaken by a party of bis marauding subjects, who, taking advan
tage of the truce, surprised Berwick, and put the governor, Sir Bobert Boynton, to
death. Being summoned by the Earl of Northumberland to surrender, they re
plied that they cared neither for the power of the King of England, nor for the
orders of their own sovereign ; but that having won the fortress, they were deter
mined not to yield it, but would retain it for the King of France, who was again
involved in open hostilities with England. During the siege which ensued, the
renowned Hotspur first distinguished himself in arms : the efforts of his father
and himself were crowned with success, the place was taken, and the garrison put
to the sword.
The truce, which had been so indifferently observed, terminated in 1 384, and
Scotland was invaded by the Duke of Lancaster with a large army. His success,
however, was far from commensurate with the magnitude of his preparations, and
be returned ingloriously, leaving the defence of the Borders and the prosecution of
the war to the Earl of Northumberland, who undertook to perform this service, and
to maintain garrisons in the castles of Berwick, Carlisle, and Eoxburgh, for the an-

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 311
nual payment of 4,000/. The reputation of this great nobleman was clouded by the
conduct of a subordinate officer, who for a bribe betrayed the castle of Berwick to
the Scots. The Earl was formally accused of treason by the Duke of Lancaster,
and summoned to appear in Barliament to answer to the charge, Believing, how
ever, that the recovery of Berwick would serve him better, under these perilous
circumstances, than any verbal defence, he excused himself from obeying the
summons, and hastening to the Tweed, was fortunate enough to retrieve the loss
by the same potent agency which had been employed against him. On payment
of 2,000 marks the fortress was restored to him, and he succeeded in making his
peace with the King.
The foUowing year Eichard himself led an army into Scotland, laying waste the
country on aU sides, and burning the city of Edinburgh ; but the scarcity of pro
visions, caused by bis own reckless devastations, compelled him to return, without
having secured any permanent advantage. In the meantime, the Scots retaliated
by simUar outrages throughout Cumberland and Northumberland. In the latter
county they took the castles of Wark and Ford and the tower of Cornhih. Next
year a truce was concluded ; but at the expiration of a twelvemonth hostilities
were renewed.
The year 1388 is memorable for the battle of Otterburn, one of the most cele
brated of the Border conflicts. Here, the Scots, under the Earl of Douglas, were
attacked, on then return from a marauding expedition into the county of Durham,
by Hotspur and his brother, Sir Ealph Eercy, who had pursued them from New
castle. The moonlight encounter which ensued has received an unusual amount
of attention from writers of aU classes, in poetry as well as in prose ; but the mul
titude of authorities has tended rather to confuse than to elucidate the details.
The reader who is anxious to make himself familiar with whatever has been
written on this subject by poet or historian, may be safely referred to the recent
pubhcation of Mr. Eobert White, a gentleman who has proved himself no un
favoured votary of either muse. The Scottish leader was slain ; but the victory
was gained, after a severe struggle, by his countrymen, and both the Bercies were
made prisoners.
Hotspur's captivity was not of long duration, as we find him the following year
appointed Warden of the West Marches, and Governor of Carhsle. On bis cap
ture the King had made a temporary appointment of the Earl of Nottingham,
Earl Marshal, to the same office on the Eastern Borders ; and this he afterwards

312 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
wished to have extended, but was opposed by his council on the plea of economy.
Their real motive, however, seems to have been their conviction of the superior
claims of Bercy. We have now reached a period when we have the benefit of the
Eecords of the Brivy Council, a series of documents published by tbe Eecord Com
mission, under the superintendence of the late Sir Harris Nicholas, after they had
lain for centuries unknown to and unconsulted by all our historians.
From this source we have some very curious particulars of what passed in the
council chamber on this occasion : October 15th and 16th, 1389.
The King expressed his opinion in favour of acceding to a petition from the
Earl Marshal for the continuance of his appointment of Warden of the East
Marches, and Governor of Berwick, for a further term of five years beyond the
existing arrangement. The terms which he asked were 4,000 marks per annum
for the custody of the castle of Berwick, 2,000 marks for the custody of the
March in time of truce, and 12,000/. per annum in time of war. The council, on
the other hand, represented that tbe existing arrangement had not yet expired ;
that in the meantime a Barliament would meet, and that they should not be justified
in incurring such heavy prospective liabilities. The King, having in vain at
tempted to obtain their acquiescence, turning to them " with a very angry look,"
replied, " At your peril be it, if any harm come hereof." Their opposition was
at length overcome by a proposal of the King, that Sir Henry Bercy should have
the Wardenship of the Western March, on the same terms which he proposed for
the Earl Marshal on the East. Ultimately Bercy was reinstated in his old post.
The following year died Eobert IL, King of Scotland, who was succeeded by
his son John Earl of Carrick, known in history as Robert IIL, the name of John
having become odious to the Scottish people, who associated with it the memory
of John Bailliol, the special object of popular hatred. Shortly after the accession
of the new King an agreement was entered into between England, France, and
Scotland, for a truce for the long period of eight years. Several attempts had
been previously made to bring about a permanent peace ; but petty jealousies and
arbitrary pretensions, on the one side and tbe other, had opposed insuperable ob
stacles. These impediments did not stand in the way of a truce, of however long
duration, as the ulterior relations of the several parties were in no way affected by
it. During the remainder of the reign of Eichard IL, the Border counties enjoyed
all the advantages of a state of peace, the Wardens on each side vigilantly execut
ing the duties of their office, and checking every disposition to outrage and plunder.

MEDIJEVAL PERIOD. 313

HENRY IV.

The disturbances on the Borders which marked the first year of this reign,
1399-1400, are not to be attributed altogether to the predatory habits of the Scots,
but were in part fomented by their ally the King of France, who deeply resented
the treatment which his son-in-law, King Eichard, had received. In the Scots he
found ready instruments ; crossing the Border, they seized on the castle of Wark,
which had probably never been completely re-edified since its previous capture.
This they retained for a short time, and entirely dismantled before they
abandoned it. Hence they extended their incursions through all parts of the
country, meeting with little resistance. On their return, however, laden with
plunder, they were attacked by Sir Eobert Umfreville, Lord of Eedesdale, who,
issuing from his stronghold of Harbottle, the capital of that seignory, although
locally situated on the Coquet, defeated and dispersed them at Foulhope-law, and
made aU their leaders prisoners.
The next year the King conducted an expedition into Scotland, but the results
were unimportant, the Scots prudently declining an engagement with a force
greatly superior to their own. At Newcastle Henry received the homage of George
Earl of Dunbar, who, abandoning his allegiance to his own sovereign, obtained a
grant of lands in Lincolnshhe and elsewhere in England, with the customs revenue
of tbe port of Boston.
About this period we meet with a list of the Border fortresses in the possession
of the King of England, with the names of then captains and the number of their
garrisons. The document occurs amongst the Brivy Council Eecords.
I. Berwick, with the East March, under Sir Henry Percy, with 300 men-at-arms and 600
archers.
II. Eoxburgh, under Sir Eichard Grey and Sir Stephen Scrope, with 100 men-at-arms and 200
archers.
III. Carlisle, with the West March, under Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, with 200
men-at-arms and 400 archers,
IV. Harbottle, under Sir Eobert UmfreviUe, with 20 men-at-arms and 40 archers.
V. Jedworth, under Edward Ilderton, with 30 men-at-arms and 60 archers.
VI. Norham, under Thomas Grey, with 50 men-at-arms and 100 archers.
From the same source we are furnished with two lists, the first of knights only,
the second of knights and esquires, summoned to attend the King's council at
part i. 4 I

314 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Westminster, at the feast of the Assumption, 1401. The lists for Northumber
land are as foUows : —
No. I. Henry de Percy. No II. Gerard Heron.
Gerard Heron. Thomas Grey of Horton.
Eobert Ogle. Eobert Ogle.
Eobert DmfrevUle. John Mitford.
John Mitford.
David Holgrave.
In the year 1402 the expatriated Earl of Dunbar, supported by an English
force, entered Scotland, whilst the Earl of Douglas led an army into Northumber
land, laying waste the country to the waUs of Newcastle. On the return of the
latter, he was encountered at Humbleton, near Wooler, by the Earl of Northum
berland and his son, when the Scottish army was completely routed, and Douglas
himself made prisoner, covered with wounds. The number slain on the side of
the Scots was very considerable, including several noblemen and persons of dis
tinction. The refusal of Hotspur to place at the King's disposal the prisoners taken on
this occasion is known to all readers of Shakspeare, as the reputed cause of the
dissensions which resulted in the rebellion of that gallant warrior and his father
and uncle. It appears, however, that the offence was of older date, although it
was probably aggravated by the peremptory conduct of the King on this occasion.
Amongst the Brivy Council Eecords are preserved a series of letters from the
Bercies, commencing at a much earlier period, complaining of the neglect and
want of support which they experienced in the discbarge of then duties as War
dens of the East and West Marches, and also in Wales. The stipulated payments
were withheld, their private resources exhausted, and their personal honour com
promised by their inabUity to meet their engagements with their followers.
The battle of Shrewsbury, in which Hotspur was defeated and slain, was fought
on the 23rd of July, 1403, and the Earl of Northumberland was shortly after
wards arrested. At an interview with the King at Bontefract, the following
month, the Earl agreed to surrender all his castles as pledges for his fidelity ; but
some difficulties were made by his retainers in carrying out his instructions, in
consequence of reports which were industriously circulated, that the King was
dead, and the Earl at liberty.
In the Brivy Council Eecords is preserved a hst of these castles, with the names

MEDLffiVAL PERIOD. 315
of the Constables in charge, and the parties into whose custody they were directed
to be transferred. I Alnwick — William Worthington the Constable, Sir John Wyndale the Chaplain, WiUiam
Eoddam, John Middleham, Thomas Clerk of Alnwick, and Eichard Bonde, were severally
required to surrender the castle to Gerard Heron.
II. Warkworth — Henry Percy, with John Creswell the Constable, and Eichard Aske, were
required to surrender this castle to Jdhn de Mitford.
III. Prudhoe — Similar orders to Eobert Lyle, Constable.
IV. Langley — To Odard de Eedlee, Constable.
V. Cockermouth — To William de Legh, Constable.
Besides these castles of his own inheritance, he held, as Warden, the castle of
Berwick, of which William Clifford was Constable.
Whatever difficulties the Fercies experienced in the discharge of their arduous
duties, from want of co-operation and deficiency of supphes, appear to have origi
nated less in the lukewarmness of the King, than from the poverty of his ex
chequer, and to some extent perhaps, from the jealousy of his councillors.
At the very moment of Hotspur's rebellion, we find the King on his march
northward, with a view, as we learn from his own letter to his council, of " giving
aid and support to his very dear and loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland
and his son Henry, in the expedition which they bad honourably undertaken for
him and his realm against his enemies the Scots." Had this aid been tendered
a few weeks, or even days, earlier, a great national peril, and tbe desolation of an
illustrious house, might have been averted.
Even after the rebellion and death of Hotspur, the King does not appear to have
altogether withdrawn his favour from his father, whose castles were restored ; but
mutual confidence, under the circumstances, was impossible. Two years later, we
find the Earl in open rebeUion, in conjunction with the Earl Marshal and Lord
Bardolf. An interesting letter of the King is preserved, dated from Warkworth
Castle, on the 2nd of July, 1405, in which he describes the proceedings of bis
army in the North. Brudhoe Castle had at once surrendered, but Warkworth
being well garrisoned and provisioned, refused to yield. The King, therefore,
ordered his artillery to be brought against it, and the seventh discharge convinced
the governor that further resistance was hopeless. The surrender of Warkworth
was foUowed by that of aU the Earl's other castles, except Alnwick, which the
King, at the date of his letter, was about to assault. The Earl himself had, in the
meantime, taken refuge in Scotland, where he found an asylum amongst his old

316 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
opponents, to whom he surrendered the castle of Berwick. In 1408, be was again
in the field, engaged in an unequal contest with the sovereign whom he had raised
to the throne. On the 28th of February, he met with a warrior's death at Bram-
ham Moor, where he was encountered by an army suddenly assembled by the gal
lant Sir Thomas Eokeby, the Sheriff of Yorkshire. His body was mutilated,
according to the barbarous custom of that age, bis bead being sent to London,
where it was exhibited on a pole upon the bridge. His four quarters were distri
buted between London, Lincoln, Newcastle, and Berwick, to the gates of which
places they were affixed — a melancholy spectacle, calculated, perhaps, to inspire
terror, but scarcely to promote loyalty. Within three years, " tbe head which
wore the crown was laid as low" as his too powerful subject. The former, how
ever, died not in battle, but from care, mortification, and disease.

HENRY V.
A very remarkable document has been preserved, exhibiting tbe state of North
umberland at the commencement of this reign, an abstract of which is here pre
sented from the pen of Sir Harris Nicholas. The original is addressed to the
King, by his brother, the Duke of Bedford, who then held the office of Warden
of the East March and Captain of Berwick.
" The Duke commenced by reminding the King of the repeated representations which he
had made in the late reign, of the state of the East March, from the want of proper go
vernment. The marchers and others of the King's subjects on the enemy's frontier, were
in constant danger of attack, without possessing the means of resistance. No effective
truce had been concluded, and the situation was one of greater uncertainty and perd, than
during actual war. The waUs of the town and castle of Berwck were in a ruinous condi
tion, and the gates and draw-bridges out of repair. There were neither cannon, gunpowder,
armour, provisions, or any other means of defence, every thing having been taken away
when the town was burned and sacked in the rebeUion of the Earl of Northumberland, so
that it was whoUy exposed to the enemy, and possessed no other resources than were pro
vided by the Duke at his own expense upon an emergency. That although the burgesses
and poor soldiers had so long continued in such uncertainty and danger, and endured more
privations and annoyances than any garrison, not in a state of actual siege, they had received
no relief, and upwards of 13,0007. was owing to them. The Duke himself had become so
impoverished in consequence, that he had mortgaged and sold much of his own property,
coined his plate, pledged his jewels, and borrowed from his friends for the relief of his

MEDIiEVAL PERIOD. 317
soldiers. The burgesses had declared, under their common seal, and the soldiers had ex
pressed their determination, by ' lettres ragmon,' that they would quit the town, unless
satisfaction was made them. The Duke added, that he had undertaken the wardenship for
1,500 marks per annum less than was aUowed to Sir Henry Percy ; that he had held the
march-days, and made reparations of violations of the truce for ten years, without any
remuneration, although his predecessors had received 1 ,0001. annuaUy for those purposes.
That these and other excessive charges had rendered him a ruined man, and had left him
almost without power to perform any service to the King."
The foUowing year the Duke of Bedford was appointed Custos of the kingdom
in the absence of the King in France, and the custody of the Marches entrusted
to Henry Bercy, the son of Hotspur, and grandson of the late Earl. This young
nobleman, who was detained in Scotland, whither he had accompanied his grand
father, was exchanged for Murdoch of Fife, son of the Duke of Albany, and aU his
honours and estates were restored to him. The latter had been granted to the
Duke of Bedford, who received in compensation a money payment, until a suitable
equivalent in land could be found for him.
The same year which witnessed the restoration of the young Earl of Northum
berland is memorable for the execution of one of the largest landowners of
Northumberland for treason, Sir Thomas Grey, of Wark and Heton. An ad
mirable pedigree of this ancient family is given in Eaine's North Durham, com
mencing with Thomas Grey of Heton, in the reign of Edward I. The Bipe EoUs
of Northumberland record, somewhat earlier, the name of Eichard de Grey, who
was Sheriff of the county in the 20th of Henry IIL, a.d. 1236. Sh Ealph Gray,
the son of Sir Thomas, and the progenitor of the present noble houses of ChiUingham
and Howick, was restored to favour, and to the enjoyment of his father's estates in
the foUowing reign, being knighted by the Duke of Bedford, then Brotector, in 1425.
The only other event connected with Northumberland during this reign is the
surprise of Wark Castle, in 1419, by WUliam Haliburton, of Fast Castle, who
put the garrison to the sword. The fortress was, however, immediately recovered
by the English. The King died in France, August 31st, 1422.

HENRY VI.
Since the death of Eobert III. in 1406, the government of Scotland had been
vested in the Duke of Albany as Eegent, and afterwards in his son, the youthful
part i. 4 K

318 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
heir of the late King being retained in the meantime in captivity in England,
having been made a prisoner in the last year of his father's reign, on his voyage
to France, whither he was sent for the completion of his education.
On the death of Henry V., the councillors of his infant successor were em
barrassed by various pohtical considerations, in reference to the disposal of so
important a prisoner ; but these were ultimately solved by the conclusion of a
treaty for his release, in virtue of which he ascended his paternal throne, under
the title of James I., in 1424.
Difiiculties were still interposed to the establishment of peace between the two
kingdoms, but a truce was concluded for seven years, which was afterwards ex
tended for an indefinite period. In 1433, for the first time we hear of infractions
of this arrangement. The Northumbrians are accused of making forays across the
Border and destroying the vUlages of Hilton and Baxton. The Scotch retahated
by laying waste Norhamshire and Glendale. Mutual complaints, instead of pro
curing redress, only caused greater exasperation, and each party prepared for
hostilities on a larger scale. In 1434, license was given to the Earl of Northum
berland and the burgesses of bis town of Alnwick, to enclose themselves with
walls and towers, to protect them from the Scots, who are said to have burnt down
a great part of the houses within the borough. It does not, however, appear that
this outrage was of very recent occurrence. About the same time, the Earl of
Salisbury, as governor of Berwick, represented to the King in councU, the defence
less condition of that town and its castle, and urged tbe necessity of an immediate
supply of bows, arrows, guns, gunpowder, spears, cross-bows, and other engines
and stores, and that measures should be taken for repairing the walls, ditches, bar
riers, grates, greces, gates, and herce of the town, which had become ruinous and
indefensible. In consequence of this representation, eight small guns, twelve
culvers, twenty- four cross-bows, 481b. of thread for strings, and twelve cases of
quarels were immediately ordered, and further supplies were promised ; the artiUery
and stores at the King's expence, the bows and arrows at that of the governor,
out of whose wages the cost was to be deducted.
In 1435, an affray took place at Biperden, the importance of which seems to
have been greatly magnified by tbe historians of Scotland. The English forces
were under the command of Sir Eobert Ogle the younger, who was now Captain
of Berwick. After laying waste the country for some distance, he was attacked
unawares by tbe Scotch, under the Earl of Angus, Adam Hepburn of Hailes, and

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 319
Alexander Eamsay of Dalhousie, and completely defeated, being taken prisoner
with all his forces. Forty persons are stated to have fallen on the field, and
Fordun gives 1,500 as the number of the prisoners. From the Brivy Council
Eecords it would appear that the affair was of a very trivial character. They also
discountenance the oft-repeated assertion that the Enghsh Government was desirous
of purchasing peace by the surrender of the fortresses of Eoxburgh and Berwick.
Efforts were undoubtedly made to effect a settlement of differences, but not upon
this basis. James appears no more to have expected, than Henry to have proposed,
the voluntary surrender of Eoxburgh ; but when aU hopes of an equitable pacifi
cation faUed him, the former adopted the bold resolution of attempting the reduc
tion of the fortress by arms. From this enterprize he desisted, after persevering
in the assault for fifteen days ; nor bad he again an opportunity of measuring his
strength with that of England, being cut off the following year by a barbarous
conspiracy formed by some of bis own subjects. Another long minority ensued,
the heir to the throne, the only surviving son of the late King, being under seven
years of age. The first care of the Scottish Government was to punish the mur
derers of the late King ; the next, to establish amicable relations with England.
A truce was accordingly arranged, to continue for nine years, from the 1st of May,
1438; nor do we read of any infraction of it on either side during that long
period, until a few weeks previous to its expiration. From the minutes of the
Brivy CouncU of the 19th of March, 1447, we learn that a remonstrance was
ordered to be addressed to the Scottish government, "rehearsing the attempts
against the truce, requiring the King to keep the said truce, and if he or his pre
tend they're grieved, that commissioners be deputed of both the parties for refor
mation of attemptates."
Orders were at the same time issued to the Captain of Berwick, " that he, in his
own person, go thither for the safeguard of the said place, and other letters to the
soldiers there, to be here in Easter term next coming, at which time they shall
have an answer upon such things as they ask, as by reason they shall hold them
content." These jealousies and disturbances were succeeded the following year, on the
formal expiration of the truce, by open bostUities. The Earls of Northumberland
and Salisbury, who were governors respectively of the East and West Marches,
invaded the opposite Borders of Scotland, and burnt the towns of Dunbar and
Dumfries. James Douglas, the brother of the potent earl of that name, retaliated

320 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
by burning the town of Alnwick, and ravaging the county of Cumberland.
Thither he was foUowed by the Earl of Northumberland, who pursued him across
the Solway. The Scots having regained then own country, and being no doubt
joined by reinforcements, suddenly rallied, engaged and defeated their pursuers,
and drove them in turn across the Frith. Lord Bercy, the Earl's eldest son, was
made a prisoner, and the loss was very large — less, indeed, on the field of battle,
than on re-crossing the Solway, where great numbers were drowned.
These fruitless hostilities were put an end to by a brief truce, which was from
time to time renewed for short or indefinite periods. At length, in the month of
August, 1451, a treaty was concluded between commissioners of the Kings of
England and Scotland, assembled in the church of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, by which a suspension of arms was arranged for three years, and after
wards prolonged for a like term.
On two occasions within this period, circumstances occurred which seemed likely
to involve a renewal of the war, but on both the danger was fortunately averted.
In 1552, the foUowers of the Earl of Douglas, who was then in open rebeUion
against his own sovereign, committed great excesses on both sides of the Border,
apparently with a view of involving the Scottish King in a quarrel with England.
This design was defeated by the forbearance of the Enghsh Government, which
addressed letters in the King's name to Lord Boynings, Warden of the East
Marches ; Sir Eobert Ogle, BaUiff and Lieutenant of Tindale ; to John Heron of
Ford, Lieutenant of Eedesdale ; and Ealph Grey, Lieutenant of Eoxburgh, direct
ing them, under no circumstances, to be induced by any provocation to make such
reprisals as might endanger the existing good understanding between the two
realms. At the same time, the royal letter " lets them wit, that if and when we
shall be advised, for any causes reasonable, no longer to intend to the keeping of
the said truce, we shall let you have knowledge of our intent."
On the second occasion, the truce was actually violated by the King of Scotland
himself, who attempted, in 1455, to seize the town of Berwick by surprise. The
attempt was defeated by the vigUance of the garrison, and the promptitude of the
Earl of Northumberland and the Keepers of Tyndale and Eedesdale, Sh John
Heron and Eobert Manners. To each of these officers letters of thanks were
addressed. The services of tbe Earl of Northumberland are particularly acknow
ledged " in victualling our town and castle of Berwick, and resisting the malice
of our enemies, the which, by the means of your said vigilance, and through the

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 321
manhood of our faithful and true subjects, have departed the siege laid by them
afore our said town and castle, and rebuked, being departed from thence, whereof
after laud and praising given to God, by whose grace all good groweth, we thank
you as heartily as we can."
The conduct of the garrison in their " manly resisting of our enemies," is fur
ther extolled in a letter to the Bishop of Durham.
To Heron and Manners the King addresses himself as follows : — " Trusty and
well -beloved, We, to our right great comfort and gladness, understand the faith
and truth, dUigence and manhood, that you have put you in, for the resistance of
our enemies, surety and safeguard of our town and castr©. of Berwick, the which
our said enemies breaking such truce as they took with us, imagined, maliciously,
by way of siege, to pull out of our obeisance, and to that intent brought as great
a puissance as they could by land and water, whom ye manfully resisting, have
rebuked and compeUed to depart, to as great worship and commendation of you, as
any person of your degree has arreached to many a day past." He then goes on
to bespeak then future services, expressing his confidence that tbey will hereafter
resist any attempts of the enemy, " as manfully as ye have done at this time in
increasing of your said honour and commendation."
At this time the King was involved in great pecuniary difficulties, and commis
sioners were appointed to collect loans and contributions throughout the several
counties of England. The commissioners for Northumberland were the Earl of
Northumberland, and Sir Eobert Ogle, Sh Henry Fenwick, Sir Nicholas Eadford,
and Sh Thomas Strickland, knights.
On the 10th of July, 1460, the battle of Northampton was fought, in which
the royal army was defeated, and the person of the King himself fell into the
hands of the partizans of the Duke of York. Although under duress, and without
any voice in the affairs of the state, the government was still carried on in the
name of King Henry, and commissions of array were issued under his seal, for
raising the forces of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, York, Derby,
Nottingham, and Lincolnshire, for the defence of Eoxburgh and Berwick, which
were menaced by tbe Scottish King. The truce had expired the previous year,
and negotiations were pending for its renewal for a lengthened period, hostilities
being in the meantime suspended. James, however, appears to have considered
this arrangement only binding towards Henry personally, and that he was released
from his obligations when the government of England was transferred to his
PART I. ^ L

322 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
opponents. At all events he lost no time in availing himself of the confusion
naturally consequent on so sudden and unexpected a change, to pursue his own
objects of aggrandizement.
Assembling an army with aU practicable expedition, he laid siege to Eoxburgh,
The town, which was unprepared for resistance, was speedily taken and destroyed,
and its English inhabitants driven forth ; but the castle was strongly garrisoned,
and its defence conducted with energy and spirit. James caused all his ordnance
to be brought against it, and personaUy directed the operations. WhUst he was
watching tbe effect of the discharge of a cannon of unusual magnitude, the gun
burst, and the explosion was instantly fatal to the King. This unlooked-for
disaster so dismayed the army, that they would at once have raised tbe siege, but
for the heroism of the widowed Queen, who earnestly exhorted them to persevere.
Animated by her determination, they renewed the assault, and prosecuted the
siege with so much vigour that the garrison, unaided by any support from without,
were compelled to capitulate. Eoxburgh was thus recovered to Scotland, after it
had been in the hands of the English for one hundred and fourteen years, from
the capture of David Bruce at Neville's Cross. The governors of the young King,
however, aware of the difficulty of maintaining a garrison in this frontier position
against an enemy who could at any time outnumber them in the field, and fearing
lest it might again fall into the hands of the English, ordered its fortifications to
be dismantled. Its present desolate state bears evidence bow completely the work
of destruction was performed.
Before the Scottish army was disbanded, they were allowed to recompense them
selves for the toils they had undergone, by the indiscriminate plunder of the
Northumbrian Border. Wark, which was unprovided for defence, was taken, and
the castle, already ruinous, was still further demolished.
In the meantime the infant son of the late King was crowned at the neighbour
ing monastery of Kelso, and received the homage of his subjects, with the title of
James III.
During these events in Scotland, the Enghsh nation was engaged in matters yet
more exciting. The Duke of York, with a show of moderation, agreed that Henry
should wear the crown during the remainder of bis life, but that the substantial
power should be vested in himself as Brotector. On the death of Henry, the Duke
was declared by the Barliament the heir to the throne, to the exclusion of the
Brince of Wales. Queen Margaret, who was yet at liberty, refused to be bound

MEDIiEVAL PERIOD. '323
by an arrangement which, whUst it left to her husband the. shadow of royalty,
altogether ignored the rights of her son. The interest of the bouse of Lancaster
was stUl powerful in the northern counties, and in these this heroic woman raised
a large army, with which she proposed to march to London, liberate the King, and
restore the late administrators of affairs. The Duke, sensible of the danger of his
position, hastened to meet her, before her levies were completed, but found her
forces aheady far more numerous than his own. A battle was fought near Wake
field on the 30th of December, in which the Queen was victorious. Eichard Duke
of York, with his second son, Edmund Earl of Eutland, was amongst the slain.
His pretensions, however, were inherited by his eldest son Edward, now Duke of
York, who, though only eighteen years of age, had already shewn Indications of
great capacity both for civU and military affairs. He had, moreover, the support
of the wealthy citizens of London, whUst the Queen was without means to support
the army which she had brought to the capital. Under these circumstances, she
was compeUed to march northwards, accompanied by the King, whose release she
had effected. Amongst her foUowers are said to have been a large body of the
northern Borderers both of England and Scotland, who were attracted to her ser
vice by a promise of indiscriminate plunder in the southern counties. Of this
license they were not remiss in availing themselves, spreading terror and desolation
on then march. These excesses undoubtedly embittered the feelings which were
entertained by the Yorkists towards then opponents, and converted many into de
termined enemies, who were previously indifferent.
The King and Queen fixed their head-quarters at York, whither the Duke,
aided by the Earl of Warwick, hastened to meet them, with an army inferior in
numbers but greatly excelling in arms and discipline. The conflicting claims were
brought to an issue on the field of Towton, ten miles south of York, on the 29th
of March, 1461. The result was fatal to the Lancastrian cause, and tbe Duke of
York mounted the throne as Edward IV. Amongst the slain were the Earl
of Northumberland and Sir John Neville, the brother of the Earl of West
morland.0 0 In the 12th year of this reign commissioners were appointed to receive oaths of aUegiance from the
principal gentry in the several counties of England. The names of the parties sworn have been printed
by Fuller, and the return for Northumberland has been copied by Hutchinson. It is too interesting,
however, to be omitted in this place, connecting, as it does, the lists aheady given under the reigns of

324

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

EDWARD IV.
Henry and his Queen were at York when they received the disastrous intelli
gence of the discomfiture of then forces. An immediate departure was necessary
to secure their personal safety, and they fled precipitately to Newcastle. Here
they were in the midst of their own partizans, but too much dispirited to offer
further opposition to the victorious Edward, who appears from the dates of his
writs to have pursued them thither. Continuing then flight to Berwick, they
secured the aid of the Scottish King by the surrender of that place — an acquisition
ardently desired, not merely from its great intrinsic importance, but as the last
portion of Scottish territory which remained to the English of aU then conquests.
The following spring, Margaret saUed from Scotland to France to entreat the
aid of the French King in her attempt to recover her husband's throne. In ber
suit she was only partially successful, although she held out the inducement of
the surrender of Calais in the same way as she had given up Berwick to the King
of Scotland. In the present instance, however, she was not in a position to give
immediate effect to her engagement, and the wary King was unwilling to hazard
a war with Edward for the sake of a contingent advantage which might never be
realized. He connived, however, at an expedition on a small scale, which was
fitted out under Sir Biers de Bracy, a knight of Britanny of distinguished mUitary
reputation.

Edward I. and Edward II. ,
follow : — Robert Umfreville, knt.
Ralph Gray, knt.
Robert Ogle, sen., knt.
Robert Ogle, jun., knt.
John Bertram, knt.
William Emildon, knt.
John Middleton, knt.
William Swinburne, knt.
John Maners, knt.
Matthew Whitfield, knt.
William Carnaby.
John Fenwick.
John Middleton.
Thomas Ilderton.

with analogous documents of the Tudor Period. The names are as

Robert Raymes.
Thomas Haggerston.
Robert Maners.
Lawrence Acton.
Thomas Gray de Horton.
Thomas Blenkinsop.
Rowland Thirlwall.
Richard Featherstonhaugh.
Gilbert Rotherford.
William Muschaunce.
Gilbert Errington.
William Clennell.
John Heron of Netherton.
Thomas Reed of Reedsdale.

Roger Usher.
Thomas Middleton.
John Ellerington.
John Park.
Richard Lilburn.
Thomas Elwick.
John Errington.
Nicholas Heron of Meldon.
John Trewick.
John Chestre.
Lionel Chestre.
John Horsley of Horsley.
James Buck of Morpeth.

/ Thomas Bishop of Durham.
Commissioners ffih *M of Westmorland.
l Thomas Lilburne, I -^ . ,. „ . , a,.
' John Cartington, } KmZhts of *>» Shlre-

MEDIiEVAL PERIOD. 325
The Queen landed at Tynemouth with De Bracy and his followers, numbering
about 500, but finding Newcastle in the possession of her enemies, she re-embarked
and reached Berwick in safety. The rest of tbe expedition were less fortunate,
being driven ashore at Bamburgh, from whence, after burning their ships, they
fled on foot to Holy Island. Here 400 of them were made prisoners ; the remain
der, with De Bracy at their head, escaped to Berwick. Undaunted by these
disasters, the Queen determined, with the small means which remained to her,
to undertake the siege of the castle of Alnwick. This fortress, at the time of the
revolution, was under the command of WUliam Tailbois, but it had been taken
the previous year by Lord Hastings and Sir Ealph Grey, to the latter of whom
its custody was committed. The present attempt to recover it was completely
successful, and a garrison was placed in it under the command of De Bracy's son,
the Lord Hungerford, and Eobert Whittingham. Bamburgh was also secured and
committed to the charge of the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Bembroke, and
Sh Ealph Bercy. Henry, with his Queen and De Bracy, then retired to Scotland.
These successes were aU achieved in the course of the month of October, 1642,
and on the 3rd of November Edward set out from London to retrieve his affairs
in the North.
Bamburgh and Dunstanborough were surrendered into the King's hands on
Christmas eve, and were by him given in charge to Sir Eichard Bercy, who was
received into favour, as were also the Duke of Somerset, Sir Henry Lewes, and
Sh Nicholas Latimer. A safe conduct into Scotland was at the same time granted
to the Earl of Bembroke and Lord Eos. The siege of Alnwick was committed to
the Earl of Warwick, who prosecuted it with vigour till the eve of the Epiphany,
when the elder De Bracy suddenly appeared before it with a large Scottish army
for the rehef of his son and his beleaguered associates. No engagement took
place, De Bracy being satisfied with withdrawing the garrison in safaty. Besides
the leaders previously mentioned, the name of Sh Eobert Tunstal occurs amongst
those who retired from Alnwick and joined the King and Queen in Scotland.
WUliam of Worcester, from whom these particulars are mainly derived, states
with confidence that if the Scotch had been daring and sagacious enough faudaces
et sagacesj to have attacked the English army, which was greatly inferior to them
in number, no effectual resistance could have been offered, but the whole must
have been taken prisoners or slain, including the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of
Somerset, the Earl of Worcester, and many other lords of King Edward's party.
PART I. 4 M

326 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The fidelity of the Duke of Somerset, to which the safety of the whole army was
due, was highly praised by King Edward, and large rewards promised him. The
custody of Alnwick was now intrusted to Sir John Astley, to the deep mortifica
tion of Sir Ealph Grey, the former governor/
Queen Margaret, unable with her present means to renew the struggle, saUed
from Bamburgh for Helveotsluys in the month of April, 1463, taking with her
the Duke of Exeter, Sir Henry Eos, Sir Eobert Whytingham, and four other
knights, with Dr. Morton and Dr. Makarel, and others, to the number of 200
persons in all. From thence she proceeded to the court of the Duke of Burgundy,
who gave her a pension for her subsistence, but declined engaging in her quarrel.
Thus destitute of all means of regaining the throne she had lost, she retired for a
time into Lorraine.
The month after her departure, Sir Ealph Grey found means to possess himself
of the castle of Alnwick, from which he expelled Sir John Astley, and declared
for the cause of King Henry. Sir John Astley fell into the hands of Sir Ealph
Bercy, who detained him a prisoner.
A still more serious defection followed ; the Duke of Somerset, exasperated at
the non-payment of a pension of 1000 marks which had been promised him,
renounced his newly tendered allegiance and retired into Scotland. At this period
an hiatus occurs in the Annals of WiUiam of Worcester, which is the more
to be lamented, as the battles of Hedgely-moor and Hexham occurred in the
following year. For information as to the cause of the re-kin dhng of the Civil
War and the details of the former, and to a great extent of both the battles, we
are thus left almost entirely in the hands of later historians. The Annals re-com
mence in the middle of the account of the battle of Hexham. The Chronicle of
a An interesting letter is preserved amongst the Paston correspondence, addressed to "John Paston
the younger," by his brother, "John Paston the youngest," who was present during the siege of these
castles. In the printed copy of the correspondence, the date of the letter is erroneously given " De
cember 10th, 1463," instead of 1462, to which year it undoubtedly belongs. A copy of the letter
wiU be found in Brand's Newcastle, vol. ii., p. 427, but that industrious antiquary further embarrasses
the chronology, by confounding this siege with the subsequent siege of Bamburgh Castle, which took
place after the battle of Hexham, in May, 1463. Erom Paston's letter we learn that King Edward
was quartered at Durham, the Duke of Norfolk at Newcastle, and the Earl of Warwick at Wark
worth, " from whence he rideth daily to aU these castles to oversee the sieges." " At the siege of
Alnwick lieth my Lord of Kent and my Lord Scales ; at Donsomborow castle lieth the Lord Montague
and Lord Ogle." The Scotch historians give the credit of the rescue of the garrison at Alnwick, not
to Bracy, but to their great Border chieftain, the Earl of Angus. Both may possibly have been pre
sent. The relieving army is stated to have been 20,000 strong.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 327
Warkworth, another contemporary writer, refers very slightly to this engagement,
and not at all to that at Hedgely-moor.
John NevUle Lord Montague commanded the Yorkist forces on both occasions.
At Hedgely, Sir Ealph Bercy led his followers single-handed against him, having
been deserted by his comrades tbe Lords Hungerford and Eos. His defeat was
decisive, and his death on the field of battle has been impressed on our memories
by the traditionary repetition of the last words which fell from his lips — " I have
saved the bhd in my breast," an expression which has become proverbial, as
denoting unsullied honour and fidelity. On the spot where he fell may still be
seen a rude column erected to his memory, near the highway which leads south
ward from Wooler, about seven miles from that town. The struggle took place
on the 25th of April, the battle of Hexham on the 15th of May, 1464.
" In the 4th year of the King Edward," says Warkworth, " in the month of May, the
Duke of Somerset, the Lord Eos, the Lord Moleyns, Talboys the Earl of Kyme, Sir Philip
"Wentworth, Sir Thomas Finderne, gathered a great people of the north country, and Sir
John NeviU (Lord Montague), that time being Earl of Northumberland, with 10,000 men
came upon them, and there the commons fled that were with them, and there the foresaid
lords were taken and afterwards executed."
The Annals of William of Worcester estimate Neville's force at 4,000 only, and
mention the Lords Greystock and Willoughby as present with him. The Duke
of Somerset's forces are represented as not more than 500, but this was probably
after the desertion of "the commons." The Duke himself, seeing the utter
hopelessness of resistance with so great a disparity of numbers, joined his foUowers
in flight, but was pursued and taken by the servants of John de Middleton, and
by them taken to the three lords at Hexham, where he was beheaded the same
day, and his remains interred in the abbey. With him were executed three of
his foUowers, Blake Jakes, John Bryce, and Thomas Hunt, with Sh Edward
Fyshe, knight. Within three days the Lords Eos and Hungerford were taken
concealed in a wood near Hexham, and brought before Lord Montague at
Newcastle, condemned and executed, as were also Finderne and Tailbois. Twelve
others taken at Hexham were brought before the King at York, where eleven of
them suffered death ; the twelfth, John Naylor, who had held an office in the
Court of Chancery in the late reign, being pardoned on the intercession of the
Lord Chancellor. Besides the title of Earl of Northumberland, the whole of the

328 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Bercy estates in that county were bestowed on Lord Montague. The site of the
battle is called the Livells in contemporary records; "by some," says Brand, "it
is fixed on the level ground below Hexham, by others at a place still caUed
Lennolds (Linnels), south-west of Hexham, where the lines of an intrenchment
are stiU to be seen." Brevious to the battle, Sir Ealph Grey fled from Hexham
to Bamburgh Castle, where he was besieged by the Earl of Warwick "cum
maximis bombardis." Being severely crushed by the fall of part of the defences,
he was given up for dead, and the castle surrendered. On his recovery he was
carried to the King at Doncaster in the month of July, and there executed.
It is remarkable that no contemporary historian mentions the presence of Henry
or his Queen in Northumberland during this insurrection, Monstrelet, indeed,
furnishes the romantic story, famUiarised to us aU by the genius of Shakspeare,
of the deliverance of Margaret and her son by the aid of a robber, to whose pro
tection she was compeUed to confide their safety ; but he in no way connects it
with the battle of Hexham. On the contrary, he speaks of her subsequent escape
in connection with her voyage to Helveotsluys, which we know was performed
the previous year. On that occasion she embarked at Bamburgh, and it is probable
that this adventure with the robber took place, if at aU, in the north of the county.
It should not, however, be omitted, that tradition points out tbe " Queen's Cave,"
near Hexham, in the rocky bank of a branch of tbe picturesque stream which
flows under the bridge of Linnels, and that here Margaret is said to have con
cealed herself, until driven forth by the exigencies of hunger, she was compelled
to trust herself to the honour of an outlaw. Monstrelet no further defines the
locahty, than by describing it as in " a forest in England." HaU is the earliest
writer who places it in Hexhamshire. Henry did not escape with Margaret to
Flanders, but was discovered two years afterwards in concealment in Lancashire,
from whence he was conveyed to London and lodged in the Tower.
Notwithstanding tbe great services of tbe Earl of Warwick and his brother, the
King began to entertain jealousies of then intentions, and apprehensions of their
overgrown power. To counteract this in some degree, he determined to restore
the son of the late Earl of Northumberland, who feU at Towton, to his honours
and estates, giving to Lord Montague the barren recompense of a marquisate for
himself, and a dukedom for his son. The shrewd views entertained as to the
motives which influenced the King, are thus quaintly expressed in the contempo
rary Chronicle of Warkworth : —

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 320
" But then the Lord Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, which the King had made
Earl of Northumberland, was mighty and strong by the same ; and for so much as the King
and his council thought he would hold with the Earl of Warwick, therefore the King and
his council made the country to desire that they might have the rightful heir Percy, son to
Henry Percy that was slain at York field, to be the Earl of Northumberland, and so it was
done. And after this, the King made the Lord Montague Marquis Montague, and made his
son Duke of Bedford, which should wed the Princess, the King's eldest daughter, which,
by possibility, should be King of England. And so he had many fair words, and no lord
ships," but alway he promised he would do."
The restoration of the earldom to Henry Bercy, although it is mentioned in im
mediate connection with Lord Montague's aggrandizement after his services in
1464, did not actually take place till 1469, up to which time he bad been detained
a prisoner in the Tower, having been placed there immediately after his father's
death. He was shortly afterwards made Warden-General of the Marches, Con
stable of Bamburgh Castle, and Justice of aU the forests north of Trent. By
these politic appointments, not only was peace preserved with Scotland during a
term of unprecedented duration, but perfect tranquillity was maintained in North
umberland during aU the succeeding turmoils of this troubled reign.
In 1465 a truce between England and Scotland had been concluded for 15 years,
and was further extended the following year to 45. Notwithstanding occasional
offences committed and taken on both sides, the armistice was fahly observed
during the original period of 15 years.f
In 1480, it was reported to Edward that the Scottish King had agreed to invade
6 Lord Montague's own words, as reported by the same authority, are, that the King having made
him a marquis, "gave him a pie's nest to maintain his estate with."
f An affair, which might have led to hostiUties, occurred soon after the Earl of Northumberland's
appointment as Warden, which was disposed of without difficulty, by the mutuaUy conciliatory con
duct of the commissioners of the two kingdoms, before whom the case was brought. The Bishop of
St. Andrew's had buUt a magnificent vessel, which he caUed the Sahator, which was freighted by
some Scottish merchants with a valuable cargo. Owing to stress of weather, or mismanagement, the
vessel was driven ashore on the coast of Northumberland, near Bamburgh, when the cargo was plun
dered, and the passengers and crew were detained as prisoners. Amongst the former was the Abbot of
St Colme who was compeUed to pay 80Z. as ransom before he was Uberated. The commissioners not
being able to agree as to the law of the case amongst themselves, recommended the sufferers to the
joint consideration of the two sovereigns, but unanimously resolved that it was not fitting that what
had happened should be aUowed, under any circumstances, to be held as a ground for breach of the
existing truce.
PART I. 4 N

330 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
England, in the interest of France, without any previous declaration of war ; in
consequence of which information, a commission was issued to the Duke of
Gloucester, the King's brother, and Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, to array
the forces of the northern counties for the invasion of Scotland, and the punish
ment of the meditated breach of faith. The only operation of any consequence
during this year was a vigorous, but unsuccessful, attempt to capture Berwick.
The place was, however, weU defended, and the fortifications in good order,
although some of them were of such recent construction as scarcely to be consoli
dated. Two years afterwards, this much contested fortress feU into the hands of
the Enghsh, through the treachery of the Duke of Albany, the Scotch King's bro
ther. The castle, indeed, under its gaUant governor, Lord HaUes, held out for
some time after the surrender of the town, but finally capitulated on the 24th of
August, 1482. From that period till the union of England and Scotland under
one sovereign, Berwick continued uninterruptedly attached to the former. The
Duke of Gloucester, to whose intrigues with Albany this acquisition was due, had
pledged himself to assist that unprincipled and ambitious prince in his attempts
to possess himself of his brother's kingdom, which he undertook to hold as the
vassal of England. From the distracted state of Scotland at this period, and the
absence of political talent in James, it is more than probable that those macnina-
tions would have been successful, had not the energies of the Duke of Gloucester
been directed to other objects by the death of King Edward, which took place on
the 9th of April, 1483, after a reign of 22 years, including the brief interruption
which was occasioned by the re-occupation of the throne by Henry VI., from Oc
tober, 1470, to April, 1471. This change of rulers had been scarcely felt in
Northumberland, which continued under the charge of the Earl, who, although he
retained bis feelings of loyalty to Edward, had too much prudence to offer an un-
avading resistance to the power by which he was temporarily overwhelmed.
The contemporary historian of Croyland speaks with great bitterness of Glou
cester's expeditions into Scotland, complaining heavily of the large sums exacted
under the form of benevolences, to defray the expences, which amounted to not
less than one hundred thousand pounds. He laments that Edinburgh, " that most
opulent city," had not been plundered, when it was in the power of the English
army, rather than that so much time and money had been spent on the acquisition
of Berwick, which, after all, he knows not whether to consider a gain or a loss,
seeing that its maintenance swallows up every year 10,000 marks.

MEDIEVAL PERIOD. 331

EDWARD V. RICHARD III.
The Duke of Gloucester is said to have been on the Northern Border at the
time of his brother's death, and to have proceeded from thence to York, where he
was present at a solemn funeral service for the late King. Great doubt is thrown
on the accuracy of this statement by the silence of the corporate records of the
city of York, which make no mention of any visit from Eichard at this time.s
These documents have been made accessible to the pubhc by the antiquarian zeal
of Mr. Davies, the late Town Clerk of the city ; and the question is further dis
cussed by Mr. Nicholas, in his Historical Introduction to the Grants of Edward Y.,
pubhshed by the Camden Society. The latter gentleman suggests that the Duke
was more probably in his castle at Middleham, his usual place of residence, in
which case his most direct route to London did not lie through York. The power
which enabled him to support himself in the Broteetorship against the machina
tions of the Queen Dowager and her relatives was mainly derived from the
northern counties. In Yorkshhe his popularity was unbounded, and Northum
berland was secured by the interest of its Earl.
After his accession to the crown, we meet with no events connected with this
county. The tranquiUity of the Borders was provided for by a truce with Scot
land, which at the same time protected James from the treasonable attempts of
his brother Albany, who, deprived of the support of England, desisted from fur
ther aggression.
The Batent EoUs furnish us with the Commissions of the Beace which were
issued at the commencement of the two reigns of Edward Y. and Eichard IIL,
from which the following lists of Commissioners for Northumberland are ex
tracted : —
s It is very remarkable that a funeral service for King Edward was ordered to be performed at
York, not by the Duke of Gloucester, but by the Dean, on the 6th of April, whereas the King's death
did not reaUy take place tUl the 9th. How this premature announcement was received does not ap
pear, but it was formaUy conveyed to the Lord Mayor of York by the Dean. The Dean's letter, with
much other valuable information wUl be found in Mr. Davies' volume.

332

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

1st EDWARD V.
Richard Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
England.
Henry Duke of Buckingham.
Ralph Graystock de Graystock, Knight.
Thomas Lumley de Lumley, Knight.
Robert Ogle de Ogle, Knight.
Robert Manners, Knight.
Richard Neele, Knight.
Roger Townsend.
John Lilburn, Sen., Esquire.
John Cartington, Esquire.
John AgirBton, Esquire.
John Swinburne, Esquire.

1st RICHARD III.
WUliam Bishop of Durham,
Henry Duke of Buckingham.
John Duke of Norfolk.
Henry Earl of Northumberland.
Ralph Graystock de Graystock, Knight.
Thomas Lumley de Lumley, Knight.
Robert Ogle de Ogle, Knight.
Robert Manners, Knight.
Richard Neele, Knight.
Roger Townsend.
John LUburn, Sen., Esquire.
John Cartington, Esquire.
John Agirston, Esquire.
John Swinburne, Esquire.

In the first list the Duke of Gloucester's name is inserted in the Commission
for each county, standing at the head of the laymen, and following immediately
after the archbishops or bishops when any such occur. The Duke of Bucking
ham's name occurs in each county immediately after the Duke of Gloucester's.
In the second hst the names of the Dukes of Buckingham and Norfolk occur
in aU the counties, and the Earl of Northumberland's in many. Sir Eichard
Neele and Eoger Townsend were the Justices of Assize on the Northern Circuit
for both years, and then names occur in all the counties of that chcuit. The
other knights and esquires were aU connected with Northumberland. The four
esquires, Lilburn, Cartington, Haggerston, and Swinburne, were Commissioners
of Taxes in the 1st of Eichard.
Justices or Conservators of tbe Beace were first appointed in the reign of
Edward I., and two were considered sufficient for each county. The Knights of
the Shire were usually selected for this duty, as appears by the early commissions
in the Appendix to Balgrave's Parliamentary Writs. From the period at which
we have now arrived, the number of Justices was gradually increased, until the
commission was made to include nearly aU the principal gentry of the county who
were not disaffected to the Government, or personally obnoxious to it.

333

CHAFTEE X.
TUDOU PERIOD.
HENRY VIL
The death of King Eichard at Bosworth, on the 22nd of August, 1485, was fol
lowed by the peaceable accession of Henry YIL, whose subsequent marriage with
the daughter of Edward FY, the undoubted heiress of the House of York, seemed
to ensure him from the opposition of rival claimants and hostile factions. On the
contrary, however, no king of England had ever to encounter more frequent rebel
lions or to combat in succession so many pretenders to the throne.
The year after his accession was fully occupied in dealing with the insurrection
of LoveU, the artful plot in which Lambert Simmel figured as the puppet rather
than the hero, and the treason of the Earl of Lincoln. Having overcome all these
difficulties, he determined to make a personal inspection of the northern portion of
his kingdom, a design in which he had been previously interrupted by the disturb
ances already referred to. On the former occasion his progress only extended to
York ; on the present, he proceeded as far as Newcastle, where he arrived about
the middle of August, 1487, when he had just completed the second year of his
reign. Here he took up his abode for a considerable period, awaiting the return of
Eichard Fox, recently promoted to the bishoprick of Ely, and Sir Eichard Edge
combe whom he despatched as ambassadors to the King of Scotland, to treat with
him for the establishment of amicable relations between the two kingdoms.
" The Enghsh ambassadors," says Holinshead, " were honourably received, and lovingly
entertained by the said King, who gladly would have concluded a perpetual peace with the
King of England, if he might have been licensed so to have done ; but his people being
steadfast in their old accustomed usage, would not agree to any peace, but yet were contented
to gratify their King, that he should take truce with England for the term of seven years,
which was concluded.
PART I. 4 0

334 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
This policy of entering into truces with England for limited periods had been
recommended to his successors by Eobert Bruce, whose precepts were looked upon
as oracular, and bad been almost invariably acted on since. Our author goes on to
inform us. —
" There was secret promise made by King James that he would not only observe peace
and continue in perfect amity with the King of England during his life, but also would
renew again this truce, new taken for other seven years before the first seven years were
fuUy expired. The King of Scots indeed was as desirous of the King of England's friend
ship as the King of England was of his, because that his subjects bare him much evd will,
misliking with all things that either he could do or say."
Henry's residence in Newcastle during the absence of his ambassadors must
have been of some duration, but we have unfortunately no information how he
passed his time. The loss of the early records of the Corporation of that town is
on this, as on many other occasions, deeply to be deplored.
That James did not overrate the precarious nature of bis hold on the affections
of his own subjects was soon made too fataUy manifest. The very next year he
was murdered by his turbulent nobles ; and, although the truce with England
was more than once renewed by his successor, James IY., the same cordiality
never existed between that monarch and King Henry.
In 1496 James avowed himself a supporter of the new pretender to the Enghsh
crown, Berkin Warbeck, received him at his court, and raised an army to enforce his
claims- He even gave him a near relative of his own in marriage, Catherine
Gordon, the daughter of the Earl of Huntley, a young lady whose beauty and
amiable qualities, with her high rank, made her a fitting match for any prince in
Europe. " Shortly after," in the words of Holinshead, " having this Perkin with him in company,
James entered into England with a puissant army, and caused proclamation to be made, to
spare aU those that would submit themselves to Richard Duke of York. Herewith' they
began the war in the most cruel manner, with slaughter of men and burning of towns,
spoiling of houses, and committing of aU detestable enormities, so that aU the county of
Northumberland was by them in a manner wasted and destroyed. At length, when the
soldiers were laden with spoUs, and satiate with blood, perceiving that no succours came out
of England unto the new invented Duke, contrary to that which he had made them beheve
would come to pass, they determined to retire with assured gain, rather than to tarry the
uncertain victory of that counterfeit Duke.

TUDOR PERIOD. 335
" It is said that Perkin Warbeck, being returned into Scotland with the King of Scots,
under a cloaked pretence, should sore lament the great slaughter, spod, and damage, which
had been done in this last road made into England, and therefore as one that bore a natural
love towards his native country, besought the King of Scots that from thenceforth he would
no more so deface his natural realm, and destroy his subjects with such terrible fire, flame,
and havoc. But the Scotch King told him that he seemed to take thought for that which
appeared to be none of his, since not so much as one gentleman or yeoman, for ought he
could see, would once shew themselves in his cause in a realm which he pretended so clearly
to appertain to him."
The King and Barliament were equally incensed at this barbarous inroad, and
an immense subsidy was granted for the vigorous prosecution of the war, not in
deed without heavy complaints on the part of the people, " who sore grudged to
pay the same, as they ever abhor such taxes and exactions." Of this, indeed, there
had been notable proof during the present reign, in which the people of Yorkshire
had risen as one man and murdered the Earl of Northumberland, who was en
trusted by the King with the collection of a subsidy in 1489. On the present
occasion the tax was paid, and an army equipped under Lord Dawbeny, although
it never reached Scotland, its services being required in another quarter to sup
press an alarming insurrection in Cornwall.
Of this diversion of the forces intended against himself the King of Scotland did
not faU to take advantage, again entering Northumberland, and repeating aU the
atrocities of the former year. He further extended his ravages into Durham,
thinking to give employment to the Bishop at home, whUst with another portion
of his army he laid siege to his Border castle of Norham. Eichard Fox, the for
mer Bishop of Ely, was now Bishop of Durham, and by the judicious measures
taken by him a check was given to the progress of the Scots. By his prudent
forethought he had provided for the defence of Norham, which was well furnished
with men and provisions of all kinds. On the first inteUigence of the invasion,
he not only communicated with the King, who was busily engaged elsewhere, but
with the Earl of Surrey, who was then in Yorkshire. This nobleman, in anticipa
tion of the caU, had already coUected a numerous army, and all the northern
leaders promptly raUied under his standard. Amongst these are enumerated, the
Lord Dacre, Lord NevUle, Lord Strange, Lord Latimer, Lord Lumley, Lord
Scrope, Lord Clifford, Lord Ogle, Lord Coniers, and Lord Darcy ; with Sir Thomas
HUton, Sh WiUiam Bercy, Sir William Bulmer, Sir William Gascoigne, Sir

336 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Ealph Bigod, Sir Ealph Bowes, Sir Thomas Barr, Sh Ealph EUerker, Sir John
Constable, Sir John Eatcliffe, Sh John Saville, Sir Thomas Strangways, and many
other knights and esquires, the army numbering httle less than 20,000 men, be
sides a fleet under Lord Brook.
Foiled in bis attempt upon Norham, the King of Scotland was aheady medi
tating a retreat when he heard of the vigorous measures prepared against him.
The intelligence hastened his movements, and he quickly rethed into his own
territories. Thither Surrey followed him, endeavouring in vain to bring him to a
general engagement. He took and destroyed the castle of Coldstream, and the
towers of Hutton-Hall, Edrington, and Foulden. Advancing to Ayton, he sum
moned the castle to surrender, but tbe garrison knowing that the King was within
a mile of tbe place with a large force, refused to do so, never doubting that he
would make an effort to relieve them. In this, however, they were deceived, and
tbe castle was taken and burnt to the ground within view of his army.
At length he sent a herald to the Earl with a formal chaUenge, either "to
fight with whole puissance against puissance, or else they two to fight person to
person, requiring that if the victory feU to him, that the Earl would deliver for
his ransom the town of Berwick, with the fish-garths of the same." To this
bravado the Earl replied that " the town of Berwick was the King his master's,
and not his, the which he neither could or would lay to pledge without the King
of England's consent ; but he would gage bis body, which was more precious to
him than all the towns in the world, promising, on his honour, that if he took the
King prisoner in that single combat, he would release to him all his part of the
fine or ransom ; and if it chanced the King to vanquish him, be would gladly pay
such ransom as was convenient for the degree of an Earl, and thanked him greatly
for the offer ; for surely he thought himself much honoured that so noble a prince
would vouchsafe to admit so poor an Earl to fight with him body to body.''
The challenge, as was to be expected, produced no results, and the Earl retired
to Berwick, there to await the orders of his own sovereign.
Sir Henry Ellis has printed two very curious letters from Lord Bothwell, a pen
sioned spy of Henry VII. at the court of James, containing much valuable infor
mation respecting the intervention of the latter in favour of Berkin. He accuses
Eandal Dacre, the Lord Dacre's brother, and the Skeltons of Mickle Skelton, of
treasonable intercourse with the Bretender on his first arrival in Edinburgh. He
also charges the Northumberland March-men with conniving at the escape of cer-

TUDOR PERIOD. 337
tam " vagabunds coming to Berkin" on days of truce. He further speaks of the
disinclination of the Scotch people to the enterprize, and counsels the King to
send "a dozen chieftains and men of authority to rule," when he "doubts not,
with the folk that are here, your grace shall have the best day's-work of your
enemies that any King of England has had this hundred years."
From the second letter it appears that Henry had sent the Bishop of Durham
into Scotland, to endeavour to persuade James to withdraw his support from "this
feignet boy," and that the King dissembled bis determination to the Bishop, con
tinuing, at the same time, his preparations for the inroad.
" I understand," says the writer, "without doubt, this instant 15th day of September,
the King, with aU the people of his realm he can make, wUl be at EUam Kirk, within ten
mdes of the Marches of England, and Perkin and his company with him, the which are now
in number 1,400, of aU manner of nations."
He describes " the provision of ordnance" in the castle of Edinburgh as "but
httle," consisting of " two great curtaldis that were sent out of France, ten fal
cons or httle serpents, thirty carts of guns of iron with chambers, and sixteen
carts for spears, powder, stones, and other stuff to the gunners belonging." The
funds in the Scottish exchequer are represented as so low, that " the King of Scots
had not a hundred pounds, tUl now that he has coined his chains, his plate, and
his cupboards." " Sundry pleasant things for the war, both for man and horse,"
had been sent out of Flanders by the Duchess of Burgundy, and the 27th of
September was finaUy fixed for the invasion.
The effects of these devastations were long felt in Northumberland, and although
we have no contemporary details of the damage done, we find from the Eeport of
Sh George Bowes and Sh Ealph Ellerker, on the state of the Borders in 1542,
that so effectuaUy had many of the Northumbrian strongholds been demolished,
that they still remained in ruins, after an interval of more than forty years. This
destruction has been ascribed by our local historians to the later invasion which
immediately preceded the battle of Flodden, but that date cannot be reconciled
with the statement in the Eeport, which refers only to Ford Castle, as having been
partiaUy burnt down on that occasion. The evidences which remained in 1542 of
the ravages committed by the Scots " in time of war, more than forty years past,"
were the ruins of the castle of Heton, and of the towers of Tilmouth, Twizell,
Shoreswood, Lanton, and Howtell, to which may be added Branxton, then lately
re-edified. part i. 4 p

338 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
In 1498 the horrors of the two preceding years were very nearly renewed, in
consequence of an affray which originated in the indiscreet curiosity with which a
party of Scottish youths examined the defences of Norham Castle. The jealousy
of the garrison was excited ; the intruders were driven away, some wounds
inflicted, and two or three lives lost. Matters were adjusted by the good temper
of the Enghsh King and the adroit management of the Bishop of Durham, who
not only succeeded in softening James' resentment, but in disposing his mind to a
closer alliance with England.
The next expedition into Northumberland of which we read, was of a very
different character from the last, being the nuptial procession of the Brincess
Margaret, the eldest daughter of the King of England, in order to her marriage
with the King of Scotland. A minute account of her progress was drawn up by
John Young, Somerset Herald, who attended her, and has been printed in various
publications. That portion of it which records her reception and entertainment
in Newcastle has been extracted by Brand. She left that town, after a sojourn
of three days, on the 26th of July, 1502, being escorted forth by the Mayor.
Half a mile from the town she was received by Sh Humphrey Lisle of Felton
and the Brior of Brinkburn, with 20 horsemen; and a little further on, at the
limits of his jurisdiction, by Sir Balph Evers, the Sheriff of the county, " with
many honest folks of the county, with spears and bows, in jackets, to the number
of 200 horse." At night she baited at Morpeth, remaining over the two foUow
ing nights at Alnwick Castle as the guest of the Earl of Northumberland, who
had gone before to receive her, having previously escorted her from York to New
castle. Between Morpeth and Alnwick the cortege was joined by " master Henry
Grey, Esquire," with about one hundred horse. Leaving Alnwick on the 29th,
she baited at Belford, where Sh Thomas Darcy, Captain of Berwick, " had made
ready her dinner very weU and honestly." Here she was joined by master Balph
Widdrington with 100 horse. At the entrance of Islandshire, Henry Grey
assumed the conduct of the party, as the Sheriff of that liberty and Norhamshire.
The same night she reached Berwick, where she was entertained by Sir Thomas
and Lady Darcy till the 1st of August, on which day she entered the dominions
of her future husband.
This marriage, although not productive of all the immediate advantage which
was expected of it, at all events prevented a renewal of hostilities during the
reign of Henry VIL, and led to the ultimate union of the two kingdoms.

TUDOR PERIOD. 339

HENRY VIII.

Eenry VIII. succeeded to the throne, on the death of his father, on the 21st of
August, 1509. One of his first acts was to ratify the treaty of peace with Scot
land, which had been concluded in the late reign. It is clear, however, that he
relied for the security of his northern Borders, less on the good faith and peace
able disposition of his brother-in-law, than on the strength of his defences and
the vigilance of his officers. An official return has been preserved of the several
fortresses in the northern district of Northumberland at the commencement of
this reign, the names of then owners and occupiers, and an estimate of the num
ber of horsemen which they could severally bring into the field. This document,
which is here printed from the original in the Bublic Eecord Office, is the earhest
of its class, being upwards of thhty years anterior to the Border Survey of Sir
George Bowes and Sir Ealph EUerker. It will be observed that none of the for
tresses mentioned in that survey, as having been destroyed by the Scots forty
years previously, occur here, although the document was compiled previous to
the battle of Flodden. The computed miles in this return will be found very
different from the measurement of the present day.
" J^oltrjg ana 3To&)n0bt£!S to lay in garrisons, and how far they be from Tevedale and
the Mers, and who be the owners and inhabitant of the houses.
Lovrick  Sir James Strangwys, Harry Denton \ g() men. from Tweed 6 mjies. from Tevedale
and Robert Awarke, owners and > g m^fiH_
inhabitants  ;
Barmoor George Moschians, owner and inha- ] 30 men; from Tweed 6 mUes; from Tevedale
bitant  ) 7 ™les-
Ederston Thomas Forster, owner and inhabi- ) 60 men; from Tevedale 10 mUes; from the
tant _  ) Mera 12 miles.
Bel ford My Lord Conyers and Thomas Ar- ) 60 men; from Tevedale 9 miles ; from the Mers
morer  J ™ miles-
Holborn Thomas Holborn, owner and inha- ) 20 men; from Tevedale 7 mUes ; from the Mers
bitant  ) 8 mHes-
Heton  My Lord of Durham for Master Grey, ) 20 men ; from the Mers 2 mUes ; from Tevedale
& inhabitant, Ralph Chamberleyne, j 4 mUes.
Etal My Lord Ross, and inhabitant, John } 100 men ; from the Mers 3 mUes ; from Tevedale
CoUingwood  j 3 miles-
( 40 men; from Tevedale 5 mUes ; from the Mers
Eenton  Christopher Clapham, inhabitant . . | 6 mileg_
Horton . Sir Roger Grey, owner and inhabi- ) 60 men; from Tevedale 7 miles ; from the Mers
tant  j 8 miIes-

340 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Fulberry  Sir Roger Grey, ruler, a widow in- ) 20 men ; from Tevedale 7 mUes ; from the Mers
habitant  ) 8 mUes.
Chatton  My Lord of Northumberland, Thomas ) 80 men; from Tevedale 8 mUes ; from the Merse
Reveley, inhabitant  ) 9 mUes.
Heselrig  Thomas Haggerston, owner, a widow ) 20 men ; from Tevedale 8 miles ; from the Mers
inhabitant  j 8 miles.
Chehngham . . .My Lord of Durham, for Master Grey, ) 100 men ; from Tevedale 8 miles ; from the Mers
Edward Grey, inhabitant  J 10 miles.
Hebborn  Thomas Hebborn, owner and inhabi- ) 20 men ; from Tevedale 8 miles ; from the Mers
tant  j lOmUes.
Bewick  The Prior of Tynemouth, Gilbert) 40 men; from Tevedale 8 mUes; from the Mers
Collingwood, inhabitant  j H miles.
T „ _ . _ „ _, ( 40 men; from Tevedale 6 miles ; from the Mers
LUbum  Jeffray Proctor, ruler Lyell Gray . . j g miles.
Wooler  Christopher Clapham, inhabitant ] 20 men ; from Tevedale 5 miles; from the Mers
Ector Gray  } 7 miles.
Eord  WUliam Heron, inhabitant WiUiam ) 40 men ; from Tevedale 4 miles ; from the Mers
Selby  ) 4 miles.
T t j /-» i • i. t.-l -l-i ( 40 men; from Tevedale 3 mUes , from the Mers
Ingram  Lord Ogle, inhabitant mhu  j .1 miles
Norham  from the Merse the brade of Tweed ; from Tevedale 5 miles.
Berwick  from Tevedale 10 miles.

Eslington ....Heselrig, and Robert Collingwood, ] 20 men; from Tevedale 9 miles ; from the Mers
inhabitant  ) 15 miles.
Whittingham .. WiUiam Heron, owner, inhabitant) 40 men; from Tevedale 10 mUes; from the
nihU  j Mers 15 miles.
Alnham  My Lord of Northumberland, inha- 1 40 men ; from Tevedale 6 miles ; from the Mers
bitant nihil  j 16 miles.
Skrynwood. . . .Thomas Horsley, owner and inhabi- ) 20 men; from Tevedale 6 miles; from the Mers
tant  ) 16 mUes.
Bedlyston . . . .John Selby, owner and inhabitant . . { 20 me*> ^BTeTOdalfl 4 "^ J fr°m the MerS
HerboteU  Sir George Taleboys, ruler and go- 1 80 men; from Tevedale 5 miles ; from the Mers

Thernam  Roger Horsley, owner and inhabi- ) 20 men; from Tevedale 6 miles ; from the Mers

venor my Lord Dakers  j 19 miles.
,oger Horsley, owner and inhabi- \ 20 men ; from 1
tant  ) 19 miles.
HeppeU  My Lord Ogle, inhabitant nihil .... { 20 me^ *^Tevadale 6 mileS ; from the Mers
Thropton  Sir Edward Ratcliffe, inhabitant \ 20 men ; from Tevedale 10 miles; from the
nihil  | Mers 16 miles.
Sum of the number of these men — 1270 men.
over and above Norham and Berwick."
Flodden is in substantial importance what Otterburn is in romantic interest,
amongst the Northumberland battle-fields. Otterburn has found its appropriate

TUDOR PERIOD. 341
historian, and it is to be hoped that Flodden may be treated by as able a pen.
A brief summary of the leading facts is all that would be appropriate here.
The absence of Henry on the Continent with the strength of his kingdom, and
the importunities of the French King for a diversion in his favour, were the mo
tives, though other pretences were not wanting, which induced James to termi
nate tbe peaceful relations which had for some years subsisted between Scotland
and England. A formal defiance of the absent monarch, and a nearly simulta
neous invasion of his territory, satisfied his scruples of honour, whilst tbey secured
the advantages of a surprise. James himself crossed the Tweed on the 22nd of
August, 1513, but the week previous to this movement, he despatched a body of
3,000 troops, under Lord Hume, to ravage and plunder the opposite Borders.
Leading his troops through Glendale, Hume collected on all sides a rich booty.
The inhabitants, unsuspicious of the intended violation of the peace, bad no time
either to remove or conceal their property ; but everything fell into the hands of
the marauders, who burnt and destroyed what they could not carry away. Twelve
vUlages in flames were the trophies of then incursion. It happened that the
Earl of Surrey, James's former antagonist, who had been left by Henry as bis
lieutenant in the North, and who lay with a smaU force at Bontefract, entertained
some misgivings of an intended attack, and had, as a measure of precaution,
despatched a party of 200 archers, under Sir WiUiam Bulmer, to reinforce the
garrisons of Northumberland. Sir William was leading his men northward by the
very road which Lord Hume was traversing in an opposite direction, when having
arrived in the neighbourhood of Wooler, he was informed by some of the fugitive
peasantry of the outrage which had been committed. His plans were soon formed.
Summoning to his aid whatever force was available in the neighbourhood, he
found himself at the head of a thousand men. These he disposed in ambush
amongst the taU broom, which then covered the sandy plain of Millfield, and,
watching his opportunity, he attacked the straggling bands of Scots as they re
turned, disordered and encumbered by the booty which they carried with them.
Numbers, under such circumstances, were of no avail, but rather added to their
confusion. Five hundred were slain, and nearly as many were made prisoners.
The remainder abandoned then plunder and fled, glad to escape with their lives.
The faUure of this enterprize, known in Scotland as the " iU rode," was more
than compensated to the Scots by the capture of Norham Castle, which was taken
by the royal army after a week's siege.
part i. 4 Q

342 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Lord Surrey marched with all expedition to its relief ; nor does there seem any
reason to doubt that, with ordinary prudence, the defence might have been pro
tracted tUl his arrival. By a foolish prodigality, however, the Constable exhausted
his ammunition, and was compelled to capitulate. Two days after its surrender,
Lord Surrey arrived at Newcastle, where he was met by Sir WUliam Bulmer, who
informed him of the disaster. Here also he was joined by Lord Dacre and other
officers and inhabitants of the Marches. On the 4th of September we find him
at Alnwick ; on the following day, Monday, at Bolton ; and on Tuesday at Wooler.
On the plain to the south of this town he encamped his troops, estimated by our
chroniclers at 26,000 men, and remained there till Thursday, From Alnwick he
had despatched a herald to James, who was then with his army on the level ground
below Ford, offering him battle on the following Friday. To this message James
replied that he would await him where he was. On arriving at Wooler, however,
the Earl found that the King had changed his ground, and was lying with his
army on Flodden HiU, a position " more like a camp or fortress, than any mete
ground to give battle on, contrary to his promise made to Eouge-croix, pursuivant -
at-arms, before sent unto him from the said Earl ; which his promise he broke,
and took Flodden HiU, a ground impregnable, and shot at him his great ordnance,
whereas he lay, as one minded to keep it hke a fortress." Such is the Earl's own
version of the circumstances, as it was recorded on the tablet erected to his me
mory in the church of Thetford. From that memorial the following narrative is
extracted, as a voice from the tomb, detailing the particulars of the fight : —
" When the said Earl did perceive that he had broken his promise, and taken so strong a
ground as Flodden Hills, he then removed aU his battle, into a place beside Barmoor-wood
(on the opposite side of the Till, four miles east of Ford), to the intent to get between him
and his own realm of Scotland, and there lodged but one night (Thursday, September 8th),
and on the next morning took his passage over the water of TiU at TwyzeU-ford ; and then
he marched in such manner as he got between the King and his host, and his own realm of
Scotland ; by force whereof the King was fain to leave his camp and prepare himself
to battle with the said Earl, on a hiU beside Branxton, in Northumberland, when the said
Earl, with good assistance of the noblemen, and the power of the said north parts, fought
with the said King, and him vanquished and slew in plain battle, directly before his own
standard. In which battle were slain, on the Scottish part, two bishops, eleven earls, seven
teen barons, four hundred knights, besides other gentlemen, with seventeen thousand in
number, which were numbered, as weU by Scotchmen as by those that did bury the most
part of them. And of truth divers gentlemen and others, as weU of the said Earl's servants

TUDOR PERIOD. 343
as of the north parts, and of Cheshire and Lancashire, were there slain. And this done,
the said Earl went to Berwick to establish aU things weU and in good order ; and sent for
the dead body of the King to Berwick."
The dismay throughout Scotland was universal, and tbe weakened condition of
that country offered a tempting opportunity for the realization of those schemes of
conquest which had so long dazzled the eyes of the sovereigns and people of Eng
land. But Henry and his able minister, Wolsey, had the good sense to perceive
that far more lasting advantage might be derived from a policy of moderation, by
which the people would be conciliated, than by an attempt at coercion, from
which, sooner or later, they would infallibly revolt. When, therefore, the Scot
tish nobles accepted as their Eegent, the widowed Queen, the sister of Henry, and
when that princess, in her distress, supplicated the forbearance and protection of
her brother, he declared that, consigning all past offences to oblivion, he was wil
ling that " the Scots should have peace or war, from him, according to their own
choice and behaviour." Nay, even when the Queen Eegent was deprived of her
government, in consequence of her hasty and imprudent marriage with the Earl
of Angus, and was obliged to leave the country which she sought to embroil by
Ill-digested intrigues, he interfered no further than was necessary for her personal
safety, and the protection of the rights of his infant nephew, who, at his father's
death, was but seventeen months old.a We are not, however, to infer, because
amicable relations existed between the two governments, that peace and tranquU-
lity prevaUed on the Borders of either kingdom. On the contrary, at no period
have we more abundant evidence, not only of outrages perpetrated by individuals,
but of hostile inroads by the Wardens on each side.b The only means, indeed,
which existed of checking private rapine, were by retaliatory measures, and these
were in many instances adopted by the authorities of the March by which the
injuries had been sustained, with the fuU concurrence of those who presided over
the district, from which the retribution was exacted. Nay, even when the local
¦ An account of Queen Margaret's flight to Harbottle Castle; the birth of the Princess Margaret,
afterwards Countess of Lennox, and mother of Henry Darnley, the King-Consort of Scotland ; with the
contemplated removal of the royal mother and her infant to Morpeth ; will be found in a letter from
Lord Dacre to King Henry, in the second series of Sir Henry EUis' collection.
b Most interesting details of these raids wUl be found in Raine's North Durham, under the head of
General History. The State Papers contain nothing but a bald account of the battle of Elodden pre
vious to 1523.

344 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
officers of the highest rank came into collision, and serious conflicts ensued, the
governments on each side generally allowed them to fight out their own quarrel.
In 1523, for the first time, after an interval of ten years, an expedition was
equipped by the Scottish government, for the invasion of the English Border,
when an assault was made on the castle of Wark. This fortress, with Ford and
Etal, is stated by the Scottish historians, to have been taken and destroyed in the
invasion which terminated in the battle of Flodden. There is reason, however,
to beheve that at that time Wark was altogether unprovided with a garrison,
having been dismantled by the Scots many years previously, and not yet restored.
Neither does it appear that James had any time to carry out those operations be
tween the 29th of August, in which Norham was surrendered to him, and the
battle of Flodden, on the 9th of September. From the 4th to the 9th, indeed,
we know that he was quartered in the immediate vicinity of Ford, which castle
was certainly partially destroyed by him. Etal, also, which stands within a very
short distance, may have been damaged, but if so, it was restored previous to
1542, at which time it was in a defensible state. ' If Wark sustained any injury
at that time, it was more probably from the predatory band of Lord Hume than
from the royal army ; but in neither case was it in a condition to stand a siege,
nor does it occur in the list of fortresses in 1509. The siege of 1523 is described
by the Scottish historian, Buchanan, who was himself present with the assailing
army. In the centre, he informs us, was a tower of great height and strength,
enchcled by two walls; the outer court was of great extent, and afforded an
asylum, in time of war, to the neighbouring inhabitants, who brought here then
corn and cattle for protection ; the inner court was of small size, but strongly for
tified by ditches and towers. The garrison, under Sir William Lisle, was well
provided with artillery and ammunition, and made a vigorous defence. The siege
was conducted by the Duke of Albany, the Eegent of Scotland, who, however,
retired on the approach of the Earl of Surrey, the son of the veteran Earl, who,
for his victory at Flodden, had been created Duke of Norfolk.0
" In a despatch from Surrey to Wolsey we have a most interesting account of the chief places of
defence upon the Eastern Border, and of the provisions which the writer had made for securing their
defence against the meditated attack of Albany. At Norham, he says, " I have surely viewed the
house round about, leaving nothing unlooked upon, and have devised divers platforms, ramparts, and
mending of broken places with turfs and earth, which may be done within six days. The same being
performed as Sir WiUiam Buhner hath promised, I doubt not, God willing, if the Duke come to lay
siege there, he shaU not obtain the same within eight days, by which time I trust to be ready to en-

TUDOR PERIOD. 345
Albany is said to have chaUenged Surrey to an engagement in the open field,
but the latter replied that his commission restricted him to a defensive warfare.d
Under Wolsey an amount of attention was given to the affairs of the Borders,
which had never previously been bestowed upon them. Hitherto a Bercy, or some
other great nobleman, who undertook the office of Warden, was armed with full
authority to rule his province in peace and to protect it in war, taking all costs
and charges upon himself, except in very extreme cases, for a certain sum ; and
that the very lowest which he could be brought to accept. Under these circum
stances, the government, which was, as we have seen, constantly in arrear with
the stipend, could not scrutinize very closely how the office was administered, or
how funds were found, which ought to have been supplied by the exchequer. The
Warden, again, employed his own Deputies, who were frequently obliged to pro-
counter with him. As for the outer ward it will not be holden one day after the ordnance be laid ;
wherein there can be no remedy at this time." At Wark, also, he ordered new bulwarks, and other
defences of turf and earth, on the completion of which, he adds, " in mine opinion it is tenable for ten
days against any siege, but the outer ward wiU be lost within two days, and they are nothing near the
dongeon, which is the strongest thing that I have seen. I have so trimmed the same with ordnance
and artillery, and all other things necessary, that I would the Duke would come thither, where I think
he wiU consume time, without doing any great hurt to the country." Eor Berwick he " more fears
than for any of the others, for undoubtedly it is not tenable against a siege royal, having no bulwarks
nor fawsbrays, nor any defence but the waUs, ramparts, and dikes. And as for the castle, if the Duke
knew how feeble the walls be, and how thin, he would not fail to assay the same, which would not
hold out the batter of six cortowtes eight hours. There is no remedy to keep the same, if he lay siege
thereto, but only with force of men's hands, and to have so many within the town that they be able
to defend the breaches within the same." Eor this service he estimates 6,000 men to be necessary,
the town being a mile and three quarters in compass. The sickness, moreover, is so sore within the
town that men fear to comeintoit. In the house where the Earl himself lay, " one died/wW of God's marks. "
He requests 100 gunners, having but 36, which are too few for Wark and Norham alone. We have
a report from Lord Dacre on the condition of the Castle of Wark, the year after the siege, in which he
says, " The roof of the King's castle of Wark was taken off and made flat for laying on of guns against
the Duke of Albany and the Scots, coming thereunto in November last, the timber whereof taketh great
scaith, and no person can lodge or remain therein until it be amended, and must have a low roof as my
Lord Treasurer knows : wherefore seeing there is much waste lead within the King's castle of Dun-
stanburgh, that does no good there, right expedient it is that as much thereof as will serve for the roof
of Wark dongeon, which wUl be nine or ten fothers, were had now in time, and the waUs likewise of
the said castle, which were sore beat with the Duke's siege, must be amended."
d Such an affectation of chivalrous feeling is not inconsistent with the poltronery which was actuaUy
displayed by this contemptible nobleman, and which excited the deep indignation of his Scottish fol
lowers, especiaUy the Border men, whose lands had been ravaged by the EngUsh, and who panted for
retribution. The particulars wUl be found in the State Papers, " Scottish and Border Correspondence."
Nos. XXVII., XXVIII.
PART I. 4 R

346 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
vide as best they might for their own salaries and expenses. A sweeping reform
was now introduced into this, as into every other branch of the public service.
The Deputy- Wardens, as well as their superiors, were not only appointed, but
paid by the State ;e and further, the principal gentlemen of the Border were re
tained at regular salaries to assist with a certain stipulated number of men to repel
hostUe aggression, and to preserve the internal tranquillity of the district. The
return, aheady printed, shewing the relative ability of the principal inhabitants
to bring men into the field, and the position of then several strongholds, seems to
have been compiled with a view to afford the information necessary for effecting
an organization of the forces of the Border. In the same way, after the system
was carried out, returns were from time to time made by a confidential person, not
merely as to the ability of each individual to afford the stipulated assistance, but
as to his personal qualities and fitness for the employment. One of these returns,
made in 1526, has aheady been printed by Mr. Hodgson/ from a copy in the
British Museum. Another return, a very few years later, is subjoined, from the
original in the Bublic Becord Office. The two documents are, as might be
expected, very simUar, and tbe parties in most instances the same ; but a com
parison between them exhibits some curious particulars of family history. In the
earlier paper, for instance, George Ogle of Ogle Castle is described as " a younger
brother, and hath no lands ;" in the other we find the same George Ogle residing
at Bothal Castle, with his wife, having in the meantime married the Lord Ogle's
mother. His faculties also seem to have expanded with his estate ; for in the for
mer return we have no account of them, whilst in the latter he is lauded as " a true
sharp young man." Sir John Widdrington in the first list is " a true man and of
good will, but lacketh experience and will lightly be counselled ;'' at the time
of the second list he has gained the experience, which he lacked before, and is set
down as " a true man, and a good housekeeper." The first list has a disparaging
remark as to Sir Cuthbert Batcliffe's prowess in the field, which is omitted in the
second. The names of Thomas Howburn, and John Hall of Otterburn, only
occur in the second list.
e Lord Dacre in a letter to the Lords of the Council, dated May 17th, 1514, writes as follows : —
" After the death of Roger Eenwick, one of the Lieutenants of the Middle Marches, I nominated my
brother, Philip Dacre : since that his son Rauf Fenwick has got appointed by the Crown, contrary
to the conditions of my indenture, which give me the appointment, and fitly so, as I serve the office
of Warden for nothing ; but I am content he should keep it."
f Hist. North. Part IL, vol. ii., page 67.

TUDOR PERIOD. 347
aCi)* J3ame0 of such gentlemen as of late are retained to the King's Highness by fee,
under his Grace's letters patent, within Northumberland, with one estimation of their
ability to do the King service, and of their other qualities.
First, Sir WiUiam Eure, deputy warden of the East Marches, being captain of Norham, on Tweed
bank, may dispend of his father's land four score pound by the year. He may serve the King
by bis office at Norham under my Lord of Durham, and of his father's said land with 200 men.
He is a true gentleman and a good justice.
Sir Robert EUarcar, knight, of Chillingham, 6 mile from Scotland, may dispend yearly of his wife, of
Sir Edward Grey's land, 100 marks, and is chamberlain of Berwick. He may serve the King
with 46 horsemen, and is a true plain man.
Sir Roger Grey, knight, of Dychaunte, from Scotland 7 mile; he may dispend 100 marks by the year ;
he may serve the King with 40 horsemen. He hath left his house at Horton void, which
standeth nigh the Borders, and dweUeth more innermost in the country. He is a true plain
man.
Rauf Hderton of Ilderton, from Scotland 4 mile, may dispend 40 marks by the year. He may serve
the King with 20 horsemen ; he suffereth his house to go down, and Ueth Uttle at it. He is a
riotous, given much to sensual appetite.
Thomas Forster of Edderston, from Scotland 10 mile, may dispend 40 mark land by the year, in pos
session and reversion ; he may serve the King with 12 horsemen, he keepeth no house, and is
young.
Thomas Grey of Newstead, from Scotland 10 mUe; he may dispend by his wife about 20 mark by the
year, and may serve the King of these lands with 8 horsemen. He hath the rule of the King's
tenants of the lordships of Bamburgh and Dunstanborough, under his uncle the Lord Darcy, and
may serve the King of these lordships with 40 horsemen.
Thomas Hebborn of Hebborn, from Scotland 5 mUe, may dispend 20 pound land by the year. He
may serve the King with 6 horsemen, and is a true man.
Richard Foulberry of Foulberry, from Scotland 5 mUe, may dispend 15 pound by the year. He may
serve the King with 6 horsemen, and is a true borderer.
Edward Muschiaunce of Gatherwick, from Scotland 4 mUe, may dispend 4 pound by the year of his
wife's feoffment. He may serve the King with 4 horsemen.
John Carr of Wark on Tweedside, may dispend 40 marks by the year. He may serve the King with
16 horsemen. He is a good housekeeper, and a true sharp borderer.
John Selby of Branxton, from Scotland 3 mUe ; he may dispend of his father's land 4 pound by the
year. He may serve the King with 5 horsemen, and is a sharp borderer.
Thomas Howborn of Howborn, from Scotland 7 mUe, may dispend 20 marks by the year. He may
serve the King with 6 horseman, and is a true man.
WilUam Strudder of Newton, may dispend 20 pound by the year. He may serve the King with 10
horsemen.
LyeU Grey, being porter of Berwick, is a younger brother, and hath the rule of Lilburn under divers
gentlemen, inheritors of the same. He may serve the King of the same town with 12 horsemen.
He keepeth no house, and is a wise man.
Thomas Carr of Newlands, from Scotland 9 mUe; he may dispend 10 marks by the year. He may
serve the King with 4 horsemen, and keepeth a good house.
Sir John Wetherington of Wetherington, knight, deputy warden of the Middle Marches, from Scot-

348 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
land 16 mile, and from Riddisdale 6 mile, may dispend 300 marks by the year. He may serve
the King with 100 men. He is a good housekeeper and a true man.
The Lord Ogle of Bothal, from Scotland 14 miles, from Riddisdale 4 miles, may dispend 300 marks
in possession and reversion. He may serve the King with 100 horsemen. He is a true young
man, and a good housekeeper.
George Ogle hath married the Lord Ogle's mother, and is both in house with the said Lord at Bothal,
what he hath in right of his said wife we know not. He is a true sharp young man.
John Ogle of Ogle Castle, from Scotland 12 mile, and from Riddisdale 4 mile; he may dispend 20
marks by the year. He may serve the King with 10 horsemen, and is a sharp forward man.
John Ogle of Kirklaw, from Scotland 12 mile, and from Biddisdale 4 mUe, may dispend 10 pound
by the year, and may serve the King with 8 men, and is a sharp forward man.
Sir John Delaval of Seaton, from Scotland 18 mUe, and from Riddisdale 10 mile, may dispend 100
pound by the year. He may serve the King with 50 men. He keepeth a good house, and is a
true gentleman.
Sir Cuthbert Ratclif of DUston, from Scotland 10 mile, and from Tyndale 6 mile, may dispend 300
marks by the year, and serve the King with fourscore horsemen. He keepeth a good house, and
is a true gentleman,
John HawU of Otterburn, in Riddisdale, may dispend 20 marks by the year, and serve the King with
6 horsemen.
John Horsley of Screnwood, from Scotland 4 mile, and from Riddisdale 3 mile, may dispend of his
father's land 10 pound by the year, and in fee of my Lord of Northumberland 10 pound by the
year. He may serve the King, with 30 horsemen, and is a true wise borderer.
Robert Collingwood of Eslington, from Scotland 5 mUe, and from Riddisdale 4 mile, may dispend 40
pound land by the year, and hath the rule of Hezelrig's land. He may serve the King of these
lands with 60 horsemen. He is captain of Wark, and hath the rule of the King'B tenants in the
barony. He may serve the King with 40 horsemen of the same in time of peace.
Sir William Ogle, uncle of the Lord Ogle of CockiUparke, from Scotland 13 mUe, and from Riddis
dale 4 mile ; he may dispend during his life 40 marks by the year. He may serve the King with
five or six household servants, and is a true man.
About this time we meet with one of the most remarkable episodes in Northum
brian history, terminating in the execution, as felons, of the head of one of the
most influential families in the county, and of other persons of note.
By a letter from Magnus to Wolsey, bearing date August 17, 1527, it appears
that Sir WUliam EUerker, being Sheriff, had, in the execution of his office, seized
the goods of Sh William Lisle of Felton, when the latter, " accompanied with
100 persons, riotously came to the lordship where the said Sir WiUiam doth dwell,
and then did take and carry away in forceable manner 40 head of noote," EUer
ker followed him, accompanied by three persons only, and remonstrated with him
on the outrage, when he offered defiance alike to the Sheriff and the King. On
another occasion, having an angry dispute with Eoger Heron, he made use of the

TUDOR PERIOD. 349
following language :— " What means thou to strive with me ? Will thou win
anything at my hands ? I have ruffled with the Warden & also with the Car
dinal, and trust to pluck him by the nose." On these charges Sir William Lisle
and his son Humfrey were brought before the Council at York, and committed to
Bontefract. From hence they were removed to Newcastle for trial, but succeeded
in escaping from tbe gaol, releasing at the same time " divers rebels, outlaws,
heinous felons and murderers." Broceeding to Widdrington, " belonging to Sir
WUham EUerker," they stole " nigh forty horses, and conveyed them into Scot
land." Application was made both to the King of Scotland and the Earl of Angus,
who promised to use their best endeavours to arrest them. Eething, however,
into the Debatable Land, they set the power of both kingdoms at defiance,
" banding themselves with a company of thieves called the Armstrongs, manifest
offenders and heinous murderers in both realms." Their daring exploits form the
chief subject of the communications in the State Bapers of this year. At length,
on the 28th of January, 1528, we have a letter from the Earl of Northumberland
to the King informing him that —
" As he was coming from mass on Sunday last, WUham Lisle and Humfrey his son, with
thirteen other rebellious personages, met him in their shirts with halters about their necks,
and submitted themselves, without any manner of condition, unto your most gracious
mercy ; which persons I straightway committed to prison within my poor castle of
Alnwick, for the safe keeping of them unto such time as I know further of your most
gracious Highness' pleasure."
The two Lisles, with William Shaftoe and Thomas Fenwick, "gentlemen of
name, and the chief leaders of the said rebels," were condemned to death, and all
were hanged, drawn, and quartered, with the exception of Humfrey Lisle, who
was sent to the Tower of London by the King's command. The above is a very
brief abstract of the principal circumstances connected with this extraordinary
affair, chiefly derived from the letters published by the State Baper Commissioners.
Mr. Hodgson5 has also printed several letters relating to it, which are not in
that collection.
In 1542 the Border troubles again assumed an appearance of national magni
tude. The incursions of the Scottish mosstroopers had for some time been pur
sued with so much determination, and the losses on the side of England had been
e Hist. North., Part IL, vol. in., p. 378-81.
PART I. 4 S

350 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
so serious, that it was resolved to inflict such a measure of retaliation as would
strike terror into the hearts of those bold marauders. For this purpose a force of
3,000 men was assembled in the East March, under Sir Eobert Bowes. The prin
cipal object of attack was the town of Jedburgh, which, since the dismantling of
Eoxburgh Castle, had become the chief stronghold on the eastern frontier of
Scotland, and the capital of Eoxburghshhe. Nineteen years before, it had been
destroyed by tbe Earl of Surrey, who describes it at that time as having " two
times more houses therein than in Berwick, and well builded with many honest
and fan houses, sufficient to have lodged 1,000 horsemen in garrison, and six
good towers therein.'' He goes on to state how the said town and towers had
been all "cleanly destroyed, brent, and thrown down." From this calamity the
town had now in a great measure recovered, when it was proposed to visit it with
a similar attack. The forces of Sir Eobert Bowes, however, had scarcely passed
the little stream which divides the two kingdoms, to the west of Carham, when
he was attacked by the Earl of Huntley, defeated, and taken prisoner. This
disaster, at Haddon Big, caused great excitement, not only on the Borders, but at
the seat of government, and the following instructions were despatched to the
Duke of Norfolk from the Brivy Council : —
" Necessary it is that by some notable exploit the dishonour be in some part purged
which the Scots brute of this realm, that the king's subjects in the late enterprize of Bowes,
being in far greater number, durst not abide to encounter the Scots. Ye shah not stay and
totaUy abstain from this enterprize, whatsoever conditions the Scots shall offer unto you,
before you shaU have done some notable exploit against the said Scots, whereby may
appear that the neghgence of the late enterprize, and the lack of the king's subjects therein,
be now fully redoubled and requited. One other thing is that, after the exploit done, ye
admit no less conditions then, than ye have aheady been content with ; but in anywise
somewhat better, as in pledges of more reputation."
In pursuance of these orders, the Duke invaded Scotland, burnt the town and
abbey of Kelso, and laid waste the adjoining country. Having thus inflicted
what appeared to him an adequate revenge, he returned to Berwick. The Sottish
King, in the meantime, in vain endeavoured to induce his nobles to support him
in a war with England ; and when at length he had collected an army for the inva
sion of the Western March, they chose to suffer defeat without an effort in self-
defence, rather than fight under a general who was obnoxious to them. The battle

TUDOR PERIOD. 351
of the Esk, so fatal to James' hopes and injurious to his honour, was foUowed by
his death of a broken heart.
Henry evinced every disposition to act on the present occasion with the same
moderation as he bad done under somewhat similar circumstances after the battle
of Flodden. Finding it, however, impossible to conciliate the distracted govern
ment of Scotland, he determined to inflict a severe chastisement on this imprac
ticable people for the many indignities which they had offered and the injuries
they had committed. Having appointed the Earl of Hertford commander of the
intended expedition, he directed a muster of his forces at Newcastle. From hence
the Earl saUed with an army of 10,000 men about the end of April, 1544, and
disembarked in the Forth on the 10th of the following month. This invasion,
although attended with much suffering to the districts of Scotland against which
it was dhected, was productive of no substantial advantage to England beyond
the plunder of Edinburgh, Leith, and other places, the fruits of which were put
on board the fleet, which entered the port of Berwick, on its return, on the 18th
of May, just a fortnight after its arrival in the Frith of Forth. The stirring
events of the next two years have little direct connection with Northumbrian his
tory, although the immediately adjacent district of Scotland was the scene on
which they were enacted. In June, 1554, Jedburgh was burned by Sh Ealph
Eure, and Kelso again shared the same fate. In July the devastation was directed
to Berwickshhe, when the towns of Dunse and Greenlaw, with many villages,
were plundered and left in flames.
The next year was memorable for the battle of Ancrum-moor, in which Sir
Ealph Eure and Sir Brian Laiton, with Lord Ogle and many of the gentry of
Northumberland, were slain. Encouraged by this success, the Scots crossed the
Tweed, ravaged Glendale, and menaced the castle of Wark, but no serious opera
tions were attempted.
A severe retribution was now exacted by the Earl of Hertford, who entering
Scotland at the head of a considerable army, laid waste the counties of Berwick
and Eoxburgh, and plundered the abbeys of Kelso, Dryburgh, Melrose, and Jed
burgh. In 1546 a peace was concluded between France and England, in which Scotland
was included as the ally of the former. This pacification only preceded by a few
months the death of King Henry.
Having now concluded a summary of Border affairs, it is necessary to go back

352 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a few years in order to notice some circumstances connected with the dissolution
of monasteries in this county. Of these Tynemouth was the only one which
escaped the operation of the Act passed in 1536, for the suppression of the smaUer
foundations. None of the others possessed a rental of 200/. a year, although the
possessions of several of them greatly exceeded that amount in actual value. The
system of renewing leases at the ancient rent on payment of fines very generally
prevailed, and as these fines were not taken into calculation, many very wealthy
establishments were included under the penal definition of " lesser monasteries."
The rental of Alnwick Abbey was within three or four pounds of the sum which
would have preserved it from dissolution, and although this circumstance did not
exempt it from the operation of the Act of Barliament, it was re-founded by letters
patent, but only to be subjected to a forced surrender a few years latter. Hex
ham, Bamburgh, Newminster, Brinkburn, and Blanchland, with the nunneries of
Holistone and Lambley and several minor foundations, were all included in one
sweeping confiscation.
Great efforts were made by the Archbishop of York to save Hexham, of which
a remote predecessor had been the founder, and he was himself the patron. A
strong representation was addressed by him to Cromwell, in which he states that —
" Hexham is upon the borders of Scotland and was sometime sedes episcopalis, and many
holy men, sometime bishops, there be in that church, saints of name ; and wise men that
know the borders think that the lands thereof, although they were ten times as much, can
not countervail the damage that is hke to ensue, if it be suppressed. For some way there is
never a house between Scotland and the lordship of Hexham ; and men fear, if the mon
astery go down, aU must be waste much within the land. And what comfort the monastery
is daily to the country there, and especiaUy in time of war, not only the countrymen do
know, but also many of the noblemen of this realm, that hath done the king's highness
service in Scotland. I doubt not but that the land of that monastery is better than two
hundred pound by the year, as likewise the arch-bishop's lands were much better if they
lay in a quiet place. Some of my predecessors have had their thirteen hundred marks by
the year, and now it is communibus annis under 2001."
This appeal was unsuccessful, and would probably have been so under any cir
cumstances, but the ardour with which the monks of Hexham adhered to the old
religion was little calculated to conciliate the favour of the King or his ministers.
In the previous year Edward Jay, the Brior, had been executed at Tyburn for
treason, with the Brior of the Charter-House and others.

TUDOR PERIOD. 353
The Bishop's letter is dated on the 23rd of April, and on the 28th of September
following the abbey was visited by commissioners appointed to carry the dissolu
tion into effect. No prior had been appointed since the death of Jay, and the
sub-prior appears to have been a timid man ; but amongst the monks was found
one possessed of dauntless spirit and resolution, who was determined not to yield,
without a struggle, to tbe arbitrary exercise of the secular power, and in this
resolve he was vigorously supported by the brethren and their dependents. The
name of the leader is not preserved, but he held the office of master of the cell
at Ovingham, founded by the last of the Dmfrevilles, Barons of Brudhoe, subor
dinate to Hexham. An account of the proceedings on this occasion, under the
hands of the commissioners, has been preserved in the Bublic Eecord Office, and is
too curious to be omitted in this place.
Wfyt ^filt'siil^tncartOttrsS of the Eehgious Persons of Hexham, in the County of
Northumberland.
First. — Whereas Lyonel Grey, Robert Collingwood, WiUiam Green, and James Rokeby,
Commissioners for the Dissolution of Monasteries within the County aforesaid, the 28th
day of the month of September, in the 28th year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King
Henry the 8th, associate with their ordinary company, was riding towards the said
Monastery of Hexham, there to execute the king's most dread commandment of dissolution ;
being in their journey at Dilston three mUes from the said monastery, were credibly
informed that the said rehgious persons had prepared them with gunnery and artillery
mete for the war, with people in the same house mete to defend and keep the same with
force ; assented that the said Lyonel Grey and Robert Collingwood should with a few
persons repair to the said monastery, as weU to view and see the number of persons keeping
the same house, as to desire the Sub-prior and Convent of the same thankfully and
obediently to receive the king's commissioners coming near-hand, to enter into their house,
with due entertainment, there to execute and use the effect of their duties of dissolution,
according to the king's most dread commandment.
The said Lyonel and Robert accordingly did enter into the said town of Hexham, riding
towards the said Monastery, did see many persons assembled with bills, halberts, and other
defensible weapons, ready standing in the streets, hke men ready to defend a town of war :
and in their passing by the street, the common bed of the town was rongen, and straight
after it the great beU of the monastery was also ronge, whereby the people forceably
assembled towards the monastery, where the said Lyonel and Robert found the gate and
doors fast shut ; and a Chalone caUed the Maister of Ovingham, belonging to the same
house, being in harness with a bow bent with arrows, accompanied with divers other per-
PART I. 4 T

354 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
sons, aU standing upon the leads and waUs of the house and steeple, which Maister of
Ovingham answered these words hereunder written.
" We be twenty brethren in this house, and we shaU die aU, or that ye have this house."
The said Lyonel and Robert answered with request and said, " Advise you weU and speak
with your brethren, and shew unto them this our request and declaration of the king's
gracious writing, and then give us an answer finaUy." And so the same Maister repaired
into the house, after whose departure did come into the same place five or six of the Chalons
of the house with divers other persons like men of war, in harness with swords gyrde about
them, having bows and arrows and other weapons, and stood upon the steeple head and
leads in the defence of their house, the said Lyonel and Robert being without, about whom
did come and congregate many people, both men with weapons and many women, and so
stood there a great space, assured by the said Maister of Ovingham, that they should remain
peaceably there, unto their answer were made, and so to depart without bodily hurt.
The said Maister of Ovingham, being in harness with the Sub-prior, being in his
Chalone's aparel, not long after did repair again to the said Lyonel and Robert, bringing
with them a writing under the king's broad seal, and said these words hereafter written, by
the mouth of the Sub-prior.
" We do not doubt but ye bring with you the king's seal of authority for this house,
albeit ye shaU hear the king's confirmation of our house under the great seal of king Henry
the 8th, God save his Grace. We think it not to the king's honour to give forth one seal
contrary to another ; and afore any of our lands, goods, or house be taken from us, we shaU
aU die, and this is our fuU answer."
And so the said Lyonel and Robert returned and met the rest of the commissioners
approaching near the town, and so aU together reculed back to Corbridge, where they lodged
aU the night. Upon the morrow next after did come one Thomas Elrington of Espershields,
Esquire, and Roger Lawson of Hexhamshire, yeoman, who were within the town of Hexham
what time the said Lyonel and Robert were in the town, and they did remain there after
the recule of the said Lyonel and Robert for the further declaration of the said Chalons'
demeanours, do affirm and say : That immediately after the commissioners departed the
town, the Chalons, being aU in harness, associate with a great company of tenants and
servants belonging to the said monastery, to the number of 60 persons and more, did issue
forth of the monastery in defensible array by two together, aU in harness, and so did walk
from the monastery to a place called the Green, towards where the Commissioners did meet,
and there stood in array, with their weapons in their hands, but the Commissioners were
past out of the sight of the monastery, and so they returned into the monastery again.
Lyonell Graye.
Robert Collingwood.
William Grene.
James Rokeby.

TUDOR PERIOD. 355
Although Hexham is the only monastery where we have any details of actual
resistance, there were many, especially in the North of England, where the King's
most dread commandment of dissolution," was far from being " thankfully and
obediently received." Amongst these the most contumacious were Newminster
in Northumberland, Lanercost in Cumberland, Sawley and Eichmond in York
shire ; and to their " traitorous conspiracies" are ascribed, in a great measure, that
formidable insurrection which broke out the same year under the title of the " Pil
grimage of Grace." The King, writing to the Duke of Norfolk in the following
March, as to various matters relating to the rebellion, winds up his instructions as
foUows : —
" FinaUy, forasmuch as aU these troubles have ensued by the sohcitation and tratorous
conspiracies of the monks and chanons of those parts ; we desire and pray you at your
repair to SaUege, Hexam, Newminster, Leonarde Coste, Saincte Agatha, and aU such other
places as have made any manner of resistance, or in any wise conspired, or kept their houses
with any force since the appointment of Doncaster, you shaU, without pity or circumstance,
now that our banner is displayed, cause aU the monks and canons that be in any wise
faulty, to be tied up, without further delay or ceremony, to the terrible example of others ;
wherein we think you shaU do unto us high service."
After this the fortified prison of Hexham seems to have been used as a place of
confinement for ecclesiastics engaged in treasonable practices. Cromwell, in a
letter addressed to the Kingj in February, 1539, mentions the capture of " one
Eobert Moor, priest of Chichester, who was lately scapped from Hexam's prison."
The commonalty of Northumberland took no active part in the BUgrimage of
Grace, although they were in a state of great excitement. Some interesting par
ticulars as to the state of the North will be found in two letters from Sir Ealph
Sadleyr to CromweU. Both are comprised in the government publication of State
Bapers, and the second is also inserted amongst the Sadleyr Bapers edited by Sir
Walter Scott. Writing from York on the 24th of January, 1537, he describes
the difficulty, amongst conflicting rumours, to arrive at the truth.
" Some told me there was a new insurrection, and that aU Northumberland, Cumberland,
Westmorland, Yorkshire, Richmondshire, and Holderness were up ; some told me again
that Lord Conyers had stayed a great part of Richmondshire, and that Aske and Mr.
Bowes had done weU their parts, in staying of the country, as weU within the bishoprick
of Durham as Holderness ; some told me that Sir Francis Bigote had raised a great com
pany, and had made an assault upon HuU, and that there was a great conflict and very

356 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
many men slain ; and that Sir Ralph EUerker did then his part so well that he took a great
many of the rebels, and their captain, Bigote, fled, no man knoweth whither." The towns
are described as generaUy quiet ; the people of the bishoprick as " very wdd, now up, now
down, at no stay, but in a mamoring what they may do, and daily as I hear, they flock
and assemble."
Of the truth of this account Sadleyr had evidence from his own experience at
Darlington, as we learn from his next letter written from Newcastle.
" Had not Mr. Bowes come home when he did, it had very hke to have been a new insur
rection. Undoubtedly he hath weU done his part in staying the country through the whole
of the bishoprick." As he advanced north he found things more settled. At Newcastle he
was " weU entertained for the King's sake, both by the Mayor and the Aldermen. And at
this time," he adds, " I assure your Lordship they have shewed themselves honest, faithful,
and true men to the King, for albeit the commons of the town, at the first beginning of
this tumult, were very unruly, and as much disposed to sedition and rebellion, as they of
the country were, yet I assure your Lordship the Mayor and Aldermen and other heads of
the town did so with wisdom and manhood handle the commons of the same, that they
did fuUy reconcde them, and so handled them, that in fine they were determined to live
and die with the Mayor and his brethren in the defence and keeping of the town, to the
King's use, against aU his enemies and rebels, as indeed they did. The town of itself is
surely a strong town, and the Mayor thereof is a wise feUow and a substantial.11 He and
James Lawson, who is one of the Aldermen, brought me upon the walls of the town, which
I assure your Lordship be very strong, and there they shewed me how they fortified the
town. AU along the waUs lay sundry pieces of ordnance, and at every gate of the town
they kept watch and ward, and stiU do. Every gatehouse is fuU of bows and arrows, bids
and other habdaments of war, and upon every gate lay on the towers two great pieces of
ordnance, which would scour every way a mile or two or more. AU which ordnance, they
told me, that every merchant for his part brought out of their ships. They made also new
gates of iron upon their bridge, and be victuaUed within the town, they think, for a whole
year. I assure your Lordship they have done their parts very honestly, and have, in my
opinion, deserved much thank, praise, and commendation. And if it might please the
King's highness to send them a letter of thanks, it would greatly encourage them, for surely
they have deserved thank, and been at great charge for the defence and fortification of the
town." h The Mayor this year was Robert Brandling, who acquired the estates of Gosforth and Felling by
marriage with Anne, daughter of John Place, Esq., of Halnahy, coheir of her mother, Catherine,
sister and heir of the whole blood to Thomas Surtees, Esq., of Dinsdale. (See the Pedigree in Surtees'
Durham, Vol. ii. page 90.) He was knighted by the Duke of Somerset in his northern expedition in
the reign of Edward IV.

TUDOR PERIOD. 357
This year (1537) the King purposed to make a progress into the North, but
the plan was postponed tUl the following season, and ultimately abandoned alto
gether. The reasons of the postponement are given at great length, in a commu
nication from the King to the Duke of Norfolk. Omitting the earlier portion of
the document, which is tedious and uninteresting, we begin with the " fourth
cause," which is stated as foUows : —
" That we consider that since the beginning of our reign we have not visited those north
parts of our realm, and if we would keep our purposed journey, being the year so far spent,
and the country so devastated, which made us of necessity stay so long, neither could we
tarry any convenient time at any one place, nor pass our city of York ; by reason whereof
neither should our people of those north parts have any fruition of our presence, nor we
should have any time to peruse our frontiers, or to see our towns joining upon the same ;
which also made us upon the other grounds before specified, to stay the more willingly ;
being minded, God willing, the next year not only to visit our said city of York, but also
HuU, Carhsle, Newcastle, Duresme, with aU the most part of the notable towns in those
parts." The surrender of the greater monasteries was effected without any of that
popular excitement which attended the dissolution of the smaller houses. The
process was at all events in appearance voluntary. To every member of these
great establishments was assigned a pension, which afforded him in his old age, if
not a competency, a livelihood. The assent of the nobility and greater gentry
was purchased by a share of the spoU. The lower classes bitterly lamented the
advantages of which they had been deprived ; but they were without leaders, and
the remembrance of the terrible vengeance which had fallen on the insurgents of
1536-7, deterred them from engaging in a similar enterprize with far inferior
means. The great religious foundation of the North, the Briory of Durham, was
stUl devoted to ecclesiastical purposes, even the members of the estabhshment
being to a great extent unchanged, the Brior quietly subsiding into the Dean, and
the senior monk into the Brebendary. Tynemouth was, as regarded Northumber
land an alien establishment, a cell of St. Albans, from whence its ranks were
recruited and the same feeling could hardly be expected to exist towards its
inmates as to the brethren of a native monastery. Alnwick had only been spared
thus long by special favour, and no effort was made a second time to avert its
doom. PART I. ^ U

358 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
EDWARD VI.
The reign of Edward VI. extended over nearly six years and a half, from the
28th of January, 1547, to the 6th of July, 1553. In his first year an expedition
was fitted out against Scotland, under the command of the Brotector Somerset,
who, as Earl of Hertford, had led an army thither in the preceding reign. The
forces were mustered at Newcastle under John Dudley Earl of Warwick, and
afterwards Duke of Northumberland. From hence they marched to Berwick,
attended by a fleet under Sir George Clinton, to supply them with provisions.
Here Somerset assumed the command, and entered Scotland in the beginning of
September. The details of the expedition are matter of general history, differing
little from those on previous occasions — one decisive victory, with the usual amount
of plunder and devastation, but unattended by any permanent advantage. During
the two following years the war was prosecuted with still less satisfactory results.
At length hostilities were ended by a treaty concluded at Norham in 1550. The
only invasion of the Eastern Borders of England during this period was under
taken in 1549 by a strong body of Scots under the French General D'Esse.
Leaving Wark unmolested, he marched onward to Cornhill, where he succeeded in
taking the tower, and securing a considerable booty. At Ford, whither he next
proceeded, he was less fortunate. This castle was now the property of Thomas
Carr, son of John Carr, the Captain of Wark, who had married the heiress of
Heron. Carr made a determined and skilful resistance, retreating from one por
tion of the castle only to make a more effectual resistance in another. Succour at
length arrived from the neighbouring country, and D'Esse was compelled to
retire. On the conclusion of the war, the Marquis of Dorset was appointed Warden-
General of the Marches, for whose use and at whose desire Sir Eobert Bowes
drew up the Eeport on the state of the Borders, aheady referred to. Dorset's
government lasted little more than half a year, when he was succeeded by John
Dudley, created about this time Duke of Northumberland, under whom Lord
Wharton acted as Deputy.
Wharton had had great experience in Border affairs, having acted as Deputy-
Warden of the West March in the late reign, in which capacity he addressed a
report to Henry VIII, in 1543, on the state of the Marches generally, with sug
gestions as to their better government. These views he now endeavoured to carry

TUDOR PERIOD.

359

into effect, for which purpose he summoned a meeting at Newcastle, not only of
all the officers of the Marches, but of the principal gentry of Northumberland and
Cumberland, for the purpose of consultation. This council assembled on the 12th
of September, 1553, and remained in dehberation during that and the following
day. The parties present were— The Lord Wharton, Lord Deputy Warden-
General; Lord Eure, Deputy Warden of the East Marches ; Lord Ogle, Deputy
Warden of the Middle Marches ; Sir Thomas Dacre, Deputy Warden of the West
Marches; Sir Eichard Musgrave, Captain of Carlisle; Mr. Dunye, Deputy Cap
tain of Berwick ; Sir John Horsley, Captain of Bamburgh ; Eichard Bowes, Cap
tain of Norham; Thomas Carr, Captain of Wark; John Musgrave, Captain of
Bewcastle; Thomas Gowen, Marshal of Berwick; Sir Thomas Grey, Sheriff of
Northumberland, with the foUowing knights and gentlemen :—

Sir John Widdrington
Sir John Delaval
Sir George Radcliffe
Sir John Porster.

• Knights.

William Pennington
John Preston
Eobert Collingwood
WiUiam Swinhoe
Robert Constable.

\

Esquires .

Albany Eeatherstonhaugh
Cuthbert Horsley
WUUam Buckden
John BedneU
William Conyers
Robert Thirlwell
Nicholas Ridley
John Shaftoe
Robert Lysle
Thomas Errington
John Midford

Lancelot Lysle
Anthony Midford
Christopher Midford
John Musgrove
John Ogle
John Delaval
Robert Raines
WiUiam Strother
Gilbert Swinhoe
Thomas Carlyle
Thomas Rutherford

The regulations agreed upon provide for a complete system of watch and ward,
the stations being defined with great minuteness, the number of men to be sta
tioned at each, the townships by which they are to be provided, with the names
of the setters, searchers, and overseers.
These are followed by two very important provisions, the first for stopping up
divers fords on the North and South Tyne, Beed, and other waters, as also closing
certain passes by land into Northumberland ; the second is for carrying out a
general system of enclosure of lands throughout all the Marches.
The directions to the Commissioners of Enclosure are exceedingly minute and
curious, but it is certain that they were very imperfectly carried out, as Northum
berland remained long afterwards very inadequately provided with hedges or fences
of any kind. The Enclosure Commissioners comprise most of the principal gentry
in the several districts, and the list forms a valuable addition to the documents
which we possess of the same class.

360

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Commisioners for Enclosures upon t he Middle Marches.

1 Between tlie Waters of Coquet and Aln from
Leirchild Burn to the Sea.
Robert Lisle of Felton
Thomas Swinburn of Edlingham
John Bednell of Lemmington
George Fenwick of Brenkburn
George Metcalf of Alnwick
Harry Heron of Alnwick.
2 From Leirchild Burn to the March of Scot
land between Bremish and Symondside.
Sir George Ratcliffe, knight
Cuthbert Musgrave of Harbottle
Robert Collingwood of Eslington
Robert Clavering of Callaley
Thomas Horsley of Skyrnwood
Percival Selby of Bytilsden
Edward GaUen of Trewit
Percival Clennell of Clennell.
3 From the Sea to the Street between Coquet
and Wansbeck.
The Lord Ogle
Sir John Witherington, knight
Robert Horsley of Acklington
John Heron of BockenfeUd
Martin Turpen
John Fenwick of ChUburn.
4 From the Street unto Ryddisdale between the
Waters of Coquet and Wandsbeck.
Rauf Fenwick of Stanton
Roger Thornton of Witton
Cuthbert Horsley of Horsley
Anthony Fenwick of Laneshaw
Michael Fenwick of Hartenton-Hall
George Dofenby of Pigdon
Anthony Fenwick of the Fawnes.
5 From the Sea to the Street between Wans
beck and Tyne.
Sir Thomas HUton, knight
Sir John Deleval, knight
John Metford of Seghill
Richard Lyse of Bedlington

Gregory Ogle of Choppington
John KUlingworth of Benton
George Ogle of Hyrst
Bartram Anderson of Burradon.
6 From the Street West to Shaftoe-Crag be
tween Wansbeck and Pont at Slanerdon.
Robert Raines of Shortflatts
Thomas Middleton of Belso
John Ogle of Ogle Castle
Alexander Heron of Meldon
Anthony Medfurth of Ponteland
John Horsley of MUburn-Grange
Cuthbert Metfurth of Metfurth.
7 From Shaftoe- Crag to Stanerden between the
Waters of Font and Wansbeck to the
Bounds qf Ryddisdale.
Lord Eures, Deputy Warden
George Heron of Chipchase
Roger Fenwick of Bytchfeild
John Shaftoe of Bavington
Randal Fenwick of Kirkharle
WiUiam Musgrave of Kirkheaton
George Heron of Ryplington
Harry Wetherington.
8 From Newcastle to Bewclay Edge between
Tyne and Pont.
John Deleval, son and heir of Sir John
WUliam Carnaby of Halton
John Musgrave of Newborn
Richard Rotherfurth of Rutchestei
Cuthbert Carnaby
Thomas Reid, BaiUiff of Ovingham
Richard Hodgson of Newcastle.
9 For the Lordships of Prudhoe and Bywell.
Thomas Carey, Constable of Prudhoe
John Swinburn of ChopweU
Anthony Ratcliff
Thomas Elrington of Espersheles
John Hurd (Ourd or Ord)
Edward Newton of Stocksfield.

TUDOR PERIOD.

361

10 For the Bounds of Hexhamshire and the
Two Allendales.
Nicholas Errington of Wharnley
Robert Thirlway of Newbiggen
Davy Carnaby
Thomas Errington of BingfeUd
WilUam Corners, Bailliff of Hexham
Matthew Bee
Hugh SheUe
Henry Ogle.

1 1 From Hexhamshire to the Water of Irthing
on both sides of South Tyne, as the Mid
dle Marches go.
Nicholas Ridley of WiUymondswick
Albany Featherstonhaugh
Nicholas Errington, Constable of Langley
Henry WaUis
Nicholas Blenkinsop
Rauf Whitfeild
Hugh Cranworth
Lancelot Thirlway
Richard Carnaby
Bailiffs of Haltwhistle and Newbrough.

12 For the Bounds of North Tyndale to Ryddis
dale as the Marches go.
George Heron, Keeper of Tyndale
Anthony Errington of Walwick Grange
James Usher, BaUiff of Humshaugh
John Heron of Hawbarnes
WiUiam Charlton of Hesleyside
John Charlton of Blakelaw
John Robson of Falstone
Henry Charlton of HaukhiU
Edward MUburn of Sidewood
Thomas Charlton, Laird of Hawks
Arthur Dodd
13 For the Bounds of Ryddisdale between Tyn
dale and Coquet and from the Sting-cross
to the March of Scotland.
Cuthbert Musgrove, Keeper of Ryddisdale
John Hall of Otterburn
John Rede, Laird of Troughend
Thomas HaU of Monkridge
Thomas Anderson of Davysheil
Hob HaU of Whiskersheil
Clement Reed of Alderton
AUan Hedley
Richard Forster
Robert Forster

Commissioners for the Enclosure of the East Marches.
3 From Tweed to the Glen, between Tyll and
Cheviot, as the Marches divide.
Thomas Carr, Captain of Wark
Rauf Grey of Heaton
WiUiam Swinhoe of CornhUl
WUliam Stokoe of Newton
OUver Selby, Bailiff of Mindrim
Gilbert WaUis, Bailiff of Akeld.

1 For Elandshire.
Richard Bowes, Captain of Norham
Robert Lawson of Scremerston
GUbert Swinhoe of Goswick
Richard Carr of Elwick
Edward Revely, BaUiff of Ancroft
George Moreton of Moreton

2 For Norkamshire.
Richard Bowes, Captain of Norham
George Ord of Newbiggen
John Ord his son
John Selby of TwiseU
WiUiam Selby of Grindon
Robert Clavering of Duddoe
PART I.

From Glen to Bremish between Tyll and
Cheviot.
Sir Thomas Gray, knight
Thomas Ilderton
John Roddam the Elder
Thomas Reveley, BaiUiff of Chatton
Francis Reveley of Humbleton
John Rutherfurth of Middleton HaU.

4x

362 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
5 From Warnebridge to the Water of A In as 6 From the Water of Aln to Hetton Burn on
Bamburghshire goes. the East-side of Tyll wifh Bamburgh-

Sir John Horsley, knight
Sir John Forster, knight Rauf Gray, Deputy Warden
Francis Armorer of Belford Sir Robert EUerker, knight
Roland Bradford of Tughill Thomas Hebburn of Hebburn
George Carr of Lesbury Robert Collingwood of Bewick
Edward Bradford of Embleton. Thomas Carlisle of Heslerig
Luke Ogle of Eglingham.
Brevious to these arrangements of his Deputy, the Duke of Northumberland
himself, as Lord Warden- General, had made a personal inspection of all the three
Marches in the months of July and August, visiting the several strongholds, and
superintending the works then in progress at Berwick. He also presided at
Warden- courts at Newcastle, Alnwick, and Carlisle, delivering over his commis
sion to Lord Wharton on the 12 th of September, the very day on which the
council at Newcastle was opened.
Besides the measures Which Lord Wharton was able to dhect of his own authority,
he submitted a Baper of Suggestions to the Duke of Northumberland, which If car
ried into effect, "will, as he thinketh, be a great honor and commodity to the
King's Majesty, and to his Highness's successors, and a most great common-wealth
for aU the three Marches, and for tbe North part of his Majesty's realm in peace,
and especially when wars shaU be." These, with the Orders for the Border Watches
and the instructions to the Enclosure Commissioners are printed in the Appendix to
Bishop Nicholson's Border Laws. The Suggestions are also printed with tbe Sur
vey of 1542 from a MS. of Sir Eobert Bowes, amongst the Northern Tracts pub
lished by Mr. Eichardson, and it may be doubted whether they emanated from
Lord Wharton or Sh Eobert, although officially communicated by the former.
It is not improbable, indeed, that they were a joint production, as they contain
many recommendations which are not to be found in Wharton's previous sugges
tions to Henry VIIL The Orders for the Border Watches are particulary valuable,
not only from the minute information which they furnish of the system adopted,
but from the names which they contain of the setters and searchers in the several
townships and districts, which comprise many of the influential yeomaDry, whose
names rarely occur in public documents, but are nevertheless of great use in topo
graphical investigations.

TUDOR PERIOD. 363
During this reign an Act was passed especiaUy affecting the holders of the office
of sheriff in this county (2nd and 3rd Edward VI. c. 34). The Act recites that—
" The sheriffs of Northumberland for a long time past have not accounted to the King's
Majesty of the issues and profits of their baUiwick in the Exchequer or elswhere, as other
sheriffs of the said county in old time past have done, nor as the sheriffs of other counties
do at this time, but do yearly receive and take the whole profits thereof to their own use,
to the great detriment and loss of the King.''
It then proceeds to enact that hereafter —
" Every sheriff of Northumberland, before he receive his patent, or exercise any part
of the said office, shaU put in sufficient sureties by himself, or by his sufficient deputy or de
puties, unto the King's Exchequer, entering into recognizances to the satisfaction of the
Barons of the Exchequer."
Brovision is at the same time made that he shaU not be answerable for arrears
or for any default of bis predecessors before the passing of the Act.
FuEer strangely perverts the plain meaning of the preamble, by asserting that
the sheriffs of Northumberland, had never previously accounted at the Exchequer,
and this statement has been repeatedly adopted without modification by our county
historians ; whereas the long series of the Bipe EoUs shew that in old times the
sheriffs of Northumberland accounted with as much exactness as those of any other
county. Two documents, however, have been brought to light, by which we ascer
tain the precise time when the system of accounting fell into disuse. The first of
these is a memorandum of process to be taken against several parties who had
served the offices of sheriff and of escheator in Northumberland, requiring them
to render an account of their receipts. The second is a petition from the late
sheriffs and escheators, praying the King's indulgence, and stating that the practice
of accounting had been interrupted ever since the commencement of the reign of
Edward IV., and explaining the grounds on which they conceive the omission to
be justified. These grounds, and the various attendant circumstances, wiU be best
understood by a perusal of the documents themselves, which are given below.
The petition bears date the 28th of Henry VIII., and the Exchequer proceedings
were somewhat earlier, but no effectual steps were taken to settle the question till
the passing of the Act referred to.

364

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

The sheriffs against whom proceedings were ordered to be taken were-
Ralph Fenwick, Esq.,  Sheriff, 7th. Henry VIII.
Nicholas Heryngton, Esq.,  „ 8th.
Richard Thyrkeld, Esq.,  „ 9th.
Christopher Thyrkeld, Esq.,  „ 11th.
George Skelton, Esq.,  „ 12th.
Christopher Dacre, Knt.,'  ,, 13th.
WUliam EUerker, Esq.,  „ 14th.
WiUiam Heron, Knt.,  „ 16th.
William EUerker, Knt.,  „ 17th.
Cuthbert RatcUff, Esq.,  „ 18th.
WUliam Evers, Knt.,  „ 19th.
John Delaval, Knt.,  „ 20th.
Edward Grey, Knt.,  „ 21st.
PhUip Dacre, Knt.,  „ 22nd.
Cuthbert Ratcliff, Esq.,  „ 23rd.
WiUiam Heron, Knt.,  , 24th.
Amongst these are seven names which do not occur in FuUer's hst, which is
derived exclusively from the Bipe-Eolls, which do not generaUy give the names
of defaulting sheriffs.

I. NORTHUMB'R.
Things extracted out of the Exchequer concerning Northumberland for redditibus et
debitis Regis.
jJJot tbtttttfyt'. Memorandum. That every Shirreff of the Countye of Northumberland for
his year receyvyth of the profytes of the Shyre the summe of cxxti. as Cuthbert
Ratclyff esquier late Shyrreff of the said Countye dyd confesse before the chyeff
Baron of the Exchequier and John Smyth, Remembrancer of the Tresourer, and
makyth therof noe profer nor other payment or accompte.
Item. The Shyrreffs of the seyd Countie  me or  torne the Kyngs
processe directyd unto theym by reason whereof the King losyth the services of hys
tennants and thadvantage of yssves fynes and amerciaments that should growe by due
execucion of the seyd processe and also ys not answeryd of the yssues and profytts of
diverse maners lands and tenements beying and that shuld be in the Kyngs hands by
vertue of diverse offices found and that shuld be founden of the Kynges title and no
lyveries therof suyed to a great yearly value.
Item. The Kyng is never answeryd of eny recognisaunces or other profayts made or
lost by eny persone wythyn the seyd shyre &c.

TUDOR PERIOD. 365
Item. The seyd Shyreeffs be yerely amercyd for theyr defawtes as hereafter apperyth
wherof the Kyng as hytherto can not be nor ys answeryd because no Shyrreff tenderyth
justice ne doth the duty of his office towards the Kyng.
Et Memorandum, That the Eschetour of the seyd shyre of Northumb'r doth never retorn
the offices or enquests taken before hym by reason of the Kyngs wrytts or by vertue
of his office nor makyth eny accompt by the whyche the Kyng losyth the wardes
marriages and relieffs of his tenants and the knowledge of theym with primer seison
fynes for alienacions and many other advantages and rights.
In Officio Rememb' Thes'.
Hie inferius sequuntur diversa amerciamenta super diversis vie. Comitatus Nor-
thumbr' posita et afferata per Barones de Saccario citra annum sextum Regis nunc
H. octavi ob diversas defaltas eorundum vicecomitum ut infra, &c, &c. &c.
II.
Sir Wilham Evers Knight and others of the frontier of Scotland requesting to be exempt
for diverse things exacted of them.
In most humble wise shewen unto your most gracious highnes your humble and faithful
subjects and dady oratours Sir Wilham Evers Knight Sir Cuthbert Ratclyff Knight late
Shrieves of your County of Northumberland and Christofer Mydeforthe and Robert
Colyngwoodlate Exchetours of the countie aforesaid : That where your said suppliaunts and
diverse other gentilmen and inheritours of the countie aforesaid have at diverse and sundry
tymes and seasons particularly and severally used exercised and occupied the said rowmes
and offices of the Shierfwic and Exchetourship of your countie aforesaid syns the first yere
of the reigne of the most noble kynge of famouse memory King Edward the Fourth your
most noble graundfather during which time diverse and sundry of the said Shireffs and
Exchetours have contented and paide diverse sommes of money of the proffitts and revenues
of the rowmes and offices as weU to the late Sir John Heron as to sundry other officers of
your most roial majestie and of your most noble progenitours Howebeit forasmoche as the
said countie is nyo-h adjoining unto the realme of Scotland and the marches of the same so
that a grete parte of the grounde whereof the proffitts and revenues of the said offices
shulde be levied and gathered hath been oftentymes wast and unoccupied and also for that
every of the said officers in tyme of warre between the roialmes of England and Scotland
doo endevour themselffs with aU theire diligence and at theire owne propre costs and
exspences to help and defend the roialme of England agaynst the invasion of the Scotts and
also for that the said Shireffs ben at grete labor travad and charge in the executing and
serving of processe directed unto them agaynst the wylde and unruely persones dweUing
and abiding nygh unto the said borders of Scotland which processe can not be served upon
anv of the said unruely persones without a grete nomber of people assisting and ayding the
4 Y
PART I. * x

366 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
said Shiref for the tyme being : None of the said Shireffs ne Exchetours syns the first yere of
the reigne of the said noble king of famous memorie Kyng Edward the Fourth have yelded
or made any maner of rekonying or accompt for either of the said offices in the Courte of
your Eschequyer howbeit nowe of late there hath ben diverse and sundry writts and pro
cesse awarded out of your said Courte of Eschequyer as weU against your said supphaunts
as against diverse others that have ben Shireffs and Exchetours of the countie aforesaid to
make and yelde accompts for theire said several offices and rowmes by reason wherof they
have ben and yet ar sore vexed and troubled forasmoche as none accompt have ben therof
made by the tyme and space of lxxiiij yeres and more and for that many of them that
have ben Shireffs and Exchetours of the same countie during the said tyme and also theire
executors ben dede and departed so that your said oratours ne none other person or persons
at this present tyme for lak of knowledge of the particular receipts of either of the said
offices by any possibilitie can make or yelde any clere accompt or reconying in your said
Courte for the same by reason whereof your said supphaunts and all other that have ben
Shireffs and Exchetours of the said courte if they shaU be compelled to make accompte in
your said Courte of Exchequyer for those yeres past ben hkely to be utterly undone forever
onlesse your most gracious favor and pitie be shewed to them in that behalf Wherefore
pleaseth your most gracious highness that it may be enacted ordeyned and estabhshed by
your most roial majesty by thassent of your lords spirituaU and temporaU and of the
commons in the present Parliament assembled and by auctoritie of the same that your said
supphaunts and every of them and the heirs executors and administrators of them and every
of them and aU and every other person and persons which at any tyme or season before the
feast of the Nativitie of our Lord God last past have ben Shiref or Exchetour of the countie
aforesaid theire heires executors and administrators and every of them may be exonerated
pardoned acquited and discharged agenst your highnes your heires and successours forever
as weU in your said Courte of your Exchequyer and aU other Courtes as elsewhere of and
for aU maner of accompts debts arrerage of debts and accompts issues fynes amerciaments
seasours of goods cataUs lands and tenements forfeitures penalties and sommes of money and
aU other charges whatsoever they be wherewith they or any of them ben or in any wise
may be onerated and charged in your said Courte of your Exchequyer or any other of your
Courtes or any other way or means touching or in any wise concerning the said offices or
either of them and of aU accions suits quareUs processes impechements and demaunds for
the same or any parcel thereof And that it may be furdermore enacted ordeyned and
established by the auctoritie aforesaid that aU and every person and persons whiche at any
tyme hereafter shalbe Shiref or Exchetour of your countie aforesaid shaU make and yelde
theire due just and severaU accompts of and for all the issues revenues and proffitts of the
said several offices in your said Courte of your Eschequyer after like rate fashion and forme
as the Shireffs and Eschetours of other counties have commonly used and accustomed for to
do or after such maner or forme or otherwise to be demeaned as by your highnes shalbe

TUDOR PERIOD. 367
thought expedient Provided alwaies that the said act or any thing theryn conteyned be
not hurtfuU or prejudicial in any wise to any person or persons whatsoever for or concerning
any maner of graunte dymys or lease made graunted or lett or hereafter to be made graunted
or lett by your highnes lettres patent or otherwise to any such person or persons of or for
the said offices or either of them or any parceU of them or of either of them but that the
said graunte dymyse or lease and every article theryn conteyned be and stand in full
strength and effect tins act in any wise' notwithstanding.

MARY.
The reign of Mary was a time of great disquietude on the Eastern Marches.
Numerous incursions took place, as well of the Scots into Northumberland, as of
the Enghsh into Berwickshire and Eoxburghshire, but the results were unim
portant. The Scots were aided by a body of French troops under then com
mander, D'Oysel. Indeed, on these auxiliaries the brunt of the conflict usuaUy
feU, for the war was far from popular with the Scots, who, whilst they expressed
then determination to defend their own hmits, on more than one occasion refused
to go beyond them. The details of this petty warfare would be tedious, nor is it
necessary to coUect them here, a reference to the pages of Eidpath being sufficient.
In the midst of these international affrays, a feud of a still more deadly character
arose in the midst of Northumberland, and excited the utmost apprehensions as to
its results. Mention has already been made of Thomas Carr, the son of John
Carr, Captain of Wark, who having married Elizabeth, the daughter of Sir Wil
ham Heron of Ford, became in her right possessor of the castle and estates.
His title, however, was not unquestioned, two claimants asserting their pretensions
to the property under an alleged entail, by which the succession was limited to
heirs-male. These were George Heron of Chipchase, and Alexander Heron of
Meldon ; but the former was the more resolute competitor. Scorning to avail
himself of the ordinary course of submitting bis claims to the decision of a court
of law, he determined to obtain possession by force of arms. In this attempt he
was aided by the support and co-operation of many of the most considerable
famihes in Northumberland — Forsters, Fenwicks, Eidleys, Beveleys, Selbies,
Greys, Shaftoes, Wallaces, Muschamps, Burrells, Eutherfords, &c. Even the
Warden himself, Lord Wharton, is said to have unduly exercised his authority in
his favour. On the other hand, Carr had nothing to rely upon but the advantage
of possession, his own prowess, and that of his family and followers, His only

368 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
auxUiaries of any consideration were the Collingwoods, long constables under the
Manners family of the neighbouring castle of Etal. The feud was fully developed
when the Queen came to the throne in 1553, and continued to rage with unabated
violence almost to the close of her reign.
On the 28th of AprU, 1557, Carr had left the castle in charge of his brother
and four men, the only other inmates being three female servants. During the
night this little force was expelled by John Dixon, Constable of Berwick, with
fourteen men under his command, and the foUowing morning, being Sunday,
Ealph Grey of ChUlingham, Eobert Barrow, Mayor of Berwick, Gyles Heron,
Treasurer of Berwick, and thirty others, proceeded to the castle to secure it
against the Carrs, They were met under the waUs by Eobert Carr, the brother
of Thomas, who attacked them, although he had only six or seven men with him,
and the Mayor of Berwick was kUled in tbe skirmish. In the afternoon the
Herons were reinforced by their own tenantry and those of the Greys, and for a
while kept possession ; but the Carrs were ultimately reinstated. These curious
particulars are derived from Eaine's North Durham, and exhibit a strange picture
of the state of the district at the time. From other information preserved in the
same repository we learn that this was far from a solitary instance of Ul blood
between neighbours. There was indeed " no other great matter of controversy of
land; but for griefs and displeasures, there were many." 1st. Between the Selbies
and Eeveleys of Norhamshire ; 2nd. Between Eichard Eutherford of Eutchester
and Gawin his son on the one part, and Martin Turpin, Constable of Morpeth
Castle, and Bereival Bauston on the other; 3rd. Between two branches of the
family of Anderson ; 4th. Between two branches of the Hedleys ; and 5th. Be
tween the families of Botts and Wetheral : these three last being all in Eedesdale.
Sir Eobert Bowes, who reports upon these matters, recommends that the feuds, if
possible, should be appeased ; if not, that " the parties be kept under bonds to
keep the peace." And further, that " hke order be taken in all such grieves
through the county, for the countrymen be much given to fighting and frays
upon old quarrels, whereof groweth murder and many other inconveniences."
Whilst civil dissensions were thus rife in Northumberland, we hear nothing of
rehgious persecution. It is true that this county furnished, in the person of
Nicholas Eidley Bishop of London, one of those who, by the purity of his con
duct, and the firmness and moderation with which he maintained his faith, best
earned the distinction of a martyr ; but his spirit did not prevail in the land of

TUDOR PERIOD. 369
his birth. The feeling of the bulk of the people was for the religion in which
they had been educated. The destruction of the monasteries had almost shut
them out from Christian ministration of any kind. The impropriated benefices
had passed into lay hands, and either no stipend was allowed for the cure of souls,
or a pittance utterly inadequate. Spiritually and temporally the flocks were neg
lected, and instead of courting martyrdom by resisting the re -introduction of the
ancient services, the bulk of the Northumbrians looked hopefully on the work
which the Queen had in hand.

ELIZABETH.
The death of Mary and the accession of Elizabeth depressed the spirits of the
Eoman Catholic party in the North, which is described by Sir Ealph Sadleyr as
comprehending nearly all the gentry and the great bulk of the lower classes.
" There be not," says he, "in all this country, ten gentlemen that do favour and
allow her Majesty's proceedings in the cause of rehgion ; and the common people
be ignorant, full of superstition, and altogether blinded with the old popish
doctrine." Under these circumstances, it is rather matter of surprise that ten years should
have passed undisturbed by actual insurrection, than that at the end of that period
popular feeling should have ripened into rebellion. How far the preparations for
a general rising of the inhabitants of the northern district were made with the
cognizance and sanction of their co-religionists in other parts of the kingdom, can
only be matter of conjecture. Suspicion pointed to the complicity of Mary Queen
of Scots, now a prisoner in the hands of Elizabeth, and to the Duke of Norfolk,
whose imprudent correspondence with the captive princess brought him a little
later to the scaffold. Whatever might be the ramifications of the plot, the actual
outbreak was purely local, confined exclusively to the counties north of the Trent.
The acknowledged leaders were the Earls of Westmorland and Northumberland,
but the bulk of the forces were supplied from Yorkshire and Durham. Sh Ealph
Bowes estimates the number of horsemen who followed the Bercy banner out of
Northumberland at four score or one hundred, and of those who joined the Earl
of Westmorland from his barony of Bywell, at three score only. This betokens
great want of preparation, and is consistent with all the accounts which have come
down to us, which concur in describing the outbreak as having been precipitated
part i. ^ z

370 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
by the measures which were taken to prevent it. The two Earls being summoned
to court, fearing that their counsels had been betrayed, sought their only chance
of safety in the field. Durham and Yorkshire were the scenes of the brief
struggle, the discomfitted host only retreating into Northumberland with a view
of ultimately escaping across the Border. At one time, indeed, they seem to have
intended to fall back upon the Earl of Northumberland's castle at Alnwick, but
this, as well as Warkworth, was secured by the vigilance of Sir John Forster, the
Warden of the Middle Marches. Dispersing the infantry, the Earls led their
horse to Hexham, whilst the Earl of Sussex, tbe commander of the royal forces,
marched to Newcastle. From thence he writes to Cecil on the 19th of December,
1569, intimating his intention of proceeding the next day to Hexham. There,
however, the rebels did not await him, but proceeded to Brampton and Naworth,
from whence they entered Scotland by way of Liddisdale. The Earl of North
umberland was betrayed into the hands of the Earl of Marr, the Eegent of Scot
land, and by him surrendered to Elizabeth, who caused him to be executed at
York. The Earl of Westmorland escaped to Flanders, but his large possessions
were confiscated, including ByweU, Brancepeth, and Eaby. Leonard Dacre also,
the brother of Thomas Lord Dacre of Gilsland, and uncle of George the last lord,
who died in childhood from the effects of an accident, was implicated in this
rebeUion, and his property, including a portion of tbe barony of Whalton, with
other lands in Northumberland and elsewhere, was forfeited. A survey of all the
forfeited estates was made, under a commission addressed to Wilham Homberston
and others, forming two ponderous quarto volumes, which are still preserved in
the Bubhc Eecord Office. The first volume comprises the estates of the two
Earls ; the second, those of Leonard Dacre, Sir John Neville, and other persons
attainted in Northumberland, Durham, Yorkshhe, Cumberland, and Westmor
land. A very imperfect abstract was made by Dodsworth, and is printed in the
Sadleyr papers.
The following Northumberland gentlemen were indicted for rebellion and con
spiracy : Tristram Fenwick of Brinkburn, Cuthbert Armorer of Belford, Eobert
Collingwood of Abberwick, Eobert Collingwood of Etal, George Horsley of Ack-
lington Bark, Eobert Carr of Ford, John Carnaby of Langley, William Welton
of Welton, Thomas Errington of Walwick Grange, Thomas Bates of Morpeth.
The first five were included in the Act of Attainder, but Fenwick, Horsley, and
one of the Collingwoods, were pardoned. Amongst the most active promoters of

TUDOR PERIOD. 371
the rebellion was John Swinburne of Chopwell, in the county of Durham, who
was connected with Northumberland both by family and property.
The principal incidents of Border history during this reign were two affrays,
the first in 1575, the other in 1585, both originating on days of truce for the
mutual redress of grievances between the two realms, and both terminating in
bloodshed. At the meeting, in 1575, at the Eeedswire, Sir George Heron, the
Keeper of Tyndale, was slain, and Sh John Forster, the Warden of the Middle
Marches, Sh Cuthbert Collingwood, and others, were taken prisoners. In 1585,
at a similar meeting at Hexpethgatehead, Lord Francis Eussell, one of the mem
bers of Barliament for the county, son of the Earl of Bedford, and son-in-law of
Sh John Forster, was slain. Mr. Hodgson took great pains to illustrate the
detaUs of these two skirmishes, and full particulars will be found from his pen in
tbe History of Northumberland* and in the Archaeologia JEliana?
In the 14th of Elizabeth the liberty of Hexham was united to the county of
Northumberland. This franchise, for many centuries the property of the Arch
bishop of York, had been previously acquired by the Crown, in exchange for
other manors and estates.
The franchise of Tyndale had been long since attached -to Northumberland by
an Act of the 11th of Henry TIL, whereby it was provided that —
" North and South Tyndale, and aU the lands therein shaU be gildable, and parcel of the
county of Northumberland, and no franchise shaU be there, but aU the king's writs and
officers shaU be obeyed ; 2ndly, that no man shaU demise any lands there for years, life, or
at wiU, but the lessee shaU at first find two sureties having at least 40 shiUings of freehold
within the county of Northumberland, to be bound in recognisance in 20L to the king, to
make answer within 8 days' warning to all murders, treasons, felonies, &c, and the lessor
shaU forfeit 40 shillings for every acre otherwise let, to the king and justices, and the lease
shaU be void ; 3rdly, the justices shaU enquire of the recognisances forfeited."
This Act, which is not published at large in the Statutes, appears to have
applied also to Eeedsdale, as no separate enactment is to be found incorporating it
with the county. A former Act of the 2nd of Henry V. relating to Tyndale and
Hexhamshire was in the 9th of the same reign extended to Eeedsdale,'1 and it
¦ Part IL, vol. i., page 155. j Vol ii., page 287 (Old Series.)
* These Acts recite " that grevious complaints have been made by the commons of Northumberland,
that many murders, treasons, manslaughters, robberies, and other offences have been committed against
the faithful Uege people of the said county by people dwelling within the franchises of Tyndale (Reeds-

372 HISTORY OF NORTH tJMBERLAND.
seems unlikely that, in again legislating for Tynedale, the neighbouring franchise
of Eeedsdale would have been forgotten, although there might be special reasons
for omitting Hexham as an ecclesiastical fief.
In the 43rd of Elizabeth a very remarkable statute was passed, " for the more
peaceable government of the parts of Cumberland, Northumberland, Westmor
land, and the bishoprick of Duresme." The preamble recites that —
" Of late years very many of the inhabitants of the said counties have been taken, some
forth of their own houses, some in travelling by the highway or otherwise, and carried out
of the said counties, or to some places within the same as prisoners, and kept barbarously
and crueUy, untU redeemed by great ransoms ; that of late time there have been many
incursions, roads, robberies, burning and spoiling of towns, vdlages and houses, that divers
and sundry of her Majestie's loving subjects have been forced to pay a rate of money, corn,
cattle, or other consideration, commonly there caUed by the name of Black-mail, unto
divers and sundry inhabiting upon and near the Borders, being men of name, and friended
and allied with divers in those parts, who are commonly known to be great robbers and
spoil-takers, to the end to be by them freed, protected, and kept from the danger of such as
do usuaUy rob and steal in those parts ; by reason whereof her Majesty's tenants and other
good subjects are impoverished, theft and robbing increased, the maintainers thereof encou
raged, the Border service weakened and decayed, towns dispeopled and laid waste, and her
Majesty's own revenue greatly diminished."
Certain offences are then declared felony without benefit of clergy: — 1st. Car
rying or detaining any person against his will ; 2nd. Aiding or abetting therein ;
3rd. Taking black-mail ; 4th. Baying the same ; 5th. Burning stacks of corn.
" And whereas divers persons, indicted and outlawed for murders, robberies,
burglaries, and other felonies, do notwithstanding resort and come to markets and
fans, and other public assemblies and meetings, and do there converse, traffic, and
trade with other her Majesty's subjects," it is enacted that the Clerk of the Beace
of each county shall deliver to each of the Sheriffs of the said counties the names
of all persons outlawed ; that the Sheriffs shall proclaim the names of such outlaws
dale) and Hexhamshire, where the king's writ runneth not, otherwise than have been done or known
before this time, so that without due remedy provided they dare no longer there dwell, because that
the offenders are so favoured by the franchise." Provision is then made that such offenders shaU be
proceeded against before the justices and outlawed : that a certificate of such outlawry shall be deUvered
by the justices to the minister or ministers of the franchise to which the outlaw belongs ; that he shaU
be taken by such minister; that the goods of such outlaw within the franchise shall be forfeited to the
lord thereof, and those without to the king.

TUDOR PERIOD. 373
in their several county-courts, as follow :— In Cumberland, at the city of Carlisle,
and the towns of Benrith and Cockermouth ; in Westmorland, at Appleby and
Kendal ; in the county of the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, at the said town of
of Newcastle ; in Northumberland, at Morpeth, Alnwick, and Hexham ; in the
bishoprick of Durham, at the city of Durham, and the towns of Darlington,
Bishop- Auckland, and Barnard- Castle ; and at Berwick-on-Tweed. The procla
mation to be repeated until the outlaws are lodged in prison. Like proclamation
to be made by Mayors, or other chief officers, at fairs, and every six weeks at mar
kets. Bersons entertaining or conferring with any outlaw so proclaimed, to suffer
six months' imprisonment, without bail or mainprize, and to find security for good
behaviour for one year. Justices of Assize, and Justices at General Sessions, to
have power to enquhe, hear, and determine of the offences and defaults of
Sheriffs, Mayors, and other officers, and of Clerks of the Beace, and to punish
them by fine, imprisonment, or otherwise. Brovided always, that nothing in the
Act shall abridge or impeach the jurisdiction or authority of any of the Lords
Wardens of any of the Marches of England for and anenst Scotland.
In the reign of Ehzabeth the records of the county of Northumberland com
mence, the earliest document in the Clerk of the Beace's office being an enrolment
of indictments, as well at the assizes and other gaol deliveries, as at the quarter
sessions. From these we may form some idea of the state of crime in the county
at the period under review ; nor can we fail to be struck, not merely with the
number and magnitude of the offences, but with the position and character of
the offenders, many of those charged with murder and other heinous crimes being
members of the most considerable families in tbe county, and the victims belong
ing to the same class. Still the course of justice appears to have been unimpeded,
and no difficulty to have been experienced in procuring convictions in cases of
proved guilt. The delinquents, indeed, in some instances escaped punishment by
the exercise of the royal prerogative in their favour, but rarely from the undue
sympathy of then peers.
Eeference has been already made to the valuable Surveys of the Borders printed
by Mr. Hodgson.1 The later of these, made in 1550, contains a list of the
" Gentlemen inhabitants within the East and Middle Marches." A similar docu
ment, of a date ten years later, is preserved amongst Sir Ealph Sadleyr's papers,
from which it is extracted. It refers only to the East March, with which Sir
Ealph was more immediately connected.

PART I.

Hist. Nort'd, Part IIL, vol. ii, page 171
5 A

374

HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

Gentlemen living within the East Marches of England, 2nd of Ehzabeth, 1560.

Sir Ralph Grey of ChiUingham
Sir Robert EUerker of Hulne
Thomas Porster of Edderston
John Horsley of Ouchester
John Carr of Boulmer
Thomas Heron of Howick
Edward Bradford of Embleton
Roland Bradford of FaUodon
Thomas French of EUingham
Henry Swinhoe of Moussen
Robert Hoppen of Hoppen
Francis Armorer of Belford

BAMBRO'-SHIRE.

WiUiam Manners of Newton
Sir Thomas Grey of Horton
Sir John Forster of Alnwick Abbey
Thomas Bradford of Bradford
George Carr of Lesbury
Thomas Roddam of Little Houghton
John Bradford of Tughill
Nicholas Forster of Newham
Robert Whytenham of Ditch burn
Richard Carr of Elwick
Robert Lawson of Rock.

GLENDALE.

Thomas Hebburn of Hebburn
Roland Forster of Hazelrig
Oswald Muschiance of Ham HaU
Robert Rutherford of Middleton Hall
John Carr of Ford
George Muschiance, Barmoor

Thomas Howburn of Howburn
Thomas Hderton of Ilderton
WUliam Strother of Newton
Henry Reveley of Chatton
Robert Collingwood of Etal
William Selby of Pauston.

NORHAM AND ISLANDSHIRE.

Gilbert Swinhoe of Goswick
John Revely of Berrington
WUliam Selby of Grindon-Ridge
Edward Reveley of Ancroft

Thomas Grey of Elwick
Ralph Gray of Heton
George Orde of Newbiggen.

It must be remembered that the parties in this list, although generally, are not
invariably the owners, but in some cases the Bailiffs or " Eulers" for absentee
proprietors.

375

CHABTEE XI.
STUAKT DYNASTY.
JAMES I.
Queen Ehzabeth died on the 24th of March, 1603, and the intelligence of her
decease was received three days afterwards by her successor, in Edinburgh. This
rapid communication was due to the interested zeal of Sh Eobert Carey, after
wards Earl of Monmouth. He was Warden of the Middle Marches, and had his
residence at Widdrington, having married the widow of the late proprietor.
Leaving London at an early hour, he slept the first night at Doncaster, and the
second at Widdrington Castle. The tbhd day his journey was retarded by a
serious faU, and he did not reach Edinburgh tiU James had retired to rest. The
news which he bore was however too important and too welcome to admit of
delay in its communication, and he was at once introduced into the royal pre
sence, being the first English subject who tendered his allegiance. Carey's
journey was no doubt a remarkable feat, the distance performed from London to
Widdrington being about 300 mUes ; but the facilities for such rapid locomotion
were greater than is generaUy supposed. Fynes Morrison writing a very few years
later, mentions amongst the great roads on which relays of post-horses were kept,
that from London to Berwick. These, we are told, were " established at every
ten miles or thereabout, which they ride at a false gallop after some ten miles in
the hour," ten computed miles at that period being fully equal to twelve measured
miles. James's own journey southward was performed with much more dehberation,
occupying an enthe month between his two capitals. He spent some time at Ber
wick and also at Newcastle, his intermediate resting place being Widdrington
Castle where Sh Eobert Carey had the honour of entertaining him.

376 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The King passed a second time through Northumberland, on his route to Edin
burgh, in 1617, and was again entertained by the Corporation of Newcastle,
from whom he accepted a pecuniary present.
The object which James had most earnestly in view after his accession was the
complete union of the two realms, fondly imagining that tbe differences and
animosities which had been the growth of centuries could be reconcUed and
eradicated at the pleasure of a sovereign, supported by the authority of Barlia-
ment. His views met with some acceptance in Scotland, but were strenuously
opposed by the legislature and people of England, and he was obliged to content him
self with the repeal of such laws of either kingdom as were framed in a sphit of direct
hostility to the other. a Even these modified alterations caused considerable alarm
on the English Border, where the administration of criminal justice was for some
time carried out by special commissioners, under the same laws which had been
previously administered in tbe Warden-courts. At length, in the 5th of James,
a Bill was introducod by which the counties on either side of the Border were left
to deal with the offenders resident within them, instead of delivering them up for
trial to the neighbouring county in which the offence had been committed.
Against this change a petition, or rather a remonstrance, was presented to the
House of Commons by the Earl of Cumberland, the Bishop of Durham, Sh
WiUiam Selby, and others, on behalf of the gentlemen and freeholders of North
umberland and Cumberland, in which, whUst they frankly admit the " glorious
care of his Majesty to civilize the late Borders, which hath brought forth a peace
able and quiet estate to these parts, with good hope of its continuance," they
strongly express their apprehension that the Bill before tbe House wUl be " un
serviceable for the rooting out of theft, and of apparent and special disadvantage
to England : " wherefore they pray the House, " either not to mislike the present
form of proceedings, whereof so great good hath ensued, or else to provide a better
way instead thereof, quick in execution, and such as may disappoint offenders of
all escapes, shifts and subterfuges." This interference was resented by the King,
the remonstrance was rejected by the Commons, and the Bill became law.
Notwithstanding the passsing of this Act, the special commissions for the Border
were still continued for the trial of moss-troopers and other offenders. Eoger
» Commissioners were appointed to treat with others to be named by the Scottish Parliament, but
they never met. Amongst the English commissioners occur the names of the two members for the
County of Northumberland, Sir Henry Widdrington and Sir Ralph Grey.

STUART DYNASTY. 377
North, who accompanied his brother Francis, then Chief Justice, on the Northern
Circuit, in 1676, writes as follows :—
" After the union, to prevent this thieving trade, the Crown sent commissioners of oyer
and terminer, directed to an equal number of Enghsh and Scotch, extending to certain
limits on each side the Border ; and being continued, it is therefore called the Border Com
mission. And they meet in their Sessions, and hang up at another rate than the Assizes,
for we are told that at one Sessions they hanged eighteen for not reading sicut clerici."b
Tbe happy effects of the union of the crowns were, however, sufficiently mani
fest in Northumberland, from the cultivation of lands which had long lain waste,
and the great increase in the rental of the Border proprietors.0 In this reign the
principles of the Eeformation for the first time made real progress in Northum
berland, and the Brotestant party were able to make bead against the professors of
the old faith. In the 1st of James, Sir Ealph Grey of ChiUingham was returned,
on tbe Brotestant interest, as member for the county, in conjunction with Sir
Henry Widdrington, a Boman Catholic. At tbe next election, twelve years after
wards, a second Eoman Catholic was returned, to the exclusion of Sir Ealph Grey,
but this was effected, not by the voice of the freeholders, but by the illegal pro
ceedings of the High Sheriff, the particulars of which are minutely detailed in the
Barhamentary Journals. No notice, it appears, was given, nor proclamation made
by the Sheriff untU within half an hour of the time of election, nor did he enter
the court tUl half-past nine, when "be called on Sir George Selby by name, and
those whom he knew to be for Sir George, taking no notice of any for Sir Balph
Grey." Not having got 24 names on the poll, he set back the clock, and having
got the necessary number, be refused to proceed further, but returned Sir George
Selby with Sir Henry Widdrington. The election was set aside on other grounds,
but the Sheriff (Sh Balph Selby) was summoned before tbe House of Commons to
answer for his conduct, the Serjeant being ordered to enforce his attendance. On
receivinc the summons, he set out to ride post, outriding the Serjeant's man, and
b He relates an anecdote of the trial of a notorious moss-trooper, Mungo Noble, against whom four
indictments were preferred, but nothing was proved, " and his lordship was so much of a south-country
iudge " that he would not hang him for his bad character. "While the judge at the trial discoursed
of the evidence and its defects, a Scotch gentlemen upon the bench, who was a Border Commissioner,
made a long neck towards the judge, and, ' My Laird,' said he, ' send him to huzz, and yees ne'er see
him mair.' "
c " The advantage of the union was so great to those counties, that the Lord Grey of Wark's estate,
which before was not above 1,000Z. per annum, hath since risen to 6,000Z. or 7,6001."— North's Life.
PART I. ° B

378 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
arriving in London before him. Being brought to the bar, he was accused of ill-
using the Serjeant's man, the Serjeant himself indignantly affirming, that " he
would not so much as bid his man drink." The Sheriff, on the other band, de
clared that he asked the man to stay ; offered to lend him money, and presented
him with 20 shillings. He then handed in a certificate from 19 gentlemen of the
county, as to the regularity of the proceedings, on which a member (Sir Thomas
Wharton) remarked, that out of the 19 subscribers, seven were either Selbies or
Widdringtons. After deliberation, it was resolved that the Sheriff had cleared
himself in the matter of the Serjeant's man ; but that for his conduct at the
election, he be fined 50Z. and committed to the custody of the Serjeant for 14
days. At the next election Sir William Grey, afterwards created Lord Grey of Wark,
the son of Sir Ealph, was returned with Sir Henry Widdrington, apparently by
compromise. After the breach with Spain, consequent on the failure of the negotiations for
the marriage of Brince Charles with the Infanta, it was determined rigorously to
enforce the penal laws against the Eoman Catholics, and the members of Barlia-
ment for the several counties were required to present all recusants holding any
office within the same.d The numbers so presented were very inconsiderable, in
many counties none, in others one or two. In Lancashire, which had the greatest
number, there were seven ; in Norfolk, Durham, Yorkshire, and Northumberland,
five each. In the latter Sir John Fenwick presented Sir Thomas Biddle, Sir
William Selby, Mr. Cuthbert Heron, Mr. Thomas Eiddle, and Mr. William
Jennison. Sir Thomas Eiddle occurs also in the Durham list, presented by Sir
Thomas Saville, with the Earl of Worcester, Lord Scrope,6 Lord Eure, and Sir
Thomas Coniers.
i These returns are not confined to the recusancy of the parties themselves, but extend to their
wives and famUies. Thus the Archbishop of York is presented on account of a recusant son, and
several for the known or suspected recusancy of their wives. Two curious presentments are made by
the members for Pembroke and Montgomery : Sir James Perrot presents " His own wife a recusant;"
Sir WiUiam Herbert, " His own wife an obstinate papist."
0 " Sir John Bellasis says he knows that within these two years Lord Scrope and all his family re
ceived : — Christmas was two year." Mr. Cholmely declares, "Lord Scrope ready to receive : The
reason why he hath forborne thus long, not any scruple of conscience."

STUART DYNASTY. 379

CHAELES I.
The measures taken in the late reign against recusants do not appear to have
had any permanent effect, their numbers being reported to the King as greatly on
the increase. In Northumberland in particular they caused great uneasiness, and
a letter was addressed by the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of tbe Beace of
that county, in the 6th of Charles, 1629—
" Expressing how his Majesty was credibly informed that the number of Popish recusants,
which of late years was very smaU, is now, through much remissness in the execution of
the laws against them, increased to such an excessive number, as hath given his Majesty
just cause to be highly displeased therewith, and may justly give exceeding great offence to
aU his weU-affected subjects. Wherefore they thought fit to signify unto them his Majesty's
express pleasure, that they make exact inquiry into the number of Popish recusants con
victed or not convicted, which may be justly suspected, and return a certificate ; also, that
they take care that the laws against them be put in execution without partiality or con
nivance ; and that they give unto the Board a faithful account of their proceedings herein,
as they tender the good of rehgion, the happy government of the commonwealth, and as
they would avoid his Majesty's great displeasure."
Of the immediate result of this injunction we have no information, but the
necessities of the King soon taught him that it was more profitable to compound
with the recusants than to prosecute them. He over-estimated, indeed, the
amount which he could extort from them, calculating, according to Eushworth,
upon receiving two parts out of three of the annual value of their estates, whereas
he was only able to realize one part out of ten or twelve. Thus Sir Eobert
EUerker, whose estates in Yorkshire and elsewhere were estimated at 600/. per
annum, paid only 50/., and Eoger Widdrington of Cartington paid 60/. out of a
rental of 500/. Even after the obnoxious but much more productive impost of
ship-money was resorted to, recusants' -money was still paid. In 1638 collectors
were appointed in each county specially to receive it, those for Northumberland
being Sir William Fenwick, Mr. Widdrington, Mr. Haggerston, and Sir Edward
Eatchffe. On this occasion tbe Queen gave great offence by an appeal which she
made to her co-religionists, exhorting them to be liberal in their contributions, and

380 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
so to shew their loyalty to their sovereign, and to secure his future favour. For
this indiscretion she was obliged to make a submissive apology to the House of
Commons. The occasion of this extraordinary collection was the contemplated expedition
of the King against his contumacious Scotch subjects, which was undertaken the
following year. The particulars of his Majesty's entertainment at Newcastle, in
1639, as well as on his previous visit in 1633, have been collected by Brand from
contemporary sources, and it is unnecessary to repeat them here. The King's
departure from thence is generally assigned to the 22nd of May, but he did not
actually leave Newcastle till the day following. Sir Edmund Verney, writing from
that town on the 22nd, says : —
" Now for the business here ; — it stands thus : part of our army, and indeed aU of it
except the Privy-chamber men, is marcht away to the rendezvous, which is within four
nriles of Berwick. To-morrow the King removes, and wiU be there the next day, if nothing
happens to change his resolution. I am instantly going to view the ground, and place his
tent ready against he comes."
On the 29th Sir Edmund writes " From the Camp" (at the Bhksf ) —
" We are now incampt within two mde of Berwick, and by to-morrow we shall be in-
trencht. I have been here these three days in the camp, ordering of things there for the
King's coming to-morrow to lodge there. The King lies at Berwick at this time."
The unfortunate expedition to Kelso took place on the 3rd of June, and on the
6th a Scottish army, which is described by Yerney as " very strong," unexpect
edly took up a position within six miles of the royal encampment, and was there
entrenched. The excitement in the English camp was extreme, for although the
Tweed lay between the two armies, and Berwick, with its bridge, was in the pos
session of the King, the river was fordable in many places. Loud complaints
were made of the defective intelligence of the enemy's movements, and Eoger
Widdrington, who acted as scout-master, was even accused of treachery, " and
his crime," adds Eushworth, " was aggravated because he was a papist."
f The Birks was the old name for West Ord, the division of Ord into East, Middle, and West, being
comparatively modern. Neither Ridpath nor any of our early local historians seem to have been
aware of this, as they give no information as to the situation of the Birks, further than we gather from
contemporary accounts that it was two (computed) miles from Berwick.

STUART DYNASTY. 381
" The Lord-General made this reply to those nobles that accused the scout-master, that
he made choice of him as the fittest man in England for the office of scout-master, being
born in that county of Northumberland, and one best acquainted with aU the Highland-
men upon the Borders of Scotland ; and who was best able of any man that he knew in
England to gain inteUigence from them ; and that it was notoriously known that he was a
gentleman that ever bore a perfect hatred to the Scots, and was a stout active man upon
Border service in the time of Queen Ehzabeth ; that he was a person of quahty, and he
doubted not of his integrity, and that he would justify himselfe In conclusion, this busi
ness was husht up, but great was the murmuring of the private soldiers in the camp ; and
now the army that was so forward to engage before, seemed more indifferent, complaining
of Hi provisions, that the biscuit was mouldy, and that they could get no drink in the camp.
No supply was then to be got out of Scotland, but a few lambs were brought and sold to
the army, and Northumberland was not able to victual the tenth part of the army, and the
garrison of Berwick was so numerous that they could not brew and bake to supply them
selves." On the 19th an unsatisfactory peace was concluded. The King seems all along
to have been deceived as to the strength of his opponents, who boasted loudly of
then overwhelming numbers. Whilst the treaty was pending, Sir Edmund
Yerney writes —
" The Scots have a good army, but far short of what they bragd on ; truly I think we
shaU have the better army, for now our supphes are come to us, we shaU be able to make
nearly 13,000 foot and 2,200 horse. They wiU have more foot, but are weak in horse, nor
are they so wed armed as we ; and we have 2,000 foot more ready at a day's notice."
On the 21st of June, we are told, " The King has stayed here in the field all
this week to see his army sent away. To-morrow he goes to Berwick, but when
he wiU see London is yet unknown to any but himself."
He remained more than a month longer at Berwick, and up to the very day of
his departure Sh Edmund expresses his uncertainty, whether the next movement
would be to London or Edinburgh, " or whether we shall stay in these parts."
The resolution, suddenly formed, was quickly executed, the King and bis attend
ants riding post to London (260 miles according to Eushworth, but actually 330)
in four days.
* Roger "Widdrington was employed in the Border service under Sir Robert Carey, Warden of the
Middle Marches. " I allowed Roger Widdrington two horsemen. He was employed by me on all
occasions, and for the time I remained there, did the Queen and country very great and good service."
Carey's Memoirs.
PART I. 5 C >

382 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
By the terms of the pacification, the forces on each side had to be immediately
disbanded, and this condition was strictly observed by the King. So far, how
ever, were the insurgents from adhering to it, that they maintained garrisons at
Leith and elsewhere, the authority of the Crown being little more than nominal
in any part of Scotland. It soon became evident that the King must either re
nounce the sovereignty of that part of bis dominions altogether, or he must
assert his right by force of arms. For the latter alternative nine-tenths of his
English subjects were fully prepared, nor did the Barliament, which was sum
moned, after an interval of eleven years, evince any disposition to withhold sup
plies. They insisted, however, on a redress of grievances in the first instance,
and an assurance that the exaction of ship-money, and other irregular expedients
for raising money, should be abandoned in future. The King's necessities were
great, and a wise minister would have made greater concessions than these to con
ciliate the guardians of the public purse. In Sir Harry Yane, the Lord Treasurer,
the King had unfortunately a servant who was lamentably deficient in discretion,
if indeed treachery did not lurk under his assumed obstinacy. Not only did he
insist in the King's name on the grant of a supply preceding the consideration of
grievances, but he named an amount so exorbitant as to startle the firmest friends
of the government.
The last chance of an accommodation was cut off by the inconsiderate dissolu
tion of tbe Barliament on the 5th of May, 1640, after a session of only three
weeks. This step was endeavoured to be justified in a proclamation which was
widely distributed throughout the country, and commissions of array were ad
dressed to the lieutenants of each county, requiring them to embody the train
bands for exercise, and to have all in readiness for marching to the rendezvous at
Newcastle by the 10th of May. This appointment was subsequently extended to
the 1st of June. The chief difficulty was to provide funds for the expedition.
The clergy in convocation voted a liberal supply, and tbe nobility and gentry
were not backward with then offerings, but the citizens of London peremptorily
decUned to be parties to a loan on any terms. Tbe antiquated expedient of re
quiring all persons possessed of a certaiD landed estate to pay a composition in
lieu of taking on them the degree of knighthood was revived, and other obsolete
measures were had recourse to with the same view.
The chief command of the army was committed to the Earl of Northumberland,
with the Earl of Strafford as his deputy ; but the illness of tbe former transferred

STUART DYNASTY. 383
the real conduct of the war to Lord Strafford, whom we find with the King at
York m the month of August. The troops at Newcastle were under the imme
diate orders of Lord Conway.
lhe Scots did not now, as in the previous year, confine themselves to defensive
operations, but crossed the Tweed at Coldstream on the 20th of August, under
General Lesley, their numbers being estimated at 20,000 foot and 2,500 horse.
On the 21st they passed the night at Millfield, and on the 22nd at Middleton-
Haugh, near Wooler. The next day being Sunday, they marched, after sermon,
to Branton; on Monday they encamped " on the hill betwixt the old and new
towns of Eglingham;" and on Tuesday at Nether- Witton. "On Wednesday,"
says Eushworth, "they removed from thence, and pitched that night on the east
part of a vUlage called Creich, or some such name," (probably Kirkley.)
On Thursday, August 27th, they advanced to the neighbourhood of Newburn,
the nearest point to tbe sea at which the river Tyne is fordable. From hence
General Lesley sent a drummer to Newcastle, with letters for the Mayor, and also
for the Commander-in-Chief. The messenger was met outside the walls by Sir
Jacob Astley, the commander of the garrison, and Colonel Goring, who were re-
connoitering the ground. Sir Jacob took the letters and read the superscription,
but perceiving that they were sealed, he returned them to the drummer, " and
bid him remember his services to the General, and teU him that no sealed letters
ought to be received, and if he sent any more, the bearer thereof had better stay
at home ; so the man with his kettle-drums on horseback returned, and the con
tents of the letters were not known, but conceived only to be a kind of summons."
At night the Scots took up a position on the commanding eminence of Heddon-
Law, and there pitched their tents, making fires all round with coals from the
neighbouring pits. " That night and the next morning," says Eushworth, " they
suffered any Enghshman to come into their camp, and made them welcome with
expressions of great love, and protestations of doing harm to none but those who
should oppose them in demanding justice of the King against the incendiaries."
Tbe same night the King's army, consisting of three thousand foot and fifteen
hundred horse, were drawn out on Stella-Haugh, on the opposite side of the Tyne.
" Here two several sconces or breastworks were raised by the English against the
two fords, which the Scots might pass over at low water, for till then they could
not pass the Tyne, and into each sconce were put four hundred musketeers and
four pieces of ordnance." The horse were disposed in squadrons on the haugh,

384 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
at some distance from the foot, and so remained all night and the foUowing morn
ing, the English and Scots watering their horses on the opposite sides of the river
without molesting each other.
The Scots had this material advantage, that from their elevated position they
could see every movement of their opponents, whUst the English were prevented
by the intervention of the houses and enclosures about Newburn from ascertaining
what was doing on the other side. Under these circumstances, the Scots were
able unobserved to bring down cannon into the viUage of Newburn, some of which
they planted on the church tower, and to station then musketeers in the church,
houses, lanes, and hedges.
At this period Eushworth, to whose pen we are indebted for an interesting
account of the conflict which ensued, arrived at the scene of action. Being at
York, where the head-quarters of the royal army then were, he learned that Lord
Strafford was about to send despatches to Lord Conway, who had the command of
the forces coUected in tbe neighbourhood of Newcastle, and anxious of an oppor
tunity of observing the progress of the war, he sought and obtained permission to
accompany the messenger.
When they arrived in Newcastle, on the morning of the 28th of August, they
were informed that the Lord Conway was gone to the army near Newburn,
whither they immediately foUowed, and found the General and the field-officers at
a councU of war at Stella, half a mUe distant from the army, Having delivered
the despatches, these were opened, and were found to contain special orders to
prepare for an encounter with the Scots.
Whilst the council were yet in deliberation, a herald came in aU haste from the
army to acquaint them that an engagement had already commenced. This caused
great surprise, as the troops had been ordered not to engage, but to remain on the
defensive ; but the council was immediately broken up, and the officers hastened
to join the troops. The foUowing details are in Eushworth's own words : —
" The skirmish began thus. A Scottish officer, weU mounted, having a black feather in
his hat, came out of one of the thatched houses in Newburn, and watered his horse in the
Tyne, as they had done aU that day. An Enghsh soldier perceiving he fixed his eye on the
Enghsh trenches on the south side of the river, fired on him (whether in earnest or to
frighten him is not known), but wounded the Scotchman with the shot, who feU off his
horse ; whereupon the Scottish musketeers immediately fired upon the Enghsh, and so the
fight began with small shot, but was continued with great shot as weU as smaU. The Scots

STUART DYNASTY. 385
played with their cannon upon the English breast-works and sconce ; the King's army
played with their cannon to beat the Scots out of the church-steeple ; thus they continued
firing on both sides tiU it grew to be near low water ; and by that time the Scots with
their cannon had made a breach in the sconce which Colonel Lunsford commanded, wherein
many of his men were killed, and began to retire, yet the colonel prevailed with them to
stand to their arms, but presently after a captain, a lieutenant, and some other officers were
slam in that work. Then the soldiers took occasion to complain that they were put upon
double duty, and had stood there aU night and the day until that time, and that no soldiers
were sent from the army at Newcastle to relieve them. But Colonel Lunsford again pre-
vaded upon them not to desert their works, but another cannon-baU hitting in the works
amongst the soldiers, and killing some more of them, they threw down their arms, and
would abide in the fort no longer.
" The enemy on the rising hiU above Newburn plainly discerned the posture of the King's
army, and how the soldiers had quitted the great work, and being low water, the Scots
commanded a forlorn party of twenty-six horse, being gentlemen of the CoUege of Justice
troop, to pass the river, which they did with some swiftness, their orders being only to
make discovery in what posture the soldiers were about the uppermost work, but not to
come to close engagement, but fire at a distance and retreat.
" The Scots playing at this time very hard upon the furthermost trench, forced the
Enghsh foot to retreat from that work also, which the Scots discerning on the rising ground
at Newburn, more horse, commanded by Sir Thomas Hope, and two regiments of foot,
commanded by Lord Craford Lindsey and Lord Lowdon, waded through the river, and
General Lesley at the same instant of time played hard with nine piece of cannon from a
new sconce which they had raised on a hiU to the east, and so gaUed the King's horse, that
it much disordered them, and sending more forces over the river; a retreat was sounded, and
Colonel Lunsford drew off the cannon.
" Immediately Commissary WUmot, son of the Lord Wdmot, Sir John Digby, a Romish
recusant, and Daniel O'Neal, an Irishman, jointly engaged the enemy, and had a sharp
encounter with their horse, they being commanded to bring up the rear, whilst the foot
retreated up Ryton and SteUa banks ; but the Scots, with their fresh supply newly come
over the river, environed these three commanders, and took them and some others of their
troops prisoners."
The rout was complete, although the numbers slain were inconsiderable, the
loss on the side of the Enghsh not exceeding sixty men, most of whom were
killed in the works.
" After this retreat, the Lord Conway called a council of war, and it was then resolved,
at twelve at night, that the whole army should retreat to Durham, horse and foot and train
of artiUery to quit Newcastle."
PART I. ^ D

386 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
At five o'clock the next morning, the army marched from Newcastle, under
Lord Conway and Sir Jacob Astley, and the town, denuded of its garrison, was
surrendered by the Mayor, Sir Beter Eiddell, to the Scots.
The next day (Sunday) fifteen Scottish lords, with Sh WUliam Douglas of
Cavers, the Sheriff of Tevidale, to whom the town had been surrendered, " dined
with the Mayor, drank a health to the King, and had three sermons that day
from their own divines.''
In the meantime Strafford was hastening northwards from York, with a con
siderable force, hoping to join the army at Newcastle before any engagement took
place, when he was met, at Darhngion, by tbe intelligence of the defeat. He im
mediately issued orders to the officers of Lord Conway's army, directing them to
collect their scattered forces, and to rethe to the south of the Tees. The King
himself had got as far as Northallerton, anxious to head his army in person, but
on receipt of the disastrous news he returned to York.
AU the country north of the Tees was thus left in the undisputed possession of
the Scots, who levied contributions for the support of their troops, exacting 300/.
a day from the county of Northumberland, 350/. from Durham, and 200/. from
Newcastle, beside a provision of hay and straw at pleasure. At the treaty of
Eipon, in October, the Scots demanded no less a sum than 40,000/. per month for
the maintenance of their army until the terms of a pacification were agreed to, but
were ultimately satisfied with the continuance of the imposition of 850/. per day,
in the above proportions, with this further proviso, that if the amount could not
be levied in the three counties, a contribution in aid might be raised in the
counties of Cumberland and Westmorland. This intolerable burden was not got
rid of tiU the return home of the Scottish army in the month of August following,
after a mihtary occupation of more than ten months. In the meantime some
rehef was given to the impoverished counties by parliamentary grants, a final sum
of 28,000/. being voted on the 5th of August, 1641, in favour of Northumberland
and Durham, besides payments to the other contributing counties.
Long previous to the Scottish rebellion, abundant elements of discord and ill-
will existed between Charles I. and a large body of his subjects ; but there is no
doubt that the success of that movement, and the want of resolution exhibited by
the King, encouraged the Barliament of England to attempt the redress of
grievances through the agency of the sword.

STUART DYNASTY. 387
The commencement of the Civil War is generally dated from tho 20th of
August, 1642, on which day the King set up his standard at Nottingham, and
appealed to the loyalty of his people for support. In the month of November an
ordinance was passed for associating the Northern Counties, including Northum
berland and Newcastle-upon-Tyne, with several in the midland district, for the
purpose of raising troops to be placed under Sir Thomas Fairfax, for the service
of the Barliament. The attempt, as regarded Northumberland and Newcastle,
Durham, Westmorland, and Cumberland, was abortive, and these counties were
associated by the Earl of Newcastle in support of the royal cause. Heavy assess
ments were cheerfully paid, and the King's authority was maintained in the
district. To counteract this spirit, it was resolved by the Barliament to invite the
aid of the Scots, charging the maintenance of the auxiliary force on the lands of
the " Bapists and Brelatists" in these counties. On the 6th of July, 1643, com
missioners were appointed, of whom Lord Grey of Wark was the chief, to carry
out this arrangement. The invitation was eagerly accepted by tbe Scots, and a
proclamation issued, pretending that —
" The King's person, their rehgion, and the privileges of Parliament, were in no smaU
danger ; for preservation of which, they required that aU persons in that realm, of what
sort, quality, or degree soever, between sixteen and sixty years of age, should forthwith fit
themselves with forty days'" victual, ammunition, arms, and aU other wariike provisions,
under penalty of confiscation of their whole estate, and to be punished as enemies to reli
gion, King, and kingdoms."
" To hasten on the march of their brethren, the Scots, to their aid and assistance, the
members of the House of Commons, with great formality and no less seeming devotion,
entered into that unhappy combination called the Solemn League and Covenant (framed and
transmitted to them from Scotland), in St. Margaret's church, Westminster."
This ceremony was performed on the 25th of September, and a treaty was con
cluded with the Scotch Convention on the 29th of November.
The above details are extracted from the History of the Civil Wars, by Sh Wil
ham Dugdale, who states the amount of the Scottish force at " eighteen thousand
foot two thousand horse, and one thousand dragoons effective, with a suitable
train of artillery." Eushworth, who agrees in other particulars, only computes
the dragoons at five or six hundred. The whole were under the command of
General Lesley, who since the previous insurrection had been advanced by his in
fatuated sovereign to the dignity of Earl of Leven.

388 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Before entering the Bounds of Berwick, the General requested, as a sanction
to his advance, that the Commissioners of both kingdoms should precede him to
that town, and there the Marquis of Argyle and Sir William Armyne, with other
Commissioners of England and Scotland arrived, on the 13th of January, 1644.
On the 18th, several regiments marched from Dunbar to Berwick in the midst
of a severe storm, having to make their way through the snow, which lay almost
ankle-deep. Notwithstanding this toilsome march, they remained only one night
in Berwick, and the following morning crossed the bridge, and proceeded south
as far as Haggerston. The troops who advanced by this route consisted of three
regiments of foot and thirteen troops of horse. The same day one regiment of
foot and six troops of horse crossed the Tweed at Coldstream, and took up their
quarters for the night at the vUlages of Wark, Learmouth, Bresson, and Mindrim,
in the parish of Carham.
The available force of the royalist party in Northumberland consisted of only
two regiments of foot and six troops of horse, of which one regiment lay at
Wooler, commanded by Colonel Francis Anderson, the remainder at Alnwick,
where Sir Thomas Glemham had his head-quarters.
In consequence of a communication from the Commissioners at Berwick, dated
the 20th of January, Sir Thomas Glemham summoned a councU of war, at which
the gentry of Northumberland were invited to attend. The royalist force was at
this time concentrated at Alnwick, whilst the Scottish quarters were at Adderston,
about twelve miles north of that town.
The council unanimously resolved, that tbey were not in a condition to give
battle to the Scotch army, which was already double their strength, with a prospect
of immediate reinforcements. The Yorkshire officers then advised that " the
country should be burnt, wasted, and destroyed, to prevent its affording harbour
and accommodation to the enemy. This proposal was, however, successfully re
sisted by the gentlemen of Northumberland, who were naturally averse to such
destruction of property, and the exposure of the home population, no less than
the invading army, to the inclemency of the season. It was at length resolved to
defend the passage of Alnwick bridge with such means as they had, including
" some eight drakes and several pieces of ordnance.'' Felton bridge was ulti
mately selected as a more defensible position.
On the 23rd six regiments of foot and one of horse, under Lieu tenant- General
Bailey, marched from Kelso to Wooler, and the next day joined Lord Leven's

STUART DYNASTY. 389
army at Adderston. At the same time a portion of the artiUery came up, and the
General marched forward to occupy Alnwick.
Sh Thomas Glemham retreated before him to Felton, where be designed to have
cut down the bridge, but was prevented by the unexpected advance of the Scottish
horse, and compelled to retire upon Morpeth, from whence, after a short halt, he
proceeded to Newcastle.
The progress of the Scots was much impeded in consequence of a sudden thaw
which set in on the 25th, the roads being flooded to such a depth that the foot
soldiers were frequently up to their middles, and sometimes higher. They reached
Morpeth on the 29 th, so much exhausted, that it was necessary to remain here
five days to recruit. In the meantime the fort on Coquet Island was taken by a
party who were detached from the main army at Alnwick, under the Marquis of
Argyle. The garrison yielded at the first shot, and the governor with seventy
officers and soldiers surrendered themselves. Seven pieces of ordnance and a
quantity of ammunition were taken, and a Scottish garrison was left in charge.
The whole county was now in the possession of the invaders, with the excep
tion of Tynemouth Castle and the towns of Newcastle and Shields, the latter
totally indefensible.
On the 3rd of February the army appeared before Newcastle, when a letter was
presented from the Commissioners of both kingdoms to the Mayor, Aldermen, and
Common CouncU, requesting a parley. An immediate answer was returned, re
ferring the Commissioners to " his Majesty's General, who being at this instant in
tbe town, we conceive all the power of government to be in him."
" In the meantime," says Rushworth, " a smart dispute happened ; the town had raised
a fort at the entrance of the Shieldfield, to gain which the Scots sent out two parties, one
to attack the fort on the east side, the other on the west, in which service divers of them
were cut off by the cannon, and particularly Patrick English, the Earl of Lindsay's Captain-
Lieutenant, was slain. The same evening the Marquis, for the better guard of the town,
set the Sand-gate, a street without the walls, and the other suburbs, on fire, which continued
burning aU Sunday and Monday.
" On Tuesday the 6th, the Scots' great guns that could not be carried by land, arrived by
sea at Blyth's Nook, and next day were brought to the army. Henceforward the Scots
continued their quarters near Newcastle, but no great action passed for several days ; at
last they resolved not to waste their time before this town, but to pass the river Tyne,
leaving behind, on the north side of the town, six regiments of foot and some troops of
horse, under the command of Sir James Lumsdale, Major-General."
PART I. 5 E

390 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
During the siege three regiments of horse of the Marquis of Newcastle's army
were stationed at Hexham, under Sir Marmaduke Langley, Colonel Fenwick, and
Colonel Brandling, whilst Corbridge was occupied by two regiments of Scottish
cavalry, under Lord Balgonie and Lord Kirkudbright. On the 5th of February
a plan of attack was arranged by the English General, by which it was proposed
to place the Scottish horse between two fires, and totally cut them off.
With this view, Langdale and Fenwick were ordered to march with their own
cavalry, mustering twenty-five troops, supported by five hundred musketeers, by
the direct road to Corbridge, whilst Colonel Brandling was to make a circuit on
the south side of the river, and fording it below Corbridge, to attack the enemy
in the rear.
The assault of the two regiments from the west was at first gallantly sustained,
but when the musketeers came up in support of the cavalry, the Scots were panic-
stricken, and took to a precipitate flight, dhectly in the line of Colonel Brandling's
advance. They were thus met by that officer, approaching him at fuU speed, as
though for an attack, when he expected to have fallen upon them in tbe rear.
" Brandling," says Rushworth, "no sooner saw them than he forwardly rode out before
his troops to discharge a pistol, and one Lieutenant Elliot, on the Scots' side, rode out to
meet him, and when they had discharged each at the other, and were wheeling to draw
their swords, Brandling's horse stumbled, and the enemy was so near as to pull him off, and
took him prisoner, which so discouraged his men, that they retreated, and gave the enemy
opportunity to kiU some of them."
A well devised manoeuvre was thus rendered abortive, and the skhmish termi
nated without material advantage on either side.
After quitting Newcastle, the Scottish army marched westward to Heddon,
where they encamped on the night of the 22nd, intending to proceed to Hexham
to dislodge the Marquis of Newcastle's force. That general, however, being in
no condition to cope with him, retired into the county of Durham.
In the skirmish at Corbridge, a Scottish officer, Major Agnew, had been taken
prisoner by Colonel Fenwick, and. very courteously entertained by him. He was
now released, and had an opportunity of repaying the kindness which had been
shewn him, by protecting Colonel Fenwick's mansion at Hexham from plunder
when the town was in the power of his countrymen.
After the Eoyalists had evacuated Hexham, Lesley had no object in proceeding
further west, but crossed the Tyne on the 28th, by the fords of Ovingham,

STUART DYNASTY. 391
Eltrmgham, and ByweU, his troops having been quartered during the four or five
intervening days on the various villages and farm bouses in the neighbourhood.
At the time when the Scots crossed the Tweed, the royal cause was almost
everywhere triumphant in the North. Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland,
and Westmorland, were throughout staunch for the Crown, whilst in Yorkshhe,
the town of Hull was the only stronghold which remained in the power of the
Barliament. The division of the Marquis of Newcastle's army, and his own
necessary absence to watch General Lesley's movements, gave an opportunity to
Lord Fairfax once more to make head, and resulted in the disastrous battle of
Selby. The junction of Lesley and Fairfax completely turned the scale against
the King, to whom the battle of Marston Moor, on the 2nd of July, was a final
overthrow. The surrender of York, which almost immediately followed, estab
hshed the ascendancy of the republican party so entirely throughout that great
county, that Lesley was left at liberty to return northwards, to prosecute the
siege of Newcastle, which had hitherto baffled his efforts.
Unsupported by a regular garrison, unaided by superior military advice, the
loyal ardour and unflinching courage of the townsmen, headed by then brave
Mayor, Sh John Marley, and bis brother magistrates, enabled them to hold out
for ten weeks, from the 13th of August to the 20th of October, against a numer
ous and weU appointed army, supported by the resources of two kingdoms. After
the fall of Newcastle aU resistance to the republican party was futile in the county
of Northumberland, and the contest was concluded by the surrender of Tyne
mouth Castle to Lord Leven one week later.
In 1646 the Northumbrians had once more an opportunity of seeing a sovereign
for whom they had suffered so much, and made so many sacrifices ;s but tbey be
held him no longer possessed of regal authority, but a helpless captive in the
power of his rebellious subjects, and his person ultimately transferred for gold
from one section of his people to another. The King's sojourn in Newcastle on
this occasion extended from the 13th of May, 1646, to the 3rd of February, 1647.
Brand has collected with much industry such anecdotes as it was possible to re
cover of his Majesty's residence there. A very remarkable record of the King's
e After aU the spoliation to which the county of Northumberland was subjected during its occupation
by the Scots in 1641-2 and 1644, the loyalist gentry at the, close of the Civil War were compelled, in
common with their feUow sufferers in other parts of the kingdom, to purchase the forbearance of the
ParUament, and the enjoyment of the wreck of their estates, by the payment of heavy pecuniary com-

392 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
conversations with Alexander Henderson, the famous Bresbyterian divine, then
resident in Newcastle, on theological and political subjects, has been preserved,
and is to be met with appended to some editions of the Icon Basilike.
CHARLES II.
On the restoration of the royal authority, in 1660, the King determined to be
stow at least an honorary reward on some of those who had distinguished them
selves in support of the cause of his late father and himself. It was proposed to
establish a new order of knighthood, the members of which, in commemoration
of his Majesty's narrow escape after the battle of Worcester, and his concealment
in the oak, should bear the title of Knights of the Royal Oak. The design was
abandoned, lest offence should be given to tbe disloyal party, which Charles
vainly attempted to conciliate at the expense of his tried friends. The scheme
was so far matured, that the parties bad aU been selected on whom it was proposed
to confer this honour ; and the list is curious, as exhibiting not only the names of
tbe intended knights, but an estimate of the rental of their estates. The names for
Northumberland are given below, and it is remarkable that not one of them occurs in
the previous list of loyalists who had been compelled to compound for then estates.
Sir WiUiam Forster, Knt  £1,000 George Collingwood, Esq  £800
Daniel CoUingwood, Esq  600 Robert Shaftoe, Esq  1,000
Charles Howard, Esq  600  Thornton, Esq. of Netherwitton 800
Sir Thomas Horsley, Knt  1,000 Thomas Bewick, Esq  2,000
The quarter of a century which intervened between the union of the crowns
and the breaking out of the Great Bebellion, was productive of a very beneficial
positions. Of these a very imperfect record is preserved in a little book pubhshed in 1655, entitled A
Catalogue ofthe Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who have compounded for their Estates. Such names as
are connected with Northumberland and Newcastle, are here extracted.
Northumberland. . Newcastle.
Sir Erancis Bowes, Knt  £544
Ralph Bates of HoUeweU  200
James Earl of Carlisle  800
James Eaucett of Goswick  360
Thomas Orde of Longridge .... 50
James Ogle of Cawsey Park .... 324
James Swinhoe, Chatton  393

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

13

4

Sir Francis Anderson, Knt  £1,200
Bartram Anderson, Merchant . . 75
Sir Nicholas Cole, Knt  312
James Cole  136
George Cock, Merchant  205
George Errington  45
Sir Thomas LiddeU, Bart. . .  4,000
Sir Thomas Riddell, sen., Knt. . . 408
Thomas Sharper  77
Henry Sibthorpe  120

0

0

0

0

10

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

STUART DYNASTY. 393
change in the security of property on the Borders. The moss-troopers, indeed,
were neither annihilated nor altogether reclaimed, but they were kept in check by
the rigorous administration of justice under the mixed commissioners of England
and Scotland. The unhappy troubles which ensued, and which were nowhere
more deplorable in their consequences than in Northumberland, revived the
felonious habits of the population of the Marches, and life and property became
almost as precarious and insecure as when the two realms were under independent
and hostile governments.
The administration of Cromwell has been generally lauded for its vigour, but in
Northumberland and Cumberland it was powerless against this gigantic evil. The
laws afforded no protection, and the inhabitants were obliged to concert measures
for then own preservation. A voluntary rate was levied upon aU occupiers of
property, and an armed force was established under a mihtary officer " who is to
save harmless this county from felonious stealing of goods by moss-troopers and
others." From receipts for this " country-keeping cess," printed in the Archceo-
logia sEliana (Yol. IL, p. 134, New Series), it appears that the system was in
force as early as the year 1651, in which year the service was performed by
Captain Dofimby, and in 1652 and 1653 by Captain Ogle. The tax was cheer-
fuUy paid by those who were chiefly liable to the danger, but those who resided
in the less exposed districts were reluctant to contribute to a common fund ; and
it is probable that the scheme would have been abandoned altogether but for the
intervention of Barliament. In the year 1662, two years after the Eestoration, an
Act was passed by which the Justices of the Beace of the two counties, in sessions,
were empowered " to order an assessment on every of the inhabitants of the said
counties, for the safeguard of the said several counties, and the inhabitants of the
same, from all injury, violence, spoU, and rapine of the moss-troopers aforesaid ;
so as Northumberland be not charged above 5001. a year, nor Cumberland above
200?." They are further authorised to appoint a person with not more than 30
men under him in Northumberland and 12 in Cumberland, " whereby the male
factors may be searched out, apprehended and brought to trial." This Act, the
duration of which was limited to five years, was further extended to seven years be
yond the exphation of that term. By the latter Act, offenders were deprived of the
benefit of clergy, and the Justices were empowered to transport them to his
Majesty's dominions in America. After numerous renewals for limited periods,
the Act was made permanent by 31 Geo. II. , c. 42, and although long obsolete
part i. 5 f

394 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
remains unrepealed, except as to the provision for taking away the benefit of
clergy. From the very first, the " Country-keeper" was not merely the head of a pohce
force to restrain depredations, but was also a contractor bound to give compensa
tion for such stolen goods as he was unable to replace. The system was clearly
vicious, and became in practice little better than the custom of receiving black
mail for protection, which had been made felony by the statute of Elizabeth.
Some of these officers were openly accused ot being in league with the thieves, and
one of them was presented by the Grand Jury for using the stolen horses re
covered by him for his own purposes, and only returning them to then owners, when
they became utterly valueless from overwork. No care, at any rate, seems to have
been wanting in selecting proper persons for the discharge of this duty, the officers
appointed being generally amongst the principal gentry of the county. When
Chief Justice North came the Northern Chcuit in 1676, Mr. Widdrington is
mentioned as Country-keeper, with a salary of 500?. per annum. In 1686, Mr.
Thomas Blenkinsopp occurs in the Sessions-book as holding the office with 450?.
salary, and again the next year with 500?. In 1688, Mr. Edward Widdrington
of Felton was Country-keeper, with a salary of 500?.
At various times alterations were made in the system of country-keeping, to
render it more efficacious, and to obviate objections. At one time, instead of
appointing a single officer, the county was divided into districts, and a separate
appointment made for each. In one shape or other, tbe Act was carried out much
beyond the period when it was at all suitable to the requirements of the district —
when " moss-trooping" had ceased to exist as a profession — and when the men of
Tyndale and Eeedsdale had learned to respect the rights of property as fully as
any of their neighbours.
The foUowing very fuU hst of the Gentry of Northumberland and North
Durham in the reign of Charles II. is extracted from Blome's Britannia, published
in 1673:— NORTHUMBERLAND.
Thomas AUgood of Hexham, Gent. ---^Henry Brabant of Newoastle, Esq.
-Sir Ralph Anderson of Newcastle, Knt. Ralph BrandUng of Alnwick Abbey, Esq.
Ralph Anderson of Heaton, Esq.  Carnaby of Halton, Esq.
Thomas Bewick of Close House, Esq. ""^William Carr of Newcastle, Esq.
Peter Blackborrow of Barmoor, Esq. WiUiam Carr of Eshot, Esq.
— Mr. Edward Blackett of Newcastle, Merchant. Ralph Clavering of Callaley, Esq.

STUART DYNASTY.

395

George Collingwood of Eslington, Esq.
Daniel Collingwood of Branton, Esq.
PhiUp CramUngton of Newsom, Esq.
John CressweU of Cresswell, Esq.
-Sir Ralph Delaval of Seaton Delaval, Bart.
"William Delaval of Dissington, Esq.
Mr. Timothy Davison of Newcastle, Merchant.
John Elrington of Ellington, Esq.
William Errington of Beaufront, Esq.
Nicholas Errington of Ponteland, Esq.
Mark Errington of East Denton, Esq.
Sir WUUam Fenwick of WaUington, Bart.
William Fenwick of ByweU, Esq.
WUliam Fenwick of Stanton, Esq.
Tristram Fenwick of Kenton, Esq.
Sir WiUiam Forster of Bamburgh Castle, Knt.
Thomas Forster of Etherston, Esq.
Right Hon. WUUam Lord Grey of Wark
Thomas Grey of Chillingham, Esq., son to the
Lord Grey.
Ralph Grey of Bradford, Esq.
Edward Grey of Heton, Esq.
Ralph Grey of  , Esq.
John Grey of Howick, Esq.
John HaU of Otterburn, Esq.
Ralph Hebburn of Hebburn, Esq.
Sir Cuthbert Heron of Chipchase, Bart.
Sir Thomas Horsley of Long Horsley, Knt.
Ralph Jennison of Elswick, Esq.
John Ilderton of Ilderton, Esq.
^JVUliam Lilburn of Newcastle, Esq.
Sir Thomas Loraine of Kirkharle, Bart.
"~13ir John Marley of Newcastle, Knt.
NORTH DURHAM.
WUliam Clavering of Berrington, Esq. WUliam Orde of Beal super Mortem, Esq.
John Forster of CornhUl, Esq. Ralph Orde of West Orde, Esq.
Sir Thomas Haggerston of Haggerston, Bart. ——WiUiam Orde of Wester Newbiggin, Esq.
John Nicholson of Berrington, Esq. WiUiam Selby of Twisel, Esq.

George MUburn of Chirton, Esq.
Robert Mitford of SighiU, Esq.
Robert Mitford of Mitford, Esq.
Edward More of Berwick, Esq.
"TJight Hon. Henry Earl of Ogle, only son of-
his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.
Lancelot Orde of Weetwood, Esq.
Sir Francis RadcUff of DUston, Bart.
John Reed of Chirton, Esq.
Gabriel Reed of Troughend, Esq.
Thomas RiddeU of Fenham, Esq.
John Ridley of WiUiamotswick, Esq.
^VUliam Ridley of CrawhaU, Esq.- —
John Roddam of Little Houghton, Esq.
John Salkeld of Rock, Esq.
Ralph Scurfield of Eachwiek, Esq.
Thomas Selby of Biddleston, Esq.
Sir Robert Shaftoe of BenweU, Knt.
Sir Richard Stote of Gesmond, Knt.
WiUiam Strother of Kirknewton, Esq.
Sir John Swinburn of Capheaton, Bart.
Thomas Swinhoe of Mousen, Esq.
^~-~Mr, John Watson of Newcastle, Merchant: 
Right Hon. WUliam Lord Widdrington of
Widdrington.
Edward Widdrington of Felton, Esq.
WUUam Widdrington of Cheeseburn Grange,
Esq.
Roger Widdrington of Harbottle, Esq.
Robert Widdrington of Hawkesley, Esq.
Utrich Whitfield of Whitfield, Esq.
Nicholas Whitehead of Boulmer, Esq.

JAMES II.

During the latter years of Charles II. all political power was confined by the
operation of the Test Act to members of the Church of England, to the exclusion
both of the Eoman Catholics and the Dissenters.

396 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Having in vain attempted to persuade Barliament to repeal this obnoxious
statute, James at length had recourse to an exercise of his prerogative of doubtful
legality, by dispensing on his own authority with the imposition of the test. In
Evelyn's Diary we find the foUowing entry, under the date of January 17th,
1686-7: "Bopish Justices of the Beace estabhshed in all the counties, of the
meanest of the people." The latter portion of the note certainly does not apply
to Northumberland, where the Justices appointed were all persons of property
and condition. During the two previous years several additions were made to
the Commission of the Beace of partizans of the ruling pohcy, who were under
no rehgious disqualification, but were quite as ready to support the arbitrary acts
of the sovereign as any of the recusant Eoman Cathohcs. The foUowing names
of Magistrates of Northumberland, before and after the accession of James, are
derived from the records of the Quarter Sessions : —
I. Acting Justices between 1680 and 1685, 32nd to 37th Charles II.
Sir Ralph Delaval, Bart. Patric Crowe.
Sir John Fenwick, Bart. Robert Jennison.
Sir Cuthbert Heron, Bart. Robert Mitford.
Sir Thomas Loraine, Bart. Richard Neile.
Sir Robert Fenwick, Knt. WUUam Ogle.
Sir Thomas Horsley, Knt. WUliam Orde.
Sir Ralph Jennison, Knt. John Ridley.
Sir Richard Stote, Knt. John Shaftoe.
Francis Addison. William Strother.
WUUam Armorer. Gilbert Swinhoe.
John Blakiston. Utric Whitfield.
Isaac Basire. Ralph Widdrington.
Thomas CoUingwood. II. Additional Justices, ] 685-6.
Philip Bickerstaff. Ralph MUburn.
Henry Holmes. Henry Ogle.
III. Roman Cathode Justices, 1687.
Sir Nicolas Shireburn, Bart. Thomas Riddle.
Edward Charlton. Charles Selby.
Ralph Clavering. James WaUis.
J. Errington.

STUART DYNASTY. 397
One Brotestant, Henry Lambton, Esq., occurs for the first time as an acting
Justice in 1687. He was Deputy-Eecorder of Newcastle, but was removed in
1688, to make room for Joseph Barnes, who is described in Browell's Diary as a
fanatic, a term at that period generally applied by orthodox churchmen to all
dissenters.

WILLIAM III., ANNE.
Northumberland took no active part in the Eevolution, but evinced its satisfac
tion by an address to King Wilham and Queen Mary. The names of its two
representatives, WiUiam Forster and Bhilip Bickerstaff, Esquires, are, however,
recorded amongst those who opposed the transfer of the crown from King James
to his son-in-law, and yet both were re-elected members of the following Barlia
ment, a significant intimation that the country gentlemen in this county were no
partizans of the new order of things.
The reign of Queen Anne was chiefly distinguished, as regards its domestic
history, for the accomplishment of the Legislative Union, a measure so ardently
deshed by James I. one hundred years earlier. The immediate effects were by no
means so beneficially felt in the Border counties, as those which followed the union
of the crowns. The abolition of many restrictive provisions is said to have inter
fered materially with a lucrative contraband trade, which the opulent merchants
of the commercial towns in the northern counties of England did not disdain to
pursue. The prospective advantages were abundantly obvious in averting the contin
gency of the thrones of England and Scotland being ever again possessed by
different and hostile dynasties. Still it must be admitted, that the Union under
Queen Anne was scarcely less unpalatable in Northumberland than it avowedly
was on the opposite Border.
With this sovereign terminated the possession by the family of Stuart of the
crown of these realms, and it is unnecessary to foUow our local annals through
the reigns of the princes of the House of Brunswick. The only two occasions on
which Northumberland became the scene of events of national interest were in the
years 1715 and 1745, when the last abortive attempts were made to reinstate the
repudiated royal race. Both these rebellions have been amply illustrated. The
former was of melancholy and lasting interest, involving several of the chief
part i. 5 G

398 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
families in Northumberland in forfeiture and ruin. The latter was only a passing
danger, which in this county left few scars behind.
To the measures of precaution which the Government of George I. was induced
to take against one religious sect of the community, in consequence of the feehngs
which they manifested towards the exiled dynasty in 1715, we are indebted for a
very curious document, with which this portion of the History of Northumberland
may be appropriately closed.
iJJoftbumfcSflautf. — A true and exact List of aU and every such Papist or Papists, who
have registered, or caused to be registered, their names and real estates, pursuant to
the Acts of Parliament made for that purpose. [From the Sessions Boole]
Atkinson, Christopher, of Hexham, Tanner.
Brandling, Ralph, of Middleton, Yorkshire, Esq.
Brown, Margaret, Widow of William Brown of Bolton, Esq., deceased.
Carnaby, Jane, of Hexham, Widow of Richard Carnaby of Hubbacke, deceased.
Carnaby, Francis, of Hexham, Gentleman.
Carr, Richard, of Gateshead, eo. of Durham, Gentleman.
Charlton, Edward, of Hesleyside, Gentleman.
Charlton, Margaret, of York, Widow.
Clavering, John, of Callaley, Esq.
Coates, Winifrid, of Alnwick. Widow.
Collingwood, Hon. Catherine, Daughter of the Right Hon. Viscount Montague, Widow of
George Collingwood, Esq., deceased.
Collingwood, John, of Eslington, Esq.
Collingwood, Charles, of Eslington, Gentleman.
Collingwood, Robert, of Boscobell, co. Salop, Gentleman.
Drew, Thomas, of Herrington, Worcestershire, Gentleman.
Errington, William, of Beaufront, Esq.
Errington, Mary, of Hexham, Widow of WiUiam Errington of Walwick Grange, Esq.
Errington, Mary, of New Elvet, Durham, Widow.
Errington, Anthony, of Pontisland, Gentleman.
Errington, Edward, of Kenton, Gentleman.
Errington, Gilbert, of Hexham, Gentleman.
Errington, alias Stapleton, Nicholas, of Carlton, Yorkshire, Esq.
Errington, George, of Gray's Inn, Middlesex, Esq.
Errington, Gregory, of Carlton, Gentleman.
Fairfax, Helena, of London, Spinster.
Fenwick, James, of East Matfen, Gentleman.
Fenwick, Roger, of London, Gentleman.
¦Fenwick, Margaret, Widow of Robert Fenwick of Newcastle, Gentleman.
Gascoine, John, of Partington, Yorkshire, Esq.
Gibson, George, of Stagshaw Close, Gentleman.
Gibson, Mary, Widow of George Gibson of Stonecroft, Gentleman.

STUART DYNASTY.

399

Haggerston, Edward, of EUingham, Esq.
Hardwick, WiUiam, of London, Gentleman.
Hayles, Catherine, of Newcastle, Spinster.
Hankin, Dorothy, of Newcastle, Widow.
Hankin, Margaret, of Newcastle, Spinster.
Heron. John, of Hexham, Yeoman.
Heslop, George, of Glanton, Yeoman.
Hodgson, Richard, of Gateshead, co. of Durham, Gentleman.
Jefferson, Barbary,- of Hexham, Widow.
Kirsopp, Thomas, of Hexham, Yeoman.
Lambert, Cuthbert, of Hexham, Gentleman.
Lawson, Sir Henry, of Brough, Yorkshire, Bart.
Lawson, John, of Trinity Parish, York, Son and Heir Apparent of the above.
Leadbitter, Matthew, of Wharnley, Yeoman.
Leadbitter, Nicholas, of Nether- Warden, Yeoman.
Lowes, Thomas, of Upper EshaUs, Yeoman.
Mackay, John, of Newbiggen, Gentleman, and Margaret his Wife, late Widow of Robert Fen
wick of Newcastle, Gentleman.
Newton, John, of Stocksfield Hall, Gentleman.
Ord, WiUiam, of Sturton Grange, Esq.
Ord, Lancelot, of Weetwood, Esq.
Pepper, Richard, of Gray's Inn, Middlesex, Gentleman.
PhiUips, Mary, of York, Widow, Daughter of James WaUis, late of Copeland, Esq.
Potts, John, of Everingham, Yorkshire, Gentleman.
Potts, WUliam, of Castlesteads, Cumberland, Gentleman.
RatcUffe, Anna-Maria, Widow of James late Earl of Derwentwater.
Ratcliffe, Right Hon. Lady Catherine, Spinster, Daughter of Francis late Earl of Derwentwater.
RatcUffe, Right Hon. Lady Elizabeth, Spinster, Daughter of the said Earl.
RatcUffe, Right Hon. Lady Mary.
RatcUffe", the Hon. Arthur, of Capheaton.
RatcUffe, Mary, of Durham.
Reed, Francis, of Long-Horsley, Yeoman.
Riddell, Edward, of Swinburn Castle, Esq.
Riddell, William, of the same, Gentleman.
Riddell, George, of London, Gentleman.
Rutherford, George, of Biddleston, Gentleman.
Rutherford, Alexander, of Burradon, Yeoman.
Sanderson, George, of Errington, Gentleman.
Sanderson, WUUam, of Healey, Gentleman.
Selby, Thomas WUUam, of York, Esq.
Selby, James, of Alwinton, Gentleman.
Selby, Katherine, of Newcastle, Widow of Robert Selby, Gentleman.
Shireburne, Sir Nicholas, of Stoneyhurst, co. Lancaster, Bart.
Spoor, Robert, of Hexham, Blacksmith.
Stapleton, Mary, Widow of Nicholas Stapleton, late of Carlton, Yorkshire, Esq.
Studholm, Joseph, of Hexham, Blacksmith.

400 HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Swinburn, IsabeUa, Lady.
Swinburn, Mary, Lady,
Talbot, John, of Cartington, Gentleman.
Thornton, Anne, of Netherwitton, Widow of Robert Thornton, Esq., deceased.
Wilson, Robert, of Morpeth, Gentleman.
Widdrington, The Hon. Henry, youngest Brother of the Right Hon. WUUam Lord Widdrington,
Baron of Blankney.
Widdrington, The Hon. Ehzabeth, of Horsley, Widow.
Widdrington, The Hon. Anne, of Cheeseburn Grange, Widow of WUliam Widdrington, Esq.
Widdrington, Robert, of Plessey, Gentleman
Widdrington, Edward, of Colt Park, Gentleman.
Widdrington, Edward Horsley, of Horsley, Esq.

*3

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